
 
 <>. '"•►• ^^ 
 
 
 oV 
 
 •t.^0^ 
 
 
 Ao, . « 
 
 ^ 
 
 o * <• * (3 
 
 
 >.<% V c:^ -v>!C?S'. >,. .^' ^y.%^.% r^^ 
 
 
 ■/ 
 
 
 *■ . or* •is 
 
 >^■ 
 
 A 
 
 ^o V^ . -^ 
 
 -^^0^ 
 
 .Hq. 
 
 V^' ^ ,- ./..-. -^'^. ^VT^v..:.. . ^^^^ ^ --^ ^ >^ 
 
 .0^ 
 
 
 ^^^ 
 
 V^. 
 
 ,-^^ .■^' 
 
 ^ V 
 
 
 \. 
 
 
 -U 
 
 
 ^/ 
 
 > C° /^"^' ■^o ..V 
 
 
 ^^. 
 
 
 > 
 
 
 >• ^^ 
 
 
 '5' j.\ 
 
 -Jv^ . 
 
 
 A 
 
 
 vT 
 
 
 o > 
 
 
 -^ 
 
 \^ 
 
 • o.^' 
 
 
 5* A 
 
 ^^s 
 
 A^-" 
 ^ -. 
 
 ^. 
 
 •.r.'?.* <%?• 
 
 v*^^ 
 .;.*--. 
 
 o V .| 
 
 
 '* .^' 
 
 
 ^/^ •t.o^ 
 
 '>£, 
 
 '*<» •a. 
 
 ^<=>. 
 
 o V 
 
 >\.. ..%."■'' J 
 
 % -t 
 
 
 ,0 
 
 
 V. * o „ o ^ ^'<' 
 
 
 v%^ 
 
 
 -J^ V :;;,:-, ^ 
 
 
 o V 
 
 ► 'k'i:* ^. A-^ v!^^*- 
 
 *3 -**.^'* ^ 
 
 't^ *o»o' ^ 
 
 
> /'%, ^'^m^^ ^^'^'^^ °^^^*" /'\ <^^. 
 
 
 ^^v; 
 
DUNNE 
 
 Judge, Mayor, Governor 
 
 Compiled and Edited by 
 
 William L. Sullivan 
 
 'S^Vf) 
 
 19 16 
 
 The Windermere Press, Publishers 
 
 Chicago 
 
IP 
 
 Copyright 1916 
 
 BY 
 
 William L. Sullivan 
 
 / 
 
 AUG -5 1917 
 
 
 )C1,A476039 
 
 
 \ 
 
EDWARD F. DUNNE. 
 
 Edward F. Dunne was born at Waterville, Connecticut, 
 October 12, 1853. 
 
 He was one year old when his parents moved to Peoria, 
 Illinois, where his father attained political and business prom- 
 inence. 
 
 His education was obtained in the public schools of Peoria 
 and at Trinity College, University of Dublin, where he reached 
 the position of honor man in his class, but graduation was denied 
 him by his father's financial reverses which recalled him to 
 Peoria. 
 
 There he worked for a year in his father's mill, meanwhile 
 reading law. In 1876 he began a systematic course in law in 
 Chicago and two years later was admitted to the bar. 
 
 For fifteen years he devoted himself to an ardent practice of 
 his profession. He was associated during this period with many 
 distinguished men, among them being Judge Scates and Con- 
 gressman Hynes. 
 
 In 1892 he was elected to fill a vacancy on the Circuit bench 
 of Cook County and in 1897 and again in 1903 was elected to full 
 terms. 
 
 His marriage took place in 1881, his bride being Miss 
 Elizabeth J. Kelly of Chicago. To this marriage thirteen children 
 were born, nine of whom are living. 
 
 From the bench he was elected, in 1905, to be mayor of 
 Chicago by 25,000 plurality. 
 
 Among the great issues of his term were the traction fran- 
 chises, the price of gas, electricity, and telephone service, the 
 equalization of water rates, and tax-dodging by the powerful. 
 
 Judge Dunne was nominated for Governor of Illinois by 
 the Democratic party at the Democratic primary election of 1912 
 and was elected by 125,000 plurality in November of that year. 
 
FOREWORD. 
 
 This book deals with live issues, City, State, National, and 
 humanitarian. The speeches which fill its pages were made on 
 the firing line of actual life. It represents the hopes and aspira- 
 tions of a people who have elevated their champion and their 
 tribune to the bench, the mayor's office, and the Governor's office. 
 It expresses the matured opinions and convictions of an idealist 
 and of a practical statesman, and faithfully depicts the crowd 
 psychology of an epoch. 
 
 Governor Edward F. Dunne's career is remarkable for 
 achievements and results, notwithstanding the fact that he has 
 often been compelled to oppose the strongest forces of human selfish- 
 ness, organized wealth, and partisan unreason. 
 
 He has been uniformly progressive. As a judge, though thor- 
 oughly safe and sane, he broke through the restraining red tape 
 of ultra conservatism and reaction which so frequently stigmatize 
 the rendering of judicial opinions in the minds of people who live 
 in the vital here and now. 
 
 As a mayor of a modern metropolitan city, Chicago, the sec- 
 ond on the continent, his name will, pass into history side by side 
 with those of Tom Johnson of Cleveland, Hazen Pingree of Detroit, 
 and Golden Rule Jones and Brand Whitlock of Toledo. He has 
 been a people's man and fought the battle for them, without 
 wavering or flinching, against privilege. 
 
 Edward F. Dunne was elected Governor of Illinois after the 
 State Government at Springfield had passed through a protracted 
 political debauch. 
 
 Again he did not disappoint the people, but holding fast to 
 the fundamental principles of real democracy and working with 
 almost superhuman energy, he realized the highest expectations 
 of his most ardent and devoted friends and followers. 
 
 In the meantime his appearance before public audiences to 
 deliver addresses, discussing history in the making and the 
 drama in which he has been the chief actor and the central figure, 
 were quite frequent and covered a vast deal of territory. To have 
 compiled a complete record of these would require many volumes. 
 I have therefore selected from them such as I believed most vitally 
 interesting to the public. These speeches it is intended to preserve 
 
for present perusal and future reference. They are invaluable pub- 
 lic documents. They teem with human interest. They deal candid- 
 ly and dispassionately with the greatest problems of our day. Their 
 lucid, direct, and forcible style and their intrinsic literary merit 
 constitute an added charm to attract and hold the attention of the 
 reader. The book is a growth of the struggle for justice, honest 
 government, and a fair adjustment of economic and social relations, 
 and scintillates with bright sparks from the first line of the battle 
 front of individual and collective human activity and striving for 
 higher and better things. 
 
 The times demanded a voice for the people of the great 
 Prairie State and they elected Edward F. Dunne as their official 
 spokesman and chose him to represent them in the most exacting, 
 trying, and exalted positions. 
 
 An effort has been made to condense by eliminating repetitions. 
 Some subjects, however, it will be found are discussed more than 
 once, but in such cases they are presented from various viewpoints 
 and under different lights. 
 
 Having had the good fortune to have acted as Mayor Dunne's 
 assistant secretary and as Governor Dunne's private secretary, I 
 have been in a specially favorable position to have had unrestricted 
 access to his official papers and public addresses. I am under deep 
 obligation to Governor Dunne for his unfailing courtesy in extend- 
 ing to me full opportunity to compile and edit the contents of this 
 volume which I now offer to the public with full confidence that its 
 perusal will be of real intellectual benefit and historical value. 
 
 WiLiJAM L. Sullivan. 
 
CONTENTS 
 
 Page 
 
 Decision on tlie Freedom of the Press 13 
 
 Decisions in Important Judicial Cases 49 
 
 Upon Giving a Forger a Chance 68 
 
 Officers Wlio Exceed Authority 69 
 
 The Mangier Bribery Case 70 
 
 Users of Space Under Sidewalk 71 
 
 The Rights of Parents to Children 72 
 
 Mutually of Contracts, Etc 73 
 
 On Sentencing a Chicken Thief 75 
 
 On Compulsory Vaccination 76 
 
 Right of Policeman to Shoot at Fleeing Prisoner. . .'. 79 
 
 Right of Adjoining Owner to License a Hack Stand 80 
 
 Low Wages and Financial kesponsibility 81 
 
 Upholds Civil Service Law 82 
 
 Against Justice Court Fees 83 
 
 On Inequality Tax Assessments 85 
 
 Justice, Not Charity 90 
 
 Withdrawals from Iroquois Club 91 
 
 The Serious Crisis of the Day 92 
 
 On Govermnent of the Few 94 
 
 Denounces the Annexation of the Philippines 95 
 
 Views on Spanish- American Treaty 109 
 
 The Manchester Martyrs Ill 
 
 To a Reunited Democracy 116 
 
 Denounces England and the Transvaal 118 
 
 Appeal on Behalf of the Boers 124 
 
 Has Democracy Departed from First Principles 125 
 
 To Provide Local Self-Government 132 
 
 Monopoly Grips the Nation 133 
 
 Chicago's Municipal Poverty and Cause Thereof 134 
 
 Advantages of Public Ownership and Operation of Utilities 137 
 
 The Anthracite Coal Strike 139 
 
 Favors Initiative and Referendum 141 
 
 On the Race Problem 143 
 
 Ireland's Political Future 145 
 
 Roosevelt "De-lighted" — Thirteen Children 147 
 
 Boys 148 
 
 On the Chicago Charier 150 
 
 Assignment of Wage Slavery 157 
 
 Is There International Morality? 160 
 
 Regarding Crimes of Violence 162 
 
8 contents 
 
 Page 
 
 On the Panama Treaty 165 
 
 Urges Judge Dunne for Mayor 170 
 
 Makes a Unique Pledge 176 
 
 Accepting Nomination as Mayor of Cliicago 177 
 
 Admonishes Party Leaders of Their Duty 186 
 
 Judge Dunne Scores Harlan Plan 188 
 
 First Inaugural Address as Mayor 196 
 
 Chicago's Fight for Municipal Ownership 197 
 
 Upon a Sharp Reversal of Public Opinion 204 
 
 The Story of the Street Car Companies of Chicago 206 
 
 For a Compulsory Board of Investigation 219 
 
 Mayor Dunne Wants Power at Cost — Canal Board Should Aid City 221 
 
 Message Regarding Water Rates 223 
 
 Plans for Securing Municipal Ownership 225 
 
 Plans of Mayor Dunne for Building New Street Railway System 233 
 
 On City Ownership of Public Utilities 235 
 
 Favor Voluntary Arbitration of Labor Disputes 239 
 
 W. J. Bryan 243 
 
 On Vetoing Certain Street Franchises 244 
 
 What Chicago Needs to Become Great ^ 245 
 
 His Objections to Proposed Traction Merger 250 
 
 Denies He Intends to Resign as Mayor 257 
 
 Makes a Demand Upon the City Council 260 
 
 Regarding Universal Gas Company 261 
 
 The Militant Chief of the Salvation Army ' 263 
 
 Chicago's Progress in 1905 and Its Future 265 
 
 His 1906 New Year's Wish 276 
 
 Eighty-five Cent Gas Too High in Chicago 277 
 
 Wishes Success to Seattle 282 
 
 St. Patrick's Day 283 
 
 The Werno Letter 286 
 
 Objects to Electricity Rates Fixed by City Council 295 
 
 Praise for Builders of a Public Building 300 
 
 Private Monopolies for Private Gain 302 
 
 Advises City Fixing Phone and Electric Rates 313 
 
 The City Progress of Chicago 315 
 
 Judge Murray F. Tuley 324 
 
 Vetoes Two Street Railway Ordinances 329 
 
 The Truth About the Issues of the Municipal Campaign of 1907 336 
 
 The Republican Party and the Panic of 1907 350 
 
 Tardy Justice to Ex-Mayor Dunne 357 
 
 Lincoln, the Lawyer 358 
 
 Protests Honor to Judge Dickinson by Iroquois Club 363 
 
 The Traction Slush Fund 365 
 
 Announcement of Candidacy for Governor 366 
 
 Address in Memory of John P. Altgeld 370 
 
 What Name and Memory Should We Leave 375 
 
 The Dangers of Monopolies 379 
 
 The Economic Problem of the Day 384 
 
CONTENTS 9 
 
 Page 
 
 Scores Abuses of the Shylocks 391 
 
 Message to the Forty-Eighth Assembly 392 
 
 Urges Election of Lewis and Sherman as Senators 408 
 
 On the Dedication of Lincoln Hall ' 411 
 
 A Washington Reincarnated 413 
 
 Upon the Election of United States Senators Lewis and Sherman. . . . 416 
 
 Making Two Bushels Grow Where One Grew Before 418 
 
 Communication of "Fish and Game" 421 
 
 The Progress of the Initiative and Referendum 424 
 
 Address in Commemoration of the Hundredth Anniversary of the 
 
 Birth of Stephen A. Douglas 426 
 
 Seeks Help for People in the Flooded District on Ohio River 427 
 
 Initiative and Referendum 429 
 
 His Attitude Toward the University of Illinois 430 
 
 Veto of So-Called Kleeman Bill 433 
 
 Favors Principle of Relief to Parents of Destitute Children 435 
 
 Statement of Governor Dunne Regarding Public Utilities 437 
 
 The Value of Fish and Game in Illinois 442 
 
 Favor Abolition of Board of Equalization 445 
 
 Cuts Time of Honor Prisoners on Public Roads 446 
 
 Instructions to a Newly Appointed Board 447 
 
 The Value of Governors' Conferences 449 
 
 The Two Battalion System in Fire Departments 451 
 
 Important Results of the Battle of Lake Erie 452 
 
 Stops Maudlin Sentiment Over Convicts 456 
 
 The Career of Michael Kelly Lawler 457 
 
 The Soil We Till the Source of All Wealth. . ._ 458 
 
 Suggests a Thesis or Lecture on Practical Farming 462 
 
 On the Pardoning of Two Convicts 463 
 
 His Attitude on State Civil Service Law 464 
 
 On Fixing State Fire Prevention Day 465 
 
 Advises Democrats to Vote for C. C. Craig 466 
 
 Legislation for Improving Farm Life 467 
 
 Protests Against Accusation Against Jewish Religion 469 
 
 Opposes Teaching Sex Hygiene in Schools 470 
 
 Was Pleased to Sign Woman's Suffrage Bill 471 
 
 Value of Building and Loan Associations 472 
 
 Urges Publication of Lincoln's Gettysburg Address 474 
 
 Conserving Power Rights at Joliet 475 
 
 Europe, Not England, Is the Mother Country of America 477 
 
 Bishop John L. Spalding 482 
 
 Upon the Condition of State Treasury 483 
 
 Again Opposes Teaching of Sex Hygiene in the Schools 484 
 
 On the Opening of the New Year 488 
 
 On the Administration of President Wilson 489 
 
 Shelby M. Cullom 497 
 
 Progress in Illinois' Conservation 499 
 
 On the Ownership of Public Utilities 502 
 
 Words of Cheer and Help to the Imprisoned 522 
 
10 contents 
 
 Page 
 
 "The Forty-Eighth General Assembly" 524 
 
 Pleased at Registration of So Many Women 530 
 
 Commends Services of President James 531 
 
 On Belleville's Centenary 532 
 
 Proclamation for "Road Day" 535 
 
 The Highways of Illinois 537 
 
 On Subways in Chicago 540 
 
 On Amendments to Municipal Court Law 542 
 
 On the Pardon of Charles A. Kimsey 544 
 
 Democratic Idealism 546 
 
 As to Tuberculin Test of Dairy Herds 549 
 
 To Permit Traveling Salesmen to Vote 551 
 
 Mediation Plan is Favored by Governor of Illinois 552 
 
 On Mobilization of Illinois National Guard 553 
 
 On the Death of Marine, Samuel Meisenberg, at Vera Cruz 554 
 
 To the Grand Army of the Republic 556 
 
 As to Rental of Streets by Car Companies 558 
 
 The Struggle of Ireland for Home Rule 560 
 
 The German in Illinois 563 
 
 Safety First and Grade Crossings 567 
 
 Illinois Troops at Kenesaw Mountain 568 
 
 Tribute to John A. Logan 571 
 
 The Duty of Labor to Humanity 573 
 
 Designates a Day for Prayer for Peace 579 
 
 A Plea for a United Democracy 580 
 
 A Call to Peace 582 
 
 Eighteen Months of Democratic Administration 585 
 
 The Proposed Eight-Foot Waterway 592 
 
 The Ideals of a Noted Irish Patriot 600 
 
 Waterway Transportation Near 603 
 
 Good Roads in Illinois 604 
 
 The Work of the Railroad Man 610 
 
 The State Charities of Illinois 615 
 
 The Spread of the Foot and Mouth Disease 619 
 
 Uniformity of Safety and Sanitation Laws for Places of Employment. 620 
 
 Proclaiming the Birthday of Illinois 631 
 
 The Law and Practice in Requisition 632 
 
 The Scotchman in America 634 
 
 The Past and Future of Illinois 637 
 
 Upon Refusing to Issue Certificates of Election in Certain Cases.... 642 
 
 On the Issuing of Election Certificates 643 
 
 Favors Sirnplified Spelling 645 
 
 What Has 1914 Done for Illinois? 647 
 
 Upon Developing the State Militia 649 
 
 On the Dissolution of an Injunction Affecting Live Stock 651 
 
 Put the Unemployed on Illinois Waterways 653 
 
 Lincoln and Illinois 656 
 
 Biennial Message to the Forty-Ninth General Assembly 658 
 
 The Corrupt Lobbyist 688 
 
CONTENTS 11 
 
 Page 
 
 The Pardoning of Newton C. Dougherty 690 
 
 State Hospitals to Treat Drug Victims 692 
 
 On the Killing of Lumpy Jaw Cattle 693 
 
 The Abolition of Capital Punishment '. "702 
 
 The Irish-American Citizen '^^^ 
 
 On the Management of the Biological Laboratory 706 
 
 Capital Punishment '^^^ 
 
 On the Sinking of the Lusitania 714 
 
 The Effect of the Opening of the Panama Canal 71& 
 
 U. S. Diplomatic Communication to Germany 716 
 
 On the Oppression of the Poles 717 
 
 Gratified at Vote on the Waterway Bill 720 
 
 Upon the Passage of the Waterway Bill 721 
 
 Illinois Waterways "^^ 
 
 Naturalized Citizens "^^6 
 
 On Raising Legislators' Salaries 728 
 
 Governor Vetoes Moving Picture Censorship 731 
 
 Emancipation Exposition '^^2 
 
 The Abolition of Capital Punishment 734 
 
 On Preparedness for War *^^ 
 
 The Honor System in Illinois Prisons 749 
 
 The Life of John Peter Altgeld "^55 
 
 Defends Convicts Working on Roads 758 
 
 On the Opening of the Dixie Highway 759 
 
 On a Citizen Soldiery '^^^ 
 
 Answers an Attack on Dr. 0. E. Dyson 768 
 
 Defends Integrity of Waterway Legislation 770 
 
 Defends His Veto of Appropriations 773 
 
 Illinois Plans for Waterway '^'^^ 
 
 Appropriations by Forty-Eighth General Assembly 779 
 
 On the Oppression of Poland "^^"^ 
 
 Explains the State Tax Rate for 1915 784 
 
 On the Hanging of Joseph DeBerry and Proposed Execution of Elston 
 
 Scott '^^^ 
 
 Illinois Senate Endorses Governor Dunne for U. S. Supreme Court. . . 790 
 
 791 
 Abraham Lincoln ' ^ 
 
 Preparedness 
 
 Illinois' Needs for Good Roads ^^^ 
 
 Illinois' Contribution to Preparedness 816 
 
 819 
 Ireland in America 
 
 The Function of the Modern Hospital 826 
 
 The Function and Work of the Public Utilities 828 
 
DECISION ON THE FREEDOM OF THE 
 
 PRESS. 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CASE. 
 
 The Fortieth General Assembly of Illinois in 1897 passed sev- 
 eral objectionable bills, one of which was to legalize the consolida- 
 tion of all of the gas companies in Chicago except the Ogden Gas 
 Company. Ten companies thus united formed a practical monop- 
 oly, which took the name of the Peoples Gas Light & Coke Com- 
 pany, one of the constituent companies. Little criticism, however, 
 was made of this law until the fall of 1900. A mass meet- 
 ing was held in Central Music Hall in October, 1900. Resolu- 
 tions were adopted denouncing the act as harmful to public in- 
 terests. A committee was appointed to request State's Attorney 
 Charles S. Deneen to begin quo warranto proceedings against the 
 Peoples Gas Light & Coke Company. After hearing arguments 
 and considering briefs submitted by counsel for and against the 
 Gas Company, State's Attorney Deneen took the matter under 
 advisement until August 9, 1901. On that day he appeared before 
 Judge Murray F. Tuley in the Circuit Court and obtained leave to 
 file the information in the quo warranto proceedings. Counsel for 
 the gas company went before Judge Elbridge Haneey of the Cir- 
 cuit Court and moved to have the order entered by Judge Tuley 
 vacated. Arguments on the motion were heard. State 's Attorney 
 Deneen was represented by Assistant State's Atorney Albert 
 Barnes. Attorney Adolph Moses appeared to represent the people 
 of the Central Music Hall mass meeting. Clarence S. Darrow of the 
 firm of Altgeld, Darrow & Thompson, also appeared in the case, 
 Attorneys Darrow and Moses appearing at the request of the 
 State's Attorney. The motion was taken under advisement by 
 Judge Haneey on October 6. The motion was disposed of by Judge 
 Haneey on October 28 in a written opinion, in which he dismissed 
 the petition and writ which had been filed on the order of Judge 
 Tuley on the ground that the gas act was constitutional and no 
 public rights were jeoparded by the trust formed under its terms. 
 This opinion was read by Judge Haneey in the forenoon. In the 
 afternoon of that day Hearst's Chicago American printed a report 
 of Judge Haneey 's opinion, in which the action of the court was 
 
 13 
 
14 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 criticised as being prejudicial to public welfare. On October 31 
 Judge Hanecy cited on the charge of contempt of court because 
 of the published criticism of his opinion, the following persons: 
 William R. Hearst, proprietor of Hearst 's Chicago American ; S. S. 
 Carvalho, general manager; Andrew M. Lawrence, president and 
 managing editor of Hearst's Chicago American; H. S. Canfield, 
 reporter for Hearst's Chicago American; John C. Hammond, as- 
 sistant city editor, Hearst's Chicago American ; Homer Davenport, 
 rtist, Hearst's Chicago American; Clare A. Briggs, artist, Hearst's 
 Chicago American, and Hearst 's Chicago American, a corporation. 
 In the complaint filed by Judge Hanecy he stated that the criticism 
 was "intended to terrorize and intimidate this court in the per- 
 formance and discharge of its duties ' ' in connection with the mo- 
 tion in the quo warranto proceedings. Judge Hanecy held that 
 the case was pending when the criticism was published because, 
 although the opinion had been read disposing of the case, no "en- 
 try of any judgment or order disposing of said cause was entered 
 by this court." 
 
 On November 1 Messrs. Carvalho, Lawrence, Canfield and 
 Hammond appeared before Judge Hanecy, the others cited being 
 not in the State. Pending a hearing of the charge, bond was ex- 
 acted from S. S. Carvalho in the sum of $10,000, from A. M. Law- 
 rence in the sum of $10,000, from H. S. Canfield in the sum of 
 $5,000, and from John C. Hammond in the sum of $1,000. The 
 , hearing was set for November 4, on the rule to show cause why 
 they should not be punished for contempt of court. The respond- 
 ents appeared in court with the following counsel : Former Gov- 
 ernor John P. Altgeld, Clarence S. Darrow, William Thompson, 
 Samuel Alsehuler, Adolf Kraus and Charles R. Holden. Judge 
 Hanecy appointed Simeon P. Shope to prosecute the proceedings, 
 giving as a reason therefor that the Attorney General was absent 
 and not within the jurisdiction of the court and that the State's 
 Attorney of Cook County was a party to the cause. In the answer 
 filed by the respondents it was set up that there was no contempt, 
 inasmuch as the case was ended before the criticism was published. 
 Mr. Lawrence assumed all responsibility for the publication. Mr. 
 Canfield admitted having written the article complained of. A mo- 
 tion was made by Mr. Altgeld for a change of venue on the ground 
 that Judge Hanecy was not qualified to try the case because of his 
 personal interest. This motion was denied. A request for a jury was 
 also denied by Judge Hanecj''. Arguments were heard November 
 4, and November 5 Judge Hanecy took the case under advisement 
 and rendered his decision November 13. He ordered that forty 
 days' imprisonment be imposed upon Mr. Lawrence and thirty 
 days' imprisonment be imposed on Mr. Canfield. The charges 
 
DUNNE JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 15 
 
 against S. S. Carvalho and John C. Hammond were dismissed. 
 No action was taken with regard to the charges against William 
 R. Hearst, Homer Davenport, Clare A. Briggs and Hearst's Chicago 
 American, a corporation. 
 
 The respondents were immediately brought before Judge 
 Edward F. Dunne of the Circuit Court on a writ of habeas corpus. 
 They were released on bonds of $3,000 each pending a hearing. 
 The hearing went over until November 15. It was contended by 
 Mr. Shope that the petition for the writ was premature because the 
 order for commitment by Judge Hanecy had not been entered. He 
 averred that the relators had merely been taken into custody by 
 the sheriff on an attachment. An examination of the book of the 
 clerk of Judge Hanecy 's court showed that a line had been erased, 
 leaving no order of commitment. Judge Dunne dismissed the writ 
 November 16 on the agreement that the relators return voluntarily 
 to Judge Hanecy 's court and answer to what might be ordered in 
 the contempt case. The relators returned to Judge Hanecy 's 
 court and the order of commitment was then entered. As soon as 
 the order of Judge Hanecy could be transcribed a petition for a 
 writ of habeas corpus was presented to Judge Dunne, who issued 
 the writ, and Mr. Lawrence and Mr. Canfield were taken before 
 Judge Dunne again. They were released on bonds of $3,000 each 
 and by agreement of counsel the hearing was set for November 25. 
 The case was argued at length by Mr. Darrow and Mr. Alschuler 
 for the relators and by Mr. Shope and Assistant State's Attorney 
 Barnett for the respondent. The arguments closed December 3 
 with a brilliant speech by Clarence S. Darrow. The subject of 
 constructive contempt was gone into more exhaustively than ever 
 before in the legal history of Cook County. The opinion of Judge 
 Dunne was handed down at 10 o 'clock Saturday morning, December 
 7, 1901, in which he held that no contempt had been committed by 
 the relators, who were thereupon discharged. 
 
 COMPLETE TEXT OF JUDGE DUNNE'S DECISION. 
 
 State of Illinois, County of Cook, ss. : 
 
 In the Criminal Court of Cook County. 
 
 The People ex rel. Andrew M. Lawrence and H. S. Canfield 
 vs. E. J. Magerstadt, Sheriff of Cook County, Illinois. 
 
 Petition for habeas corpus. 
 
 Opinion by Edward F. Dunne, Judge. 
 
 The relators have been found guilty of contempt of court 
 by the Hon. Elbridge Hanecy, ji^dge of the Circuit Court of Cook 
 County, Illinois, under the following circumstances as disclosed 
 by the record in this cause : 
 
16 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 On October 28, 1901, there was pending before Judge Hanecy 
 a quo warranto proceeding entitled "The People ex rel. Charles 
 S. Deneen vs. The Peoples Gas Light & Coke Company," and on 
 that day the judge, shortly after the opening of morning session 
 of court, read a written opinion disposing of the legal questions 
 involved. Immediately after reading the opinion the judge, in 
 open court, made use of the following language : ' ' Order of 
 August 9, 1901, is set aside and the petition for leave for filing 
 information, etc., and the information are dismissed." Imme- 
 diately following this declaration in open court the following 
 colloquy took place between the judge and counsel in that case: 
 
 Mr. Moses: If the court please, the people reserve an ex- 
 ception and pray an appeal to the Supreme Court, and also want 
 the court to fix a time to file a bill of exceptions. 
 
 The Court : I cannot allow you less than twenty days, 
 can I? 
 
 Mr. Moses : Bill of exceptions — yes ? 
 
 The Court : No. I think the statute provides that it shall 
 not be less than twenty. 
 
 Mr. Moses: Only as to the bond. 
 
 The Court : I guess it is the same for each. I may have 
 made errors before without your assistance, but I am not dis- 
 posed to make them now with it. I can not give you less than 
 twenty days. 
 
 Mr. Moses : As to the bill of exceptions — 
 
 The Court : You may file it in fifteen minutes, if you Avant 
 to, so that giving j^ou a longer time does not in any way injure 
 
 you. 
 
 Mr. Moses: Then the order is twenty days? 
 
 The Court: Twenty days. The order of August 9, 1901, is 
 set aside and the petition for leave to file and the information 
 itself dismissed. 
 
 Mr. Meagher: If the court please, I will prepare a formal 
 order and submit it to Brother Barnes. 
 
 The Court : You submit it to the other side. I wish you 
 would give me a copy of your brief. I scratched that off hur- 
 riedly and I may wish to make some corrections. 
 
 On the same day, and after the foregoing proceedings had 
 taken place in court, Hearst's Chicago American, a newspaper of 
 this city, published a certain article which is set out in this 
 record; and on the following day, the 29th inst., published 
 another article and a cartoon upon Judge Hanecy, the latter of 
 which is probably libelous. Both of the articles, if not libelous, 
 were of such character as to have a clear tendency to intimidate, 
 coerce, frighten and terrorize the judge, and to affect his judg- 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 17 
 
 meut IP ANY CASE WERE THEN UNDER CONSIDERATION 
 BY HIM. 
 
 The relator, Canfield, in his answer filed before Judge 
 Hanecy in the contempt proceedings, has admitted that he wrote 
 the articles in question ; and the relator, Lawrence, in his answer, 
 admits that he was responsible for their publication. Both 
 defendants in the proceedings before Judge Hanecy denied that 
 they intended to influence, prejudice or terrorize the Court with 
 reference to his decision in said cause, and aver that the "cause 
 of The People ex rel. Charles S. Deneen, State's Attorney for 
 Cook County, Illinois, vs. The Peoples Gas Light & Coke Com- 
 pany, was decided, adjudicated and determined on the morning 
 of October 28, 1901, before the publication of any of the papers 
 complained of, and that His Honor, Judge Hanecy, then and 
 there, in open court and acting as judge of said court, did so dis- 
 miss said proceeding. That these respondents submit that this 
 was a decision of the entire question pending before him, and 
 was a complete determination of said question and ended the 
 matter in controversy, so far as that court was concerned. That 
 they are advised and so state the fact to be, that no motion for 
 further argument, or for further consideration or modification of 
 said decision was made, either by counsel in the case or by any- 
 body else, but that on the contrary counsel for the State accepted 
 said decision as final * * * and then and there prayed an 
 appeal to the Supreme Court of the State." 
 
 No evidence was heard before Judge Hanecy, but the 
 decision was based upon the information and answer, amended 
 information and amended answer. 
 
 The statement as to what took place before Judge Hanecy 
 in open court on October 28 appears both in the information 
 and answer and is undisputed. It is also undisputed that the 
 articles and cartoon in question were published after these pro- 
 ceedings had taken place in court. 
 
 Judge Hanecy, after considering the information and answer, 
 as amended, and after hearing arguments of counsel at great 
 length, found the defendants guilty of contempt of court in 
 publishing said articles and cartoon and sentenced them to im- 
 prisonment in the county jail for thirty and forty days, respec- 
 tively. The defendants were then taken into custody by the 
 sheriff of Cook County, Illinois, under the final order of commit- 
 ment. 
 
 At the time of the issuance of the writ of habeas corpus in 
 this cause they were confined in the county jail in the custody 
 of the sheriflp of Cook County, and they now apply to this court 
 to be released from said imprisonment. 
 
18 DUNNE JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 It is contended by counsel lor the relators that Judge Haneey 
 had no jurisdiction to enter the final order of commitment, and 
 some sixteen different reasons or grounds are set up in the peti- 
 tion in support of their contention. Many of these grounds were 
 abandoned upon argument, and it it is only necessary for this 
 court to consider two. 
 
 First : Did Judge Haneey acquire jurisdiction by the infor- 
 mation filed before him? and, 
 
 Second: Had he jurisdiction to enter the final order therein? 
 
 Upon the hearing of a petition for habeas corpus, the court 
 has no right to inquire into disputed questions of fact or mere 
 errors of law committed. Only a court of review has this power. 
 
 Upon habeas corpus the court can only examine the record 
 and ascertain whether, upon the face of the record, the commit- 
 ting court had jurisdiction to order the relators into imprison- 
 ment. If the committing court had not jurisdiction to enter such 
 order, any court having the right to issue writs of habeas corpus 
 will have the right to discharge the relators from such imprison- 
 ment, even though such imprisonment be for, contempt of another 
 court. 
 
 In ex parte George W. Thatcher, 2d Gilman, our own 
 Supreme Court on a writ of habeas corpus, discharged the rela- 
 tor from imprisonment by the the County Commissioners' Court, 
 for contempt of such latter court. 
 
 In Miskimins vs. Shaver, Sheriff, decided September 18, 1899, 
 and published in the 58th Pac. Rep., page 411, the Supreme Court 
 of Wyoming discharged a prisoner held for contempt of another 
 court, holding that "where one imprisoned for contempt sues out 
 a writ of habeas corpus, the court before whom such writ is re- 
 turnable may examine into the acts constituting such contempt." 
 The court held further, that if said acts did not in law constitute 
 contempt, the court committing the prisoner acted without juris- 
 diction and the prisoner should be discharged. 
 
 In re Blush, was a case decided by the Court of Appeals of 
 Kansas, March 17, 1897, published in the 58th Pac. Rep., page 
 147. The court in that case discharged the relator on an original 
 habeas corpus proceeding, who was imprisoned for contempt of 
 the District Court. 
 
 In Wyatt vs. The People, published in 28th Pac. Rep., 961, 
 decided February 1, 1892, the Supreme Court of Colorado 
 released in an original habeas corpus proceeding a relator who 
 was fined for contempt of court alleged to have been committed 
 in the Criminal Court of Arapahoe County. 
 
 In re Nichols, published in the 28th Pac. Rep., 1076, the 
 Supreme Court of Kansas, on February 6, 1892, upon an original 
 
DUNNE JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 19 
 
 "vvrit of habeas corpus, discharged the relator who was impris- 
 oned for an alleged contempt of the District Court of Kansas. 
 
 On July 2, 1890, the Supreme Court of Michigan released a 
 relator upon habeas corpus from imprisonment for an alleged 
 contempt of the Circuit Court of Wayne County. 
 
 The case is entitled "In re Woods," reported in the 45th 
 Northwestern Reporter, page 1113. 
 
 The Supreme Court of AVashington, on July 13 of the present 
 year, released a relator in habeas corpus from imprisonment for 
 an alleged contempt of a lower court. 
 
 In re Coulter, 56tli Pac. Rep., 759. 
 
 Church on Habeas Corpus states the law as follows : 
 
 "Where acts alleged to be a contempt do not constitute a 
 contempt for which one can be punished by fine or imprisonment, 
 the court is without jurisdiction, and a judgment of conviction is 
 not warranted by law, and the prisoner will be discharged on 
 habeas corpus. Jurisdiction is not obtained by the mere assertion 
 of it." 
 
 Church on Habeas Corpus, Sec. 323, Page 454, citing: 
 
 In re Dill, 32 Kan. 668 ; 
 
 Ex parte Grace, 12 Iowa, 208 ; 
 
 79 Am. Dec, 529 ; 
 
 Ex parte Summers, 5 Ired., 149; 
 
 In re Ayres, Scott and McCabe, 123 U. S., 443; 
 
 Cooper vs. The People, 13 Colo., 337 ; 
 
 Ex parte Gordon, 92 Calif., 478 ; and 
 
 Holman vs. Mayer, 34 Tex., 668. 
 
 Other authorities which hold that release from imprisonment 
 upon a void process for contempt of court, may be had in habeas 
 corpus, might be cited, but the doctrine is too well established to 
 call for further citations upon this point. The Circuit, Criminal 
 and Superior Courts of the State of Illinois have the same plenary 
 jurisdiction in habeas corpus, as has the Supreme Court of the 
 State. 
 
 This court has the undoubted right in habeas corpus proceed- 
 ings to ascertain whether or not a coordinate court has jurisdiction 
 to enter such a final order of commitment as was entered before 
 Judge Hanecy. 
 
 Having disposed of the question of the jurisdiction of this 
 court, let us consider the points raised by the relators : 
 
 It is first contended that Judge Hanecy never acquired juris- 
 diction in the contempt proceeding, because of the fact that the 
 information upon which the same was based was not verified. The 
 information was filed by the Hon. Simeon P. Shope, who was ap- 
 pointed by Judge Hanecy as Special State's Attorney for that 
 
20 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 purpose, and the information is signed by him in his alleged official 
 capacity and is unverified. 
 
 It is contended by the respondents that, inasmuch as the in- 
 formation is filed by a public official who had taken his oath of 
 office, that the information need not be verified ; that it was, in fact, 
 verified by his oath of office. 
 
 The relators reply that he was never legally appointed to this 
 position; that the only authority for the appointment of a special 
 State's Attorney by a court is contained in the Revised Statutes 
 of Illinois, section 6, chapter 14, upon Attorney Generals and 
 State's Attorneys, which reads as follows: 
 
 "Whenever the Attorney General or State's Attorney is sick 
 or absent, or unable to attend, or is interested in any cause or 
 proceeding, civil or criminal, which it is or may be his duty to 
 prosecute or defend, the court in which SUCH cause or proceeding 
 is pending may appoint some competent attorney to prosecute or 
 defend SUCH cause or proceeding; and the attorney so appointed 
 shall have the same power and authority in relation to SUCH cause 
 or proceeding as the Attorney General or State's Attorney would 
 have had if present and attending to the same." 
 
 Section 5 of the same act declares : 
 
 "That the duties of each State's Attorney shall be: 
 
 "First — To commence and prosecute all actions, suits, indict- 
 ments and prosecutions, civil and criminal, in any court of record 
 in his county in which the people of the State or county may be 
 concerned. ' ' 
 
 Relying on these two sections, it is claimed by the relators that 
 it w^as the State's Attorney's duty to prosecute the contempt pro- 
 ceedings before Judge Haneey, and that he w^as the only one who 
 could do so unless the court, for some of the reasons expressed in 
 section 6 of chapter 14, Revised Statutes of Illinois, appointed a 
 special State's Attorney. 
 
 The order appointing Judge Shope reads as follows: 
 
 "It appearing to the court that the Attorney General of the 
 State of Illinois is absent and not within the jurisdiction of this 
 court, and that the State's Attornev of Cook Countv is a party to 
 and interested in SAID CAUSE OF THE PEOPLE OF THE 
 STATE OF ILLINOIS EX REL. CHARLES S. DENEEN, 
 STATE'S ATTORNEY, VS. THE PEOPLES GAS LIGHT & 
 COKE COMPANY, this court doth herel)y appoint the Honorable 
 Simeon P. Shope, attorney of the bar of this court, to institute and 
 prosecute such petition, information or other proceeding as shall 
 be proper to bring before the court in legal form the said matter 
 of said scandalous publication, in order that the court may legally 
 inquire into the matter of said publication, and as to the persons 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 21 
 
 who may be guilty thereof, to the end that such person may be 
 dealt with according to law." 
 
 It will be noticed that in this order there is no finding that the 
 State's Attorney of Cook County is interested in the contempt 
 proceedings of the People vs. Hearst's Chicago American and 
 others, the proceedings under which the relators were found guilty 
 of contempt of court. The only finding of the court is that he was 
 interested in an altogether different proceeding, to-wit : The People 
 vs. the Peoples Gas Light & Coke Company. 
 
 This court is clearly of the opinion that the appointment of 
 Judge Shope was not justified under the statute and was illegal 
 and void. 
 
 Counsel for the relators have cited a long list of authorities 
 to this court, some of which hold that even where an information 
 is filed by a State's Attorney that it must be verified to give the 
 court jurisdiction, and many more of which hold that no court can 
 take jurisdiction of a proceeding for contempt alleged to have 
 been committed outside of the presence of the court, unless the 
 facts are brought to the notice of the court by a sworn information 
 or sworn affidavit. Most of these cases declare that the affidavit 
 or verification of the information is necessary to give jurisdiction 
 in such cases and released parties found guilty of contempt because 
 of the absence of this affidavit upon habeas corpus and upon error. 
 Some of these cases were decided in states where the statute re- 
 quires that such affidavits should be filed. Others of them are 
 decided in states where there was no statute requiring such affidavit, 
 but where the proceedings are had according to the "practice of 
 common law. 
 
 The following cases hold squarely, in the absence of the statute 
 requiring the filing of an affidavit, that the absence of such affidavit 
 is fatal, because the same is indispensable to give jurisdiction: 
 
 Freeman vs. City of Huron, 66 N. W. Rep., 928 (S. D.) ; 
 
 Wilson vs. Territory, 1 Wy., 155 ; 
 
 State vs. Blackwell, 10 S. Car., 155 ; 
 
 Wyatt vs. People, 17 Colo., 232 ; 
 
 State vs. Sweetland, 54 N. W. Rep., 415. 
 
 . In the latter case there was a provision in the statute requiring 
 the filing of an affidavit, but the decision declares that the .statute 
 is declaratory of the common law, and that the decision is based 
 upon the common law as well as the statute. 
 
 In addition to the foregoing the following cases hold the 
 affidavit jurisdictional, but they are all in states where the statute 
 itself provides for the filing of the affidavit : 
 
 In re Blush, 48 Pac. Rep., 147 ; 
 
 In re Smith, 52 Kans., 13 ; 
 
22 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 In re AVood, 45 N. W. Rep., 1113 (82 Mich.) ; 
 
 Ex parte Rockert, 126 Calif., 244 ; 
 
 In re Nichol, 26 Pac. Rep., 1076 (Kans.) ; 
 
 In re Coulter, 56 Pa. Rep., 759 ; 
 
 Thomas vs. The People, 14 Colo., 254; 
 
 Worland vs. State, 82 Ind., 49; 
 
 State vs. Kaiser, 203 Pa. Rep., 964 (Ore.) ; 
 
 State vs. Conn., 62 Pac. Rep., 269. 
 
 The authorities in the State of Illinois seem to hold to the 
 same position. 
 
 In Oster vs. The People, decided October 24, 1901, the Supreme 
 Court declares that "as a general rule attachment for contempt 
 alleged to have been committed out of the presence of the court 
 should be based upon an affidavit stating the facts constituting the 
 alleged contempt." Citing 4th Ency. of Pleadings and Practice, 
 779. 
 
 In Chapin vs. The People, 57 111. App., 577, the Appellate 
 Court holds as follows : 
 
 "When a contempt is committed out of the presence of the 
 court the court has no power to proceed summarily against the 
 offender without the filing of a written complaint or affidavit to 
 set the machinery of the court in motion." 
 
 Moreover, the Constitution of this State declares, section 6 
 of article 2 of the Bill of Rights, that "no warrant shall issue 
 without probable cause, supported by affidavit particularly de- 
 scribing the place to be searched and the 'persons' or things to be 
 seized. ' ' 
 
 The authorities, however, are not uniform upon this question. 
 
 The Supreme Court of Massachusetts, in Telegram Newspaper 
 Company vs. Commonwealth, held that when it comes in any man- 
 ner to the knowledge of the court that articles are published in 
 a newspaper circulated in the place where the court is held which 
 are calculated to prevent a fair trial of the cause on trial before 
 the court, the court, on its own motion, can institute proceedings 
 for contempt. 
 
 In State vs. Gibson, a West Virginia case, reported in 10th 
 Southeastern Reporter, on page 58, it was held "that neither the 
 statute nor the common law makes it absolutely necessary that an 
 affidavit should be filed on which to base such a rule (referring 
 to a rule to show cause in contempt proceeding). Such a rule is 
 usually properly based on affidavits, but I don't regard it as abso- 
 lutely necessary in every case. ' ' 
 
 And so in State vs. Frew, 24 W. Va., it was held that where 
 a contempt is not committed in open court the usual course is to 
 issue a rule to show cause why an attachment should not issue, 
 
DUNNE JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 23 
 
 though the attachment sometimes issues in the first instance. Such 
 a rule is usually based in case of constructive contempt on affidavit 
 or other sworn statement of the facts constituting the alleged con- 
 tempt, but this is not always essential. The court may act on its 
 own information or on the unsworn statement of a member of the 
 bar in cases where the facts are clear and unmistakable, such as 
 contemptuous publications in a newspaper. 
 
 In ex parte Wall, 107 U. S., 271, the court declares : 
 "It would, undoubtedly, have been more regular to have re- 
 quired the charge to be made by affidavit, and to have had a copy 
 thereof served (with the rule) upon the petitioner. But the cir- 
 cumstances of the case as shown by the return of the Judge seems 
 to us to have been sufficient to authorize the issuing of the rule 
 without such affidavit." 
 
 And in ex parte Henry Petrie, 38 111., 498, it was held that 
 "in a proceeding against a party by attachment for an alleged 
 contempt for disobedience to an order of the court, it is not neces- 
 sary that notice of the proceeding shall be given to the party before 
 the attachment can properly issue. ' ' 
 
 In the case entitled in re Cheesman, 49 N. J. L., 142, the 
 Supreme Court of that state declared : 
 
 "No doubt the ordinary course of practice in such cases in 
 courts of law is that an affidavit of the facts should first be pre- 
 sented; * * * but the practice has not been uniform. Some- 
 times a rule to show cause has been allowed without an affidavit, 
 on a mere suggestion; sometimes an attachment has been issued 
 without a rule to show cause; sometimes punishment has been in- 
 flicted forthwith on the offender's confession when brought in by 
 the writ, without interrogatories; and sometimes * * * the 
 penalty has been imposed on the offender's admissions under the 
 original rule, without either writ or interrogatories. So that these 
 various steps are manifestly not jurisdictional, except to the extent 
 of laying before the court matters which constitute a contempt, and 
 affording to the party accused a fair opportunity of denying or 
 confessing their truth. ' ' 
 
 The weight of authorities seems to incline to the contention 
 of the relators that an affidavit is jurisdictional. But the law must 
 be very clear and unmistakeable to justify a coordinate court in 
 releasing a relator upon habeas corpus. As there is a conflict in 
 the authorities, this court is not disposed to sustain the contention 
 of the relators' counsel and release the prisoners upon this ground, 
 although in the opinion of the court the authorities strongly pre- 
 ponderate in favor of the relators' contention. 
 
 It remains, then, to dispose of the question as to whether or not 
 Judge Hanecy had jurisdiction to enter the flnal order of commit- 
 
24 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 ment under which the relators in this cause are held by the sheriff 
 of Cook County. 
 
 Under the common law it was contempt of court to slander or 
 libel or speak disparagingly or disrespectfully of any judge of a 
 superior court at any time. It was held that such conduct brought 
 the administration of the law into disrepute and contempt. Such 
 was the law in England up to within at least a few years before the 
 American Revolution. Such has never been the law in the State 
 of Illinois, nor in most of the states of the United States. 
 
 It is admitted by counsel for the respondents that any man in 
 the State of Illinois may slander or libel or speak in a disparagingly 
 or disrespectful way of a judge upon the bench in relation to 
 the action of such judge in a lawsuit which has been disposed of 
 and adjudicated by him without exposing the author of such 
 slander or libel to proceedings in the nature of a contempt of court. 
 The sole remedy of the judge as against the author of such libel 
 or slander is the remedy which is given to every citizen of the 
 State, to-wit, the right to sue civilly and to indict criminally. 
 
 Counsel for the respondents in conceding such to be the law 
 show that they are familiar with all the decisions of our Supreme 
 Court in' relation to contempts of court. 
 
 In Stuart vs. The People, 3 Scam., 404, the court declared: 
 
 "Contempts are either direct, such as are offered to the court 
 while sitting as such and in its presence, or constructive, being 
 offered, not in its presence, but tending by their operation to ob- 
 struct and embarrass or prevent the due administration of justice. 
 Into this vortex of constructive contempts have been drawn by the 
 British courts many acts which have no tendency to obstruct the 
 administration of justice, but rather to wound the feelings or offend 
 the personal dignity of the judge, and fines imposed and imprison- 
 ment denounced so frequently and with so little question as to have 
 ripened, in the estimation of many, into a common law principle; 
 and it is urged that, inasmuch as the common law principle is in 
 force here by legislative enactment, this principle is also in force. 
 But we have said in several cases that such portions only of the 
 common law as are applicable to our institutions and suited to the 
 genius of our people can be regarded as in force. It has been 
 modified by the prevalence of free principles and the general im- 
 provement of society, and whilst we admire it as a system, having 
 no blind devotion for its errors and defects, we cannot but hope 
 that in the progress of time it will receive many more improvements 
 and be relieved from most of its blemishes. "CONSTITUTIONAL 
 PROVISIONS ARE MUCH SAFER GUARANTIES FOR CIVIL 
 LIBERTY AND PERSONAIj RIGHTS THAN THOSE OF THE 
 COMMON LAW, however much they may be said to protect them. 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 25 
 
 "If a judge be libeled by the public press he and his assailants 
 should be placed on equal grounds and their common arbiter should 
 be a jury of the country ; and if he has received an injury ample 
 remuneration will be made. 
 
 "In restricting the power to punish for contempts, to the 
 cases specified, more benefits will result than by enlarging it. It is 
 at best an arbitrary power, and should only be exercised .on the 
 preservative and not on the vindicative principle. It is not a jewel 
 of the court, to be admired and prized, but a rod rather, and most 
 potent when rarely used. 
 
 "The whole case being presented to this court, in the same 
 form and manner in which it was presented before the Circuit 
 Court, we are satisfied that no contempt was committed of which 
 that court could take jurisdiction and accordingly reverse the 
 judgment. ' ' 
 
 This was said of a publication in a newspaper, during the trial 
 of a case, which charged the court with directing the officers of the 
 court to close the doors during the trial of Stone, to prevent all 
 ingress and egress; and another publication, in the same paper, 
 which declared that one individual said that "the weakness of His 
 Honor's head would not permit of the noise and confusion of a 
 crowd and a proper attention to the trial of the cause all at the 
 same time. ' ' 
 
 This was the first case in which the question of the right of a 
 court to punish for constructive contempt arose in this State. The 
 last case is Storey vs. The People, 79 111., 45. 
 
 In this case the Chicago Times published certain libelous arti- 
 cles concerning the members of a grand jury which had returned 
 three indictments against the editor of that paper, and the court, 
 in commenting upon the question as to whether the editor was liable 
 for contempt of court for making such publication, used the fol- 
 lowing language : 
 
 "The only question, therefore, is, assuming the article to be 
 libelous, whether the publishing of a libel on a grand jury, or on any 
 of the members thereof, because of an act ALREADY DONE, may 
 be summarily punished as a contempt. 
 
 "We do not understand the articles as having a tendency 
 directly to impede, embarrass or obstruct the grand jury in the dis- 
 charge of any of its duties remaining to be discharged after the 
 publications were made. * * * All that it would seem could 
 be claimed is that the publication would cause disrespect to be en- 
 tertained by the public for the grand jury, and for its action in 
 the particular cases criticised, and thereby tend to that extent to 
 bring odium upon the administration of the law. * * * It is 
 not denied by counsel for the respondents that courts may punish, 
 as for contempt, those who do any act directly tending to impede. 
 
26 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 embarrass or obstruct the administration of the law; but they do 
 deny that any publication, however disrespectful, when applied to 
 jurymen in regard to the manner in which they have ALREADY 
 DISCHARGED a duty, does or is calculated to impede, embarrass 
 or obstruct the administration of the \slw. 
 
 "Authority may be found in the textbook and in English 
 and American cases, holding a doctrine at variance with this posi- 
 tion. Thus, for instance, Blackstone, says, in showing how con- 
 tempt of court may be committed, 'it may be by speaking or writing 
 contemptuously of the court or judges, acting ' in their judicial 
 capacity; by printing false accounts (or even true ones, without 
 proper permission) of causes then depending in judgment; and by 
 anything, in short, that demonstrates a gross want of that regard 
 and respect which, when courts of justice are deprived of their 
 authority is entirely lost among the people.' But the law in rela- 
 tion to contempt has never been held, in any case decided b}'^ this 
 court, to be so indefinitely broad as it is thus stated by Blackstone. 
 Our Constitution and statutes certainly affect the question to some 
 extent and it is only in determining precisely how far they do so 
 that we have any difficulty." 
 
 The decision then proceeds to discuss the Stuart case, herein- 
 before mentioned, and then continues: 
 
 "It was said in that case (the Stuart case), in speaking of the 
 power to punish for contempt in case of mere libels upon the court 
 having no direct tendency to interfere with the administration of 
 the law: 'It does not seem necessary for the protection of courts 
 in the exercise of their legitimate powers that this one, so liable to 
 abuse, should also be conceded to them.' " 
 
 The court then goes on to discuss the case of The People vs. 
 Wilson, 64 111., 195, in which the Supreme Court, by a bare majority 
 of one, held the Chicago Journal liable for contempt of court for 
 publishing a libelous article upon the Supreme Court itself relating 
 to a case then pending and undetermined in that court. 
 
 In analyzing that case the Supreme Court, in the Storey case, 
 declared (page 50) that "the decision turned upon the point, as 
 will be seen by reference to the opinion of the Chief Justice, that 
 the cause in reference to which the article was published was 
 THEN PENDING before the court, UNDECIDED and that the 
 article was CALCULATED to and was DESIGNED to influence 
 the members of the court in deciding it." 
 
 Continuing, the Court declares: 
 
 "Courts, however, possess certain common-law powers, subject 
 to modification that may have been imposed by our constitution and 
 statutes, among which is included that of punishing for contempts. 
 
 "Differences of opinion have been entertained by members of 
 this court at different times, in regard to the extent of such modi- 
 
DUNNE JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 27 
 
 fications: AND WE FEEL CONSTRAINED, in giving expres- 
 sion to our views in the present case, TO DISAGREE TO SOME 
 EXTENT WITH REMARKS MADE BY SOME OF THE MEM- 
 BERS COMPOSING THE MAJORITY OF THE COURT IN 
 WILSON'S CASE, SUPRA. 
 
 "In our opinion IT IS NOT ADMISSIBLE, UNDER OUR 
 CONSTITUTION, THAT A PUBLICATION, HOWEVER LI- 
 BELOUS, NOT DIRECTLY CALCULATED TO HINDER, OB- 
 STRUCT OR DELAY COURTS in the exercise of their proper 
 functions, SHALL BE TREATED AND PUNISHED, SUM- 
 MARILY, AS A CONTEMPT OF COURT. * * * 
 
 "In this State our Constitution guarantees 'that every person 
 may freely speak, write and publish on all subjects, being respon- 
 sible for the abuse of that liberty; and in all trials for libel, both 
 civil and criminal, the truth, when published with good motives 
 and for justifiable ends, shall be a sufficient defense.' 
 
 "This language, plain and explicit as it is, cannot be held to 
 have no application to courts, or those by whom they are conducted. 
 The judiciary is elective, and the jurors, although appointed, are 
 in general appointed by a board whose members are elected by 
 popular vote. There is, therefore, the same responsibility, in theory, 
 in the judicial department that exists in the legislative and execu- 
 tive departments to the people, for the diligent and faithful dis- 
 charge of all duties enjoined on it; and the same necessity exists for 
 public information with regard to the conduct and character of 
 those entrusted to discharge those duties, in order that the elective 
 franchise shall be intelligibly exercised, as obtains in regard to the 
 other departments of the government." 
 
 "When it is conceded that the guaranty of this clause of the 
 Constitution extends to words spoken or published in regard to 
 judicial conduct and character, it would seem necessarily to follo\v 
 that the defendant has the right to make a defense which can only 
 be properly tried by a jury, and which the Judge of a court, 
 especially if he is himself the subject of the publication, is un- 
 fitted to try." 
 
 "Entertaining these vieM'S, the judgment of the court below 
 must be reversed, and the respondents discharged." 
 
 The law of the State of Illinois upon constructive contempt, 
 as laid down in this decision, has never been changed, modified or 
 disturbed from the date when the same was rendered down to the 
 present time. It is in full force and effect today, as is conceded 
 by counsel for the respondents. It follows, therefore, that if there 
 was a proceeding PENDING before Judge Hanecy at the time 
 of the publication of these articles, and the cartoon in question, the 
 decision of which by Judge Hanecy would have been impeded, 
 embarrassed or obstructed by the publication of the same, that it 
 
28 DUNNE JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 was constructively a contempt of court, and that the relator should 
 be remanded. If, on the other hand, there was no proceeding 
 PENDING before Judge Hanecy, which the publication of these 
 articles might affect, then, under the law as laid down in the Storey 
 case, no contempt of court could have been committed by the pub- 
 lication of these articles, however libelous they may have been. 
 
 The question as to whether or not a cause or proceeding was 
 PENDING before Judge Hanecy is a question of LAW and not of 
 FACT. The facts as set out in the amended information and ad- 
 mitted and restated in the defendants' answers, are identical, 
 verbatim et literatim. 
 
 Upon concluding the reading of his opinion, Judge Hanecy 
 declared in open court "the order of August 9, 1901, is set aside 
 and the petition for leave to file and the information are dismissed ' ' ; 
 and again, ''the order of August 9, 1901, and the petition for leave 
 to file and the information itself dismissed." 
 
 Was this, or was this not a final order ? 
 
 Counsel for the relators claim that this language was the final 
 judgment of the court. 
 
 Counsel for the respondents admit that the language was used, 
 but contend that because the clerk did liot enter it of record the 
 case was not finally disposed of. 
 
 The relators swear in their answers that they understood it 
 to be the final order of the court, and they attach to their answer 
 excerpts from publications made by the Chicago Daily News, the 
 Chicago Post, the Chicago Journal, the Inter Ocean, the Tribune, 
 the Chicago Herald, and the Chicago Chronicle, all published either 
 on the 28th of October, 1901, or the 29th, which show that the re- 
 porters of these papers, as well as the reporters for the American, 
 understood that it was a final disposition of the case. 
 
 Reporters of modern newspapers as a rule are a highly edu- 
 cated, intelligent class of men and women, as competent to judge 
 of the meaning of the ordinary English language as the ordinary 
 lawyer, and the nonlegal world — as evidenced by the conduct of 
 the newspapers — certainly understood the language as a final dis- 
 position of the case so far as Judge Hanecy was concerned. 
 
 Let us examine the law books and see whether or not the law 
 writers would call the use of such language, in open court, a 
 final jiidgment. 
 
 Black on Judgments, vol 1, section 106, declares: 
 
 "The rendition of a judgment is the judicial act of the court 
 in pronouncing the sentence of the law upon the facts in con- 
 troversy as ascertained by the pleadings and the verdict. The 
 ENTRY of a judgment is a ministerial act, which consists of 
 spreading upon the record a statement of the final conclusion 
 reached by the court in the matter. * * * in the nature of 
 
DUNNE JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 29 
 
 things, a judgment must be RENDERED before it can be 
 ENTERED. And not only that, but though the judgment be not 
 entered at all, still it is none the less a judgment. The omission 
 to enter it does not destroy it, nor does its vitality remain in 
 abeyance until it is put upon the record. The entry may be sup- 
 plied, perhaps after the lapse of years, by an order nunc pro 
 tunc. ... * * As is said by the Supreme Court of California: 
 'The enforcement of a judgment does not depend upon its 
 ENTRY or docketing. These are merely ministerial acts, the first 
 of which is required to be done for putting in motion the right 
 of appeal from the judgment itself, or of limiting the time within 
 which the right may be exercised, or in which the judgment may 
 be enforced; and the other, for the purpose of creating a lien 
 by the judgment upon the real property of the debtor. But 
 neither is necessary for the issuance of an execution upon a 
 judgment which has been duly rendered. Without docketing an 
 entry execution may be issued on the judgment and land levied 
 upon and sold, and the deed executed by the sheriff, in fulfillment 
 of the sale, not only approves the sale, but also estops the defend- 
 ant from controverting the title acquired by it.' " 
 
 Freeman on Judgments, 2d Ed., Sec. 38, declares : 
 
 "Expressions occasionally find their way into reports and 
 textbooks, indicating that the entry is essential to the existence 
 and force of the judgment. These expressions have escaped from 
 their authors when writing of matters OF EVIDENCE, and 
 applying the general rule that in each case the best testimony 
 which is capable of being produced must be received, to the 
 exclusion of every means of proof less satisfactory and less 
 authentic. The RENDITION OF a judgment is a judicial act; 
 its ENTRY upon the record is merely ministerial. A judgment 
 is not what is ENTERED, but what is ORDERED and CON- 
 SIDERED. The entry may express more or less than was 
 directed by the court, or it may be neglected altogether. Yet in 
 either of these cases is the judgment of the court any less its 
 judgment than though it was accurately entered. In the very 
 nature of things the act must be perfect before its history can be 
 so. And the imperfection or neglect of its history fails to modify 
 or obliterate the act." 
 
 The distinction between the RENDITION of a judgment and 
 its ENTRY is clearly pointed out by our Supreme Court in the 
 case of Blatchford vs. Newberry, 100 Illinois, 484. 
 
 In discussing a provision of the statute which authorizes the 
 Supreme Court in vacation to correct a judgment which might 
 have been erroneously ENTERED by the clerk the court uses the 
 following language : 
 
30 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 "It will be observed that the power here assumed to be con- 
 ferred upon the judges is not to grant rehearings, but when a 
 judgment is found to have been erroneously entered up to 
 change the same without ordering a rehearing. The words 
 'RENDERED' and 'ENTERED' are plainly used antithetically, 
 and each in its distinctive correct legal sense, 'rendered' being 
 used to indicate the giving of the judgment and 'entered' to indi- 
 cate the act of placing the judgment RENDERED on record. In 
 other words, enrolling or recording it. 'Erroneously ENTER- 
 ING up a judgment' expresses only an error in the clerical act 
 of placing it upon the record and implies that the judgment 
 enrolled or recorded is not the judgment RENDERED or given" 
 (pp. 489-490). 
 
 In Fontaine vs. Hudson, 93 Mo., 62. decided in 1887, and 
 reported in the 5th Southwestern Reporter, 692, the court holds: 
 
 "That it is not essential to the validity of records of courts 
 in this State that they should be signed by the judge, and that 
 the party in whose favor any judgment is. rendered may have 
 execution in conformity therewith, that the right to the execu- 
 tion follows EO INSTANTE upon the RENDITION of the judg- 
 ment. The RENDITION of the judgment is the judicial act 
 upon which the execution rests. Its ENTRY upon the record is 
 a mere ministerial act evidencing the judicial act, but not essen- 
 tial to its validity or giving to the judgment any additional 
 force or efficacy. A valid judgment rendered will support and 
 validate an execution issued in conformity therewith, although 
 the formal record evidence of its rendition may not have been in 
 existence at the time the execution issued." 
 
 The court in that case confirmed the title of a purchaser 
 upon execution sale, although the judgment was not entered of 
 record when execution issued. 
 
 In ■ Los Angeles County Bank vs. Raynor, 61 Calif., 147, 
 which was an action for the possession of land brought upon a 
 sheriff: 's deed obtained under an execution which had been issued 
 before the judgment was entered of record, the court sustained 
 the title based upon said sheriff's deed. This is the case cited by 
 Black in his work on judgments hereinbefore quoted. 
 
 In the case of Sieber et al., vs. Frink et al., 7th Colo., 151, the 
 Supreme Court of that State declares: 
 
 "The pronouncing of a judgment is a judicial act; the entry 
 of record is a ministerial duty. The judgment is complete when 
 properly declared, though the mechanical act of recording the 
 same has not been performed." 
 
 The Supreme Court of North Carolina, in 91 Am. Dec. 93, in 
 the case of Davis vs. Shaver, declared : 
 
DUNNE JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 31 
 
 ''The entry is a memorial of what the judgment was. If 
 there had been no entry at all, it would have been competent for 
 his honor to have it entered NUNC PRO TUNC, upon his being 
 satisfied that judgment was in fact delivered. ' ' 
 
 In Baker vs. Baker, reported in 8th N, "W. Rep., 291, the 
 court declares: 
 
 "The testimony is most clear, positive and conclusive that 
 this order was actually made by the Probate Court, but through 
 inadvertence was not signed. But we apprehend that the fail- 
 ure to sign did not defeat the order; that it took effect as the 
 decision of the court, notwithstanding that omission. The 
 judicial act performed was in deciding upon the application and 
 announcing such decision. True, the County Court is a court of 
 record, having a seal, and each judge of said court is required 
 to keep a true and fair record of each order, sentence and judg- 
 ment of the court. Properly, the order in question should have 
 been entered of record. But the failure to do this, or to sign 
 the order, did not have the effect to nullify or destroy the decision 
 which was actually made." 
 
 In Schuster vs. Rader, 13 Colo. Rep., 334, the Supreme Court 
 of that State declares : 
 
 "At common law the giving of judgment was a judicial act, 
 to be performed only by the court sitting at stated time and 
 places. * * * The judgment having been so pronounced in 
 open court, the act of entering the same in the record by -the 
 clerk was purely ministerial and was not essential to the exist- 
 ence of the judgment so rendered, though the entry was neces- 
 sary to preserve it, and as a matter of proof, was the best evi- 
 dence of its existence. The judgment derived its force and 
 effect from the fact that it had been so considered, adjudged and 
 decreed by the court ; and it became effective from the time of 
 such adjudication and promulgation in open court, though the 
 ministerial act of entering the same in the records of the court 
 might be delayed." 
 
 In the case of Ward vs. White, 66 111., App., 156, the court 
 declared : 
 
 "It appears that there was no entry by the clerk of the case 
 in which judgment was rendered, on the docket of the court, or 
 the trial calendar, or the judge's docket, or upon the clerk's 
 docket, and there were no minutes of the judge upon his docket 
 of the entry of the judgment or the finding of the court thereon. 
 
 "It is insisted that the Circuit Court obtained no jurisdiction 
 of the case, to enter the judgment, for the reason that there was 
 no 'note, minute or memorandum made by the judge,' or under 
 
32 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 his direction, upon the docket of the term or upon the papers, 
 files or some memorial paper found of record in the court." 
 
 Notwithstanding the court held that a judgment was actu- 
 ally rendered and that it was a valid judgment and declared: 
 
 "The court had power to pass on the case orally and order 
 the clerk orally to enter the judgment and the duty of the clerk 
 was to enter the judgment accordingly. * * * The clerk is a 
 mere ministerial officer and enters only such orders and judg- 
 ments as he is ordered by the court." 
 
 In the case of Metzger vs. "Wooldridge, 183 111., 178, our 
 Supreme Court uses the following language : 
 
 "It is true, as insisted by counsel for appellants, that a 
 judgment is not necessarily what is entered by the clerk, but 
 that which is ordered and considered by the court." 
 
 In the Encyclopedia of Pleadings and Practice, Vol. 18, page 
 429, on Judgments, the following language is used : 
 
 "The act, after the trial and final submission of a case, of 
 pronouncing judgment in language which finally determines the 
 rights of the parties to the action and leaves nothing more to be 
 done except the entry of the judgment by the clerk, constitutes 
 the rendition of a judgment. No particular form is required in 
 the proceedings of a court to render them an order of judgment. 
 It is sufficient if they are final. The RENDITION and the 
 ENTRY of a judgment are entirely different things. The first is 
 a purely judicial act of the court alone, and must be first in the 
 order of time, while the entry is merely evidence that a judgment 
 has been rendered, and is purely a ministerial act (pp. 429-430). 
 In none of these citations, however, is the distinction between 
 a judgment and the entry thereof more clearly drawn and dis- 
 tinguished than is done by the statutes of this state. Chapter 25 
 of the Revised Statutes relates to clerks of courts. Sec. 14 of 
 this chapter reads as follows : 
 
 "They (the clerks) shall enter of record all judgments, 
 decrees and orders of their respective courts before the final 
 adjournment of the respective terms thereof, OR AS SOON 
 THEREAFTER AS PRACTICABLE." 
 
 The following, Section 16, then provides, "that any clerk 
 who fails to enter of record all * * * judgments and decrees 
 of the court by or before the next succeeding regular term of 
 the court shall be fined not exceeding $100." 
 
 It thus appears that by the statutes of this State that after 
 the close of the term and when the court itself has lost all juris- 
 diction over the judgment rendered at that term that the clerk 
 is permitted to enter up the judgments rendered by the judge at 
 the term. 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 33 
 
 Could the distinction between the judgment itself and the 
 entry thereof be more clearly pointed out ? 
 
 As opposed to this mass of authorities as to what constitutes 
 a judgment, counsel for respondents in the case at bar rely upon 
 certain cases which will now be noticed and discussed. 
 
 Judson vs. Gage, 98 Fed. Rep., 542, In that case the judge 
 noted upon his minute book as follows : 
 
 ''Oct. 5 (517) Gage, Secretary of Treasury, vs. Judson. 
 Award of $32,000 in favor of Judson, and United States is satis- 
 fied with award and asks report to be accepted, and discontinue 
 as to others. Order discontinuance granted. Balance continued^ 
 October 7, and United States (Gage) vs. Judson; award approved 
 and accepted; $32,000." 
 
 The judge who made these entries held "that these minutes 
 were not in any sense the entries of a judgment. They are the 
 mere memoranda of the judge as to the proceedings in court and 
 as to the course to be pursued when the judgment file shall be 
 presented." 
 
 The Circuit Court of Appeals expressly held in relation to 
 this entry : 
 
 "The oral expression of the District Judge in regard to the 
 propriety of the acceptance of the report is not a judgment until 
 it has become a written order of court. Until then it has not 
 taken the form of an authoritative decree, and is not operative. 
 A JUDGMENT IN FORM WAS NOT ASKED FOR. The cause 
 was continued to the next term of the court, when some one, 
 apparently recognizing that the cause was not at an end, pre- 
 pared a written judgment, which was signed by the judge, and 
 which spoke from that term." In other words, there was no 
 evidence of any sort of a judgment having IN FACT been ren- 
 dered. 
 
 In the case of State vs. Tugwell, 19 Wash., Rep., 242, cited by 
 counsel for respondents, the facts that appear of record were 
 that on the 24th of February, 1898, a certain libelous article was 
 published concerning the Supreme Court. On the 18tli of Feb- 
 ruary a majority of the court had rendered an OPINION. On the 
 very date of the publication of the article a dissenting OPINION 
 had been rendered by two of the judges. On February 28, 1898, 
 a petition for the modification of the opinion by the majority 
 of the court was filed, and on March 2, 1898, a majority opinion 
 of the court was filed denying the last petition for modification 
 of the opinion of reversal, and final JUDGMENT was entered 
 on March 9, 1898. 
 
 In other words, when the libel was published which it was 
 claimed was contempt of court the cause was still pending and 
 
34 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 undetermined and the final order was not entered until thirteen 
 days afterward. 
 
 Counsel for respondents also cite "Encyclopedia of Pleading 
 and Practice," Vol. 8, which holds that a court may at any time 
 before closing of term at which judgment is rendered grant a 
 new trial or modify or correct his findings. 
 
 No one questions that this is law, but the fact that a court 
 may modify or change or set aside a judgment during a term 
 •does not mean that a judgment already rendered is not in full 
 force and effect until modified or set aside. 
 
 They also cite "Encyclopedia of Pleadings and Practice," Vol. 
 11, which declares that the DECISION or FINDING of a court, 
 referee or committee does not constitute a judgment, but merely 
 forms a basis upon which the judgment is subsequently to be 
 rendered. 
 
 Wliat relation this can have to the language used by Judge 
 Hanecy this court is unable to discover. 
 
 They also cite the case of Fisliback vs. The State, 131 Ind., 
 313, in which the court declares : 
 
 "But as to the pendency of the action, it may be said that 
 its pendency does not terminate with the return of the verdict of 
 the jury or the rendition of the judgment, but may be said to be 
 pending while it remains in fieri, for after judgment the parties 
 are still in court for certain purposes. A motion for a new trial 
 may be made and a new trial granted without additional notice." 
 
 This may all be true, and is true, of any case until it is finally 
 disposed of, but a final order or judgment rendered during the term 
 remains a final order of judgment until it is set aside or modified. 
 
 In the case of Martin vs. Earnhardt, 39 Illinois, 9, it is simply 
 held that an entry made on the clerk's docket, which reads as 
 follows: "Judgment entered upon verdict for $3,000 and costs," 
 is not an entry of a judgment. 
 
 The case of Edwards vs. Evans, 61 111., 493, is a case in which 
 the court declared: 
 
 "From the record in this case there has never been a trial 
 upon the merits, and we are now asked to affirm the judgment on 
 account of the decision between the same parties in Evans vs. 
 Edwards, 26 111., 279. * * * The supposed judgment at the 
 June term, 1862, of the court below was no judgment. It was 
 never entered upon the record. There was only a verdict and an 
 order of the judge upon his docket." 
 
 In other words, there was no proof on the docket or otherwise 
 that a judgment had in fact been rendered. This case is wholly 
 irrelevant to the issues in the case at bar. 
 
DUNNE JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 35 
 
 In Hanson vs. Schlesinger, 125 111., 230, the Court held, which 
 is undoubtedly the law, that: 
 
 "During the term of a court all proceedings rest in the breast 
 of the judge, and he can amend the record according to the facts 
 within his own knowledge." 
 
 No one disputes this is the law, but what bearing or applica- 
 tion can it have upon the question as to whether or not a judg- 
 ment once rendered continues to be a judgment until changed or 
 modified ? 
 
 In the case of Stift vs. Kurtenback, 85 111. App., 38, the court 
 holds to the same effect, to-wit: That they (the court) can amend, 
 alter, change or modify its records at any time within the term. 
 
 These are the only authorities upon which counsel for respond- 
 ents seem to rely with reference to the question as to whether or 
 not the language used by Judge Hanecy on the 28th of October, 
 1901, amounted to a rendition of a judgment. 
 
 This language, as we have seen, was understood as a final 
 order by all the representatives of newspapers present. It was 
 also so understood by the attorneys of record in the case, for they 
 at once preserved an exception and prayed an appeal. Does not 
 the language used clearly indicate that the court entered a final 
 order in the case? 
 
 The present tense is used. The orders to be set aside are 
 designated and the information itself declared, in the present tense, 
 to be dismissed. The court uses the language twice, on both oc- 
 casions using the present tense, making complete disposition of the 
 motion and complete disposition of the suit itself. 
 
 It is true that one of the counsel declared that he would pre- 
 pare a formal order. In other words, an order putting in form the 
 judgment rendered. Permission was not given to do even that. The 
 court, in response to the suggestion, stated, "submit IT to the other 
 side." No directions were given to the clerk not to enter on the 
 record the judgment of the court, and it was his, the clerk's min- 
 isterial duty, to enter the decision as announced. 
 
 As this court understands the language, it was a plain, clear, 
 concise and plenary disposition of the case. 
 
 But it is contended by counsel for the respondents, that even 
 if it were a final order of the court, the court had a right to change 
 it at any time during the term, and that it was therefore in fieri 
 and pending. 
 
 They seem to rely almost solely upon the authority of Fishback 
 vs. State, 131 Ind., 313, hereinbefore quoted. 
 
 The language of that opinion hereinbefore quoted was used in 
 a case in which a newspaper had published a certain article reflect- 
 ing upon the credit of a grand jury, and tending to bring them 
 into disrepute and to embarrass and interrupt a legitimate investi- 
 
36 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 gation by them as to the commission of a crime at any time during 
 their session. As applied to the facts in that case it may have had 
 some relevance, but if it be held that an individual or a newspaper 
 cannot comment upon the decision of a court, at any time while 
 a case is pending in court, even though the final order has been 
 entered, without exposing the person so commenting to prosecu- 
 tion for contempt of court, it wall amount to a suppression of free 
 jspeech and of free press in relation to all judicial proceedings. 
 
 The concluding sentences of the Storey opinion, in which a 
 sitting grand jury was libeled, practically abolishes the law of con- 
 structive contempt in the State of Illinois. 
 
 In speaking of the clause of the Illinois Constitution relating to 
 free speech and a free press, the court declares : 
 
 "THIS LANGUAGE, PLAIN AND EXPLICIT AS IT IS, 
 CANNOT BE HELD TO HAVE NO APPLICATION TO THE 
 COURTS. * * * 
 
 "WHEN IT IS CONCEDED THAT THE GUARANTY OF 
 THIS CLAUSE OF THE CONSTITUTION EXTENDS TO 
 WORDS SPOKEN OR PUBLISHED IN REGARD TO JUDI- 
 CIAL CONDUCT OR CHARACTER IT WOULD SEEM NECES- 
 SARILY TO FOLLOW THAT THE DEPENDANT (Storey) 
 HAS A RIGHT TO MAKE A DEFENSE WHICH CAN ONLY 
 BE PROPERLY DECIDED BY A JURY, AND WHICH THE 
 JUDGE OF A COURT, ESPECIALLY IF HE IS HIMSELF 
 THE SUBJECT OF THE PUBLICATION, IS UNFITTED TO 
 TRY. 
 
 "Entertaining these views, the judgment of the court below 
 must be reversed and the respondent discharged." 
 
 But even if any trace of the law of constructive contempt be 
 left in the State of Illinois under the views enunciated by the 
 Supreme Court in the Wilson case, which was decided three years 
 before the Storey case by a bare majority of the court, after the 
 respondent had failed and refused to offer any argument or submit 
 any brief — the law of which has been assailed by Wharton in his 
 great work on criminal law — such trace of the former law of con- 
 structive contempt is confined to w^ords spoken or published con- 
 cerning a judge before whom a case is PENDING. 
 
 What is the meaning of the word "pending," as used in the 
 Wilson case and referred to in the Storey case ? 
 
 Counsel for relators contend that a "pending" case means a 
 case on trial or under consideration by the particular judge whose 
 conduct is the subject of criticism. Counsel for respondents contend 
 that it means a case which is in any way under the control of such 
 judge, even after a final order has been entered by such judge 
 therein. All cases are in that condition during the term. 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 37 
 
 Under the first construction a person or a newspaper could 
 lawfully criticise a final order rendered by a judge or court imme- 
 diately after its rendition, without committing contempt of court. 
 Under the latter construction no man or newspaper could criticise 
 a final order entered until the end of the term, wdiich in the 
 courts of Cook County lasts one month. In the case of the Supreme 
 and Appellate Courts the terms last two and six months, re- 
 spectively. 
 
 To give the word "pending" the first construction would be to 
 render the constitutional provision that "Every person may freely 
 speak, write or publish on all subjects, being responsible for the 
 abuse of that liberty, ' ' effective and of benefit to the community. 
 
 To give the word the latter construction would make this pro- 
 vision of the Constitution a mere jumble of words without force 
 or effect in the community, VERBA PRAETEREA NIL. 
 
 To give the word the former interpretation would enable the 
 public to discuss living questions arising in the courts. To give 
 it the latter would confine the public to the consideration of what 
 is flat, stale and unprofitable. 
 
 The occupation of a journalist in connection with court pro- 
 ceedings would be gone. His place would be taken by the historian. 
 
 This court has no hesitation in giving the word the construc- 
 tion which is natural and not forced ; which is reasonable and not 
 unreasonable ; which is in consonance with modern progress, and 
 the letter and spirit of the Supreme law of the State and the Bill 
 of Rights. 
 
 Giving the word this construction a "PENDING" CASE 
 MEANS SIMPLY A CASE ON TRIAL BEFORE OR UNDER 
 CONSIDERATION BY A CERTAIN JUDGE. 
 
 In the case under consideration the quo warranto proceedings 
 before Judge Hanecy were "pending" while it was on trial be- 
 fore him or under consideration by him. When he rendered his 
 opinion and then uttered the words : 
 
 "The order of August 9, 1901, is set aside and the petition 
 for leave for filing information, etc., and the information are dis- 
 missed, ' ' he entered a final order and the cause was not ' ' pending ' ' 
 before him. This order could have been set aside or modified by 
 Judge Hanecy during the term, but nevertheless until it was so 
 set aside or modified it was a final order. 
 
 NO MORE EFFECTIVE WAY CAN BE CONCEIVED OF 
 SUPPRESSING FREE SPEECH AND FREE PRESS IN RE- 
 LATION TO PROCEEDINGS IN COURT THAN BY THE 
 COURTS SUSTAINING THIS EXTRAORDINARY CONTEN- 
 TION ADVANCED BY COUNSEL FOR RESPONDENTS. 
 
38 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 In the case under consideration three weeks elapsed between 
 October 28, 1901, when Judge Hanecy's decision was rendered, and 
 the end of the October term. 
 
 Under the contention of counsel for the respondents no ad- 
 verse comment upon that case could have been made until three 
 weeks after its rendition. This court cannot accept or put in 
 force by legal construction such an extraordinary contention. 
 
 PUBLIC OFFICIALS, EXECUTIVE, LEGISLATIVE AND 
 JUDICIAL, HAVE ALWAYS BEEN AND ALWAYS AYILL BE 
 SUBJECT TO CRITICISM BECAUSE OF THEIR OFFICIAL 
 ACTS. IT IS ONE OF THE INCIDENTS AND BURDENS 
 OF A PUBLIC LIFE. 
 
 If the criticism be just it will commend itself to the public 
 and be effective for good. If it be unjust and unfair it will fail 
 to injure the man assailed. 
 
 TJIERE IS NO GOOD REASON WHY A JUDGE SHOULD 
 HAVE A DIFFERENT LAW APPLIED TO HIM THAN IS 
 Al'PLIED TO A PRESIDENT, A GOVERNOR OR A MEMBER 
 OF THE LEGISLATURE. 
 
 Editorial lawyers who gather their law from the circulation 
 department or the counting room, have differed and will continue 
 to differ with judges who obtain their law and inspiration from 
 law books and legal precedents. But there is no good reason why, 
 after the judge has given his exposition of the law and disposed 
 of the case before him, SUCH AN EDITORIAL LAAYYER may 
 not decide the same case to suit himself. It is only Avhen he fore- 
 stalls the judge with his opinion, and endeavors in his paper to 
 coerce, intimidate, terrorize, wheedle or cajole the judge into 
 agreeing with his newspaper law, that his conduct by any pos- 
 sible construction of the Illinois decisions can become contempt 
 of court. 
 
 It is not without some reluctance that I feel constrained to 
 differ so radically with the able and honorable jurist whose order 
 has committed the relators to jail, because of the undeserved as- 
 sault upon him, and because of my respect and friendship for him. 
 But such considerations must give way before the vital principle 
 involved in the protection of free speech and a free press, a prin- 
 ciple so important that it has been carefully and zealously 
 guarded by the Constitution of our State and the Constitution of 
 the United States and the well considered decisions of our own 
 Supreme Court. 
 
 I am clearly of the opinion that the language used in open 
 court by Judge Hanecy on October 28, 1901, amounted to a final 
 order disposing of the case under consideration, and that being 
 a final order, under the doctrine of "Contempts," as laid down 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 39 
 
 in this State by our Supreme Court in Storey vs. The People, 
 that the relators had a right to comment and criticise that decision, 
 even to the extent of libelling the honored and respected judge who 
 rendered the opinion, without exposing themselves to prosecution 
 for contempt of court. 
 
 Such being the views of the court, and the court being of 
 the opinion that upon the undisputed facts in the case, the re- 
 lators, under the authority of Storey vs. The People and the other 
 authorities cited, did not commit a contempt of court, the relators 
 must be discharged, and it is so ordered. 
 
40 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 DECISIONS IN IMPORTANT JUDICIAL 
 
 CASES. 
 
 [During his term of service as Judge of the Circuit and 
 Criminal Courts of Cook County, Judge Dunne was called upo'n 
 to try and decide many important cases, involving often the public 
 interest and grave questions of public policy. 
 
 A number of such decisions have been condensed for publica- 
 tion in this volume and will be found on the following pages.] 
 
 RESTRICTIONS BY THE STATE UPON INTERSTATE 
 COMMERCE. 
 
 Act making it the duty of railroad corporations to weigh grain 
 shipped into counties of the third class (Cook County) or into cities of 
 50,000 or more inhabitants held to violate Clause 3, Section 8, Article I 
 of the Constitution of the United States regarding interstate commerce 
 when foreign shipments are involved. 
 
 An action of debt to recover penalties for the violation of 
 sections 192 and 193 of the Railroad and Warehouse Act was 
 brought by the people against the Lake Shore and Michigan South- 
 ern Railway Company, in which Francis A. Riddle represented the 
 people and Gardner and MacFadon represented the defendants. 
 The matter came on for decision in January, 1893, before Edward 
 F. Dunne, as circuit judge. 
 
 STATEMENT OF. THE CASE. 
 
 Section 192 of the Railroad and "Warehouse Act provided that 
 in all counties of the third class and in all cities having not less 
 than 50,000 inhabitants where bulk grain, mill stuifs, or seeds are 
 delivered by any railroad transporting the same from initial points 
 to another road for transportation to other points, such road or 
 roads receiving the same shall provide suitable appliances for un- 
 loading, weighing, and transferring such property from one car 
 to another without mixing or in any way changing the identity 
 of the property so transferred and such property shall be accu- 
 rately Aveighed in suitably covered hopper scales which will de- 
 termine actual net weight * * * which weights shall always 
 be given in the receipts or bills of lading and used as the basis of 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 41 
 
 any freight contracts affecting such shipments * * *". Sec- 
 tion 193 of the same act provided * * * "2. The practice of 
 loading grain, mill stuffs, or seeds into foreign or connecting line 
 cars at the initial point for which the grain, mill stuffs, or seeds 
 are originally shipped or the running of the original car through 
 without transfer shall not relieve the railroad * * * from 
 
 weighing and transporting such property in the manner aforesaid 
 
 * * * " 
 
 By section 195 a penalty for failure to comply with the pro- 
 visions of the law of not less than one hundred nor more than five 
 hundred dollars w^as provided "to be recovered in an action of 
 assumpsit in the name of the People of the State of Illinois for 
 the use of the county in which such act or acts of neglect or re- 
 fusal shall occur." 
 
 A carload of rye was delivered to the Chicago, Kock Island 
 & Pacific Railway Company at Iowa City, Iowa, consigned to 
 William H. Beebe & Company, at Keermoor, Clearfield County, 
 in the state of Pennsylvania. The rye passed through Chicago 
 and Beebe & Company demanded a certificate of the railway 
 company, under sections 192 and 193 above referred to, showing 
 the correct weight as disclosed by weighing the same in Chicago, 
 according to tlie statute. The railroad company refused the cer- 
 tificate and the suit was brought to recover the penalty provided 
 for in section 195. 
 
 SUBSTANCE OF THE OPINION BY JUDGE DUNNE. 
 
 SUIT NOT BROUGHT IN COMPLIANCE WITH STATUTE. 
 
 As a matter of form the action is faulty, first because not 
 brought for the use of the county where the original default and 
 refusal to comply with the statute took place as required by the 
 statute ; second, it is not shown that the defendant company failed 
 to provide suitable appliances for unloading, weighing, and trans- 
 ferring the rye in question, as provided by the statute. Section 
 194 provides that there must be a failure to comply with all of 
 the requirements of sections 192 and 193. 
 
 ACT CONTRAVENES INTERSTATE COMMERCE CLAUSE OF THE CONSTITU- 
 TION OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 Clause 3, section 8, of article I of the Constitution of the 
 United States declares that the Congress of the United States shall 
 have power "to regulate commerce with foreign nations and 
 among the several states and with the Indian tribes." 
 
 I am of the opinion that the act in question is in contraven- 
 tion of that clause of the Constitution and also of the interstate 
 
42 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 commerce act passed by Congress so far as it applies to or affects 
 goods and merchandise being shipped from other states through 
 the State of Illinois to other states of the United States. 
 
 Section 7 of the interstate commerce act which went into 
 effect in 1887, a few months before the act of the Illinois Legis- 
 lature in question, provides "that it shall be unlawful for any 
 common carrier subject to the provisions of this act to enter into 
 any combination, contract, or agreement, express or implied, to 
 prevent by carriage in different cars or by other means or devices 
 the carriage of freight from being continuous from place of ship- 
 ment to the place of destination." 
 
 This provision of the interstate commerce act plainly indi- 
 cates that it is the policy of the Federal Government to further 
 and protect in every possible way the continuous shipment of 
 merchandise without check or hindrance. 
 
 Even before the passage of the interstate commerce act the 
 Supreme Court of the United States, in the case of Wabash, etc., 
 V. Illinois, 118 U. S., 557, 572, declared that the right of continuous 
 transportation from one end of the country to the other is essen- 
 tial, in the following language: "It can not be too strongly in- 
 sisted upon that the right of continuous transportation from one 
 end of the country to the other is essential in modern times to that 
 freedom of commerce from the restraints which the State might 
 choose to impose upon it that the commerce clause was intended 
 to secure. This clause, giving to Congress the power to regulate 
 commerce among the states and with foreign nations, as this court 
 has said before, was among the most important of the subjects 
 which prompted the formation of the Constitution. Cook v. 
 Pa., 97 U. S., 566, 574; Brown v. Md., 12 Wheaton, 419, 446. 
 
 It thus appears not only from the language of the interstate 
 commerce act, but from the construction placed by State and 
 Federal Courts upon the intent and aim of the provision of the 
 Federal Constitution, that the policy of the Federal Government 
 has always been in favor of continuous and unobstructive trans- 
 mission of property and passengers between the states. Such 
 being the plain provision of the Federal Constitution and Federal 
 enactments, how can it be claimed that any state legislation 
 which compels the unloading, separate weighing, and reloading 
 of grain can be held to be constitutional? 
 
 Celerity in the transportation of passengers and freight is 
 now imperatively demanded by the business of the country. Every 
 impediment thereto is a burden upon commerce. State statutes 
 producing such results are, under the authorities cited, clearly 
 in conflict with the Constitution of the United States. Subjects 
 of legislation of this character which are in their nature national 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 43 
 
 affect the whole country aud confined by the Constitution to the 
 general Government, are exclusively within the legislative control 
 of Congress." Council Bluffs v. K. C. St. J. and C. B. R. R. Co., 
 45 Iowa, 349. 
 
 The position I have taken in this matter is, I believe, abund- 
 antly sustained by the following among authorities: County of 
 Mobile V. Kimball, 102 U. S., 691-702; Wilton v. Mo., 91 U. S., 
 275, 280; Original Package Case, 135 U. S., 108; Wabash, etc.. 
 Railway Co. v. Illinois, 118 U. S., 577. 
 
 In the case of Stanley v. Wabash, St. L. and P. R. R. Co., 42 
 American and England Railroad cases, 328, the Supreme Court of 
 Missouri held that "a statute requiring a railroad company to 
 furnish double-deck cars for transporting sheep was unconstitu- 
 tional as to an interstate shipment. ' ' 
 
 In H. and St. J. R. R. Co. v. Huston, 95 U. S., 473, a statute 
 of Missouri prohibiting the entry of Texas cattle at certain times 
 of the year was held bad as being in violation of the commerce 
 provision of the Constitution. 
 
 In Norfolk and W. R. Co. v. Commonwealth (Va.), 13 South- 
 eastern, 345, the court held that a statute of the state of Virginia 
 prohibiting the running of freight trains within certain hours on 
 Sunday was bad, as being in conflict with the commerce provision 
 of the Constitution of the United States. 
 
 SUNDAY CLOSING OF THE WORLD'S FAIR. 
 
 World's Columbian Exposition. Statute autiiorizing Park Board to 
 grant use of Jackson Park to World's Columbian Exposition Company for 
 the Exposition held valid and a regulation closing the fair grounds estab- 
 lished upon said park on Sunday held within the power of the company. 
 
 A suit was brought in 1893 by one Clingman against the 
 World's Columbian Exposition and others to enjoin the closing of 
 the fair on Sunday and, upon presentation of the matter, a tem- 
 porary injunction was granted. 
 
 The hearing of the motion was assigned to Judge Goggin for 
 disposal, who insisted upon the calling in of two other judges 
 to sit en banc with him on a hearing. The judges so selected 
 were Edward F. Dunne and Theodore E. Brentano. 
 
 The hearing before the three judges was upon a motion to 
 dissolve the injunction and resulted in one of the most extraor- 
 dinary scenes ever witnessed in an American court. 
 
 Tremendous public interest developed in the case, some of the 
 citizens of Chicago contending that the exposition should be com- 
 pelled to remain open on Sunday and others contending that it 
 should be closed. Chiefly because of financial reasons the di- 
 rectors of the exposition, thinking it would prove unremunerative 
 
44 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 to keep open, decided to close the fair on Sunday. Other reasons 
 may have contributed to the same results. 
 
 Shortly after hearing the arguments, Judge Dunne prepared 
 a written opinion based upon authorities cited by him, which he 
 submitted to his brother judges. Judge Goggin disagreed abso- 
 lutely. Judge Brentano had first disagreed with Judge Dunne's 
 opinion but afterwards, upon reflection and careful considera- 
 tion, announced his intention to concur in Judge Dunne's opinion. 
 Judge Dunne and Judge Brentano thereupon urged Judge Goggin 
 to prepare his dissenting opinion and after much delay Judge 
 Goggin announced that he would have a dissenting opinion ready 
 for the hearing on August 31, 1893. 
 
 On that date, after notice to all counsel in the case, the three 
 judges appeared upon the bench. To the amazement of his brother 
 judges, Judge Goggin failed to read a dissenting opinion but an- 
 nounced from the bench that he would enter a motion to continue 
 the case. 
 
 Judge Dunne read the opinion of the majority of the court 
 but Judge Goggin refused to abide by the opinion of his associates 
 upon the bench. 
 
 Upon request of the associate judges a conference in cham- 
 bers was held, after which all three judges resumed their seats 
 upon the bench and Judges Dunne and Brentano announced that 
 upon a conference with their associate, Judge Goggin, he had re- 
 fused to enter an order in conformity wath the majority opinion. 
 
 Upon the retirement from the court of Judges Dunne and 
 Brentano, Judge Goggin entered an order continuing the case, 
 thus preventing the disposal of a motion to dissolve the in- 
 junction. 
 
 STATEMENT OF THE CASE. 
 
 The Legislature of the State of Illinois in 1890 enacted a law 
 authorizing the South Park Commissioners to allow the use of 
 Jackson Park or any part thereof for the purposes of a World's 
 Columbian Exposition. Pursuant to this authority the Commis- 
 sioners of the South Parks passed an ordinance authorizing the 
 exposition officials to take possession of a portion of Jackson Park 
 for the purpose of holding the World's Fair. 
 
 The Exposition Company, after erecting the buildings in the 
 park, enclosed a portion of said park, erected admission gates and 
 began charging the public an admission, pursuant to the authority 
 given by the act of the Legislature and an ordinance passed by 
 the city council. 
 
 The directors of the Exposition concluded to close the Exposi- 
 tion on Sundaj^s, w^hereupon Clingman, the complainant, filed a 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 45 
 
 bill to enjoin them from so doing. A temporary injunction was 
 granted and a motion made to dissolve the same, which came on 
 for hearing on August 31, 1893, before Judges Goggin, Dunne 
 and Brentano. 
 
 SUBSTANCE OF JUDGE DUNNE'S OPINION. 
 
 An Individual May IVIaintain a Suit in His Own Name to Prevent 
 the Diversion of Public Property. 
 
 It is contended on the part of defendants that an individual 
 or a mere member of the general public can not come into a court 
 of equity and claim to represent the general public, but that suit 
 must be brought by the attorney general of the State representing; 
 the public at large. 
 
 This is, undoubtedly, the law in cases where it is sought to- 
 enjoin public or municipal authorities. In this case, however, the- 
 writ is not invoked against any public authority having charge 
 or control of public property but is prayed for as against a private 
 corporation to whom was surrendered and given over a public 
 park. 
 
 The case of Davidson v. Reed, 111 111., 167, seems directly 
 in point. That was a bill in equity filed by a private individual 
 to restrain another individual from meddling or interfering with 
 certain graves in land which had been dedicated to the public 
 to be used as a place of burial of the dead. It was held that tlie 
 complainant as a private individual could maintain the bill in his 
 own name for the benefit of all. To the same effect is Maywood 
 v. Maywood, 118 111., 61. 
 
 The State May Alter the Use of Property acquired, by it, Donated 
 or Dedicated. 
 
 It is contended that the public has a usufruct in these lands 
 for their rest and recreation, which is absolutely inalienable under 
 any law or ordinance, and that any citizen, at the present time or 
 among the generations yet to come may, by an appeal to a court 
 of chancery, enjoin the diversion of these lands to use other than 
 the "recreation, health, and benefit of the public," without money 
 and without price. 
 
 Many cases are cited by learned counsel in support of this 
 contention, but in every case where a court of chancery has inter- 
 fered to prevent the diversion of lands used by the public for 
 streets, parks, or other purposes, it will be found that the fee of 
 the land so used by the public rested in some private person or 
 corporation who had dedicated it to public use by platting the 
 same or by conveying the same to the public upon a certain trust 
 
46 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 or condition. Such were the facts in the following cases : May- 
 wood Co. V. The Village of Maywood, 118 111., 61; Davidson v. 
 Reed, et al, 111 111., 167 ; the City of Jacksonville v. the Jackson- 
 ville Railway Co., 67 111., 540; Grogan v, the Town of Hay ward, 
 6 Sawyer, 498, 4 Federal, 161 ; Carter v. Chicago, 51 111., 283 ; Price 
 V. Thompson, 48 Mo., 361 ; and Sheehn v. Stothart, 29 La. Ann., 
 630. 
 
 The plain distinction between this class of cases and the case 
 at bar rests, in the opinion of this court, in the fact that in the case 
 under consideration the land acquired by the South Park Commis- 
 sioners (Jackson Park) was not donated to public use by private 
 owners, clothing it with a special use for the benefit of the public 
 and retaining the ownership of the fee in the donator or dedicator, 
 but was acquired by purchase or condemnation and paid for by 
 public taxation. 
 
 The corporation, designated by the Legislature, holds the 
 lands for the people's use, it is true, and the Legislature has de- 
 clared, when creating this corporation, for what purpose the land 
 is to be used ; but it does not follow as a matter of law that because 
 the Legislature had declared at one time a special purpose for 
 which the land was to be used, the same Legislature or any sub 
 sequent Legislature,' acting for and on behalf of the people, can 
 not by law change the use to which the land may be put. 
 
 However desirable it might be that public lands, devoted 
 to park purposes for the rest and recreation of the people in a 
 great city like Chicago should be forever sacredly devoted to that 
 purpose, the present law and Constitution are not effective to that 
 end. This desirable consummation can only be attained, in our 
 opinion, by an amendment to the Constitution. 
 
 The doctrine here alluded to is thus stated in Vol. VII, 
 American and English Encyclopedia of Law, at p. 417, "when 
 lands held by a municipality for public use are not subject to 
 any special trust, the Legislature may authorize a municipal cor- 
 poration to sell and dispose of the same or apply them to uses 
 different from those to which they are devoted, but, in the absence 
 of such authority (from a Legislature) the municipality has no 
 implied power to do so. If the title to the lands has been ac- 
 quired by condemnation proceedings, the Legislature may author- 
 ize a sale thereof, if the fee is vested in the city, although the title 
 of the city may be deemed to have been impressed with a trust to 
 hold the lands for the uses for which they were demurred. If, 
 however, the lands have been dedicated by private individuals for 
 a public park or square, the Legislature has no authority to author- 
 ize any diversion from the use to which they were originally 
 dedicated. 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 47 
 
 The rule is recognized in Brooklyn Park Commissioners v. 
 Armstrong, 45 N. Y., 234; Clark v. City of Providence, 16 R. I., 
 337, 15 AtL, 763; Mowery v. City of Providence, 16 R. I., 422, 
 16 Atl., 511 ; Chicago, Rock Island and Pacific R. R. Co. v. The 
 City of Joliet, 79 111., 25. 
 
 Dillon, in his admirable work on Municipal Corporations, 
 4th Ed., Sec. 651, lays down the law upon this subject in the fol- 
 lowing terms: "As between the municipality and general public, 
 the legislative power is, in the absence of special constitutional 
 restriction, supreme — and so it is in all cases where there are no 
 private rights involved. If the municipal corporation holds the 
 full title to the ground for public uses without restriction, the 
 Legislature may, doubtless, direct and regulate the purposes for 
 which the public may use it, but if a grant be made by a pro- 
 prietor of a town in laying it out for a specific and limited pur- 
 pose, as, for example, a public square, the municipality or public 
 acquiring it upon a trust for the uses and purposes set forth on 
 the plat or in the conveyance, it has been decided by the Supreme 
 Court of Iowa that the grantor in such case retains an interest 
 therein of such a nature that it is not as against him within the 
 
 power of the Legislature to authorize its sale by the municipality 
 
 * * * ' ' 
 
 Our own Supreme Court, in the case of People v. "Walsh, 96 
 111., 262, has recognized the right of the Legislature to control and 
 change the uses of property, the fee of which is held by or for 
 the public. In that case, the right of the South Park Commis- 
 sioners to change the use of one of the streets of the city of Chi- 
 cago to a boulevard was called into question by quo warranto and 
 in passing upon the question the court said (p. 248) : "The fee 
 of the streets is here, on both sides, stated to be in the city; that 
 is to say, the city as the agent or representative of the public 
 holds the fee for the use of the public, not the citizens of the city 
 alone but the entire public of which the Legislature is the repre- 
 sentative. Citing Chicago v. Rumsey, 87 111., 355, and on page 
 250 the court, continuing, says that : ' ' The Legislature repre- 
 sents the public. So far as concerns the public, it may authorize 
 one use today and another and different use tomorrow. If the 
 new use affects private rights, proceedings for condemnation may 
 have to be invoked, but so far as it affects the public alone, its 
 representative, in the absence of constitutional restraint, may 
 do as it pleases." 
 
 The conclusion, therefore, seems irresistible that the Legisla- 
 ture of the State of Illinois in the absence of constitutional re- 
 straint (and none appears) has plenary power to declare by leg- 
 islative enactment to what use the lands in question should be put. 
 
48 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 By virtue of the Enabling Act, the court is of opinion that the 
 World's Columbian Exposition is in lawful possession of the prop- 
 erty and had, under the ordinance referred to, the right to enclose 
 the property, to charge an admission fee on days on which it 
 may be opened and has, also, the right to close the fair grounds 
 upon the first, the last, or any other day of the week during the 
 fair ; that there is no religious question involved in the case, that 
 had the directory decided to keep the gates open every day of the 
 week, they would have full authority to do so. 
 
 STATEMENT BY JUDGE DUNNE TO THE PRESS. 
 
 After Judge Goggin had entered the order of continuance, 
 Judge Dunne was interviewed as follows : 
 
 "I was invited into a case by a brother judge and was in- 
 vited out again. Both invitations I accepted," 
 
 Such was Judge Dunne's comment on the Clingman pro- 
 ceedings, 
 
 "At the request of Judge Goggin I consented to hear argu- 
 ments on the Clingman injunction. Before a final decision was 
 rendered Judge Brentano and myself retired." ' 
 
 "How does that affect the injunction?" was asked. 
 
 "It is still in effect. I left before Judge Goggin entered the 
 final order, but am informed that it amounted to a continuance." 
 
 "Will you enter an order on the majority decision?" 
 
 "No, I am out of the case." 
 
 "And Judge Brentano?" 
 
 "He takes the same position." 
 
 "Is not the decision joined in by you and Judge Brentano 
 binding on Judge Goggin?" 
 
 "Judge Goggin is the presiding judge and we are out of the 
 case. His orders m411 stand. I consented to hear the case only 
 after urgent request. A motion to dissolve the injunction had 
 been made and it was desired to have two otller judges in the 
 case. A third judge of the Superior Court could not be reached 
 and I was called on. At that time I had my satchel packed 
 for a short vacation, but on the representation of counsel that 
 vast public interests were involved I consented to accept the in- 
 vitation. We heard the arguments and my decision has been 
 prepared some days. Judge Brentano concurred with me and 
 Judge Goggin dissented." 
 
 "Would not that joint decision be foundation for a final 
 order?" 
 
 "The uninterrupted course of history and precedent is that, 
 when judges are invited to participate in a case, the decision of 
 the majority is accepted as conclusive. Acting on this belief I 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 49 
 
 rendered my decision and was interrupted by Judge Goggin, 
 who attempted to enter an order. We retired for a conference 
 and Judge Brentano and I tried to prevail on Judge Goggin 
 to alter his course. He refused and announced that he desired 
 no further conference with us. We had been invited to leave 
 and did so without entering any order. We returned to the bench 
 and announced our retirement from the case. We have nothing 
 further to do with the matter." 
 
 THE CONTROL OF CORPORATIONS BY THE STATE. 
 
 Anti-Trust Laws. Held that enough of the anti-trust law of 1891 
 is legal to require a corporation to report to the Secretary of State 
 annually. 
 
 In the case of The People v. Richards & Kelley Manufactur- 
 ing Co., and fifty-six other similar cases, an action of debt was 
 filed in the Circuit Court, numbered 200,636, and following 
 numbers, to recover penalties for failure of the corporation de- 
 fendants to report to the Secretary of State. 
 
 By the pleadings, the defendants admitted failure to report 
 and relied upon a claim of unconstitutionality of the act requiring 
 the reports. 
 
 The case being considered of extraordinary importance, it 
 was requested that three judges sit for the determination thereof, 
 and Judges Arba N. Waterman, Murray F. Tuley and Edward 
 F. Dunne heard the case on demurrer and rendered an opinion. 
 Charles S. Deneen as State's Attorney, represented the people and 
 Levy Mayer represented the defendants. 
 
 STATEMENT OF THE CASE. 
 
 Section 1 of the act in question forbade combinations of Cor- 
 porations or individuals to regulate or fix the price of any article 
 of merchandise or to limit the quantity of commodities and mer- 
 chandise to be manufactured, mined, produced, or sold, and pro- 
 vided that any person, partnership, or corporation violating the 
 law would be deemed guilty of a conspiracy to defraud and sub- 
 ject to indictment and punishment, as provided by the act. 
 
 The act of 1891 was amended in 1893 by adding two new 
 sections, known as section 7a and 7b. Section 7a provided that 
 it shall be the duty of the Secretary of State, on or before the 
 first day of September of each year, to address to the President, 
 Secretary, or Treasurer of each incorporated company doing busi- 
 ness in this State * * * a letter of inquiry as to whether 
 the said corporation has all or any part of its business or interest 
 in or with any trust, combination or association of persons or 
 stockholders, as named in the preceding provisions of this act. 
 
50 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 and to require au answer under oath, of the President, Secretary, 
 or Treasurer, or any director of said company * * * and 
 upon refusal or failure to make oath to said inquiry within thirty 
 days, it shall be the duty of the Secretary of State to certify the 
 fact to the Attorney General, whose duty it shall be to direct the 
 State's Attorney of the county wherein such corporation is 
 located, in the name of the people, to proceed against such cor- 
 poration for the recovery of a penalty of $50.00 for each day 
 after such refusal to make oath, within thirty days from the 
 mailing of such notice. 
 
 Or, that the Attorney General may by any proper proceedings 
 in a court of law or chancery proceed upon such failure or re- 
 fusal to forfeit such charter of such incorporated company * * * 
 and to revoke the rights of any foreign corporation located here- 
 in to do business in this State. 
 
 Section 7b in substance provided that the Secretary of State, 
 at any time, if satisfactory evidence came to him, that any com- 
 pany or association of persons has entered into any trust, com- 
 bination, or association in violation of the preceding section, to 
 demand that it shall make an affidavit, as above set forth. 
 
 Section 7a contained a saving clause, as follows: "Provided, 
 that no corporation, firm, association, or individual shall be subject 
 in any criminal prosecution by reason of anything truthfully 
 disclosed by the affidavit required by this act, or truthfully dis- 
 closed in any testimony elicited in the execution thereof, and 
 provided, further, that corporations organized under the Build- 
 ing, Loan and Homestead Association laws of this State, ore ex- 
 cused from the provisions of this act." 
 
 In 1897 the act of 1891 was again amended by adding to 
 section 1 the following proviso: "Provided, however, that in 
 the mining, manufacturing, or production of articles of merchan- 
 dise, the cost of which is mainly made up of wages, it shall not 
 be unlawful for persons, firms, or corporations doing business in 
 this State to enter into a joint arrangement of any sort, the prin- 
 cipal object or effect of w^hich is to maintain or increase wages." 
 
 The Legislature at its session in 1893 passed an act entitled : 
 "An act to define trusts and conspiracies against trade," which 
 declared contracts in violation of the provisions thereof void, 
 making certain violations misdemeanors and describing the pun- 
 ishment therefor. 
 
 SUBSTANCE OF THE OPINION BY THE COURT. 
 
 The demurrer to the declaration in this case raises the ques- 
 tion of the constitutionality of the Trust Act of 1891, as amended 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 51 
 
 by the acts of 1893 and of 1897, respectively, and as to whether 
 the Trust Act of 1893 does not repeal act of 1891. 
 
 NO REPEAL EFFECTED. 
 
 That the Legislature did not intend to repeal the act of 1891 
 by the enactment of the law of 1893 defining "trusts and con- 
 spiracies against trade" is made manifest by the fact that at the 
 same session, on the same day, the act of 1891 was amended by 
 adding Sections 7a and 7b, and by the further fact that the Leg- 
 islature of 1897 again amended the act of 1891, at both times, 
 treating the act of 1891 as being in full force and effect. 
 
 We see no difficulty in construing the act of 1891, as amend- 
 ed, and the act of 1893, defining trusts and conspiracies, so that 
 they can both stand, and are of opinion that there is no fatal 
 repugnance between the two. 
 
 INVALID PORTION OF THE ACT. 
 
 Section 1 of the act of 1891, as amended in 1897, is uncon- 
 stitutional and void; first, because in its legal effect it is an 
 amendment of the general incorporation law and operates as an 
 amendment to the charters of some but not all of the corporations 
 incorporated under said general law. It is, therefore, a special 
 law prohibited by section 2, article 2, of the Constitution, which 
 prohibits the creation, change, or amendment, by special law, 
 of the charter of any corporation excepting those for charitable, 
 educational, penal, or reformatory purposes. The Supreme Court 
 has held that the power to prescribe regulations and provisions 
 which shall be binding upon any and all corporations formed 
 under the general law must be exercised by general law and can- 
 not be exercised by special law. 
 
 Braceville Coal Co. vs. People, 147 111., 66. 
 
 The Legislature has power to classify corporations and to 
 determine what is a proper classification for such purpos'^s, but 
 its determination is subject to review by the courts. 
 Frorer vs. People, 141 111., 171. 
 
 And is subject to the limitation that such classification must 
 not arbitrarily discriminate between corporations in substantially 
 the same situation and must rest upon reasonable grounds. Arbi- 
 trary selection cannot be justified by calling it classification. 
 Gulf C. & S. F. R. R. vs. Eniiis, 165 U. S., 150. 
 
 Section 1, by attempting to separate certain mining and man- 
 ufacturing corporations from others and to withdraw them from 
 the operation of the act, clearly discriminates arbitrarily. Legis- 
 lation of this character making arbitrary classifications and dis- 
 
52 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 criminations between persons or classes, has been repeatedly held 
 to be in violation of section 2, article 1 of the State Constitution, 
 which provides that "no person shall be deprived of life, liberty, 
 or property without due process of law." The words "due pro- 
 cess of law^" in this connection are held to be synonymous with 
 the law of the land and means the general public law, binding 
 upon all the members of the community, under all circumstances, 
 and not partial or private laws affecting the rights of private in- 
 dividuals or classes of individuals. 
 
 Millet vs. The People, 117 111., 294. 
 
 Frorer vs. People, 41 111., 171. 
 In the case of Frorer vs. People, supra, the Supreme Court 
 said of the law^ and the construction in that case: "The same act 
 in substance and in principle, if done by one is lawful, but if 
 done by the other is not only unlawful but is a misdemeanor, 
 punishable by fine," and for that reason the court held the law 
 unconstitutional. In the same case the court held that "under 
 the guise of the police power, a person cannot be deprived of a 
 constitutional right," and that "it is impossible that under that 
 power what is lawful if done by A, if done by B, can be a mis- 
 demeanor, the circumstances and conditions being the same." 
 Other decisions to the same effect are : 
 
 Braceville Coal Co. vs. People, 147 111., 66. 
 
 Ritchie vs. People, 155 111., 98. 
 
 Eden vs. People, 161 111., 296. 
 Such a law violates the fourteenth amendment to the Federal 
 Constitution, which prohibits a state from denying "to anj^ per- 
 son equal protection of the laws." 
 
 Gulf C. & S. F. R. R. vs. Ennis, 165 U. S., 150. 
 
 In re Converse, 137 U. S., 634. 
 
 Low vs. Rees Printing Co, 41 Neb., 127, 59 N. W., 362. 
 
 Luman vs. Kitchens, 90 Md., 14, 44 Atl., 1051. 
 Two of the judges are of the opinion that section 1 must be 
 held to have been amended by the act of 1897, and that as amend- 
 ed, it must be held unconstitutional and void, for the reasons 
 above stated. The other of the three judges held that the ques- 
 tion as to whether section 1 of the act of 1891 is still in force, 
 is not necessary to a decision in this case ; that all the virus 
 of unconstitutionality of the Trust Act is to be found in the pro- 
 viso added to section 1 by the amendment of 1897 and quoted 
 above, and that section 1 may be preserved by holding the entire 
 amendatory act of 1897 unconstitutional and void, or, that the 
 proviso may be rejected because repugnant to the purview of the 
 act or section and cannot stand without rendering the act or 
 section unconstitutional and destructive of itself. The result 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 53 
 
 would be the same in either case — that part of the law which 
 is not obnoxious to the Constitution stands, while that part which 
 infringes it is repealed. 
 
 The judges concur in the opinion that the exemption of the 
 Loan and Homestead Association, contained in the proviso of 
 section 7b in the amendment of 1893, does not affect the validity 
 of the act of 1891, as; amended by the amendment of 1893. Loan 
 and Homestead Associations are a class to themselves, different 
 in many particulars from all other corporations. As to them, 
 the exemption and classification is not arbitrary and was within 
 the power of the Legislature. 
 
 Lasher vs. The People, 183 111., 226. 
 
 VALID PROVISIONS OF THE ACT. 
 
 It is contended by the defendants that the amendment made 
 in 1893 — section 7a, providing for reports to the Secretary of 
 State, violates section 10, article 2 of the State Constitution, 
 which provides that "no person shall be compelled in any crim- 
 inal case to give evidence against himself," and the fifth amend- 
 ment to the Federal Constitution, "nor shall any person be com- 
 pelled in any criminal case to give evidence or be a witness against 
 himself." 
 
 There can be no doubt under the authorities as to the cor- 
 rectness of this provision, unless the clause of the act granting 
 immunity is broad enough to prevent any prosecution for pen- 
 alties or forfeitures in any proceeding in law or equity founded 
 upon or growing out of disclosures made by the affidavit re- 
 quired by section 7a. The immunity clause of the statute is in 
 the following language: "No corporation, firm, association, or 
 individual shall be subject to any criminal prosecution by reason 
 of anything truthfully disclosed by the affidavit required by this 
 act or truthfully disclosed in any testimony elicited in the exe- 
 cution thereof." 
 
 In our opinion, this clause is broad enough to protect the 
 corporation and officer or officers making the affidavit, not only 
 against any criminal prosecution, strictly speaking, but also 
 against any prosecution to collect any fine or against any action 
 of debt to recover any penalty or against any proceeding at law 
 or in equity to enforce a forfeiture of the charter of the corpora- 
 tion, which may be brought by reason of anything truthfully dis- 
 closed in the affidavit required in the act or disclosed in any 
 testimony elicited in the execution thereof. * * * if com- 
 plete immunity is afforded corporation and its officers, we can 
 see no reason why under the power reserved by the State in sec- 
 
54 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 tion 9 of the Corporation Act, the Legislature cannot prescribe 
 in the exercise of the police power, a regulation requiring cor- 
 porations to make the reports called for by section 7a of this 
 act. Because one section of the Statute is unconstitutional, it 
 does not follow that other sections of the same act which are 
 within the powers given by the Constitution, should not be en- 
 forced. 
 
 Nelson vs. People, 33 111., 390. 
 Donnersberger vs. Prendergast, 128 111., 229. 
 
 The General Assembly may impose the duty upon any officer 
 of a corporation to make report of its affairs and doings to the 
 same extent it could impose such duty upon the corporation and 
 may make the corporation liable for the failure of such official 
 to perform such duty. 
 
 For the purposes of this decision, it is sufficient to hold that 
 section 7a (of the amendment of 1893), which imposes the duty 
 upon certain officials to make answer to the letter of inquiry 
 of the Secretary of State remains in force and that the action 
 of debt will lie to enforce the penalty prescribed for a failure to 
 perform such duty. 
 
 PAYMENT FOR OVERTIME. 
 
 Labor. Held, that recovery may be had for labor performed after 
 hours, where the contract of employment fixed the hours of employment, 
 and that the receipt of regular pay for regular employment will not pre- 
 vent such recovery. 
 
 Tried in the Circuit Court of Cook County and decided by 
 Judge Dunne in May, 1899. 
 
 STATEMENT OF THE CASE. 
 
 One Reid contracted with Levi to work for him as a sales- 
 man and stockman, under an agreement in which the hours of em- 
 ployment were fixed ''from a quarter before eight to half past 
 six, except on Saturdays, when the store would be kept open 
 until half past ten." 
 
 By direction of the employer, Reid performed a great deal 
 of night work, sometimes working all night. 
 
 He was paid weekly, as per contract, and nothing was said 
 at the time of receiving payment by either party as to compen- 
 sation for night work until after several months had elapsed. 
 Finally a dispute having arisen between Reid and his employer 
 relating to the time of taking a vacation, the employer tendered 
 Reid his last week's pay and demanded a receipt in full. Reid, 
 thereupon, presented his claim for extra labor and demanded 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 55 
 
 payment. The employer refused to pay and disclaimed liability 
 for the overtime and Reid brought this suit. 
 
 Reid kept an accurate account of the overtime and testified 
 definitely thereto at the trial, and the jury gave him a verdict, 
 whereupon the employer asked the court to grant a new trial. 
 Upon the motion for a new trial, Judge Dunne rendered an 
 opinion. 
 
 SUBSTANCE OF THE OPINION. 
 Employments Distinguished. 
 
 The defense relies upon the principles stated in Wood, on 
 Master and Servant, to the effect that " if a servant employed for 
 a term is required to labor an unreasonable number of hours each 
 day or to perform labor upon the Sabbath, he cannot recover any- 
 thing for extra work during the term unless there was an ex- 
 press promise to pay therefor." 
 
 This statement is plainly intended to apply to domestic or 
 agricultural servants, the very nature of whose employment 
 makes them liable to be called upon for assistance every day in 
 the week and any hour of the day or night. It can have no ap- 
 plication to such a case as that at bar, where a man contracted 
 to sell his labor for a certain specified sum per week in commer- 
 cial business, specifying in the contract Avhen the day's work 
 would commence and when it would close. 
 
 The court distinguished the following cases from the case 
 at bar: 
 
 Gisell vs. Noel Bros. Flour, Feed Co., 9 Ind. App., 251. 
 
 Foster vs. Grigg, 111 Mich., 264. , 
 
 Haverhill vs. U. S., 14 Court of Claims, 203. 
 
 Schurr vs. Savigny, 85 Mich., 144. 
 
 McCarthy vs. Mayer, 96 N. Y., 1. 
 
 Guthrie vs. Merrill, 4 Kan., 159. 
 
 Lowe vs. Marlowe, 4 111. App., 420. 
 
 No case in point from the Supreme Court of this State has 
 been cited by counsel on either side, but the view held by this 
 Court has been recognized by the Supreme Court of Maine in 
 the well considered case — Bachelder vs. Biekford, 62 Maine, 527, 
 in which the court declares "if a laborer works nights after his 
 legal (contractual) day's work is done, at the request of the em- 
 ployer and for his benefit the law implies a promise on his part 
 to pay for such labor. Acceptance of pay for the day labor is 
 no bar to recovery for the night labor. It is true that the above 
 rule is not applicable to 'monthly labor' nor to agricultural 
 employments." 
 
56 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 In the case under consideration, the plaintiff contracted to 
 perform about eleven hours labor each day, for a fixed price per 
 week. If he had contracted to deliver to his employer eleven 
 barrels of flour each day for so much per week, can it be doubted 
 that if at the request of his employer he delivered fifteen barrels 
 of flour each day per week, he could recover for the extra barrels 
 of flour so delivered? Why, then, should a different rule apply 
 to labor than to merchandise? The one is as valuable to the 
 employer and the merchant as the other. The defendant in the 
 case at bar recognized its value by docking plaintiff twenty-five 
 cents for being two minutes late. Why, then, should he not 
 compensate him for extra labor performed by him in hours out- 
 side of the hours specified in the contract? Labor is the only 
 commodity that a great portion of the community has to sell. 
 Why should not the same rule apply to it as to merchandise? 
 This court knows no reason why. 
 
 NOT CONCLUDED BY RECEIVING WEEKLY PAY. 
 
 In the case at bar, plaintiff was not informed at the time 
 he made his contract that he would be required to work over- 
 time, and never gave a receipt in full. He receipted regularly 
 for each weekly stipend, less such deductions as were made from 
 time to time as fines for being late at work, but never in full, 
 and regularly kept an accurate memoranda of his overtime in 
 anticipation of a final settlement. "Acceptance of pay for day 
 labor will be no bar to a recover}^ for night work." Bachelder 
 vs. Buckford, 62 Maine, 527. 
 
 All of the extra labor performed by plaintiff for defendant, 
 for which he seeks compensation, was performed at night and 
 without the hours specified in the contract, and after defendant's 
 store was closed, some of it for all night vigils, and the court can 
 see no just reason and recognizes no rule of law which deprives 
 him of compensation therefor. 
 
 TEACHERS AND THEIR SALARIES. 
 
 Teachers' Salaries. Held, that the Board of Education cannot reduce 
 teachers' salaries during the school year for which they are employed 
 and that the teachers did not lose their rights to the salaries contracted 
 for by signing the pay rolls and receipting for amounts paid them. 
 
 STATEMENT OF THE CASE. 
 
 In 1900, the Board of Education adopted a resolution reduc- 
 ing the salaries of the teachers in Chicago, whereupon Katherine 
 Goggin brought suit against the board to enjoin the enforcement 
 
DUNNE JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 57 
 
 of such resolution. Case "was heard before Judge Dunne, who 
 rendered the opinion therein. 
 
 SUBSTANCE OF THE OPINION. 
 Employment of Teachers is a Yearly Contract. 
 
 A resolution of the Board of Education fixing the salaries of 
 the teachers for the ensuing year, election of teachers thereafter 
 and the performance by the teachers of their work under the 
 contract constituted a valid contract between the Board of Edu- 
 cation and the teachers as to their salaries for the full school 
 year wdiich cannot be abrogated by an ex parte resolution of the 
 board thereafter during the year. 
 
 City Council Has Power to Designate Items of Appropriations. 
 
 The city council, in an ordinance appropriating part of the 
 school fund, has the power, if it so elects, to designate or specify 
 each particular item for which the fund appropriated shall be 
 used. 
 
 Signing Pay Rolls Not Accora and Satisfaction. 
 
 The fact that the teachers signed the pay rolls submitted by 
 the Board of Education for the respective months in question did 
 not constitute an accord and satisfaction so as to bar action for 
 the further amounts claimed, but amounted simply to receipts 
 for the amoimts set opposite the respective names of the signers. 
 
 Equity Favors "Diligent Creditor." 
 
 The action of the teachers through the complainant in enforc- 
 ing the payment into the public treasury by tax-avoiding quasi- 
 public corporations of the very fund in controversy by a long 
 protracted, expensive and laborious consideration constrains a 
 court of equity to recognize them as "diligent creditors" snd to 
 give them and enforce in their behalf an equitable lien upon the 
 fund in question for the payment of their debts out of the fund 
 so unearthed and produced. 
 
 THE CONTRACTUAL RELATION BETWEEN MASTER 
 AND SERVANT. 
 
 Labor. Held, that workman who has contracted with an employer 
 for his services, cannot be enjoined from abandoning such services and 
 entering into the employment of another. 
 
 Donker & Williams Company brought suit against H. G. 
 Vance, in the Circuit Court of Cook County, which came for de- 
 cision before Judge Dunne, October 2, 1900. 
 
58 DUNNE JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 Pam, Calhoun & Glennon represented the complainants, and 
 Rich & Loer represented the defendant. 
 
 STATEMENT OF THE CASE. 
 
 In their bill of complaint, the complainants alleged that "de- 
 fendant is competent, skilled and well versed in the leather goods 
 business, and competent and able to take charge of and become 
 foreman of the leather goods department of complainant's busi- 
 ness;" that "his knowledge and skill are peculiar and special 
 to himself;" that they, the complainants, cannot "find any other 
 person possessing the same peculiar skill and qualifications;"" 
 that on account of such qualifications, they employed him as fore- 
 man at a salary of $18.00 a week, in consideration of which the 
 defendant, Vance, agreed to give his whole time, skill and ex- 
 perience for a certain period and to work for no one else ; that 
 pursuant to said contract, Vance entered the company's employ- 
 ment, worked for about two years, became acquainted with the 
 names of the persons for whom complainant purchased its raw 
 material and the prices paid for same and the cost of articles 
 manufactured by complainant, and thereupon left complainant's 
 employment and is engaging in business with others in competi- 
 tion with complainant ; that complainant is absolutely unable 
 to replace the defendant, and cannot, at the present time, pro- 
 cure any other person possessed of the requisite skill and ability 
 to carry on the services agreed to be performed by the de- 
 fendant. ' ' 
 
 As the ease came before the court (on demurrer), all these 
 allegations stood admitted. 
 
 SUBSTANCE OF THE OPINION. 
 
 Specific Performance Cannot be Decreed. 
 
 At the outset it will be conceded that specific performance 
 of such a contract cannot be decreed. No court in any country 
 where the common law prevails, has ever attempted to compel one 
 man to work for another, no matter how solemnly he has con- 
 tracted so to do. It is to be hoped that many years will elapse 
 before such a decree will be entered. 
 
 A MAN MAY NOT BE ENJOINED FROM WORKING FOR ANOTHER. 
 
 Counsel for complainants contend that when a man has 
 contracted to work for one company or individual, he may be 
 enjoined from working elsewhere during the term of such con- 
 tract, and cite in support of their contention: 
 
 Hoyt vs. Fuller, 19 N. Y. S., 962. 
 
DUNNE JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 59 
 
 Duff VS. Russell, 14 N. Y. S., 134. 
 
 Canary vs. Russell, 30 N. Y. S., 122, 9 Misc., 15. 
 
 Daily vs. Smith, 49 How. Practice, 150, 38 N. Y. Sup. Ct., 158. 
 
 Hayes vs. Willis, 11 Abbott's Practice, N. S., 167. 
 
 McCaull vs. Braham, 16 Fed., 37. 
 
 All these cases, on examination, will be found to be not cases 
 between master and servant or employer and employe, providing 
 for the rendering of services which would bring the contracting 
 parties in close personal contact from day to day over a lapse of 
 time, but pure theatrical contracts providing for the production 
 of certain plays or exhibitions before the public, and in all of 
 them it would appear that large amounts of money had been ex- 
 pended in providing theatres, advertising, etc., upon the force of 
 the contracts. 
 
 Because of such expenditures and because the services con- 
 tracted for were in their very nature unique and of an extraor- 
 dinary character so that they could not be replaced, and con- 
 sequently there could be no adequate remedy at law, the court of 
 chancery has very properly intervened to prevent the contracting 
 performers from exhibiting elsewhere. There is a plain distinc- 
 tion between such cases and cases involving the relation between 
 master and servant or employer and employe. 
 
 Under similar circumstances, as admitted by all the parties 
 to this suit, the issuance of an injunction has been denied as 
 against an insurance agent in Burney vs. File, 91 Ga., 701, 71 
 S. E. 986. 
 
 As against a baseball player in Met. Ex. Co. vs. Ewing, 42 
 Fed., 198, 7 L. R. A., 381. 
 
 As against a lithographic designer in Strowbridge Litho- 
 graphic Co. vs. Crane, 20 Cir. Pro., 24, 12 N. Y. S. 834. 
 
 And as against an acrobat in Cort vs. Lassard, 18 Ore., 221, 
 22 Pac, 1054, 17 Am. St. Rep., 1054, 6 L. R. A., 653. 
 
 AGAINST PUBLIC POLICY. 
 
 In the judgment of this court it is against public i)olicy to 
 force an unwilling servant to work for his master or an unwilling 
 master to keep a servant after the relations have become strained 
 and distasteful. To force them into daily contact with each other, 
 under such circumstances, would be fraught with much more 
 evil consequences than might flow from the breach of the contract 
 of employment. Better far to leave them to their remedies at 
 law, even though inadequate, than to force association and per- 
 sonal contact between hostile and unwilling parties. 
 
60 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 VIOLATION OF THE CONSTITUTION. 
 
 It is against the spirit of the 13th amendmeut of the Con- 
 stitution of the United States, which prohibits "slavery and in- 
 voluntary servitude" within its borders. Involuntary servitude 
 in juxtaposition to the word "slavery" has a significance so 
 placed, it cannot mean the same as slavery, else it is a redundancy. 
 It must mean servitude outside of slavery. Outside of slavery 
 servitude can originate only by contract. No free man can be- 
 come the servant of another except by consent, to-wit, by con- 
 tract. Involuntary servitude can only arise, therefore, after a 
 consenting party changes his mind and becomes an unwilling 
 servant — in volens servitor. 
 
 THE INJUNCTION SOUGHT TANTAMOUNT TO A COMMAND TO 
 WORK FOR COMPLAINANT. 
 
 It may be said that there is a difference between enjoining a 
 man from working for others and compelling him to work for one 
 man in particular. In effect there is none. To say to a man, 
 "work for me or nobody," if that man be, as alleged of defendant, 
 without means, is to say "work for me or starve," such a heart- 
 less edict should not go out of a court of equity. That there 
 are cases in which courts of equity have negatively enforced 
 specific performance where it was impossible to do so by positive 
 decree, is not denied, but I have failed to find any arising ])etween 
 master and servant and employer and employe. 
 
 NOT AN EXCEPTIONAL CASE. 
 
 It is claimed that the allegation that "the knowledge and 
 skill of the defendant are peculiar and special to himself." and 
 that "complainant cannot at the present time procure any other 
 person possessed of the requisite skill and ability to conduct the 
 services agreed to be performed by defendant," places the case 
 in the same category as the theatrical cases alluded to. The court 
 is of a contrary opinion. These allegations are mere conclusions. 
 No facts are set out to sustain them. It does not appear that de- 
 fendant is acquainted with any special or secret process or gifted 
 with any special or unusual dexterity. The facts as alleged are 
 that he is a skillful and expert leather worker, thoroly competent 
 to act as foreman, and that he was employed at $18.00 a week. 
 This does not place him in the category of a prima donna, a 
 tragedienne or premier danseuse. 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 61 
 
 ASSIGNMENT OF UNEARNED WAGES. 
 
 Wages. Assignment of. Assignment of wages, due or to accrue from 
 the present or any future employers for ten years, as security for the pay- 
 ment of a usurious debt, held invalid. 
 
 In 1901 a bill was filed in the Circuit Court of Cook County 
 
 for an injunction to prevent C. F. Wenham from enforcing an 
 
 assignment of wages, executed by one Mallin, the complainant 
 
 in the bill. 
 
 STATEMENT OF THE CASE. 
 
 Mallin in June, 1898, signed and delivered to Wenham, an 
 instrument in writing, which reads as follows: "For a valuable 
 consideration to me paid * * * I do hereby transfer, assign 
 and set over to C. F. Wenham, his heirs and assigns, all salary 
 or wages due or to become due me from P. D. Armour & Co. 
 or from any other person or persons, firm, copartnership, com- 
 pany, corporation, organization or official, by whom I may now 
 or may hereafter become employed, at any time before the expira- 
 tion of ten years from date hereof." 
 
 The evidence shows that the instrument in question was 
 given to secure a loan made at usurious rates of interest. 
 
 It was further shown that Mallin filed a petition in bank- 
 ruptcy, scheduled the indebtedness he owed to Wenham, and 
 after legal notice to Wenham, obtained a discharge in bankruptcy 
 in October, 1899. 
 
 ASSIGNMENT OF WAGES DUE OR TO ACCRUE FROM PRESENT 
 EMPLOYER SUSTAINED IN SOME COURTS. 
 
 Assignments of unearned wages have been sustained in 
 courts of equity, wdieu such assignments cover wages to be earned 
 by an employe from an employer in whose employment he was 
 engaged, at the time of making the assignment. McNamara 
 vs. Coal Co., 6 Gulp Pa., 181 ; Evans vs. Kingston Coal Co., 6 
 Gulp, 351 ; Auger vs. Commercial Packing Co., 39 Conn., 536 ; 
 Hawley vs. Bristol, 39 Conn., 26 ; Manhall vs. Quinn, 1 Gray, 107 ; 
 Hartley vs. Kapling, 2 Gray, 566 ; Ouilett vs. Osairus, 124 Mass., 
 162 ; King vs. Clow, 36 Mich, 436 ; and Fair vs. Kelly, 28 Vt., 19. 
 
 ASSIGNMENT OF WAGES TO ACCRUE FROM FUTURE EMPLOYERS 
 
 NOT RECOGNIZED. 
 
 The cases above referred to, while sustaining assignments 
 of wages from present employers, hold that an assignment of 
 wages to be earned from future employer or employers, nonexist- 
 ent at the time of the assignment, cannot be sustained in law 
 or equity. 
 
62 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 ASSIGNMENT OF WAGES TO ACCRUE AGAINST PUBLIC POLICY 
 
 OF ILLINOIS. 
 
 It is undoubtedly the law that assignments of moneys not 
 due or to become due upon contracts, leases and other instru- 
 ments will be enforced as executory contracts in courts of equity 
 and when the moneys actually do fall due, a court of equity will 
 enforce the collection of the same in favor of the assignee. 
 
 In the cases above cited, no distinction is drawn between 
 moneys which would accrue in the future as wages due employes 
 and moneys falling due in other cases, nor was the question di- 
 rectly raised that an assignment of wages to be earned in future 
 was against the policy of the law in the states in which the de- 
 cisions were rendered. 
 
 The complainant here and one of the defendants. Armour & 
 Co., contend that the laws of the State of Illinois draw such a 
 distinction and that it is the policy of the State to protect the 
 wages of laborers against claims in the nature of assignments. 
 
 This policy is indicated in the facts that the revised statutes 
 of Illinois, for many years past have contained laws enacted for 
 the special purpose of securing to laborers and employes, special 
 rights in the way of collecting and preserving wages. The Gar- 
 nishment Act exempts from garnishment a certain amount of 
 wages each week. The claim of laborers and servants for wages, 
 is made a preferred claim, which must be paid in full before the 
 other debts can be paid in whole or in part. In a suit brought 
 to recover wages, an attorney's fee is allowed to the plaintiff to 
 enable him to collect the same. Wages due employes are made 
 liens under the mechanic's lien law. 
 
 All these cases plainly indicate that the policy of this State 
 is to secure to a laborer or employe, the fruits of his labor in 
 cash. 
 
 ASSIG/NMENT OF WAGES CONTRARY TO THE STATUTE. 
 
 Aside from all the acts above referred to, however, the Legis- 
 lature, in 1891, passed an act which to this court seems con- 
 clusive of the question involved in this case. Section 3 of the 
 act provides that "it shall be unlawful for any person, company, 
 corporation or association employing workmen in this State to 
 make deductions from the wages of his, its or their workmen 
 except for lawful money, checks or drafts actually advanced, 
 without discount, and except such sums as may be agreed upon 
 between emploj^er and employe, which may be deducted for hos- 
 pital or relief fund for sick or injured employes." 
 
 The aim and object of this statute was plainly to secure to 
 every employe in this State the right to collect his wages in cash. 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 63 
 
 To further secure the payment of such wages in cash, section 
 4 of the same act provides that "any deductions made from the 
 wages of any workman in this State, except as provided in section 
 3 of this act, may be recovered in any appropriate action before 
 any court of competent jurisdiction, together with such reason- 
 able attorney's fee as the court in its discretion may think proper 
 and no offset or counter claim of any kind shall be allowed in 
 such proceeding." And by section 5, the act provided that "all 
 attempts to evade or avoid the provisions of this act by contract 
 or otherwise shall be deemed a violation thereof, and for every 
 violation in addition to the severe remedy provided for in section 
 4, there shall, on conviction, be a fine imposed of not less than 
 $50.00 nor more than $200.00. 
 
 The Legislature in passing this act seemed to be actuated 
 by a resolute purpose to enforce the payment of all wages in 
 cash and to prevent in every possible way any shift or device 
 which would prevent a laborer or employe from receiving his 
 wages, when due, in cash. 
 
 If the assignment in question in this case be upheld by the 
 courts any employer or employe can evade and avoid its provis- 
 ions by giving or accepting such an assignment at any time be- 
 fore the wages are earned, and thus the object which the Legis- 
 lature was so strenuously seeking to accomplish would be 
 frustrated. 
 
 Sections 1 and 2 of the act of 1891, just referred to, applying 
 to truck stores, have been held unconstitutional in Frorer, et al, 
 vs. The People, 141 111., 171, as applying specially to mining and 
 manufacturing corporations only, but that decision in no way im- 
 pairs the force or vitality of sections 3, 4 and 5, appyling to the 
 payment of wages. 
 
 THE WAGES OF THE LABORER GIVEN SPECIAL PROTECTION BOTH 
 FOR HIS OWN BENEFIT AND THAT OF HIS FAMILY. 
 
 These statutes relating to the payment of wages are for the 
 protection not only of the laborer, but his family, and by no act 
 of his own can the wage earner waive the protection thrown 
 around his family as well as himself by the law. In Recht vs. 
 Kelly, 82 111., 147, it is held that a waiver of an exemption where 
 the same is attempted to be made by an executory contract, is 
 invalid, and will not be enforced, citing Phelps vs. Phelps, 82 
 Iowa, 545; Curtis vs. O'Brien, 20 Iowa, 376; Maxwell vs. Reid, 
 7 Wis., 583. 
 
 The Supreme Court in that case declared that the principle 
 in the cases cited is "that the exemption created by the statute 
 is as much for the benefit of the familv of the debtor as for him- 
 
64 DUXXE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERXOR 
 
 self, and for that reason he cannot, by an executory contract, 
 waive the provisions made by law for their support and mainte- 
 nance. Such contracts contravene the policy of the law, and 
 hence are inoperative and void * * * laws enacted from con- 
 siderations of public concern and to subserve the general welfare 
 cannot be abrogated by mere private agreement." Recht vs. 
 Kelly, 82 111., 147-148. 
 
 The salutary effect of such a law can be fully appreciated 
 when we consider for a moment the overreaching and outrageous 
 character of the alleged assignment introduced in evidence in this 
 cause, under which it is sought to mortgage the whole earning 
 capacity of a head of a family, for ten years, for the payment 
 of a usurious debt. 
 
 CONTRARY TO THE SPIRIT OF THE CONSTITUTION. 
 
 If a laborer or employe in this State can he permitted to 
 mortgage or assign absolutely his whole earning capacity, for ten 
 years in advance, he can be permitted upon the same principle to 
 mortgage or assign his earning capacity for life. If this be pos- 
 sible, the thirteenth amendment to the Constitution of the. United 
 States which declared that "neither slavery nor involuntary ser- 
 vitude shall exist Avithin the United States," would be practically 
 nullified. 
 
 THE DEBT DISCHARGED IN BANKRUPTCY. 
 
 The discharge in bankruptcy granted to Mallin on the 23rcl 
 day of October, 1889, is a complete discharge of his indebtedness 
 due to the defendant, Wenham, and the debt having been dis- 
 charged, the security given by the alleged assignment of wages 
 to be earned subsequent to the discharge in bankruptcy, must 
 fall to the ground. When the debt itself is discharged, a security 
 springing into existence subsequent to the discharge, by reason 
 of any prior executory contract, cannot be held for the payment 
 of the discharged debt. Thomas vs. Cohen, 7 Law Rep. (Q. B.), 
 527; Cole vs. Kernon, 7 Law Rep. (Q. B.), 534. 
 
 ENJOINING UNLAWFUL TRADE COMBINATIONS. 
 
 Trade Combinations. An agreement amongst brick makers and con- 
 tractors by which the members of the combined association shall be per- 
 mitted to purchase materials from certain persons, firms and corporations 
 only, and employ only members of the bricklayers association, held un- 
 lawful and enjoined. 
 
 In 1899 the LTnion Pressed Brick Company brought suit 
 against the Chicago Hydraulic Pressed Brick Company, et al, in 
 the Circuit Court of (^ook County, under the general number 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 6^ 
 
 196,935, asking for an injunction against the defendants to pre- 
 vent them from carrying out a trade combination. Newman, 
 Northrup & Levinson represented the complainants and Darrow, 
 Thomas & Thompson, Hemy M. Matthew^s and Gott & Robinson 
 represented the defendants. The case was heard on bill and affi- 
 davits in support thereof and demurrer to the bill and decided 
 on July 29, 1899, by Judge Dunne. 
 
 STATEMENT OF THE CASE. 
 
 The bill filed alleges that complainant, the Union Pressed 
 Brick Company, is a corporation engaged in the manufacture 
 and sale of pressed and sewer brick, having $100,000 invested 
 in its business; that in the year 1898 it sold 2,300,000 pressed 
 brick in Cook County and realized substantial profits, but that 
 on the 9th day of May, 1899, the defendants entered into a con- 
 spiracj^ to prevent the sale of any brick except that furnished by 
 the companies so conspiring, by reason of which complainant's 
 business was greatly injured and the quantity of brick sold by it 
 greatly reduced ; that the unlawful agreement entered into be- 
 tween the defendants was enforced by severe fines and penalties, 
 and included not only provisions relative to the furnishing of 
 brick, but as to the employment of journeymen stone masons and 
 brick layers; that the purpose of such agreement and conspiracy 
 was the restraint of the sale of and trade in pressed brick and 
 paving brick for building purposes, and to secure to themselves 
 a sole monopoly in the sale thereof at arbitrary, increased prices. 
 
 As the record came before the court (on demurrer), these 
 allegations stood admitted. 
 
 SUBSTANCE OF THE OPINION. 
 Agreement is Contrary to the Act of 1897. 
 
 The General Assembly of Illinois, in the year 1897, passed 
 an act making criminal, "a combination of capital, skill or acts 
 by two or more persons, firms, corporations or associations of 
 persons, for either, any or all of the following purposes : First, 
 to create or carry out restrictions in trade ; second, to increase 
 the price of merchandise or commodities; and third, to prevent 
 competition in the sale or purchase of merchandise or com- 
 modities." 
 
 It is undoubtedly true that an individual or corporation may 
 enter into a contract to sell its property, merchandise or labor 
 to certain persons and none others. It is also true that indi- 
 viduals or corporations have the right to refuse to contract with 
 other individuals or corporations, but these propositions are sub- 
 
 —3 
 
66 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 ject to this modification, that in contracting or refusing to con- 
 tract they do not commit a criminal offense. 
 
 Where the Legislature in its wisdom has seen fit to abridge 
 the right of contracting and declares that certain contracts are 
 criminal offenses, then such contracts or combinations are with- 
 out the pale of the law and instead of being sustained and carried 
 cut by the courts, must receive their condemnation. 
 
 Can it be doubted, if the defendants in the case at bar have 
 entered into the arrangements set out in the complainant's bill, 
 that the aim would be to restrict trade to increase the price of 
 pressed and paving bricks and prevent competition in the sale 
 thereof? 
 
 PARTY IN INTEREST MAY SUE WHERE DAMAGED AND WHERE 
 THE REMEDY AT LAW IS INADEQUATE. 
 
 The defendants contend that even if the combination com- 
 plained of is a criminal offense, that no individual has the right 
 to enforce the law. 
 
 True, a court of equity should not in general enjoin crime 
 as crime. The machinery of the criminal law is supposedly 
 adequate, but if the commission of a crime involves the loss of 
 private property, the owner thereof should and can obtain re- 
 dress for his loss in a court of common law, where that relief 
 is adequate, but where the commission of such crime will entail 
 property loss to a private citizen, for which he has no adequate 
 relief at common law, the courts of equity should give redress 
 to the person who has been made to suffer such irreparable 
 injury. 
 
 In the Springfield Spinning Co. vs. Riley L,. R. 6 Eq., 551, 
 it was held upon demurrer (syllabus) : "That the acts of the 
 defendants, as alleged by the bill, amounted to crime and that 
 the court would interfere by injunction to restrain such case, 
 inasmuch as they also tended to the destruction or deterioration 
 of property." 
 
 Sir R. Malins, V. C, in passing upon this identical question, 
 makes use of this language (p. 558) : "The jurisdiction of this 
 court is to protect property and it will interfere by injunction 
 to stay any proceedings, whether connected with crime or not, 
 which go to the immediate or tend to the ultimate destruction of 
 property or to make it less valuable or comfortable for use or 
 occupation." Lord Eldon in the case of Macauley vs. Shackell, 
 1 Bligh (N. S.), 96,127, says: "The court of equity has no crim- 
 inal jurisdiction but it lends its assistance to a man who has in 
 the view of the law a right of property and who makes out that 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 671 
 
 an action at law will not be a sufficient remedy and protection 
 against intruding upon his publication." 
 
 Other cases clearly indicating that a court of equity has 
 jurisdiction, are : Hopkins vs. Oxley Stave Co., 83 Fed., 912 ; 
 National C. & St. L. Railway Co. vs. McConnell, 82 Fed., 65 ; Port 
 of Mobile vs. Louisville & N. R. Co., 84 Ala., 115-126; 4 So., 
 106, 112. 
 
 It is true that most, if not all of these cases, are cases in 
 which a court of equity gave relief by injunction as against strik- 
 ing workingmen, but if it be the law as against workingmen, why 
 should it not also apply to capitalists? The defendants in the 
 case at bar, under the allegations of the bill, have practically 
 a monopoly of the pressed and paving brick business in the county 
 of Cook, but the same rule of law should apply to them as to 
 the workingman, especially in view of the fact that it is alleged 
 in the bill that the damages occasioned by their conduct are not 
 capable of being definitely ascertained in a court of law ; that 
 the business of the complainant is being ruined and that its dam- 
 ages would be irreparable. 
 
68 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 UPON GIVING A FORGER A CHANCE. 
 
 From the Chicago Journal of Law, February, 1893. 
 
 '''One touch of nature makes the whole world kin." We are 
 reminded of the poet's immortal words by a scene recently 
 enacted in a Chicago court of justice in which justice was tem- 
 pered with mercy. If all jutlges should follow the example set in 
 this case — well the world would not continue to grow worse. 
 From the Chicago Journal of Law we quote the story as follows : 
 
 ''According to a legend old, Man, after his disobedience and 
 consequent fall, was summoned to appear before his Creator. 
 The Supreme Judge, before passing sentence, sought the counsel 
 of his ever attendant ministers. Justice, Love and Mercy, pro- 
 pounding to them the question, 'What shall be done with Man?' 
 Justice answered saying, ' Oh ! Lord he has sinned and should 
 suffer death,' Love said, 'He has erred without excuse, and at 
 Thy righteous hands deserves punishment dire ; ' Mercy, in plain- 
 tive yet potent tones, replied, 'Oh! Most High, forgive his past 
 and entrust his future to me.' The Great Father voiced the judg- 
 ment of his eternal heart, saying, 'Man, go thou and sin no more, 
 remembering thou art the Child of Mercy.' 
 
 "A most happy and deserving recognition of the moral of 
 this legend found full exemplification in Judge Dunne's court 
 the other day. A man unable to secure employment, driven to 
 desperation and despair by the hunger and suffering of his 
 mother and motherless child, had, through forgery, obtained the 
 means to relieve them. He had been indicted and, upon arraign- 
 ment, told the simple, sad truth ; the verdict was guilty, and the 
 sentence imprisonment in the penitentiary. His Honor, seeking 
 as all judges should, full advices as to the character of the culprit, 
 discovered that his life bore no prior blemish, and that he was 
 known among men as a good citizen, a faithful son, and devoted 
 father, and although he was shackled in the chain-gang for 
 removal to prison, this truly just judge did not hesitate to 
 reprieve him, bidding him go forth and reclaim as his due deserv- 
 ing his seemingly lost estate among his fellow men. This simple, 
 yet suggestive act, so much out of the ordinary of judicial pro- 
 cedure is a higher, a better — richer testimonial to the worth and 
 wisdom of this jurist than any decision a judge, though he be a 
 Mansfield or a Marshall, can ever render." 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 69 
 
 OFFICERS WHO EXCEED AUTHORITY. 
 
 Statement to the Public, February, 1896. 
 
 Senator Joseph O'Donnell made an un.snccessful effort to 
 secure the release of Officer Constantine "Walezynski, of the Raw- 
 son Street station, from the county jail yesterday. 
 
 Last Sunday morning Officer "Walezynski shot and killed 
 John Arkuszenski, on Milwaukee Avenue. Arkuszenski is claimed 
 to have interfered with the policeman while the latter was in the 
 discharge of his duty. Officer Walezynski placed Arkuszenski 
 under arrest and the latter ran. The officer drew his revolver 
 and shot Arkuszenski. 
 
 Senator O'Donnell appeared before Judge Dunne and asked 
 that the court fix the amount of a bail bond, saying the defenda.nt 
 Avas prepared to give a good and sufficient bond in any reasonable 
 amount. Judge Dunne refused to admit Officer Walezynski to 
 bail. He said that all the circumstances went to show that the 
 shooting was unjustifiable. At best young Arkuszenski had done 
 nothing but interfere with the making of an arrest and the facts 
 seemed to indicate that he was only interceding in behalf of a 
 friend under arrest and not interfering. 
 
 "There is too much of this sort of thing going on in Chi- 
 cago," said his Honor. "Because a man wears a star and car- 
 ries a club and pistol is no reason why he should go about shoot- 
 ing down citizens. I will not admit this man to bail. Take him 
 back to jail." 
 
70 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 RELATIVE TO THE MANGLER BRIBERY 
 
 CASE. 
 
 Statement op Judge Dunne from the Bench in Sentencing 
 
 Alderman William Mangler to Jail for Contempt of 
 
 Court in Refusing to Testify, 
 
 August 12, 1897. 
 
 "The record in the case shows that the relator is a business 
 man," said the court. "He is well educated, has been deemed fit 
 to be honored with public office, and knows the duties of citizen- 
 ship. He has stated to several persons that he was offered a 
 bribe at a time when the public was satisfied that bribery was 
 rife. The character of the legislation, which was against the 
 interests of the people, warranted this belief. These statements 
 have been made in this court. 
 
 "Though an intelligent man and capable of judging the posi- 
 tion that his refusal would place him in, he has refused to help in 
 the administration of justice, though himself a public officer. 
 
 "To inflict a small fine or a fine alone in this matter would 
 have no eifect on him, on the public, nor on any other citizen. The 
 punishment should fit the crime. 
 
 "He does not stand in the position of a public officer refus- 
 ing to obey the court because he believes that it would be the 
 violation of his sworn duty as a public officer, but he stands in 
 the position of a public officer who has refused in defiance of the 
 court to do what justice to himself and the public demands." 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE. MAYOR, GOVERNOR 71 
 
 USERS OF SPACE UNDER SIDEWALK 
 
 MUST PAY FOR SIDEWALK 
 
 INJURIES. 
 
 Synopsis of Opinion by Judge Dunne, December 13, 1899. 
 
 "It is against public policy to allow public property to be used 
 by private individuals without requiring the private individuals or 
 corporations so using public property to insure citizens passing 
 over the public property against any loss that they may suffer by 
 reason of the private use of such property." This was the chief 
 point in a decision rendered by Judge Dunne yesterday, which, if 
 sustained in the upper courts, will revolutionize the present judicial 
 practice in connection with the liability for sidewalk accidents 
 where injury is suffered because of open or defective coal holes or 
 similar operations. 
 
 The finding of the court, overriding several Supreme Court 
 rulings cited as in point, occasioned much comment in legal circles. 
 The decision in part was as follows : 
 
 "When a private citizen is in the exercise of privileges or a 
 license, express or implied by the public, he becomes, in the exercise 
 and use of the privilege, an insurer to the public that they shall 
 not be injured and cannot release himself from responsibility by 
 leasing to a tenant who agrees to keep the coal hole or other aper- 
 ture in a safe condition. 
 
 "As between landlord and tenant, he can compel the tenant to 
 live up to such a contract, but between himself and the public he is 
 bound to see that the coal hole cover is in a safe condition and insure 
 the public from damage through defective construction. In the 
 authorities cited to me by counsel the Supreme Court has held that 
 the tenant and not the landlord is liable to such injuries because 
 the tenant is in actual possession of the property. In none of these 
 cases was the question of public policy presented or argued. I am 
 confident that on the presentation of the question of its being against 
 public policy to allow private individuals to control public property 
 without insuring the public from injury the Supreme Court will 
 reverse its finding in these cases." 
 
72 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 THE RIGHTS OF PARENTS TO 
 CHILDREN. 
 
 Excerpt from a Decision by Judge Dunne, 1899. 
 
 There is no law in Illinois or in any other state that can take 
 children away from their parents without due notice. There can 
 be no law that rises above the natural law — unless by some act 
 the parents forfeit their rights. 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR. GOVERNOR 73 
 
 MUTUALITY OF CONTRACT— CON- 
 SIDERATION— UNCONSCION- 
 ABLENESS. 
 
 From Chicago Law Journal, March 16, 1900. 
 
 "The case of the Hoops Tea Company v. Dorsey, disposed of 
 this week by Judge Dunne, of the Circuit Court, on a final hear- 
 ing on a bill for injunction intended to secure the specific per- 
 formance of a contract, possesses unusual interest. The contract 
 in question was of the "spider and fly" variety, used by corpora- 
 tions to absorb competition and destroy competitors. The method 
 exemplified in this contract, employed by a corporation or com- 
 pany to secure to itself a monopoly of the business in its line 
 in the territory of its operations, is to offer high wages and other 
 great inducements to smaller operators in its line of trade, to 
 turn over to it their customers and enter the company's employ, 
 requiring, however, that they sign a contract binding themselves 
 to not, even after quitting or being discharged from the employ 
 of the company, engage in the same line of business nor to enter 
 the employ of a rival of the company in the territory in which 
 it operated ; the company reserving the right to discharge the 
 employe at its own pleasure. 
 
 ' ' One of these contracts was entered into by one Dorsey and 
 the Hoops Tea Company, which provided, among other things : 
 'That said party (Dorsey) shall in no way interfere or compete 
 with the business, customers, or trade of said first party, or in 
 any way solicit its customers in Chicago, Illinois, for a period of 
 two years after the termination of this contract;' another pro- 
 vision of the contract required the execution of a bond for $500 
 by Dorsey, satisfactory to the tea company, as guaranteeing 
 faithful performance on his part. Some months subsequent to 
 the execution of this contract the tea company filed a bill against 
 Dorsey, setting forth that he had been discharged from its em- 
 ploy, the contract terminated by it, and that in violation of the 
 terms of the contract he was interfering with the business of 
 the company by soliciting trade from its customers on the route 
 which he had worked while in its employ. An injunction, as 
 prayed for, was issued without notice. Upon hearing. Judge 
 
74 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 Baker sustained a motion to dissolve the injunction. The mat- 
 ter came up before Judge Dunne, upon a suggestion of damages, 
 when Bastrup & O'Neill, counsel for Dorsey, urged that the bill, 
 being one for injunction only, not having been amended its dis- 
 solution operated as the sustaining of a demurrer to the bill, 
 citing numerous Illinois authorities. 
 
 "Judge Dunne decided to hear the whole case and pass on 
 the validity of the contract, llespondent's counsel argued that 
 the contract was unilateral and unconscionable and so lacking in 
 mutuality as not to be enforceable in equity, while Tenney, 
 McConnell, Coffeen & Harding, and Louis Kistler, counsel for com- 
 plainant, contended that the employment was sufficient considera- 
 tion. After conclusion of evidence and arguments Judge Dunne 
 held that no term of employment having been fixed in the contract 
 it was without consideration ; that it was unilateral and not such a 
 contract as should be enforced in equity. The court entered a 
 decree dismissing the bill for want of equity, granting the prayer 
 of the cross-bill, annulling the contract, and restraining the 
 Hoops Tea Company from prosecuting any suit at law or equity 
 for the enforcement of the contract." 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 75 
 
 ON SENTENCING A CHICKEN THIEF. 
 
 By Judge Dunne in Criminal Court, January 29, 1901. 
 
 Probably the shortest sentence ever imposed in a burglary 
 case was pronounced by Judge Dunne in the Criminal Court. He 
 decreed that Frank Stetinski, 885 West Thirty-fourth Street, 
 should serve one hour in jail for attempting to steal two chickens 
 belonging to John Bridges, 1390 West Thirty-fifth Street. 
 
 The small sentence was not imposed owing to the value of 
 the goods stolen, but through mercy which the judge felt for the 
 prisoner and his family. Stetinski has a real hard luck story 
 connected with his case, which involves the death of his wife, his 
 arrest shortly after and a starving family depending upon him 
 for support. 
 
 Shortly before Christmas, Stetinski was caught in Bridges' 
 chicken coop with two hens in a bag. He explained his presence 
 there by the fact that his wife was sick and almost dying and 
 that she needed food. He secured bonds and was admitted to 
 liberty. 
 
 His wife died last Friday. Hardly had the undertaker been 
 notified and while the family was deep in grief, a deputy sheriff 
 arrived with a capias ordering the arrest of the husband. He 
 had been indicted by the grand jury that day, and his arrest 
 should necessarily follow. 
 
 The deputy sheriff was told the piteous story and he tele- 
 phoned to his superior. Chief Deputy Kunz, who told him not 
 to arrest the man. Stetinski was told to appear in court Monday 
 after the funeral. This he did. Judge Dunne recommended 
 that the plea of guilty to petit larceny be entered. 
 
 But Bridges was incensed. Despite all Stetinski 's trouble 
 he wanted the prisoner sent to Joliet. Bridges recovered his 
 property and was put to no expense by the trial. Judge Dunne 
 refused to listen to the plea of the complainant. 
 
76 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 ON COMPULSORY VACCINATION. 
 
 Decision by Judge Dunne, June, 1901. 
 
 The right of directors of a school district or a board of edu- 
 cation to insist upon the vaccination of a child, as a prerequisite 
 to his being allowed to attend a public school, is the question 
 involved in the case at bar. 
 
 This question has been recently presented to and determined 
 by the Supreme Court of this State in Potts v. Breen, 167 111., 67, 
 decided in May, 1897, and in Lawbaugh v. Board of Education, 
 177 111., 573, decided in February, 1899. In the former case that 
 court declares "that the right or privilege of attending the 
 public schools is given by law to every child of proper age in the 
 State, and there is nowhere to be found any provision of law 
 prescribing vaccination as a condition precedent to the exercise 
 of this legal right. Whether the Legislature has the right to make 
 such a requirement or not, it is not necessary here to consider. 
 It is sufficient it has not done so. And it can not be supposed 
 that the Legislature has undertaken, and not expressly, but by 
 mere implication from the general language used in creating the 
 State Board (of Health), to confer upon that mere administra- 
 tive body such vast power over the rights and liberties of the 
 individual citizen as to deprive him of his constitutional and 
 statutory rights, unless he shall submit his body to be inoculated 
 with vaccine virus as a mere precaution against some possible 
 future contagion of smallpox." * * * (pp. 73 and 74). 
 "The Board of Health has no more power over the public schools 
 than over private schools or other public assemblages." (p. 74). 
 * * * "School directors and boards of education * * * 
 have no authority to exclude children from the public schools on 
 the ground that they refuse to be vaccinated — unless indeed, in case 
 of emergency, in the exercise of the police power, it is necessary, 
 or reasonahly appears to he necesfiary, to prevent the contagion of 
 smallpox." (p. 75.) 
 
 "Undoubtedly children, infected with or exposed to, small- 
 pox may be temporarily excluded or the school be temporarily sus- 
 pended ; but, like the exercise of similar power in other cases, such 
 power is justified hy the emergency and, like the necessity which 
 gives rise to it, ceases when the necessity ceases." (p. 75.) * * * 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 7? 
 
 ' ' Upon the same line of reasoning, without a law making vaccination 
 compulsory, or prescribing it, vipon grounds deemed sufficient by 
 the Legislature as necessary to the public health, as a condition 
 of admission to or attendance upon the public schools, neither the 
 State board nor any local board has any power to make or 
 enforce a rule or order having the force of a general law in the 
 respects mentioned" (p. 75). In support of the views therein 
 expressed, the Supreme Court cite the supreme court of Wiscon- 
 sin in State v. Burge, 70 N. W., Rep., 337 ; and 'Neill v. Am. Fire 
 Ins Co., 166 Pa., St. 72; Anderson v. Manchester, 63 N. W., Rep. 
 241. From the above language it will be seen that a rule o;- 
 regulation requiring a child to be vaccinated as a precedent ta 
 his admission to school, can be passed by a school board or a 
 board of education, only, in cases of emergency when it is, o"r- 
 reasonably appears to be, necessary to prevent contagion, andi 
 that when the emergency has passed the rule must fall to the- 
 ground. The facts in that case show that ' ' no epidemic of small- 
 pox was prevailing or apprehended in the vicinity of the 
 school," and a mandamus was issued compelling the school 
 board to admit into the school the unvaccinated relators. 
 
 In February, 1899, the same question was again pressed upon 
 the notice of the Supreme Court, and disposed of in the follow- 
 ing language : 
 
 ''These questions were fully discussed in the Breen Case, 
 and it is earnestly urged that we reconsider that case. * * * 
 AVe adhere to the principles announced in that case and decline 
 to further discuss the questions there determined. The only 
 question in this case, not presented in that, is the action of the 
 city council of the city of Geneseo, and we cannot hold that in 
 the preservation of the public health, under the police power 
 of the State, a municipality, invested with police power, may 
 invoke such power for the purpose of invading the individual 
 liberty of citizens of the community. Neither the city of 
 Geneseo, nor the Board of Health of the State of Illinois, has 
 power to require compulsory vaccination, except in the public 
 contingency stated in the Breen ease." Lawbaugh v. Board of 
 Education, supra p. 574. 
 
 No decisions of this State to the contrary have been cited by 
 counsel, and in view of this very recent and very emphatic 
 language of our court of last resort, there can be no doubt as to 
 the condition of the law in this State. 
 
 There is still no law of compulsory vaccination upon our 
 statute books, and the city ordinances and the rules and regula- 
 tions of the State and municipal boards of health, set up by 
 defendants in their answer, can only avail them in "cases of 
 
78 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 emergency" when they are "necessary or apparently necessary" 
 to prevent the "contagion of smallpox." In other words, such 
 rules and regulations can only be invoked when smallpox is 
 either present or imminent. Defendants, however, besides set- 
 ting up these ordinances and regulations, alleged in their answer 
 that "smallpox" has been "in epidemic form within the said 
 city and that it is still prevalent therein," and that "smallpox" 
 is "still prevalent within the city of Chicago, and in the terri- 
 tory adjacent thereto." The demurrer must, therefore, be over- 
 ruled and the case set down for trial when issue is closed, to 
 determine the single question as to whether or not "smallpox" 
 was actually present or reasonably imminent at the time of the 
 iiling of the petition for mandamus. 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 79 
 
 RIGHT OF POLICEMEN TO SHOOT AT 
 FLEEING PRISONER. 
 
 Statement by Judge Dunne, March 12, 1902. ^ 
 
 A man who had been shot in the arm by a policeman who^ 
 was seeking to arrest him was advised by Judge Dunne in open- 
 court yesterday to sue the policeman for damages. 
 
 "Policemen have no right to shoot fleeing fugitives. They 
 are empowered to arrest a man caught in the act of committing: 
 a crime or charged with a crime but that does not give them 
 the right to shoot a man down because he seeks to avoid arrest 
 by flight. Go and sue the man who injured your arm. 
 
 "There is no law in Illinois which gives a policeman the 
 right to shoot a fleeing fugitive. Here are three cases in which 
 men have been brought to my court with bullets in their bodies 
 or with crippled legs or arms. In each case they were unarmed 
 and were injured and maimed while attempting to escape. The 
 sooner the police are taught they cannot use their weapons so 
 freely the better it will be for all citizens." 
 
8Q DUNNE— JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 RIGHT OF ADJOINING OWNER TO 
 LICENSE A HACK STAND. 
 
 Ruling by Judge Dunne, March 17, 1902. 
 
 Important issues were settled by Judge Edward F. Dunne 
 this morning in his decision in the "hack stand case." He holds 
 that neither the owner nor the lessee of a frontage has a right 
 to grant permission to a hackman to stand in front of the prem- 
 ises or to collect rent for the privilege. Judge Dunne in his 
 decision said in part: 
 
 "Time was when the king, who held title in fee to all prop- 
 erty, could do as he willed with i)roperty devoted to public use. 
 But that time has passed. 
 
 "The city now holds the title in fee to its public streets, 
 but in trust for the public, and cannot, as could the king, law- 
 fully devote them to private uses. 
 
 "If the city were by ordinance to give one particular per- 
 son or corporation the exclusive right to place his or its vehicles 
 upon a public street, no lawyer would seriously urge that such 
 an ordinance was valid. 
 
 "How does the ordinance under consideration differ from 
 such an ordinance in principle or effect? Giving a man the right 
 to designate mUo shall exercise a special privilege is just as 
 effective and advantageous to him as though he was the direct 
 donee of such a privilege. Indeed, it is a more valuable right. 
 The donee of such a privilege might not be able in person to 
 avail himself thereof, but the donee of the power of appointment 
 to the privilege can derive all the emoluments without personal 
 presence or use. 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR. GOVERNOR 81 
 
 LOW WAGES AND FINANCIAL 
 RESPONSIBILITY. 
 
 Decision by Judge Dunne, March 23, 1902. 
 
 "I can not ascertain how much this young man is short in 
 his account. He says he has credits due him which would make 
 up the amount you say he is short. When you gentlemen ask a 
 man to take such a responsible position at such a small salary 
 and where he is called on in performance of his duty to collect 
 such large amounts of money, knowing that he has a wife and 
 two small children, you are simply inviting him to commit a 
 crime, or at least exposing him to temptation. 
 
 "I cannot permit him to be sent to the penitentiary. I will 
 fix the amount cff the shortage at $14 and sentence him to the 
 county jail for thirty days. I believe West is a good man. Had 
 his salary been even $5 more he would never have been exposed 
 to temptation and the strength of the invitation to commit a 
 crime would have been lost on him." 
 
82 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 UPHOLDS CIVIL SERVICE LAW. 
 
 Syllabus of Opinion op Judge Dunne, January 1, 1903. 
 
 Improper discharge of employes — Mandamus for their re- 
 instatement. 
 
 Circuit Court, Cook County, Illinois, December 23, 1902. 
 People ex rel. Byrne, v. City of Chicago et al. 
 
 Syllabus. 
 
 Under the civil service act of Illinois, an employe, in the 
 classified civil service of the city of Chicago, can only be removed 
 under the terms and conditions set forth in section twelve of the 
 act; held, that certain timekeepers in the water pipe extension 
 division were improperly discharged without any trial or hearing 
 of any character, and that a mandamus must issue for their 
 reinstatement. 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 83 
 
 AGAINST JUSTICE COURT FEES. 
 
 Letter to the Supreme Court op Illinois, June 6, 1904. 
 To the Supreme Court of the State of Illinois: 
 
 The undersigned, as judge of the Circuit Court of Cook County, 
 pursuant to law, respectfully reports to the judges of the Supreme 
 Court the following defects and omissions in the laws of this 
 State : 
 
 First. The laws of this State, as construed by the Supreme 
 Court, permit a man to assign and mortgage his unearned wages 
 for an indefinite period in the future, thereby establishing a state 
 of peonage, fostering itfeury and depriving his wife and family of 
 the means of subsistence. The evil wrought thereby in Cook 
 County has become well nigh intolerable. The Legislature should 
 pass a law declaring all such assignments null and void. 
 
 Second. The fee system which prevails in our justice courts is 
 a fruitful source of injustice, and is burdening the upper courts 
 with appealed cases of trivial importance, which are retried in the 
 upper courts at enormous expense to the public, and so congest the 
 calendars of the Circuit and Superior Courts of Cook County that 
 at the present time it takes about three years for a case to be reached 
 for trial. 
 
 Under the iniquitous fee system the defendants in a great 
 majority of the cases appeal because they believe that under the 
 present fee system they cannot procure a fair trial before a magis- 
 trate who collects his fees from the plaintiffs. 
 
 The fee system should be abolished and the justices of Cook 
 County at least be paid fixed salaries. 
 
 The late Governor Altgeld once declared there were more judges 
 in Cook County than in all England, and yet, by reason largely of 
 the fact that much of their time is taken up in the trial of trifling 
 cases on appeal, their calendars are rapidly falling behind. 
 
 I recently tried three cases in one day in the Circuit Court, the 
 amount of money involved not in the aggregate exceeding $50. 
 
 Third. A City Court, having five judges, should be estab- 
 lished in Chicago which should, in addition to the jurisdiction now 
 conferred on City Courts, be given exclusive jurisdiction on appeal 
 from justices of the peace of all violations of city ordinances and 
 quasi-criminal cases. The judges of said courts should receive 
 adequate salaries of $5,000 each. 
 
84 DUNNE JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 Fourth. Indictment in all cases of petit larceny and other 
 misdemeanors should be abolished. Such cases should, in the first 
 instance, be tried upon information or complaint before justices of 
 the peace and a jury of six, appeal to lie in case of conviction to. 
 the City Court, as in civil cases. 
 
 Under the present system the grand jury of Cook County is 
 in almost continuous session, and the Criminal Court is glutted 
 with such a mountain of indictments, many of them for trifling 
 misdemeanors, that six judges are unable, by constant work, to do 
 more than prevent a jail delivery by the running of the statute. 
 
 If petit larceny and misdemeanor cases were disposed of as 
 suggested, in my judgment three judges would be sufficient to try 
 all the felony cases in the Criminal Court 
 Respectfully, 
 
 E. F. Dunne. 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 85 
 
 ON INEQUALITY TAX ASSESSMENTS. 
 
 Address to Single Tax, Club, February 1, 1896. 
 
 Mr. Chairm{an and Gentlemen : 
 
 Political profligacy or political incompetence, or both, have 
 forced upon the public within the last few months consideration 
 of the question, "How are municipal expenditures to be kept 
 within the limit of municipal income?" The city of Chicago is 
 confronted today with a disparity between its available income 
 and its liabilities during the current year amounting, according 
 to the estimates of Mayor Swift, to the sum of $5,000,000, or, 
 according to Alderman Madden, to $1,200,000. "Whichever esti- 
 mate be correct, it is an undisputed fact that hundreds of 
 thousands of dollars worth of unpaid judgments against the city, 
 drawing interest at the rate of five per cent per annum, appear 
 unsatisfied upon the judgment dockets of our courts. Contrac- 
 tors for public improvements, where work has been fully per- 
 formed, are clamoring for their pay; bills for current supplies 
 furnished to the city are months overdue, and the firemen and 
 policemen of the city are in monthly apprehension of being paid 
 off with city scrip. 
 
 The great city of Chicago, with its population of 1,750,000, 
 and its princely income of $34,000,000 per year, is so poor in 
 money and so lacking in credit that it confesses itself unable to 
 keep its corporal body clean or to protect its citizens from the 
 contagion of deadly disease. The contractors who covenanted 
 for the cleaning of its streets have long ago abandoned their eon- 
 tracts, and for months past the imperial city of the west has been 
 the spiritless, mendicantlike recipient of alms given in the form 
 of street cleaning by the employes of the Civic Federation. Even 
 that mortifying and humiliating relief has been withdrawn and 
 the great metropolis of the west today lies wallowing supinely 
 in its own filth and ordure, a reproach and scandal to municipal 
 government. 
 
 In this wretched condition of affairs, the people are besfinning 
 to ask,' "What has brought about this condition of affairs ? How 
 long must it last? How are we to get relief? 
 
 An answer to the first of these questions can be easily dis- 
 covered. Two causes have contributed to bring about the present 
 
86 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 distressed condition of the city's finances. First, corruption and 
 dishonesty in the common council, which has been engaged for 
 years past in bartering and giving away to private persons and 
 corporations rights and franchises worth hundreds of millions of 
 dollars, and in the added corruption or incapacity of duly 
 appointed and paid heads of departments. The former class of 
 public officials, elected and sworn to guard the public interests, 
 have, year after year, in the most brazen and shameless manner 
 voted away to street car companies, railroad companies, gas com- 
 panies, electric light companies, and to every snug coterie of kid- 
 gloved scoundrels who offer them their price, every right and 
 privilege of value in the city, whether it was on earth or in the 
 heavens above or the waters beneath. 
 
 All this has been done without practically a dollar's worth of 
 compensation to the city. The incomes drawn from the exercise 
 and utilization of these franchises and privileges by the owners 
 run up into the millions, and would suffice in themselves, if they 
 belonged to the city, to pay the whole annual tax levy of the city. 
 
 But this corruption is not all. When the duly elected and 
 sworn officers of the city have been so recreant to their trust, is 
 it to be wondered at that the understrappers appointed by and 
 through them should be no less trustw^orthy ? The stream cannot 
 rise higher than its source. 
 
 If the common council will pocket swag, and give away the 
 streets of the city, is it to be expected that the chief of the water 
 department will honestly collect the water rates, or that the city 
 collector will collect the license fees due from the running of 
 street cars? But a few weeks since, according to the daily papers, 
 the commissioner of public works declared that he had positive 
 proof that several wealthy pork packing concerns had for years 
 been stealing water from the city of Chicago. 
 
 There were loud protestations at the time that the city would 
 collect from these concerns every dollar that the city had been 
 swindled out of, which it was asserted amounted to hundreds of 
 thousands of dollars, but, although many weeks have elapsed, I 
 have failed to learn that any money has been paid over by the 
 meter dodgers, or that any suit or other proceeding has been 
 instituted for the collection of the same. 
 
 If this be taken as a fair sample of official conduct, can it be 
 wondered at that the city is in an impoverished condition ? With- 
 out doubt official corruption, or gross mismanagement, or indif- 
 ference to the interests of the municipality, is one and probably 
 the main cause of the city's present financial embarrassment. 
 But this is not the only cause. While the municipal authorities 
 of the city have been giving away with prodigal hand the heritage 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 87 
 
 of the whole people and allowing the city to be robbed of its 
 water taxes, license fees, and other sonrces of income, they have 
 also kept their eyes fixed upon the moneys which, by excessive 
 and unequal levies upon honest taxpayers, they have managed 
 to get into the hands of the city treasurer. 
 
 The one thing necessary to wipe out, within a reasonable 
 time, the city's financial deficit, in addition to rational retrench- 
 ment in the civil list, is an honest assessment by valuation of real 
 and personal property in this city, or a reform of assessments. 
 
 Yet, notwithstanding the clearly expressed and reiterated 
 command of the statute, it is notorious that, within the memory 
 of man, no assessment on a "fair cash value" has ever been 
 made in the city of Chicago. Nor has any assessor ever held the 
 office who was not guilty of moral, if not legal, perjury. It is 
 further notorious that men who have held the office of assessor 
 but for one term have retired from office after a few days' work 
 with sufficient money in their vaults or bank accounts to keep 
 them in luxury for the rest of their lives. 
 
 Let us see what unholy conspiracy between conscienceless 
 property owners and unprincipled assessors under this law has 
 accomplished in the way of defrauding the city within recent 
 times. The ordinary citizen has his property assessed, if he does 
 not "see" the assessor, at from fifteen to thirty per cent of its 
 real value. The poor man's cottage is generally assessed at 
 twenty per cent at least of its real value. Keeping this in mind 
 let us see how the very valuable pieces of property in the heart 
 of Chicago, all of which are owned by millionaires, are assessed. 
 A few cases will suffice. I quote now from a most valuable work, 
 the "Report of the bureau of labor statistics of the State of 
 Illinois for 1894," a work which, by the way, the wealthy news- 
 paper owners of Chicago have been singularly silent upon. I 
 must except from this statement, however, the publishers of one 
 paper, who have recently made use of the information contained 
 in this valuable work, with telling effect. A few instances of 
 unique assessments : 
 
 Real 
 
 value. 
 Old Colony, southeast corner Dearborn 
 
 and Van Buren Street — Estate Francis 
 
 Bartlett 4 $1,677,500 
 
 Manhattan, 307-321 Dearborn Street — 
 
 Charles C. Heisen 1,550,000 
 
 Leiter Building, Siegel, Cooper & Co., 
 
 L. Z. Leiter 3,900,000 
 
 Major Block, southeast corner LaSalle and 
 
 Madison Streets — L. J. McCormick . . . 1,375,000 
 
 Assessed 
 value. 
 
 Percent- 
 age of 
 real value 
 assessed. 
 
 $ 73,000 
 
 4.35 
 
 72,000 
 
 4.65 
 
 204,000 
 
 5.23 
 
 76,500 
 
 5.56 
 
88 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 Percentage 
 of Real 
 Real Assessed Value 
 Value. Value. Assessed 
 
 Bort Building, 17-21 Quincy Street— C. C. 
 
 Heisen $ 440,000 $26,000 5.91 
 
 Auditorium, Michigan and Wabash Aven- 
 ues and Congress Street — Studebaker 
 Brothers, H. F. Willing and Francis 
 
 Bartlett 5,000,000 305,500 6 . 11 
 
 Caxton Building, 330-334 Dearborn Street 
 
 —Augustus Lowell 650,000 42,800 6 . 58 
 
 Grand Pacific Hotel — L. Z. Leiter and 
 
 Northwestern University 4,750,000 233,000 6.86 
 
 Security Building, southeast corner Madi- 
 son Street and Fifth Avenue — M. M. 
 
 Bryant 775,000 40,300 6.23 
 
 Studebaker Building, 202-206 Michigan 
 
 Avenue— Studebaker, Lyon and Ross. 1,025,000 47,500 4.63 
 
 The foregoing ten cases are cited as striking instances of 
 gross and corrupt favoritism in the matter of assessing the value 
 of property in the city of Chicago. In each and every one of 
 these cases the owners of the properties are reputed millionaires, 
 many of them nonresidents, and by means of these grossly inade- 
 quate assessments the city has been deliberately robbed of its 
 legitimate revenue, and the burden of supporting the city, county 
 and State has been throvsm upon the shoulders of citizens who are 
 poor or of moderate means. 
 
 Which is the more dangerous element in this community? 
 The men who, when ground down by unjust social conditions and 
 the unfair distril)ution of the burdens of government to a fierce 
 struggle for daily subsistence, talk of a social revolution or even 
 anarchy, or the sleek millionaire, gorged and surrounded by all 
 the luxuries of life, who year in and year out corrupts assessors, 
 dodges his taxes, and thus throws excessive and intolerable bur- 
 dens on the poor and brings about evils against which not only 
 anarchists, but all honest men, should protest? 
 
 What, then, is the practical remedy for the present financial 
 distress of the city of Chicago? 
 
 It has been suggested, and I believe by the mayor of Chicago, 
 that a special session of the Legislature be called for the purpose 
 of amending the law which limits taxation for municipal pur- 
 poses, to two per cent of the assessors' valuation of property. 
 
 The suggestion should not, and I am confident will not, be 
 entertained by the Governor. The only protection which the 
 ordinary honest taxpayer has had against the corruption and 
 rapacity of public officials has been this wise provision of the law. 
 Were it not for this provision there probably would be no deficit, 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 89 
 
 but the rich man would be paying less taxes, while the poor man 
 would be taxed to such a degree as to compel him to let the tax 
 sale shark take his property. 
 
 This law should be amended, but instead of increasing the 
 tax limit it should be decreased to the limit of one per cent, for 
 all municipal purposes. 
 
 Experience has shown that the government, for all purposes, 
 can be efficiently administered by honest officials at a cost of one 
 per cent of the actual cash value of taxable property. 
 
 To accomplish these reforms I would suggest the following 
 amendments to the law : 
 
 First. Abolish in all cities, township organizations, and town- 
 ship assessors. 
 
 Second. Limit all taxation for all purposes to one per cent 
 per annum on the real cash value of property. 
 
 Third. Abolish all exemptions. 
 
 Fourth. Create a permanent board of assessment and taxa- 
 tion. 
 
90 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 JUSTICE, NOT CHARITY. 
 
 Judge Dunne in "The Observer," December 25, 1897. 
 
 If I had ample means to carry out my wish, I would originate 
 and establish on Christmas Day a fund to he held in trust for the 
 people of Chicago, to be used for the furtherance of JUSTICE 
 AND NOT CHARITY in this community. Primarily that fund 
 should be used for agitation, exploitation, and education in bring- 
 ing about the abolition of the present corrupt and odious revenue 
 system under which the poor are plundered, the middle classes 
 treated unfairly, and the corrupt wealthy further enriched. By 
 the use of such a fund I would publish and keep before the 
 people constantly the real and assessed values of the property of 
 every tax dodger in the city, and gather evidence that would 
 land them and their crooked partners in crime, the assessors, in 
 the penitentiary. 
 
 Energetic and persistent efforts along this line, I am con- 
 vinced, would soon l)ring about a rational system of ievyu g taxa- 
 tion under which a board of assessors, who would sit the whole 
 year round, with their records open to the public at all times, 
 could and would assess values honestly and impartially. 
 
 After having accomplished thus much, if aught remained of 
 the fund, I would devote the remainder to the securing by like 
 methods the abolition of the fee system in the justice courts of 
 Chicago, a system which places a premium on rascality, a burden 
 on honesty, and a damper on justice in our lower courts. 
 
 It has always been a matter of surprise to me that we have 
 so many men acting as justices in tlie city of Chicago who have 
 preserved a reputation for honesty. They are dependent upon 
 plaintiff lawyers for a living under our present remarkable sys- 
 tem. Is it to be wondered at that the justice court is frequently 
 called the "plaintiff's court" -or that outraged litigants define 
 the court as one ' ' that is supposed to dispense justice, but which 
 really dispenses with it?" 
 
 A fund established for the purpose above indicated and ade- 
 quate to accomplish such results, would, in my humble opinion, be 
 the most substantial and salutary Christmas present that could 
 possibly be presented to the people of this city. 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 91 
 
 WITHDRAWS FROM IROQUOIS CLUB. 
 
 Letter to Arthur J. Eddy, President of the Iroquois Club, 
 February 19, 1898. 
 
 Dear Sir: In the preamble to the declaration of principles 
 of the Iroquois Club, subscribed to by all persons joining and 
 remaining members of said club, I find the following language : 
 
 "Believing that the welfare of the country and the con- 
 tinual prosperity of its institutions require for their preservation 
 that the policy and character of the government shall be deter- 
 mined and guided by the principles of the Democratic party, and, 
 in order to add to the organized strength of the Democratic party 
 in Chicago, we, the undersigned, have formed ourselves into a 
 club known as the Iroquois Club." 
 
 At the time I became a member of the club, in 1893, such 
 were its views. 
 
 At the election of officers last month you were the successful 
 candidate. Prior to the election you. as a candidate for the Presi- 
 dency, boldly and uncompromisingly repudiated the Democratic 
 platform of 1896 and declared yourself a gold monometallist. 
 Upon such a platform or declaration of principles you were 
 elected. 
 
 By such action the Iroquois Club has placed itself without the 
 pale of Democracy. If the club was simply a social organization, 
 this would be a matter of no moment, but, as the club claims to be 
 a Democratic organization, this action becomes a matter of serious 
 importance to those of its members who are Democrats. 1 am a 
 Democrat and a bimetallist. I cannot consistently remain a mem- 
 ber of a socio-political club which has repudiated both Democracy 
 and bimetallism. I cannot remain on board of the torpedo boat 
 which, while flying the Democratic flag, opens fire upon the Demo- 
 cratic man-of-war. 
 
 I regret being compelled to part company with so many 
 old friends and with associations which have been so pleasant ; 
 but, in view of the fact that the club claims to be a political 
 organization and now holds political views antagonistic to my 
 own and those of the Democratic party, I feel constrained to and 
 herewith present my resignation as member. I assure you and the 
 other members of the club of my high personal regard and 
 esteem. 
 
92 DUNNE — JtTDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 THE SERIOUS CRISIS OF THE DAY. 
 
 Excerpts from Address to Monticello Club, October 2, 1898. 
 
 ''"We are face to face with momentous events. We have 
 reached a crisis in municipal. State, and National history. in 
 Chicago wholesale debauchery of the common council has been 
 carried on so openly and brazenly and successfully that no 
 scheme of public plunder and spoliation, no matter how rank, 
 outrageous, and felonious it may be, can be suggested but that the 
 people of the community at its very suggestion are filled with a 
 well grounded apprehension lliat it will be consuniniateil. The 
 nefarious design of handing over to the street car companies of 
 this city a franchise worth at least $50,000,000 and mortgaging 
 the streets of this city for fifty years to a conscienceless lot of 
 wealthy bribe-giving scoundrels was temporarily warded off only 
 two months ago by the firmness of Mayor Harrison and a storm 
 of public wrath and indignation which the Monticello Club was 
 a potent factor in creating. Today the same malign influences 
 are operating more quietly but more efficiently in Springfield. 
 
 "During the last two months the public has been sickened 
 with the details of the corruption of our jury system by the sworn 
 officers of the law in the temple of justice, while the corpora- 
 tions which have profited thereby brazenly pocket the proceeds 
 of their infamies and laugh the people to scorn. The bailiff flees 
 where remittances can reach him in due course, while the magnate 
 smiles and the unfortunate victims of these infamies drag out a 
 miserable existence of deformity and starvation. 
 
 "In the State exists a situation no less gloomy and disheart- 
 ening. Within the last two years corruption has reeled in a 
 drunken orgy through the halls of the Legislature, scattering 
 bank notes like a wanton, among a miserable lot of conscienceless 
 scamps who have betrayed their constituents and violated their 
 oaths of office. The agents of wealthy corporations have secured 
 the passage of laws that are a stench in the nostrils of the people 
 and a wholesale plunder of their dearest rights. No scheme for 
 further enriching the rich or robbing the poor seemed to be too 
 scandalous for their consummation. 
 
 "From the Case garnishment bill, which allows only $8 
 exemption to the head of a family, to the gigantic infamies, the 
 
DUNNE JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 93 
 
 gas consolidation act and the Allen bill, no measures seemed too 
 outrageous for the last ineffaceably contemptible Legislature to 
 enact into law. That the Legislature now sitting is not likely to 
 leave a better record is shown by the fact that it has chosen as 
 its speaker one of the men who at the last session voted for most 
 of the infamous laws, and by the further fact that its sessions are 
 steadily attended by the ill-omened birds of prey, the lobbyists 
 who were so signally successful during the last session in dis- 
 bursing their employers' money. 
 
 "The people demand a repeal of the Allen bill, the gas con- 
 solidation bill, and the warehouse bill. Will they get it? In my 
 judgment it is more likely that they will get the Humphrey bill 
 than the repeal of any of them. The dav of King Boodle is not 
 passed, either in Chicago or in Springfield, and will not pass until 
 an enroused and enraged public, led on by such clubs and organ- 
 izations as the Monticello Club, throttle him on his throne and 
 hurl him forever from power in this land. But even a greater 
 crisis than that precipitated by municipal and State corruption 
 is before us — the crisis of the Nation. 
 
 "The rumble of the guns of Dewey's fleet is borne across the 
 waters. It is the first broadside of the empire. The republic of 
 Washington and Jefi'erson and Monroe and Lincoln never did and 
 never would have fired a gun in such a cause as that in which 
 Dewey is now engaged. This remained for the Republic presided 
 over by William McKinley, whose course in this regard is dic- 
 tated by one Mark Hanna and commended by one Richard 
 Croker. 
 
 "In what cause do Dewey's cannons roar? In the cause of 
 human disfranchisement. The Filipinos demand the rfght to select 
 their own government by popular election. They have been 
 fighting for it for years. Dewey's guns are shooting down that 
 demand. ' ' 
 
 ON GOVERNMENT FOR THE FEW. 
 
 "The need and occasion for such a club has been long mani- 
 fest. We who believe in the democratic gospel of equal rights to 
 all and special privileges to none, who think the Government was 
 organized and should be conducted so as to secure the greatest 
 good to the greatest number, have noted with amazement and 
 alarm that, for the last six years under an administration pro- 
 fessedly democratic as well as republican, the interests and wel- 
 fare of the common people were being openly violated and ruth- 
 lessly trampled on in the interest of monopoly and an overgorged 
 plutocracy. 
 
94 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 "We have seen the law so construed as to deprive the lal)or- 
 ing man of the right of a trial by jury for its alleged infraction. 
 We have seen official murder committed at the instance of capital, 
 in Pennsylvania, declared to be no crime. We have seen the bonds 
 of the Government sold at scandalously low prices at private 
 sale to favored syndicates. We have seen trusts, controlling the 
 absolute necessities of life, organized and perfected whose aggre- 
 gate capital amounts to the enormous sum of $2,122,882,000 We 
 have seen our telephones monopolized, our railroads monopolized, 
 our sugar monopolized, also our meat, our ice, coal, salt, gas, oil, 
 paper, leather, and even our school books, and the coffins in which 
 we are laid away to permanent rest. In view of these circum- 
 stances it is eminently proper that we who profess to be Demo- 
 crats should get together and organize clubs to resist the en- 
 croachments on the people's rights." 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 95 
 
 DENOUNCES THE ANNEXATION OF 
 THE PHILIPPINES. 
 
 Address before Iroquois Club, 1898. 
 
 Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen: 
 
 The year 1898 has been one of the most glorious in American 
 history. In the interest of a persecuted and ill-governed people, 
 and in the sacred cause of humanity, we declared war upon and 
 vanquished a not altogether unformidable foe in one of the short- 
 est, most decisive, and lirilliant campaigns in history. The fight- 
 ing capacity, high intelligence, and steady courage of the Amer- 
 ican sailor and soldier have again been signally demonstrated to 
 the world, and the heart of every American thrills with pride 
 as he recalls their splendid achievements. 
 
 Flushed with pride and victory, we enter upon the year 
 1899 — a year destined to be as momentous to the American 
 Nation as 1898 was glorious. During a history of 123 years, the 
 young and growing American Republic has engaged in no aggres- 
 sive foreign wars. That of 1812 was essentially a defensive 
 struggle, wherein the youiig Republic was compelled to defend 
 the rights of her citizens upon the high seas. The Mexican War 
 was one which arose over a dispute about boundaries in which 
 as much could be freely urged in good faith on both sides of the 
 controversy. 
 
 The Nation has pursued the even tenor of its way, fortunately 
 isolated by its position from the warlike nations of the earth, 
 with friendship for all and entangling alliances with none. 
 
 By wisely devoting ourselves to the internal development and 
 extension of our farms, our mines, and our domestic manu- 
 factures, we have grown from a sparsely settled wilderness in 
 1776 into a well settled empire of unparalleled fertility and 
 wealth, containing 75,000,000 of free people. The national con- 
 fines have been steadily extended, but always by peaceable means, 
 and as the result of bargain and sale, except in the case of the 
 Mexican War, when the territory in dispute was by treaty 
 declared to be American soil. As a result of the revolt of its 
 people, spontaneously developed during the Mexican War. the 
 California territory also became a part of the public domain, but 
 iieither in this case nor in any other where our country enlarged 
 
96 DUNNE— JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 its territorial jurisdiction did the people of this Kepublic pursue a 
 grasping or aggressive policy. The lust of conquest and the greed 
 of territorial acquisition had not, up to the year 1898, ranged the 
 American Republic among the robber nations of the earth. Until 
 the present time the American Republic has not acquired a foot 
 of soil except by two honorable methods: 
 
 First. Free and uncoerced purchase from the ow^ners by 
 treaty. 
 
 Second. By consenting to the annexation of territory con- 
 tiguous to the soil of the Republic, pursuant to the almost unani- 
 mous desire of the inhabitants of the territory annexed. 
 
 In considering the important events of the present time, let 
 us not for a moment lose sight of the important fact that not one 
 foot of American soil in the Republic, as it now exists, has been 
 added to the thirteen original colonies and incorporated into the 
 American Republic Avithout either a (juit-claim deed from the 
 tribe or nation claiming to own the same, or in response to the 
 spontaneous and almost unanimous demand of the people dwel- 
 ling therein, after they had of their own accord revolted from 
 their former rulers. 
 
 Another important fact to be borne in mind is that, with the 
 single exception of Alaska, not a foot of soil has been annexed to 
 the American Republic before the administration of President 
 McKinley which was not contiguous to and from the standpoint 
 of symmetrical geography necessary to the natural growth and 
 development of the Nation. 
 
 The British possessions to the north, as well as the former 
 Spanish and her Mexican possessions to the south, extended from 
 ocean to ocean. Naturally, the young and growing Republic 
 lying between them upon the shores of the Atlantic, and extend- 
 ing to the Mississippi, possessed of sufficient strength in its boy- 
 hood to force its manumitment from an unjust and tyrannical 
 mother, must, in its growth to manhood, compressed as it was 
 betAveen its British and Spanish neighbors, expand westward to 
 the Pacific and southward to the Gulf of Mexico. Pursuant to 
 this natural trend of development, Louisiana, Florida, Texas, and 
 California were acquired from France, Spain, and Mexico, respec- 
 tivelJ^ 
 
 The acquisition of Alaska was not, it is true, necessary to the 
 natural growth and development of the Nation, but the cession 
 of that territory by Russia was freely and voluntarily made for 
 a consideration satisfactory to the seller, but regarded by many 
 Americans at the time as grossly extravagant. It must be remem- 
 bered that at the time of its purchase, gold and other valuable 
 minerals were not even suspected to exist therein ; that its total 
 
DUNNE JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 97 
 
 population, including Indians, was less than 30,000, while its 
 sole industry was seal fishing. Indeed, there is good reason to 
 believe that the purchase was brought about by a seal-fishing 
 lobby for the purpose of securing to a syndicate a monopoly of 
 that business. 
 
 All of the territory acquired by the United States previous to 
 tlie administration of President McKinley was sparsely settled 
 and unfit for immediate colonization by American citizens, and 
 all of it excepting Alaska has been so colonized, and most of it 
 is now thickly settled by our citizens. 
 
 Such being the history of our territorial acquisition in the 
 past, we are now confronted with the proposition to annex still 
 more territory under circumstances and conditions which every 
 American citizen who loves his country, and is anxious for her 
 future glory and welfare, should seriously reflect upon and con- 
 sider. 
 
 In this consideration the question of partisan politics should 
 be, and fortunately can be. wholly discarded. Neither of the 
 great political parties of the country has as yet committed itself 
 upon the question. Leading men in both parties have declared 
 themselves in favor of annexation ; others, equally prominent and 
 influential in both parties, have publicly announced themselves 
 as opposed to the scheme. The drift of sentiment among the 
 ranks of the party in power seems to favor annexation, while the 
 general trend of opinion among the opposition seems antagonistic 
 thereto. There is imminent danger that the views on the subject 
 held by the administration and the party in power will prevail, 
 and that the treaty just negotiated at Paris will be ratified. For 
 the honor of my country I hope this will not happen ; but, if the 
 lust of conquest and the greed of gain dethrone the national 
 reason and sense of justice, and this treaty be ratified in the 
 Nation's Senate, then, indeed, are there rocks ahead of the ship of 
 state. 
 
 During 123 years of national life the honor of the American 
 Nation has remained unsullied. I can look back over the pages 
 of my country 's history and find thereon no act of perfidy, treach- 
 ery, or disgrace. Our declarations of war have been based upon 
 justifiable grounds, our treaties have been respected, and we have 
 kept faith with the world in all our national declarations and 
 manifestoes. 
 
 Can we make this boast if the proposed Spanish-American 
 treaty is ratified ? 
 
 In the declaration of war against Spain we declared it to be 
 a war of ' ' humanity and not of conquest ' ' — a war undertaken for 
 the sole purpose of relieving the starved and plundered Cubans 
 
98 DUXNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 from Spanish tyranny. Yet, within a few months afterward, 
 when the debilitated and vanquished Spaniard is lying at our 
 feet, we propose to take from him not only the famished child 
 he has robbed and misused, but his watch and chain and most of 
 his other trinkets, and offer him his ear fare to get home. 
 
 What will be the verdict of history upon the conduct of the 
 United States if this treaty be ratified 1 
 
 In March, 1898, we annoiuice to tlie world, that we have 
 undertaken a war of "humanity and not of conquest." In Jan- 
 uary, 1899, we ratify a treaty procured by a brow-beating, hucks- 
 tering commission, which has measured American honor wdth the 
 dollar mark — a treaty which provides for the acquisition of 
 120,000 square miles of territory and 10,000,000 of people, without 
 a single provision therein providing for the consent of the people 
 involved. 
 
 What is the verdict of our contemporaries ? Already the press 
 and people of Europe deride our professions of humanity and 
 question our political honesty and good faith. They gleefully 
 declare, and declare with truth, that the once glorious Republic, 
 whose Declaration of Independence recognized the right of man 
 to political equality, and declared that all governments derive 
 their "just powers from the consent of the governed," has de- 
 scended to the level of the robber nations of Europe, whose meth- 
 ods of acquiring territory have been recently illustrated in the 
 Soudan, w^here Maxim guns and repeating rifles were pitted 
 against naked bodies and wooden shields, the wounded assassi- 
 nated in cold blood after the battle, and the result celebrated in 
 civilized London as a victory — and such massacres called "war." 
 
 Are we the heirs and descendants of the men who revolted 
 against a British tyrant because he attempted to force them, in 
 the language of the Declaration of Independence, "to relinquish 
 the right of representation in the Legislature, a right inestimable 
 to them and formidable to tyrants only," now to be heard to 
 declare that we have the right to pass laws for 10,000,000 Fili- 
 pinos without giving them representation in our Congress? Not 
 a single annexationist in Congress or out of it has made a pre- 
 tense of admitting that the Filipinos shall be given representa- 
 tion in Congress. And if the Filipinos, as now seems likelj', 
 resist the extension of oui- domain over their islands, shall we, 
 who have gloried in a "government of the people, by the peo- 
 ple, and for the people," turn the guns of Dewey's fleet upon 
 a brave and gallant people, who for years have carried on a 
 bloody struggle with Spain to secure the same independence 
 that we fought for and obtained in 1776? If we do, it will be 
 the most shameful spectacle in American history — a recantation 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 99 
 
 of the Declaration of Independence, a colossal infamy, a national 
 crime. 
 
 Shall we repeat the history of the Roman republic or, profit- 
 ing by its example, avoid its crimes and errors and escape its 
 fate? Early in the history of Rome its people revolted against 
 King Tarquin, as did our forefathers revolt against George III. 
 Then followed in Rome a glorious era in which rugged virtue, 
 sterling honesty, simplicity of life, and a love of liberty were 
 the distinguishing characteristics of the Roman people, as they 
 were the striking attributes of the American citizen during 
 Revolutionary days. 
 
 Gradually wealth began to be amassed by the citizens of 
 Rome as wealth has been rapidly accumulated in America for a 
 (juarter of a century past. Castes were created and the patri- 
 cian became separated from the plebeian, the wealthy from the 
 poor, just as the same division Jias taken place among us in 
 recent times. The creditor began to oppress the debtor and 
 the rich l)ecame richer and the poor became poorer in the sec- 
 ond century before Christ as is the situation today in the nine- 
 teenth century after Christ. 
 
 Internecine agrarian wars broke out, caused by the hunger, 
 misery, and distress of the common people in Rome, similar in 
 character to our labor strikes, lockouts, and riots of recent years. 
 In this crisis the wealthy patricians of Rome who constituted its 
 governing class, Avith the double purpose of enhancing their own 
 possessions and opportunities for public and private plunder, and 
 of filling the empty stomachs of the starving mob and thus dis- 
 tracting them from the consideration of misgovernment at home, 
 provoked and succeeded in bringing about a series of wars of 
 conquest. City after city, province after province, and country 
 after country were attacked, overrun, and plundered, their prop- 
 erty confiscated and their people sold into slavery. A small 
 portion of the proceeds was distributed among the Roman legions 
 but the bulk of it went into the strong boxes of the procon- 
 suls and their satellites. Tremendous armies were kept con- 
 stantly in the field. The whole citizenship of Rome, from the 
 consuls down to the camp followers of the legions, became 
 fi.red with the lust of conquest and gorged with the spoils of 
 victory. The underfed, unorganized mob became an overfed, 
 well disciplined, and insolent army, and the end soon came. The 
 truculent legionaries, from time to time, selected their most 
 desperate and reckless generals and proclaimed them emperors, 
 marched upon Rome and installed them on the throne. The 
 republic went down in a sea of blood and rapine, and the most 
 profligate and tyrannical empire in history was erected upon 
 
100 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 its ruins. A Vitellius and a Nero ruled the descendants of men 
 wlio had chosen a Cicero and a Lentulus as consuls. 
 
 The American Republic today has reached that point in the 
 analogy where colossal wealth and abject penury — overgorged 
 satiety and pinched faced hunger — exist side by side among its 
 citizens, and foreign conquests and great standing armies are 
 suggested by our rulers. Let us pause before we accept the 
 suggestions, lest the future history of the American Republic 
 he like to that of Rome. What justification can be offered for 
 the adoption of the hitherto un-American policy of acquiring 
 territory against the will of its inhabitants and forcing our gov- 
 ernment on an unwilling people? It is not only a reversal of the 
 whole policy of governing people with the consent of the gov- 
 erned and a violation of the precedents of American history, 
 but it violates both the letter and spirit of our Constitution. 
 
 The only provision in the* Constitution of the United States 
 which contemplates the acquisition of territory is in section 3, 
 article 4, which declares ''new states may be admitted by the 
 Congress of this Union." It is not contended by the advocates 
 of annexation that the Philippine Islands or Porto Rico are to 
 be admitted now or in the remote future to statehood. This 
 provision, therefore, is not referred to or invoked by them. But 
 it is contended by the friends of annexation that every sover- 
 eignty has inherently the right to develop and grow, and, in the 
 progress of that growth, to acquire territory necessary to such 
 growth, and that this right exists in the absence of all constitu- 
 tional provisions relating thereto. This much I am prepared to 
 concede, and it may be that in the acquisition of Porto Rico, an 
 island adjacent to our shores, it might be contended, with some 
 appearance of candor, that we are not violating the letter and 
 spirit of the Constitution ; but w^hen we come to consider the 
 proposition of annexing the Philippine Islands w^e run counter to 
 several provisions of the Constitution of this country. 
 
 First. The preamble of the Constitution provides: "We, 
 the people of the United States, * * * do ordain and establish 
 this Constitution for the United States of America." This is the 
 opening sentence of the Constitution — and note well the words 
 used: "For the United States of America." 
 
 The foundation stone of the whole national structure upon 
 which the entire scheme of government was to be reared is laid 
 for the United States of America, not for the United States of 
 America and Polynesia, or the United States and the Islands of 
 the Pacific, but for the United States of America. 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 101 
 
 Whatever may be said of Porto Rico, it has never been, and 
 never will be, .claimed by any honest annexationist that the 
 Philippine Islands are in America. 
 
 Second. The same preamble declares that the Constitution is 
 established "in order to form a more perfect union." 
 
 Will it be seriously contended that the acquisition of between 
 1,300 and 1,400 islands, situated in the tropic zone, over 8,000 
 miles away, inhabited by less than 10,000 white men and 10,000,000 
 Malays, Mohammedans, and Chinese, many of whom are 
 ignorant and but semi-civilized, is conducive to a more perfect 
 union "between the states of this Republic"? On the contrary, 
 acquisition of such a remote territory, inhabited by such a people, 
 must inevitably be a source of weakness and disunion. If one of 
 the expressed objects of the Constitution is "to form a more per- 
 fect union," is it not a plain violation of both the letter and the 
 spirit of the Constitution to introduce into the body politic such 
 an element of weakness and disintegration? 
 
 Third. Among other objects sought to be obtained by the 
 adoption of the Constitution, as declared in that instrument, is 
 "to insure domestic tranquillity and to promote the general wel- 
 fare." 
 
 Can you, my hearers, conceive of any scheme more likely to 
 destroy, rather than insure, domestic tranquillity and the public 
 welfare than to incorporate into the body of American citizen- 
 ship over 10,000,000 Malays, Indians, Mohammedans, and Chinese 
 so far distant from the seat of government — these people, too. 
 being a race of men who, for the last thirty years, have been 
 engaged in continuous rebellion against their Spanish rulers? If 
 they can and have resisted so steadfastly and valiantly the for- 
 eign rule of the Spaniards, is it likely that they wall tamely sub- 
 mit to a government in the formation of which they have no 
 chance, even though it be American? If they have the force of 
 character and sturdy independence of our xVmerican forefathers, 
 they will resist American laws in the making of which they have 
 had no part, as vigorously and as righteously as they have 
 resisted the enforced laws of the Spaniard. All the indications 
 at the present time point to a forcible resistance to American 
 occupation unless their independence be recognized or their auton- 
 omy protected. Is this conducive to domestic tranquillity and 
 the public w^elfare? 
 
 Bearing in view the remoteness of these islands from Amer- 
 ica, the ignorance and complexity of their population and the 
 total dissimilarity between it and the people of the United States, 
 both in manners, habits, intelligence, race, and religion, are we not 
 forced to the conclusion that, in attempting to annex them, we 
 
102 DUNNE JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 are violating both the letter and spirit of our Constitution which 
 was ordained for an American people and for the more perfect 
 union and domestic tranquillity of the American people and no 
 other? Are we not, in attempting so to do, opening a Pandora's 
 box from which will fly all the evils usually incident to a gov- 
 ernment forced upon an unwilling people, which is usually called 
 tyranny ? 
 
 But 1 desire to place my opposition to annexation on higher 
 and broader and holier grounds than the Constitution, and that 
 is the ground of righteousness and morality. There is and should 
 be such a thing as righteousness and justice and morality among 
 nations as well as among men, ' ' Thou shalt not steal, " is a 
 commandment which should be as binding upon statesmen as 
 upon private citizens. 
 
 The immortal words of the Declaration of Independence, 
 '"All men are created equal" and "Governments derive their 
 just powers from the consent of the governed" are as true today 
 as they were in 1776 and still more true. Some of the men whose 
 names were subscribed to that glorious promulgation of the rights 
 of man held black men at the time in bondage. Today such a 
 thing is impossible. To attempt to govern a great body of men 
 without consulting their wishes and permitting them to declare 
 their election for the form and character of the government 
 imposed upon them, according to all the teachings and traditions 
 of American history, is tyranny and a national crime. It is 
 opposed to the genius of American institutions and a violation of 
 the national conscience. Never until the year 1898 has any 
 American statesman had the temerity to suggest or justify the 
 acquisition of foreign soil and the government of its inhabitants 
 against their will. This idea of American statesmanship appears 
 contemporaneously with the election of men like Mark Hanna to 
 the Senate of the United States. A little over a year ago the 
 President of the United States in a message to Congress said : 
 "I speak not of forcible annexation because that is not to be 
 thought of, and under our code of morality that would ])e crim- 
 inal aggression." 
 
 These were the words of a true American actuated by the 
 spirit of true Americanism, yet this same gentleman today is fav- 
 oring the forcible annexation of the Philippines and Porto Rico 
 without the consent of their people, for that is what the Spanish- 
 American treaty provides. Now he calls it "benevolent assimila- 
 tion." "What would the lion have said if he had had McKinley's 
 neat felicity of expression on the occasion of the disappearance 
 of the lamb? Why simply that it was a case of benevolent assim- 
 ibition. 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 103 
 
 Yet bending before the popular storm which he must see 
 rising on the horizon the President hesitates and falters, and 
 offers a palliation in the shape of a commission which is to visit 
 the Philippines and see what the Filipinos want. Will the Ameri- 
 can people or the Filipinos be deluded or deceived by any such 
 shifty time serving and senseless proposals? Fifty thousand Fili- 
 pinos have been fighting for many years past for their complete 
 liberty and independence. They now refuse to lay down their 
 arms and decline to permit American soldiers to land in Iliolio or 
 any other place where they are in control until their independence 
 is guaranteed. Through their representative in Washington they 
 are now in respectful language protesting against the ratification 
 of this treaty, and reminding us of the principles enunciated in 
 our own Declaration of Independence. Yet in the face of all these 
 facts, the President would have five estimable gentlemen sail over 
 to Manila and sail back again and report to the American Nation 
 what the Filipinos want. Is the proposal not farcical, if honest, 
 and if made with ulterior motiA^es, is it not shameful? 
 
 If the American people would preserve intact the glorious 
 principles of the Declaration of Independence, maintain the integ- 
 rity of the Constitution in both letter and spirit, live up to the 
 noble precedents of its past history, preserve the self respect of 
 the American people, and uphold the national faith and honor 
 throughout the world it will repudiate the annexation terms of 
 this treaty in the Senate, reassemble its commissioners and 
 instruct them to demand the complete independence of the Philip- 
 pines, Porto Rico, and Cuba, exacting from them as the price of 
 their independence the cost of the war. Then indeed will it have 
 been a war of humanit}^ and not of conquest, a war of right 
 against might, of righteousness against evil. 
 
 But if the Senate of the United States should besmirch the 
 national honor and lower the standard of American manhood by 
 ratifying this treaty, then naught remains for the American peo- 
 ple but to demand and secure at the polls the independence of the 
 Philippines and Porto Rico or prepare for an era of military 
 supremacy and imperialism toward which we are but too surely 
 drifting. Let us consider what the retention of the Philippines 
 means. Many of these islands are mere rocks in the ocean, but 
 some of them will be as dangerous to our navy as are the financial 
 and political rocks ahead of our ship of state as it sails through 
 the dangerous waters of colonial imperialism. It means first an 
 increase of our standing army, the cost of which has been esti- 
 mated to be from $125,000,000 to $150,000,000 per year. This 
 capitalized at three per cent means an indebtedness of five billion 
 dollars. 
 
104 DUNNE JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 Second. An increased navy and costs of fortifications of from 
 $150,000,000 to $200,000,000 per annum or equivalent to interest 
 at tliree per cent on at least five l)illion more. 
 
 Third. A tremendously increased pension roll, the limits to 
 which cannot be defined. In tropical climates white men can 
 live in health and vigor but for a few years, and our garrisons 
 would be constantly depleted by disease and death, thus entailing 
 liabilities of frightful proportions. 
 
 Fourth. Increased liability to embroilment in foreign wars. 
 
 The first three items of expense, just enumerated, must be 
 borne even in time of peace, but situated as are the Philippine 
 Islands, not far from Chinese, Japanese, Indian, French, English, 
 German, and Russian ports and territories, we, as their possessors, 
 will be in constant danger of entanglement with one or more of 
 these powers. At the present time, when every nation in Europe 
 as well as Japan, is hungrily contemplating the partition of China, 
 the chances of the ruler of the Philippines being dragged into the 
 inevitable struggle are exceedi)igly likely, particularly if it be a 
 nation having a respectable navy. Already our hereditary enemy 
 of over a century, against whom we rebelled in 1776, who tried 
 to crush us in 1812, and who again during the War of the Rebel- 
 lion gave her money and sympathy to the South, and fitted out 
 the privateers that drove our commerce from the seas, discover- 
 ing that we have a navy that is formidable, has given evidence 
 of a change of heart and calls us his ' ' Anglo-Saxon cousins. ' ' Let 
 us remind him that his protestations of regard are a little too 
 late ; that Europe, not England, is the mother country of 
 America ; that we need no alliances and can stand alone. And 
 yet the press of this country is filled with a lot of silly twaddle 
 about an Anglo-American alliance. The good sense of the Ameri- 
 can people will never tolerate such an unnatural and dangerous 
 connection. 
 
 The United States, outside of the weak and debilitated king- 
 dom she has vanquished, has not an enemy in the world. Eng- 
 land, on the contrary, has *not a friend in the world. The Rus- 
 sian pickets, with loaded guns, are hovering upon the borders of 
 her empire in India and Afghanistan, and Russian diplomacy 
 has outmaneuvered her in China. 'Tis but yesterday that war 
 betAveen England and France over the Fashona incident was 
 obviated only by the most skillful diplomacy, without, however, 
 allaying the bitter feelings aroused thereby in the minds of the 
 people of both countries. Hostility to the British still rankles 
 in the hearts of the Boers, and the German Emperor still approv- 
 ingly pats the Boer on the back and encourages his resistance to 
 English aggression. The colonization schemes of England, 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 105 
 
 France, Germany, and Portugal in Africa are gradually, but 
 surely, coming to a point where open war must soon take the 
 place of secret aggression and intrigue. A chance spark will 
 explode the mine. 
 
 The United States is separated bj^ the ocean from all these 
 warlike and aggressive nations, and has dwelt for over half a 
 century in peace and harmony with her neighbors to the north 
 and south, and has no bone of contention with, jealousy of, or 
 hatred for any nation on earth. On the contrary, the British 
 empire, owing to its rapacity in the past and the almost world- 
 wide possession of colonies in the present, is always in the posi- 
 tion of treading upon some othei-' nation's corns. She is always 
 at war and generally with uncivilized or half civilized and ill- 
 armed peoples, and always will be at war so long as she pursues 
 her present and past history of spoliation and conquest. Is Brother 
 Jonathan, who for over fifty years has lived in peace and harmony 
 with the whole world, prepared to link arms with and take up 
 the quarrels of John Bull, who. as he has walked down the thor- 
 oughfare of the nations, has thumped a man or cuffed a boy at 
 every street corner and robbed them both, and now shows the 
 same bullying disposition, or will he attend to his own affairs, leav- 
 ing John Bull to fight out his own destiny? What possible object 
 can be obtained by such an alliance? Is there anything that this 
 Nation wants that she cannot herself obtain without the assist- 
 ance of England or any other nation? I know of none. That the 
 alliance would be of much value to England all will concede. It 
 will enable her to retain her present supremacy at sea, to hold 
 the lands she has conquered and plundered, and possibly to con- 
 quer and plunder others. But to use a colloquialism, "Where 
 does the Yankee come in?" He is proverbially shrewd at bar- 
 gains. The alliance would be at the expense of American money, 
 blood, and reputation. What does he get in return? The Anglo- 
 maniacs Avho have been stuffing our papers have failed to point 
 out a single item of compensation that would result to ■ the 
 United States from such a connection, and until they can an 
 Anglo-American alliance should not, and will not, be seriously 
 entertained by the American people. Even Andrew Carnegie, 
 whose love for England is so strong that he flies the Union Jack 
 sewed to the American flag over his home, sees the rank unfair- 
 ness of such an alliance, and declares in an article published this 
 month in the North American Review, "The Republic shall remain 
 the friend of all nations and the ally of none; that being free 
 today of all foreign entanglements she shall not undertake to 
 support Britain, who has these to deal with." 
 
106 DUNNE JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 Bishop Potter has stated that such an alliance would make 
 this country the "catspaw of Britain." The only possible con- 
 tingency under which such a proposition as an alliance Avith Great 
 Britain could be considered would be the abandonment of the 
 republican form of government and the establishment in its place 
 of a great colonizing empire, in the establishment of which both 
 a great standing army and a tremendous navy, as well as an 
 alliance for the time being with some other great power, is essential. 
 
 I sincerely believe that men of the Mark Hanna and Boss 
 Croker stamp are prepared for and would welcome such a change. 
 There are many indications of such designs. They have untold 
 wealth at their disposal. They have fostered and brought about 
 the concentration of most of the important manufactures of the 
 country into gigantic trusts and monopolies. They have suc- 
 ceeded in controlling the output and fixing the price in the 
 United States of most of the necessaries of life, of our coal, our 
 iron, our oil, our gas, our railroads, our street cars, our salt, our 
 sugar, our flour, our rubber, our delft-ware, our tin, our tobacco, 
 our snuff, our fish, our brooms, our print goods, our thread, our 
 buttons, our milk, our cotton goods, our beef, our pork, our glass, 
 our leather, our lumber, our paper, our soap, aye, even our chil- 
 dren's school books, and the coffins in which we must be buried, 
 and yet not satisfied with their undisputed industrial and finan- 
 cial dominion at home they are now, like Alexander, sighing 
 for new worlds to conquer. 
 
 In the introduction into foreign lands of their schemes for 
 adding to their ill-gotten wealth, they are likely to run counter 
 to laws and institutions, in the establishment of which they have 
 taken no part. New lobbies would have to be organized to shape 
 and modify these laws and institutions so that special privileges 
 — the trust and monopoly — may work their wills. Existing 
 executives might have to be persuaded, cajoled, intimidated, or 
 dethroned. The judicial tribunals of the country might have to 
 be enlightened, reconstituted, or reformed. All this costs money. 
 What's so cheap and easy as to grab a great territory and a few 
 million of human beings by treaty, and through the same instru- 
 mentalities and officials that have permitted them to obtain uncon- 
 trolled industrial supremacy in the United States, pass a few laws 
 in Washington that are satisfactory to them, without consulting 
 the wishes or interests of the millions annexed, and then send 
 a few satraps or proconsuls to the annexed territory, with a 
 large standing army and a powerful navy at the expense of this 
 Nation, and compel the millions annexed to submit to these 
 enforced laws? 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 107 
 
 This is the real scheme of the powerful interests advocating 
 expansion and imperialism at Washington, and this is the great- 
 est danger this Republic has ever been brought to face. Behind 
 the seeming lust of empire and annexation, which in reality does 
 not exist in the Nation, is the real lust of wealth which does 
 exist among the powerful monopolists of America who, unfor- 
 tunately, control the administration and shape the legislation of 
 the country. No American citizen dreamed of the annexation of 
 an unwilling people six months ago. No statesman who valued 
 his future would have dared to suggest it. When President 
 McKinley, a year ago, declared in his message to Congress that 
 "forcible annexation — under our code of morality — would be 
 criminal aggression," he spoke the then true sentiment of William 
 McKinley and of the entire American citizenship. AVhen he now 
 speaks of the "benevolent assimilation'.' of the Philippines he 
 speaks the sentiments of Mark Hanna, of Boss Croker, of Rocke- 
 feller, of Havemeyer, of Morgan, of the Standard Oil company, 
 of the New York Stock Exchange, and of all the violators of our 
 laws against trusts and monopolies, but not the sentiment of the 
 American peojjle. 
 
 The serious, solemn question presented to us and every 
 American citizen is : Shall the views and aims of the trusts, 
 monopolies, and dangerously wealthy and corrupt men of the 
 country, of whom Hanna and Croker are fair representatives on 
 each side of the political fence, prevail, or shall the common 
 citizenship of the Republic, Democratic, Republican, Populistic, 
 alike, assert its intelligence and love of republican government, 
 drive the money changer from the temple of liberty and reassert 
 to the people of the world at large, and the Philippines in par- 
 ticular, that this is a government "of the people, by the people, 
 for the people," and that no government is just, or has the 
 right to exist, that does not exist with the full consent of the 
 governed 1 
 
 Great social and economic questions have been confronting 
 us in recent years. Inequality and injustice of taxation are prob- 
 ably the most important. You, the members of this organization, 
 believe you have found the true solution of the problem and a 
 certain cure for the evil. Municipal and national ownership of 
 the means of transportation and communication is also a ques- 
 tion of the greatest public importance, and I, for one, believe the 
 legislation could and should be passed that would secure the same. 
 Other important social and economic questions are ripe for dis- 
 cussion, but in my judgment all of these matters, are, at the pres- 
 ent time, secondary in importance to the all-absorbing question 
 as to whether the Republic shall live. If imperialism prevails 
 
108 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 the Republic dies. If the Republic dies the single tax, municipal 
 ownership, state socialism, and all other agitated reforms sink 
 together into the dust. Citizenship and the suffrage Avill disap- 
 pear, and in the end the moneyed oligarchy, paraphrasing the 
 declaration of the French autocrat to his courtiers, will say to the 
 people of America, "The State! We are the State!" 
 
 Ex-Governor Altgeld has recently declared that since the 
 promulgation of the Declaration of Independence over 250 con- 
 stitutions that were republican in form have been adopted. Most 
 of them have perished. Is this to be the fate of our glorious 
 Republic? Not if the American people are true to the traditions 
 of the past and alive to the perils of the present. Not if the 
 wise and patriotic admonitions of Washington are rememl)ered. 
 Not if the spirits of Jefferson and Jackson hover over the Repub- 
 lic. Not while the Declaration of Independence remains the gos- 
 pel of American liberty. But, if forgetting or repudiating all 
 these, the American people, like the Romans, abandon the Republic 
 for an empire, who can safely predict that the American empire 
 will have a different end from that of Rome? 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 109 
 
 VIEWS ON SPANISH-AMERICAN 
 TREATY. 
 
 Excerpts from Address to Single Tax Club, January 28, 1899. 
 
 "Ill no case where our country enlarged its territorial juris- 
 diction did the people of the republic pursue a grasping or aggres- 
 sive policy. The lust of conquest and the greed of territorial 
 acquisitions had not, up to the year 1898, ranged the American 
 Republic among the robber nations of the earth. 
 
 "Until the present time the American Republic has not 
 acquired a foot of soil except by two honorable methods: 
 
 "First. Free and uncoerced purchase from the owners by 
 treaty. 
 
 "Second. By consenting to the annexation of territory con- 
 tiguous to the soil of the Republic, pursuant to the almost unani- 
 mous desire of the inhabitants of the territory annexed. 
 
 "What will be the verdict of history upon the conduct of 
 the United States if the Paris treaty be ratified? In March, 1898, 
 we announce to the world that we have undertaken a war of 
 'humanity and not of conquest.' 
 
 "Are we the heirs and descendants of the men who revolted 
 against a British tyrant because he attempted to force them, in 
 the language of the Declaration of Independence, 'To relinquish 
 the right of representation in the legislature, a right inestimable 
 to them and formidable to tyrants only,' now to be heard to 
 declare that we have the right to pass laws for 10,000,000 Fili- 
 pinos without giving them representation in our Congress? Not 
 a single annexationist in Congress or out of it has made a pre- 
 tense of admitting that the Filipinos shall be given representa- 
 tion in Congress. 
 
 "And if the Filipinos, as now seems likely, resist the exten- 
 sion of our dominion over their islands, shall we, who have 
 gloried in a 'government of the people, by the people, for the 
 people,' turn the guns of Dewey's fleet upon a brave and 
 gallant people who for years have carried on a bloody struggle 
 with Spain to secure the same independence that we fought for 
 and obtained in 1776? If we do it will be the most shameful 
 spectacle in American history, a recantation of the Declaration 
 of Independence, a colossal infamy, a national crime. 
 
110 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 "If the Senate of the United States should besmirch the 
 national honor and lower the standard of American manhood by 
 ratifying the treaty, then naught remains for the American peo- 
 ple but to demand and secure at the polls the independence of 
 the Philippines and Porto Rico, or prepare for an era of mili- 
 tary supremacy and imperialism toward which we are but too 
 surely drifting. Let us consider what the retention of the Philip- 
 pines means. Many of their islands are mere rocks in the ocean, 
 but none of them will be as dangerous to our navy as are the 
 financial and political rocks ahead of our ship of state as it sails 
 through the dangerous waters of colonial imperialism. 
 
 "It means, first; an increase of our standing army, the cost 
 of which has been estimated to be from $125,000,000 to 
 $150,000,000 a year. This, capitalized at three per cent, means 
 an indebtedness of $5,000,000,000. 
 
 ' ' Second. An increased navy and cost of fortifications of from 
 $150,000,000 to $200,000,000 per annum, or equivalent to interest 
 at three per cent or at least $5,000,000,000 more. 
 
 "Third. A tremendously increased pension roll, the limits of 
 which can not be defined. In tropical climates white men can 
 live in health and vigor but a few years and our garrison would 
 constantly be depleted by disease and death. 
 
 "The immortal words of the Declaration of Independence, 
 'AH men are created equal' and 'governments derive their just 
 powers from the consent of the governed' are as true today as 
 they were in 1776 and still more true. Some of the men whose 
 names were subscribed to that glorious promulgation of the rights 
 of man held black men at the time in bondage. Today such a 
 thing is impossible. 
 
 " To attempt to govern a great body of men without con- 
 sulting their wishes and permitting them to declare their election 
 for the form and character of the government imposed upon 
 them, according to the teachings and traditions of American 
 history, is tyranny and a national crime. It is opposed to the 
 genius of American institutions and a violation of the national 
 conscience." 
 
DUNNE JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 111 
 
 THE MANCHESTER MARTYRS. 
 
 Address by Judge Dunne, November 25, 1899. 
 
 Mr. Chairw\an and Gentlemen: 
 
 "Crowns of roses fade; crowns of thorns endure; Calvaries"- 
 and crucifixions take deepest hold of humanity; the triumphs of 
 might are transient, they pass and are forgotten; the sufferings 
 of right are graven deepest on the chronicle of nations." — Words- 
 taken from an author to me unknown. 
 
 Thirty-tw^o years ago, in the city of Manchester, three humble 
 Irishmen gave up their lives upon an English scaffold as an 
 expiation of Irish resistance to English rule. 
 
 From that down to the present, a lapse of nearly a third of 
 a century, the tragic fate of these men has been annually com- 
 memorated in every part of the civilized or uncivilized earth into 
 which English misgovernment has driven the Irish race. 
 
 In the stately capitol of Ireland, with the shadow of Dublin 
 castle, in rebel Cork, in ancient Galway, in prosperous Belfast, 
 in the Australian bush, among the Canadian forests, in the min- 
 ing camps of the Rockies and South Africa, in the great cities 
 of America, aye, in the English metropolis itself, Manchester 
 Martyrs day has been, is, and will be commemorated as long as 
 the spirit of Irish nationality continues to live. 
 
 What is the reason for keeping alive the memory of this 
 tragic event? 
 
 These men were not great in camp, in court, or in the field. 
 They were neither statesmen, warriors, poets, or philosophers. 
 They had not the glory of "dying on the battlefield, their broken 
 spears beside." They fell not at the head of charging batal- 
 lions, nor dearly sold their lives to cover their beaten but uncon- 
 quered comrades in retreat. The honor of a soldier's death was 
 not theirs. 
 
 Amidst the gloom of a November day their lives were 
 strangled out of them by an English hangman, surrounded by all 
 the ignominies and humiliations of an English execution. None 
 the less, they died the deaths of heroes and earned for themselves 
 the right to be numbered in the long and bloody list of Irish 
 martyrology. 
 
112 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 It fell to their lot to take their part in the struggle of the 
 Irish race for Irish nationhood, a struggle which has been handed 
 down from sire to sou through twenty-eight generations and, 
 looking full in the face of death, they played their part like gal- 
 lant men. 
 
 In the supreme moment of their taking off, like the obscure 
 French Captain Cambronue on the field of Waterloo, they hurled 
 contempt and defiance into the teeth of their country's trium- 
 phant enemies. 
 
 The Irish race commemorates th«ir tragic death, because by 
 it they proved to the world that the spirit of Irish nationality 
 is not dead nor yet sleeping, that despite Papal bulls and Epis- 
 copal fulminations, penal laws and coercion acts, wars, massa- 
 cres and governmentally created famines, oppression and cor- 
 ruption from without, and dissention and faction within, the 
 gibbet, the pitch-cap, the convict hulk, and the famine ship, the 
 militant spirit and ardent aspirations of the Irish race for nation- 
 hood have neither been smothered to death nor beaten into insen- 
 sibility. 
 
 The Irish people through the world revere and honor these 
 men because, in dying upon the scaffold in the cause of their 
 country's enfranchisement, they have placed themselves in the 
 exalted company of Shaun 'Neill and Tone and Shears, and Orr 
 and Robert Emmet, and that countless list of gallant men whose 
 flowing blood has made the English scaft'old an Irish altar of 
 adoration. 
 
 The celebration of this anniversarj^ at the present time is of 
 peculiar significance. 
 
 • If the story of the lives and deaths of these men reveals 
 anything it is that no race of people is great enough or good 
 enough, or strong enough, to force its rule upon another high- 
 spi)'ited and unwilling people. 
 
 It is over seven hundred years since the English, under war- 
 rant of Pope Adrian's bull, assumed control of Ireland. Within 
 these seven centuries there surely has been ample opportunity 
 for "benevolent assimilation." 
 
 Yet within these seven centuries there has never been a day 
 when the great body of the Irish people were not disloyal to the 
 English government and eagerly awaiting an opportunity for 
 successful revolt. During the last century there have been four 
 open insurrections, or more than in any previous century, and 
 British rule has been maintained during the nineteenth century 
 only by suspending the habeas corpus act, that palladium of Eng- 
 lish liberty, for twenty years, and by enforcing upon the Irish 
 people for forty-five other years the most drastic and tyrannical 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 113 
 
 coercion acts. lu other words, English dominion has been pre- 
 served in Ireland during the last century only by denying to the 
 Irish people for sixty-five years of that time the right to live as 
 English, Scotch, and Welshmen did during that same period. And 
 this was accomplished by the use of a standing army of from 
 thirty to sixty thousand men. Imagine the State of Illinois 
 keeping from thirty to sixty thousand militia constantly under 
 arms and mobilized ready for action, with laws in force mak- 
 ing it a penal offense for any citizen to have a revolver or a shot- 
 gun upon his person or premises, with the writ of habeas corpus 
 from time to time suspended, and the right of the soldiery to 
 search a man's house at any time of the day or night, and you 
 can understand the condition of Ireland for the last one hundred 
 years. What it was before this century is beyond the reach of 
 ordinary language. 
 
 A reading of the English penal laws in force in the eighteenth 
 century makes the blood run cold. 
 
 The condition of Ireland during the last century is a fair 
 sample of the success of attempting to govern an intelligent, 
 high-spirited people without the "consent of the governed." 
 
 Yet, notwithstanding its experience with the Irish people, 
 the British empire is again endeavoring to repeat history in the 
 Transvaal. 
 
 Here they have found a sturdy race of high-spirited. God- 
 fearing, law-abiding and law-enforcing Dutchmen in possession 
 of a country rich in soil and mineral resources. These men, 
 driven from British possessions, after years of conflict with wild 
 beasts and savage men, have conquered the wilderness, established 
 homes, and founded a republic. Suddenly gold and diamond 
 mines of enormous richness are discovered, and British subjects 
 are attracted thereby from the adjoining British colonies. The 
 value of these mines is reported in Dow^ning Street, and that 
 august £>nd conscienceless council of national land-grabbers, 
 called the British cabinet, resolves to "benevolently assimilate" 
 the Dutch republic. A fight with the republic must be provoked. 
 A willing tool is at hand. Gladstone, the greatest and grandest 
 Englishman who ever lived, had concluded an honorable treaty 
 with the Transvaal republic, in w^hich the independence had been 
 guaranteed. Joseph Chamberlain, surnamed Judas, because of his 
 ingratitude toward and betrayal of Gladstone, is a member of 
 the British cabinet as a reward for his treachery. To him is com- 
 mitted the task of diplomatic highw^ay robbery. 
 
 A number of English gold seekers and fortune hunters in the 
 race for wealth had entered the Transvaal and were working 
 the mines and the Boers for all there was in it. 
 
114 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 These men, under the leadership of Cecil Rhodes and Dr. 
 Jameson, had endeavored to raise an insurrection and steal both 
 the mines and the country only a few months ago, and as a result 
 were thoroughly thrashed by the Boers. The Transvaal republic, 
 like our oavu country and most other governments, had enacted 
 naturalization laws, requiring that all foreigners should reside 
 within the Transvaal a certain period before they could become 
 citizens of the republic. These naturalization laws were seized 
 upon by the wily Chamberlain as a pretext for diplomatic inter- 
 ference. 
 
 Through diplomatic channels he complained that the natur- 
 alization laws were unreasonable in requiring too long a resi- 
 dence in the Transvaal by Englishmen before they could become 
 citizens of the Dutch republic. Just think of the sincerity of 
 this complaint. An English cabinet minister complaining to a 
 foreign government that its laws were unnecessarily stringent in 
 preventing a British subject from renouncing allegiance to the 
 British sovereign and becoming a loyal citizen of a foreign 
 country ! 
 
 A rogue as well as a liar must needs to have a long memory 
 to avoid exposure. Chamberlain is a diplomatic rogue and has 
 not a long memory. If he did he would have remembered that 
 before and during the war of Great Britain against the United 
 States, in 1812, the British Government insisted upon the right 
 to impress and take from American vessels naturalized American 
 citizens, on the ground that "once a British subject a man con- 
 tinued to be always a British subject." So tenacious of this 
 claim has been Great Britain that in the treaty of 1815 she 
 refused to recede from her position in this regard, and the treaty 
 is silent upon the subject. 
 
 Both the nation and its subjects, if we except the rebellious 
 Irish, we all know in this country, are loath to admit that once 
 a British subject should ever become the citizen of a foreign 
 country, and yet the Pecksniffian statesman Chamberlain uses the 
 restraint placed upon the renunciation of British citizenship by 
 the Boer republic as a pretext for war. The impudence of this 
 claim equals its sincerity. What right has one country to be 
 heard upon the qualification of citizens of another? By inter- 
 national law, in the absence of treaty, one country has the right 
 to exclude foreigners absolutely from its territory. To admit 
 to citizenship upon any condition is a matter of favor. We 
 exclude Chinese absolutely and admit Europeans only upon five 
 years' residence. What would be thought of Mr. Chamberlain's 
 contention if he attempted to interfere in America in the inter- 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 115 
 
 est of English subjects resident therein, and complain of the 
 unreasonableness of its naturalization laws? 
 
 But the insincerity and impudence of this pretext was ex- 
 posed by Oom Paul, when he offered to appoint a joint commission 
 to consider the reduction of the term for naturalization, provided 
 the British government would agree not to use the matter as a 
 pretext for future interference and ratify a former treaty in 
 which the complete independence of the Transvaal was recog- 
 nized. We are all familiar with the shifting negotiations of 
 Chamberlain, during which he craftily prolonged the interchange 
 of diplomatic notes while he was steadily transporting British 
 troops to South Africa, and getting his heavy artillery ready to 
 pulverize the young republic. And we also know that the honest 
 old Dutchman, Oom Paul, called time on British trickery and 
 declared that unless all preparations for war by the British gov- 
 ernment ceased within forty-eight hours he would declare war. 
 And declare war he did, to his eternal honor and the honor of the 
 South African republics. What has transpired within the last 
 three months is the most unprincipled, dishonest, and disgraceful 
 act in Britain's shameful history of rapine and robbery. It is 
 a plain, indecently disguised attempt at national highway rob- 
 bery. In the struggle now going on in South Africa, it is my 
 hope, as I believe it is the hope of nine-tenths of the American 
 people, that right and justice will prevail and that these gallant 
 Dutchmen will prove to the world that Great Britain has at last 
 over-reached herself. 
 
 For the first time in eighty years the British troops, without 
 allies, are facing white men with arms in their hands and their 
 homes and firesides behind them. 
 
 They are not now fighting with famine-stricken Irishmen, 
 armed with pike and scythes; nor half -naked dervishes, equipped 
 with bows and arrows ; nor Zulus, armed with assegais ; nor Abys- 
 sinians carrying spears, but with men having modern firearms, 
 and the ability and courage to use them. May the God of 
 righteousness give strength to their arms, courage to their hearts, 
 and accuracy to their aim. 
 
116 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 TO A REUNITED DEMOCRACY. 
 
 Address to Iroquois Club, 1899. 
 
 Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen: 
 
 In behalf of the Iroquois Club and of the reunited democracy 
 which it typifies and represents, 1 bid you welcome to this feast. 
 Once again after the lapse of four years we who called ourselves 
 "Democrats and National Democrats" in 1896 are today content 
 with and proud of the unhyphenated title of "Democrat." Four 
 years ago we divided upon a single issue and made possible the 
 election of a Republican President. Who of us does not regret 
 it ? The money issue was then the paramount one before the people 
 and unfortunately we could not agree thereon. It is still an issue, 
 but not the only one. 
 
 The Spanish-American War and the prostitution thereof by 
 the present administration to ignoble ends has hurled a new issue 
 into the arena of American politics. The wold bull of imperialism 
 with the Republic upon his horns is facing the Ursus of democracy. 
 At such a juncture, when the Republic is in peril, all men who 
 believe in the doctrines of the immortal Declaration of Independence 
 and the principles of Jeffersonian democracy must and will sink 
 all minor differences and unite for her defense. The Republic, 
 founded by our forefathers upon the principles laid down in the 
 Declaration of Independence, must and shall be preserved in its 
 pristine purity. 
 
 What is the condition of affairs under President McKinleyH 
 Under his guidance, or rather that of Mark Hanna, we declare a 
 M^ar for humanity and make it a war of conquest. We help to arm 
 the Filipinos and fight alongside of them as their allies and, having 
 with their assistance subjugated the Spaniards, we basely betray 
 them, turn our guns upon them and treat them as our slaves. We 
 solemnly promise independence to the Cubans, yet, although it is 
 eighteen months after the cessation of hostilities, we still hold a 
 military occupation of the island. We solemnly proclaim to the 
 Porto Ricans our intentions to make them an integral part of the 
 Republic and are now enacting laws which make them men with- 
 out a countr.y. We have within two years quadrupled our standing 
 Army, although our administration declares we are at peace, and 
 use it as special police against the laboring men in all conflicts be- 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 117 
 
 tweeii labor and capital. We are endeavoring to jam through the 
 Senate a treaty with the most powerful naval power in the world, 
 which deprives us of the power to fortify the proposed Nicaraguan 
 canal, which Blaine declared to be practically an American coast 
 line, and which gives to that great power equal access to this canal 
 with ourselves ; we have cast to the winds the most hallowed and 
 distinctively American dogma, the Monroe doctrine, and to crown 
 our blunders and mistakes, according to the assertions of Joseph 
 Chamberlain, a member of the British cabinet, who ought to know, 
 have entered into a secret understanding with the British empire 
 while it is attempting to despoil and destroy the gallant Dutch 
 republic in South Africa. 
 
 From the Republic of Jefferson to the what is it of McKinley, 
 how has the mighty fallen? 
 
118 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 DENOUNCES ENGLAND IN THE 
 TRANSVAAL. 
 
 Address on Behalf of the Boers, January 5, 1900. 
 
 Mr. Chairman, Ladies and Gentlemen: 
 
 1 would that I were possessed of the eloquence of your distin- 
 guished chairman, or of the powerful command of language and 
 versatility of expression for which the gentlemen who follow me 
 are noted. For, to adequately describe the conduct of the British 
 government in the war now being conducted in South Africa, and 
 the diplomatic negotiations which preceded it, would require a 
 tongue of fire and words that blaze and burn, I am not so gifted, 
 and it is not my intention tonight to appeal to your passions or 
 arouse your enthusiasm. I shall content myself with a plain, and 
 I hope, truthful, presentation to you of the issues involved in this 
 controversy, and then appeal to you to decide what you and I, 
 and the American citizens in this country, should do under the 
 circumstances presented. 
 
 What is the situation presented to us in South Africa? On 
 the one hand two weak, struggling republics, one of them not 
 twenty years of age, and the other scarcely fifty, containing a 
 population not to exceed one and one-quarter million of souls, black, 
 white, brown, and yellow included. Out of this population not 
 over one-third are white, and, assuming that one-sixth of them are 
 able-bodied men between the ages of eighteen and sixty, they cannot 
 place in the field an army to exceed 70,000 men. 
 
 These young republics, with this small population, are battling 
 for their independence and national existence ; they are fighting 
 for the preservation of their homes and firesides. 
 
 On the other side is the greatest empire now on the face of 
 the earth, which boasts that the sun never sets upon its dominion 
 and that its drum-beat is heard around the world, which numbers 
 among its citizens and subjects 350,000,000 souls. This great 
 empire has entered upon this w^ar for the purpose of extinguishing 
 the national existence of these republics and to add their terri- 
 tory to its already dangerously expanded domain. Irrespective of 
 the merits or demerits of the controversy, the ordinarily constituted 
 man \vould naturally sympathize with the weaker side. If we met 
 a man upon the street cuffing and bullying a boy our sympathy 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 119 
 
 would naturally go out to the boy. If upon investigation we dis- 
 covered tliM the man was the boy's parent and that the boy is 
 recalcitrant and incorrigible, we might moderate our views as to the 
 justice of the punishment. But if, on the other hand, we discover 
 that the man is not the boy's parent but a bully and a robber who 
 is seeking to take from the boy what is rightfully his, our sympathy 
 would blaze into indignation. 
 
 Such is the situation in the Transvaal. Not only are the South 
 African republics weak in comparison with the great British 
 empire, but they have justice, morality, and equity on their side. 
 Never since the day when Leonidas, with his 300 Spartan and 4,000 
 weak-kneed allies, faced 3,000,000 Persian soldiers, under the com- 
 mand of the Persian king, in the pass of Thermopylae, has the 
 world ever witnessed such a sublime spectacle of heroism as that 
 presented by the South African republics in their resistance to 
 British aggression. 
 
 A man or nation who accepts tlie gauge of battle at odds of 
 300 to 1 must be inspired by a resolution born of despair or in- 
 spired by God. 
 
 A plain and truthful statement of the causes leading up to this 
 war is absolutely necessary at this time, for the reason tliat the 
 Boers, not having the ear of the American public and not being 
 possessed of the English language, have not been able to present 
 their case as it should be for a fair decision by the American 
 people. 
 
 The British empire possesses three great instruments for the 
 extension of its power and the acquisition of territory. First, its 
 tremendous navy, exceeding that of any two nations; second, a 
 powerful army large enough to adequately police the plundered 
 nations she has reduced to subjection and still leave sufficient to 
 enable her to carry out her future schemes of robbery; and third, 
 and more powerful than either, her press and literature. She has 
 extended her language outside of the United Kingdom to nearly 
 the whole of North America, all of Australia, a great portion of 
 India and Africa and her other colonies throughout the world. 
 Her writers and historians are the ablest in the world, and through 
 this pow^erful instrumentality she has been able, and is now able, 
 to present her side of the case in its most favorable aspect. By 
 some of her writers it is presented dishonestly ; by others adroitly ; 
 but by all of them it is presented to the people of the world in its 
 most favorable guise. There is need, then, of a truthful statement 
 of the cause leading up to the present war. 
 
 By the treaty concluded between the Transvaal and the British 
 empire in 1881 the Boers were accorded a modified or restricted 
 autonomy. For years prior to that they had been subject to British 
 
120 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 dominion, but having thrashed the British troops at Majuba Hill, 
 they demanded and were accorded a nominal degree of independ- 
 ence as a nation. This independence was, however, limited in 
 certain important particulars. In the first place, under the lan- 
 guage of the treaty, the Transvaal territory was guaranteed free 
 self-government under the suzerainty of her majesty ; secondly, 
 her majesty reserved the right to appoint a British resident in 
 and for the Transvaal state ; thirdly, the British government re- 
 served the right to move troops through the Transvaal states in 
 time of war, or in case of apprehension of immediate war between 
 Great Britain and any foreign state or tribe in South Africa ; 
 fourthly, the control of the external relations of the Transvaal 
 states, including the conclusion of treaties, the conducting of diplo- 
 matic intercourse with foreign powers, were to be carried on through 
 her majesty's diplomatic consular officers; fifthly, it was provided 
 in the treaty that no future laws, affecting the interest of the 
 natives in said territory, should have any force or effect without 
 the consent of her majesty; and sixthly, that all disputes between 
 the Transvaal states and the natives of South Africa, not resi'ding 
 in the Transvaal, were to be decided by the British resident as 
 arbitrator. There were other restrictions in the treaty limiting 
 the independence of the Transvaal as to foreign powers. 
 
 Under the terms of this treaty the government of the Trans- 
 vaal republics was conducted for four years, but constant friction 
 arose between that state and the British suzerain and in 1884 Glad- 
 stone, then premier of England, entered into negotiations with 
 the commissioners appointed by the Transvaal and concluded a 
 treaty that year which was honorable alike to the British nation 
 and the young republic, and which clothed the name of Gladstone 
 with imperishable honor as a just and enlightened statesman. 
 
 By this treaty all the restrictions of the treaty of 1881 were 
 removed, the title of suzerain on the part of Great Britain was sur- 
 rendered, and the Transvaal was recognized as an independent 
 nation under the name of the South African T?epu])lic, the only 
 rights reserved by the British empire being that contained in article 
 four, which provides that "The South African Republic will con 
 elude no treaty or engagement with any state or nation other than 
 the Orange Free State, or with any tribe, until the same has been 
 approved by her majesty." This is the only provision in the treaty 
 of 1886 which gives the British government the right to interfere 
 in either private or foreign concerns of the South African Re- 
 public. 
 
 This treaty having been solemnly ratified by both parties 
 was respected by both without protest or objection until the year 
 1899. 
 
DUNNE JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 121 
 
 In the meantime gold in enormous quantities had been dis- 
 covered, in the year 1886, in the Transvaal, and later developments 
 have tended to prove that the yield is almost inexhaustible. Thou- 
 sands of British subjects immigrated to the Transvaal and by 
 working the mines have become enormously rich. It has been 
 stated that nine-tenths of the output of the mines of the Rand 
 have gone into the pockets of British subjects. Not content with 
 the laws enacted by the Transvaal republic, so generous as to permit 
 of the acquisition of this enormous wealth, English filibusterers 
 cast covetous eyes upon the whole country, and in the year 1896 
 a lot of English freebooters, under the leadership of Cecil Rhodes 
 and Dr. Jameson, organized a filibustering expedition and attempt- 
 ed to seize the country by force. The sturdy burghers suppressed 
 the effort quickly and foolishly handed over its ringleaders to be 
 dealt with according to the terms of British law. Those men 
 were plainly guilty of high treason to the Boer republic and could 
 have been, according to the law of nations, punished with death in 
 the Transvaal. The English government went through the farce 
 of a trial and gave them a few days' imprisonment. Since that 
 time the whole force of British intrigue and diplomacy has been 
 directed toward provoking a quarrel with the young republic, with 
 the ultimate object of overwhelming it in battle and appropriating 
 its territory. 
 
 Cecil Rhodes placed before that august body of national land- 
 grabbers, known as the British cabinet, a truthful story of the 
 wealth of the gold mines in the Transvaal and that cabinet deter- 
 mined that the English nation should soon possess them. They 
 chose as their instrument of intrigue that tricky politician, the 
 colonial secretary. Chamberlain, surnamed Judas, because of his 
 disloyalty to his great chief, Gladstone. As a reward for his trickery 
 he occupies a seat in the British Cabinet. He was a fit and willing 
 tool for the dishonest enterprise. Not being able to discover any- 
 thing in the terms of the treaty which he could seize upon as a 
 pretext, he placed before the President of the Transvaal as a casus 
 belli the alleged unreasonable laws of the Transvaal relating to 
 the naturalization of foreign subjects. Think of the justice and 
 sincerity of this claim. He complained that the laws of the republic 
 were unduly onerous in the matter of preventing a British subject 
 from foreswearing allegiance to this sovereign. If there is a country 
 on earth that has gone to extremes in denying the rights to its 
 subjects to expatriate themselves it is the British government. 
 
 The war of 1812 between Great Britain and the United States 
 arose out of the claim by the British government that ''once a 
 British subject a man remains always a British subject." This 
 double-dealing government at that time violently boarded American 
 
122 DUNNE JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 vessels on the high seas and impressed American seamen, who had 
 once been British subjects, claiming the right so to do by reason of 
 the fact that under British law a British subject could not ex- 
 patriate himself. In the peace which was concluded after that 
 war between Great Britain and America the British government 
 refused to abandon this claim. It now, for the purpose of pro- 
 voking a quarrel with the South African Republic, insists, through 
 the wily and maladroit Chamberlain, that a law of the Transvaal 
 Republic which makes it difficult for a British subject to become 
 a citizen of the Transvaal Republic is unjust and unfair. Aside 
 from this insincerity the claim can have no standing in inter- 
 national law. Any free and independent nation has the right to 
 prescribe its terms of naturalization or to absolutely prohibit it 
 under any terms. No foreigner can become a citizen of the British 
 empire without the consent of its home secretary. William Waldorf 
 Astor had to obtain that consent before he could become a British 
 subject. The United States absolutely prohibits the Chinese not 
 only from becoming citizens but from entering into the country, 
 and has always prescribed a certain degree of residence in this 
 country before a citizen of any foreign country can become a citizen 
 of this Republic. All independent nations have enacted laws with 
 reference to the naturalization of foreigners and they change them 
 at will, but no country, up to 1899, has ever had the temerity to 
 complain of the unreasonableness of any such laws. What would 
 be the answer of the United States if Great Britain complained 
 tomorrow of the unreasonableness of its naturalization laws? The 
 whole affair is a flimsy pretext seized upon by Chamberlain, in the 
 absence of any real complaint, for the purpose of provoking war 
 with the Boers. He has bullied not wisely but too well. During 
 the whole period of the negotiations the British government was 
 transporting its troops and its heavy artillery to Cape Town for 
 the purpose of squelching the Boers when everything was in 
 readiness. But that sturdy old Dutchman, Oom Paul, exposed 
 their trickery when he offered to submit the whole matter to arbi- 
 tration, provided the British government would not use the matter 
 as a precedent for future complaints and would recognize in plain, 
 unequivocal terms the complete independence of the Transvaal 
 republic. 
 
 When Chamberlain refused to enter into any such arrangement 
 he called "time' on English trickery, and to his eternal honor and 
 the honor of the South African Republic, he declared war. There 
 is neither reason, justice, or even ill-disguised decency in the po- 
 sition taken by the British government in this controversy. It 
 is a plain case of unmitigated and unvarnished national highway 
 robberv. 
 
DUNNE JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 128 
 
 What is the duty of the American citizen under this situation 
 of affairs? It has been pointed out to us by the subjects of Great 
 Britain and their sympathizers in this country. The expatriated 
 American, William Waldorf Astor, has subscribed 5,000 pounds 
 for the furnishing of a British troop. He is evidently aiming at a 
 peerage. In his magazine he has been recently endeavoring to trace 
 connection between the honorable house of Astor and the Duke of 
 Astorias. Why go to so much trouble ? If he succeeds in obtaining 
 a peerage we can remind him of the origin of his house. His great 
 great-grandfather laid the foundation of the Astor fortune in pelts. 
 Upon obtaining his peerage we suggest that he select the name of 
 Lord Cashdown or Baron Coughup, that his coat of arms be a skunk 
 skin rampant, and his motto "cauda cum tcgumento" — the tail 
 goes with the hide. Lady Churchill, another expatriated Ameri- 
 can, has raised a hospital corjjs for the relief of the British 
 wounded, a most commendable cause, but in so doing she has ill 
 christened an English vessel flying the Stars and Stripes, with the 
 name of the ill-fated Maine. How the spirits of the Kellys, the 
 Murphys, and the Sheas, who went down to a watery death in the 
 harbor of Havana, must have groaned in anguish when they heard 
 this news. Unexpatriated British citizens in the city of Chicago 
 have been collecting upon the Board of Trade and in the banks of 
 this city funds for like purposes. They have set for you and other 
 American citizens who sympathize with the young republics — 
 and they are nine-tenths of the citizens of this Republic — an exam- 
 ple. Let us contribute to furnish hospital supplies to the sick and 
 wounded Boers. Subscribe for that cause in the name of justice, 
 in the name of humanity, in the name of right, in the name of 
 republican principles, and as a protest against British. piracy and 
 British plunder. 
 
 In the meantime let us watch the negotiations and pour parlers 
 passing between London and Washington. We cannot hope for 
 intervention, in the interest of the Boers, while President McKinley 
 is in the White House, but we can have our representatives in 
 Congress demand that all state papers passing between London 
 and Washington shall be submitted to the inspection of the Ameri- 
 can people. If it is true, as I hope it is not, that the American ves- 
 sel Montgomery has been acting the part of look-out on the African 
 coast while the British burglar is' attempting to despoil the South 
 African republic, there will be a day of reckoning with the American 
 people. In the meantime subscribe. Communicate with your 
 representatives in Congress and further in every lawful manner 
 the just and righteous position of the Boers and while the fight 
 progresses may the God of justice give courage to the hearts of the 
 Boers, strength to their arms, accuracy to their aim, and success to 
 their just and holy cause. 
 
124 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 APPEAL ON BEHALF OF THE BOERS. 
 
 Judge Dunne's Speech at Auditorium Hall, June 5, 1900. 
 
 Mr. Chairman mid Ladies and Gentlemen: 
 
 We meet tonight in the shadow of a great impending polit- 
 ical crime. We meet to protest against the consummation of 
 the crowning political infamy of the nineteenth century. As 
 citizens of a Republic, built upon a corner stone upon wiiich is 
 inscribed the words " All governments derive their just powers 
 from the consent of the governed," Ave meet to protest against the 
 strangulation of two young republics by a powerful and unscrup- 
 ulous empire which repudiates the doctrine of government with 
 the consent of the governed. 
 
 As citizens of a Republic which owes its existence to the 
 intervention of a friendly power we meet to inquire what has 
 paralyzed the spirit of the American Nation and what causes its 
 Executive to stand nerveless and dumb while two guiltless young 
 republics are being done to death. 
 
 The South African Republic has an undoubted right to 
 enact stringent naturalization laws ; nay, more, it was absolutely 
 necessary to its existence that it should do so in view of the 
 recent attempt of British freebooters, under the leadership of 
 Jameson and Cecil Rhodes, with the connivance of Chamberlain 
 and the English cabinet, forcibly to seize and plunder their coun- 
 try. But the whole world knows that the real cause of this unjust 
 and unrighteous war is not the naturalization laws of the Trans- 
 vaal, but the lust of gold. The present war is the bastard, a 
 pawn of an unholy alliance between British greed and British 
 fraud. 
 
DUNNE JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 125 
 
 HAS DEMOCRACY DEPARTED FROM 
 FIRST PRINCIPLES? 
 
 Address at Jackson Day Banquet, January 9, 1901. 
 
 Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen: 
 
 On the anniversary dedicated to the memory of Andrew Jack- 
 sou, sternest and truest friend of the common poeple, we meet 
 to revere his heroic character, to attest our devotion to the princi- 
 ples he advocated and typified, and to take counsel for the re- 
 habilitation and perpetuation of those principles. 
 
 Andrew Jackson was a man of the people by birth, by instinct, 
 and by choice. An ardent disciple of Jefferson, he equaled his 
 great master in his passionate love of Democracy, excelled him in 
 swiftness of execution, and was his inferior only in intellectual 
 strength and polish. He was the first man in the United States 
 to open war upon monopoly. 
 
 With both houses of Congress, the influential press, and all 
 the far-reaching influence of the combined w^ealth of the Nation in 
 opposition, he succeeded in breaking up the first great trust in this 
 country, the United States Bank. 
 
 We do well in these days, when trusts are as thick as mush- 
 rooms and as destructive of individual effort as the plague, to 
 keep alive the memory of one whose iron will and indomitable 
 energies accomplished what millions of men are battling for today, 
 seemingly without avail. 
 
 We would do well also to ascertain, if we can, why millions 
 of honest, earnest men who believe that private monopoly is dan- 
 gerous to the public w^eal cannot accomplish as much as one strong 
 man effected three-quarters of a century ago. 
 
 Two months ago two great issues were presented by the party 
 of Jackson to the people of this country for determination. The 
 preservation of republican government as outlined in tlie Declara- 
 tion of Independence, and the extirpation of private monopoly, 
 
 A majority of 800,000 votes seem to have declared against 
 these principles. I say seem, for I cannot believe that the American 
 people have voted, or ever will deliberately and with a full knowl- 
 edge of the issues involved, vote against the principles of the Dec- 
 laration of Independence or for the perpetuation of private 
 monopoly. 
 
126 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 There can be but one possible explanation of the result of the 
 recent election. The American electorate were influenced by the 
 lust of money and the lust of blood. Having engaged in a disgrace- 
 ful war for the extinction of liberty in the islands of the Pacific 
 and meeting opposition, the American voter lacked the moral 
 courage to admit the mistake until his country had succeeded in 
 bludgeoning resistance into insensibility, and the American manu- 
 facturer and his mechanics and laborers, finding themselves busy 
 as the result of this war, "hadn't any time for politics" and voted 
 for the party in power. 
 
 A wily and well-informed officeholder said to me early last 
 year, "No administration was ever beaten in the midst of a war, 
 or after the end of a successful one. ' ' He was right. In the heat 
 of conflict with nations as well as men, passion prevails and reason 
 retires. 
 
 The campaign just closed was carried on by the Democratic 
 party on high ground and upon principles of imperishable justice 
 and truth. We were led by a man who excelled in purity of 
 private life, in honesty and earnestness of purpose, in forensic 
 strength and in intellectual greatness, any candidate that the Dem- 
 ocratic party has nominated since the days of Andrew Jackson. 
 He conducted a campaign which is without parallel in history 
 and yet an electorate, suffering from a combined attack of war- 
 begotten hysteria and an injection of gold in chlorides or some 
 other form, repudiated him and our doctrines at the polls. In a 
 word, we were beaten because we were waging war abroad and 
 waging men at home. 
 
 And now after the battle, let us sound the reveille and take 
 counsel for the future. Truth loses some battles but wins her wars. 
 I remember in my boyhood days to have heard Democracy called 
 "unterrified. " Having voted for defeated Democratic candidates 
 with great regularity for some years past, I appreciate the signifi- 
 cance of this adjective. 
 
 But, gentlemen, we are more — we are undismayed and con- 
 fident of ultimate success. We are advised by our friends, the 
 Republican press, and certain pseudo Democratic papers to "re- 
 organize." They exhibit a most magnanimous disposition toward 
 a fallen foe. They want us to get upon our legs again and quickly 
 and their advice is to repudiate the men who, when the cause of 
 the common people was deserted by those whom they had exalted 
 to office, stepped into the breach and proved their devotion in the 
 hour of peril. Nay, more, they would have us turn to the men 
 who went over to the enemy or sulked in their tents during the 
 battle, for advice and leadership. When the Democratic party 
 wants counsel and advice it will hardly turn to such a source. No 
 sane man or party will follow the advice of its enemies. 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR ' 127 
 
 A distinguished ex-President, who was elected to that high 
 office as a Democrat, has also recently, through the public press, 
 expressed his views on the future of Democracy. Words from 
 such a source should and will be received with attention and 
 respect. When he says that this is the time for "moderation of 
 speech and mutual toleration," he speaks words of wisdom; and 
 when he says that the Democratic party "should give the rank 
 and file a chance to be heard, ' ' I heartily agree with him, but assure 
 him that the Democratic masses now, as they have always in the 
 past and particularly during the last eight years, have insisted 
 that the rank and file should be heard both in the selection of 
 its candidates and the building of its platform. It was the "rank 
 and file" surging forward from the mines, the factories and the 
 corn fields, that built the Chicago platform and nominated a poor 
 man for the Presidency in 1896 and renominated him at Kansas 
 City in 1900, and it is the rank and file which will in 1904 name 
 the platform and the candidate. 
 
 But when the distinguished gentleman, for whom I have the 
 profoundest respect, talks about a "return to first principles" he 
 becomes somewhat misty and indefinite. What are the first prin- 
 ciples which the Democratic party of 1900 have abandoned? I 
 know of none. 
 
 The founder of Democracy wrote the Declaration of Inde- 
 pendence, and assisted in framing the Constitution of the United 
 States. The Democracy of 1900 declared at Kansas City: "We 
 hold with the United States Supreme Court that the Declaration 
 of Independence is the spirit of our Government of which the 
 Constitution is the form and letter. We declare again that all 
 governments instituted among men derive their just powers from 
 the consent of the governed, that any government not based upon 
 the consent of the governed is tyranny; and to impose upon any 
 people a government of force is to substitute the methods of im- 
 perialism for those of a republic." 
 
 "We hold that the Constitution follows the flag * * * and 
 we assert that no nation can long endure half republic and half 
 empire, and we warn the American people that imperialism abroad 
 will lead quickly and inevitably to despotism at home." Is this a 
 departure from "first principles?" 
 
 The Democracy of 1900 declared at Kansas City: "We insist 
 on the strict maintenance of the Monroe doctrine in all its integrity 
 both in letter and spirit. ' ' Is this a departure from first principles ? 
 It declared at Kansas City, "We oppose militarism. It means 
 conquest abroad and intimidation and oppression at home. A small 
 standing army and a well disciplined state militia are amply suffi- 
 cient in time of peace." Is this a departure from "first prin- 
 ciples ? ' ' 
 
128 • DUNNE JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 It declared in favor of the preservation of the national good 
 faith with the Cubans and Porto Ricans. Is that a departure from 
 "first principles?" 
 
 It condemned and denounced the new American policy of 
 forcing our government upon an unwilling people in the Philip- 
 pines. Is that a departure from "first principles?" 
 
 It declared in favor of "territorial expansion" over a willing 
 people who would eventually be fitted for citizenship. Is that a 
 departui'e from "first principles?" 
 
 It declared that "private monopolies are indefensible and 
 intolerable." Is that a departure from "first principles?" 
 
 It declared against a protective tariff and government by in- 
 junction and in favor of pensions for soldiers and reduction of 
 taxes. Was this a departure from "first principles?" 
 
 It expressed sympathy with the two gallant South African 
 republics in their heroic, superhuman struggle for the preservation 
 of their independence. Oh, shades of Washington and Franklin, 
 of Jefferson and Monroe, of Lafayette and Pulaski, of Sullivan 
 and Barry, was this a departure from "first principles?" 
 
 But it may be that the distinguished ex-President, when he 
 spoke of "first principles" referred to that declaration of the 
 Kansas City platform which speaks of bimetallism and contains 
 the nightmare figures "16 to 1." 
 
 Is a declaration in favor of bimetallism a departure from ' ' first 
 principles ? ' ' 
 
 Show me when and where Jeifersonian Democracy ever de- 
 clared for gold monometallism. It never did. I am not a stickler 
 for the ratio ; I am not a numismatist, a financier, a banker, or a 
 political economist. The ratio of coinage adopted and utilized 
 by the world for centuries may be right or wrong, wise or unwise. 
 The human race staggered along under it for centuries and did 
 fairly well until the bankers and money loaners became dissatisfied. 
 But assuming that for several centuries the civilized peoples of 
 the world Avere wrong and tliat the ratio between metals as de- 
 manded by tlie Democratic party was unfair and unreasonable, the 
 issues in 1900 between the Democratic and Republican parties, as 
 presented by their policies and platforms, were as follows: 
 
 Democratic. 
 
 1. Reaffirmation of the principles of the Declaration of 
 Independence. 
 
 2. Denunciation of the infamous Porto Rico tariff. 
 
 3. Prompt and honest fulfillment of our pledges of independ- 
 ence to the Cubans. 
 
 4. Denunciation of an unjust and disgraceful war of conquest. 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOK, GOVERNOR 129 
 
 5. Territorial expansion with consent of inhabitants fitted 
 for citizenship. 
 
 6. Maintenance of Monroe doctrine. 
 
 7. Opposition to higli protective tariff. 
 
 8. A declaration in favor of a small standing army and a 
 well disciplined militia. 
 
 9. An honest denunciation of trusts and private monopolies 
 and a solemn pledge to control or abolish same. 
 
 10. Bimetallism at a ratio unsatisfactory to many Democrats. 
 
 Republican. 
 
 1. Repudiation of the principles of the Declaration of Inde- 
 pendence as shown by our conduct in the Philippines. 
 
 2. Justification of Porto Rican tariff. 
 
 3. Evasion, equivocation and delay in evacuating Cuba after 
 peace had been restored. 
 
 4. Justification of the unjust and disgraceful war of conquest 
 in the Philippines. 
 
 5. Territorial expansion with fire and sword in spite of and 
 against protest of the inhabitants. 
 
 6. Practical repudiation of the Monroe doctrine. 
 
 7. Reaffirmation of the policy of a high protective tariff. 
 
 8. A course of conduct favoring a large standing army and the 
 mobilization of state militia. 
 
 9. A hypocritical and dishonest denunciation of trusts by 
 men who owned and controlled most of them. 
 
 10. Gold monometallism. 
 
 Seven of these issues, presented by the Democratic platform 
 of 1900, are among the "first principles" of Democracy. They 
 concern the rights of men and the preservation of human liberty. 
 Of the remainder, two arose out of the Spanish War and concern 
 the preservation of the national faith toward the Cubans and the 
 national honor in dealing with the Philippines. 
 
 The only remaining issue is that which concerns not the rights 
 of men but the interests of mammon, not human liberty, but the 
 almighty dollar. 
 
 Nevertheless, a number of voters calling themselves gold 
 Democrats placed that one issue which they believed affected their 
 pockets, above the nine issues which affected their country's honor 
 and the liberties of ten million of their fellow men. 
 
 Well and truly does the Chicago poet, Ernest McGaffey. 
 exclaim: 
 
 The greed of gain has gone abroad 
 
 And truth and manhood rust, 
 The world but one mad impulse feels 
 
 And all for riches lust, 
 While Riches at her chariot's wheels 
 Drags Honor in the dust. 
 —5 
 
130 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 Now, gentlemen, I have no reproaches for these men. Many 
 of them are warm personal friends, and they declare to me frankly 
 that in politics, as in business, a man should look to his own per- 
 sonal interests, and there is no place for sentiment in either politics 
 or business, if sentiment conflicts with pecuniary interests. They 
 may be right, but I doubt it. All men are not so constituted and 
 all honor to the high-souled, public-spirited men who, believing 
 that the Democratic party was wrong upon the financial question, 
 disregarded their personal interests and cast their votes on the 
 side of the Republic as against the threatened empire. There were 
 thousands of them in this city, Republicans and gold Democrats. 
 Such men as these should sit high in the council chambers of the 
 party in the future, not men who fled from the old colors of De- 
 mocracy, and went over to the enemy, or who sulked in their tents 
 while the battle was raging afar. 
 
 No, gentlemen. Democracy has no need to return to "first 
 principles. ' ' It has never left them. It was true to them in 1900. 
 It will hi true to them in 1904. The "rank and file" will select 
 the candidates and frame the jDlatform in 1904 as it did in 1900. 
 Who that candidate will be need not concern us now. Whether our 
 admired and honored guest will have the unique and well deserved 
 honor of being thrice nominated and finally elected President of 
 the United States, or is to encounter the political experiences of 
 Clay, Calhoun and Blaine, lies within the womb of the future. 
 Whatever the future has in store for him, and I hope it is the 
 Presidency, the name of "Bryan' ' will go down in history wdth the 
 names of Jeff^erson, Monroe and Jackson, as one of the bravest, 
 truest and most honest friends of the common people. He has 
 found a place deep down in the heart of Democracy from which 
 all the power of plutocracy cannot dislodge him. As to the future 
 policy of the party, in my judgment, there cannot be much doubt. 
 It must adhere to the Democracy of its founder, Thomas Jefferson, 
 as it has done in the past. The Democracy of Jefferson is crystal- 
 lized in and concentrated to the principles announced in the Dec- 
 laration of Independence. As Christ concentrated all His doctrines 
 and teachings into these few words, "Love God above all things, 
 love thy neighbor as thyself," so did Jefferson crystallize all his 
 political economy into these few words: "All men are equal 
 * * * with inalienable rights, among which are life, liberty and 
 the pursuit of happiness. All governments derive their just powers 
 from the consent of the governed." 
 
 The only partj^ that can accomplish this great end is the Demo- 
 cratic party. Plutocratic greed has the Republican party by the 
 throat. The only way in which the Democratic party can achieve 
 this result is by concentration of effort upon two paramount vital, 
 all-dominating issues, the overturning of the imperialistic tenden- 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 131 
 
 cies of the day and the suppression of private monopoly. The 
 Democratic party is right upon these issues. Let us confine our- 
 selves to them and to them alone. Too many issues in the last cam- 
 paign contributed to our defeat. Let us concentrate and not scatter. 
 All Democrats can unite on these issues. Hundreds of thousands 
 of Republicans and Populists will join our ranks. 
 
 Let us then unite upon these two great issues and keep them 
 steadily before the people until the next Presidential election. 
 Truth is mighty and must prevail. This Republic was not born to 
 meet the fate of the Roman republic. The love of liberty and 
 equal rights to all still permeates the masses, and just as sure as 
 fate the Democracy and the Republic will triumphantly prevail 
 in 1904. 
 
132 
 
 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 TO PROVIDE LOCAL SELF- 
 GOVERNMENT. 
 
 Editorial in The Public, February 23, 1901. 
 
 Judge Dunne, of Chicago, has made a suggestion regarding 
 the constitutional obstacles to local self-government in this wes- 
 tern metropolis, which would, if adopted, settle all the difficulties! 
 with which the city contends, and without involving the ex- 
 pense and uncertainties of a constitutional convention. He pro- 
 poses a constitutional amendment to which no fair objection can 
 be interposed. It consists merely in supplementing the clause in 
 the present Constitution which forbids special legislation, with 
 these words : 
 
 "Save and except that in all cases where any common coun- 
 cil of any city or any board of county commissioners of any 
 county or twenty-five per cent of the voters of any city or 
 such city or municipality shall request the enactment of 
 any law, the Legislature shall have the power to en- 
 act the law so requested, said law not to take effect, how- 
 ever, until submitted to popular vote in said city or municipality 
 and a majority of voters thereof shall approve the passage of the 
 same," 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 133 
 
 MONOPOLY GRIPS THE NATION. 
 
 Speech at the Iroquois Club, April 13, 1901. 
 
 Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen: 
 
 Monopoly has the Nation by the throat. One large corpora- 
 tion practically controls all the steel manufacturing industries 
 of the country ; another all the illuminating oil ; another all the 
 anthracite coal ; two control our sugar ; two our matches, and 
 four kill and sell to the people of the United States all the meat 
 they eat, and embalm and can all the scraps that are left over 
 and find ready sale for the same to the Government of the 
 United States for consumption by soldiers in the regular Army. 
 Nearly every article of merchandise in common use, from the 
 cradles in which the babies are rocked to the coffins in which we 
 lay our dead to rest, are controlled by the trusts, and Mr. 
 McKinley's late Attorney General declared that the imperial 
 power of the Republic was powerless to manage, regulate or con- 
 trol them. The power which can be and is so energetically used 
 to force a government upon 10,000,000 protesting and unwilling 
 people 10,000 miles away becomes palsied and paralyzed when 
 it comes in contact with a man, or an aggregation of men, whicli 
 controls ten millions of dollars. 
 
 The cabinet is composed of plutocrats, or the tools of pluto- 
 crats ; the Senate chamber is filled with them ; the choice appoint- 
 ments in the Army and Navy are given to their relations or satel- 
 lites, and through such men and their influence, the spirit of 
 imperialism is rapidly impregnating the official: departments of 
 the country. 
 
 Republican simplicity and virtue are disappearing. The 
 principles of the Declaration of Independence have been repu- 
 diated and trampled under foot. The Monroe doctrine which 
 has been asserted with unanimity and courage by Democratic 
 and Republican administrations for seventy-five years has been 
 cast to the winds. 
 
134 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 CHICAGO'S MUNICIPAL POVERTY 
 AND CAUSE THEREOF. 
 
 Statement to the Public, February 9, 1902, 
 
 A subject on which I have delivered an address, and a subject 
 which is well worth the gravest consideration of the citizens of 
 Chicago is ' ' Municipal Destitution in the Midst of General National 
 Prosperity. ' ' 
 
 I call attention to the fact that the wheels are revolving all 
 through the United States, and the smokestacks are emitting smoke, 
 which is an indication of general prosperity. Is the workingman 
 getting his share of the profits that are being made? I very much 
 doubt this, because the cost of the necessaries of life has advanced 
 quite materially, probably ten per cent, within the last three or 
 four years, and from all the information that reaches me, I doubt 
 very much whether wages are ten per cent higher than they were 
 a few years ago. 
 
 But in view of the fact that the wheels are revolving and busi- 
 ness seems to be active throughout the country, in view of the fact 
 that the mellifluous voice of the "promoter" is heard in all direc- 
 tions, I conclude there is prosperity in the country, and from all I 
 can see of the smokestacks of Chicago I am satisfied that Chicago is 
 not an exception to the general rule in mercantile and manufactur- 
 ing business. 
 
 But in the midst of this general prosperity our bridges are 
 closed, our viaducts are rotting to decay, our streets are wretchedly 
 paved and no finances are in the city treasury for the purposes of 
 enlarging or developing the schools ; judgments against the city of 
 Cliicago are being hawked upon the streets at from seventy-five to 
 ninety-five cents on the dollar, our night schools are closed and the 
 hard working teachers of this community, who have done more than 
 any other class in the community to bring about a situation in which 
 the city ought to be able to recover revenue, have had their wages 
 cut nine per cent ; so that I have to conclude that the municipality 
 is in a dire condition of financial distress : Is this or is it not the 
 result of mismanagement ? 
 
 I find, iipon consulting statistics published by the United States 
 labor statistical bureau, that of the twenty largest cities in the 
 United States only two are as economically administered as the city 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 135 
 
 of Chicago, and only three of them collect as little revenue from 
 taxation as Chicago. 
 
 From this I conclude that, in comparison with nineteen other 
 great cities in the United States, and comparing the management 
 of the affairs of the city of Chicago with that of those other cities, 
 it is not wasteful, improvident or reckless. 
 
 Compare it with the administration of the country, which is 
 being administered by Eepublicans, and I find the same situation 
 exactly in the county affairs run by politicians belonging to a 
 differ(int political party. The wages of all the county employes last 
 year were cut eight and two-thirds per cent — that is, they were 
 deprived of one month's wages last year over their violent protest 
 and compelled to work for eleven-twelfths of what they had been 
 paid the year before and for several years prior. 
 
 While there has been no substantial increase in the number 
 of county emploj^es within the last five years, I find that the 
 finances of the county are in such desperate condition that during 
 the month of December there was a shortage of ink, pens and sta- 
 tionery in the Criminal Court where I am sitting ! 
 
 It has been also stated by Mr. Hanberg, president of the County 
 Board, that the finances available for county purposes will only 
 enable them to pay for the care and management of the poor, the 
 insane and the sick in this county, and the wages of its employes, 
 and that it has no monej-^ on hand for the purpose of making needed 
 repairs to the county buildings, and that such repairs and additions 
 cannot be made this year. 
 
 From all this I conclude that it is not mismanagement on the 
 part of either Democratic or Kepublican politicians that is the cause 
 of the trouble. 
 
 As has been well pointed out by the teachers, twenty-three 
 corporations of this community have been for years evading the 
 payment of taxes upon two liundred and fifty millions of dollars' 
 worth per annum of property. The Teachers' Federation has the 
 list of corporations. They are public utility companies. 
 
 Among these twenty-three corporations was not included any 
 steam railway company entering into the city of Chicago. 
 
 On further inquiry I have ascertained that the total real estate 
 valuation placed upon the real estate in the first ward of the 
 city of Chicago, being only one ward out of, the thirty-four, 
 was $268,000,000 for the year 1900, while the Swift commission 
 which had appraised the same property in 1896, a year which was 
 at the very climax of the dull times in this community, closely fol- 
 lowing the panic of 1893 and which was therefore a time of con- 
 servative estimates, placed it at $422,000,000 approximately. 
 
 Which valuation is correct is shown by the fact that last week 
 Montgomery Ward & Co. bought the corner of Michigan Avenue 
 
136 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 and Washington Street for $600,000 and the same piece of prop- 
 erty was valued by the Swift commission at $368,000. 
 
 I have discovered further that all the personal property of the 
 first ward of the city of Chicago is assessed by the Board of Assess- 
 ors at $38,000,000, while the published reports issued by one of the 
 banks indicate that there is $440,000,000 in cash in thirty buildings 
 — thirty banks — in this city. 
 
 All of the real estate in the first ward, money in bank, Marshall 
 Field 's dry goods building, wholesale and retail ; Siegel & Cooper, 
 Rothschild & Co., — all of these tremendously wealthy warehouses 
 and big institutions in the heart of the city, all that property, all 
 the personal property in these buildings, was valued at $38,000,000. 
 
 From which I conclude that the tax dodger has gotten in his 
 work to such an extent that at least in the first ward he is not as- 
 sessed on one-tenth of his property; in consequence of which our 
 bridges are closed, our viaducts are rotting to decay, our night 
 schools abandoned and our teachers compelled in order to keep the 
 schools open to contribute out of their miserable pittance ten per 
 cent of their salaries ! 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 137 
 
 ADVANTAGES OF PUBLIC OWNERSHIP 
 AND OPERATION OF UTILITIES. 
 
 Statement to the Public, Maech 29, 1902. 
 
 I have no hesitation in declaring that I am iii favor of munici- 
 pal ownership and operation of Chicago 's street railways, telephone 
 system, gas and electric lighting plants, providing always that they 
 be managed under an honest and rigid civil service. The public 
 demands and will be content only with two essentials in the opera- 
 tion of these public utilities : 
 
 First — Efficiency and comfort in service. 
 
 Second — Operation at the lowest cost commensurate with effi- 
 ciency and comfort. 
 
 Filthy cars, defective telephone service, weak and irregular 
 light and excessive charges would not be tolerated for an instant if 
 our public utilities were under city ownership. The administra- 
 tion that would dare offend in any of these particulars would be 
 speedily turned out of office. 
 
 The desideratum in the way of good and efficient service, 
 coupled with rates in accord with the cost of rendering such service, 
 can be attained under municipal ownership and management. 
 
 The municipality would insist, in the interest of all its citizens, 
 that no more should be charged for service than would be necessary 
 to provide that service. Such is the history of our waterworks 
 and our post office. 
 
 Municipal ownership would bring the best results in service, 
 economy and rates. The municipality would not be in the business 
 of amassing great fortunes to be left to the heirs of its stockholders. 
 It would not be in the business of floating great issues of stocks 
 and bonds for the enrichment of its promoters. It would be in the 
 business of giving good service to its citizens at the lowest possible 
 cost. 
 
 The objection that municipal ownership would open the doors 
 to official fraud and the padding of pay rolls is untenable. There 
 has been more fraud, bribery and corruption in the Legislature of 
 this State and the City Council by the agents and tools of the 
 private corporations operating Chicago's public vitilities in the last 
 twenty years than could be perpetrated under municipal manage- 
 ment of the same utilities in the next two centuries. 
 
138 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 Point out to me any fraud which might occur under municipal 
 ownership which could compare with the wholesale corruption by 
 which the charters and franchises of the existing corporations have 
 been obtained during the last forty years. 
 
 Municipal ownership and management of Chicago street rail- 
 ways, lighting plants and telephones, under an honest and effective 
 administration of the civil service law, would give Chicago better 
 service at lower rates than can ever be attained under private owner- 
 ship of the public utilities. 
 
 And it would give the harassed street railway employes and the 
 employes of the other corporations better wages, shorter hours and 
 the certain tenure of place, which is the best incentive to cheerful 
 and efficient effort. 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 139 
 
 THE ANTHRACITE COAL STRIKE. 
 
 Letter op Judge Dunne to the Tribune, September 11, 1902. 
 
 I have seen an editorial in your influential paper of the ninth 
 inst. in which you quote me as saying ''President Roosevelt could 
 convene Congress and legislation would be enacted which would 
 make the end of the strike easy," and then ask me, "What is the 
 legislation which, if enacted, will put an end to it?" In answer 
 let me state in the first place that you have misquoted me. I never 
 declared that Congress could pass laws that would end the strike. 
 If your reporter was present at the meeting he heard me advise as 
 follows : First, that Governor Stone of Pennsylvania send word to 
 the operators that unless they consented to mediation within forty- 
 eight hours he would call a special session of the legislature to take 
 action upon the crisis presented ; that the legislature should ap- 
 point a commission or committee of inquiry into the grievances of 
 the strikers, the cause of the strike, and fix the blame upon the 
 parties responsible for its origin and continuance, and make recom- 
 mendations for the passage of such laws as would prevent its repeti- 
 tion, such as compulsory arbitration of all labor disputes or a law 
 giving the State the right to condemn for public use all railroads 
 and coal mines. I argued and still maintain that, if the governor 
 issued such a call, the strike would be settled before the legislature 
 would meet. 
 
 I further advised and recommended that, if the governor 
 of Pennsylvania refused to issue such a call, it was the duty of the 
 President to call Congress together for the purpose of appointing 
 a congressional committee of inquiry into a state of facts where 
 150,000 American citizens were idle and on the verge of starvation, 
 and 15,000,000 were being denied their usual winter fuel. 
 
 I further stated explicitly that I had serious doubt as to 
 whether Congress could pass any law that would be effective, but 
 maintained, as I still maintain, that, if a congressional committee 
 were appointed at the request of the President, with power to com- 
 pel the production of witnesses and documents and to report to the 
 President and the Nation the real cause of the strike and the names 
 of the parties responsible, the strike would be ended before the 
 committee examined a witness. As the President himself declares 
 when he is talking, not to Congress but to his fellow citizens in his 
 
140 DUNNE JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 travels, publicity will put a stop to greed and extortion. Rather 
 than face a congressional investigation and report, the coal operators 
 would discover that there was something to arbitrate. 
 
 The power of the President to act is given by section three, 
 article two, of the Federal Constitution, which provides: "He 
 (the President) shall from time to time give to the Congress in- 
 formation of the state of the Union, and recommend to their con- 
 sideration such measures as he shall deem necessary and expedient. 
 He may on extraordinary occasions convene both Houses or either 
 of them." 
 
 This provision gives the President the right to convene Con- 
 gress, to acquaint them officially with the condition of affairs in 
 Pennsylvania, and to request the appointment of a congressional 
 committee of inquiry. I maintained, and still maintain, that an 
 "extraordinary occasion," in the language of the Constitution, 
 exists when 150,000 citizens of the Republic are idle, destitute, and 
 on the verge of starvation, and 15,000,000 of citizens are being 
 deprived of or mulcted outrageously for one of the greatest neces- 
 saries of life — their winter fuel — and that it is the bounden duty 
 of the President when the governor of a monopoly-ridden state 
 is supine and indifferent to the welfare of his fellow citizens, to 
 call Congress together for the purposes suggested. In 1891, or 
 thereabout, under similar circumstances, the young emperor of Ger- 
 many put an end to a big coal strike in Wallachia. The miners 
 refused to work for certain wages. They were locked out. Thou- 
 sands of his subjects were reduced to want, and coal was scarce 
 and dear. The Kaiser sent word to the operators that unless the 
 difficulty was settled promptly he would go down to Wallachia in 
 person and investigate. His trip was never made. The strike was 
 settled next day. The German mine owners did not court publicity. 
 
DUNNE JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 141 
 
 FAVORS INITIATIVE AND 
 REFERENDUM. 
 
 Address to Chicago's New Charter Convention, December 
 
 16, 1902. 
 
 Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen: 
 
 I do not think the committee has gone far enough. In the 
 first place, it has confined itself solely to amendments that relate 
 to the revenue law, to the consolidation of the different taxing 
 bodies in this county, and to the amelioration of the justice shop 
 evil, all of which have my assent and will have my earnest sup- 
 port. 
 
 But the committee seems to have shut its eyes to the fact 
 that within the last year in this community a large popular vote 
 was cast on a question that is more important to the citizens than 
 the alleged evils that this amendment purposes to cure. Because 
 of the fact that it has not gone far enough, I feel it my duty, as 
 a citizen and a member of this convention, to offer a short sub- 
 stitute in place of the amendment proposed by the executive 
 committee. I will read it : 
 
 "Section 34. The General Assembly shall have power, any- 
 thing in the Constitution of this State to the contrary notwith- 
 standing, to pass any and all laws which may be requested by 
 the city council of the city of Chicago and the city council of all 
 cities in the State whose populations exceed 10,000 or which may 
 be requested by ten per cent of the legal voters of said city. 
 Said law or laws to be applicable only to said city or cities and 
 to take effect only when approved by a majority of all the legal 
 voters of said city or cities voting thereon at the next municipal 
 election held not less than thirty days after the enactment of 
 such law or laws. ' ' 
 
 The advantages of this substitute are two: First, it is con- 
 cise, it is clear, succinct, and can be understood by the common 
 people of this community. It embraces in about twelve lines 
 what the committee has taken two or three pages of its report 
 to say. 
 
 In the second place, it is more elastic. It vnW enable the city 
 council of Chicago at times when emergencies arise, such as arose 
 at the time of the world's fair, to pass an ordinance requesting 
 
142 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 the Legislature to pass a law which meets the approval of the 
 citizens of the community. 
 
 In this city emergencies are always arising, as they did 
 at the time of the world's fair. In the course of a few years 
 we may want, for instance, a Chancery or City Court such as does 
 not prevail throughout the State. 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 143 
 
 ON THE RACE PROBLEM. 
 
 Statement of Judge Dunne, February 15, 1903. 
 
 The alarmist — the "practical" politician who is using the 
 negro to further his own ends — is deferring a settlement of the 
 color problem, according to Judge E. F. Dunne, who said : 
 
 I believe in the negro. I do not believe that he has pro- 
 gressed backward, as the paradox has been put. He has been 
 held back by race prejudice, which has placed every possible 
 obstacle in his way. That he has survived these hindrances and 
 advanced as far as he has is proof that his case is far from hope- 
 less, as some affect to see it. 
 
 You can not argue the colored question on reason. It is 
 bound about by too much prejudice. But, give the colored man 
 the encouragement and assistance to advance, and I believe he is 
 certain to command that respect Avhich must be the aggressive 
 factor in allaying the race prejudice that grips the South. 
 
 That same aversion is with us here in the North. The colored 
 man is by no means given the opportunities which he merits. Is 
 there any demand for the young colored w^oman of education 
 who seeks even the position of typewriter? Is there any ten- 
 dency to give employment to young colored men of ability as 
 bookkeepers or in responsible posts which might pave the way to 
 future advancement? No, we are beset by that same prejudice. 
 
 If our children come home from school and say that a 
 colored pupil has been given the adjoining desk there is usually 
 a request to the teacher to effect a change. It is the same story 
 here as in the South, except that the great population of blacks 
 there emphasizes conditions. 
 
 The negro will solve his own salvation as we aid him. We 
 should spend of our prosperity and plenty to give him every pos- 
 sible facility for education and mental and moral advancement. 
 He needs moral support to devolop his moral character — a devel- 
 opment which is as essential, even more so, as that he should 
 learn to read and write and cipher. 
 
 We need to extend a plenty of charity to the black man. If 
 this is done he will work out his own problem. When he has 
 advanced until he claims our support and assistance through 
 sheer ability and energy, then we will no longer have a race 
 problem here so far as the black man is concerned. 
 
144 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 Statements of public men who affect to see bloodshed and 
 race wars in the future are, to my mind, absurd. Such talk does 
 not aid to solve this pressing question. It retards and hinders 
 and is stirring up further obstacles in the South. Passion, force, 
 and haste will never make for a settlement of this question. 
 Above everything, keep politics out of it. 
 
 Granted that President Roosevelt is sincere in his efforts 
 to bring about an advanced order of things, it cannot be denied 
 that there are those in Washington who are dangerous because 
 they are trying to use the colored race as political pawns. 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 145 
 
 IRELAND'S POLITICAL FUTURE. 
 
 Address Before the Irish Fellowship Club, March 17, 1903. 
 
 Mr. Ch\airman and Gentlemen: 
 
 We meet on the eve of great events. Last year a political 
 earthquake shook the British empire. The traditional policy of 
 plundering weaker races and despoiling them of their liberty 
 and independence received a rude shock when 50,000 Boer 
 burghers, armed with modern weapons, set at defiance for two 
 long years the concentrated power of the mightiest empire on 
 earth. It received a humiliating shock when Great Britain was 
 forced to conclude a peace which compelled the conqueror to pay 
 a large monetary indemnity to the overwhelmed and gloriously 
 beaten foe. The struggle between the Boer and Briton wrenched 
 the British ship of state so badly that the whole world could see 
 it leak. But it brought English statesmen to their senses. 
 
 They have wisely made up their minds to stop the leaks and 
 keep the ship afloat. The worst of these leaks at present is the 
 Irish leak. Seven centuries of British ship-carpentering have 
 been of no avail to stop that leak. Why? Because British states- 
 men have always been blindly of the opinion that they could im- 
 press an Irishman, a Boer, an East Indian, a Jamaican, a Zulu, 
 or a Sepoy at any time, place him in the hold against his will, 
 call him an able British seaman and expect loyalty and obedi- 
 ence. When the ship leaked English statesmen caulked it from 
 without while they treated the impressed seamen like dogs 
 within. 
 
 They have just begun to discover that the leaks came from 
 within the hold. This belated discovery, however, seems about 
 to open a new era in British statesmanship. Instead of the 
 blundering, floundering policy of centuries which made rack 
 renting and eviction a duty for the landlord, transportation and 
 hanging the duty of the judge, suspension of the habeas corpus 
 act, abolition of trial by jury, and coercion acts the duty of the 
 legislator, with famine, desolation, and depopulation as the inevit- 
 able result, English statemen seem now about ready to adopt a 
 more just, a more humane, and more promising system of gov- 
 ernment. 
 
146 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 Far-seeing British statesmen have at last reached the con- 
 clusion that the soil of Ireland must belong to the people who 
 till it and are now working out a plan under which this result 
 may be achieved without injustice to either landlord or tenant. 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 14'i 
 
 ROOSEVELT ^'DE-LIGHTED"-THIRTEEN 
 
 CHILDREN. 
 
 President Koosevelt to Judge Dunne, January 12, 1904. 
 
 ' ' De-lighted ! So tliivS is Judge Dunne ? You deserve well of 
 your people. Thirteen children ? My, my ! You beat nie by seven, 
 although I have quite a family myself." 
 
 President Roosevelt, as he spoke his admiration of Judge 
 Edward F. Dunne today in the White House, pumped the right 
 arm of the Chicago jurist up and down in warm enthusiasm. Behind 
 the two was massed the delegation from the Iroquois Club of 
 Chicago, headed by Congressman Martin Emerich, who introduced 
 the members. He had just finished introducing Judge Dunne as the 
 "Roosevelt Democrat of Chicago — the father of thirteen children." 
 
 Outside delegations from New York, under the chaperonage 
 of Congressmen Sulzer, Sullivan and "Little Tim" Sullivan, cooled 
 their heels in company with a party of Georgia Democrats in care 
 of Senator Bacon. 
 
 For fifteen minutes the President devoted his admiring atten- 
 tion to Judge Dunne, while the jurist blushed and bowed. Then 
 he shook hands with the thirty other members of the committee, 
 told each at least three times that he came from a great city, said 
 he knew Ernest McGaffey, the Secretary to Mayor Harrison, and 
 was glad to hear that he was a happy father, and bowed the dele- 
 gation out with a farewell compliment to Judge Dunne. The party 
 was received in the Cabinet room at 10 o 'clock, and there were no 
 set speeches. 
 
148 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 BOYS. 
 
 Statement by Judge Dunne, January 31, 1904. 
 
 Judge Edward F. Dunne, the man who made Roosevelt famous, 
 and incidentally jealous, by comparing tallies in Washington the 
 other day, has very decided and very interesting ideas on the sub- 
 ject. When I asked him to answer the question, "What is the boy's 
 place in the home?" he sent along the following. One might write 
 on the subject a whole day and not compass so much of intelligent 
 comment : 
 
 "To me the answer seems simple. Any place at home is the 
 boy's place, so long as he is at home. Give him any place in the 
 establishment congenial to his tastes, but see that he remains at 
 home as much as possible. If he studies, give him the softest seat 
 in the house. If he is athletic, give him bats and balls, the punch- 
 ing bag and boxing gloves, but encourage his athletic exercises in the 
 house, the barn or the adjoining lots. If he discloses a leaning 
 toward any special science, art or craft, encourage it, and, so far 
 as you can afford it, give him the appliances, books or mechanism 
 necessary for its development. 
 
 "But install them in your home and keep him home as much 
 as possible. Has he a penchant for billiards? Get him a table, even 
 if it be a miniature one. The more hours each day your son spends 
 at home the more and the sooner he develops a clean, healthy, social 
 temperament. 
 
 "Encourage him to invite clean, manly boys of about his own 
 age to his home, and let him return such calls. Spend as much time 
 with your sons at home as business will permit; enter into their 
 studies, their play, their thoughts, interests and ambitions. Take 
 them out with you as often as possible. Encourage an intimacy 
 with them. Make them your companions as well as your sons, as 
 far as practicable. 
 
 "From one to five years old, the boy differs little in domestic 
 economy from the girl. He is a cherub to be fondled and trundled 
 and kissed. From five to ten he becomes noisy, turbulent and 
 destructive, with splendid appetite and vigorous digestion. The 
 best treatment during this period is plain corduroy or never-rip 
 clothes, heavy shoes, spring-lock doors, easily opened from the in- 
 side, and ever-ready sandwiches and doughnuts. Never bar his 
 egress from the house; it's a waste of time. He won't go far — 
 
DUNNE JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 149 
 
 his appetite won't let liim. The spring lock, however, gives you a 
 chance to look over his muddy boots before they strike the rugs or 
 carpets. 
 
 "Between ten and fifteen years your son needs special care 
 and attention. During this period he begins to show his natural 
 bent or inclination toward industry or idleness, manliness or effem- 
 inacy, integrity or moral weakness. If he is strong and healthy, 
 keep him steadily at school. Give him plenty of time for physical 
 exercise in the daylight, but see that he is at home after dinner. 
 Between dinner and bedtime the boy of his age, if he is a healthy- 
 minded lad, can employ himself at home most profitably and enj oy" 
 ably. His mental labor at school has been relieved by the physical 
 labor of after-school sports and games. He has digested his dinner, 
 and physical relaxation is both healthful and pleasing. An hour 
 over his lessons for the succeeding day leaves him another hour 
 before he need go to bed. 
 
 "This hour should be regarded by both parents and children 
 as sacred and devoted to the family altar. Mother, father, daugh- 
 ter and son should for that hour become comrades. A boy of 
 fifteen who spends from dinner to the hour for sleep among his 
 own people in this way will never go wrong. 
 
 "From fifteen to twenty comes the first breaking of the family 
 ties, when the answer to this question, 'Where is the boy's place 
 at home?' is most frequently answered by the boy. If his parents 
 are of poor or moderate means he goes to work. If they have ample 
 means he goes to college or the university — and sometimes to the 
 devil. If, however, he be a boy of manly instinct and honest heart, 
 wherever his province may be, his 'place in the home' is alw^ays, 
 in spirit at least, at the side of his mother and sisters. 
 
 "Be he in the workshop, the factory, the mill, the college, or 
 the university, his place is in his mother's heart and at the family 
 fireside. If in the years he has passed before leaving home he has 
 been made his father's friend and companion, he still remains that 
 friend and companion in spirit, and will, on meeting him, do as two 
 boys I know — one of sixteen and the other of thirteen — kiss that 
 father and murmur in their slumber, 'There's no place like 
 home.' " 
 
150 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 ON THE CHICAGO CHARTER 
 
 Address to Commercial Club, March 12, 1904. 
 
 Gentlemen of the Commercial Cluh: 
 
 You have asked me to address you briefly about the advan- 
 tages of the proposed constitutional amendment permitting a 
 special charter for the city of Chicago. 
 
 I am thoroughly familiar with the terms of the proposed con- 
 stitutional amendment, and was a member of the so-called con- 
 vention which discussed its provisions and finally agreed upon the 
 proposed amendment. 
 
 I am heartily in favor of the proposed constitutional amend- 
 ment. I endeavored to have what 1 believed to be a better and 
 more satisfactory amendment adopted by the so-called convention, 
 but having failed in that, I heartily voted for the proposed amend- 
 ment that we adopted, and took great pleasure in personally urging 
 its adoption upon members of the last Legislature in Springfield. 
 I am still heartily in favor of its adoption, and will do everything 
 in my power in my humble way, to have this amendment to the 
 Constitution approved of by the people and incorporated in the 
 Constitution. 
 
 I am clearly of the opinion, however, that a much more simple 
 and a much more thorough constitutional amendment could have 
 been devised and recommended by this convention than that which 
 was recommended. The proposed constitutional amendment may 
 answer for present purposes; but the city of Chicago is a rapidly 
 growing community and its needs, necessities and demands will be 
 constantly enlarging and changing, and as the years roll by, in 
 my judgment, it will be found that the proposed constitutional 
 amendment will not cover all its necessities and requirements. The 
 city of Chicago has quadrupled in population in the last twenty- 
 four years, and it is likely to increase that population in the same 
 proportion. It would not surprise me if within twenty years, there 
 were 5,000,000 people in the county of Cook, and that this tre- 
 mendous aggregation of people will be suffering within a few years 
 from legislative evils and burdens not now contemplated and which 
 cannot be foretold or predicted. Because of this fact I believed, as 
 a member of that convention, and now believe, that a more elastic, 
 comprehensive and far-reaching amendment to the Constitution 
 should have been adopted. 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 151 
 
 Those being my opinions, I had the honor, in that convention, 
 to propose as a substitute for the amendment finally adopted the 
 following : 
 
 '^Resolved, that Article Four of the Constitution of this State 
 be amended by adding thereto a section to be numbered Section 
 Thirty-four, which shall read as follows, to--wit: 
 
 " 'The General Assembly shall have power, anything in this 
 Constitution to the contrary notwithstanding, to enact any and 
 all laws which may be requested in writing by the city council of 
 the city of Chicago, or by ten per cent, of the legal voters of said 
 city, said laws to be applicable only to said city, and to take effect 
 only when approved by a majorit}^ of all the legal voters of said 
 city voting thereon at the next municipal election held not less 
 than 30 days after the enactment of said law or laws. ' ' ' 
 
 In moving the adoption of the above proposed amendment to 
 the Constitution, I was honestly endeavoring to accomplish the 
 same object aimed at by the other members of that body of gen- 
 tlemen, to-wit : to give power to the city of Chicago to adopt a 
 charter which would be adequate to its needs and necessities as 
 distinguished from the needs and necessities of the State at large. 
 If my scheme could and would attain that end, it had three advan- 
 tages over the scheme finally adopted. 
 
 First. It was more concise and succinct. 
 
 Second. It was more simple and easily understood. 
 
 Third. It was more comprehensive and elastic. 
 
 This was not disputed by any man in that convention, com- 
 posed, as it was, of the ablest lawyers and shrewdest business 
 men in the city of Chicago. It was assailed by them, not on the 
 ground that, if passed, it would not stand the test of judicial 
 inquiry and examination, but that it was novel and revolutionary. 
 Not a man on the floor of that convention, where were John P. 
 Wilson, Thomas A. Moran, John H. Hamline, John S. Miller, E. 
 Allen Frost, H. C. Mecartney, Walter S. Fisher, J. D. Andrews, 
 and a host of other legal lights, claimed, that, if my substitute 
 should be adopted by the people, it would not stand the test of 
 judicial inquiry, or that it could be overturned by a court of last 
 resort. Any objections that could be urged against it in a court 
 can be urged against the proposed amendment to the Constitution 
 finally adopted ; but they are utterly without force as against 
 both. 
 
 The only objections urged against the substitute resolution 
 offered by myself were : 
 
 First. That it was novel and revolutionary. 
 
 Second. That it would enable the citizens of Chicago, by popu- 
 lar vote, to suspend the habeas corpus act, abolish trial by jury, 
 
152 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 suppress free speech, and deprive themselves of all the rights 
 secured by the Magna Charta. 
 
 As to the first objection, I am free to admit that it is new 
 and revolutionary in Chicago, although I advocated the same 
 proposition over a year before in this city and had the idea very 
 favorably commented upon by so conservative and careful papers 
 as the Chicago Chronicle and Journal. 
 
 But that it is new or revolutionary in modern political econ- 
 omy is untrue. The principle, therein enunciated, has been in 
 practical and successful operation for thirty years last past in 
 the republic of Switzerland, is binding law upon the citizens of 
 that republic, and has operated to the entire satisfaction of the 
 5,000,000 people of the republic, which, in my opinion, has the 
 purest and most upright Government upon earth. In proof of this 
 statement, let me quote the following : 
 
 Theodore Curti, the Swiss historian and statesman, declares : 
 
 ' ' The wholesome effect the referendum exerts upon the country 
 cannot be over-estimated. It is a political school for the people ; 
 hence an invaluable element of culture. Wherever it is applied 
 all. classes of the population take interest and participate in dis- 
 cussions of the question at issue ; mutually imparting and receiv- 
 ing valuable economic and political information. 
 
 "The referendum has proven itself a potent factor, both to 
 legislation and to the country at large, in this : that it has 
 strengthened the influence of public opinion upon the representa- 
 tive bodies, who are naturally prone to assume powers which 
 ultimatelj' belong to the people, gradually degenerating into a 
 ruling caste, with the result that private interests are promoted 
 while the affairs of the people are neglected or intentionally 
 buried in some committee. 
 
 ' ' I have been a member of legislative assemblies in Switzerland 
 for the past seventeen years, and it is my. conviction that the 
 referendum has not prevented the passage of many beneficial 
 laws that we desired to have enacted; but that it has prevented 
 the committing of many errors, owing to the mere fact that it 
 stood as a warning before us. ' ' 
 
 Karl Burkli, a well-known Swiss economist, declares: 
 "The smooth working of our federal, cantonal and municipal 
 referendum is a matter of fact, a truth generallj^ acknowledged 
 throughout Switzerland. The initiative and referendum are now 
 deeply rooted in the hearts of thfr Swiss people. There is no 
 party, not even a single statesman, who dares openly oppose it in 
 principle, and yet many of them curse the institution in the 
 depths of ^their hearts. 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 153 
 
 "All the divers votings — federal, cantonal, municipal — go on 
 without riot, corruption, disturbance or hindrance whatever, 
 although with great agitation. . . . Our Swiss political trinity 
 — initiative, referendum and proportional representation — is not 
 only good and holy for hard-working Switzerland, but would be 
 even better for that grand country of North America. It would 
 cure them thoroughly of their leprous representation, both Federal 
 and state, and regenerate the misgovernments of their great 
 cities. ' ' 
 
 Mr. McCrackan, in his interesting history of "The Rise of 
 the Swiss Republic," says: 
 
 "It will always remain the chief honor and glory of Swiss 
 statesmanship to have discovered the solution of one of the great 
 political problems of the ages — how to enable great masses of 
 people to govern themselves directly. By means of the referen- 
 dum and the initiative this difficulty has been brilliantly over- 
 come. The essence and vital principle of the popular assembly 
 has been rescued from perishing miserably before the exigencies 
 of modern life, and successfully grafted upon the representativa 
 system. ' ' 
 
 That my proposed amendment would enable the citizens of 
 Chicago to suspend the habeas corpus act, abolish trial by jury, 
 and deprive themselves of all the rights which man holds dear, is 
 true, if not restrained by the Federal Constitution. It would do 
 more. It would enable them, if not restrained by the Federal 
 Constitution, to reestablish slavery and bring back the feudal 
 system. Is this an argument or a bogy? "Was there ever an 
 instance in history of a man, a family, a community, or a nation 
 giving up and surrendering that which was dearest to them? 
 What have men been struggling for during the long, dark, dreary 
 centuries? For light, life and freedom. You can trust the great 
 body of the people at all times to preserve their lives, their lib- 
 erties, and the pursuit of happiness. There is not an instance in 
 history where a people, by popular vote, ever surrendered the 
 right of trial by .jury, the rights secured by the writ of habeas 
 corpus, the right of free speech, a free press, or any other right 
 which is secured hy the common law. Tyrannical rulers in the 
 past and tyrannical judges in recent times have deprived men 
 of these rights. The people never rob themselves of these in- 
 estimable safeguards. In framing constitutions the people have 
 always reserved these rights to themselves. Now, what are con- 
 stitutions? Creatures created by the people. The people are the 
 creators of constitutions. The constitutions are the creations of 
 the people. 
 
154 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 The purpose and reason for the making of a constitution is 
 to place limitations upon the powers of the law-makers chosen 
 by the people in a representative form of government, and to re- 
 serve to the great body of the people certain rights which they 
 will not trust their chosen representatives to legislate upon or bar- 
 ter away. A constitution is a limitation upon the powers of the 
 legislature; not a limitation upon the right of the people them- 
 selves to make laws. The right of the people to legislate for 
 themselves in a true republic, such as is the United States of 
 America, is fundamental, absolute, plenary and unlimited. 
 
 Certain forms and methods of ascertaining and expressing 
 the will of the people may have to be complied with under exist- 
 ing laws and constitutions, adopted because of the impossibility 
 of assembling together all of the people in one mighty body. But 
 when these forms are complied with, and the will of the people is 
 ascertained, it is plenary, absolute and supreme. They can make 
 and unmake constitutions, and annul all laws, fundamental and 
 legislative. The whole fabric of the American Government is 
 based upon the theory that the people themselves are the source 
 and origin of all law, constitutional and legislative. 
 
 The initiative and referendum simply recognize this funda- 
 mental principle of a republican form of government — tliat the 
 people are the ultimate law-making power — and provide a simple, 
 easy and convenient method of enabling the people who are the 
 source and origin of all the law-making power to legislate directly 
 for themselves upon questions of great public interest. 
 
 In offering to the convention my substitute resolution, I 
 merely suggested a simple method to the people of Chicago of ex- 
 ercising that inherent right of legislating directly for themselves. 
 "Why should it not have been given them? The citizens of each 
 state in the Union have the right to make and unmake their con- 
 stitutions, or, if they should so elect, to make laws by the process 
 of the initiative and referendvmi not in conflict with the Federal 
 Constitution. Why not give to the city of Chicago the same 
 right 
 
 The city of Chicago has a population of 2,000.000 souls. 
 Great cities need laws specially adapted to great, crowded, con- 
 gested communities which would be useless, irksome, or it might 
 be dangerous, to rural communities. Even if this were not so, a 
 city of 2,000,000 inhabitants might be given as much law-making 
 power as a state of like population. 
 
 According to the Federal Census of 1900, there were thirty- 
 one out of the forty-five states in the Union which have a popu- 
 lation less than that of the city of Chicago. 
 
DUNNE JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 155 
 
 If the lesser population of these states are given plenary law- 
 making power — within the limits of the Federal Constitution — why 
 should not Chicago be given the same right"? 
 
 Why should this overgrown and still rapidly-growing giant be 
 kept in the swaddling clothes of an infant '? The proposed constitu- 
 tional amendment, adopted by the so-called convention, would give 
 it a suit of clothes fitted for its present size. The initiative and 
 referendum would give it a suit for present use and an unexhausti- 
 ble supply of cloth for use in its future growth and development. 
 
 Every law demanded by the requirements and necessities of a 
 great city from year to year, which might be presented to the Legis- 
 lature by the city council, or by ten per cent, of Chicago's voters 
 could, not necessarily would, be passed by the Legislature, and, if 
 adopted and approved by the citizens of Chicago by popular vote, 
 would become a law impregnable against attack in the courts. Why 
 should not this be the situation in a great city in a Republic based 
 upon popular suffrage? 
 
 In these latter days the delusion seems to have gone abroad that 
 constitutions and legislatures are the masters, instead of being the 
 servants of the people. Powerful interests seem to be instilling this 
 poisonous delusion into the minds of the people. Lest we forget 
 that the people are the source and creators of all constitutions and 
 of all laws, let us go back and consult the greatest, highest and 
 broadest statesman of our country. Walker's American Law de- 
 clares : 
 
 "The representatives, to whom authority is delegated, are the 
 servants of their masters, of their constituents, whose will it is their 
 office to execute. ' ' 
 
 Daniel Webster declared : 
 
 "The sovereignty of government is an idea belonging to the 
 other side of the Atlantic. No such thing is known in North 
 America ; with us all power is with the people. They alone are 
 sovereign, and they erect what government they please." 
 
 George Washington declared : 
 
 "The powers under the Constitution will always be with the 
 people. It is temporarily intrusted to their representatives — their 
 servants ; they are no more than the creatures of the people. ' ' 
 
 James Madison more emphatically declares: 
 
 "The Federal and State Governments are, in fact, but different 
 agents and trusts of the people, instituted with different powers. 
 The ultimate authority resides with the people alone." 
 
 Judge Parsons, of Massachusetts, in the ratifying convention of 
 the state, characterized the Federal Government as : 
 
 "A Government to be administered for the common good by 
 the servants of the people vested with delegated powers." 
 
156 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 Alexander Hamilton, in the ratifying convention of New York, 
 while arguing in favor of the Constitution 's adoption, said : 
 
 "What is the structure of the Government? The people 
 govern. ' ' 
 
 Chief Justice Marshall, while emphatically speaking of the 
 people 's control over their representatives, declared : 
 
 ' ' Who gave may take back. ' ' 
 
 The experience of the last thirty or forty years that we have 
 had with corrupt and profligate legislators and common councils 
 has forced upon reflecting citizens the conviction that a check upon 
 legislative corruption and profligacy is absolutely necessary. The 
 people are the only superior power who can apply this check, and 
 this check can be applied only by the initiative and referendum. 
 
 It has abolished corruption, profligacy and plunder of the 
 people 's rights in Switzerland. Why should it not do so in Chicago ? 
 Under such a system the lobbyist would be abolished and the 
 wealthy corruptionists would disappear forever. 
 
 The only objection that can be urged against it is that it will 
 interfere with the wholesale traffic in franchises and debauchery 
 of its representatives, which has prevailed too long and too injur- 
 iously to the interests of the people of this community. 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 157 
 
 ASSIGNMENT OF WAGE SLAVERY. 
 
 Statement by Judge Dunne, June 26, 1904. 
 
 The most unprincipled lot of men in this community are the 
 men of means who ferret out the weak, the dissolute, and unfortu- 
 nate poor with alluring advertisements in the press, the street cars, 
 elevated roads, and on the billboards of the city, offering money to 
 loan without publicity upon easy terms of repayment. Most of 
 them are unconscionable and remorseless usurers. 
 
 They are divided into two classes — the chattel .mortgage shark 
 and the assignment of wage shark. The latter is more unconscion- 
 able and contemptible of the two. The former only takes as security 
 the personal property, which the unfortunate debtor has paid for 
 and owns. There is thus a limit to his rapacity. When he takes the 
 debtor's personal property, upon foreclosure, he gets his principal 
 and usurious interest out of the foreclosed chattels, and this gen- 
 erally satisfies him. 
 
 The assignment of wages shark, however, has no bounds to his 
 rapacity. His mortgage is upon the flesh and blood, the brain and 
 brawn, the whole earning capacity of his unfortunate debtor. 
 
 Once the fatal assignment of wages is signed he holds it like 
 the sword of Damocles over the head of his helpless victim and 
 makes his terms of renewal of the notes harsher and harsher. 
 
 Most employers, rather than be annoyed with suits upon these 
 assignm.ents, will discharge the employe. The w^retched debtor 
 knows this, and the conscienceless loan shark, by threatening from 
 time to time to sue the employer, holds him in as abject subjection 
 as though he were his slave. Cases have recently been developed 
 in the courts of this county where these bloodsuckers have squeezed 
 out of their helpless victims ten times the amount loaned, together 
 with legal interest thereon. 
 
 No respectable man would engage in the business. The calling 
 of a highwayman is decent in comparison. The latter only takes 
 what you have upon your person. The assignment of salary shark 
 takes all you can earn above a bare subsistence for months and years 
 to come. The highwayman often needs the money. The assignment 
 of salary sliark is generally a smug capitalist, who dresses in purple 
 and fine linen, lives on some boulevard, and frequently occupies a 
 front pew in some church. 
 
158 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 Since the recent decision of the Supreme Court of this State, 
 nothing stands in the way of the assignment of salary shark 's rapac- 
 ity and voracity. 
 
 In some particulars the case that was appealed was remarkable. 
 Mallin, the debtor, was an employe of Armour & Co. For a loan 
 at grossly usurious rates he assigned his wages to be earned from 
 Armour & Co. or any other employer for the period of ten years, 
 and afterwards went into bankruptcy and received his discharge 
 as a bankrupt. 
 
 The Supreme Court, reversing my decision, which held the 
 assignment invalid and the discharge in bankruptcy a discharge of 
 the debt, holds that the assignment was valid and that the discharge 
 of the bankrupt did not release the assignment, and this is now the 
 settled law of the State of Illinois. 
 
 I believed and held that the laws of this State, which declare 
 that "it shall be unlawful for any person or company to make 
 deductions from his, it, or their workmen, except for lawful money 
 actually advanced without discount," section three, truck system 
 act, chapter forty-eight, revised statutes, the exemption acts, the 
 act making the wages of a laborer a preferred claim in assignment 
 cases, the act excluding exemption as against wages of a laborer, 
 and the act giving attorney's fees to a laborer who is compelled to 
 sue for his wages, clearly indicated the policy of the laws of the 
 State to be to secure to the laborer his wages in cash. 
 
 The only remedy now lies in the Legislature. If a man can 
 assign his unearned wages for ten years he can upon the same prin- 
 ciple assign them for life. If he can assign them for life, wherein 
 does his condition differ from that of the black man before the war ? 
 Between contractual slavery and inherited slavery is there any sub- 
 stantial difference? 
 
 Assignment of wage slavery or contractual slavery now exists 
 in this community, not in a few random cases but an enormous 
 number of cases. 
 
 It prevails generally among public servants, such as policemen, 
 firemen, letter carriers, teachers, and clerks in county and city 
 offices. This class of borrowers, however, are in a measure inde- 
 pendent of the loan sharks, if their paymasters did their full duty 
 by them and the public by refusing to honor the assignments of 
 their salaries. The great weight of legal authority declares that 
 an assignment of unearned wages by a public servant is void as 
 against public policy, because it unfits him to perform the duties 
 he owes to the public, and I am confident the Supreme Court of the 
 State will so hold, if one of these cases is brought to that court. 
 
 But the evil also prevails to an alarming extent among em- 
 ployes of private firms and corporations, who, under the decision 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 159 
 
 in Wenham vs. Mulliii, are absolutely at the mercy of the loan 
 sharks. 
 
 A great proportion of the family desertions and suicides of 
 this city, in my opinion, can be traced to the loan sharks. 
 
 The Legislature should and must act promptly. It can and 
 should declare all usurious contracts absolutely void, both as to 
 principal and interest, and not as to interest alone, as is now pro- 
 vided by law. 
 
 It should declare that all assignments of unearned wages are 
 null and void as against public policy. It has already declared the 
 following contracts illegal: 
 
 Contracts giving options to buy or sell at a future time grain, 
 stock, or other commodity. 
 
 Usurious contracts as to all interest, chattel mortgage of house- 
 hold goods, unless signed by both husband and wife. 
 
 The assignment of insolvent is invalid as to wages due a laborer 
 or servant. 
 
 Why not, then, declare these infamous and unconscionable con- 
 tracts which foster usury, debauch and corrupt the public, destroy 
 and render desolate the homes of the poor, and bring back to our 
 country slavery in contractual form, absolutely null and void, and 
 thus drive usury and immeasurable misery from our midst? 
 
160 DUNNE JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 IS THERE INTERNATIONAL 
 MORALITY? 
 
 Statement by Judge Dunne, August, 1904." 
 
 Is there such a thing as international morality? 
 
 In other words, is there in existence any code of dealings 
 with each other? 
 
 I have never been a student of Vatel, Grotius or Wheaton, 
 and am comparatively ignorant of the principles of international 
 law ; but until recently I have had a misty, vague idea that among 
 civilized nations, at least, there was some sort of morality which 
 controlled governments in their dealings with each other. I sup- 
 pose that this impression was made upon me by the reading of 
 the Declaration of Independence. ' ' The separate and equal station 
 to which the laws of nature and of nature's .God entitle man" 
 have never been forgotten by me since I read the words over thirty 
 years ago. 
 
 The declaration that ' ' governments are instituted among men 
 deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed" 
 has been regarded by me as axiomatic. I have lived in a Republic, 
 which until the outbreak of the Spanish-American War, lived up 
 to this principle in letter and in spirit and it is natural that being 
 born and raised in a country which sprang into being with such 
 sentiments upon its infant lips that I should have reached the con- 
 clusion that such sentiments were the embodiment of national 
 morality and that such a code of morality prevailed to a more 
 or less degree among civilized nations. 
 
 "Within the last five years, however, I have discovered from 
 the course pursued by the Government of the United States that 
 the enunciation that "governments derive their just powers from 
 the consent of the governed," is repudiated by my own country, 
 as it has been heretofore repudiated by every great civilized gov- 
 ernment upon earth. 
 
 We are governing today from eight to ten million of people 
 in the Philippine Islands without their consent and without, ac- 
 cording to them, the right of representation in the Legislature, 
 a right which our Declaration of Independence declares is a 
 "right inestimable to them and formidable to tyrants only." We 
 have burned their cities, ravished their fields, despoiled their 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR IGl 
 
 liomes, and swept tens of thousands of their resisting manhood 
 into nameless graves to set up a government in these islands 
 which is in defiance and contempt of every principle enunciated 
 in the vaunted Declaration of Independence. 
 
 The departure from the first principles upon which the Amer- 
 ican Republic was founded is bad enough, but within the last 
 ninety days the Government of the United States has gone a step 
 further and a step lower. It has repudiated a solemn treaty made 
 fifty-seven years ago with a sister republic, and practically to all 
 intents and purposes, committed the crime of grand larceny 
 among nations. 
 
 Macedon under Alexander became a world power and robbed 
 and plundered every other nation it came in contact with. Rome 
 became a world power and debauched the civilized and semi- 
 civilized earth. Russia, Prussia and Austria became world 
 powers and plundered and dismembered Poland. France, under 
 Napoleon, was a world power and robbed and despoiled every 
 nation in Europe. Great Britain became a world power and robbed 
 every weaker nation she came in contact with and has continued 
 her career of rapine and plunder from the time she massacred 
 the Irish at Drogheda down to the time she blew Sepoys from 
 the mouths of her cannon in India and to the more recent time 
 when she almost succeeded in exterminating the women and chil- 
 dren of the Boers in the reconcentrado camps of South America. 
 Nearly every European country as well as the United States joined 
 in the recent spoliation of China. 
 
 When I reflect upon the conduct of this country in Panama 
 and consider the conduct of the other great nations of the earth 
 in remote and recent times I am forced to the conclusion that 
 there is no code of morality which prevails or ever has prevailed 
 between even alleged Christian nations. 
 
 With all of them might makes right and the mailed hand 
 is the best argument. 
 
162 DUNNE JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 EEGARDING CRIMES OF VIOLENCE. 
 
 Address by Judge Dunne, October 16, 1904. 
 
 Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen: 
 
 I have no hesitation in declaring that I am opposed to the 
 infliction of the death penalty upon burglars or highwaymen and 
 that I am opposed to the extension of the death penalty beyond 
 its present limitations. It is a backward step. It is a confession 
 that organized society in the twentieth century is a failure. 
 
 The tendency of all modern civilized communities has been 
 in the opposite direction. A little over a century ago it was an 
 offense punishable with death in England to injure young trees, to 
 shoot a rabbit or to steal property worth over five shillings. Yet, 
 notwithstanding the ferocity of such penalties, I believe it to be a 
 fact that there were ten times as many homicides per capita com- 
 mitted in England during the reign of George III as there were 
 during the reign of Victoria. 
 
 In recent years scarcely a month passes but that we either have 
 or are threatened with a hanging in Cook County, and yet there 
 seems to be no appreciable decrease in the number of murders com- 
 mitted in this city. Burglary and highway robbery are desperate 
 crimes, particularly when accompanied by the use or exhibition of 
 deadly weapons, but the punishment, novs provided by law in this 
 State, ought to be a sufficient deterrent. The highwayman who is 
 intent upon the commission of a crime which will involve his im- 
 prisonment for life is sufficiently reckless to be indifferent to the 
 death penalty. 
 
 It is to be expected, of course, that every time there is an 
 unusual outbreak of burglaries and robberies in the city hysterical 
 citizens will cry out for the death penalty, but the infliction of the 
 death penalty will not, in my judgment, decrease crimes of this 
 character. 
 
 The policy and tendency of all intelligent governments is to 
 prevent crime, not by increase of penalties as a deterrent, but by 
 ameliorating the conditions which provoke or tempt to crime. The 
 establishment of social settlements among the slums, juvenile 
 courts, truancy schools and the enforcement of compulsory educa- 
 tion and the child labor laws and the laws which prevent the sale 
 of intoxicating liquors to minors will do more to prevent the occur- 
 rence of such crimes than the inflictions of the death penalty. 
 
DUNNE JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 163 
 
 My experience in the Criminal Court leads me to believe that 
 most of these crimes are committed by very young men, and a large 
 portion of the same by boys verging upon manhood. The history 
 of their lives generally forms an indictment of modem society as 
 at present constituted. 
 
 Many of them are whole or half orphans, or the children of dis- 
 sipated, criminal or poverty-stricken parents, who have thrown 
 them at an early age out into the streets to fight for their living. 
 Hungry and homeless, they naturally gravitate towards the corner 
 saloon, where a free lunch and, in winter, a fire afford them tem- 
 porary relief and. shelter. Thence their graduation into crime is 
 quick and easy. 
 
 Two circumstances in Chicago make them naturally turn 
 toward burglary and highway robbery. First, the totally inade- 
 quate police force of the city, and, second, the ease with which they 
 can procure deadly weapons. When I speak of the first of these 
 causes I do not mean that our present policy force is inefficient, 
 cowardly or corrupt. On the contrary, I believe that Chicago has 
 as efficient, as brave and as honest a police force, man for man, 
 as any city in the world. But we are woefully deficient in the 
 number of policemen the city has upon its pay roll, and this fact 
 is known to our criminal as well as to our law-abiding classes. 
 
 There is less danger of detection in the commission of these 
 desperate crimes in Chicago, by reason of the scarcity of policemen, 
 than in any other great city of this country. When a patrolman 
 has to travel several miles on his beat it is an easy matter for a 
 couple of desperate criminals to hold up a citizen on our streets 
 and escape without fear of apprehension. 
 
 The ease with which a man can purchase a deadly weapon 
 in this city is another prolific cause of robbery and burglary. These 
 weapons are displayed in the front windows of pawn shops, second- 
 hand and hardware stores all over the city, and young men and boys 
 carry them as naturally as they carry a watch or a handkerchief. 
 
 As a more effective way of putting a stop to highway robbery 
 and burglary in this city at the present time than by inflicting the 
 death penalty, which is a return to the ferocity and barbarity of 
 mediaeval times, let me suggest: 
 
 First. That the board of assessors and board of review discover 
 — ^what everyone but those bodies know — that the city of Chicago 
 is increasing in wealth every year, and increasing instead of decreas- 
 ing the annual tax levy, and thus provide for an adequate police 
 force; and, 
 
 Second. Have the next Legislature pass a law making the carry- 
 ing of a revolver, billy, slungshot, dagger or other deadly weapon 
 of like character, concealed upon the person, a felony, punishable 
 with from one to five years in the penitentiary. 
 
164 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 In my judgment, if these steps are taken, most of the burglaiy 
 and robbery with which we are now harassed will disappear from 
 our midst without our being compelled to turn back the hands on 
 the timepiece of modern civilization and to retrograde to the sav- 
 agery of the eighteenth century. 
 
 At the same time let us go out in the slums and purlieus 
 of our great city, like the earnest, rough-and-ready, albeit noisy, 
 soldiers of Christ, the Salvation Army; like the meek and lowly 
 sisters of the Good Shepherd, and the visitation and aid and other 
 kindred societies, and take by the hand the unfortunate boys and 
 girls who in this age of cold commercialism have escaped the notice 
 of those benevolent millionaires who are furnishing higher education 
 for the educated and libraries for the learned and plan them in 
 schools where humanity and respect for law is taught and practiced. 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR ' 165 
 
 ON THE PANAMA TREATY. 
 
 Address before Henry George Association, December 7, 1904. 
 
 Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen: 
 
 In the year 1846 the United States of America concluded a 
 treaty with the republic of New Granada, now known as the repub- 
 lic of Colombia, in which, in return for certain valuable concessions 
 to American citizens, among which were the same privileges of com- 
 merce and navigation enjoyed by the citizens of Granada in cross- 
 ing the Isthmus of Panama, the United States of America ' ' guaran- 
 teed positively to the republic of Ne^^ Granada the neutrality of 
 the Isthmus and the rights of sovereignty and property which New 
 Granada has and possesses over the said territory." 
 
 This treaty has been faithfully observed by the republic of 
 New Granada and its successor, the republic of Colombia, down to 
 the present day, and until the month of November, 1903, was re- 
 spected and adhered to by the United States of America. 
 
 During the month of November just past, the United States 
 Government, without any pretense of this treaty being violated, 
 hurriedly equipped in its navy yards a number of gunboats, loaded 
 up a number of its war vessels with ammunition and marines, and 
 hurriedly dispatched them to Colon and Panama in a time of pro- 
 found peace. 
 
 Immediately upon their arrival, as by a preconcerted signal, a 
 few hundred men in the cities of Colon and Panama, cities located 
 at either end of the Isthmus railroad, seize a few hundred rifles and 
 a splendid supply of ammunition and small arms opportunely placed 
 at their disposal by some disinterested philanthropists, occupy the 
 railroad termini and declare themselves to be the republic of 
 Panama in revolt against the republic of Colombia. 
 
 At once, by orders from Washington given several days before. 
 United States marines are landed from the United States gunboats, 
 the railway stations seized by United States troops and all trans- 
 portation of Colombian troops over the railroad prohibited. The 
 United States gunboats blockade the harbors and Colombian ves- 
 sels are warned off and prohibited from landing at their own ports, 
 Panama and Colon. 
 
 Within one hundred hours after this preconcerted and pre- 
 arranged emeute, before any election is held, before even any sem- 
 blance of a convention or convocation is called, before a shadow 
 
166 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 of a congress is gotten together, before the rudiments of a provi- 
 sional government is gotten under way ; before, so far as the press 
 dispatches disclose, a provisional president or even a dictator is 
 appointed, the President of the United States gives official recog- 
 nition to an agent of the French canal syndicates in Washington, 
 who declares himself minister plenipotentiary of the undelivered 
 foetus of a government, and within a few hours afterward concludes 
 an alleged treaty with this worthy which violates the solemn pledges 
 made by this Government with the southern republic fifty-seven 
 years ago. 
 
 The foregoing is the shameful story of American history for 
 the month of November, 1903. 
 
 A more scandalous and disgraceful exhibition of Punic faith 
 and breach of national honor is not recorded in the pages of history. 
 
 In 1846, when the treaty between these countries was negoti- 
 ated, the young republic of Granada was weak in population and 
 financial strength, but she possessed then and she possesses now one 
 of the most important strategic possessions in the world — a narrow 
 isthmus, about thirty miles in width, separating great oceans, capa- 
 ble of being cut across by modern engineering skill, and thus 
 reducing by thousands of miles and weeks of time navigation around 
 the world. Even in 1846 the envious eyes of the great nations of 
 the world rested upon this isthmus, and enlightened, broad-minded 
 and fairly disposed American statesmen at that date, recognizing 
 the tremendous importance of the position and fearing lest the 
 great land-grabbing nations of Europe might despoil the young 
 republic of its most valuable possession, inspired and brought about 
 this treaty of 1846, which was fair to both republics and mutually 
 advantageous. 
 
 The American statesmen of that day were incapable of foment- 
 ing rebellions within the territory of sister republics and grabbing 
 off what they could lay their hands on during the disturbances that 
 followed. 
 
 In making the treaty of 1846 they were inspired by the spirit 
 of the Monroe doctrine, and guaranteed to the young republic of 
 South America, then but recently sprung into being, that no Euro- 
 pean nation should despoil her of her territory or sovereignty. 
 
 That our Government at Washington connived at the outbreak 
 at Panama is established beyond all question : 
 
 First. Walter Wellman, a very reliable and well-informed cor- 
 respondent, stationed at Washington before the outbreak, wrote to 
 his paper that the United States authorities were hastily dispatch- 
 ing gunboats, marines and munitions of war to Panama, and that 
 something ''was in the wind" at Panama. 
 
 I remember reading the letter several days before the outbreak. 
 
PUNNE JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 167 
 
 Second. On November 17, a New York paper printed the fol- 
 lowing: "Mr. Dugue, publisher of the Star and Herald at Panama, 
 is said to have informed Mr. Hay that the revolution was scheduled 
 to take place on September 23," to which Mr. Hay replied, "Sep- 
 tember 23 is much too early." 
 
 Mr. Dugue went back to New York. Revolution was post- 
 poned to November 3. 
 
 Third. American war vessels had, by orders of the Government 
 at Washington, been collected within striking distance, and on the 
 day before the revolution began, Admiral Glass was notified to go 
 to the Isthmus. 
 
 Fourth. The planting of the agent of the French canal syndi- 
 cate, the soon-to-be-minister plenipotentiary of the unborn republic, 
 at Washington before the outbreak, so as to be ready to sign the 
 previously drafted and arranged treaty. 
 
 Fifth. The scandalously indecent violation of international law 
 and customs in recognizing a representative of a government not 
 even provisionally organized, within a few hours after the outbreak. 
 
 Sixth. The signing of a cut-and-dried treaty with a man notori- 
 ously interested as the agent of companies which would acquire 
 $40,000,000 thereunder at a time when the alleged republic he 
 claimed to represent had neither a president, a senate, a congress 
 or a flag, so far as the press dispatches disclose to the world. 
 
 Seventh. The insolent, outrageous and high-handed conduct of 
 the United States marines and sailors, acting under orders from 
 Washington, in refusing to allow Colombian troops to travel upon 
 the Panama railway to suppress the rebellion, and in refusing to 
 allow the soldiers of the republic to be landed in Panama and Colon, 
 when sent there by their government to put down the disturbance. 
 
 The conduct of our Government at Washington in this regard 
 shows that not only was the outbreak organized with the full ap- 
 proval, if not active assistance, of the United States authorities, but 
 that our Government openly succored and assisted the rebels by 
 preventing the Colombian government from suppressing the revolt. 
 That the Colombian government could have suppressed the revolt 
 within a few days, or weeks at most, cannot be doubted in view of 
 the fact that even if every citizen in the state of Panama was in 
 revolt, which is far from the fact, they would be outnumbered as 
 thirteen to one by the citizens of Colombia. 
 
 The population of Colombia is 3,878,600. The population of 
 Panama is 285,000. As well might the county of LaSalle revolt 
 against the great State of Illinois. 
 
 There is no possible doubt but that our Government at Wash- 
 ington connived at, if it did not actually organize, the revolt at 
 Panama, and that it actively and openly assisted the insurgents 
 
168 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 after the outbreak and prevented the constituted authorities of 
 Colombia from suppressing the revolt. 
 
 We take the young republic of Colombia in 1846 under our 
 protection and pledge ourselves to protect her from the designs 
 of the great robber nations of the earth. She has around her 
 a girdle of surprising value. 
 
 In 1903 we despoil her and steal her girdle. 
 
 No wonder that in the agony of her disgrace and misplaced 
 confidence the young republic has appealed from our Government 
 to our people and pointed out to them in words that burn and 
 brand, the infamy of our conduct. 
 
 I utter these words, not so much in criticism of the powers 
 that be in executive station at Washington, but in protest at the 
 confirmation of a treaty which, if it is consummated, will forever 
 degrade my country and disgrace the American name, character 
 and flag. This soiled, be-greasy, foul, ill-scented and bedraggled 
 document bearing the names of John Hay and "what's-his-name," 
 minister plenipotentiary of the alleged Panama republic, must br 
 presented, even if it is presented with tongs, to the United States 
 Senate for confirmation. In that Senate there are men professing 
 allegiance to two or more parties. The dominant party does not 
 control the Senate by a two-thirds vote. In the dominant party 
 there are men who love their country and have its honor at heart. 
 In the minority there are men of like caliber. Is there not in th-i 
 Senate of the United States at least a minority of one-third 
 among all parties who have intelligence and virtue enough tc 
 prevent by their votes of "Nay" a motion to confirm this scan- 
 dalous iniquity and disgrace to the American Nation? For the 
 honor of America it is to be hoped there is. If there is not I can 
 see only degeneracy of the great American Republic like to that 
 which submerged the old republic of Rome into the degradation 
 and final dismemberment of the Roman empire. 
 
 It remains to consider the explanations offered by the State 
 Department and its apologists. 
 
 First. It is asserted by them that in guaranteeing the sover- 
 eignty of the republic of Colombia over the Isthmus, we only 
 pledged the faith of the United States to protect the repubiic 
 from the aggressions of foreign countries, and that we did not 
 guarantee it from revolt within its borders. 
 
 The words of the treaty do not bear this construction. No 
 reference to foreign countries is made in the words of the guar- 
 antee. Tt is absolute and unconditional, and given for most 
 valuable considerations. The guaranty runs not to the state of 
 Panama or its citizens, but to the republic of New Granada. But 
 even if it did not cover insurrection from within, it certainly does 
 
DUNNE JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 169 
 
 prevent the Government of the United States, in honor and in 
 conscience, from taking sides in case of insurrection with the 
 insurrectionists, or giving them aid or comfort. Yet this is just 
 what our Government has done, and has done so flagrantly, openly 
 and indecently, that even the most shameless apologist of the 
 administration has not the temerity to indorse it. 
 
 The press dispatches, without contradiction, all show that we 
 prevented the Colombian government from landing Colombian 
 troops to suppress the outbreak, and prevented the Colombian 
 troops on the ground at the time of the outbreak from using 
 the railroad for a like purpose. The admiral commanding the 
 United States squadron, which had been collected at the Isthmus 
 in anticipation of the outbreak, even refused to allow an envoy 
 from Bogota to land at Panama for the purpose of discussing the 
 situation with the rebels — a most scandalous proceeding for an 
 alleged neutral nation. 
 
 Second. It is alleged by the apologists of this national crime 
 that, in recognizing this spawn of greed and corruption, yclept 
 the republic of Panama, we were following international prece- 
 dents. I know of no such precipitous recognition of a national 
 weakling in history. 
 
 In 1861 eleven great states of the United States, having a 
 population of probably 8,000,000 souls, formally seceded from 
 the United States, established a new government and carried 
 on a great war with varying success for four years, and yet no 
 civilized government deemed it proper to accord the new govern- 
 ment recognition. The Cuban insurrectionists carried on a suc- 
 cessful war for many months against Spain, and had absolute 
 control over large tracts of country in Cuba, and yet neither the 
 United States nor any other government accorded them recog- 
 nition. 
 
 Aguinaldo and the Philippine insurgents against Spain car- 
 ried on successful war against Spain, and held undisputed sover- 
 eignty over a great part of Luzon for many months, and yet 
 neither the United States nor any other civilized government rec- 
 ognized them as a de facto government. Numberless other cases 
 of like character will be found in history, but not a case can be 
 found where an insurrection which springs into being between 
 two days has ever been dignified with recognition as a govern- 
 ment within five days after its origin, by any civilized govern- 
 ment on earth. 
 
 The whole scaly, slimy, miserable plot is so transparently 
 fraudulent and corrupt that an attempted defense of it exposes its 
 defenders to the charge of dishonesty or moral obliquity. 
 
170 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 URGES JUDGE DUNNE FOR MAYOR. 
 
 Letter of Judge Murray F. Tuley, January 16, 1905. 
 
 To the People of Chicago : It is with great reluctance that I 
 presume again to address you unsolicited upon a subject outside the 
 functions of the office I hold. But I am a citizen of Chicago, no less 
 than a judicial officer, and I feel that I should be unfaithful to one 
 of the highest and withal one of the inalienable obligations of citi- 
 zenship were I to withhold, at a civic crisis, such as I am convinced 
 is now impending, the word of caution that my love for our city 
 moves me to offer. 
 
 The danger to which I allude is not visionary. Unless those 
 people of Chicago (the great majority of our citizenship of all 
 parties, as I believe) who are opposed to the further domination of 
 our traction utilities by financial manipulators of street car fran- 
 chises, and to the consequent tendency to the corruption of our city 
 government — unless those people assert themselves immediately and 
 emphatically with reference to the approaching municipal election, 
 a great corporate combination, engineered from Wall Street by un- 
 scrupulous stockjobbers, will, in my judgment, at that election, 
 completely revive and reestablish the almost obsolete financial and 
 political power of traction corporations over the right and comfort 
 of the inhabitants of Chicago. 
 
 The issue of local government by corporations and for corpo- 
 rations will be on trial at this municipal election. If the corpora- 
 tionists win, their victory will be complete. Our rights over our own 
 thoroughfares will then be shackled by cunning compromise con- 
 tracts for at least another generation. And that the corporations 
 will win at this election, if the present plans in local politics of which 
 I am advised are not frustrated, seems to me almost certain. 
 
 It is generally known that the Chicago traction interests are 
 consolidating under the supervision of J. Pierpont Morgan, the 
 great stockjobber of New York. 
 
 It is generally known that certain local investment interests 
 are insistent upon making a compj-omise settlement with the trac- 
 tion corporations, involving an extension of street franchises. 
 
 It is generally known that this settlement is plausibly urged 
 as desirable, upon the assumption that the traction corporations, 
 if richly endowed with street franchises, will hereafter render 
 good service. 
 
DUNNE JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 171 
 
 It is reasonably believed, on the other hand, that the bad 
 service of the past twenty years of profitable franchises speak 
 louder for the probabilities as to future service than any corpo- 
 ration promises possibly can. The people appear from their ref- 
 erendum votes to believe that although these corporations make 
 fine promises and offer tempting contracts while seeking street 
 franchises, they cannot be depended upon to perform their con- 
 tracts after franchises are granted and the day for stockjobbing 
 arrives. This belief is well founded. Notwithstanding their fran- 
 chise contracts in the past, these traction corporations have ren- 
 dered, and they persist in rendering, the worst of service. 
 
 The courts hold that public service corporations are bound 
 by the very nature of their being to render good service as an 
 implied contract and that they can be forced by appropriate legal 
 proceedings to render good service; but in the absence of efforts 
 to compel the traction corporations of Chicago to perform this duty 
 under their contracts, expressed and implied, the corporations are 
 defiant. They seem to adopt this attitude for the purpose of forcing 
 the people to compromise by extending franchises upon promises 
 of good service in the future. Theirs is the unique position of urg- 
 ing their own breach of contract as a reason for renewing the 
 contract. 
 
 Another plausible and generally known ground for urging a 
 compromise settlement between the city and the traction corpora- 
 tions is the obstacle to immediate municipal ownership of our trac- 
 tion highways which the so-called ' ' ninety-nine year act ' ' interposes. 
 The corporations assume to hold under that act a franchise monop- 
 oly of important Chicago streets having nearly half a century yet 
 to run. It is generally believed, however, that this act was fraudu- 
 lently enacted, that it has been oppressively used against the rights 
 and conveniences of the people, and that it is only a minor obstacle 
 to the resumption by the people of their public interests in and con- 
 trol over their own thoroughfares. 
 
 It is also generally known, let me add, that an attempt was 
 made last summer to rush through the city council a compromise 
 settlement with the traction corporations for a franchise of thir- 
 teen years or more, and that this programme was thwarted by the 
 referendum petition of 135,000 signers, under which the ques- 
 tion of compromise-settlement versus "no compromise-settlement is 
 to be voted upon at the April election. 
 
 But it is not so generally known that plans are on foot, to be 
 consummated at the municipal election in April, for making a 
 compromise-settlement with the traction corporations, no matter 
 how the people vote on the settlement referendum nor which 
 candidate is elected mayor; and yet I am convinced that such 
 
172 DUNNE JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 plans are being perfected aud that they will succeed unless the 
 people are in time advised of the danger. 
 
 The plans appear to have for their vital element the nomina- 
 tion by the Republican and the Democratic parties alike of "set- 
 tlement" candidates for mayor. "Settlement" means compro- 
 mise settlement with the traction corporations on the basis of an 
 extension of street franchises. 
 
 Whether the candidates shall be specifically pledged for 
 "settlement" does not appear to be regarded as important. So 
 long as neither is pledged against "settlement" and both are 
 known to favor "settlement", be it for honest reasons or other- 
 wise, the object of these plans is sufficiently served. 
 
 Witli such candidates the traction corporations and all other 
 adversaries of municipal ownership would be confident of a con- 
 tinuance of corporation control, no matter which candidate might 
 secure the mayoral oftice. 
 
 For, under cover of this mayoral contest, it is expected to 
 select not only a "settlement" mayor, but at least a majority of 
 "settlement" candidates for the city council. 
 
 Having done that, the referendum vote on the question of 
 "settlement" or no "settlement", no matter how great it may 
 prove to be in opposition to "settlement", is to be ignored as 
 merely "academic". 
 
 The projectors of these plans for turning over the streets of 
 Chicago to stockjobbing corporations know full well that their 
 object cannot be accomplished until after the April election, for 
 Mayor Harrison has promised to veto any "settlement" ordinance 
 not approved by referendum vote. They are confident, and so 
 am I, that he would pe«"form this promise. 
 
 But Mayor Harrison goes out of office in April and a new 
 administration will then come in. It is, consequently, of the 
 utmost importance to the traction corporations that the new 
 mayor shall be a man ^vho will approve a "settlement" ordinance, 
 regardless of the referendum. 
 
 On the other hand, it is of the utmost importance to the peo- 
 ple that he shall be a man who will obey the public mandate. 
 
 Therefore, the whole matter turns upon the result of the April 
 election. Tf a "settlement'^' candidate for mayor be then elected 
 the plans of the traction companies for securing control of our 
 streets indefinitely will doubtless be carried out with no refer- 
 ence whatever to the popular will. 
 
 That such plans are on foot T am sure no well-informed man 
 or newspaper in Chicago will venture to deny. Thnt these plans 
 are defiant of public rights, repugnant to the essential principles 
 of popular government and a gross outrage upon the property 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MxVYOR, GOVERNOR 173 
 
 rights of our city in the interest of stock-jobbing corporations I 
 lirnily believe. 
 
 How to meet this emergency is for the people of Chicago 
 themselves to determine. I shall not presume to advise. But as 
 a citizen advanced in years, who (as 1 think I may with modesty 
 say), has always endeavored to foster high ideals of good gov- 
 ernment, I assert the right and assume the duty of suggesting a. 
 general policy. 
 
 I feel all the more bound to do this because the question at': 
 issue is in no partisan sense a political question. If political in 
 any sense at all, it is so only as any question of honesty in the 
 administration of public affairs may at times become political. 
 It is distinctively an economic question. No party interest of 
 either the Republican or the Democratic party enters into it. Few 
 issues could be so manifestly nonpartisan. For what my sug- 
 gestions regarding the emergency may be worth, then, I shall 
 frankly express them. 
 
 Since the candidate for mayor most likely to be nominated 
 by the Republican party is privately understood to favor "settle- 
 ment" and has but recently been reported to have so declared 
 himself in public, the possibility of protecting the city against 
 the dangers of a compromise settlement with the traction cor- 
 porations through the local Republican organization is so slight 
 that it may as well be discarded. 
 
 As to an independent municipal ownership party, I do not see 
 how one can be so organized at this time as to marshal the vote 
 which under favorable party conditions would naturally be cast 
 against a compromise traction "settlement" involving franchise 
 extension. Party affiliations are too eff'ective in many subtle ways 
 to admit of the success of an independent party. I cannot, there- 
 fore, suggest that course ; and I should regard it as useless or 
 worse, except under peculiar circumstances which do not seem 
 to me to exist at present. It might seriously endanger the public 
 interests. 
 
 To have Republican and Democratic candidates both favor- 
 able to "settlement", or even noncommittal, and a municipal own- 
 ership candidate representing only a hurriedly organized third 
 party, would be an ideal situation for the traction companies, and 
 is probably what they would desire. 
 
 The only apparent recourse, then, is to secure the selection, 
 by the local Democratic party, of a candidate for mayor whose 
 mere nomination would squarely raise the "settlement" issue, 
 not only on the referendum, but also in the mayoral contest itself. 
 
 This candidate should be thoroughly known by all to be un- 
 equivocally opposed to any compromise "settlement" involving 
 
174 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 franchise extensions ; to be in favor of municipal ownership ; to be 
 in favor of it as soon as it can be secured without any dilly-dally 
 diplomacy with traction magnates. He should also be a man who 
 would inspire confidence throughout the city in his determination 
 and ability to carry out the municipal ownership policy for which 
 Jie would stand. 
 
 Personally I have no preference. So long as the candidate 
 measures up to that standard on the traction question and pos- 
 sesses those elements of popularity and of general confidence in 
 his integrity that are necessary to his acceptance by a majority of 
 the people, I am indifferent to his personality. My suggestions 
 are not inspired by personal considerations. I care nothing for 
 the ambition of office seekers. But neither in my thought nor 
 through my inquiries am I able to discover but one man who is 
 recognized throughout Chicago at this juncture as answering com- 
 pletely to those requirements. 
 
 There are many who measure up to the standard of purpose, 
 integrity and ability, but only one, as the situation presents 
 itself to me, who, in this emergency, adds to those requirements 
 all the qualifications necessary to success at the polls. Regard- 
 less, therefore, of misapprehension and misappropriation both as 
 to him and myself, I shall name the man. 
 
 I fully believe that he, if called by the people of Chicago 
 to the mayor's chair, would throttle this AVall Street conspiracy 
 to rob the people of their rights in the streets of our city as 
 would a Jackson or a Roosevelt. 
 
 In suggesting Judge Dunne, I fully appreciate the criticisms 
 of a mayoral candidacy by a judge on the bench. I yield to no 
 one in opposing office-seeking by judges. But I know that eTudge 
 Dunne is not seeking this office. I know that personally he does 
 not want it. I know that he Avould rather remain undisturbed to 
 the end of his term upon the bench. 
 
 I am sure that he would not even accept a mayoral nomina- 
 tion at this time if it were not necessary to thwart the effort of 
 the traction corporations to fasten their powers upon the city. 
 
 Knowing all this, I have no hesitation in suggesting to the 
 people of Chicago, opposed to the impending corporate domina- 
 tion, that in this emergency they themselves call Judge Dunne 
 from the judicial bench to the mayoral chair. For, while I object 
 to office-seeking by judges, T see no legitimate reason why a judge 
 should not respond, if the people call him to another post of public 
 duty. Tt would be carrying the idea of judicial isolation from 
 common affairs and interests to the verge of a senseless fad to 
 deny the people themselves the unquestioned right to call a judge 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 175 
 
 from his judicial to an administrative oi^ce, if in their judgment 
 a civic emergency should demand it. 
 
 Whether the present traction emergency in Chicago does de- 
 maud such action by the people I am not pretending nor at- 
 tempting to decide. I speak only as Due of them. But as one of 
 them I wish to repeat my admonition with all possible emphasis. 
 
 Unless you wish to see your streets turned over for another 
 long term of years to stockjobbing traction magnates, who, if 
 the future may be inferred from the past, will give you bad ser- 
 vice while charging exorbitant five-cent fares, you must promptly- 
 declare yourselves in unmistakable terms. 
 
 And if my suggestion regarding Judge Dunne appeals to you, 
 you must appeal to him. He is not seeking the office nor do I 
 believe he will seek it. 
 
 With confidence in the integrity of the popular purpose and 
 with all proper apologies for these unsolicited suggestions, I am, 
 very respectfully, your fellow citizen, 
 
 Murray F. Tuley. • 
 
176 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 MAKES A UNIQUE PLEDGE. 
 
 Statement as Candidate for Mayor of Chicago, January 24, 1905. 
 
 If I am tendered the Democratic nomination for mayor of 
 Chicago — a nomination for which I have not raised, and will not 
 raise, a finger — and if I accept that nomination, I shall accept no 
 money or assistance of any kind from any street railway com- 
 pany, electric light company, telephone company, tunnel com- 
 pany, subway company, or gas company, or any other corpora- 
 tion that occupies, with the consent of the city, any space in 
 Chicago on, under or above the public streets. 
 
 It may be that the campaign will have to be conducted from 
 the street corners, but it had better be so than with money contrib- 
 uted by the corporations. There must be no misunderstanding on 
 thi's score. I am not now in a position to say how my campaign 
 can be financed, always assuming that I should be the Democratic 
 nominee, but I am in a position to direct how it shall not be 
 financed. 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 177 
 
 ACCEPTING NOMINATION AS MAYOR 
 OF CHICAGO. 
 
 Address before Chicago Democratic Convention, February 
 
 25, 1905. 
 
 Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen of the Convention: 
 
 it would be hypocrisy for me to say that I am surprised at 
 the nomination you have tendered me. It is the truth to say that 
 it has not been solicited. I accept your nomination and express 
 to you my appreciation of the honor conferred: first, because of 
 the exalted honor therein paid me ; second, because of the con- 
 fidence you repose in me ; third, and chiefly, because I believe 
 that we are engaged in this campaign in an undertaking, the 
 magnitude of which can not be yet appreciated, and the success 
 of which involves materially, every citizen of Chicago. 
 
 I accept it chiefly because I think it lies in the power of the 
 city of Chicago, to blaze the way among American cities for 
 putting into actual operation the principle of municipal owner- 
 ship, and operation of public utilities. In the coming campaign 
 we will engage in a struggle for the possession of our streets, 
 now monopolized by the traction companies, and begin at once 
 to take steps for the ownership and operation of the street cars 
 l)y the city of Chicago. 
 
 That municipal ownership and operation is no idle dream, 
 that it is no mere captivating fancy, or alluring theory, but an 
 actual reality, can easily be established. We need not discuss the 
 theories of municipal ownership, or municipal ownership alone 
 in the abstract. The people of this city have learned long ago, 
 that municipal ownership and operation is in practical force as 
 to street cars in over 100 cities, in England, Scotland and Ire- 
 land ; that it is in operation in many of the great cities of Ger- 
 many, Belgium, Austria-Hungary, Switzerland, Italy, Australia 
 and New Zealand. We know that, where it is in force, it has 
 resulted in reduced fares, in more rapid, constant and efficient 
 service, in increased wages to traction employes, and the unqual- 
 ified endorsement of the public ; that the systems are operated in 
 those great cities to the entire satisfaction of the people thereof, 
 and that no city that has ever tried municipal ownership in opera- 
 tion of street cars has reverted to private ownership. 
 
178 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 We know that the city of Chicago is operating one of the 
 greatest electric light plants, if not the greatest, in America, and 
 that it has reduced the cost of electric light more than one-half. 
 We know that municipal operation of the waterworks of this 
 city, for forty years last past, has resulted in giving the people 
 of Chicago probably the cheapest water in the state of Illinois, 
 if not in the United States, and that today, after the city has 
 succeeded in building its immense system of waterworks, and 
 after it has reduced over and over again, its rates to its citizens, 
 it has a surplus in its water fund, of nearly one million dollars, 
 after spending other millions in sewer building. 
 
 We know that where municipal ownership and operation of 
 public utilities has been put in force, under a civil service law in 
 the great cities of the world, it has banished corruption com- 
 pletely, within the walls of such cities. We know that it has 
 driven the boodler, and the bribe giver beyond the pale of such 
 cities. 
 
 On the contrary, we know from bitter experience in our own 
 city, that jrrivate management of public utilities has been grossly 
 inefficient and indecent. We know that the main purpose and aim 
 of those private corporations has been to pay exorbitant divi- 
 dends upon watered stocks; that it has jammed and massed the 
 unfortunate citizens of our community into miserable, ill-lighted 
 and ill-kept cars ; that it has compelled a great percentage of 
 them to stand on the way to their work, and on their way home, 
 at night. We know that it has resulted in the collecting for 
 years of illegal, double fares from our citizens. 
 
 We know that it has made us ride in cars whose temperature 
 would chill the living and preserve the dead. We know that it 
 has debauched over and over again our city council and State 
 Legislature. We know that it has brought about the passage 
 of the infamous ninety-nine year act, the Allen bill and the 
 Humphrey bill by wholesale bribery. We know that it has re- 
 tarded the growth of our city. We know that it has depreciated, 
 by its villainous service, the real estate values of the homes of 
 our citizens, on all sides of the city, and particularly on the 
 west side. We know that it has forced the people of the city 
 Avithin the last six months in an outburst of indignation to roll 
 up a protest against the renewal of any more franchises, signed 
 by approximately one hundred and thirty-four thousand voters. 
 
 We know, in other words, from personal experience in this 
 city, that private ownership of the street' car system has become 
 a stench in the nostrils of the people. Yet, we are told by cer- 
 tain newspapers of this city, by a Republican platform which, 
 in substance, declares that we must wait, for municipal owner- 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 179 
 
 ship and operation in the dim future, and by Republican candi- 
 dates who demand immediate settlement of the traction question 
 — which can only be obtained by granting the new franchise — that 
 there is no present remedy for these intolerable evils. 
 
 We are told that a new extension of franchises is the only 
 solution of our insufferable evils, and that we must, for the next 
 twenty years, accept the delusive promises of private companies 
 as to efficient management, — promises which have proved sadly 
 deceptive, and worthless in the past, — and that the city is not 
 now in a position "legally or financially" to assume, own and 
 operate its street car systems. We deny this assertion and will 
 appeal to the people to determine the truth of the issue. 
 
 That issue may be crystallized in a few words: "Shall the 
 present companies be granted an ordinance, like the so-called tenta- 
 tive ordinance adopted by the transportation committee of the city 
 council, or any other ordinance under present conditions, or shall 
 the city refuse to pass any ordinance of any character to the present 
 companies or other companies?" 
 
 We assert that the city is legally and financially able at the 
 present time to institute proceedings for the immediate acquisition 
 of the present systems, or to build and construct new ones. The 
 Mueller law expressly provides that the city may own and, with 
 the approval of our citizens, may operate street car systems within 
 its corporate limits. That disposes of the legal question, so far as 
 to the right to own and operate is concerned. The financial ques- 
 tion is as easily disposed of. 
 
 It is said, by the Republican party and the traction press and 
 the opponents of municipal ownership and operation, that the city 
 has no money at the present time wherewith to purchase or equip a 
 street car system. 
 
 It is undoubtedly true that the city of Chicago today is without 
 means in the shape of ready cash to acquire or build a street car 
 plant. It is also true that -until new legislation can be passed by 
 the Legislature, no bonded indebtedness can be created by the city 
 for that purpose. But it does not follow, from the fact that the 
 city of Chicago has not the ready cash today, and that it has not 
 the power under the present conditions, of the law to raise money 
 by the issuance of bonds, that the city is unable to raise money to 
 acquire the present street car plants or to build new ones. 
 
 Section 2 of the Mueller bill expressly provides in Jones and 
 Addingtons' Supplement of 1903, Volume 5, page 555: 
 
 "In lieu of issuing bonds pledging the faith and credit of the 
 city, as provided for in section 1 of this act, any city may issue 
 and dispose of interest bearing certificates, to be known as 'Street 
 railway certificates,' which shall, under no circumstances, be or be- 
 come an obligation or liability of the city or payable out of any 
 
180 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 general fund thereof, but shall be payable solely out of a specified 
 portion of the revenues or income to be derived from the street 
 railway property for the acquisition of which they were issued. 
 Such certificates shall not be issued and secured on any street- 
 railway property in amount in excess of the cost to the city, of 
 such property, as hereinbefore provided, and 10 per cent of such 
 cost in addition thereto. In order to secure the payment of any 
 such street-railway certificates and the interest thereon, the city 
 can convey, by way of mortgage or deed of trust, any or all of the 
 street-railway property, acquired or to be acquired through the 
 issue thereof; which mortgage or deed of trust shall be executed 
 in such manner as may be directed by the city council and acknowl- 
 edged and recorded in the manner provided by law for the ac- 
 knowledgment and recording of mortgages of real estate, and may 
 contain such provisions and conditions, not in conflict with the 
 provisions of this act, as may be deemed necessary to fully secure 
 the payment of the street railway certificates described herein. Any 
 such mortgage or deed of trust may carry the grant of privilege or 
 right to maintain and operate the street railway property, covered 
 thereby, for a period not exceeding twenty years, from and after 
 the date such property may come into the possession of any such 
 person or corporation as the result of foreclosure proceedings ; which 
 privilege or right may fix the rates of fare which the person or cor- 
 poration, securing the same as the result of foreclosure proceedings, 
 shall be entitled to charge in the operation of said property for a 
 period not exceeding twenty years. ' ' 
 
 It will be noted under this section the holders of the street car 
 certificates are given three securities : First, the revenues or income 
 to be derived from the street railway property, for the acquisition 
 of which they were issued, there being no limitation whatever upon 
 the period of time during which said revenues may be collected. 
 In other words, the city, if it should elect to operate its street ear 
 system, has a right to do so in perpetuity, and all the revenues and 
 income from the operation of the street car system in perpetuity 
 are pledged for the payment of certificates. 
 
 Second. Such certificates are secured by a mortgage or deed 
 of trust upon * ' All of the street railway property acquired or to be 
 acquired by the city. ' ' In other words, they are secured by all the 
 tangible property acquired by the city for the purpose of either 
 leasing or operating the same, whether the said property be real or 
 personal. 
 
 Third. The certificates are secured by a grant in the mortgage 
 or deed of trust of a privilege "or right to maintain and operate 
 the street railway property for a period not exceeding twenty 
 years, from and after the date such property may have come 
 
DUNNE JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 181 
 
 into the possession of any person or corporation as a result of 
 foreclosure proceedings." 
 
 These securities provided by the Mueller bill, as being in the 
 power of the city to give as collateral security for the payment 
 of street car certificates are much stronger, broader, and more 
 effectual than the security hitherto given to the purchaser of 
 stocks and bonds of the private companies who have been operat- 
 ing street cars in the city of Chicago for the last forty years. The 
 stocks and bonds, issued by these companies in the past, have been 
 based upon no security, but that of the tangible property owned 
 by the road and their expiring franchises. The tangible prop- 
 erty in the possession of the city will be as good security as 
 the tangible property that hitherto has been in the possession 
 of these private companies. 
 
 These franchises, given as security by these private com- 
 panies in the past, have been limited franchises which never have 
 extended beyond a period of twenty years, except in the case of 
 the dubious so-called ninety-nine year act. The right of the city 
 to own and operate street cars under the Mueller bill has no 
 limitations as to time ; it is therefore much better security than a 
 franchise limited to twenty years, or even a franchise limited to 
 ninety-nine years, and in so far, as it is unlimited in time, it is 
 much stronger than the limited franchises hereinbefore men- 
 tioned. 
 
 The third and last form of security given is also much 
 stronger and more satisfactory from the financial standpoint than 
 the franchises that have hitherto been pledged by the private 
 companies, for the reason that the twenty-year franchise which 
 can be obtained in the mortgage given by the city of Chicago as 
 security for the street car certificate begins, not as in the case of 
 the franchises of the private companies at some time in the past, 
 but begins, as is expressly provided in the Mueller bill, from the 
 date that the property comes into the possession of the person or 
 corporation as the result of foreclosure proceedings. 
 
 In other words, the twenty-year franchise begins to run under 
 the provision of the Mueller bill from the time that the mortgagee 
 gets possession of the property under foreclosure. It will thus 
 be seen that the security given by the Mueller bill is much 
 stronger and better than the security heretofore given by the 
 private companies, as collateral for their stocks and bonds. If 
 a twenty-year franchise is good enough security for the present 
 company to issue stock and bonds to' reequip and modernize its 
 present plant, why is it not as good security in the hands of a 
 trustee under a trust deed given by the city to secure street car 
 certificates to be used for the same purpose? 
 
182 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 In 1883, these companies procured from the city of Chicago 
 franchises which ran for twenty years. As is shown by the re- 
 port of Bion Arnold to the city council in November, 1902, the 
 tangible property of these companies, at the time of said report, 
 was worth not to exceed $27,000,000. Notwithstanding this fact, 
 these companies issued stocks and bonds which were purchased 
 by the public to an aggregate of $117,000,000 or thereabout. The 
 difference between $27,000,000 and $117,000,000 is $90,000,000, 
 and that is the value placed upon the twenty-year franchise by 
 the companies and by the public who invested in these companies. 
 
 No trust company or millionaire endorsed the paper of these 
 companies. Stocks and bonds of the Union Traction Company 
 and Chicago City Railway Company were signed only by the com- 
 panies themselves. If private companies having only the security 
 offered by the tangible property and by the twenty-four fran- 
 chises can raise $117,000,000 upon $27,000,000 worth of actual 
 tangible property, what is to prevent the city of Chicago now on 
 much better security as above indicated, raising the same amount 
 of money? 
 
 It will not be necessary to raise any such amount. The city 
 of Chicago can, today, unless I am most egregiously mistaken, 
 not only pay the present companies full value, and more than full 
 value, for all the property and franchises that they now own, to 
 the last cent, but can reequip and modernize the present broken 
 down plants for less than $80,000,000. 
 
 If street certificates, as provided for in the Mueller bill, 
 bearing five per cent, or even six per cent, if necessary, are offered 
 to the public, I have no doubt whatever, but that even strong 
 financial syndicates, who are accustomed to the most careful in- 
 vestigation of securities, would snap up these certificates thus 
 secured. If local financiers band themselves together for the 
 purpose of discrediting this class of securities, I have no doubt 
 that the same could be quickly negotiated in the financial centers 
 of the world. Moreover, there is today on deposit in the Chicago 
 savings banks over $500,000,000, the property of men of moderate 
 means, bearing interest at 3 per cent per annum, which, in my 
 judgment, will be taken from those banks for the purpose of 
 purchasing such securities, bearing five per cent interest, if they 
 once were placed upon the market. 
 
 There are other ways, outside of the issuance of the Mueller 
 bill certificates, under which the city could provide means for 
 the purpose of the present street car system or for the building 
 or equipment of new ones. 
 
 If the city were to offer to a syndicate of capitalists a lease 
 of the car systems of the city providing the syndicate would 
 
DUNNE JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 183 
 
 provide ready capital for the purchase price of the same, under 
 the terms of which lease the syndicate so furnishing such money, 
 should retain and operate such roads under lease, by the terms 
 of which they should first pay themselves five per cent upon the 
 money invested, and, second, provide a sinking fund for the pay- 
 ment of the capital invested, and third, pay reasonable compen- 
 sation to the managers of the street car system, leased by such 
 syndicate while operating the property, and after the payment 
 of said liabilities then turn over to the city of Chicago the road 
 free and clear from liabilities, I have no reasonable doubt but 
 that wise and prudent financiers would regard such a lease, ter- 
 minable only at the time when they receive their capital and 
 interest at five per cent would be adequate security for the 
 investment. 
 
 But, if a syndicate of capitalists would not be willing to do 
 this, there is no question in my mind that, if such a lease were 
 tendered to a corporation organized for the purpose of leasing 
 and operating the street car system of the city of Chicago, under 
 such an arrangement upon the understanding that the manage- 
 ment of the same was to be placed in the hands of competent rail- 
 way men, at decent remuneration, the depositors in the savings 
 banks of Chicago, who are drawing but three per cent upon their 
 investment, would be very glad to back any company organized 
 for such a purpose and under such a management and exchange 
 their deposits for stock bearing five per cent interest. 
 
 Under the present condition of the Constitution of this State, 
 as amended by a recent constitutional amendment, ample power 
 lies in the hands of the Legislature to pass a law enabling the 
 city of Chicago to issue bonds to a sufficient sum to pay for the 
 acquisition of these street car systems, and under the new charter, 
 which we are promised the city of Chicago will be in a position 
 to raise sufficient money by the issuance of bonds as is authorized 
 by the Mueller bill, provided the people by a referendum authorize 
 the issuance of the same. 
 
 Other methods of raising money have been suggested to me. 
 However, the discussion of ways and means is premature until a 
 price is obtained, at which this property can be bought or acquired 
 at condemnation; then will arise for the first time the question 
 of the practical means of raising money. There are only two 
 things needed to accomplish municipal ownership, and only two : 
 first, the determination of the citizens that they wish it, and, 
 second, the election of public officials with a disposition, courage 
 and virility to carry out the people's will. 
 
 The only objection to municipal ownership, worthy of notice, 
 is that it will tend to build up a great political machine, in that 
 
184 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 the employes of the road in the municipal operation would be 
 placed in positions by the machine politicians, and that the service 
 they would give to the public would be guided by the wishes 
 of their political sponsors rather than the demands of the public. 
 
 No advocate of municipal ownership is in favor of the owner- 
 ship and operation of a street car system by the city without 
 stringent provisions for the enforcement of a rigid civil service 
 law. If the employes of the municipal system were to be selected, 
 as the employes of the present companies are often now selected, 
 upon the recommendation of aldermen and others having a politi- 
 cal pull, we all recognize that the service rendered by such em- 
 ployes would be wholly unsatisfactory. Such an employe being 
 amenable only to his political sponsor, would feel independent 
 of the public, and would give it insolent, rather than satisfactory, 
 service. The hope and aim of the friends of municipal ownership 
 is not to put the street car system into politics, but to take the 
 street car system out of politics. It is notorious that any alder- 
 man or other public official who is on good terms with the trac- 
 tion companies of this city, can put his friends to an unlimited 
 number into the positions furnished by public service cor- 
 porations. 
 
 Friends of municipal ownership demand that, in any ordi- 
 nance providing for municipal ownership and operation, there 
 shall be a clear, systematic, and rigid civil service provision, and 
 that all employes sholl be selected upon a practical examination 
 open to all persons alike, and that their selection shall be deter- 
 mined solely and exclusively by their capacity to perform the 
 work, and not by their political influence. 
 
 Civil service has been instituted within recent years in the 
 departments of the city hall, and year by year it has grown in 
 popular favor and the officials chosen to enforce the civil service 
 law are enforcing the same with greater severity and strictness as 
 the years roll by. Today it is impossible under the civil service 
 law, as administered under Mayor Harrison, for any politician, 
 no matter how vigorous his pull, to place a man upon the police 
 department, the fire department, or in the water office. The civil 
 service law is being gradually extended to all departments of 
 the city government, and in the event that the city should under- 
 take to operate the street cars of this city it should at once be 
 put in force in the transportation department of the city. 
 
 In that event, the present employes of the traction company, 
 from superintendent down to the men who oil the wheels, should 
 be placed upon the official roster of city employes and should hold 
 their places, irremovable except for cause, upon a fair and im- 
 partial trial, had before the civil service board, where both the 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 185 
 
 accused and his accuser could be brought face to face. Vacancies 
 by death, removals or for other causes should be filled only by 
 persons who have passed satisfactory examinations under the 
 civil service, law, and these examinations should be made prac- 
 tical tests of the efficiency of men seeking such positions. The 
 civil service law today is a success in the Federal post office, in 
 the water office, police department and fire department of the 
 city of Chicago, and it can be made, and it must be made, a like 
 success in the transportation department of the city government, 
 when the government elects, if it so elect, to operate the street 
 car systems in the city. 
 
 In conclusion, let me add that, as a friend of municipal own- 
 ership and operation, I will exert myself to the utmost to see that 
 the civil service laws of this city are preserved in their strength 
 and vigor, and shall see that they are vigorously and efficiently 
 enforced under my administration. 
 
 Let the citizens of Chicago not be deterred by the hollow, 
 false, and insincere objections urged against municipal owner- 
 ship and operation by the traction press syndicate. These papers 
 stood sponsors for the so-called tentative ordinance last summer, 
 an ordinance so vicious and reckless of the interests of the people, 
 that they rose in revolt against its passage. 
 
 They stand sponsor now for the Republican candidate and 
 platform. Can they be trusted as advisors of the people? In my 
 opinion they cannot. If the people would protect their rights 
 they must go to the polls en masse on the first Tuesday in April 
 and register their solemn protest against the further spoliation 
 of their streets, and the further exploitation of the people by 
 millionaires of Wall street. 
 
186 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 ADMONISHES PARTY LEADERS OF 
 THEIR DUTY. 
 
 Address to Party Ward Officers, March 10, 1905. 
 
 Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen: 
 
 When I look over this audience and realize that it is the 
 greatest and grandest that I have ever seen gathered for such 
 an occasion, I cannot but bear in mind that this is a council of 
 war. I know that these men who are gathered here are the gen- 
 erals of divisions, the brigadiers, battalion commanders, the col- 
 onels, the majors, the captains and the lieutenants of the great 
 Democratic army of Chicago, 175,000 strong. You represent the 
 rank and file of the party ; you are the leaders of the men in the 
 field, and your leaders, the practical men who have spoken to 
 you, can tell you what your duties are better than I can. 
 
 For four years I have been trying with what strength and 
 ability I have to place this army upon a high plane. Two years 
 ago, with the assistance of that grand old man that every Chi- 
 cagoan esteems, respects and trusts, the man who first called me 
 to your leadership without consulting me, we wrote into the plat- 
 form the principle of municipal ownership and operation of the 
 traction utilities. This year we have placed the army still higher ; 
 we have placed it very near the citadel, and over it waves the 
 white banner of truth and sincerity. 
 
 Opposed to us is another great army, as strong or perhaps 
 stronger than our own, but it is not on the heights ; it is flounder- 
 ing in the morass and is fighting under the black banner of deceit. 
 We stand for the right; the Republicans, to their sorrow and 
 discomfiture, are in the wrong. We know that the people of Chi- 
 cago are as capable and as honest as the people of other cities of 
 the world to own and manage their own street car lines, and we 
 know that they desire to own them and will do so. 
 
 Outside of either of the great armies, 175,000 strong, is an- 
 other force of 50,000 voters that will side with that party which 
 is in the right. You, who go among the people and hear the ex- 
 pressions of men upon the questions that are involved, you know 
 that they are gravitating toward the Democratic ranks, and if 
 you, who are Qharged with that work, will go out and get the 
 stragglers, the indifferent of our own party, and get their votes, 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 187 
 
 there is no more doubt of the result of this election than there is 
 of your sitting here. 
 
 You know the way in which that may best be done. The 
 practical men who have spoken to you have pointed it out better 
 than I can. But I want to say this to you of this election : You 
 have heard of Hopkins Democrats, of Harrison, Sullivan and other 
 varieties. There are no distinctions in this campaign. There are 
 no Dunne nor any other man's Democrats, but only municipal 
 ownership Democrats. 
 
 If we win this fight, if the people of Chicago give me their 
 confidence as you have, I can assure you that it will never be 
 abused and that it will not be misplaced. 
 
188 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 JUDGE DUNNE SCORES HARLAN PLAN. 
 
 Statement to the Public, March 15, 1905. 
 
 The coming election will probably be the most important 
 municipal election that has been held in the United States for at 
 least half a century ; important not only in its effect upon the peo- 
 ple of Chicago, but in its effect upon every municipality in this 
 country. Upon its result depends the question as to whether or 
 not American cities are to take the course pursued by European 
 and Australasian cities in owning and operating their own street 
 car systems, or whether the cities of America shall adhere to the 
 mistaken course hitherto followed in farming out the manage- 
 ment of their utilities to private capitalists. 
 
 The eyes of the whole American voting world, as well as the 
 eyes of the American financial world, are now centered upon 
 Chicago. 
 
 By reason of the fact that most of the important franchises 
 which have hitherto been granted to private corporations, giving 
 them the right to own and operate street cars upon its streets have 
 expired, Chicago is placed in the unique position of being called 
 upon, before any other great American city, to decide this 
 question. 
 
 The gravity and importance of the situation cannot be over- 
 estimated. Within the last few weeks the great firm of J. Pier- 
 pont Morgan & Co. of New York has, through three authorized 
 agents — Marshall Field, P. A, Valentine and John J. Mitchell of 
 this city — invested the enormous sum of $25,000,000 for the pur- 
 chase of two-thirds of the stock of the Chicago City Railway 
 Company. All of the tangible property of that company at a lib- 
 eral estimate is not worth over $12,000,000. Yet that great finan- 
 cial firm has within the last thirty days paid out, it is reported 
 in the papers, $25,000,000 in hard cash for two-thirds of the stock 
 of the Chicago City Railway Company. For this immense amount 
 of money they have received $8,000,000 worth of tangible prop- 
 erty and the mere prospect of obtaining from the citizens of Chi- 
 cago an extension on their present franchises. This enormous in- 
 vestment must have been made with the expectation of procur- 
 ing from the citizens of Chicago an extension of the present fran- 
 chise rights of that company. That expectation must be based 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 189 
 
 upon the conduct to be pursued by the next mayor of Chicago and 
 the next city council. J. Pierpont Morgan & Co. must, therefore, 
 have made this investment in the belief that either one of the 
 great parties of this city will succeed in placing in the mayor's 
 chair a man who will favor, and, in the aldermanic chairs, men 
 who will vote for an extension of the present expired franchises. 
 
 The people of Chicago must turn to the candidates of the two 
 great parties to discover which one of them is likely to gratify the 
 expectation of J. Pierpont Morgan & Co. by extending the fran- 
 chises of the street railway companies. 
 
 It is exceedingly improbable that either the Prohibition or 
 the Socialist party will poll sufficient votes to elect their candi- 
 dates. The city of Chicago must, therefore, scan with care and 
 caution the platforms of the Republican and the Democratic party 
 and the antecedents and character of the candidates nominated by 
 these parties to run upon these platforms. 
 
 J. Pierpont ]\Iorgan & Co.'s expectation of an extension of 
 franchises must be based upon the Republican platform and the 
 Republican candidate or upon the Democratic platform and the 
 Democratic candidate. Let us carefully consider then first the 
 platforms of the respective parties with relation to the traction 
 issue. 
 
 The Republican platform declares for municipal ownership 
 and operation "when the city shall be legally and financially able 
 successfully to adopt it." The use of these three adverbs in the 
 Republican platform leaves the question of time as to when the 
 city shall attempt to own and operate in a delightful state of un- 
 certainty. Does it mean today, does it mean ten years hence, does 
 it mean twenty years hence or a century hence? None can tell. 
 It is left absolutely to the judgment of the officials who may be 
 elected upon that platform to hereafter answer when that time 
 shall come. 
 
 The Republican platform further declares that no extension 
 of franchises "should" be given that does not meet the approval 
 of the citizens of Chicago. This is simply the declaration of a 
 truism. It deliberately refrains from declaring that no franchise 
 "shall" or must be given. 
 
 The Democratic platform, on the other hand, declares emphat- 
 ically: "We demand that Chicago follow the example of the 
 enlightened municipalities of both the old world and the new by 
 taking immediate steps to establish municipal ownership and opera- 
 tion of the traction service of the city. That the city council, by 
 resolution, terminate all negotiations with the street car companies 
 for the extension of existing or the granting of new franchises. In 
 place of such negotiations that the city government proceed at once 
 
190 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 to negotiate with the street railroad companies for the purchase of 
 their tangible property and their unexpired lawful franchises for a 
 fair, liberal and full price. ' ' 
 
 The Democratic platform in contrast with the Republican plat- 
 form is clear, definite and distinct. Following out the mandates 
 of that platform, no extension of franchises of any character could 
 be given by the city officials elected upon the Democratic ticket to 
 either the Chicago City Railway Company or to any other corpo- 
 ration. 
 
 This is the clear and plain distinction between the two plat- 
 forms. Under the Republican platform an extension can be given 
 and, if the Republican candidate is elected, I predict an extension 
 will be given. Under the Democratic platform no such extension 
 can be given and I promise, if elected, as I will be, that no such 
 extension will be given. 
 
 Such being the platforms, let us now examine the records of 
 the candidates. Both of us have been before the public for ovet 
 twelve years, he in private and I in public station. During this 
 campaign I shall indulge in no personalities and I shall endeavor 
 to treat my opponent with the fairness and justness to which his 
 prominent position before the public for several years past entitles 
 him. I shall only discuss his attitude on public questions, as con- 
 tained in his own language, upon different occasions and, if I . shall 
 find that his attitude and position, as declared from his own lips, 
 places him in inconsistent positions, it is for the public to determine 
 whether or not he is inconsistent and whether or not he is sincere 
 or vacillating in his course. 
 
 On December 12, 1898, the Republican candidate, as he is quoted 
 in the Record, one of the papers that is now supporting him most 
 energetically, said : ' ' The mayor has committed himself before this 
 audience to the principles of municipal ownership twenty years 
 hence. Gentlemen, if the people of Chicago want it now — if the 
 people want it — then I say it is their property and now is the 
 accepted time. I want to say now that, if the Allen law is repealed 
 and the present mayor of Chicago, by whose side I am now fighting 
 and am glad to fight, annouiices the proposition that he favors a 
 twenty-year, or any other franchise, at this time, at any per cent 
 of compensation whatever, I shall be as ready to fight with him on 
 that proposition," 
 
 This was my opponent's attitude over six years ago. At that 
 time the Mueller bill had not been passed and the city of Chicago 
 was not legally able to own or operate street cars. He was a lawyer 
 at the time and is so now and he must have known, when he made 
 that statement, that the law did not empower the city of Chicago to 
 own and operate street cars. 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 191 
 
 The Mueller bill has been passed since then and the city of 
 Chicago, under its provisions, is now legally authorized to own and 
 operate street cars, the operation dependent, however, upon a refer- 
 endum of its citizens. The Republican candidate, since the adoption 
 of his platform nearly a month ago, has never once declared for 
 immediate municipal ownership in any of his numerous speeches, 
 although the city is now authorized by law to own and operate its 
 street railway system. He has not once used the word ''Now," 
 the insistent word that he used in December, 1898. Why this omis- 
 sion? Has he not changed his views most materially? Is it not 
 remarkable that a man who declared for immediate municipal own- 
 ership, when the law did not empower the city to own or operate, 
 should now, when the law does authorize the city to own and oper- 
 ate, fail to make a similar demand. I charge that my opponent, 
 therefore, becausei of his extraordinary failure to make a demand 
 for immediate municipal ownership in his numerous speeches during 
 the last few weeks has abandoned the views that he held in 1898. 
 That I am not in error in placing this interpretation upon his con- 
 duct and his platform is further shown by the views expressed upon 
 his platform and his own conduct by his supporters, the newspapers, 
 which are championing his cause in this city. 
 
 The Chicago Post, a paper which is most vigorously advocating 
 my opponent's election, on February 14, 1905, contained the fol- 
 lowing:. "What is needed is a majority of honest, capable alder- 
 men who will grant a reasonable franchise for twenty years. We 
 can make the best terms with capital by granting the longest term 
 possible — namely, twenty years. Every year we clip from that term 
 we clip something of greater value from either the compensation to 
 the city or the quality of the service to the citizen." 
 
 On March 2, 1905, the Chronicle, which is also supporting the 
 candidacy of the Republican candidate, editorially declared: "In 
 spite of a good deal of talk about what the people of Chicago may 
 do at some time in the remote future, the issue as joined between 
 Mr. Harlan and Judge Dunne amounts to the assertion by the 
 former that municipal ownership of street railways is impossible 
 and to the declaration by the latter that it is not only possible but 
 desirable and that steps to that end should be taken at once. 
 
 "Mr. Harlan pronounces immediate municipal ownership an 
 impossibility and shows that, even if it were desirable, to adopt that 
 policy the city is not now and will not be for years to come in a 
 position to do so. * * * His assertion that such a thing is now 
 an impossibility is literally true and it practically puts him in oppo- 
 sition to the lunatic proposition which Democrats and Socialists have 
 brought forward. * * * Mr. Harlan 's lucid and convincing argu- 
 ment, showing the impossibility of immediate municipal ownership 
 not only sweeps away a humbug * * *." 
 
192 DUXXE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 This is the position taken by the Chronicle interpreting my 
 opponent's position, and I would have it remembered that this is 
 the interpretation placed npon his conduct by one of his friends. 
 
 On March 26, 1905, the Chronicle further states: "Mr. Har- 
 lan's program, on the other hand, is one of reason and soberness. 
 He expects and means to compel immediate and active negotiations 
 for an equitable franchise ordinance with the traction companies. 
 * * * 'I will say for myself,' he says, 'that before long, after the 
 election is over, there will be submitted to you a concrete plan for 
 the settlement of this question.' * * * No solution will be ac- 
 cepted, which does not make effective and genuine provision for 
 municipal ownership and operation when the city shall be legally 
 and financially and successfully able to adopt it. If, as many think, 
 that time will never come then the time will never come when 
 Mr. Harlan will advocate municipal ownership." 
 
 Here we have a clear, succinct statement of my opponent's posi- 
 tion, as interpreted by a newspaper owned and controlled by a man 
 with whom the Republican candidate, I am informed, has been in 
 recent conference quite frequently. If my opponent's friends and 
 advocates so construe his position, what further need is there for me 
 to inquire as to what course he will pursue if he should be elected 
 mayor. 
 
 I charge, therefore, upon the authority of the Republican plat- 
 form, upon the authority of statements made and failed to be made 
 by the Republican candidate, and upon the interpretation placed 
 upon his conduct by his own supporters, that, if elected mayor of 
 the city of Chicago, he will be in favor of an extension of the fran- 
 chises of the present companies. In further support of this charge 
 I would call the attention of the people of this city to the fact, that, 
 when the so-called tentative ordinance, formulated by the committee 
 on transportation of the city council was brought up for passage 
 last summer, the Daily News, Record-Herald, Tribune, Post and 
 Chronicle, all of which are now ardent supporters of my opponent, 
 were then advocating in a most strenuous manner its passage. 
 
 This ordinance was so unfair and so unjust to the people of this 
 city that, at the call of two men in this community and two news- 
 papers, much abused by the Republican candidate, 134,000 voters 
 of this community rose in open revolt against its passage and at- 
 tained their object by a monster referendum petition. 
 
 In contrast with my opponent 's position, I have but to say that 
 for years, in season and out of season, I have been advocating the 
 cause of municipal ownership ; that I have always maintained that 
 the city of Chicago, since the passage of the Mueller bill, was in a 
 position legally and financially to own and operate its street car 
 systems successfully; that last summer without conference with 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 193 
 
 Judge Tuley or any other citizen, I openly opposed in a public 
 speech the passage of this unfair and iniquitous tentative ordinance 
 and did everything in my power to prevent its passage, and it was 
 largely due to the efforts of Judge Tuley and myself and the Hearst 
 newspapers that we succeeded in stopping its passage. And yet my 
 opponent with pretended gravity charges me with being opposed to 
 a referendum. 
 
 I was largely instrumental in drawing the Democratic platform 
 and succeeded in placing in that platform the following plank : 
 
 ' ' We believe in the principle of the referendum upon all impor- 
 tant questions and demand the proper legislation to make it binding 
 upon all public servants, thus carrying out the will of the voters 
 of this city twice expressed at the polls." 
 
 My opponent ignores the existence of this plank in the plat- 
 form and charges upon me and the Democratic platform that we are 
 trying to evade a referendum. 
 
 Again he declares that I am committed to a policy of paying 
 $80,000,000 to the present companies for their property, which he 
 terms "junk." The Republican candidate had before him my 
 speech of acceptance when he made this charge, and he knew at the 
 time that what I said was as follows : "If private companies, hav- 
 ing only the security offered by the tangible property and by the 
 twenty-year franchises, can raise $117,000,000 upon $27,000,000 
 worth of actual tangible property, what is to prevent the city of 
 Chicago now, on much better security, as above indicated, raising 
 the same amount of money?" 
 
 "It will not be necessary to raise any such amount. The city 
 of Chicago can today, unless I am most egregiously mistaken, not 
 only pay the present companies full value for all the property and 
 franchises they now own to the last cent, but can reequip and 
 modernize the present broken-down plants for less than $80,000,- 
 000." My opponent knew that, in making this statement, I cov- 
 ered not only the tangible and intangible property of the present 
 roads, but also the cost of reequipment and modernization. He 
 must have known that the present companies, in argument before 
 the people of this community for an extension of their franchises, 
 have claimed that it would be necessary to expend $50,000,000 in 
 reequipment and modernization of these roads. He mvTst have 
 known that Bion Arnold reported to the city council that their 
 tangible property was worth in the neighborhood of $27,000,000, 
 and he must have known that they have some unexpired franchises 
 which, if purchased or taken from them by condemnation, must be 
 paid for. If you will add $27,000,000 to $50,000,000, which it has 
 been claimed is necessary for the modernization of the plants, the 
 result is $77,000,000, leaving a margin of but $3,000,000 to pay for 
 the intangible property, to wit, the unexpired franchises. 
 
 —7 
 
194 * DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 In the discussion had before the local transportation committee 
 of the city council, it was contended on behalf of the Chicago City 
 Railway company that it would take $15,000,000 to rehabilitate 
 and modernize that plant alone. The north and west side companies 
 carry more than twice the number of passengers carried by the 
 Chicago City Railway Company, and, if it would take $15,000,000 
 to reequip and modernize the south side system, it would take at 
 least $30,000,000 to rehabilitate and modernize the north and west 
 side systems. If it takes $45,000,000 to modernize and we add the 
 $45,000,000 to the $27,000,000, the value of the tangible property, 
 it will make $72,000,000— leaving a margin of only $8,000,000 as 
 the value of the intangible property, to-wit — the unexpired fran- 
 chises. I have not had the benefit of advice from expert railway 
 engineers in arriving at these figures. It may cost less and it may 
 cost more to rehabilitate and modernize these plants. In all prob- 
 ability it will cost much less than the amount claimed by these 
 companies. I used the statement "less than $80,000,000" in order to 
 fix what I believed at the time, without the benefit of expert testi- 
 mony, would be an outside figure. And yet, in view of this state- 
 ment of mine, culled from my speech to the Democratic convention, 
 the Republican candidate says that I am ready, on behalf of the 
 city of Chicago, to pay $80,000,000 to these roads for their worn- 
 out and antiquated tangible property. I leave the justness of his 
 criticism to the determination of my fair-minded fellow citizens. 
 
 Now, fellow citizens, when J. Pierpont Morgan & Co. expended 
 $25,000,000 for the purchase of $8,000,000 worth of tangible prop- 
 erty they did not rely upon obtaining any extension of franchises 
 from the city of Chicago either from the Democratic administration 
 or myself. They must have relied upon the platform and person- 
 ality of some other party and some other candidate. 
 
 To test this issue as between the Democratic and Republican 
 parties and between myself and my distinguished opponent, I now 
 ask him to declare, as the representative of the Republican party, 
 whether or not he is in favor of the so-called tentative ordinance as 
 adopted by the local transportation committee of the city council 
 and recommended to the people by the four Republican members 
 of that committee, Aldermen Bennett, Foreman, Raymer and 
 Hunter, three of whom are now seeking reelection upon the same 
 ticket with himself. Let him squarely answer the people of this 
 city whether or not, if elected, he will be in favor of the so-called 
 tentative ordinance or any ordinance of like character. 
 
 One word more and I have done. It has been claimed that 
 municipal ownership would increase taxes, should the city take over 
 the street car lines, acquiring a full ownership of them by the 
 issuance of street car certificates. It would not cost the general 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR (l^f 
 
 taxpayers of Chicago one cent. It would in no wise increase the 
 tax burdens of the people of Chicago. More than $5,000,000 have 
 been diverted from the earnings of the municipal water department 
 to pay for sewers. In this way the general taxes of the people have 
 been reduced $5,000,000 by reason of the fact that the city has 
 municipal ownership of its waterworks. 
 
 The cost of the street car lines acquired under municipal owner- 
 ship would be met by the issuance of street railway certificates, 
 which would be a burden upon the street car lines and upon noth- 
 ing else whatever. It never could in any possible way operate to 
 increase the taxes of the people. 
 
196 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 FIRST INAUGURAL ADDRESS AS 
 MAYOR. 
 
 To THE Chicago City Council, April, 1905. 
 
 Gentlemen of the City Council: 
 
 It is usual to deliver what is called an inaugural address on 
 these occasions. I forbear in view of the fact that my inaugural 
 has been framed by the people of Chicago. The issues crystallized 
 in the platform on which I was elected is the policy I have elected to 
 carry out. 
 
 I shall use all the ability and industry with which my Maker 
 has endowed me to carry out this platform of the city of Chicago. 
 And I want tO thank you, gentlemen, for the disposition you have 
 already shown to aid by holding up my hands. 
 
 I shall try to act with the same impartiality for which you 
 have just commended the retiring mayor. If I shall deserve the 
 same vote of thanks you have just given him, and if I succeed in 
 carrying out the will of the people of Chicago, I shall retire at the 
 end of my two years' term well satisfied. 
 
DUNNE JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 197 
 
 CHICAGO'S FIGHT FOR MUNICIPAL 
 OWNERSHIP. 
 
 Address before the New York Municipal Ownership League, 
 
 April 7, 1905. 
 
 Men of the East: we bring you tidings of great joy from the 
 men of the West. The exploitation of public property by private 
 capital, with its attendant greed, extortion and corruption, has 
 had its day in American cities, but that day is about to end. 
 
 Fully half a century ago, the citizens of Chicago drove from 
 control of our water system the private capitalists who were then 
 plundering the public. Ten years ago they dislodged the coterie 
 of private capitalists who were exploiting our streets for the sale 
 of electric light to the city. Next Monday, Chicago starts upon 
 her mission of dislodging private capital from the control of our 
 street car system. 
 
 She has succeeded in the operation of her waterworks system 
 in paying some $38,000,000 for the equipment of that plant, has 
 loaned $5,000,000 from that department to the sewer system, is 
 today giving the cheapest water of probably any city in America 
 and has a cash surplus of nearly $1,000,000. 
 
 She has so managed her electric light plant that she has re- 
 duced the cost of arc lamps from $125, charged by private com- 
 panies to the city, when she first constructed the plant, to about 
 $54 per arc lamp per annum. She is operating and has been 
 operating both departments, as well as her police, fire and edu- 
 cational departments, without scandal, graft or corruption, besides 
 cheapening the cost of utilities that she is furnishing to the public. 
 She will have the same record of success in relation to her street 
 car system. 
 
 You men of New York may surpass us in wealth, and, it may 
 be, in culture, but Chicago, in our judgment, is the nerve center 
 of America and the leader in economic thought and action. 
 
 Chicago is the only city in America that has declared by an 
 overwhelming majority in favor of the municipalization of her 
 street car system, and what Chicago wills she does. 
 
 The history of the struggle for this achievement is interest- 
 ing. It commenced ten years ago. Private capitalists who had 
 possession of our streets at that time, not content with the fran- 
 
198 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 chises they had already and which were limited by law to twenty 
 years, went to the State Capitol, and, by the most shameless and 
 notorious corruption, induced the Legislature to permit the grant 
 of fifty-year franchises. The people were taken unaware ; the 
 law was passed before the people discovered its dangerous fea- 
 tures. But the public spirit of Chicago at once revolted and 
 before the private capitalists, who were then in possession of her 
 streets, could have an ordinance passed in the city council, pur- 
 suant to the terms of the act passed by the Legislature, the people 
 were upon their feet with fire in their eyes and determination in 
 their faces. 
 
 The very next Legislature, composed of men who were largely 
 the same men that composed the former Legislature, was com- 
 pelled to repeal this infamous law. From that time to this, thfi 
 people oi Chicago on one side and the capitalists, who were in 
 charge of this business on the other, have been in a life and death 
 struggle for the possession of our streets. 
 
 It has required the utmost watchfulness on the part of the 
 people, during all this period, to prevent the passage of a law 
 or ordinance by which the city streets would have been locked 
 up for another period of twenty years. Only last August, by a 
 combination of politicians belonging to both of the political par- 
 ties, an arrangement was made in the common council, by which 
 a twenty-year franchise was to be granted to the present traction 
 companies ; but at the call of a few public spirited citizens and 
 newspapers, the people rolled up a mighty petition of protest, 
 signed by 134,000 men of Chicago. This protest was got together 
 inside of twenty days and filed with the election commissioners, 
 as a protest against the continued exploitation of the streets of 
 Chicago by private capital. 
 
 During the election, .iust closed, a crafty attempt was made 
 by the private capitalists, in control of Chicago streets, to have 
 the platforms of both parties so constructed as to permit the pas- 
 sage of an ordinance extending the franchise of the private com- 
 panies. The candidates were to be selected from among persons 
 who were known to be willing to grant some sort of extension but 
 this design having become apparent, Judge Murray P. Tuley. the 
 grand old man of Chicago, one of the most disinterested and re 
 spected citizens of our city, issued an alarm call and pointed out 
 10 the citizens that the only way this scheme could be defeated 
 would be to unite upon someone who would command tho con- 
 fidence of the citizens of Chicago, and who believed in the munici- 
 pal operation of public utilities as against private franchise 
 grants. The people responded enthusiastically to his call and as 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 199 
 
 the result of a chain of circumstances that choice devolved upon 
 myself. 
 
 The citizens of Chicago have been educated up to the fact 
 that a municipality can operate any of the public utilities with 
 much greater satisfaction to the people than can the same utili- 
 ties be operated by private capitalists. They have learned, wher- 
 ever a city in any portion of the civilized world has taken over 
 the operation of its waterworks, gas plant, electric light plant or 
 street railway system, that in every case, when fairly tried, the 
 cost of these utilities to the public has been reduced, the wages of 
 the men who operate them have been increased, the hours have 
 been reduced and more efficient service has been rendered. 
 
 People in Chicago know that gas is being manufactured by 
 municipalities in Great Britain and is being furnished to citizens 
 for about one-half the rate paid in Chicago. They know that gas 
 is sold to the citizens of Glasgow, Scotland, for instance, for 52 
 cents, while under private management previously the charge 
 was a dollar per thousand feet. 
 
 They know that no cit}^ that has taken over its street car 
 system has ever reverted to private ownership. They know that 
 all over America, where private ownership of street car systems 
 prevails, the charge for fare is 5 cents, while in Glasgow lyg 
 cents is the average fare paid. In Europe, where municipalities 
 are operating street car systems, the fare varies from 2 to 3 cents 
 per ride. 
 
 They have heard discussed all the objections against munici- 
 pal ownership in America, and after the fullest discussion they 
 find that these objections are untenable and unfounded. 
 
 It may be wise for me to discuss briefly before you citizens 
 of New York, the only two serious objections raised during the 
 recent struggle in Chicago against public ownership and opera- 
 tion of public utilities : 
 
 First, that it would tend to build up a great political machine. 
 None of the friends of municipal ownership in Chicago or else- 
 where advocates the ownership and operation of any utility by 
 municipalities, unless in connection therewith there is a civil ser- 
 vice law under which all applicants for positions, irrespective of 
 their politics, will be treated exactly alike and under which just 
 and reasonable tests will be applied to public servants to ascer- 
 tain their fitness to perform the work entailed upon them. 
 
 We have such a law in the city of Chicago, under which, for 
 several years past, it has been practically impossible for any man 
 to place a friend upon the police department, fire department, or 
 water department. 
 
200 DUNNE JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 Where there is a public utility, controlled by private capital 
 in the city of Chicago, any alderman w^ho votes "right" has an 
 unlimited field in which he can anchor his political henchmen. 
 
 The only other serious objection, urged in Chicago against 
 the operation by the public of its own utilities, was that the muni- 
 cipality has no money. That cry is always raised everywhere, 
 and I presume it will be raised in New York when you start, as I 
 understand you have under contemplation the operation of 3'our 
 municipal lighting plant. There is no force whatever in the 
 objection. The operation of these utilities, either by public or 
 private persons, is a valuable privilege. They can only be op- 
 erated by permission being given to someone to use the public 
 streets. The privilege is of priceless value, and when any public 
 or private corporation furnishes light, furnishes power, furnishes 
 street railway transportation, or any of these utilities the right 
 to use the streets is of untold wealth to these. 
 
 We in Chicago propose to raise all the money necessary to 
 purchase an up-to-date street car system upon certificates which 
 are special or limited promises to pay out of the income collected 
 from the system. They are not general promises to pay which 
 will entail taxation. 
 
 Under the law of the State of Illinois, these certificates are 
 termed street car certificates. They should more properly be 
 called income bonds. They are secured under our law in three 
 ways : 
 
 First. By the pledge of all the income of the municipal street 
 railway plant, this income being unlimited as to time ; in other 
 words, when the city of Chicago commences the operation of its 
 street car system, its right to do so is not limited to twenty, thirty, 
 fifty or a hundred years time ; it may operate until the crack of 
 doom, and all its receipts in perpetuity from this source are 
 pledged for the attainment of these securities. 
 
 Second. These certificates are secured, under our law, by a 
 mortgage, wdiich mortgage conveys all of the tangible property 
 in the transportation department of the city, both real, personal 
 and mixed, power houses, railway tracks, sprinkling carts, and 
 every kind of property used in the transportation department. 
 
 Third. These certificates are secured by twenty-year franchise ; 
 in other words, there is a provision in the law, under which, if 
 default be made in the payment of street car certificates, or of 
 interest thereon, for the period of one year, then in that case the 
 holders of the certificates may apply to a court of chancery to 
 foreclose all of the tangible property used by the city in its trans- 
 portation department, and, at the foreclosure sale, there shall be 
 knocked down to the bidder, the franchise commencing to run 
 
DUNNE JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 201 
 
 upon the date when the purchaser buys the property, and run- 
 ning twenty years thereafter. 
 
 Private companies in the past have been able to sell stocks 
 and bonds aggregating in value $117,000,000, when their tangible 
 property was worth less than $27,000,000. If they could raise 
 four times the value of the tangible property upon an expiring 
 franchise, can any sensible man for a moment hesitate as to what 
 amount of money the city of Chicago can raise upon the security 
 hereinbefore mentioned ? 
 
 I have no hesitation in predicting that, if these street car cer 
 tificates, secured in this manner, are offered upon the financial 
 market, the financial syndicates of this Nation will be tumbling 
 over each other to get possession of these securities, and even if 
 the financial powers should be combined together to discredit 
 them, the citizens of Chicago have three or four times as much 
 money as may be necessary to purchase, reequip and modernize 
 all the plants of their city, deposited in the savings banks of the 
 city of Chicago, drawing three per cent interest and having no 
 other security than their faith and the credit of the banks. 
 
 These savings banks depositors, if they are offered these 
 street car certificates, secured as I have detailed, will be very glad 
 to take their moneys from the savings bank, where they are ob- 
 taining only three per cent, and invest them in street car certi- 
 ficates, signed by the mayor and comptroller of the city of Chicago 
 and secured by a mortgage and a twenty-year franchise. 
 
 As to the legality of these certificates, in my judgment, there 
 is no possible doubt. Some of the best lawyers of the city of 
 Chicago have already declared in favor of their validity, and we 
 can have a test case made which will reach the Supreme Court of 
 the State inside of three or four months which will forever set 
 at rest the question of legality. 
 
 The operation of public utilities by municipalities is no un- 
 tried theory. It is in practical operation, as to street cars, in 
 146 great cities in Great Britain, in Berlin, in Vienna, in Buda- 
 pest, in Paris, in the cities of Belgium and Switzerland, and in the 
 cities of Australia. 
 
 "Where it has been put in operation with reference to street 
 cars it has brought about these results : 
 
 First. The reduction of the street railway fares. 
 
 Second. The increase of the wages paid to the laborers em- 
 ployed in the department. 
 
 Third. The reduction of working hours. 
 
 Fourth. Increased efficiency in the service accorded to the 
 public. 
 
202 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 Fifth. The abolition of strikes. Where cities run their own 
 street cars no strikes result. It is like the operation of the 
 police and fire departments in your city. Have you ever heard of 
 a strike among policemen or among firemen? They don't strike, 
 because, if they have well founded grievances, the public is rea- 
 sonable enough, through its constituted authorities, to remove 
 these grievances. If these grievances are ill founded, public senti- 
 ment is against them and there is no strike. Municipalities enter 
 upon these undertakings, not for the sole purpose of making 
 money, but for the purpose of giving good service to their citizens 
 and good treatment towards their employes. 
 
 Sixth. Wherever a municipality has taken over a public utility, 
 as to this utility, corruption and bribery cease. There is no 
 motive for the corruption of an alderman in case of a utility oper- 
 ated by the public. 
 
 The operation of public utilities by private capitalists has been 
 the source of all the scandal, corruption and disgrace, which have 
 fallen upon the Legislatures and common councils of the State of 
 Illinois. If these results have been secured in the cities of Europe 
 and Australia, why cannot they be secured in the cities of New 
 York and Chicago and the other cities of America? 
 
 The citizens of this country are just as honest, just as capa- 
 ble, just as Avell educated and just as safe to be trusted with the 
 management of their ow^n utilities as the citizens of those coun- 
 tries. The men or party who charge the citizens of Chicago or 
 of New York with being so inefficient, incapable or dishonest as 
 to be unable to own and operate their own utilities, frame an 
 indictment against the citizens of these communities which our 
 people will answer at the polls with a verdict of "not guilty". 
 
 The movement in favor of municipal ownership of all public 
 utilities has taken deep root among intelligent people of this 
 country. It is no passing sentiment. It is here to stay. Munici- 
 pal ownership and operation of these utilities and governmental 
 ownership of the railroads, telegraphs and express transportation 
 is a practical question upon which the people must pass within a 
 very short time. And the politicians and parties who ignore this 
 sentiment must be prepared for a short lived career before the 
 people. 
 
 We in Chicago have no fear as to the results of municipal 
 ownership. We are confident that the will of the people can be 
 carried into effect and that, too, without the imposition of a 
 single dollar's worth of taxes, and we say to you men of New 
 York that you can, by the exercise of the same determination, 
 bring about municipal ownership in your city of any public utility 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 203 
 
 that you may desire furnished by the people of your city without 
 an increase of taxation upon your citizens. 
 
 I congratulate the Municipal Ownership Association of New 
 York and the men who now surround me upon this stage and in 
 this audience upon being pioneers in this movement in the city of 
 New York, and I hope that as great success will attend your 
 efforts as have attended the efforts of the people of Chicago. I 
 do not doubt that the men of New York can and will move for- 
 ward in the same w^ay as the people of Chicago. I feel assured 
 of this when I see the movement here has enlisted in its ranks 
 such men as J. G. Phelps Stokes, Judge Samuel Seabury, Thomas 
 Gilleran, C. A. Habiland, Nelson G. Palliser, Judge Palmeri and 
 the distinguished journalist, Congressman William Randolph 
 Hearst, without whose services to the people of Chicago in this 
 fight we could not have achieved such early success. 
 
 I may be pardoned for uttering a word of advice to the people 
 of New York. I would urge upon you to go forward unhesitat- 
 ingly and without deviation from the course marked out for your 
 civic progress by the splendid organization that called together 
 this evening this magnificent assemblage of the citizenry of New 
 York. 
 
204 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 UPON A SHARP REVERSAL OF PUBLIC 
 
 POSITION. 
 
 Address at Jefferson Day Banquet, ChiCxVgo, April 14, 1905. 
 
 Mr. Toastmaster and Gentlemen: 
 
 In the November election, President Roosevelt received in the 
 city of Chicago a plurality of nearly 110,000 votes. Five months 
 thereafter a Democratic candidate for mayor carried the city by 
 nearly 25,000 plurality. This wonderful change in public sentiment 
 within so short a time is pregnant with importance. 
 
 In the Presidential election, the personality of the candidates 
 had much to do with influencing the popular vote. In the mayor- 
 alty election the personality of the candidates may have had some- 
 thing to do with the popular. vote. But above the personalities and 
 far beyond them were the principles involved, as no such change 
 could have been brought about by the mere personalities of the 
 candidates. 
 
 President Roosevelt carried the city of Chicago because the 
 people of this city believed that the platform upon which his oppo- 
 nent stood was a mere string of meaningless phrases and because 
 they further believed that the Democratic party last fall was not 
 standing for principles enunciated for the real benefit of the people. 
 On the contrary, the people of this community on the 4tli of April 
 believed that the Democratic party had framed a platform which 
 stood for principles and that those principles did alfect and con- 
 cerned materially the interests of the citizens of Chicago. 
 
 The Democratic party won in the spring election, because its 
 platform plainly, clearly and truthfully declared for principles 
 which were for the best interests of the people. It lost last fall, 
 because its platform was a compromise and because the people be- 
 lieved that it dealt in platitudes rather than principles. 
 
 The results of these two elections should teach the lesson to 
 the men who stand high in the councils of Democracy that evasion, 
 insincerity and retrogression should have no place in the plat- 
 forms of the Democratic party. The party must take and hold 
 to advanced positions. It must keep pace with the march of 
 events. It must declare against monopoly in any and all forms, 
 against special privilege in every guise. 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 205 
 
 Jefferson, in his lifetime, stood for equal rights to all and 
 special privileges to none, and, if Jefferson were in the flesh today, 
 he would be standing against special privileges given to great cor- 
 porations whose money is contributed by private capitalists that 
 have seized and taken possession of the railroads, the telegraph 
 and the express transportation of the Nation, of the telephones, 
 electric light plants, waterworks, gas plants and street car systems 
 of our cities. 
 
 Private corporations have seized and taken possession of these 
 means of 'transportation and the conveyance of information, light 
 and power, all of them monopolies requiring the use of public prop- 
 erty. By possession of these monopolies they have been despoiling: 
 and plundering the people of this country. 
 
 The people have at last awoke to the fact that such monopolies; 
 are unfair, iniquitous and dangerous to the Republic. And the blow- 
 struck in Chicago will be followed by blows of like character 
 throughout the cities of the United States. It will also be followed, 
 in my humble judgment, if the Democratic party is wise and pru- 
 dent and incorporates in its next platform a ringing declaration in 
 favor of Government ownership of interstate railroads, telegraphs 
 and express transportation, by a decisive victory in favor of the 
 common people of this country. 
 
 Aggressive Democracy is in the saddle and, if it remains ag- 
 gressive, it will carry the country. If the Democratic platform 
 contains one plank in favor of Government ownership of interstate 
 railroads, telegraphs and express companies, and another in favor 
 of the abolition of the protective tariff, I have no doubt but that it 
 will win. 
 
 If the protective tariff be abolished and the Government takes 
 possession of the means of transportation of conveyance, of freight, 
 express packages, and information, every dangerous trust in Amer- 
 ica will die a natural death in five years. 
 
206 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 THE STORY OF THE STREET CAR 
 COMPANIES OF CHICAGO. 
 
 Interview with J. J. McAulipfe, St. Louis Post-Dispatch, 
 April 15, 1905. 
 
 "Now that the fight for municipal ownership has been won, 
 how will you proceed to get control of Chicago's great street car 
 system ? ' ' 
 
 Elected on a platform committed to the immediate carrying out 
 of this idea — an idea, by the way, which contemplates turning a 
 private monopoly of $117,000,000 capital into an asset of the 
 people — Judge Edward F. Dunne, new mayor of Chicago, pondered 
 the question a moment and then calmly and with characteristic 
 simplicity answered : 
 
 * ' Chicago will go about this matter just as would an individual, 
 seeking to recover his own property, which for some reason or other 
 has temporarily gotten beyond his possession. 
 
 "But there is this difference: The municipality, the State and 
 the Government of the Nation itself can go further than the pri- 
 vate claimant. 
 
 "At the 1903 session of the Illinois General Assembly, the 
 people succeeded, in spite of open opposition and secret intrigue, 
 in spite of the plotting of boodlers and the scheming of traction 
 interests, in having a bill passed, under the terms of which, for the 
 first time in the history of this State, municipalities were empowered 
 to own and operate street cars. This bill is popularly known as the 
 Mueller bill. 
 
 "This bill having been approved by the voters of Chicago, it 
 enables the city to acquire street car systems by the institution of 
 condemnation proceedings. 
 
 "In other words, it empowers the city which desires to own 
 and operate public utilities to condemn the property and fran- 
 chises of public utilities and under the right of 'eminent domain' 
 hale them into court and compel them to surrender their property 
 at its true cash value. 
 
 "Such is the plan, by which Chicago cannot fail to come into 
 possession, not only of her street railway lines, but eventually, 
 of all telephone, electric light and gas companies and other utili- 
 ties of a semi-public nature. 
 
DUNNE JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 207 
 
 "The problem," continued Judge Dunne, wheeling in his 
 chair, and stopping to sign a fresh batch of letters, acknowledg- 
 ing congratulatory messages, of which he has received thousands 
 from all parts of the United States and many from the other 
 side of the ocean on his victory of April 4, "is simplicity itself. 
 
 "The details, of course, are intricate and necessarily will 
 require some time to be worked to perfection. 
 
 "But success is bound to be realized. There never was a 
 contest waged by an earnest people that the people did not win. ' ' 
 
 The telephone rang and the mayor leaned over his desk to 
 answer it. 
 
 When he had gotten back into a comfortable position, the 
 door leading from the general reception room opened and three 
 aldermen entered. The mayor welcomed them cordially. 
 
 Most of the assemblymen are in sympathy with the admin- 
 istration public ownership plans, a striking contrast to conditions 
 here a few years ago, when 8,000 citizens marched with ropes to 
 the city hall to lynch a faithless lot of public servants who threat- 
 ened to pass over Mayor Harrison's veto a fifty-year street car 
 franchise bill. 
 
 "You will take your first step when?" 
 
 "That has already been done," responded the mayor. "En- 
 gineers are now at work drawing up plans for a complete mu- 
 nicipal street car system. When these are completed we will ad- 
 vertise for bids on construction and road equipment. 
 
 "Most of the present companies are depending upon an old 
 legislative grant, known as 'the 99 year act,' passed by the Legis- 
 lature in 1865, to sustain the right of their contention to do busi- 
 ness at the old stand. The city challenges this claim. The 
 Federal Court, where receivership proceedings are pending, has 
 decided this act is constitutional, but has so far held that it ap- 
 plies only to a small part of the Union Traction Company. 
 
 "Until the courts fully and permanently dispose of that 
 question, we will not attempt to say that the franchises affected 
 have expired. 
 
 "What we will do is this," and the mayor slapped his knee 
 with his hand to emphasize the remark, "is to begin operations 
 where we are certain there will be no obstacles thrown in our 
 way. 
 
 "There is no doubt of the expiration of the franchise on 
 the Adams Street line and the absolute right of Chicago to take it 
 out of the hands of the present management. 
 
 "This line begins at State and Adams Streets, in the heart 
 of the business section, and extends westwardly, intersecting the 
 city from the east and west, a distance of about eight miles. 
 
208 DUNNE JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 "We will use this right-of-way for a trunk line and build 
 to it with branches from the north and south side of the city. In 
 some cases we will parallel the old companies, which we expect 
 will be willing to agree on terms of sale before their new com- 
 petitor is able to get in the field." 
 
 The Adams Street line, which is a part of the Chicago Street 
 Railway Company, the only solvent street car corporation here, 
 is almost identical in length and locality with the St. Louis 
 Easton line. 
 
 The Easton line runs from Fourth Street directly west to the 
 city limits, through a thickly populated district. It could be 
 made the basis for terminal lines to north and south St. Louis, 
 as it is virtually now, at Jefferson Avenue, Grand Avenue, Eigh- 
 teenth Street, Vandeventer Avenue, Taylor Avenue, Sixth Street, 
 Fourth Street, Broadway and other intersecting transfer points. 
 In like manner the Adams Street line is crossed by others oper- 
 ating to the extreme north and south side of Chicago. For the 
 most part the franchises governing these branch lines are now in 
 litigation. 
 
 "When our experts have figured out the total cost of the 
 enterprise, and we think we will be able to show that street car 
 building is comparatively cheap," said the mayor, "we will sub- 
 mit our plans and specifications to the people at the election next 
 November. 
 
 "Under the law^ they will require for ratification a three- 
 fifths vote, but there will be no trouble about this. The people 
 have already decided by an overwhelming vote what they want 
 and they will not be patient until they own their own public 
 utilities." 
 
 In speech, in manner, in dress and in action Judge Dunne — 
 he prefers the old title of judge, which has clung to him so long, 
 to that of mayor — is every inch a Democrat. 
 
 I was impressed with his earnestness, just as I was convinced 
 that his makeup is free from taint of demagogy. 
 
 He is not a theorist, not a millenium dreamer, not a self- 
 conscious reformer, but a man of heart, of brain, of courage, of 
 conviction and resolution. 
 
 He was not prepared for my interview, but he took up each 
 question and answered it more readily than the ordinary man, 
 who usually asks time to "think it over." 
 
 It was my good fortune to see the mayor in the role of peace- 
 maker between labor and capital. 
 
 He was seated at his desk and around him were gathered 
 the representatives of Chicago's tremendous and diversified 
 interests. 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 209 
 
 The twelve men stood before Chicago's mayor, asking him to 
 use his good offices to settle a strike of teamsters, which arose 
 from differences between the firm of Montgomery Ward & Co. 
 and its employes, over the question of the former employing non- 
 union labor in a certain department. The men possessed nearly 
 one billion dollars of this world's goods. 
 
 On the other hand was a labor union with no funds and 
 nothing save the brawn and skill of its members to float its 
 fortunes. 
 
 Earlier in the day Judge Dunne had heard labor's side. 
 "We will consent to have you appoint an arbitrator to settle 
 the differences," they told the Mayor. At the last conference 
 Montgomery Ward & Co. were not represented. 
 
 But a sympathetic walk-out was threatened and the men of 
 millions had come to the mayor to seek a way out of the impend- 
 ing trouble. 
 
 "I think the best solution of this whole thing, gentlemen," 
 said the executive, "is for you gentlemen to exercise what influ- 
 ence you can on Montgomery Ward & Co. That is where the 
 trouble originated." 
 
 But the employers couldn't see things this way. They in- 
 sisted they had aio right to interfere in the other strike at all ; 
 they were merely looking out for their own interests and 
 thought the mayor should intervene to prevent a strike. 
 
 "I can not do that. Strikes are legal. Men can stop work 
 whenever they want. ' ' 
 
 "But these men are unjust in their demands," said the repre- 
 sentative of Marshall Field & Co. 
 
 "And so the union men say of you, gentlemen," persisted 
 Judge Dunne. 
 
 "Peace and good order will be preserved, but that is as far 
 as I can legally go. 
 
 "If one of you lived next door to a neighbor who was con- 
 tinually quarreling with his wife, and that quarrel extended to 
 your own premises and threatened to embroil the neighborhood, 
 wouldn't you try to have it stopped? 
 
 "The situation so far as Montgomery Ward & Co. is con- 
 cerned, is an exact parallel." 
 
 Through the interview the best of good feeling prevailed and 
 the Dunne wit put the employers in fine humor. When finally 
 
 they left it was with the assurance they would do all they could 
 to induce the firm mostly affected by the strike to consent to 
 arbitration. 
 
 Judge Dunne is 51 years old. He is a native of Connecticut. 
 In the new executive of the second city of America, the unruffled 
 
210 DUNNE JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 judicial temperament is pleasantly harmonized by a disposition 
 that seems to get all the joy there is out of life. 
 
 The breadth of his intellectual preception is measured by his 
 eminent record as a jurist, his public addresses on economic prob- 
 lems and his fine grasp of municipal affairs. 
 
 His nearness to the heart of the people is certified by the 
 fact that, in every election, from the time he made his first race 
 for circuit judge of Cook County, thirteen years ago, down to the 
 mayorality election, when he defeated his Republican opponent, 
 John M. Harlan, son of the United States Supreme Court Justice, 
 he has run ahead of his associates on the Democratic ticket. 
 
 There is something imposing in the Dunne face. It is at once 
 an expression of gentleness and determination. The head is 
 square, almost perfectly so, and sets well on broad, muscular ap- 
 pearing shoulders. An almost ruddy complexion is matched by 
 light brown penetrating eyes. 
 
 Judge Dunne's usual garb is a black frock coat, in no sense 
 a sartorial masterpiece. 
 
 Instead of the conventional black tie of the statesman or 
 jurist, he sports a wine-colored affair that is made into a neat bow. 
 Just below is a small stone that illuminates a wide expanse of 
 shirt bosom. 
 
 The ambition and pride of Chicago's new mayor may be 
 gauged from the half serious, half joking remark made to a friend 
 the other day after the election : 
 
 "When I die," said the judge, "I want this inscription 
 placed on my tombstone : 
 
 " 'Here lies the remains of Edward F. Dunne, the father of 
 thirteen children and Municipal Ownership. 
 
 " 'May he rest in peace.' " 
 
 In discussing the future of municipal ownership, Mayor 
 Dunne declared that sooner or later it would prevail in every 
 large city of the Union, 
 
 "What is true of Chicago," said he, "is true of all other 
 cities. The principal street car companies in Chicago are capital- 
 ized and bonded for $117,000,000. The value of their tangible 
 property is much less than $27,000,000. They occupy nearly 800 
 miles of city streets, covering an area of 68 square miles. Until 
 recently they have been paying dividends on their total bonds 
 and capitalization. 
 
 "From this, it is apparent they have forced the citizens of 
 Chicago to pay them 5 per cent dividends on $90,000,000 of stock, 
 which has no tangible property behind it, and which has not been 
 invested in the railroads, but which is the value placed by these 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 211 
 
 companies upon the charters given to them by the very people 
 out of whom they are squeezing their extortionate income. 
 
 "A consideration of this state of facts must convince the 
 most skeptical person, the private companies that are furnishing 
 vrater, gas, electric light and street railway transportation, both 
 in this country and Europe, are charging exorbitant prices for 
 these commodities and much more than is charged for them by 
 publicly owned companies. 
 
 "This cannot be the result of mismanagement by private com- 
 panies and efficient management by public companies, for it has 
 always been claimed, and I think it will be conceded even by ad- 
 vocates of public ownership, that the wages paid by publicly 
 owned companies are always higher than those paid by private 
 companies, and that the publicly owned companies are not man- 
 aged with the same stringent economy that is characteristic of 
 private ownership, where every attention is paid, even to the 
 minutest detail, in order to decrease the cost of production. 
 
 "Private companies in their anxiety to swell the dividends 
 
 of their stockholders and to provide for- further issues of 
 
 'watered' stock charge the public more than is reasonably neces-. 
 
 sary for the pecuniary success of these enterprises, and what they 
 
 charge is extortion pure and simple. 
 
 "The interest of public companies is mainly to furnish the 
 utilities to the public as cheaply and efficiently as possible, con- 
 sistent with successful management of the enterprise. The spirit 
 which actuates them is the public good, while private corporations 
 are run solely for private gain. The motive controlling the one 
 is selfishness ; that which actuates the public companies unsel- 
 fishness. ' ' 
 
 "How will the proposed municipal enterprise be financed by 
 Chicago?" I asked Judge Dunne. 
 
 "That will be very easily done and without costing the citi- 
 zens a dollar. We will be able to get all the money we need and 
 our security will consist of tangible property — that is, the prop- 
 erty of the street railroad itself. 
 
 "Under the terms of the Mueller bill, the city of Chicago can 
 issue certificates, payable only out of the prospective receipts of 
 the street car companies and the property acquired, which will 
 bear interest at the rate of 5 or 6 per cent a year. 
 
 "It is true Chicago is now indebted to its constitutional 
 limit and there are no funds available in the public treasury. 
 But there is no force in the contention that this would prevent 
 our putting into effect municipal ownership on a practical, safe, 
 conservative basis. 
 
212 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 "By agreeing to turu over to contractors or lending com- 
 panies the prospective income from a street car system to be 
 erected, until the contract price for the construction of it is paid, 
 with 6 per cent interest thereon, we can readily negotiate loans; 
 in fact, 1 have no hesitation in saying that, if the present street 
 car companies were offered a satisfactory price, they would wil- 
 lingly accept street car fares at present rates as security for the 
 purchase price. They may deny it now, but mark my prediction, 
 they will offer to do so before the street car problem is settled in 
 this city. 
 
 ''Why do I make this assertion with such confidence? 
 
 "First. Because such a pledge of prospective receipts would 
 be essentially the same, or better security than has enabled them 
 in the past to bond and stock their companies on the stock ex- 
 changes for four times their intrinsic value. 
 
 "Second. The different traction companies in this city in 
 negotiating their stocks and bonds, have given no outside se- 
 curities. 
 
 "The names of these companies and these alone are signed 
 to their bonds and stocks. Hence only the property of these 
 companies is liable for the payment of these obligations. What 
 does the property consist of? Their tangible property, worth 
 only one-fourth of the aggregate of these liabilities and their 
 franchises which at no time extend beyond 20 years. 
 
 "If four times the value of the tangible property has been 
 raised in Chicago within the last few years by private street car 
 companies, which can only pledge these receipts for less than 
 twenty years, can it be seriously contended that one-half of that 
 amount, which will be more than adequate for all purposes, can- 
 not be raised by the city upon a pledge of the same tangible prop- 
 erty and a pledge of the receipts unlimited in time. 
 
 "This was done in the city of Glasgow, which pledged for 
 the payment of the purchase price of its gas works, the plant and 
 its receipts and guaranteed that each house renting for one poimd 
 sterling (about $5 of our money) would pay, as gas rent, six 
 pence, or in American money, each house renting for $40 a month 
 would pay a gas bill of $1. 
 
 "If the conservative and canny Scot is satisfied Avith such 
 security why not the more conservative American financier? 
 
 "In case the 99-year act was held to be constitutional in its 
 entirety could the city of Chicago even then institute condem- 
 nation proceedings to force the old companies to sell out ? 
 
 "We shall do nothing that will impair contracts or that the 
 law does not give us the right to do. The validity of the 99-year 
 act will be thoroughly tested. I doubt if it applies to but few lines 
 of the Union Traction Company. 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 213 
 
 ' ' Notwithstanding the right of the companies to operate under 
 the 99-year act Chicago has already secured an entering wedge by 
 getting possession of the Adams Street line, which intersects the 
 heart of Chicago almost from the lake front to the city limits. 
 
 "Having established this line, what is to prevent us from en- 
 tering into direct competition with the old companies. "We can go 
 where they go. "We can build where they build. "We can command 
 public patronage where they cannot. Even though the purse strings 
 of the banks and moneyed interest were shut tight on us, there 
 would still be left $600,000,000 of the people's cash, now on deposit 
 in the safe deposit companies and banks of Chicago. 
 
 ""We could easily fall back on the people and get from them 
 the necessary funds to go ahead with the municipal system. But 
 these things will not be necessary. Men like J. Pierpont Morgan, 
 who are back of the present corporations, know when they are 
 whipped. They know when to cry 'enough.' They will not wait 
 until the city forces them through competition to knock at the city's 
 door for a settlement." 
 
 ' ' How long will it actually take, barring unlooked for obstacles, 
 to construct a street car system?" 
 
 "It may be done in one year and it may take two. It is pos- 
 sible the fight will not be finished then. "We may have to go to the 
 Legislature for more legislation. If the Mueller law, of which we 
 will make a test case in a very few months, is declared unconstitu- 
 tional, we shall ask the Governor to call a special assembly to enact 
 a new one or amend the defects of the old. ' ' 
 
 I reminded the mayor that the chief objection to the city own- 
 ing the street cars was that it would result in the upbuilding of a 
 great political machine. 
 
 ' ' That is not true, ' ' he said, firmly. ' ' The friends of municipal 
 ownership are the friends of civil service. 
 
 "If the street car enterprise were to be operated independent 
 of the merit system then such an objection would have considerable 
 force. 
 
 "Every ordinance providing for municipal ownership shall 
 contain rigid civil service provisions. No conductor, motorman or 
 mechanic, clerk or other employe will be granted employment with- 
 out first having rendered himself eligible by passing the civil serv- 
 ice examination. The board of examiners will be absolutely non- 
 partisan. 
 
 "Friends and advocates of municipal ownership and control 
 know that, where municipal operation has been put in force, it has 
 been accompanied by a civil service system. They know the Federal 
 post-office system has been successful under civil service. They 
 know that the Chicago water office system has been successful under 
 civil service, and in the language of Mr. Boyle, the American consul 
 
214 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 at London, that municipal government in Great Britain, where 
 municipal operation and civil service prevail in 100 cities, is honest, 
 intelligent and energetic ; and as a rule politics has but little to do 
 with the engagement or retention of civic employes. 
 
 "As a matter of fact," continued Mayor Dunne, "the public 
 has more to fear from political intrigue and bossism under private 
 than under public management. Most of the great scandals that 
 have disgraced the public life of American officials have resulted 
 from the bribery on the part of the private companies. 
 
 "Who secured the corrupt legislation in the city of St. Louis 
 which landed so many of its aldermen in the penitentiary? Who 
 secured for the Philadelphia council of aldermen in the past and 
 the common council of New York in the days of Jake Sharp, a 
 reputation that is a stench in the nostrils of the people? 
 
 "Look back at the notorious Allen and Humphrey bills which 
 passed the Illinois Legislature, and whom do you find back of a 
 corruption fund used to buy up lawmakers? 
 
 ' ' What politician could work more harm to public interest than 
 did Charles T. Yerkes, the head and brains of this monster stock 
 jobbing corporation — the Chicago street railway system? 
 
 ' ' The public utility corporations are responsible for nine-tenths 
 of the corrupt disclosures in American life today. They are the 
 bribe-givers and faithless public servants, their dupes. 
 
 • "Why, I can recall only a few years ago when nearly every 
 alderman was granted from 50 to 100 jobs for his friends from the 
 street car companies. 
 
 "If this be true, it stands to reason there should be no objec- 
 tion to municipal ownership on the part of any municipality where 
 it is found to be practicable. ' ' 
 
 The original franchise to use the streets was granted to the 
 Chicago City Railway Company, This corporation, to avoid its 
 obligations, disposed of its franchise on the west side of the city to 
 the Chicago West Division Railway Company. Each company 
 charges a fare of 5 cents. Then was formed the North Chicago 
 Railway Company, with another 5-cent fare added, so that it costs 
 a double fare to go from the north to the south side of the city or 
 from either section to the west side and vice versa. 
 
 The Chicago River divides the city into three parts : north, 
 south and west. 
 
 Mayor Dunne believes that with the successful operation of the 
 municipal street car system a fare of 3 cents can be furnished from 
 any given point to all parts of the city. But this reduced fare, he 
 says, will depend entirely on the financial conditions of the proper- 
 ties or the ability of the city to establish a low fare basis after the 
 deduction of current expenses and other liabilities. 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 215 
 
 The story of the rise and fall of Chicago tractions reads like a 
 chapter from St. Louis street car history. 
 
 In the methods employed to secure franchises and in the execu- 
 tion of fictitious issues of water stock, both cities present a parallel 
 case. 
 
 Each had independent street car lines until a syndicate of 
 speculators acquired control and then the value of the physical 
 property was increased twofold. 
 
 In St. Louis, street car properties of the tangible value of 
 $20,000,000 were bonded and capitalized at $90,000,000. 
 
 Chicago's stockjobbing street car magnates increased the cap- 
 ital stock of street car companies worth $27,000,000 to $117,- 
 000,000. 
 
 To obtain concessions for new franchises, the Chicago specula- 
 tors found it necessary to use boodle in the municipal assembly. 
 
 As the investigations, conducted by Mr. Folk have shown, the 
 St. Louis street railway magnates bought the municipal assembly 
 there year in and year out, and finally capped the climax of boodle 
 achievements, when the sum of $1,250,000 was paid by Robert M. 
 Snyder for a 50-year franchise for the Central Traction Company, 
 now part of the United Railways Company. 
 
 Snyder gave the assemblymen $250,000 for the franchise. In 
 Chicago the corruption of the assembly was such that the 8,000 
 citizens marched to the city hall and threatened her faithless alder- 
 men with hanging, if they persisted in their attempt to pass a street 
 railway bill which was backed by a corruption fund of $500,000. 
 
 The lobbyists of the newly formed St. Louis street railway 
 combination went to the Missouri Legislature in 1899, and, ac- 
 cording to facts obtained by Mr. Folk during an investigation of 
 that deal, spent more than $200,000 to fasten a street car trust 
 on St. Louis. 
 
 From Chicago, the traction magnates sent representatives to 
 Springfield and corrupted the Illinois Legislature by the use of a 
 $1,000,000 slush fund. 
 
 Street car speculation in Chicago was begun in 1885 by 
 Charles T.Yerkes, who perfected a plan whereby the Chicago West 
 Division Company was merged with the Chicago Passenger Rail- 
 way Company, both being capitalized at a total of $8,000,000. 
 
 Yerke's then formed the West Chicago Street Railway Com- 
 pany and issued capital stock to the amount of $25,000,000, leasing 
 the other two companies to this corporation. Next he acquired 
 control of the North Chicago City Railway Company, a $3,000,000 
 corporation, and leased its operating rights to a new company, 
 laiown as the North Chicago Street Railroad Company, with a cap- 
 ital stock of $13,000,000. 
 
216 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 In order to get the proceeds of the sales of these watered 
 stocks into his own hands, he organized the United States Con- 
 struction Co., with P. A. B. Widener and William R. Elkins of 
 New York, as his associates. The construction company did not 
 represent the investment of a dollar. 
 
 But it got busy at once and within a short period had made 
 a contract with the North Chicago Company to build a power 
 house and lay tracks. 
 
 This involved an outlay of about $3,000,000. Yerkes and his 
 partners got $6,000,000 for the job. 
 
 This fictitious debt of $3,000,000 was classed as a liability in 
 the sale of the North Chicago Company to the North Chicago 
 Street Railroad Company. 
 
 Yerkes went to Springfield in 1895 to buy the Illinois Legis- 
 lature. He wanted 50-year franchise for his Chicago companies. 
 His effort failed. Then he started out to elect the next Governor 
 of the State and succeeded. In 1897, he returned to Springfield 
 and renewed his plea for an extension of the street car franchises. 
 This time the lobby was backed by an enormous corruption fund. 
 
 The notorious Allen bill, granting the new franchises, became 
 a law. Yerkes sought to induce the Chicago municipal assembly 
 to ratify the Legislature 's work. 
 
 Again he won, but Mayor Harrison vetoed the bill. Yerkes 
 then tried to pass the measures over the mayor's veto, but force 
 of public sentiment dealt him a knockout blow. 
 
 Yerkes saw the handwriting on the wall. Chicago was on 
 to his curves, and knew he could get no further favors at the hands 
 of its assembly. 
 
 So he made up his mind to shake the dust of the city of the 
 lakes. Before leaving, however, he executed two or three clever 
 schemes. He put up for sale the west and south side Chicago 
 lines. The franchises of these companies would expire in a few 
 years, and this, added to the wretched condition of the properties, 
 convinced Yerkes that their sale was absolutely necessary. 
 Yerkes gave a glowing account of the street car system and its 
 future prospects to his eastern friends. "Wall Street swallowed 
 his sugar coated pill. The wise men of the east bought the Yerkes 
 properties and then organized the Union Traction Company, with 
 a capital of $32,000,000. 
 
 The Union Traction gradually acquired a lease on the north 
 and west Chicago and subsidiary companies. Then another $32,- 
 000,000 was added to the capital stock of the Union corporation. 
 But Yerkes had more street car property to sell. He controlled 
 the Consolidated Traction Company, capitalized at $15,000,000, 
 and having 90 miles of track. This he compelled the eastern 
 
DUNNE JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 217 
 
 magnates to take at a price which yielded him a net profit of 
 $6,750,000. 
 
 Mr. Yerkes left town and with his departure nothing was 
 further heard of the United States Construction Co. 
 
 The financial burdens of the Chicago companies proved too 
 much for its stocks and bondholders. The fact that several fran- 
 chises would soon expire and the impossibility of paying divi- 
 dends on the enormous issues of infiated stock led the street car 
 magnates to seek Judge Peter S. Grosscup of the United States 
 Circuit Court, to whom they applied for a receiver, to take charge 
 of the properties of the Union Traction and the north and west 
 side companies. 
 
 These companies represent two-thitds of the street car mile- 
 age of Chicago and are capitalized at $75,000,000. The only 
 solvent corporation here is the Chicago City Railway Company. 
 
 Judge Grosscup appointed four receivers April 22, 1903, each 
 at the munificent salary of $25,000 a year. Among the receivers 
 is the clerk of Judge Grosscup 's court. 
 
 Judge Grosscup proposed to consolidate the Chicago City 
 Railway Company with the insolvent corporations, and for this 
 purpose visited New York, where he managed to organize a syn- 
 dicate headed by J. Pierpont Morgan. 
 
 This syndicate, February 1, 1905, purchased control of the 
 Chicago City Railway Company, capitalized at $18,000,000. It 
 cost Morgan, Marshall Field and John J. Mitchell, the new owners, 
 $36,000,000. 
 
 The companies immediately sought new franchises, but the 
 ballot proved a stumbling block. 
 
 In 1901, the Legislature passed the referendum, whereby on 
 a petition of 25 per cent of the voters, a proposition involving a 
 franchise grant is submitted to a vote of the people. 
 
 The people turned down Morgan and his crowd by an over- 
 whelming majority. 
 
 But the companies maintain the 99-year act still gives them 
 the right to the franchises they now hold. Judge Grosscup has 
 upheld the validity of the 99-year act, but only as to a small part 
 of the mileage covered by the Union Traction system. 
 
 Whether it applies to other companies is still a matter for 
 judicial determination. 
 
 The fact that Judge Grosscup himself has been enjoined from 
 organizing with Judge Gary of the United States Steel Company, 
 a gas trust in West Virginia, has intensified the criticism fre- 
 quently passed on Judge Grosscup 's attitude toward street car 
 companies. 
 
218 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 And as all these things have gone on, the Chicago public has 
 suffered the discomforts of the filthy cars and wretched service. 
 
 "Where in any modern city today are there horse cars? Chi- 
 cago has them and they are a positive reproach to her progress 
 and pride. 
 
 Instead of improving conditions, the street car magnates 
 have allowed the service to go from bad to worse. 
 
 There are three elevated lines which relieve the congestion 
 of the surface road, but the question of the municipality owning 
 them is a long way off. 
 
DUNNE JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 219 
 
 FOR A COMPULSORY BOARD OF 
 INVESTIGATION. 
 
 Recommendation for a State Board to Settle Strikes, 
 May 21, 1905. 
 
 I think it would be a good idea for Governor Deneen, as wrell 
 as a wise move, in making up the State arbitration committee, to 
 consult the employers on one side and the employes on the other 
 regarding the appointment of two members of the board to rep- 
 resent each side. Then a man should be selected with sufficient 
 intelligence of the points in controversy to acquaint the third 
 man, who would be the umpire, of the facts on both sides from an 
 impartial point of view. The third man should be appointed by 
 the Governor upon consultation with both sides, and such a com- 
 mission would be one in which the public and both the employers 
 and employes would have the utmost confidence as to their fair- 
 ness and impartiality. 
 
 I think that such a board or court of arbitration ought to 
 have the power to investigate the contracts between the employ- 
 ers and their employes at the time the contracts are made and find 
 out if they were fair and just or if they violated any of the rights 
 of the community. Then after they had taken cognizance of the 
 contract between the parties they should either give it their stamp 
 of approval or disapproval. 
 
 This commission should be empowered to bring parties before 
 them to hear and determine who was to blame for the controversy 
 and who was at fault. Then they should make a report to the 
 public, and I believe that such a report would have such a moral 
 effect that both parties would be bound in conscience as good 
 citizens to abide by its findings. 
 
 My idea thus would be, first, to determine the validity and 
 the fairness of contracts in labor difficulties, and, second, to find 
 who violated these contracts and report the result of the investi- 
 gation to the Governor and the people. In fact, it would have 
 all the powers of a court, except to impose fines or imprisonment. 
 It would be a commission of compulsory investigation. There is 
 great objection to a board of compulsory arbitration, but there is 
 not such an objection to a compulsory board of investigation. 
 
220 DUNNE JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 The board should have full investigating powers. That was 
 the trouble with the commissions I appointed. They were with- 
 out proper legal authority and could not compel witnesses to 
 appear before them. The State board should be empowered to 
 invoke the penalties of perjury for false testimony and the pun- 
 ishment of witnesses who refuse to appear. 
 
 The State board would also be a great advantage in the pre- 
 vention of labor troubles. Either side before a struggle is de- 
 clared could say that the other party has threatened to violate its 
 contract and demand an investigation before a lockout is declared 
 or a strike is called. The power given to the commission to in- 
 vestigate and report would have such a moral effect that it would 
 deter the struggle. The trouble with the present State Board of 
 Arbitration is that it is a voluntary body not authorized under the 
 law to swear in witnesses and conduct a compulsory investiga- 
 tion and permitted only to tender its services to arbitrate the 
 difficulties. 
 
 It might not be a bad idea to have the commission composed 
 of five members, two of them to be selected by the Governor, to 
 present the facts of each side. Men like Clarence Darrow and 
 Levy Mayer, who have obtained full knowledge of the situation 
 on both sides, could inform the umpire. 
 
 It might also be well for the city council to be empow^ered 
 by statute to conduct such a labor investigation and to force the 
 testimony of witnesses in any investigation it may undertake. 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 221 
 
 MAYOR DUNNE WANTS POWER AT 
 
 COST— CANAL BOARD SHOULD 
 
 AID CITY. 
 
 Statement to the Public, June 26, 1905. 
 
 "I think the board of drainage trustees should sell power 
 to the city of Chicago for actual cost to be used for traction pur- 
 poses only, ' ' said Mayor Dunne, in the course of an interview yes- 
 terday. "And furtliermore, I am in favor of having a plank in 
 the Democratic platform advocating that principle. 
 
 "Isham Randolph, engineer for the drainage board, tells me 
 that the drainage canal can furnish 30,000 horse power, but that 
 it would shrink to 22,000 horse power by the time it was carried 
 to the city to be used for traction purposes," said the mayor. 
 
 "That is an important item to be figured on in working out 
 the 100-mile scheme for a municipal railway. That power should 
 be furnished the city for just what it costs the drainage board, 
 and no more. That is, the drainage trustees could charge the 
 actual cost at the canal, and the city would stand the cost of 
 transmission. By this means the cost of operating the municipal 
 railway would be wonderfully lessened. This is another argument 
 in favor of the city owning its power plants, and also in favor 
 of the plea that the portion of the sanitary district inside the city 
 should be a part of the municipality. The canal trvistees have 
 sufficient power to run 200 miles of street railway in the city, 
 but have not enough to run the entire 700 or 800 miles of road in 
 the city limits. 
 
 "I had hoped to have at least an outline of my plans for the 
 100-mile street railroad of the city ready to be submitted to the 
 local transportation committee of the council at its meeting next 
 Thursday. I am not an engineer myself, and I have been seeking 
 advice from one of the best expert engineers in the country, whose 
 name I do not care to make public now. He is at work on plans 
 for a trunk line system that will come into the downtown section 
 over Adams and Harrison Streets and Washington Boulevard and 
 will have a branch reaching to the stockyards district on the 
 southwest and another branch reaching into the northwest side. 
 
 "There will be no legal complications over the use of the 
 Washington Street tunnel, as the term of the present street car 
 
222 DUNNP JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 companies tliat are using it expires next year. I do not care to 
 say what the estimate of the cost of construction of the 100 miles 
 of .road is just now. But I can say this — that one of the largest 
 construction companies in the country has already notified me 
 that as soon as the city is ready to accept bids for the work, it 
 will be a bidder. This company has no fears as to the matter 
 of pay from the city. 
 
 "The city council tonight will revoke the order for the bids 
 for the ten miles of road, and then arrangements will be imme- 
 diately begun for receiving bids for the 100 miles. The council 
 has already gone on record as favoring the construction of ten 
 miles of municipal railway and it can not consistently refuse, 
 therefore, to favor the building of 100 miles of road by the city. 
 
 "One important feature of this large municipal 100-mile 
 scheme is the power-house. Whether to have one large power- 
 house, divided into sections that could be brought into operation 
 at different times, or to have a series of power-houses is a ques- 
 tion that is being considered by the engineers. To operate a 
 system of great length from one power-house might mean a loss 
 of electricity by leakage. But the matter of securing power from 
 the canal will cut a big figure in the plans." 
 
DUNNE JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 223 
 
 MESSAGE REGARDING WATER RATES. 
 
 To THE Chicago City Council, June 12, 1905. 
 
 To the Honorable, the City Council of the City of Chicago : 
 
 Gentlemen : I have the honor to submit to you herewith for 
 your consideration an ordinance in amendation of the present 
 water ordinance. 
 
 Two main principles of business policy are involved. 
 
 First. The consumer should be relieved of all possible in- 
 cidental fees and of all possible petty inconveniences. 
 
 Second. There should be no discrimination in favor of any 
 class of consumers against any other class of consumers. 
 
 In accordance with the first of these principles the new or- 
 dinance provides that the city shall bear the expense of the main- 
 tenance of all service pipes up to and including the buffalo boxes ; 
 that the city shall remit certain incidental fees now charged 
 against the consumer for certain minor and necessary services 
 and that the city shall install all meters at its own expense and 
 through its own employes. 
 
 At present the burden of maintaining the service pipes is 
 borne by the consumer. The result is that the consumer must 
 hire private plumbers and that the city must maintain an elab- 
 orate apparatus by means of which the work of the private 
 plumbers may be supervised and inspected. It would be easier 
 for the city to do the work itself. Service pipes are part of the 
 city's water plant. So are buffalo boxes. The city should con- 
 struct and maintain its plant and should base its charges upon 
 the total cost of construction and maintenance. The consumer 
 should come into financial contact with the water bureau at only 
 one point, viz., the payment of his monthly or semi-annual bill 
 for water consumed. All other points of financial contact are 
 exasperating annoyances both for him and for the water bureau. 
 
 In accordance with this same principle the city should install 
 all meters at its own expense. At present the consumer pays for 
 the meter, the private plumber makes the connections and the 
 city's meter settlers put the meter in place. This means an ex- 
 cessive number of permits, orders and notices. It means that the 
 work is split up into small parts. It means delay. It means that 
 the consumer is bewildered and distressed. Meters, like service 
 
224 DUNNE JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 pipes, are part of the city's water plant. They are part of the ex- 
 pense of providing the consumer with water. It is much easier 
 and much more convenient for the consumer to pay a lump sum 
 for water than to pay innumerable small sums for the installation 
 of the appurtenances of the system by means of which the city 
 gets the water to him. 
 
 In accordance with the second principle above mentioned the 
 new ordinance provides that there shall be an equality among all 
 consumers in the matter of rates. The rate suggested is 8 cents 
 per thousand gallons. The enormous rebate now allowed tO' the 
 36 large consumers in classes C and D is a favor to persons who 
 together constitute less than one per cent of the total number 
 of consumers using meters. 
 
 A rate of 8 cents per thousand gallons would increase the 
 annual revenue of the city by about $145,000. At the same time 
 it would considerably diminish the amount of the payments now 
 made by consumers in classes A and B, who constitute ninety-nine 
 per cent, of the total number. The injustice of the present ar- 
 rangement is clearly shown by the large savings which the smaller 
 consumers would accomplish under an equality of rates. 
 
 The city's additional revenue under an 8-cent universal flat 
 rate will be immediately needed if the increased installation of 
 meters, suggested in the new ordinance, meets with your approval. 
 The final economy of the installation of meters up to at least 40 
 per cent, of the total number of consumers has been demonstrated 
 by the experience of many cities and has been frequently pre- 
 sented to the consideration of the people of Chicago by our City 
 Engineer. 
 
 The new ordinance suggests that some small charge be made 
 upon the charitable institutions which are now getting their water 
 without charge. This suggestion does not spring from any hos- 
 tility to the charitable institutions. It is made simply for the 
 purpose of stimulating an economy in the use of water. When 
 no charge is made the temptation to extravagance in the use of 
 water is irresistible. Every consumer who gets his water abso- 
 lutely free is an unchecked drain upon the city's total pumpage. 
 
 Permit me finally to revert to the advisability of sparing the 
 consumer all petty minor charges and of giving him in the matter 
 of rates exactly the same treatment that is given to his fellow 
 consumers. These two principles of convenience for everybody 
 and of equality for everybody I hope will commend themselves 
 to you. 
 
 Respectfully, 
 
 E. F, Dunne. 
 
DUNNE JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 225 
 
 PLANS FOR SECURING MUNICIPAL 
 OWNERSHIP. 
 
 Message of Mayor Dunne, July 5, 1905, 
 To the Honorable, the City Council: 
 
 Gentlemen : The people of Chicago having plainly mani- 
 fested their desire for municipal ownership of street railroads 
 with the least possible delay, I have diligently sought, since my 
 inauguration as mayor, for the best information and the best 
 advice regarding the subject, and have carefully considered all 
 suggested plans. I now submit to you the results of this pre- 
 liminary work. Asking your cooperation in further executing 
 the duty with which we have been jointly charged by the people 
 in this connection, I cordially offer you all the additional assist- 
 ance it is in my power to give. 
 
 As I am advised, there are about 700 miles of street railroad 
 track now in operation in our city. The operative rights of 
 private companies with reference to a considerable proportion of 
 this trackage have incontestably expired. Their expiration as to 
 the Adams Street line has been actually adjudicated by the Circuit 
 Court of the United States ; and in harmony with the reasoning 
 of that adjudication more than 100 miles of homogeneous track- 
 age, most of which runs through densely populated portions of the 
 city, is already free from corporation control, and 240 miles in 
 all of like character will be free within the next two years. At 
 varying intervals there will be further additions to this system, 
 and within six or seven years a great majority of all the 700 
 miles of trackage now in operation, will be incontestably subject 
 to municipal ownership. 
 
 But that is not all. My legal advisers are confident, and this 
 confidence is shared by me, that a rule more favorable to the city 
 than that adopted by the Circuit Court will be established by the 
 court of last resort. In this event, the 240 miles of trackage in- 
 contestably at the free disposal of the city now and within the 
 next two years, will be greatly increased within that time. Con- 
 fident of this increase, as we are, we must expect strong and per- 
 sistent opposition, and be ready to cope with much dilatory liti- 
 gation and other vexatious obstructions. The financial interests 
 at stake are so vast and aggressive that public interests are in 
 
226 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 jeopardy and, at this critical juncture, the rights of the city may 
 depend upon the fidelity of your honorable body. To the patriotic 
 devotion of every member in this behalf I am sure the citizens of 
 Chicago may look with confidence. 
 
 While in litigation, we vigorously oppose the rights of the 
 city to the claims of corporations that have been and continue to 
 be persistently indifferent to their franchise obligations, we have 
 official duties that cannot be ignored regarding the trackage over 
 which corporation rights have incontestably expired. This track- 
 age being already available for municipal ownership, our duty 
 is plain to bring it speedily within the scope of that policy. 
 
 "We are occasionally referred in this connection to the so- 
 called "tentative ordinance". But that ordinance cannot be 
 further considered without flagrantly disregarding public opinion 
 lawfully expressed. Alike by advisory referendum and the man- 
 date of a decisive municipal election, the people have distinctly 
 and emphatically condemned it both as to form and principle. 
 
 Turning, then, to their demand for municipal ownership, I 
 submit for your consideration two plans to secure this result. One 
 of these plans attached hereto and marked "A" may be briefly 
 identified as "the city plan"; the other, also attached and 
 marked "B", may be distinguished as "the contract plan". These 
 are the only plans of which I am advised, that commend them- 
 selves to my judgment ; and of the two, I prefer the second. The 
 reason for this preference is its manifest superiority as a means 
 of accomplishing the object in view, namely, the earliest possible 
 installation of good service and the establishment of municipal 
 ov/nership of the entire street car system of Chicago. 
 
 In view of the extreme need for immediate improvement in 
 our street railway lines, reduced to the lowest level of bad service 
 by the system of private ownership and operation which has pre- 
 vailed, every element of delay in rehabilitation is to be avoided as 
 far as possible, with due regard for the street railway policy that 
 the people demand and for which the Mueller law provides. 
 Under the "city plan" there are many elements of delay which 
 may possibly be magnified by factions' oppositions. But under 
 the "contract plan", which is equally consistent with the Mueller 
 law and the policy of municipal ownership and operation, all 
 elements of delay are eliminated. 
 
 Financially as well as legally, this plan would be immediately 
 practicable. It would consequently enable us to proceed at once 
 with reconstruction, under circumstances assuring as good service 
 and at as early a day as the best conceivable system for private 
 profit could provide. Yet the rights of the city to take over, and 
 even to operate, would be neither impaired nor postponed. As 
 
DUNNE JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 227 
 
 soon as a market for the Mueller certificates had been secured, 
 the city could acquire the system in its own right and its own 
 name ; as soon as the people had, by referendum under the Mueller 
 law, so decided, the city could proceed to operate by its own 
 employes. 
 
 Most of the advantages of municipal ownership and operation 
 would thus be immediately secured. There Avould, therefore, be 
 no delay in realizing that policy in substance even while such 
 judicial, financial, legislative and referendum proceedings were 
 being taken as might be necessary to perfect it in form, or to 
 guard it by business adjustments against encroachments of the 
 spoils system. 
 
 The "contract plan" provides in effect for w^hat the Mueller 
 law contemplates and the people have demanded, — immediate 
 municipal ownership of the street car service. It provides for this 
 system of street car service under the management of a board of 
 directors in its preliminary steps, and without the intervention of 
 such board as soon as the city raises the necessary capital and 
 complies with the statutory requirements. 
 
 In furtherance of this superior plan, I present herewith for 
 your consideration and action, a draft ordinance, attached hereto 
 and marked "C", and recommend the appropriate proceedings 
 by your honorable body for referring it to your committee on 
 local transportation. I further recommend public hearings be- 
 fore your committee for the purpose of considering objections to 
 the proposed ordinance and the fullest explanation and exposition 
 of its purpose and provisions, and the consideration of such 
 amendments not in conflict with its essential features as may be 
 deemed proper and necessary for the interests of the city of 
 Chicago. I also recommend that pending final action upon this 
 ordinance, the council provide for securing the submission to the 
 voters of Chicago, at the next general election, under the ad- 
 visory referendum statute of the "contract plan" for the execu- 
 tion of which the proposed ordinance has been drafted. 
 
 '•'A" 
 
 CITY FINANCING PLAN FOR THE CONSTRUCTION AND 
 
 OPERATION OF A MUNICIPAL STREET CAR SYSTEM 
 
 FOR THE CITY OF CHICAGO. 
 
 This plan, to be known for convenience of reference as "the 
 city plan," contemplates the construction and operation of a mu- 
 nicipal street car system for the city of Chicago, through direct 
 financing by city officials. 
 
228 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 The legal authority for ' ' the city plan ' ' is derived from an act 
 of the Legislature entitled, "An Act to authorize cities to acquire, 
 construct, own, operate, and lease street railways and to provide 
 the means therefor, ' ' approved May 18, 1903. It is commonly known 
 as the "Mueller law," and became operative in the city of Chicago 
 through its adoption by a majority of the electors of this city at 
 the municipal election of April, 1904. Having been so adopted by 
 the people of Chicago, this act of the Legislature empowers the 
 city of Chicago "to own, construct, acquire, purchase, maintain, 
 and operate street railways within its corporate limits." 
 
 In order to effectuate the purposes of the act in these respects, 
 the following steps are necessary, as I am advised bj^ the law de- 
 partment of the city : 
 
 First. Particular plans and specifications relative to the sys- 
 tems and lines intended to be constructed or acquired must be 
 prepared. 
 
 Second. The city must advertise for proposals for the con- 
 struction or acquisition of the system in accordance with such 
 plans and specifications. 
 
 Third. The construction or acquisition of such systems must 
 be contracted for by the city with the lowest bidder under such 
 proposals. 
 
 Fourth. Owing to the relation of the present bonded indebted- 
 ness of the city of Chicago to the present taxable valuations therein, 
 payment for such acquisition or construction cannot be constitu- 
 tionally made with further bond issues ; wherefore, payment must 
 be provided for with street railway certificates, payable out of the 
 revenue of the property to be constructed or acquired, which are 
 allowed by section 2 of the act in question. This necessitates the 
 adoption by the city council of an ordinance providing for the issue 
 of such certificates in accordance with the terms of the act. 
 
 Fifth. Such ordinance must be submitted to a popular vote. 
 and must be approved by a majority of the qualified voters of the 
 city voting thereon at a general, city, or special election in and 
 for the entire city, to be designated by the council and coming not 
 sooner than thirty days from and after the passage of the ordi- 
 nance. 
 
 Sixth. When such an ordinance has been so approved by popu- 
 lar vote, street railway certificates may be issued in an amount not 
 exceeding the cost to the city of the property acquired for such 
 street railway system, and ten per cent in addition thereto ; and 
 payment thereof, with interest, may (and practically must) be 
 secured by a mortgage on such property, inclusive of a twenty-year 
 franchise with fixed rates of fare to inure to purchasers in case of 
 foreclosure. 
 
DUNNE JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 229 
 
 Seventh. In order to secure the best possible price for such 
 certificates it will be necessary to establish the legal validity thereof 
 through a test case by decision of the Supreme Court of the State. 
 
 Eighth. Having thus acquired right of ownership in the pro- 
 posed street car system, the city would still be without legal author- 
 ity to operate the same, but would be obliged to lease it for private 
 profit to private corporations, unless further steps were taken. In 
 order to utilize the authority, conferred by the act in question, and 
 secure complete public ownership and operation, it would be neces- 
 sary for the city council to provide for the submission to popular 
 vote, at a general, city or special election in and for the entire city 
 and coming not sooner than thirty days from and after the passage 
 of said ordinance, of a proposition to operate. 
 
 Ninth. Such proposition would then have to be approved at 
 the election so designated, by three-fifths of the electors of the city 
 voting thereon. 
 
 In view of these statutory requirements, as preliminaries to 
 municipal ownership and operation of the street car systems of 
 Chicago, and especially of the vexatious obstacles which those re- 
 quirements might enable adversaries of this popular demand to 
 interpose at every stage, I am constrained to recommend this plan 
 of procedure, designated above as "the city plan," only in the 
 absence of a simpler and more expeditious plan calculated to pro- 
 duce the same result ; and I am firmly of the opinion, so far as I 
 am at present advised, that the contract financing plan, herewith 
 submitted alternatively, and briefly designated as "the contract 
 plan," meets that requirement. 
 
 "B" 
 
 CONTRACT FINANCING PLAN FOR THE CONSTRUCTION 
 
 AND OPERATION OF A MUNICIPAL STREET CAR 
 
 SYSTEM FOR THE CITY OF CHICAGO. 
 
 This plan, to be known for convenience of reference as the 
 "contract plan," contemplates , the construction and operation of 
 a municipal street car system for the city of Chicago through the 
 instrumentality of a private corporation acting in the city's 
 interest. 
 
 Pursuant to the "contract plan" the city council would 
 build, acquire and operate street railroads through the instru- 
 mentality (for financing, acquiring, constructing and operating) 
 of a private company composed of five men who command the 
 confidence of the people of Chicago, for their personal integrity, 
 their busiiiess ability and their pronounced sympathy with the 
 policy of municipal ownership of street car service, such corpora 
 tion to be bound by contracts, insuring the performance of their 
 
230 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 undertaking -wholly in the public interest. The principal steps 
 which I regard as necessary to the most effective execution of this 
 plan are as follows : 
 
 First. The incorporation of a company under the laws of 
 Illinois, by five persons, well known to the people of Chicago as 
 possessing the necessary qualifications noted above. This com- 
 pany to be incorporated for the express purpose of building, 
 acquiring, and operating street railroad lines in Chicago in the 
 interest of the city, and to have the power to issue capital stock 
 to secure the money necessary to build, acquire and operate such 
 property. The capital stock to constitute the only incumbrance 
 upon the property, and its amount to be limited to the actual cost 
 of the property. Dividends upon the capital stock to be limited 
 to five per cent per annum. 
 
 Second. The granting by the city council to such company of 
 duly guarded franchises to acquire, build and operate street rail- 
 • roads on designated streets between fixed termini for a period 
 of twenty years, at 5-cent car fare with appropriate transfers, 
 and with a reservation, on the part of the city, of the right to take 
 over all or any part of such road, at any time, at the price and 
 upon the terms to be contractually specified in execution of this 
 plan. 
 
 Third. The directors, president, and manager of the said 
 company to be compensated, until the city takes over the prop- 
 erty, with salaries to be approved by the city council. 
 
 Fourth. All expenditures, contracts and specifications for the 
 building or other acquisition of street railroad properties by said 
 company to be approved by the city council before being incurred 
 or executed hy the company. 
 
 Fifth. During the operation of the lines by this company, 
 the city council to have the right at any and all times, fully to 
 inspect its business, and also to reduce fares below the franchise 
 rate to the extent of one-half the net earnings of the property, 
 in excess of operating expenses and dividends; all the net earn- 
 ings to be set aside as a purchase fund for the acquisition of the 
 property for the city, or to be used in the betterment of the 
 property, as the city council may from time to time direct. 
 
 Sixth. In order to secure to the trustee directors the control 
 of the property, and to preserve to the city the unobstructed right 
 at any time to acquire such property in accordance with this plan, 
 the capital stock of the company should be issued in trust to a 
 trust company to be selected b}^ the directors with the approval 
 of the city council, which trust company should issue on the 
 basis thereof an equal amount of marketable trust certificates 
 to the company for the purpose of obtaining capital by sale there- 
 
DUNXE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 231 
 
 of, and hold the capital stock in trust to preserve the control of 
 the aforesaid trustees for the management of the said street car 
 lines and the consummation of this plan for securing municipal 
 ownership and operation. The said trust company should be 
 required to sell the stock of the said company, as represented by 
 said certificates, by public subscription, duly advertised. In the 
 event of over-subscription, it should be required to make allot- 
 ments in the order of the receipt of subscriptions. In the event 
 of under-subscription, the directors should be authorized to con- 
 tract for the underwriting of the entire offering at a cost not to 
 exceed two and one-half per cent, and the chosen trust company 
 and any of the directors should be at liberty to become under- 
 writers. 
 
 Seventh. Upon the payment to the aforesaid trust company 
 by the city of Chicago of an amount equal to the cost of the prop- 
 erty, less the accumulated amount of the sinking fund herein- 
 above provided for, the said trust company should be required, 
 by the preliminary contracts, to use said sum so paid, together 
 with said sinking fund, in such way as to redeem all outstanding 
 certificates issued by it upon the security of the capital stock of 
 said proposed street car company and to use the said capital 
 stock, held by it in trust, in such way as to transfer all the street 
 railroad property of the said street railroad company immedi- 
 ately to the city of Chicago for direct municipal ownership and 
 operation. 
 
 The superiority of this plan over the "city plan," herewith 
 attached for comparison, is manifest. It requires the passage of 
 only one ordinance by the city council ; it provides for supervision 
 and control by the city council from beginning to end ; it pre- 
 cludes excessive profits by making the company and its directors 
 trustees of all profits over 5 per cent for the city, and it obviates 
 the necessity for delay in rehabilitation, while referendums are 
 taken and the validity of the street railway certificates is tested 
 in the courts. Yet, while establishing virtual immediate munici- 
 pal ownership and operation, it secures the right of the city to 
 actual municipal ownership and operation as soon as the validity 
 of the certificates shall have been tested and the people shall, by 
 the referendum required by the Mueller law, have decided to 
 act. By means of this plan the municipal street car system can 
 be put into condition for first-class service, on the lowest level of 
 cost, during the time when the various legal preliminaries to 
 actual acquisition and operation by the city are being perfected, 
 and yet without prejudice to the acquisition immediately upon 
 the completion of those preliminaries. With such a plan avail- 
 able, it seems to me quite impossible to recommend the "city 
 
232 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 plan" in preference, without stultifying my sincere and often- 
 expressed desire to secure good service and municipal ownership 
 and operation at the earliest practicable moment. I am confident 
 that the people may rely upon the city council also to prefer the 
 "contract plan." 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 233 
 
 PLANS OF MAYOR DUNNE FOR BUILD- 
 ING NEW STREET RAILWAY 
 SYSTEM. 
 
 Statement to the Public, July 8, 1905. 
 
 "It may be possible for the committee to hold daily sessions 
 until this matter is disposed of, ' ' said Mayor Dunne yesterday. ' ' I 
 wish to have it settled, ready for the reassembling of the council 
 in September. Several members of the committee have talked with 
 me today, and I hope we can agree upon a program in a short time. 
 
 "In proposing to give a franchise to a private company for 
 twenty years, are you not violating the public will, as expressed in 
 the referendum vote against any franchise to any company?" 
 Mayor Duiuie was asked. 
 
 "Yes, in the letter, but not in the spirit," was the Mayor's 
 reply. "The vote had reference to franchise granted to private 
 corporations for profit. The holding corporation that I propose 
 will not be for profit, except that men putting up the money to 
 build- the roads will get 5 per cent interest until the city can take 
 the property. 
 
 "I am proceeding in accord with the platform on which I was 
 elected, which promised that negotiations should first be tried 
 with the old companies ; if these failed, I was to attempt to secure 
 municipal ownership in the most practicable way possible. We 
 have tried negotiating, without success ; now the best course open 
 is to build a new system." 
 
 "Have you any calculations as to how long it probably will be 
 before the city can take over the lines ? ' ' 
 
 "That depends on a great many things. First of all, the Muel- 
 ler law must be tested, and that probably will take until next 
 spring. Then arrangements must be made for disposing of the 
 certificates, and there must be a referendum vote on their issue. 
 I am informed that the proposed system probably can be com- 
 pleted in two years, and perhaps by that time the city will be 
 able to take the property." 
 
 "There apparently will be a good profit in building the lines," 
 was suggested to the mayor. 
 
 "Yes," he replied, "there doubtless will be a profit for the 
 contractor, but not for the directors of the company, who will be 
 
234 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 selected for their friendliness to municipal ownership, as well as 
 for their business ability, and who will not let the contracts. That 
 will be done by the city council." 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 235 
 
 ON CITY OWNERSHIP OF PUBLIC 
 UTILITIES. 
 
 Address before the Boston Tammany Club, July 29, 1905. 
 
 Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen: 
 
 As a sample of the misrepresentation and mendacity which 
 has characterized the press and the news agents in their opposi- 
 tion to municipal ownership, let me read from the Des Moines 
 Register of July 6, in great "scarehead" lines, as follows: 
 
 "Mayor Dunne quits fight on street ears. "Will favor fran- 
 chises to friendly corporations. He throws up his hands. Leaves 
 his platform after three months. Believes plan a failure. Over- 
 throws his electors and turns in favor of corporations who fought 
 him." 
 
 Similar dispatches, I am informed, have been published in all 
 the influential papers of the country' and I have been in receipt 
 of numerous letters, calling my attention to these misrepresenta- 
 tions and asking me as to their truth. Let us see what the facts 
 are. 
 
 In my speech of acceptance to the convention, after pointing 
 out that the Mueller law certificates could be utilized for the pur- 
 pose of raising money to either buy out the present traction com- 
 panies or to build new lines, I made use of the following language : 
 
 "There are other ways, outside of the issuance of the Mueller 
 bill certificates, under which the city could provide means for the 
 purchase of the present street car system or for the building and 
 equipment of new ones. If the city were to offer to a syndicate 
 of capitalists a lease of the car system of the city, providing the 
 syndicate would furnish ready capital for the purchase price of 
 the same, under the terms of which lease the syndicate, so fur- 
 nishing such money, should retain and operate such roads under 
 lease, by the terms of which they should first pay themselves 5 
 per cent upon the money invested and, secondly, provide a sinking 
 fund for the payment of the capital invested; and, thirdly, pay 
 reasonable compensation to the managers of the street car system 
 leased by such a syndicate while operating the property, and 
 after the payment of said liabilities then turn over to the city of 
 Chicago the road free and clear from liabilities, I have no reason- 
 able doubt that wise and prudent financiers would regard such 
 
236 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 a lease, terminable only at the time when they received their 
 capital and interest at 5 per cent, as adequate security for the 
 investment. But, if such a syndicate of capitalists would not be 
 willing to do this, there is no question in my mind that, if such 
 a lease were tendered to a corporation, organized for the purpose 
 of leasing and operating the street car system of the city of 
 Chicago, under such an arrangement upon the understanding 
 that the management of the same was to be placed in the hands 
 of competent railway men at decent remuneration, the depositors 
 in the savings banks of Chicago, who are drawing but 3 per cent 
 interest on their investment, would be very glad to back any 
 company organized for such a purpose and under such a man- 
 agement and exchange their deposits for stock bearing 5 per cent 
 interest." 
 
 Following the method outlined in that, my speech of ac- 
 ceptance to the convention, on the 5th of this month, within 
 three months after my election, although I was embarrassed with 
 the most extensive, exasperating and widely prevailing strike 
 that has hampered and hindered Chicago for many years, I sub- 
 mitted a plan for municipal ownership along the foregoing lines. 
 
 Accompanying this message, I submitted the form of an 
 ordinance to the council, providing for the incorporation of a 
 company of five persons, well known to the people of Chicago who 
 would command the confidence of the people for their personal 
 integrity, their business ability and their pronounced sympathy 
 with the cause of municipal ownership. The ordinance provides 
 for the granting to said directors of a safely guarded franchise to 
 equip, build and operate street railways. All expenditures, con- 
 tracts and specifications, however, to be approved by the city 
 council, and the right was reserved to the city to at all times 
 inspect the company's books. The ordinance further provided 
 in rigid terms that the said corporation could have no profit ex- 
 cept the return of the capital invested with 5 per cent and pro- 
 vided that all earnings over and above this amount shall be paid 
 into a sinking fund to the credit of the city. 
 
 This plan was adopted upon consultation with both able 
 financiers and some of the truest and most reliable friends of 
 municipal ownership in Chicago and elsewhere. It was and is a 
 practical short cut to municipal ownership and I believe will 
 commend itself to the good judgment of all the friends of munici- 
 pal ownership. 
 
 Since I have been inducted into ofiice we have, by the vigorous 
 action of our law department, succeeded in dissolving an injunction 
 which prevented our taking possession of any portion of the lines of 
 the present traction companies whose franchises have expired. We 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 237 
 
 have instituted quo warranto proceedings, in the name of the people, 
 under which the traction companies will be compelled to disclose all 
 their rights and which, in my judgment, will be passed upon ad- 
 versely to most of their rights in the Supreme Court of the State 
 within the next six months. The transportation committee of the 
 city council has called upon the present roads to name a price for 
 their property and they have refused to come down to definite 
 figures and we are proceeding vigorously to map out a municipal 
 line running through the heart of the city of Chicago which, if 
 built, will not only furnish adequate transportation facilities for 
 one-third to one-half of the people of that city within the next two 
 years, but will, in my opinion, prove so remunerative as to pay for 
 its construction inside of ten years. 
 
 The cause of municipal ownership in Chicago, instead of lag- 
 ging or dropping by the wayside, is being furthered vigorously and 
 steadfastly. The demand of the people is being responded to. The 
 fight between vested interests and the people is well under way and, 
 backed as we are, by public sentiment and the righteousness of our 
 cause, I have no fears of the ultimate result. That we will have 
 litigation and every other sort of obstacles thrown in our way by 
 the private companies and the capitalistic syndicates of New York 
 and Chicago, is to be expected. But the wave of public sentiment 
 in favor of the ownership of these utilities is sweeping headlong 
 over the land. It first manifested itself in the great city by the 
 inland seas. But it is sweeping steadily and irresistibly over the 
 whole country. 
 
 Chicago is in earnest and when she says, "I will" today, she 
 will say, "I have done" tomorrow. That tomorrow, in my opinion, 
 will be but a few months away. It may be longer, but the resistless 
 force of public sentiment cannot be withstood. Chicago can and 
 will accomplish what Glasgow, Liverpool. IManchester, Leeds, Shef- 
 field, Hull, Aberdeen, Cardiff, Dundee, Sutherland, Berlin, Vienna 
 and Milan and hundreds of other great cities of the world have 
 done. 
 
 But when Chicago has accomplished in the way of the mu- 
 nicipalization of its street railway systems what I predict it will 
 accomplish, it will not, I regret to say, have the proud distinction 
 of being the pioneer city of America to municipalize its street car 
 systems. For within the last few days, I have read in the Toronto 
 World, July 12, 1905, that Port Arthur is a town in Canada that 
 so firmly believes in municipal ownership of public utilities that it 
 owns its own electric railway, telephone and electric light systems. 
 
 Although Chicago is the pioneer in many things; although it 
 is the nerve center of America ; although it accomplishes many 
 things that other cities have yet to achieve, it must bow down in 
 homage to a little Canadian city on Lake Superior, which in the 
 
238 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 year 1905 is owning its own electric railway, telephone and electric 
 light plants. 
 
 I confidently predict, however, from what I know of the 
 people of Chicago, that it will not lag much longer behind and that 
 within a very short time it will have the proud distinction of being 
 the first city in the United States to be in actual ownership of its 
 own municipal street car system, and when once that great city 
 has proved that municipalization of street car plants is an assured 
 success, it will mean that hinidreds of other American cities will 
 follow in her wake and accomplish an economic revolution to the 
 great advantage of the citizens of this country. 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 239 
 
 FAVORS VOLUNTARY ARBITRATION 
 OF LABOR DISPUTES. 
 
 Address on Labor Day, September 4, 1905. 
 
 Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen: 
 
 In England, during the fourteenth century the laboring man's 
 wages were fixed by law in a Parliament where he had no repre- 
 sentation and it was a criminal offense for a laboring man to leave 
 the county in which he dwelt without a letter patent under the 
 king's seal expressing the cause of his going and the time of his 
 return. To take more or less than the legal wage, imposed upon a 
 laboring man a penalty of forty days imprisonment. 
 
 In the fifteenth century, the justices of the peace were empow- 
 ered to send writs to the sheriffs of counties for fugitive laborers 
 in the same manner as those sent for felons or thieves. In the same 
 century, it was held a criminal offense for workingmen to meet and 
 confederate. Persons refusing to labor were committed to jail and 
 their masters were entitled to a fixed fine to be imposed upon them. 
 In the same century, under Henry the Eighth, a laboring man, 
 found out of employment, could be sentenced to be tied to the end 
 of a cart naked and beaten with whips till his body be bloody by 
 reason of such whipping, and this punishment appearing not to be 
 satisfactory, they were afterwards condemned to have a piece of 
 their right ear cut off. 
 
 Even in the eighteenth century, under George the Second, in 
 the case of a dispute between a laborer and his employer, if the 
 laborer were found guilty of ill-behavior, he could be sentenced to 
 whipping and imprisonment for not to exceed a month. As late as 
 1823, in the same country, if a laborer refused to enter employment, 
 as agreed upon, or quit before the time of his employment had 
 expired, he was subject to imprisonment in the house of correction 
 for a term, not exceeding three months. This was the law as late 
 as 1867 in England. In 1875 the British Parliament passed an act 
 known as ' ' The Employers ' and Workmen 's Act, ' ' which the Prime 
 Minister declared was the first act in the history of the country 
 which enabled employer and employe to sit under equal laws. 
 
 It is well to contemplate the rapid progress that has been 
 made in the labor world from this legalized savagery and injustice 
 up to the station which labor now holds in the industrial world. 
 
240 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 Great Britain is supposed to iiave been, during the last couple of 
 centuries, one of the most civilized countries on the earth, and if 
 the laboring man's position was such as we have just found it to 
 be in that country, what must it have been in the other coun- 
 tries of Europe? 
 
 Today we are engaged in celebrating a holiday which by the 
 statute of this State is dedicated to signalizing the dignity of 
 labor. Labor Day, by the laws of the land, is placed in the same 
 category as the holidays on which we celebrate the birth of the 
 Nation and the birth of Christianity. The march of progress has 
 resulted in declaring that the product of brain and brawn, of 
 mind and muscle, is not the mere result of mastery of one man 
 over another, but is the result of an exchange of commodities by 
 virtue of contract and that labor, as well as capital, has its rights 
 and must have its protection under equal laws. 
 
 In more recent years, the march of events has demonstrated 
 that the hours and price of labor are not always fixed and cannot 
 always be fixed by legislation or contracts between individuals. 
 The twentieth century is the age of amalgamation, of consolida- 
 tion and of cooperation. The price and hour for labor and other 
 conditions under which labor works are now largely fixed, not by 
 individual contract or by legislation but by treaties between great 
 consolidation of employers on the one hand and great consolida- 
 tion of employes on the other. Capital has consolidated, as it has 
 the right to do. Labor has consolidated, as it has the right to do. 
 And as a result, great combinations of employers meet with great 
 combinations of employes and, by agreement or treaty between 
 these great consolidations, the hours and price of labor are now 
 fixed in the industrial world. 
 
 It is idle to discuss how or what circumstances have brought 
 about these great industrial consolidations which have compelled 
 the making of contracts between great bodies on both sides. These 
 combinations are here and it would appear from the tendency of 
 modern times, they are here to stay. Such being the case, it is 
 probably proper for us to discuss, in the interest of good govern- 
 ment and good order, the elements which should be incorporated 
 in such agreements or treaties under which wages are fixed and 
 hours determined. 
 
 No matter how carefully such agreements may be drafted and 
 entered upon, it is not always possible to provide for contingencies 
 that may arise in the future, and where disagreements do arise 
 between employers and employes, it has been unfortunately the 
 ease that either the strike or the lockout has resulted, and strikes 
 and lockouts entail serious consequences to both parties and entail 
 very frequently great burdens upon the general public. It is the 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 241 
 
 part of wisdom then, both on the part of employers and em- 
 ployes in entering into agreements or treaties under which the 
 hours, wages and conditions of employment are fixed, to provide 
 in all cases that, whenever a dispute arises with reference to the 
 interpretation of the contract or wdtli reference to new exigencies 
 arising thereafter, all such disputes should be settled by an agreed 
 board of arbitration. Such a provision entails no sacrifices of 
 dignity and its incorporation in the contract or treaty must neces- 
 sarily give an opportunity to either or both parties to the contract 
 to avoid the resort to such a war measure as a strike or a lock- 
 out, and when such a provision is incorporated, as I am glad to see 
 it frequently is in labor contracts, it should be the bounden duty 
 of every organization, corporation and individual party to such 
 a contract to see that it is religiously observed. The individual, 
 corporation or association which makes such an agreement that 
 would repudiate its terms, ought to be regarded as unfit to deal 
 with in all future contracts. 
 
 Labor and capital will both make themselves respected by a 
 strict adherence to their contracts and must injure themselves, in 
 the estimation of the public, by a repudiation of such provisions. 
 Therefore, do I say, men in the industrial world, whether you be 
 employers or employes, in all your contracts relating to the em- 
 ployment of labor, be sure that you have a provision which pro- 
 vides for the arbitration of all disputes, and when you have such 
 a provision and disputes arise, follow the terms of your contract 
 without resorting to the strike or the lockout. 
 
 In nearly every other affair of life outside of the difficulties 
 between capital and labor, the law provides legal tribunals, which 
 are simply courts of arbitration. A man must arbitrate, under 
 the law of this State, whether the bonds which bind him in matri- 
 mony shall remain in force or be loosened ; whether he shall have 
 the custody of his own flesh and blood; whether he shall receive 
 aught under his father's will; whether he shall be a prisoner or 
 a freeman. Why not, then, provide voluntarily for tribunals 
 of arbitration in matters relating to the employment of labor? 
 I am not advocating a compulsory arbitration law but I am most 
 earnestly advocating voluntary arbitration in all matters of in- 
 dustrial disputes. 
 
 The laws of this State and of other states encourage arbitra- 
 tion. In some countries, it is made even compulsory. While I 
 am not prepared at the present time to advocate compulsory ar- 
 bitration of industrial disputes, I am of the opinion that our law 
 creating a State Board of Arbitration might be wisely amended 
 so as to permit of action by the said board upon the application 
 
242 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 of the Governor, the mayors of cities, or by any considerable 
 number of citizens not engaged in an industrial controversy. 
 
 Under the law, as it at present stands, no finding can be made 
 by the Board of Arbitration with reference to the merits of any 
 controversy, unless either or both parties to the controversy 
 make written application to the board and file with the said board 
 an agreement to continue in business or at work without a lock- 
 out or a strike until the decision of the board is rendered. Indi- 
 viduals and corporations, in the heat of controversies, are fre- 
 quently so headstrong and unreasonable as to decline to make 
 such applications or agreements. The general public is compelled 
 to stand by and see these lamentable industrial struggles carried 
 on to the injury of the whole community. 
 
 It would seem to me the public itself, or its duly elected of- 
 ficials, ought to be permitted, through the State Board of Arbi- 
 tration, in all such disputes, to take evidence and ascertain the 
 cause, the origin and the merits of the controversy, even if the 
 board does nothing but publish the result of its investigation. If 
 such powers were given to the State Board of Arbitration to act 
 upon the request of public ofncials or the request of a large num- 
 ber of disinterested citizens and to compel the attendance of wit- 
 nesses and the production of papers under oath, and publish its 
 findings, it would tend to discourage many of the controversies 
 that unfortunately arise between capital and labor. 
 
 The world has just w^itnessed the glorious spectacle of the 
 President of the United States bringing about the cessation of 
 the greatest war of modern times. The same spirit which 
 actuated this great man should find a place in the hearts of his 
 fellow citizens in the endeavor to avoid such lamentable strug- 
 gles as have occurred in the labor world in recent years. 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 243 
 
 W. J. BRYAN. 
 
 Address Delivered at the Jefferson Club, Chicago, 
 September 12, 1905. 
 
 Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen: 
 
 We have met tonight to do honor and wish bon voyage to our 
 distinguished and admired guest. Colonel Bryan. Wherever Demo- 
 crats assemble throughout the length and breadth of this great coun- 
 try, the presence or name of our distinguished guest is ever received 
 with, enthusiasm and acclaim, and nowhere within the United States 
 has he received, or will he continue to receive, a more cordial recep- 
 tion than in the city of Chicago. 
 
 We admire the man because we recognize in him the first great 
 figure in the national life of the Nation that opened war upon mo- 
 nopoly and special privilege in 1896. We admire him because, when 
 in 1900 he was tendered the practically unanimous renomination 
 for the Presidency — an honor for a defeated candidate seldom if 
 ever before accorded in the history of the country — he had the 
 courage and loyalty to his convictions to refuse that nomination 
 unless the platform on which he was to run reenunciated the con- 
 victions and principles which he believed to be right and for the 
 best interests of the people of the United States. 
 
 We admire him even more because of the fact that in 1904, 
 although he was in a decided minority in the great national conven- 
 tion at St. Louis, he had the courage to stand forth and denounce, 
 within the conclaves of his own party, the acts and doings of men 
 that he believed to be a fraud upon the electorate and a scandal to 
 Democracy. We admire and respect him because at all times and 
 under all circumstances and in every place in which he found him- 
 self, he has stood for purity in politics and placed man before 
 mammon. 
 
 Whether in victory or in defeat, he has always stood for the 
 right, and the man who so acts must always earn, as he has earned, 
 the respect and confidence of his fellow countrymen. And now 
 that he is leaving us for a trip abroad, our good wishes go with him 
 and we ask him in his travels abroad, to note well the advantages 
 and disadvantages of governmental institutions and to bring back 
 to us the benefits of his observation and experience. 
 
244 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 WILL VETO CERTAIN STREET RAIL- 
 WAY FRANCHISES. 
 
 Statement to the Public, September 28, 1905. 
 
 I believe I have my thumb on the public pulse. The council 
 will feel the beat of that pulse before it gets through. The meet- 
 ings at which I have spoken during the past w^eek have satisfied 
 me that the people are with me. Some of the demonstrations 
 were extraordinary, especially the meetings held last night. 
 
 I meant what I said at those meetings. I repeat that if I 
 am wrong, let the people turn me out. If the council is wrong, 
 turn it out. 
 
 I have been informed that the council will attempt to pass 
 the tentative ordinance. I shall veto it of course. If I failed to 
 do so, I ought to be driven out of town, after the stand that I 
 have taken on municipal ownership. 
 
 I believe, however, that some of the councilmen will see a 
 great light before long, if they have not seen one already. Their 
 constituents will begin to pour a few hints into their ears. The 
 city government is double barreled, as I said in my speech, and 
 I trust that the council barrel will line up with mine. When it 
 does we will be able to start building a power house in prepara- 
 tion for a municipally owned railway. 
 
 One misapprehension that I want to correct is the idea that 
 I have set any definite time in which municipal ownership can 
 be obtained. There have been various statements on the subject. 
 I was quoted as declaring in an alleged speech in Cleveland that 
 municipal ownership was a possibility within five months. I 
 never made a speech in Cleveland. I prefer to have no dates 
 mentioned. It is impossible to say at just what time the people 
 of Chicago will be riding in their own municipally owned street 
 cars. That depends on how the council acts in the matter. 
 
 It will take about two years to build a power house. As 
 far as trackage is concerned, it is as simple a matter to build 700 
 miles as seven. It is simply a question of men. 
 
 I am afraid that the loop ordinance will not be in a condition 
 to submit to the councilmen tomorrow. My attorneys inform 
 me that there are some legal hitches to contend with. I have 
 practically decided to defer taking the initiative in traction 
 matters. I want to give the local transportation committee time 
 to act. 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 245 
 
 WHAT CHICAGO NEEDS TO BECOME 
 
 GREAT. 
 
 Address Delivered at the Mayor's Dinner, October 7, 1905.. 
 
 Mr. Toastmaster and Gentlemen: 
 
 Your organization initiates tonight, under the name of the 
 "Mayor's Dinner," an annual celebration of Chicago day, that 
 day being intended as an anniversary of Chicago's great fire of 
 October 9, 1871. It is your intention, as I understand it, to com- 
 memorate, on each October 9, the great fire of Chicago by the 
 giving of a public banquet to be known as the "Mayor's Dinner," 
 at which the merchants and business men of Chicago will meet 
 with the executive of the city and the heads of its departments 
 for the purpose of bringing about a closer relationship between 
 the political government of Chicago and its business interests. In 
 my judgment, your object is a commendable one. 
 
 The merchants and business men of a great city should at 
 proper times confer with its political officers, give free and full 
 expression to their views with relation to the general good of the 
 city, and encourage an expression of views from the city officials 
 with reference to its political and commercial welfare. The 
 mayor of a great city and the heads of its departments should, 
 on proper occasions, be ready to interchange a free and full ex- 
 pression of views with the commercial interests of the city and 
 to impart and receive information which may redound to the good 
 of the municipality. 
 
 Understanding that this is the object of the annual "Mayor's 
 Dinner," which is inaugurated tonight, I am pleased to be present 
 and to meet so many of my fellow citizens who stand high in the 
 commercial world of the city of Chicago. Next to his country, 
 every citizen, dwelling in a city, should have the particular in- 
 terests, of his city at heart. And I have yet to meet a Chicagoan 
 who is not proud of his city — proud of its past history, proud of 
 its present and hopeful and sanguine of its future. 
 
 We are met tonight to consider primarily what is for the 
 best interests of this great and growing city ; what are its draw- 
 backs, if any, and what measures we can devise and further to 
 insure its future development and prosperity. 
 
246 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 Chicago, in my judgment, is the greatest city of America, 
 not in population or in wealth, but in energy, activity and vital- 
 ized ambition in both commercial and economic directions. It is 
 the nerve center of America from which pulsates and throbs the 
 advanced thought and energy of the American people. It is a 
 city of palaces and of hovels, a city of churches and of charnal 
 houses, a city of millionaires and mendicants, into which has 
 poured the children of every race and clime upon earth, and it 
 has been rapidly assimilating all classes of people into good 
 American citizenship. It is the theatre of political action. It is 
 the center of political economic thought. It is the city of courage 
 and determination. 
 
 We all love Chicago and heartily wish for its future pros- 
 perity and development. You men, leaders in the commercial 
 world of Chicago, are anxious to attract to it the trade and com- 
 merce of the Northwest, and I am heartily desirous, and I know 
 that the officials of the city of Chicago are equally desirous, of 
 aiding your wishes in that direction and no stone will be left 
 unturned to assist you in benefiting this city which we love and 
 in Avhich we dwell. 
 
 We should encourage in every possible way the holding of 
 commercial, fraternal and other conventions in this city. We 
 should advertise the advantages and resources of our 'city in 
 every possible direction. Because of our magnificent location 
 in the center of the Northwest, because of our magnificent railway 
 and water facilities, we ought to be able, and we are able, to sell 
 merchandise of every character in this city upon as economical a 
 basis as any city in America. 
 
 But there are other needs and requirements of the city of 
 Chicago besides its commercial needs and requirements. We are 
 commercially great and we must become commercially greater. 
 But we must also become morally and politically great as well. 
 
 You, gentlemen, engrossed in great commercial enterprises, 
 may not have time, and possibly do not have time, to reflect upon 
 the political needs of Chicago. 
 
 Chicago suffers from an economic standpoint in many vital 
 particulars. We suffer sorely from an inadequate revenue to 
 improve our streets, to police our city and to give efficient fire 
 and sanitary protection to our citizens, and, in general, to properly 
 run the municipal government. Let me call your attention to 
 a few figures to substantiate this statement. 
 
 In the past we have been unable to raise sufficient revenue 
 to properly run the municipal government. This is shown hy the 
 fact that the total debt per capita for the city of Chicago is a 
 little over $28, while that of New York is $143, of Philadelphia 
 
DUNNE JUDGE, MAYOR, GO\^RNOR 247 
 
 $42, of St. Louis $39, of Boston $148, of Baltimore $75, of Cleve- 
 land $53, of Buffalo $51, and of Pittsburg $76. Of the ten largest 
 cities in the United States, the total debt per capita in Chicago 
 is less than that of any except San Francisco. 
 
 The general property tax per capita in Chicago in 1904 was 
 $9.32, while that of New York was $19.36, of Philadelphia $13.37, 
 of St. Louis $13.88, of Boston $28.01, of Baltimore $11.16, of 
 Cleveland $12.49, of Buffalo $11.48, of San Francisco $13.12, and 
 of Pittsburg $15.20. In other words, the general property tax 
 of Chicago is less than that of any of the ten largest cities in 
 the United States. Is it at all surprising that, with such scanty 
 revenue in the past and at present, the city of Chicago presents 
 comparatively unclean and dilapidated streets to the strangers 
 within our gates? 
 
 The administrative government of the city of Chicago during 
 the last year was able to expend only 79c per capita of its popu- 
 lation to run the municipal government, while New York spent 
 $1.84, Philadelphia $1.54, St. Louis $1.27, Boston $2.22, Balti- 
 more 90c, Buffalo 98c, San Francisco $2.17, and Pittsburg 90c. 
 Only one of the ten great cities of the United States expended 
 less for the general administration of its government, and that is 
 the city of Cleveland. 
 
 Ought you to reasonably expect the police force of the city to 
 adequately protect your lives and property when you are in- 
 formed that there are only 68 policemen in Chicago to every hun- 
 dred miles of streets, while in New York there are 304, in Phila- 
 delphia 151, in St. Louis 128, in Boston 186, in Baltimore 79, in 
 Cleveland 126, in Buffalo 118, in San Francisco 89, and in Pitts- 
 burg 106 ? Chicago should have at least one thousand additional 
 policemen to properly police the city. 
 
 Ought you to reasonably expect to have as efficient fire pro- 
 tection in the city of Chicago, w^here the expenditure per capita 
 is 94c, as you would have in a city like New York, where they 
 spend $1.57 per capita, or in Philadelphia where they spend 90c, 
 or in St. Louis where they spend $1.41, or in Boston where they 
 spend $2.21, or in Cleveland where they spend $1.47, or in Balti- 
 more where they spend $1.74, or in San Francisco where they 
 spend $2.74, or in Buffalo where they spend $1.47, or in Pittsburg 
 where they spend $1.58? You know that it is unreasonable and 
 that it cannot be expected. 
 
 Have the citizens of Chicago the right to expect that its sani- 
 tary department could be efficiently and properly managed when 
 the appropriation made per capita is 8c per annum, while New 
 York spends 34c, Philadelphia 25c, St. Louis 24c, Boston 32c, 
 Baltimore 18e, Cleveland 18c, Buffalo 10c, San Francisco 27c, and 
 
248 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 Pittsburg $1.02. And yet, strange to relate, the death rate in 
 Chicago is the lowest of any of the ten great cities in the United 
 States. 
 
 To further emphasize my claim that the city of Chicago is 
 most inadequately supplied with the means of running a munici- 
 pal administration, I would call attention to the fact that the 
 total payments for general municipal purposes per capita for the 
 last year in Chicago were $10.87, while that of New York was 
 $23.37, Philadelphia $14.58, St. Louis $16.35, Boston $33.27, Balti- 
 more $13.13, Cleveland $13.40, Buffalo $14.02, San Francisco 
 $17.34, and Pittsburg $15.84. 
 
 The crying need of Chicago at the present time is for an ade- 
 quate revenue to enable it to have an efficient police force, an 
 efficient fire department and well equipped bureau of health, an 
 efficient department of public works and a general adequate 
 equipment of its other departments. This lack of revenue arises 
 from two causes : first, the limitation upon our bond issuing 
 power, and second, from the fact that, for some reason or other, 
 much of our property escapes taxation. 
 
 Chicago needs greater revenue equitably distributed over its 
 property owning citizenship. 
 
 And yet, while Chicago has a much smaller per capita revenue 
 than any of the other great cities of the United States and while it is 
 crippled financially, an immense amount of public property is being 
 used by private persons and corporations without compensation 
 to either the city or the State, and w^hen a demand is made by the 
 city authorities to collect for the use of such public property by 
 private persons or corporations, an outcry is raised by the parties 
 interested as though an act of injustice was being perpetrated. 
 
 The use of public property by private persons and corpora- 
 tions without compensation has gone on in this city so long and 
 so extensively that these private persons and corporations have 
 reached the conclusion that they have the right by prescription 
 to continue that abuse forever. 
 
 Public property, the rental value of which, per annum, would 
 reach probably into the hundred thousands, has been and is now 
 being used by private individuals and corporations without re- 
 muneration to the public. Chicago demands that this inequit- 
 able, unfair and unjust use of public property without compensa- 
 tion shall cease. 
 
 There is another need of Chicago to which I might advert. 
 If Chicago is to be really great, it must become morally and 
 ethically great as well as commercially great. Not only should 
 its citizens be willing to pay for the use of public property when 
 they utilize it, and be compelled to pay for it if they are unwilling 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 249 
 
 to do SO, but the will of the people, as expressed at the ballot box, 
 should be binding upon the conscience of the public. Ovir Legis- 
 lature has wisely enacted a law permitting the people to express 
 their wishes upon questions of great public interest at the ballot 
 box. In so doing, the Legislature recognizes that this is a repub- 
 lic and that the will of the people is supreme. 
 
 A true republic is that in which all citizens have the right to 
 be heard in the enactment of laws and the shaping of the policies 
 of the government. In republics of small population, this can be 
 done in general councils of the people which all the people may 
 attend and at which they may record their votes. But in a great 
 republic, such as ours, it is a physical impossibility for all the 
 people to assemble and vote in person. Our Legislature, therefore, 
 patterning after the Republic of Switzerland, has devised a wise 
 and honest method under which the people can express their views, 
 not in conventions but at the ballot box. And when the people have 
 so expressed themselves at the ballot box, it should be the duty of 
 all good citizens to bow to the will of the people and carry out their 
 behests in their city councils. 
 
 If Chicago would become really great, it must become morally 
 great enough to recognize that the will of the people, as expressed 
 at the ballot box, must be obeyed until that will is changed or modi- 
 fied. So, I say to you gentlemen, that, to make Chicago the greatest 
 city in the land, we must not only encourage trade within its gates, 
 and trade towards its gates, but we must also provide for a revenue 
 adequate to carry on its government efficiently and secure just and 
 fair distribution of taxation, but, in addition, recognize the binding 
 force of the public will as expressed at the ballot box. 
 
 All these things must and will come and it is our duty, as 
 citizens who love this city and heartily hope for its future continued 
 development and prosperity, to wish that that time shall come as 
 speedily as possible. 
 
 That man or men, who would retard the commercial growth of 
 Chicago or fail to forward it, is a poor citizen. That man or men 
 who would hamper it in the collection of its honest demands for 
 revenue equally distributed is a bad citizen, and he who would 
 thwart the will of the people as expressed at the polls, or attempt 
 to thwart it, is a dangerous citizen. 
 
 Let us all work for the growth of the city's trade and com- 
 merce, for the equal enforcement of the laws, for good government, 
 and for the preservation of republican institutions in our city by 
 obedience to the will of the people as expressed at the polls. Thus 
 will Chicago become really and truly great. 
 
250 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 HIS OBJECTIONS TO PROPOSED TRAC- 
 TION MERGER. 
 
 Statement in the Record-Herald, October 9, 1905. 
 
 The proposed ordinance of the Chicago City Raihvay Company 
 is most objectionable in many features and violative of the people's 
 rights in and to the people's streets. 
 
 First. It is a bold, bald defiance of the expressed will of the 
 people as indicated in the election of April, 1905, in that it grants 
 a twenty-year franchise to the Chicago City Railway Company. 
 
 Second. The ordinance is vicious in that it requires the com- 
 pany to build tracks only upon such streets as it now is operating on, 
 and in addition thereto, only three miles of double track or six miles 
 of single track each year during the continuance of the ordinance, 
 irrespective of the needs of the people in the way of additional 
 trackage produced by a rapid growth of population. 
 
 Third. I can find no provision in this proposed ordinance for 
 any definite time in which the reconstruction of the road must be 
 completed. 
 
 Fourth. Under section 4, the company is empowered to connect 
 its conduits, poles and wires with any transmission or feeder wires 
 of any individual or corporation in the city without any provision 
 therein for notification to the city as to where such wires shall be 
 run or making it requisite to get a permit from the commissioner 
 of public works. 
 
 Fifth. Section 5 provides that the city shall have the right dur- 
 ing the term of the ordinance to use the polls of the company to 
 carry its signal, telephone, telegraph and electric light wires and 
 lamps, but the ordinance is silent as to whether or not the city shall 
 pay any compensation therefor. 
 
 Sixth. Section 6 practically gives to the Chicago City Railwaj^ 
 Company a monopoly in the use of the poles in that it authorizes 
 the company to lease the use of the same to other companies for 
 such compensation as it may be able to exact from such other com- 
 panies. In the contract plan, proposed by myself, the city has the 
 power to require the company to permit the use of its poles by 
 other companies upon the payment of a fair proportion of the cost 
 of the maintenance of the poles. 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 251 
 
 Seventh. Section 15 provides for the nse of free tickets for city 
 detectives, policemen and firemen. Bnt it does not include that 
 most deserving and moderately paid class of men entitled to sucn 
 privileges, to-wit: the letter-carriers of the United States Govern- 
 ment. 
 
 Eighth. Section 16 provides for the removal of dead tracks and 
 declares that "failure to operate cars for the carriage of passengers 
 at least once each day within every hour of each day between the 
 hours of six a. m. and eight p. m. over any street * * * shall 
 be treated as cessation of operation." 
 
 A reasonable ordinance should provide for the operation be- 
 tween five a. m. and midnight, and further provide that the city 
 council should have the right to insist upon all-night cars upon 
 all streets where traffic would justify the operation of the same. 
 
 Ninth. Section 17 purports to provide for the issuance of trans- 
 fers, but excepts from its provisions the lines north of Twelfth 
 Street. "Why that portion of the lines should be excepted I cannot 
 understand. The same exception is made in section 18. 
 
 Tenth. Section 20 provides for compensation to be paid to the 
 city, to-wit: for the first three years, three per cent; for the next 
 two years, five per cent ; for the next ten years, seven per cent ; 
 and for the last five years, ten per cent. This is an average of 
 six and nine-tenths per cent for the whole period, but for the first 
 fifteen years of the grant the average compensation is less than six 
 per cent. From this, however, must be deducted all taxes, license 
 fees and other revenues now derived by the city from the company. 
 Deducting these taxes, license fees and revenues now paid by the 
 companies to the city, it would leave the compensation to be paid 
 to the city of Chicago for the first year of the grant only about 
 $40,000. 
 
 The grossly inadequate character of this compensation to be 
 paid to the city is manifest upon its face. The proposition of the 
 Chicago City Railway Company to pay to the citizens of Chicago 
 for the use of their streets for the first fifteen years of its franchise 
 less than six per cent of the gross earnings of the company, less the 
 taxes and license fees, would probably reduce the net compensation 
 to be .paid to the city to between four and five per cent. In view 
 of the fact that the net earnings of the company during the whole 
 of this period, based upon experience, as disclosed in reliable statis- 
 tics for well equipped modern roads in large cities, would be some- 
 where between thirty-five per cent and forty per cent of the gross 
 earnings, this offer of the conipany of compensation to the citizens 
 of Chicago is an insult to their intelligence. 
 
 The most valuable asset of a street railway company is its 
 twenty year franchise. During the twenty years preceding 1903 
 
252 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 the traction companies of the city of Chicago, upon but a twenty- 
 year franchise granted in 1883, capitalized their bonds and stocks 
 for the sum of >[>117,000,000, or thereabouts. The tangible prop- 
 erty owned by them, as shown by the report of Bion Arnold, was 
 worth less than $27,000,000. In other words, upon franchises 
 of twenty years, granted to the companies by the city of Chicago, 
 with an addition thereto of tangible property now worth less than 
 $27,000,000, the franchise and tangible property became worth 
 $117,000,000 or over four times the present value of the tangible 
 property. Deducting $27,000,000, the value of the tangible prop- 
 erty, from $117,000,000, it wdll be seen that the franchise for 
 twenty years was worth $90,000,000. And so the people of the 
 city of Chicago contributed to the enterprise a franchise worth 
 $90,000,000, wdiile the companies only invested sufficient to pur- 
 chase property now worth $27,000,000. 
 
 The people are now asked to give to the Chicago City Railway 
 Company a franchise for another twenty years, which franchise 
 will be worth certainlj^ much the greater part of the total value 
 of the whole line when equipped. The Chicago City Railway 
 Company proposes to equip the line, which, judging from past 
 experience, will cost much less than one-half of the total value 
 of the property when completed. The city of Chicago, in other 
 words, is asked to enter into a copartnership with the Chicago 
 City Railway Company and give to that company a franchise 
 worth much more than the value of the tangible property which 
 Avill be furnished by the company and to receive as compensation 
 therefor for the first fifteen years five per cent of the gross re- 
 ceipts, while the company, which contributes less than one-half 
 of the capital in tangible equipment, will take as its share of the 
 earnings somewhere between thirty per cent and thirty-six per 
 cent of the total income. 
 
 This is the proposition which the Chicago City Railway Com- 
 pany makes to the representatives of the people sitting in the 
 council chamber, and which it has the temerity to ask those rep- 
 resentatives of the people to accept. That company must as- 
 sume that the mayor and the city council are either bereft of good 
 judgment or disloyal and faithless to the people who elected .them 
 to office, if it expects such an inequitable proposition will be ac- 
 cepted by them for and in behalf of the people. 
 
 Eleventh. Section 23 purports to provide for forfeiture of the 
 company's rights in case it shall make default in the performance 
 of its agreements and obligations under the ordinance. But it 
 is certainly a most extraordinary method of forfeiture, for it 
 provides that, before any forfeiture can be made, the default of 
 the company must continue for six months after written notice 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 253 
 
 of the default shall be given to the company by the city as well 
 as to the company's trustee or mortgagee. In other words, under 
 the provision, the company might violate any and all of its obli- 
 gations and continue to violate any and all of its obligations until 
 the city should serve written notice upon it, calling its attention 
 to the same, and thereafter under this remarkable provision the 
 city railway might continue in its violation of obligations and 
 agreements for a full six months before the eit}' could oust it from 
 its possession of the streets. 
 
 It might on the last day of the six months begin to again 
 perform its obligation to the city and continue the performance 
 thereof for a iew days, and then again make default, in which 
 event the city would be compelled to serve another six months' 
 notice upon the company and play this game indefinitely, so that 
 the city would practically be without remedy by way of forfeiture. 
 
 Twelfth. Section 26 provides for the purchase of the rights 
 of the company by the city and compels the city, at any time it 
 seeks to take possession of the company's propertj^ to pay a fair 
 cash value for all the then unexpired rights of the company in 
 the streets of the city of Chicago, existing at and prior to the 
 date of the passage of this ordinance. This language is exceed- 
 ingly ambiguous and upon one construction of the same would 
 compel the city, if it sought to take possession of the company's 
 property at the end of nineteen years, to pay to the company the 
 fair cash A^alue of the unexpired rights of the company existing 
 at the present time. In other words, whatever the value of the 
 unexpired franchises are at the present time, the city would be 
 compelled to pay at any time hereafter that it might seek to take 
 possession of the property. 
 
 This section also is objectionable in its provisions in regard 
 to appraisers who shall fix the value of the property. It provides 
 that the third appraiser, who in all probability would be the final 
 umpire and arbiter to fix upon values, shall not be a resident of 
 the State of Illinois. Why this insult to and disenfranchisement 
 of the citizens of this great State? Can it be possible that among 
 the 5,000,000 people of Illinois no man can be found who is suf- 
 ficiently intelligent, disinterested and honest to act in this 
 capacity? 
 
 Again, there is another remarkable provision in this section 
 relating to the selection of appraisers. If the parties, in select- 
 ing the third appraiser or umpire, cannot agree, then the third 
 appraiser or umpire is to be chosen by the chief justice of the 
 Supreme Court of Illinois, and two judges, not residents of Illinois, 
 of the Circuit Court of the United States, of which the northern 
 district of Illinois shall be a nart. 
 
254 DUXXE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 The Chicago City Railway Company seems to have conceived 
 a great affection and preference for the judges of the Circuit Court 
 of the United States for the circuit of which the northern dis- 
 trict of Illinois shall be a part. I would respectfully ask the 
 adroit attorneys of the Chicago City Railway Company why they 
 have chosen the Federal judges of the Circuit Court of the United 
 States of wdiich the northern district of Illinois is a part as being 
 the controlling persons fitted to make the selection of the third 
 appraiser ? What are the exceptional qualifications of these gen- 
 tlemen ? 
 
 Thirteenth. Section thirty contains a provision providing for 
 an alleged referendum of the ordinance to the people. It is so 
 craftily and ingeniously drawn, however, as to make it practically 
 worthless. In the first place, the section provides that the or- 
 dinance shall take eft'ect from and after its acceptance by the 
 company without waiting for any referendum of any character. 
 In other words, the ordinance goes into force at once without 
 waiting for a referendum and then provides that, if certain things 
 shall happen, the ordinance shall cease to be operative. 
 
 The ordinance remains in effect unless the question as to the 
 continuance in force of the same shall be submitted to a vote of 
 the electors of the city of Chicago under the public policy act at 
 the municipal election, to be held in the city in April, 1906, and a 
 majority of all the electors shall vote against the continuance in 
 force of this ordinance. In other words, it throws the burden 
 upon people of getting up a petition, of seeing that all the names 
 upon this petition are valid, that all of the signers are legal voters, 
 that they have complied with all the requirements of the law, that 
 the petition is filed within the proper time and that it is properly 
 worded as to form, that it is placed upon the ballot by the com- 
 missioners at the proper time and in the proper place and that a 
 majority of all the electors — not a majority of those voting upon 
 the proposition — shall vote against the continuance in force of 
 the ordinance. 
 
 It throws all the burden of mistakes, inaceurac}- and omission 
 upon the people, and over and above all, it is very questionable 
 in law if the ordinance went into full force prior to the taking of 
 this referendum, whether the ordinance could be invalidated by 
 any act of the electors after it became a binding contract between 
 the city and the company. If the council and the mayor should 
 permit the passage of this ordinance, grossly unfair as it is to 
 the people and \'iolative of their rights in the streets, and in de- 
 fiance of their opinion already expressed at the polls, and the 
 people should rely upon this provision of the ordinance, in my 
 judgment, they would be relying upon a broken reed. If 199,000 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 255 
 
 of the 400,000 voters of Chicago should vote against the or- 
 dinance and only 10,000 vote in its favor, the ordinance would 
 still stand. 
 
 The ordinance is defective and fails to protect the interest of 
 the public in many other particulars. I am informed by a me- 
 chanical expert that section nine is defective in not requiring the 
 company to renew worn out tracks, whether in paved or unpaved 
 streets with "Trilby" rails, Aveighing at least ninety-five pounds 
 to the yard and not requiring that the pavement shall be of gran- 
 ite on concrete foundation or such other pavement as the city 
 shall from time to time direct. 
 
 From the same soui'ce I am advised that section ten is de- 
 fective in not requiring that pavements shall be kept not more 
 than one-eighth of an inch below nor more than one-half an inch 
 above the rails. 
 
 The ordinance is further defective in that I fail to find in it 
 any requirement for schedules or other reasonable service such as 
 the council might from time to time direct. Such a provision 
 should be inserted in any ordinance giving a franchise to a street 
 railway company. I can find no provision in the proposed or- 
 dinance relating to service which requires the company to run 
 more than one car per hour on any of its lines. 
 
 But the most important of these other defects is that there is 
 no provision whatever in this ordinance, from beginning to end, 
 that the meager compensation paid by the company to the city 
 shall be preserved as a sinking or purchase fund for the purchase 
 of the property of the company by the city at any time hereafter 
 when it attempts to exercise its alleged purchase rights in the or- 
 dinance. The meager compensation provided to be paid it to be 
 paid into the city treasury without any restriction as to its use 
 and without having impressed upon it a trust character to be used 
 for purchase purposes only, and it can be, and if this ordinance 
 is passed, I predict it will be, dissipated and used for other pur- 
 poses. 
 
 If the city officials have the right to use this money for any 
 and all purposes, it is highly probable that in the city of Chicago, 
 where there is so much need of the use of money for corporate 
 purposes in the way of improvements, that any funds paid into 
 the public treasury without being impressed with a trust char- 
 acter will be used for the building of a new city hall or for other 
 necessary corporate purposes. And if the demands of the city 
 for general corporate purposes do not bring about the dissipation 
 of such funds, it would be in the interests of the men owning and 
 operating the Chicago City Railway Company to suggest methods 
 to the city authorities for dissipating this fund so that at no 
 
256 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 time during the life of this ordinance would the city be in a posi- 
 tion to buy. The city would have on hand no sinking fund, and, 
 therefore, could not purchase the company's property under the 
 terras of the ordinance except by the sale of Mueller certificates. 
 
 The whole ordinance, in my judgment, is but a thinly dis- 
 guised replica of the so-called tentative ordinance or an or- 
 dinance more dangerous and prejudicial to the people than the 
 so-called tentative ordinance which was buried by the people by 
 an overwhelming vote only six months ago. 
 
 The people of Chicago have declared most emphatically 
 against the passage, not only of the so-called tentative ordinance, 
 but of any ordinance extending the franchises of the present com- 
 panies. This ordinance would not only extend the franchises of 
 the present companies for the utmost limit permitted under the 
 law, but would do it in a manner so grossly indifferent to the 
 people's rights as to warrant a most unqualified condemnation of 
 the same. 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 257 
 
 DENIES HE INTENDS TO RESIGN AS 
 
 MAYOR. 
 
 Letter to the Boston Magazine, November 10, 1905. 
 
 Dear Sir : In answer to your letter of November 8, 1905, I 
 would say that I am not at all surprised that the Associated Press 
 is sending to eastern newspapers many dispatches, declaring that I 
 have practically given up the idea of the municipalization of the 
 street railways of Chicago and that I contemplate resigning my 
 position very shortly. 
 
 Ever since I have taken office my position has been misrep- 
 resented by both the Associated Press and the newspapers of this 
 city. It is wholly untrue that 1 have abandoned the idea of 
 municipalizing the street railways of Chicago, and the statement 
 that I am about to resign is maliciously false. Neither assertion 
 is warranted by anything that I have ever said or done. 
 
 On the contrary, I am confident that the will of the people, 
 as expressed at the polls, will be carried into effect sooner or 
 later in this city. 
 
 I have been hampered by a hostile council and a hostile press. 
 When I was first inducted into office, I had to face one of the most 
 widespread and exasperating strikes that has ever existed in this 
 city. It lasted 105 days and was in force two days before I was 
 inaugurated. 
 
 During the strike I appointed special traction counsel to 
 inquire into the legal aspects of the traction question, and discov- 
 ered, within sixty days after I took my seat, that 130 miles of 
 trackage out of a total of 700 are being operated after the expira- 
 tion of the franchise thereon. 
 
 On July ^ I sent a message to the council calling their atten- 
 tion to that fact, and to the further fact that before November 
 1, 1908, 274 miles of the total trackage of the city would be lying 
 upon the streets upon which the franchises would expire by that 
 date. 
 
 In the same message I called the attention of the council to 
 the fact that municipal ownership could be put into operation in 
 only one of two ways : first, by the issuance of Mueller certificates 
 under the Mueller law, which would necessitate the submission 
 to the people of the question as to whether or not these certificates 
 
258 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 should be issued, entailing a delay of at least six months or more, 
 during which the validity of the Mueller certificates could be 
 tested in the Supreme Court of the State. These serious delays 
 might prevent our placing municipal ovrnership in force until my 
 term of office expired, in two years. 
 
 The other plan contemplated the creation of a construction 
 company, composed of five men of integrity and business char- 
 acter, whose views were favorable to municipal ownership. These 
 men, according to the plan, were to incorporate a corporation 
 which would act as a constructing company for the city. When 
 incorporated, the company should receive a charter for twenty 
 years, empowering it to build, construct and operate until it was 
 paid the cost of construction, the company to bind itself to submit 
 all plans, specifications, etc., for the construction of the road to 
 the city council and have the same approved, and to issue suffi- 
 cient bonds to enable it to build the road, the bonds not to exceed 
 the cost of the road and to bear five per cent interest. 
 
 All the profits of operation over and above five per cent 
 should be paid into a sinking fund to the credit of the city of 
 Chicago ; the managers and directors of the company, those acting 
 in the interest of the city, to receive no return upon their stock 
 and no emoluments of any character except reasonable compen- 
 sation for their services, to be agred upon by the company and the 
 city council. 
 
 Thus would be created a construction company which, upon 
 the faith of a twenty year franchise, could raise sufficient money 
 by the issuance of bonds to build a road immediately. The city 
 would obtain the benefit of all profits from the operation of the 
 road at once, and the company could receive no profit except the 
 interest upon the money invested. 
 
 Both of these plans were submitted to the city council on 
 July 5, 1905, and referred by the council to the committee on 
 transportation. I expressed my preference for the construction 
 plan, which I called the "contract plan", but the council has 
 taken no action on either plan. 
 
 After waiting for three months for some action, I sent several 
 messages to the council, calling their attention to the vote of the 
 people as expressed at the polls, and I respectfully urged them to 
 take action according to the people's desire. They have absolutely 
 refused to pay any attention to the same, and the transportation 
 committee, which has the matter in charge, upon its own initiative 
 has invited the present traction companies to present forms of 
 ordinances for the rencAval of their franchises for twenty years. 
 They are hurrying through these ordinances Avith the utmost ex- 
 pedition at the present time. 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 259 
 
 Every move I have made in the council in favor of municipal 
 ownership has been defeated by majorities of from 47 to 42 to 
 18 to 22. I am practically powerless so far as the council is con- 
 cerned. The council, however, has agreed to pass no ordinance that 
 shall not provide for a referendum before the people. I am very 
 confident that when the extension ordinances are submitted to the 
 people they will vote them down next spring. 
 
 I have prepared and presented to the council an ordinance in 
 favor of municipal ownership on which the people will vote at the 
 same time. 
 
 In addition to having an unfriendly council, I am further 
 handicapped by the fact that every paper in the city, except the 
 Hearst papers, is doing all it can to thwart municipal ownership, 
 and all the banking interests and capitalists of the city seem to be 
 in league to prevent the consummation of municipal ownership in 
 this city. 
 
 None the less, I believe the people will insist upon carrying out 
 their wishes already thrice expressed at the polls. I have kept 
 every pledge that I made to the people, and intend to fight this 
 thing out to the end, notwithstanding all of the misrepresentation, 
 vilification and abuse that may be showered upon me and the cause 
 I was elected to further. 
 
 Very truly yours, 
 
 E. F. Dunne. 
 Frank Putnam, Esq., 
 
 The National Magazine, 
 Boston, Massachusetts. 
 
260 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 MAKES A DEMAND UPON THE CITY 
 COUNCIL. 
 
 Message Demanding Action on Car Franchise, November, 1905. 
 
 To the Honorahle, the City Council: 
 
 Gentlemen : At the last municipal election, held April 4. 1905, 
 there appeared on the little ballot the following question to the 
 voters of the city : 
 
 ' ' Shall the city council pass any ordinance granting a franchise 
 to the Chicago City Railway Company?" 
 
 Upon this question 151,974 voted "no" and 60,020 voted "yes." 
 There also appeared at the same time the question : 
 "Shall the city council pass any ordinance granting a franchise 
 to any street railroad company ? ' ' 
 
 Upon this question 152,135 voted "no" and 59,013 voted "yes." 
 The local transportation committee of your honorable body, 
 instead of considering plans, submitted by me in my message of 
 July 5, for the purpose of bringing about municipal ownership of 
 street railways, is now engaged in considering certain proposed 
 ordinances presented by the Chicago City Railway Company and 
 the Chicago Union Traction Company, contemplating the granting 
 to the such companies of new franchises for the period of twenty 
 years. 
 
 The consideration of these franchise extension ordinances, in 
 the face of the vote above referred to, is in defiance of the expressed 
 will of the people. For this reason, I respectfully recommend that 
 your honorable body direct the local transportation committee to 
 cease consideration of the said proposed franchise extension ordi- 
 nances, and further to report to this council at its next meeting the 
 ordinance submitted by me and attached to my message of July 5, 
 1905, commonly known as the ' ' contract plan. ' ' 
 
 I herewith submit an order to that effect and respectfully urge 
 your honorable body to pass the same without reference to a com- 
 mittee. 
 
 Respectfully, 
 
 Edward F. Dunne, Mayor. 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 261 
 
 REGARDING THE UNIVERSAL GAS 
 COMPANY. 
 
 Message to the Chicago City Council, December 18, 1905. 
 
 To the Honorable, the City Council: 
 
 Gentlemen : I beg to call the attention of your Honorable Body 
 to the status of Universal Gas Company in its business relationship 
 with the city of Chicago. 
 
 This company was incorporated under the laws of the State of 
 Illinois in 1894 and on July 23, 1894, was granted, by ordinance, 
 the right to manufacture and sell gas within the city of Chicago 
 upon certain terms therein specified. 
 
 The following, among other conditions, were imposed upon said 
 company by said ordinance: 
 
 First. So long as said company charged consumers of gas $1.00 
 per 1,000 cubic feet, it should pay to the city of Chicago ten per cent, 
 of the gross amount received from consumers. 
 
 Second. When said company reduced the price of gas to general 
 consumers to 90 cents or less, said company should be released from 
 its obligation to pay any compensation to the city. 
 
 Third. That the city of Chicago was to be a special consumer 
 and gas was to be furnished to it at 75 cents. 
 
 Fourth. If said company should either directly or indirectly 
 enter into any combination with any other gas company concerning 
 the price to be charged for gas, its rights under said ordinance should 
 be forfeited and all its pipes, mains, plant and appliances should 
 become the property of the city of Chicago. 
 
 This company has been manufacturing gas since the year 1895 
 and during all of this time it has been selling gas to general con- 
 sumers at not less than $1.00 without paying any compensation to 
 the city. 
 
 The Universal Gas Company has the largest single gas manu- 
 facturing plant in the city and manufactures, as I am informed, 
 approximately from 7,000,000 to 10,000.000 cubic feet of gas per 
 day, being about one-fourth of all the gas consumed in the entire 
 city. The compensation due the city on this output amounts, as I 
 am informed, to more than $1,000 per day, no part of which the 
 company has paid. 
 
262 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 I am advised by counsel that for the purpose of depriving the 
 city of these large sums, the Universal Gas Company has entered 
 into an agreement with the Peoples Gas Light and Coke Company, 
 by the terms of which the Universal Company sells practically all 
 its gas to the Peoples Company for less than 90 cents and the 
 Peoples Company in turn sells its gas to consumers at $1.00. The 
 Universal Company claims that having sold its gas at less than 90 
 cents, it is not obliged, under the terms of said ordinance, to pay 
 anything to the city. 
 
 The fact that the Peoples Company is now practically the owner 
 of the Universal Company sliows that the above arrangement is a 
 mere subterfuge for the purpose of evading the payment of the 
 compensation to the city under the terms of the Universal Com- 
 pany's ordinance. 
 
 The Investor's Manual for the years 1898, 1899, and 1900 shows 
 that all the stock of the Universal Company was purchased in the 
 fall of 1897 by a New York syndicate acting for the Peoples Gas 
 Light and Coke Company. 
 
 In view of the above information that has come to my notice, 
 I am advised by counsel tliat the Universal Company has entered 
 into a combination with the Peoples Company to fix the price of 
 gas in violation of the terms of the above ordinance. 
 
 I, therefore, recommend that the accompanying ordinance be 
 passed, directing the Corporation Counsel to institute suits for the 
 purpose of forfeiting the rights granted to the Universal Gas Com- 
 pany by said ordinance and for an accounting against said company 
 and for recovering for the benefit of the city the entire plant of said 
 Ui^iversal Gas Company. 
 
 Respectfully, 
 
 E. F. Dunne, Mayor. 
 
DUNNE JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 263 
 
 THE MILITANT CHIEF OF THE SAL- 
 VATION ARMY. 
 
 Address on Gen. Booth's Death. 
 
 Mr. Clvfiirman, Ladies and Gentlemen: 
 
 We meet today to do honor to the memory of a great, good 
 man who has just passed to his reward beyond the shores of time, 
 a man who has left a lasting impress upon the humanity of two 
 continents. 
 
 The story of his life is one of the marvels of the age. 
 
 Born poor and compelled, when a boy, to siipport himself 
 by daily labor, he early in life developed an ardent religious 
 temperament, and after his daily toil devoted his nights to preach- 
 ing Christ crucified on the street corners of his native city. From 
 choice he sought those portions of the city where the poor, the 
 wretched and the wicked mostly congregated and assembled. 
 He was a militant professor of Christ from the start. Where men 
 and women seemed most irretrievably lost to decency and society, 
 there he raised his strident and militant voice, warning of dam- 
 nation to the unregenerate and promising salvation to the con- 
 trite. 
 
 He fought the forces of hell in the hell holes of the city, soon 
 transferring his militant energy to the metropolis of the world. 
 Then he entered the ministry of the Methodist Church. Soon he 
 finds the rules, regulations and ritual of the church to be a barrier 
 to his restless, boundless energy and zeal for conversion. 
 
 The church invited sinners to repent. The church invited 
 men and women to enter its portals. He found in the purlieus of 
 the great cities that there were men and women, so wedded to 
 vice and so indifferent to virtue, that they would not repent and 
 would not respond to these invitations ; that would not enter 
 churches and listen to the word of God. 
 
 Such as these, he declared, must be reached, not by invita- 
 tion and moral suasion, but by force of moral duress. 
 
 If they would not come to the church, the church must go 
 to them. Vice and degradation must be assailed and assaulted 
 in their citadels. He sought out these citadels. He camped be- 
 neath their ramparts. He fired the word of God through its port- 
 holes and embrasures. He sang the songs of Christian faith and 
 
264 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 hope into the ears of the sentries on their battlements. He made 
 the soldiers of sin and vice listen to the war erys of men battling 
 without in the name of Christ crucified. 
 
 His superiors in the church discouraged his practices. They 
 pronounced them coarse and violent, noisy and unchurchlike, and 
 demanded that they be discontinued or that he withdraw from 
 the ministry. He promptly accepted the latter alternative and 
 entered upon the remarkable propaganda of building up a mili- 
 tant organization without the imprimatur of any church which, 
 outside of the walls of churches or temples, has been singing and 
 praying to and for the unregenerate throughout the English 
 speaking world. 
 
 What a marvelous energy and capacity for organization there 
 must have been in this man to have drawn to his organization 
 so many earnest men and Avomen who now call themselves soldiers 
 of the Salvation Army. 
 
 However men may criticise their methods, none can question 
 their earnestness, their ardor or their devotion to the religion 
 they preach and the charity they practice. 
 
 These soldiers of the dead general, not only administer spirit- 
 ual consolation, but corporal relief to the downtrodden and 
 afflicted. 
 
 Even those who do not at all times agree with the strenuous 
 vigor of these soldiers upon our streets, must perforce admit the 
 beauty and universality of their charity. 
 
 AVhat nobler tribute can be paid to a man than to say he 
 organized and left behind him an army which is engaged, not only 
 in preaching Christ crucified, but wiiich is engaged in adminis- 
 tering practical and material charity throughout the English 
 speaking world. 
 
 This is the heritage left by General William Booth to his 
 children. 
 
 Because of this, let us join with his children and soldiers in 
 paying a tribute of praise to the memory of the Christian soldier. 
 
 Peace to his ashes and honor to his name. 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 265 
 
 CHICAGO'S PROGRESS IN 1905 AND ITS 
 
 FUTURE. 
 
 A StxVtement by Mayor Dunne, December 31, 1905. 
 
 For Chicago, the year 1905 has been a year of militant civism. 
 By its constant striving for civic and economic progress, Chicago 
 again has shown itself a leader among the cities of the world in 
 energy, activity and vitalized ambition ; a city of courage, of deter- 
 mination and of high ideals — the nerve center of America. Chi- 
 cago turns into the new year more resolute than ever in its march 
 toward higher civic development and advanced municipal attain- 
 ment. 
 
 Militant Chicago stands firmly in its fight for municipal owner- 
 ship of its traction lines. Its people declare that their will, ex- 
 pressed overwhelmingly at the polls last April, shall be carried out 
 and that no extension franchises shall be granted any of the street- 
 railway corporations. 
 
 The city council, I regret, has seen fit to ignore the people's 
 will. But it falls to the city council merely to propose ; the people 
 will dispose. And when the traction question again is submitted 
 to Chicago's citizens by referendum next April — and to this step 
 the city council stands pledged — I am confident that the people 
 will again vote as decisively for the municipalization of the street- 
 car lines of the city as they did last April. 
 
 Progressive Chicago demands a 75-cent gas rate and proclaims 
 the present rates exorbitant and unjust. And the demands of the 
 people must obtain. 
 
 Progressive, justice-giving Chicago demands a reduction in 
 the rates, now exacted by private corporations, for electric light 
 and power and for telephone service. 
 
 Further, Chicago turns into the year 1906 seeking: 
 
 Abolition of its smoke nuisance. 
 
 Equalization of its water rates. 
 
 Extension of its charter rights. 
 
 In fact, greater efficiency than ever before in all its govern- 
 mental branches and justice and equality in all things to all its 
 citizens. 
 
 Toward all these ends I am pleased to report that progress has 
 been made. And Chicago now enters upon the new year a city 
 
266 DUXXE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERXOR 
 
 of determination and courage, pressing on toward final consum- 
 mation. 
 
 I regret to state that progress made towards the solution of 
 the traction question and the carrying into effect of the mandate 
 of the people, as expressed at the election of last spring, has not 
 been satisfactory either to myself or to the people of this commu- 
 nity. The people declared at the spring election against the grant- 
 ing of any franchise to the Chicago City Railway Company, or to 
 any other street railway company, by a vote of approximately 152,- 
 
 000 to 60,000. This expression of the public will no right-minded 
 citizen can misunderstand. 
 
 Believing firmly that this emphatic expression of the people's 
 will should be obeyed by the city's executive and the city council, 
 
 1 have done all in my power, as mayor of this city, to impress upon 
 the city council that no extension franchises should be granted to 
 the Chicago City Railway Company, the Union Traction Company, 
 or any of their constituent or underlying companies. 
 
 On July 5 last, I called the attention of the city council to 
 the fact that 130 miles of the total trackage of the street railway 
 companies of Chicago were available to the city for the building 
 of a municipal street car system, by reason of the franchises thereon 
 having expired. I further called attention to the fact that about 
 270 miles of said trackage would be in like manner at the disposal 
 of the city on or before the first day of January, 1908. I further 
 called attention to the fact that this 270 miles of trackage would 
 furnish transportation, by reason of the location of these tracks in 
 the most populous portion of the city, to about 1,100,000 people of 
 the total 2,000,000 population of Chicago. 
 
 In this same message, I formulated to the council two plans 
 for the construction of such a municipal railway system on these 
 streets upon w^hich the franchises had expired or w^ere just gasping 
 expiration. Neither of these plans, apparently, has commended 
 itself to the city council, although either or both, in my judgment, 
 are entirely feasible and practicable both from a legal and financial 
 standpoint. Contrary to my views and to the expressed will of the 
 people, the committee on local transportation of the city council, 
 has been industriously engaged in framing ordinances proposing 
 to grant extensions of franchises to the Cliicago City Railway Com- 
 pany and the underlying lines of the Chicago Union Traction 
 Company. 
 
 As a protest against such action I have sent repeated messages 
 to the city council, calling the attention of that body to the popular 
 vote registered overwhelmingly against such course of procedure. 
 I have repeatedly requested the council to instruct its committee 
 to cease consideration of the proposed franchise extension ordinances 
 
DUNNE JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 267 
 
 and to take steps to put into force a plan for the creation of a 
 municipal street car system. Unfortunately, the city council, up to 
 the present time, has seen fit to sustain the committee in its formu- 
 lation of these proposed franchise extension ordinances, and the 
 executive department and the legislative department of the city, 
 represented by the mayor and city council respectively, are at pres- 
 ent in a deadlock. 
 
 While this state of conflict exists it will, of course, be difficult 
 to advance the cause of municipal ownership of street cars of this 
 city, as demanded by the people at the ballot-box. 
 
 So far as I am concerned, as mayor of this city, this deadlock 
 must continue until the council, in its wisdom, sees fit to change 
 its present attitude. I was elected mayor of this city upon a solemn 
 pledge to oppose the granting of any franchise extension ordinances 
 to the companies, now operating in Chicago's streets, and to bring 
 about at the earliest possible day the municipalization of the street 
 car lines of this city. That pledge I purpose to keep. 
 
 Fortunatey, the council has been pledged to submit all or- 
 dinances relating to the franchise question to the people next 
 spring. This submission should be in such manner as to put 
 an end to the traction controversy for all time. The only way 
 this can be done effectively is for the council to pass the Mueller 
 ordinance, providing for the municipalization of the street car 
 lines of this city pursuant to the terras of the ]Mueller law, and 
 to place the proposed franchise extension ordinances before the 
 people under the public policy act of this State. This method, 
 in my judgment, is the only honest and effective way of forever 
 disposing of this matter at the spring election. If this be done, 
 the people can vote in favor of the Mueller certificate ordinance 
 and against the franchise ordinances, or in favor of the fran- 
 chise ordinances and against the Mueller certificate ordinance, 
 and in either event the traction question will be settled forever. 
 
 If they vote in favor of the Mueller certificate ordinance, 
 which I presented to the council some weeks ago, no further vote 
 of the people will be necessary to enable the citizens of this city 
 to acquire a municipal street car system. 
 
 I am confident that the people will vote this April as de- 
 cisively in favor of municipalization of the street car lines as they 
 did last April. 
 
 I have done everything in my power to carry out the will 
 of the people of Chicago in the way of bringing about municipal 
 ownership of the city's traction lines, but the members of the 
 city council, in the face of the expression of the people's will, 
 have voted by an overwhelming majority against any move in 
 that direction that I have made. As a consequence, the wheels 
 
268 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 of legislation for the time being are effectively blocked. It is 
 for the people to determine whether my course or that of the 
 council shall be approved and sustained. This question the 
 people will face at the polls next April. Their will must stand 
 supreme and I am not doubtful of what will be their verdict. 
 
 With other citizens, who believe that the existing gas com- 
 panies of Chicago have been charging exorbitant rates for gas, 
 I went to Springfield shortly after my election and urged upon 
 the General Assembly the passage of an act enabling the city 
 council of the city of Chicago to fix reasonable rates for gas and 
 electric light. The State Legislature passed such an act in re- 
 sponse to this demand and the same has been adopted by the 
 citizens of Chicago upon a referendum vote. 
 
 Immediately upon the adoption of this act by referendum 
 last November, I addressed a message to the city council calling 
 the attention of that body to this fact and urging the council 
 to pass an ordinance, which I submitted, fixing the price to be 
 charged for gas at 75 cents' per 1,000 cubic feet. This price, in 
 my judgment, is a reasonable one, in view of the fact that gas 
 has been sold within recent years in the city of Chicago by one 
 of the present constituent corporate members of the People's 
 Gas Light & Coke Company for 72 cents per 1,000 cubic feet, and 
 in view of the further fact that gas now is sold in several Amer- 
 ican cities for 75 cents and less. The matter of my message 
 has been referred to the council committee on gas, oil and electric 
 light. I earnestly hope that that committee soon will recom- 
 mend to the city council for passage an ordinance fixing the 
 price of gas in this city at 75 cents per 1,000 cubic feet. 
 
 It is my intention, at an early date, as soon as I procure suf- 
 ficient reliable data, to recommend to the city council the passage 
 of an ordinance materially reducing the price of electric light 
 in this city, as I am confident that the present rates, charged by 
 private companies, are both exorbitant and unjustly discrim- 
 inative between different classes of citizens. 
 
 I have communicated and held several interviews with the 
 officials of the Chicago Telephone Company, and have urged upon 
 this corporation the adoption of a more reasonable schedule of 
 rates for telephone service. In response to these suggestions 
 the company has addressed a communication to the mayor and 
 the city council requesting the opening of negotiations with 
 reference to the future dealings of this company and the city and 
 citizens of Chicago. This communication, too, has been referred 
 to the council committee on gas, oil and electric light, where the 
 matter now is pending. I am pleased to state that the officers 
 of the telephone company have informed me that they are pre- 
 pared to consider : 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 269 
 
 First. A reduction of charges to telephone users. 
 
 Second. The incorporation in any agreement that may be made 
 with the municipality of a provision under which the city of 
 Chicago shall be empowered to take over and operate the tele- 
 phone plant of this company as a municipal plant when the State 
 Legislature enacts a law enabling the city so to do. 
 
 For years the city has been defiled by the smoke emitted 
 from its chimneys. All attempts to abate this nuisance have been 
 ineffective owing to the cumbersome and complicated provisions 
 of the existing smoke ordinance, which I can honestly describe 
 as an ordinance devised to protect smoke producers rather than 
 to punish offenders. I have called the attention of the council, 
 in a message, to the defects of the existing smoke ordinance and 
 this now has been amended and, I believe, will be further amend- 
 ed in a few days so as to make a future continuance of the smoke 
 nuisance difficult, if not impossible. 
 
 The extension of Chicago's charter powers is a work that 
 now is on the ways. The charter convention has been assem- 
 bled and has entered upon the task which has for its object the 
 removal of those obstacles which have cramped Chicago's efforts 
 and hampered civic development and municipal betterment in 
 many ways. The work of the convention, I am pleased to say, 
 will be submitted to the people upon referendum for their ap- 
 proval. 
 
 In the department work of the municipal government, many 
 important changes have taken place wnthin recent months. The 
 water system of the city has been completely reorganized. Here, 
 too. justice for all is aimed at. For years past the city of Chi- 
 cago, by reason of an unfair and discriminating water ordinance, 
 has been put in the unjust and reprehensible position of charging 
 its water consumers differing and discriminating rates, varying 
 from 4 cents per 1,000 gallons to 10 cents per 1,000 gallons. The 
 ordinary, small consumer has been charged 10 cents, while the 
 powerful and wealthy corporations of the city are supplied with 
 water at 4 cents per 1,000 gallons. 
 
 In a message to the city council I have called the attention of 
 that body to the injustice of the existing ordinance and have recom- 
 mended the establishing of a flat rate of 8 cents per 1,000 gallons 
 to all consumers alike. I regret to state that no favorable action as 
 yet has been taken by the council on this recommendation, the 
 matter having been referred to a committee where the same now is 
 lying undisposed of. 
 
 I am pleased to state that the ' ' fee system, ' ' by which the water 
 consumer was required to pay for meter and service pipes, has 
 been abolished. Hereafter all meter pipes and all service pipes 
 
270 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 leading from street mains to houses will be installed at the ex- 
 pense of the city. This will conduce to simplicity and will re- 
 move a burden from citizens who become patrons of the water 
 service. The principle has been to relieve the consumer of all 
 possible payments except for water actually consumed. The ad- 
 ministration of the water bureau, too, has been so altered as to 
 make for increased efficiency and better service. 
 
 Rapid advance is being made toward the effective purifica- 
 tion of Chicago's water supply. Practically every link of the 
 city's planned intercepting sewer system has been placed under 
 contract. This means an expenditure of approximately 
 $1,800,000 and the approaching completion of the intercepting 
 sewer system which, when finished, will divert all sewage from 
 the lake between the city limits on the north and Eighty-seventh 
 Street on the south. Work on the great Lawrence Avenue con- 
 duit, which was stopped for several years, has been energetically 
 set under way, together with the erection of the pumping station 
 that will serve as an adjunct to this big bore in flushing the north 
 branch of the Chicago river. 
 
 Greater efficiency in the cleaning of the streets and alleys 
 and the removal of garbage is being attained. Plans are under 
 way for the institution of a new system of garbage removal dur- 
 ing the coming: veav, which will eliminate the citv dumps and 
 obtain the disposal of garbage by a sanitary and more effective 
 process. 
 
 A bureau of compensation has been established. This bureau 
 has collected more than $40,000 during the months it has been 
 in existence, about half of this sum having been received in 
 payment for the use of sub-sidewalk space. This bureau's re- 
 ceipts stand as a net addition secured to the municipal revenue. 
 A policy has been pursued of collecting compensation not only 
 for sub-sidewalk space but also for any and all public property 
 temporarily taken over for private use. 
 
 Through a special engineering commission, a complete report 
 has been secured as to the history and present condition of the 
 tunnels of the Illinois Telephone and Telegraph Company, now 
 called the Chicago Subway Company. Thus, a complete system 
 of inspection has been installed and provision has been made 
 for enforcing rigid compliance with the ordinance under which 
 this work is being built. 
 
 Throughout the department of public works constant con- 
 solidation and simplification of governmental control and execu- 
 tion has been the rule. 
 
 In the department of electricity the year has been a record 
 breaking one in the extension of the municipal street lighting 
 
DUNNE JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 271 
 
 system. A total of 1,580 electric lights of 2,000 candlepower each 
 have been added during 1905, making an aggregate of 6,687 
 lamps now in service. This stands as the greatest number of 
 arc lamps added to the system in any one year since the incep- 
 tion of the municipal plant in 1887. During the year the munici- 
 pal system was extended into Austin and displaced 130 rented 
 lights for which the city was paying $103 per lamp per year. • An 
 average number of 5,700 arc lamps, each of 2,000 candlepower, 
 has been maintained and operated from the four power stations 
 of the city. The average cost per lamp, including its proportion 
 of office charges, but not including interest, depreciation, taxes 
 or insurance, has been $52.14. These figures as to cost per lamp 
 under municipal ownership and under private operation are 
 worthy of close study by Chicago's citizens. 
 
 To place the 1,580 additional lights in service during the year 
 thirty miles of underground cable and 250 miles of aerial wire 
 have been placed, also 198,435 duct feet of conduit have been laid 
 and 1,830 poles set. 
 
 Additions to the police and fire alarm telegraph required the 
 placing of 173 miles of underground wire, while 500 poles and 
 seven miles of electric light wire were removed on account of 
 street improvements. New equipment is being placed at the 
 municipal power stations which will practically double the output 
 of a couple of these plants and reduce the cost of repairs. During 
 the coming year large extensions to this municipally owned sys- 
 tem will be made. 
 
 Notable work has been done in the department of police. I 
 believe that I can say without contradiction that Chicago is 
 morally cleaner today than at any time in many years. Open 
 gambling has been suppressed. For this offense alone a total 
 of 2,200 arrests have been made within the last five months — 
 a greater number than ever before within a similar period. 
 
 NoAV an energetic warfare is being waged with effectiveness 
 against the criminal element — an element that besets any great 
 city. Flying squadrons of officers known as "thief catchers" 
 have been formed and are working in all divisions of the city. 
 
 Under the present administration, vicious dance halls and 
 dive saloons have been closed. Scores of "get-rich-quick" con- 
 cerns have been driven out of existence. In the department 
 itself the new United States Army drill regulations have been 
 established and have increased the effectiveness of the service, 
 though the city is hampered through lack of revenue from secur- 
 ing the proper number of policemen needed to fully safeguard life 
 and property. An addition to the police force is absolutely 
 necessarv. 
 
272 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 The splendid work of the fire department has resulted in a 
 reduction of $400,000 in the fire losses of the city, as compared 
 with the previous year. Eleven new engine houses have been 
 erected during the year and much new equipment added. The 
 so-called two platoon system has been given a trial with the result 
 that a favorable report has been received thereon. 
 
 In the way of public improvements, ninety-three miles of 
 streets have been paved during the year at a cost of about 
 $3,600,000. More than 518 miles of new sidewalks have been 
 constructed at an approximate cost of $1,618,119. One important 
 fact, I am pleased to state, is that, at the rate cement, stone and 
 cinder sidewalks are being constructed, it will be but a few years 
 before Chicago entirely frees itself of the wooden sidewalk 
 nuisance, the chief cause for many years of the flood of personal 
 injury cases in which claims for millions and millions of dollars 
 have been filed against the city. 
 
 Further, more than 24 miles of sewers have been constructed 
 during the year at a cost of $641,900. In addition to this sum, 
 $75,000 has been expended on the large Jackson Park sewer sys- 
 tem and pumping station, while work is to commence at once 
 on the so-called Eighty-fifth Street sewer system, which is de- 
 signed to drain all the territory extending from Eighty-third 
 Street to the southern limits of the city and from Lake Michigan 
 on the east to Ashland Avenue on the west. 
 
 The health department has been especially vigilant in safe- 
 guarding the city's health. Under the present administration the 
 work of food inspection has been enormously developed. This is 
 shown by the fact that during the last five months of 1905 an 
 aggregate of 4,050,000 pounds of diseased food supplies of all kinds 
 have been condemned and destroyed by the department inspectors. 
 During the corresponding period of 1904 the total amount con- 
 demned and destroyed totaled but 151,470 pounds, or less than 4 
 per cent of this year's figures. 
 
 Report is made that, on final computation, the death rate in 
 Chicago for 1905 probably will not exceed 13.34 per 1.000 of popu- 
 lation—the record year of lowest mortality, not for Chicago only, 
 but for any city in the world of more than a half million popula- 
 tion. There has been no serious prevalence of any of the epidemic 
 diseases, the deaths from typhoid fever being fewer than in any 
 year since 1880, when Chicago's population was barely one-fourth 
 as large as now. 
 
 Within the last six months the law department of the city has 
 had a larger number of cases, involving greater amounts and a 
 greater burden of business than ever has fallen to any preceding 
 administration in the history of Chicago. Notwithstanding this. 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 273 
 
 the litigation has been pressed with unusual rapidity. Cases ad- 
 vanced to the Appellate Court and disposed of within the last six 
 months exceeding in number about twenty-five per cent more than 
 were disposed of in a similar period of time in any of the last ten 
 years. The traction cases involving many millions of dollars and 
 the great fundamental rights of the people, have now advanced to 
 the Supreme Court of the United States. The law department has 
 taken up and pursued vigorously the matter of contests against the 
 gas companies to insure the enforcement of a 75-cent gas rate. 
 Suits have been instituted to compel the street car companies to 
 give the people better service, avoid crowding of cars and to compel 
 the heating of the same. 
 
 In the enforcement of the civil service law, the city has been 
 victorious in nine out of twelve appeals, taken either by the city 
 or where the city was seeking to sustain the appeals, resulting in 
 a larger era of civil service and its application. 
 
 Prompt measures have been taken by the department against 
 different public institutions v/hich have been recreant in the pay- 
 ment of their taxes. In the instance of the Illinois Tunnel Com- 
 pany alone the city has brought about a just increase of taxation 
 which will net $40,000 to the tax fund. The amount of recoveries 
 which this department now is enforcing will equal a sum far in 
 in excess of every dollar required to maintain it. 
 
 In the matter of building erection and inspection, marked im- 
 provement has been shown since the enactment of the new building 
 ordinance. Constant attention has been given the great number 
 of old buildings which do not comply with the present ordinance, 
 and to the safety and protection against fire in all buildings where 
 large numbers of people are employed or congregate. From a build- 
 ing standpoint, the year 1905 has been the most prosperous the city 
 has enjoyed, exceeding that of the preceding year by about 40 
 per cent. During the year permits were issued for the erection of 
 8,660 buildings, covering a total frontage of 253,026 feet and cost- 
 ing $63,136,700. Increased efficiency has been shown among the 
 building inspectors, though the department still is hampered with 
 too small a force. 
 
 The youth of the city have shared bountifully in Chicago's 
 advancement. Under the direction of the board of education, the 
 new course of study in the elementary schools has been given a 
 more thorough trial. Manual training has been greatly developed. 
 Sewing, cooking, and physical culture have received increasing at- 
 tention. During the year the board decided to erect two separate 
 schools for crippled children, one on the west side and the other 
 on the south side. 
 
 The task of providing all the school children of Chicago with 
 proper accommodations is nearer fulfillment now than at any other 
 
274 DUXXE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 time in the city's history. Six new school buildings and forty-five 
 portable one-room buildings were completed during the year, con- 
 taining 145 rooms, seating 7,110 pupils and costing $1,077,000. 
 Four additions to old buildings have been completed, adding 43 
 rooms, seating 2,070 pupils and costing $522,000. 
 
 There are under construction at this date 9 new buildings and 
 11 additions to old buildings which will contain 262 rooms, seat 
 8,116 pupils and cost $2,226,000. In addition 19 new buildings 
 have been ordered, with 19 additions to old buildings. These will 
 be put under contract within six months and will provide 558 addi- 
 tional rooms, afford accommodation to 25,700 pupils and require 
 an outlay of $4,844,000. Truly, this speaks well for the future 
 manhood and womanhood of Chicago. 
 
 A vigorous campaign has been conducted by the department of 
 weights and measures against violation of ordinances pertaining to 
 the sale of commodities. A flying squadron of inspectors has been 
 organized and sent into all sections of the city. The amount of 
 fines imposed for short-weights and short-measure during the year 
 totaled more than $3,350, as against $1,112 for the preceding year. 
 
 In the task of track elevation a larger amount of work has been 
 done in 1905 than at any similar period since the start was made 
 in abolishing grade crossings. Fifteen miles of roadbeds and tracks 
 of railway companies have been elevated above the established street 
 grades, this work carrying with it the elevation of more than 129 
 miles of yard, switch and other tracks. Fifty-six grade crossings 
 thus have been eliminated. This work during the year now closed 
 has cost $5,800,000 without the expense of one penny to the city, 
 and has given employment, directly and indirectly, to 50,000 men. 
 The work must go on until all grade crossings within the corporate 
 limits of Chicago are eliminated. 
 
 At the House of Correction extensive improvements have 
 been undertaken. The erection of the new women's building 
 has been begun. Here the most sanitary and humane ideas will 
 be introduced with regard to the safety and care of female in- 
 mates. New industries are being established. 
 
 And as Chicago turns into the ncAv year, it takes up the 
 march toward a future that ever must grow more glorious. 
 Chicago, in my judgment, is the greatest city in America, not in 
 wealth nor in population, but in activity, energy, ambition and 
 high ideals. It is the nerve center of America from which 
 pulsates the advanced thought and energy of an American peo- 
 ple. It is the theater of political action. It is the center of 
 political economic thought. 
 
 We all love Chicago and hope for its increased growth and 
 prosperity and greatness. But, if Chicago is to maintain its 
 greatness, it must continue to be morally and ethically great, as 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 275 
 
 well as commercially great. The will of the people as expressed 
 at the ballot box must be binding upon the conscience of the 
 public and upon the hands and hearts of its servants. For a 
 true republic is that in which all citizens have the right to be 
 heard in the enactment of laws and the shaping of public policies. 
 
 Chicago suffers much from an economic standpoint in many 
 vital particulars. We suffer from lack of adequate revenue to 
 properly police our city, to provide needed fire and sanitary 
 precautions, to improve the streets, and, in general, to properly 
 run the government. Yet, while Chicago has a smaller revenue 
 than the other great cities of the United States and limps a 
 financial cripple, much public property has been used by private 
 persons and corporations without compensation to the city. 
 Chicago demands that inequitable, unfair and unjust use of public 
 propert}" without compensation must cease and that a fair and 
 just distribution of taxation must be secured. Tlie man who 
 would hamper Chicago in the collection of honest demands for 
 revenue, equitably distributed, is a bad citizen. 
 
 Let us all, therefore, resolve to give our best efforts this 
 new year and in future years not only toward the material 
 growth of Chicago, but also for the equal enforcement of the 
 law, for good government, for good citizenship and for the 
 preservation of republican institutions in our beloved city by 
 obedience to the will of its people as expressed at the ballot-box. 
 Chicago, truly great, must not rest, but must ever aspire to still 
 higher and nobler attainments. 
 
276 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 HIS 1906 NEW YEAR'S WISH. 
 
 A Mayor's Greeting to Chicago, January 1, 1906. 
 
 Militant Cliicago during the year 1905 has been struggling 
 against the most powerful aggregation of vested interests and 
 enormous vv^ealth that public utility corporations have ever con- 
 centrated in America. Her onv^ard march toward the ownership 
 of her own utilities has been retarded but not defeated. 
 
 Chicago suffering in 1904, militant in 1905, let us hope will 
 be triumphant in 1906. 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 277 
 
 EIGHTY-FIVE CENT GAS TOO HIGH IN 
 
 CHICAGO. 
 
 Message Vetoing Gas Ordinance, February 14, 1906. 
 
 To the Honop^hle, the City Council: 
 
 Gentlemen : I return herewith, Avithout my approval, an ordi- 
 nance passed at the last regular meeting of your honorable body, 
 and published at pages 2624 to 2633, inclusive, of the current 
 printed council proceedings, fixing the price at which gas is to be 
 sold in the city of Chicago during the next five years at 85 cents. 
 
 There are several objectionable features in this ordinance. Sec- 
 tion 2 gives to the gas companies the right to remove meters without 
 replacing the same for twenty-four hours. There is no good reason 
 why the companies, when they take out a meter for repair or any 
 other purpose, should not be compelled to replace the meter removed 
 by another meter within one hour. The person removing a meter 
 should have another meter ready for substitution immediately. 
 
 Under section 6, any of the gas companies of the city of Chi- 
 cago may "lease and demise to any other company," whether that 
 company is a foreign or domestic corporation, "the mains, pipes, 
 meters, works, plant and appliances, or any part thereof of such 
 company or companies on such terms as" the Chicago gas com- 
 panies "may agree upon" with such other companies, and the 
 corporation, leasing and acquiring such plants, may "take and 
 acquire the mains, pipes, meters, works, plant and appliances or 
 any part thereof" and "operate the same and manufacture and 
 distribute gas" through said plants so acquired. 
 
 Under this provision the Standard Oil Company or any com- 
 pany organized under the liberal laws of New Jersey. Delaware or 
 any other state, would be empowered to take possession of the gas 
 plants, now being operated in the city of Chicago, and conduct 
 them without limitation as to time in the same manner that domestic 
 corporations of this city could conduct them, but, in so doing, they 
 would have the right to have all questions arising between the city 
 of Chicago and themselves determined exclusively in the Federal 
 Courts, instead of in our local State Courts. The public utility 
 corporations of the city of Chicago, for some reason, have always 
 evidenced a remarkable partiality for the Federal Courts, which 
 partiality is not shared by the people of this community. 
 
278 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 Ou the contrary, the people of Chicago seem to be entirely con- 
 tent to have issues that arise between the city and these corpo- 
 rations determined and passed upon by our local State Courts. I 
 can discover no good reason why the public utilities of this city, 
 as long as they are allowed to remain in the hands of private com- 
 panies, should not be administered by corporations which are sub- 
 ject to the exclusive jurisdiction of the State Courts. 
 
 Under the last sentence of this section, the Peoples Gas Light 
 and Coke Company, the Ogden Gas Company and the Universal Gas 
 Company reserve to themselves the right to question, after five years, 
 the authority of the city of Chicago to regulate the price and qual- 
 ity of gas furnished by them to the citizens of Chicago. In view 
 of the fact that this ordinance purports to be a contract ordinance 
 which, in return for the sale of gas for 85 cents for five years only, 
 is granting valuable concessions in the way of leasing and consoli- 
 dation to the present companies, and which purports to settle all 
 controversies between the city of Chicago and these companies, 
 there should be no reservation, made by the companies, which 
 would enable them to question the validity of the gas regulation 
 acts of this State. This ordinance is either a contract ordinance 
 which should settle all controversies between the present companies 
 and the city, in which event the companies should be compelled to 
 acknowledge the right of the city to regulate the price and quality 
 of gas, or it is not a contract but a regulating ordinance in which 
 the city should, under the law, affirm its right to fix the price and 
 quality of gas and compel the companies to accede to its terms 
 without conceding to the companies the right to question its validity. 
 
 The ordinance is further objectionable in that in section 9, it 
 concedes, by the language therein used, that there is upwards of 
 $1,300,000 due from the city of Chicago to the Peoples Gas Light 
 and Coke Company. This amount is claimed by the Peoples Gas 
 Light and Coke Company to be due from the city, on the assumption 
 that the city is liable to pay this company for gas consumed at the 
 rate of $1.00 per thousand cubic feet, although the city of Chicago 
 in 1900 passed an ordinance fixing the price of gas at 75 cents per 
 thousand cubic feet. The ordinance, under consideration, purports, 
 in section 5 thereof, to preserve the rights of the city and the citi- 
 zens of Chicago to recover back all sums, paid in excess of 75 cents, 
 since the passage of said ordinance of 1900. In other words, sec- 
 tion 5 purports to reserve the right of the city and the citizens of 
 Chicago to maintain in court that the legal price of gas for the last 
 five years and upwards is 75 cents, and yet, in section 9 of the 
 ordinance, there is an admission that $1,300,000 is due from the 
 city to the Peoples Gas Light and Coke Company for gas at the rate 
 of $1.00 per thousand cubic feet. If the city of Chicago and the 
 
DUNNE JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 279 
 
 citizens of Chicago, in the assertion of the rights and prices given 
 them under the ordinance of 1900, appear in court for the assertion 
 of such rights, they will be met with the proof that, in section 9 of 
 this ordinance, they concede the claims of the company that the city 
 is liable for gas consumed at the rate of $1.00 per thousand cubic 
 feet. 
 
 The objections to the ordinance hereinbefore mentioned 
 would be sufficient of themselves to justify me, as mayor of the 
 city of Chicago, in vetoing this ordinance, but there still remains 
 another and greater objection. The price fixed under this or- 
 dinance for gas, in my judgment, is unfair to the people and the 
 city of Ciiicago and excessive. 
 
 The Mutual Fuel Gas Company and the Hyde Park Gas Com- 
 pany, for years, sold illuminating gas in the city of Chicago, 
 under the provisions of its charter, for 72 cents, and only ceased 
 so doing when it was sought in court to compel the other con- 
 stituent companies, which had been consolidated in the Peoples 
 Gas Light and Coke Company, to sell gas at the same figure. The 
 undeniable fact is that illuminating gas was sold by the IMutual 
 Fuel Gas Company and the Hyde Park Gas Company to the people 
 of Chicago for 72 cents per thousand cubic feet in recent years. 
 
 Further, it is an undisputed fact that the citizens of Cleve- 
 land, Ohio, are purchasing gas from private companies in that 
 city for 75 cents per thousand cubic feet, and the companies 
 which sell gas at that figure are paying such a percentage of their 
 gross receipts to the city for the privilege of selling gas at that 
 figure that it reduces the net price of gas to the people of Cleve- 
 land to 70 cents. It is also an undeniable fact that the citizens 
 of Cinciiuiati are obtaining gas for 75 cents per thousand cu])ic 
 feet, and that the same is true of Duluth, Minn., and Alexandria, 
 W. Va. 
 
 It is possible that there are certain good reasons arising out 
 of the price of coal, oil, labor and the other constituents which 
 enter into the manufacture of gas, that might make the manu- 
 fncture of gas in Chicago more costly than in these other cities. 
 The only Avay to determine this question is to examine into +he 
 actual price of gas as manufactured in Chicago. The companies 
 that are manufacturing gas A^ithin the city of Chicago have 
 peculiarly within their knowledge the actual cost of the manu- 
 facture and distribution of gas in the city, and this cost can be 
 ascertained accurately and reliably from the books of the com- 
 panies, if the books are correctly and honestly kept. For the 
 purpose of getting the actual cost of gas in Chicago. T reouested 
 these coujpanies to permit their books to be examined b^^ the 
 representatives of the city. This request was met with a re- 
 
280 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 fusal. A firm of accouutauts was permitted to examine certain 
 books and papers, which were selected by the Peoples Gas Light 
 and Coke Company and the Ogden Gas Company and submitted to 
 these accovintants. In making their report to the committee on 
 gas, oil and electric light, this firm of accountants declares: "We 
 should have been accorded an opportunity of more fully examin- 
 ing several of the distributing and other accounts in the ledgers 
 that bear directly on this investigation, but this was denied us. 
 Had we had access to these accounts the cost of manufacturing 
 and distributing might have been somewhat modified." 
 
 From this report of these accountants, it is apparent that the 
 actual cost of gas manufactured in Chicago, within recent years, 
 has not been ascertained, although that actual cost must be and 
 is known to the Peoples Gas Light and Coke Company and the 
 Ogden Gas Company. It is true that representatives of these 
 companies have made statements before the committee on gas, 
 oil and electric light as to the cost of gas, but these statements 
 were based upon figures obtained from the books of these com- 
 panies, and until these books are thoroughly examined, the accu- 
 racy and truth of these figures will never be known. Until these 
 companies will permit a thorough and exhaustive examination 
 of their books for the purpose of enabling the city of Chicago 
 to ascertain the actual cost of gas, as manufactured by them dur- 
 ing recent years, I cannot be convinced that the city of Chicago 
 and its citizens ought not be furnished with gas as cheaply as 
 the gas sold in Cleveland, Cincinnati and other cities in the 
 United States, irrespective of the valuable privileges of consolida- 
 tion given to these companies in this ordinance. 
 
 When I addressed your honorable body in a message on 
 November 13, 1905, requesting the passage of an ordinance, fixing 
 the price of gas at 75 cents, I was honestly of the opinion that 
 gas could be manufactured and sold by the gas companies, now 
 doing business in the city of Chicago, for 75 cents, with a reason- 
 able profit to themselves. I am still of the same opinion. No 
 sworn evidence has been adduced to the contrary, and no exam- 
 ination of the books of these companies has been alloAved to the 
 committee on gas, oil and electric light. 
 
 The refusal of the companies to permit an examination of 
 their books leads to the irresistible conclusion that, had tlie books 
 desired by the accountants been submitted, they would have 
 shown that a lower rate tlian 85 cents was reasonable and should 
 have been established. 
 
 That 75 cents is a reasonable rate for gas in Chicago has 
 lieen already, prima facie, established in so far as any act of this 
 council can establish the fact by an ordinance which received the 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 281 
 
 unanimous approval of the city council and the then executive of 
 the city. The fact that the reasonableness of that figure has 
 not been questioned in any of the litigation now pending between 
 the city and the present companies is significant. 
 
 With a 75-cent rate previously established in an ordinance 
 passed by the unanimous vote of this council and litigation pend- 
 ing thereon, in which the reasonableness of that rate has never 
 been questioned, it seems a most manifest public duty not to fix 
 a higher rate until such necessity has been established by satis- 
 factory testimony. ^ 
 
 Aside from the valuable privilege of consolidation, given in 
 this ordinance, the proposed ordinance forces the city of Chicago 
 to assume the payment from general funds for the gas used in 
 lighting the city's streets. The claims of the city for compen- 
 sation R gainst the gas company, which m the past have been 
 an offset against the claims of the company for lighting the city's 
 streets, are wiped out by the terms of this ordinance. 
 
 In future, under the terms of this ordinance, Chicago would be 
 charged several hundred thousand dollars annually for gas used in 
 lighting the city's streets. When the condition of the city's treas- 
 ury and the needs of the city's police force are considered on the 
 one hand, and the great benefits conferred by this ordinance on the 
 gas companies on the other, this seems to impose an unnecessary 
 hardship upon the city. 
 
 It is further to be noted that there is no provision in this ordi- 
 nance for the regulation and inspection of meters at the expense of 
 the companies, which has been the cause of very serious complaint 
 against the companies in recent years. 
 
 Because of the foregoing facts, in the exercise of my duty as 
 mayor of this city, I feel that I am bound to, and I do hereby, veto 
 this ordinance, and respectfully recommend that the subject matter 
 of fixing the price and quality of gas. to be furnished by the gas 
 companies of this city to the city and the gas consumers of this 
 city, be recommitted to the committee on gas, oil and electric light, 
 with instructions that that committee demand from the gas com- 
 panies of Chicago an opportunity to fully and thoroughly examine 
 the books of said companies to ascertain the true and actual cost of 
 the manufacture and distribution of gas in the city of Chicago, and, 
 in default of that opportunity being given to it within 30 days, that 
 it fix the price of gas at 75 cents per thousand cubic feet for the 
 next ensuing five years. 
 
282 DUNNE — JUDGE. MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 WISHES SUCCESS TO SEATTLE. 
 
 Telegram to Seattle Newspapers, March 2, 1906. 
 
 To J. D. Flenner, The Seattle Mail and Herald, Seattle, Wash.: 
 
 Chicago in its fight for municipalization of street cars has won 
 three great battles at the ballot box, one in the Legislature and 
 recently two in the city council after a determined fight of six 
 months. It will win again on the first Tuesday of April, election 
 day. Municipal ownership winning throughout the world. One 
 hundred forty-two great cities in Great Britain now operating their 
 own street cars. So are Berlin, Cologne, Munich, Vienna, Budapest, 
 Switzerland and Austria. Municipal ownership accomplishes these 
 things. Greater efficiency, reduction of rates, lower hours of work- 
 ing men, increased wages, abolishes strikes, boodle and corruption. 
 Success to the cause in Seattle. 
 
 Edward F. Dunne, 
 
 Mayor of Chicago. 
 
DUNNE JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 283 
 
 ST. PATRICK'S DAY. 
 
 Address to the Irish Fellowship Club, Chicago, March 17, 1906. 
 
 Mr. Chairman and OenUemen : 
 
 I am pleased to avail myself of your kind inAdtation to be 
 present with yon this evening. I am proud to say that the same 
 blood that courses in most of your veins, courses in my own, and 
 that the race to which you belong is the race from which I am 
 descended. 
 
 It is a race of which we are both proud — proud of its past 
 and hopeful of its future. It is a race that has ever produced 
 brave men and virtuous women. It is a race proud of its litera- 
 ture, its music and its ancient traditions. It is a race that has 
 withstood the waste of famine and invasion and the shock of 
 insurrection and disintegration. It is a race which was one of 
 the earliest in western Europe to embrace the teachings of Chris- 
 tianity, and a race which has preserved the teachings of that re- 
 ligion down through all the centuries unimpaired. It is a race 
 which, through the dark ages, established schools and universi- 
 ties, the ruins of which excite the wonder of the traveler today. 
 It is a race which sent its missionaries and teachers throughout 
 Europe to spread the light of Christianity in the blackest night 
 of the dark ages, a race which has been often beaten but never yet 
 conquered. It is a race which has been without a flag, a nation- 
 hood, an army or a navy for over seven centuries, but which still 
 preserves, in all its strength and vigor, its aspirations for inde- 
 pendence and nationality. It is a race whose love of liberty has 
 never been extinguished by the sword of the Plantagenet, the 
 torch of the Tudor, or the bludgeon of the Cromwellians. It is 
 a race which, in spite of persecution, outlawry, famine and trans- 
 portation, still exists and leaves its impress upon the four quarters 
 of the globe. 
 
 It is a race which retains tenacious hold upon its native land 
 and yet has sent its sons and daughters to people and develop 
 lands in all parts of the world and a race which has left and is 
 still leaving its imprint upon the history of many nations. It is 
 a race that has given an O'Donnell to Spain, a McMahon to 
 France, a Taafe to Austria-Hungary, a Gavan Duffy to Australia, 
 
284 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 a Jackson, a Slieridau, a Shields aud a Meagher to the United 
 States. 
 
 I greet you tonight as the expatriated sons of the green 
 old isle and their descendants living upon American soil. 1 con- 
 gratulate you upon the fact that you have kept alive the old love 
 of liberty and your desire for independence. 1 congratulate you 
 upon being prosperous citizens of the great American Republic, 
 liiled with sentimental love for the old land and loyalty to the 
 new. 
 
 Love of the old and love for the new are not inconsistent or 
 antagonistic. They go hand in hand — a tribute to your senti- 
 ment and common sense. You have the same affection for the 
 old land that a son has for his dear old mother. You have the 
 same love and loyalty for the land you live in that you have for 
 the wife of your bosom. Was there ever yet a good husband 
 who was forgetful of his dear old mother? Y^'ou have affection 
 for both — the attributes of good sons and good husbands. And, 
 if ever the time comes, aud I hope it will, when you may be 
 able to assist the land of your birth or of your forefathers to 
 reclaim the freedom and independence that is due her, I confi- 
 dently predict that you, with millions of others of your birth and 
 lineage, will respond to that call. 
 
 While you love and revere the land of your birth or of your 
 parents' birth, your first love and your first loyalty is due to the 
 land you live in. That land has extended to you her open arms 
 and a welcoming heart. She has furnished you a home and a 
 place where you can raise your children in the love of God and 
 country, untrammeled and unrestricted by unjust laws and vicious 
 legislation. Your loyalty to her has never been questioned. 
 It has been evinced upon the battlefield and in the Senate Cham- 
 ber — in peace and in war. Whenever the American Republic 
 has been imperiled, its Irish-American sons have been among 
 the first to attest their loyalty and patriotism. 
 
 In the days of the Revolution she furnished a Sullivan, a 
 Montgomery, a mad Anthony Wayne and a Jack Barry. A Jack- 
 son commanded at New Orleans and a Shields fought at Chur- 
 ubusco. In the War of the Rebellion thousands of Irish-Ameri- 
 cans fought under the leadership of a Meagher, a Mulligan, a 
 Shields, and a Sheridan. 
 
 In times of peace her sons have filled every position of honor 
 in the American Republic, from the Senate of the United States 
 down to the Legislatures of the State. And in the years to 
 come, when the bugle call of patriotism shall be heard upon the 
 blast, I predict that the Irish-American citizens will cheerfully 
 and generously respond to tlie demands of their country. 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 285 
 
 In times of peace let me exhort you to be equally patriotic 
 and solicitous for your country's welfare. You will belong, as 
 you have always done, to all political parties. But let me urge 
 you at all times to place patriotism- before party, principles before 
 men, and men before mammon. So guide your conduct in Ameri- 
 can life as to vote and act for the best interests of your adopted 
 country. Place not expediency or personal profit before princi- 
 ple. Be guided only by the right. Vote for no party that advo- 
 cates that which is detrimental to the best interests of the whole 
 community. Vote for no man whose character is not clean and 
 whose motives are not pure, and vote for no man nor party wdiose 
 interests are selfish or prejudicial to the great mass of the com- 
 munity. 
 
 Stand for justice and the right. Stand for the preservation 
 of those bulwarks of human liberty, the jury trial and tlie habeas 
 corpus act. Stand for equal representation before the law. 
 Stand against the aggressions of the great combinations and 
 corporations which are becoming a menace to public safety. 
 Stand against corruption and graft. Stand foT equal rights to 
 all. Thus will you maintain your power and influence in this 
 community. Thus will you secure the respect and confidence of 
 your fellow citizens. Thus will you make your influence foi 
 good felt in the community and transmit to j^our children the 
 heritage of good citizenship. 
 
L'SG DUN XL — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERXOll 
 
 THE WERNO LETTER. 
 
 Message to the Local Transportation Committee, Chicago 
 City Council, April 27, 1906. 
 
 Alderman Charles Werno, Chairman of Committee on Local Trans- 
 portation, City Council, Chicago: 
 
 Dear Sir : In response to your request, I submit the follow- 
 ing informal suggestions as to the important work which lies 
 immediately before your committee. 
 
 It is my profound conviction that the most important thing to 
 be accomplished at the outset of this work is the establishment 
 of cordial and efficient cooperation between the two great de- 
 partments of our municipal government. I recognize fully the 
 functions of the City Council in any disposition of the traction 
 question. In it, under our system of government, is vested the 
 power of legislation. Any additional legislation which may be 
 required in connection with traction matters must be enacted by 
 the City Council. Nevertheless the law has imposed upon me, as 
 the chief executive of the city, the responsible leadership in the 
 field of administration, in which are embraced many of the most 
 important phases of the street railway problem, and I am charged 
 directly wath the duty of approving or disapproving the legis- 
 lation which may be enacted by the City Council. It is, there- 
 fore, of the first importance that the City Council and the Mayor 
 should, if possible, cooperate heartily and efficiently in carrying 
 out the M'ill of the people as already expressed, and in devising 
 such additional measures as may seem to be for the public welfare. 
 I believe the time has come when, without regard to differences 
 of 'opinion upon many matters, this cooperation can and should 
 be brought about. The first step toward this end is to arrive, 
 if possible, at a clear understanding of the existing situation. 
 
 The work of your committee naturally divides itself into two 
 great parts: 
 
 First. The accomplishment of municipal ownership of the 
 street railway system, and 
 
 Second. The improvement of our street railway service 
 while municipal ownership is being established. 
 
 The people of Chicago have repeatedly expressed their opin- 
 ion in favor of municipal ownership of the street railway system, 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 287 
 
 and at the last election they definitely voted in favor of the or- 
 dinance which has been passed by the City Council for the pur- 
 pose of providing the financial means by Avhich municipal own- 
 ership may be accomplished. I assume that all of the members 
 of your committee will fully accept the result of this election in 
 good faith, and will cooperate, in all proper and reasonable ways, 
 to carry into effect the will of the people. 
 
 x\t its last session, the City Council passed a resolution of- 
 fered by Alderman Milton J. Foreman directing this committee 
 to take UX-) and consider the immediate improvement of the street 
 railway service. With the purpose of this resolution I am in 
 hearty accord. In my last message to the Citj' Council I said : 
 "Because of the condition of our traction lines, reduced to the 
 lowest level of l)ad service under the system of private owner- 
 ship which has prevailed, every element of delay in rehabilitation 
 should be avoided as far as possible, with due regard for the 
 street railway policy which the people have demanded and the 
 enabling terms of the Mueller law." I assume that whatever 
 measures may be devised to this end will be so framed as to pro- 
 vide for and protect, to the fullest extent, the right of the city 
 to acquire the street railway system just as soon as the necessary 
 means can be provided for this purpose. It is my firm con- 
 viction that the prompt and thorough improvement of our entire 
 street railway service can be brought about by measures which 
 will recognize and preserve this right. The only possible thing 
 which may stand in the waj^ of this result is the petition for re- 
 hearing which the street railway companies have filed in the 
 ninety-nine-year litigation in the United States Supreme Court. 
 This application, however, must, in the nature of things, be dis- 
 posed of in a very short time, and need not delay the work of 
 your committee in preparing at once for the steps which can be 
 taken as soon as the rehearing has been denied. I think your 
 committee can safely proceed upon the confident assumption that 
 the decision already rendered by the Federal Supreme Court Avill 
 stand as the definite determination of the rights of the companies 
 under the ninety-nine-year act. Assuming this, the question 
 for us to consider is, "What practical measures can be taken, both 
 in the direction of municipalization and improved service? 
 
 First, as to municipal ownership : The people of Chicago 
 have, on several occasions during the past few years, voted over- 
 whelmingly in favor of municipal ownership of the street railway 
 system. Naturally the advocates of municipal ownership have 
 not been entirely agreed as to the precise form in which this 
 should be brought about. The statute under which it must be 
 attained has not yet been passed upon by the courts, and the 
 
288 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 precise steps which must be taken under that law cannot be de- 
 termined with absolute assurance in the absence of a judicial 
 construction. It is in some respects a new field of legislation, 
 and the precise form of the ordinance or ordinances which can 
 be passed under the law can be determined only by actual test 
 in the courts. 
 
 The City Council and the people having already enacted an 
 ordinance authorizing the issuance of special certificates under 
 the so-called Mueller law, it is to the interest of the entire public 
 to have this ordinance fairly and fully tested just as speedily as 
 the proper steps to this end can be determined upon and carried 
 into effect. The test should be one which will not merely de- 
 termine the validity of the ordinance, but will also pass upon the 
 validity and construction of the statute under which the ordinance 
 is passed. It should be such a test as will satisfy future pur- 
 chasers of these certificates as to their validity, and every ques- 
 tion which can fairly be raised, which may affect the character of 
 the certificates, should be included in the litigation, so far as it i? 
 practicable to bring this about. If the ordinance is held valid 
 as I confidently expect, I assume that your committee will co- 
 operate heartily in devising and recommending to the Council the 
 further steps which may be necessary to carry it into practical 
 operation and effect. If the ordinance should be defective, either 
 in whole or in any essential particular, it is desirable to have this 
 fact determined by the court, and to obtain from the court as 
 clear an indication as possible as to how any such defect can be 
 remedied. I assume that your committee will cooperate cor- 
 dially in devising and carrying into effect the necessary measures 
 to remedy any such defect. I assume, in other words, that the 
 members of the City Council will accept in good faith the verdict 
 of the people at the last election, and will do all in their power 
 to carry out the will of the people as then expressed. 
 
 Fortunately, the decision of the Supreme Court in the ninety- 
 nine-year litigation has thoroughly cleared the ground for muni- 
 cipal ownership. The Supreme Court has held, in effect, that 
 the rights of the existing companies in the streets of Chicago are 
 of three kinds : 
 
 A. The right to maintain and operate certain lines until the 
 city shall acquire the same by purchasing the tangible prop- 
 erty at its appraised value. The city now has the established 
 legal right to purchase these lines at any time. 
 
 B. The right to operate certain lines, chiefly in the outlying 
 portions of the city, under definite term grants, which expire at 
 different periods during the next few years. Most of these grants 
 terminate within a very short time. They can all be acquired 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 289 
 
 earlier by condemnation proceedings, if necessary or expedient. 
 
 C. The right to operate tlie remainder of the system at the 
 sufferance of the city, subject to its order to cease operation at 
 any time and without any obligation whatever on the part of 
 the city to purchase the tangible property. The court has not 
 determined what right, if any, the companies have to remove 
 the physical property constituting the last mentioned lines and 
 which is permanently attached to the streets in which it is located. 
 
 The situation created by this decision of the Supreme Court 
 is as favorable to the city as could well be expected. Outside of 
 the few term grants, the most favorable right which the present 
 companies now can claim is the right to operate certain of their 
 lines until the city is able to purchase the physical property. It 
 is absolutely essential that nothing shall be done to enlarge these 
 present rights of the existing companies, or to deprive the city 
 of its option of purchase at any time. This must be conceded 
 by those who favor and those who oppose municipal ownership. 
 
 I believe in the public ownership and operation of all public 
 utilities ; and have no confidence in the theory of public regula- 
 tion ; but even those who disagree Avith me must concede that 
 public regulation can be efficient only, if at all, when coupled 
 with the right of the public to terminate the privilege at any time 
 upon fair terms and reasonable notice. The so-called Massa- 
 chusetts system of the Charles Francis Adams report, which was 
 once so strenuouslj^ urged as a substitute for public ownership, 
 was based upon this theory. This is now the settled policy of 
 the Federal Government, where it is the franchise-granting power, 
 as in Washington City, Porto Rico and the Philippines. It 
 has been upon this theory that in our own City Council even 
 avowed opponents of immediate municipalization have agreed 
 upon the necessity and entire propriety of inserting in any grant 
 to a private company the reserved right of the city to take over 
 the property if and when it may become desirable to exercise the 
 option. The postponement of this right for a definite period in 
 the various street railway ordinances prepared during recent 
 years by the advocates of franchise extension has been defended 
 only as a concession to the supposed necessity of compromising 
 the ninety -nine-year claims. These claims will no doubt speedily 
 be beyond the necessity for compromise. The city should there- 
 fore be given the right of purchase at any time, as a matter of 
 correct theory, even if it did not possess this right by the decision 
 of the Sujireme Court. It does possess the right without being 
 given it by any further act of the companies. This right should 
 be jealously preserved until municipal ownership has been ac- 
 tually obtained. I may hereafter make some suggestions as to 
 
 —10 
 
290 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 municipal operation, for which a substantial majority of the peo- 
 ple voted at the last election, but which on the face of the re- 
 turns did not receive the necessary sixty per cent. 
 
 Second, as to the prompt and thorough improvement of the 
 street railway service. The important question in this con- 
 nection is whether the existing street railway service can be thor- 
 oughly and promptly improved without impairing the present 
 rights of the city, as defined by the Supreme Court. I think this 
 can be done. The controlling consideration must be that nothing 
 shall be done which will impair the right of the city to acquire 
 the street railway system as soon as it has established its financial 
 ability to do so. 
 
 The first practical step to be taken, then, appears to me to be 
 to request the existing companies at once to indicate to your 
 committee whether or not they are able and willing to enter into 
 an agreement to sell to the city all their tangible property and 
 unexpired rights at a price to be now fixed, and to undertake the 
 improvement of their service immediately, upon the refusal of 
 their application for a rehearing in the United States Supreme 
 Court, the city to have the right to take over this property at 
 any time, upon reasonable notice. If they will join, if possible 
 as one company, in the reconstruction of their entire system 
 upon plans to be adopted by the city, with their concurrence, 
 which shall provide for unified service, through routes, universal 
 transfers and operation under revocable license, then they should 
 be adequately assured of the payment of the value of their pres- 
 ent property (to be now fixed, before rehabilitation) and addi- 
 tional investment when the city does take over the lines, and they 
 should receive a fair return upon this present and future invest- 
 ment and some share of the remaining net profits while they con- 
 tinue to operate. Subject to these provisions, the profits of opera- 
 tion should go to the city as a sinking fund for the purchase 
 of the property. The details of any such arrangement can all be 
 worked out in conference, if the companies promptly indicate 
 their acceptance of the fundamental principles involved. These 
 conferences can and should proceed without waiting for the dis- 
 position of the rehearing application, so that action may be taken 
 at once when it has been decided. The time has come for action; 
 and if the present companies are either unable or unwilling to 
 act within the lines indicated in the immediate future, the city 
 should and must definitely turn to other sources for relief from 
 conditions which are no longer to be endured. 
 
 In this later event, I suggest that arrangements be made at 
 once Avith a construction company, along the general lines of 
 the "contract plan," or otherwise, providing that such company 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 291 
 
 shall at once, upon the denial of the application for rehearing, 
 proceed to take possession of the streets and parts of streets now 
 occupied by the present companies, to which the city will then 
 be entitled, and construct and equip in them the best possible 
 street railway system upon agreed terms which shall include a 
 fair construction profit. This arrangement need not take the 
 form of a contract but of a license to operate such a system, under 
 proper limitations, until the city shall pay the agreed price, the 
 profits of operation to be applied first, to a fair interest return 
 upon this price, and second, to the reduction of the principal 
 amount. The city will be able to turn over to such a company 
 the greater portion of the North Division and of the Chicago 
 Passenger system and many other valuable streets. These can 
 be taken possession of in such order as may be most desirable. 
 On North Clark Street, for example, much of the work of in- 
 stalling an electrical equipment could proceed without interfer- 
 ence with the present cable until the equipment is completed. As 
 the term grants in the various parts of the city expire, they could 
 be turned into the new system. If the right of the city to pur- 
 chase the remaining lines upon appraisal of the physical prop- 
 erty, under the Supreme Court decision and as provided in the 
 original ordinances of 1858 and 1859. can be exercised with funds 
 which may be furnished by this company or otherwise, w^e need 
 not wait for the judicial construction of the Mueller law and the 
 $75,000,000 ordinance to have the proposed company acquire pos- 
 session and commence the reconstruction of the entire system 
 throughout the city. The proposed construction company can 
 be given such financial terms as may supply the necessary induce- 
 ment for the capital required. It may be feasible to provide that 
 much, if not all, of the investment can be permitted to run for a 
 definite period as a lien upon the property ; the city having the 
 right to take over and continue to own, subject to this lien. At 
 all events, the city can be given the right to acquire municipal 
 ownership just as soon as it can obtain the necessary funds. 
 
 Municipal ownership cannot be acquired until we do this. 
 There may be delay, but the final result will inevitably be the 
 adoption of municipalization. I have no doubt whatever that 
 when or before municipal ownership has been actually reached, 
 municipal operation will receive the necessary majority of votes 
 to comply with the statutory requirement. Meanwhile, under 
 the plan suggested, the amount which the city will be required 
 to pay will be continually reduced out of the profits of operation, 
 and municipal purchase will be made that much easier of early 
 realization. 
 
292 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 Nor is the city dependent upon this method of securing 
 prompt improvement of service. The present right of the com- 
 panies is to operate in certain streets until the city elects to pur- 
 chase. This right of operation, in the aspect most favorable to 
 the companies, is subject to the police power, and the city has 
 the undoubted right to compel any reasonable improvement which 
 it may prescribe in the service. Any investment which the com- 
 panies may make to improve their equipment will add to the value 
 of their physical property, and this added value will be paid by 
 the city when it seeks to take over the lines. Of course, the 
 existing companies may attempt to resist anj^ requirement which 
 the city may make for the improvement of their service, and may 
 force the matter into the courts ; but such action can only delay 
 for a little the inevitable result and provoke retaliatory meas- 
 ures, which will be to the serious disadvantage of the companies. 
 I believe that the companies should be fairly treated in these 
 matters so long as they themselves act with fairness toward the 
 city. I have no desire whatever to confiscate one dollar of their 
 property, even if I could do so. They should be given all that 
 they are legitimately entitled to receive under the decision of the 
 Supreme Court. It must be obvious to them, however, that any 
 attempt upon their part to obtain more than this, by dilatory 
 tactics or obstruction, can only result to their serious dis- 
 advantage. 
 
 Broadly speaking, the city is under no legal obligation to 
 purchase any of their tangible property in the North Division of 
 the city or in the Chicago Passenger Railway system, or in many 
 other lines. If the companies insist upon war, they must expect 
 treatment upon a war basis. If this means the relegation of 
 much of their property to the scrap-heap, the responsibility will 
 rest exclusively upon them. It has a certain value to the city 
 of Chicago, to be used as part of a reconstructed s.ystem. That 
 value the city should be willing to pay, providing the companies 
 will immediately recognize the real situation in which they are 
 placed by the decision of the Supreme Court, to which they them- 
 selves have appealed, and will agree to start at once upon the 
 reconstruction of their entire system, so that the people of Chi- 
 cago may have immediate improvement of service, while munici- 
 pal ownership is being established. There would seem to be 
 no serious difficulty in adequately protecting all of the money 
 actually expended for this purpose, while preserving at the same 
 time the right of the city to acquire the property at any time. If 
 the companies are compelled to make this improvement under the 
 police power, it is obvious that this will be subject to the city's 
 right of purchase at any time. If the rehabilitation is to be 
 
DUNNE— JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 293 
 
 accomplished by agreement with the companies, the city's right 
 of purchase at any time should be equall}' protected. 
 
 If it should be urged that the investors might be unwilling to 
 expend so large an amount of money as would be required for 
 complete rehabilitation, under an arrangement by which the 
 city would have the right to pay it back at any time on demand, 
 with definitely fixed reasonable notice, it may be well to consider 
 whether this objection can be met by permitting the new invest- 
 ment to be secured by a lien upon the property, running for a 
 definite period, of svifficient length to satisfy the investor. Of 
 course, in this event the investor would not expect and would 
 not be entitled to receive as large a return upon his investment 
 as if the city were given the right to return the investment at 
 any time. The city should, in such case, have the right to pur- 
 chase at any time, upon payment of the agreed value of the pres- 
 ent property, subject to the lien of the new investment. The 
 companies should have a license to operate, and not a franchise 
 for any definite term. They cannot well object to this arrange- 
 ment, because the present property is held by them precisely upon 
 this tenure. In other words, the companies hold their present 
 property subject to the right of the city to take it over at any 
 time. They can invest the new money upon the same terms, 
 or the new investment can perhaps be made a lien upon the prop- 
 erty, running for a definite period, which, of course, should have 
 such provisions as to sinking fund and earlier payment as are 
 consistent with approved methods of modern finance. The im- 
 portant thing is to make sure that this arrangement shall not 
 impair the right of the city to proceed under the Mueller law. 
 
 As between these various methods of obtaining improved 
 service, there are certain obvious advantages, both to the city and 
 to the companies, in favor of proceeding by amicable agreement 
 with the present companies, always preserving the right of 
 municipalization. The city could probably secure in this way a 
 more immediately complete reconstruction of the system and a 
 greater immediate improvement of service. The price which the 
 city would have to pay for the present property and future im- 
 provements would be definitely fixed at the present time, so that 
 it w^ould be known exactly how much money it is necessary to 
 raise for municipal purchase. The work of reconstruction would 
 proceed under plans and specifications prepared by the city and 
 tinder efficient public audit and account. The city would avoid 
 a further period of controversy and strife with the companies. It 
 might obtain a larger percentage of the profits of operation than 
 could be obtained by a system of car licenses or reduction of 
 fares under the police power. 
 
294 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 Upon the other hand, the companies would equally gain. 
 They could immediately reconstruct and reequip their system in 
 a manner which would undoubtedly very greatly increase the 
 gross receipts, through the improved service and added facilities 
 furnished the public. Their securities would be placed upon a 
 stable basis, and they would be assured that the city would 
 pay them for the actual value of their physical property, instead 
 of compelling them to remove much of it from the streets. That 
 this last mentioned consideration has very substantial value will 
 be seen when it is recalled that their entire system in the North 
 Division and many other lines are subject to no such requirement, 
 and that the Chicago Passenger Railway Company is, by many of 
 its original ordinances, required to remove its rails and restore 
 the roadbed, at the end of its twenty-year grant, which has now 
 expired. In pursuing a policy of procrastination or obstruction, 
 the companies might harass the city for a time, but in the end 
 they must face a far greater loss than would be involved in such 
 reasonable concessions as the city would now demand. 
 
 In a word, subject only to the disposition of the petition for a 
 rehearing in the United States Supreme Court, the city of Chi- 
 cago is now in position to secure first-class street railway service, 
 while proceeding with all practicable speed to bring about that 
 municipal ownership for which the citizens have voted. It re- 
 mains only for the two great coordinate branches of the city 
 government to cooperate along practical lines, for the accom- 
 plishment of the result for which the people have so long con- 
 tended. 
 
 Sincerely yours, 
 
 E. F. Dunne. 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 295 
 
 OBJECTS TO ELECTRICITY RATES 
 FIXED BY CITY COUNCIL. 
 
 Message Vetoing an Ordinance, June 18, 1906. 
 
 To the Honorable, the City Council: 
 
 Gentlemen : I return herewith, without my approval, an 
 ordinance passed at the last regular meeting of your honorable 
 body, and published at pages 816 et. seq., of the current printed 
 council proceedings, providing for a reduction by the Chicago 
 Edison and Commonwealth Electric Companies of the rates 
 charged by said companies for supplying electricity, fixing the 
 maximum rates to be charged by said companies during a period 
 of five years, and prohibiting transfers to and consolidation with 
 foreign corporations, for the following reasons : 
 
 First. This ordinance permits, but does not require, a con- 
 solidation of the Chicago Edison Company and the Commonwealth 
 Electric Company. The Chicago Edison Company has an un- 
 expired franchise which will terminate in 1912, or about six 
 years from date. The Commonwealth Electric Company's fran- 
 chise does not expire until 1947, or forty-one years from date. 
 
 Under its ordinance the Commonwealth Electric Company 
 pays to the city three per cent of its gross receipts. Under the 
 Chicago Edison Company's ordinance, no compensation is paid to 
 the city. Over three-fourths of all the electric light sold in the 
 city of Chicago by these companies is furnished by the Edison 
 Company without compensation to the city. 
 
 The permission to consolidate is a highly valuable concession 
 as it will enable the consolidated company to issue stocks and 
 bonds upon a forty-one year franchise which is a very valuable 
 concession from the city to these companies. To give these com- 
 panies the right to consolidate without compelling them to con- 
 solidate immediately places them in the position of being able 
 to issue stocks and bouds upon the faith of the proposed fran- 
 chise without compelling them to pay any compensation to the 
 city for three-fourths of all the electric light sold by them in the 
 city of Chicago for the next six years. The gross injustice of 
 this provision is apparent upon its face. 
 
 Under its existing franchise the Commonwealth Company is 
 not authorized to assign its interest to any other company, thus 
 
296 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 making it difficult for that company to issue stocks and bonds. 
 The ordinance under consideration gives the right to the Com- 
 monweatlh Company to assign, transfer and set over all its rights 
 and privileges to any corporation organized under the laws of the 
 State of Illinois. This valuable concession is also given without 
 consideration. 
 
 Second. Permission is given in the ordinance, now under 
 consideration, to both the Commonwealth Electric and the Chi- 
 cago Edison Companies to purchase electricity for light and 
 power from any and all other companies, and the provision for 
 compensation is so involved and obscure as to make it very 
 doubtful if the city of Chicago could recover on the gross sales 
 of electricity so purchased. 
 
 Third. There is no provision in the proposed ordinance, secur- 
 ing the publicity of the books and accounts, showing the acts 
 and doings of said corporations, so as to enable the city of Chicago 
 to accurately ascertain what they may do in the future and what 
 compensation the city is entitled to upon the gross sales of the 
 companies. An amendment offered in the city council securing 
 this right of publicitA^ was voted down by your honorable body. 
 
 Fourth. There is no provision whatever in this ordinance as to 
 the kind of meters the companies are to use, nor is any power 
 reserved to the city to select meters or to supervise their selection. 
 
 Fifth. Section 2 of the proposed ordinance professes to con- 
 tain a waiver on the part of the companies of all their rights 
 under the ordinances of the city of Chicago or other municipali- 
 ties which have been annexed to the city since the adoption of 
 such ordinances. An examination of the language of section 2 
 shows that only those privileges are waived which might accrue 
 after the acceptance of the proposed ordinance, leaving the rights 
 accrued prior to the passage of the proposed ordinance un- 
 affected. 
 
 Sixth. I am advised by assistant corporation counsel Hoyne 
 that he advised the committee on gas, oil and electric light that, 
 under the decisions of our Supreme Court, the Commonwealth 
 ordinance of June 28, 1897, was not assignable, and that there 
 was a possible doubt as to the validity of the whole ordinance in 
 so far as it granted a privilege to endure for fifty years. If Mr. 
 Hoj^ne's legal opinion is good law, the proposed ordinance would 
 amount to a ratification by the city council of an ordinance of 
 doubtful validity and would certainly make a nonassignable 
 ordinance assignable and negotiable which is of immense value 
 to the Commonwealth Company. 
 
 Seventh. In addition to the right of consolidation and the 
 right to assign and transfer its rights and privileges to other 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 297 
 
 companies, giveu to the Commonwealth Company, the Common- 
 wealth Company is also empowered, by the proposed ordinance, 
 to string overhead wires upon poles throughout the whole of 
 Hyde Park, a right it is not now entitled to. 
 
 For all these concessions and privileges given the Chicago 
 Edison Company and the Commonwealth Electric Company, not 
 a single dollar's worth of additional compensation is exacted in 
 this ordinance for the city. 
 
 Eighth. The reduction of rates, provided for in the proposed 
 ordinance, in my judgment, is inadequate in the present state of 
 the manufacture of electricity for light and power, and unfair 
 and unjust to the consumers of this city. The maximum ratesj 
 provided for in this ordinance are fifteen cents a kilowatt hour 
 for the f:rst two years for the first thirty hours' consumption 
 upon each light used during the month ; thirteen cents a kilowatt 
 hour for the same consumption for the last three years of the 
 five-year term. All light consumed in excess of thirty hours 
 per month for each light used for the first year shall be paid for 
 at the rate of ten cents per kilowatt hour, nine cents for the sec- 
 ond year, eight cents for the third year, and seven cents for the 
 fourth and fifth years. From these prices a discount of one 
 cent a kilowatt hour is allowed, if bill is paid within ten days 
 after its date. These prices, I believe, in the present state of 
 progress in the manufacture of electricity are unreasonable and 
 unjustly high, particularly for the first two or three years of said 
 period. 
 
 At the present time, electric light is being sold in the city 
 of New York for 10c to 5c per kw. ; the maximum allowed by law 
 being 10c; in the city of Cleveland, the same light is being sold 
 for 614c per kwh. ; in Buffalo, from 4c to 12c per kw. ; in one plant 
 in San Francisco, for 3c per kw. ; in "Washington, D. C, for 10c 
 to 5c per kw., 10c being the maximum allowed by law; in Roches- 
 ter for 10c per kw., less ten per cent discount ; in Denver, for 
 10c per kw. ; in Los Angeles, from 4c to lie per kw. ; in Syracuse, 
 from 5c to 8c per kw. ; in Memphis, for 10c per kw. ; in St. Joseph, 
 Mo., for 5I/2C to 10c per kw. ; in Lowell, from 3c to 8c per kw., 
 with 20 per cent discount ; in Grand Rapids, for 10c for the first 
 hour, 8c the second hour and all over for 6c per kw. ; in Richmond, 
 Va., 10c per kw., with discounts. 
 
 I can find no valid reason why, in a great populous city like 
 Chicago, electric light cannot be manufactured and sold as 
 cheaply as it can be in Cleveland, Syracuse, or Lowell, Mass. 
 Indeed, Mr. Beale, the attorney for the companies, in his written 
 argument before the committee on gas, oil and electric light, dated 
 March 26, 1906, admitted that the average rate received by the 
 
298 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 companies from sales during the last fiscal year, excluding the 
 amount of electricity sold for power to the street railway com- 
 panies, was 7.24 c per kwli. 
 
 Upon this average charge for electric light sold' by the com- 
 panies, they have been in the past enabled to pay eight per cent 
 interest upon their entire capitalization, set aside a sinking fund 
 for repairs and lay by a large surplus for improvements and 
 betterments. If this has been the history of the financial suc- 
 cess of the companies, upon an average rate of 7.24c per kwh., 
 how can it be contended that the prices fixed in the proposed 
 ordmance are reasonable to the public f It is contended that the 
 average rate for the five years provided for in the ordinance, with 
 discount of Ic per kwh. allowed, will be about 9c. But upon 
 the rates established in this ordinance the average rate for the 
 first two years will be over 10c per kwh. net. And yet at the 
 present time New York City, Cleveland, Washington, D. C, 
 Rochester, Denver, Syracuse, Memphis, St. Joseph, Mo., Lowell, 
 Grand Rapids and other American cities are getting their electric 
 light at 10c per kw. and less — in some cases running down as 
 low as 3c per 'kwh. for large consumers. 
 
 The Legislature have given the city council the right, inde- 
 pendent of any agreement or contract it may make with these 
 corporations, to fix a reasonable rate to be charged to consumers 
 for electric light. Such being the fact, unless valuable conces- 
 sions in the way of reduction of rates are made by the com- 
 panies to the public in consideration of a contract ordinance 
 givnig them the right of consolidation, the right of transfer, and 
 assignment and the right to operate in Hyde Park upon overhead 
 wires, which rights are of inestimable value to these companies, 
 no contract ordinance giving such privileges should be passed. 
 
 The rates established in the proposed ordinance, in my judg- 
 ment, are not just to the public, and such being the case, I would 
 respectfully advise your honorable body that, unless you can 
 obtain much more material concessions in the way of reduced 
 prices for electric light given to consumers in the city of Chicago, 
 you should decline to enter into any contract ordinance with these 
 companies, but enact a police power ordinance, such as is author- 
 ized by the statute of the State, fixing the rates to consumers for 
 all companies furnishing electric light in the city of Chicago, 
 giving no concessions of any character to these companies. 
 
 In mj'' judgment such an ordinance can be passed, fixing rates 
 considerably lower than those fixed by the proposed ordinance, 
 without at the same time giving valuable concessions to the 
 present companies. 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 299 
 
 For the foregoing reasons, I withhold my approval of this 
 ordinance and respectfully suggest that your honorable body pass 
 a simple ordinance, under the statute of the State, fixing maxi- 
 mum rates for the sale of electricity in the city of Chicago v^^hich 
 will apply to these and all other companies 'Selling electric light 
 in this city. 
 
300 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 PRAISE FOR BUILDERS OF A PUBLIC 
 BUILDING. 
 
 Address at the Corner Stone Laying of the Cook County 
 Courthouse, September 21, 1906. 
 
 Mr. Chairman, Ladies and Gentlemen: 
 
 It gives me great pleasure to say a few words of congratula- 
 tion to the citizens of Chicago and Cook County upon the laying 
 of the corner stone of what will probably be one of the largest 
 courthouses in the United States, and to congratulate our citizens 
 upon the rapid progress toward the completion of this building. 
 
 it gives me great pleasure to say a few words of commenda- 
 tion and praise of the public officials who have been charged with 
 this important undertaking. They have shown from the start 
 great business capacity, energy and honesty in the removal of 
 the old courthouse and in the rapid erection of the new. 
 
 In these days qf rapid building, when buildings are demol- 
 ished and rebuilt with extraordinary celerity, the removal of the 
 old courthouse that occupied this site last year and the erection 
 to its present stage of this building has been unparalleled as far 
 as public structures are concerned. No private person or cor- 
 poration could have acted with greater energy, earnestness and 
 diligence than have the president of the county board, Mr. 
 Brundage, and the county commissioners of this county. And I 
 am pleased, on behalf of the citizens of this community, to extend 
 to them our thanks for the energy they have displayed and our 
 congratulations upon the approaching culmination of their labors. 
 
 I also congratulate the community, and say to you, Mr. Vice 
 President, that when you lay the corner stone of this building, it 
 is the consensus of opinion of all classes of people in this com- 
 munity that you will lay honest mortar upon an honest block 
 of granite, and that in this building there will be found no trace 
 of boodle, graft or corruption. 
 
 The erection of this building at this time is typical of the 
 wonderful progress of the city of Chicago. In 1880, about the 
 time our last courthouse was erected, there were only about 
 500,000 people in this city. At the time the old courthouse was 
 erected it was regarded as a monumental structure and one that 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 301 
 
 would satisfy the public needs of our citizens for a century to 
 come. And yet in about a quarter of a century this city, grown 
 to two nullion people, finds that it is necessary to raze this old 
 structure to the ground and replace it with a building commen- 
 surate with the rapid growth of the city. The old courthouse 
 was removed, not because it was antiquated or out of date, al- 
 though it was antiquated and out of date, but because it had not 
 sufficient capacity to accommodate the courts and the public of- 
 ficials of this community. 
 
 It was my idea, before this building was started, that the 
 needs of this great and growing community required the whole 
 of the block on which we stand and that a courthouse or munici- 
 pal building should cover the entire block. Unfortunately, the 
 financial situation of the city was such that the city could not 
 cooperate with the county in such a way as to permit either one 
 of them to occupy the whole of the courthouse square, but I am 
 confident that our city will continue to grow as rapidly in the 
 future as in the past and that my views that the whole of this 
 square is needed for public use as a courthouse will be vindicated 
 within a short time, and that it will become necessary to erect 
 a building of like character upon the other half of this square 
 Avhich will be devoted solely and exclusively to county uses in 
 less than a quarter of a century. 
 
 Let me hope that the erection of this building, by honest 
 public officials, in an honest manner, will be typical of the future 
 life of this city and this Nation. Let me thank you, Mr. Vice 
 President, on behalf of the citizens of Chicago, for your courtesy 
 and kindly consideration in leaving your many important public 
 duties and coming to our city for the purpose of assisting us in 
 laying this corner stone. 
 
 "We are a busy community. It is frequently said that we 
 are constantly engaged in racing for the "Almighty Dollar," 
 and that we are constantly on the go. But whenever the Presi- 
 dent of the United States or the Vice President of this great 
 country honors this city with his presence, as you have done, we 
 cease our business, throw doAvn our tools and extend to him a 
 hearty and cordial welcome. 
 
 Again I thank you, Mr. Vice President, for your courtesy, 
 and again I congratulate Mr. Brundage and the board of county 
 commissioners upon the efficient, energetic and honest way in 
 which they have carried on this great public undertaking. 
 
302 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 PRIVATE MONOPOLIES FOR PRIVATE 
 
 GAIN. 
 
 Address Delivered in Denver, September, 1906. 
 
 Mr. Chairmfin and Gentlemen: 
 
 In the year 1900, while on a visit to Europe, I sent a telegram 
 from Interlaken to Lucerne in Switzerland. It cost me somewhere 
 about eight cents in American money. I was astounded at the 
 smallness of the charge and, upon making inquiry, discovered that 
 the telegraph system of Switzerland was in the hands of the gov- 
 ernment and operated by it. This started me upon a train of 
 thought and investigation. If a publicly owned telegraph system 
 in Switzerland could be operated at such prices, why should not the 
 United States be able to do likewise? 
 
 Upon pursuing my investigation, I discovered that every civil- 
 ized country upon earth except three, Honduras, Costa Rico — if my 
 memory serves me right — and the United States, owned and oper- 
 ated their own telegraph systems. I further discovered that not 
 only were the telegraph systems of the world being operated as 
 public utilities in public hands but that, in many countries, the 
 railroads, street car systems, electric light systems, gas systems, 
 water systems, and telephone systems were being operated by the 
 public, and I found that there was reason why such utilities should 
 be in public instead of private hands. 
 
 "When one seeks to do business with his butcher, his grocer, his 
 dry-goods merchant, his doctor, his lawyer, or his plumber, he 
 stands at arm's length and has the right to make a free and volun- 
 tary contract. If the character of the goods that he seeks to pur- 
 chase is not satisfactory or the price is unreasonable, he may go 
 elsewhere. He is not bound to deal with any one person or corpo- 
 ration in the purchase of such necessities of life. But when he 
 comes to utilize the telegraph, the telephone, the street car, the 
 steam railway car, to purchase gas or electric light, he finds himself 
 deprived of the right of free contract. He must take such service 
 as is offered him and pay the price demanded, or go without. 
 
 If his gas is of deficient quality or the price is too high, he 
 must either pay the bill or have his meter jerked out. If his tele- 
 phone service is unsatisfactory or the price unreasonable, he must 
 stand and deliver or have his telephone wires cut. If he objects 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR - 303 
 
 to the service, given him upon a street car or the price charged, he 
 must either pay or be thrown off. In other words, in dealing with 
 public utility companies and in purchasing from them these latter 
 day necessaries of life, he is deprived of the right of free contract 
 and must take such service as is offered and pay the price demanded. 
 He is face to face with a monopoly, and individual protest or ob- 
 jection as against such a monopoly is absolutely unavailing. 
 
 These monopolies in private hands — as most of them are in this 
 country — are conducted for the private gain of the stockholders. 
 The aim of the management is to make money — to give as little 
 service for as high a price as can be exacted from the community. 
 The very fact that in this country public utilities have been and 
 still are in private hands has given rise to serious abuses — over- 
 crowded street cars, unclean street cars, irregular schedules, defi- 
 cient service. In the case of gas, telephone, and electric light com- 
 panies, we have excessive charges, unsatisfactory service and inso- 
 lence on the part of the officers and agents of the companies, when 
 complaint is made either as to price or the character of service. 
 
 This state of affairs has brought about, in many cities of the 
 United States, a growing dissatisfaction on the part of the public, 
 and this dissatisfaction has developed into an agitation in favor of 
 the ownership and operation of these utilities by the public. This 
 agitation has grown with tremendous strength within the last few 
 years, and today, throughout the cities of the United States, we 
 are face to face with the question as to whether municipal owner- 
 ship of public utilities must be put into force to remedy the evils 
 of private management. 
 
 Strange to say, this country, which has been in the vanguard 
 of progress in all other matters, has been among the last among 
 the civilized countries of the world to take up and seriously discuss 
 this question. 
 
 In 1894, the dissatisfaction, arising out of the mismanagement 
 and rapacity of private utility corporations, brought about a revolt 
 in the British empire, and commencing in the city of Glasgow, that 
 protest has worked a wondrous change in the operation of public 
 utilities. Up to 1894, the ownership and operation by private com- 
 panies of public utilities, such as street cars, electric light plants, 
 gas plants, and telephone systems, was almost universal throughout 
 the world. But within the last ten years, city after city and nation 
 after nation has turned from the operation of public utilities by 
 private companies to the operation of these same utilities by the 
 public. 
 
 On February 18, 1904, as is shown by the report of the Ameri- 
 can consul, 142 cities of Great Britain owned and operated their 
 own street car systems. That number has been largely increased 
 
304- DUNNE JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 since then, and today there are 24 more cities now constructing 
 municipal street railways. In Great Britain and Ireland, 282 cities 
 now own and operate their own gas works. In the same counties, 
 334 cities and towns are operating their own electric light systems, 
 leaving only 174 in that kingdom which are privately owned. 
 
 A great number of British cities are owning and operating 
 their own telephone systems and, within the last few months, the 
 government of Great Britain made a large appropriation for the 
 taking over by the general government of the telephone systems of 
 the kingdom. 
 
 This same movement towards the public ownership of these 
 utilities has also proceeded with giant strides throughout Europe 
 and Australia. Mr. Charles E. Russel, in the last number of Every- 
 body's Magazine, in commenting upon this fact, remarks: 
 
 "All over Europe, private corporations have been dispossessed 
 of the ownership and operation of street car lines, gas, water, and 
 electricity supplies, railroads, telegraphs, telephone, and even 
 mines. So far has this gone in Europe, and particularly in Eng- 
 land, municipal government is now accepted and understood to 
 include definite functions of trade and transportation on behalf of 
 the people. The constant tendency everywhere is to extend the 
 scope of such functions. The theory of public ownership may be 
 good or bad; I shall not try to establish either side of a question 
 with which I have here nothing to do ; but it is an interesting fact 
 that I have yet to find or to hear of more than one community that, 
 having tried any phase of it, would be willing to return its utilities 
 to private hands. Hardly shall any one study the subject on the 
 ' ground and escape the conclusion that in Europe, public ownership 
 is regarded as something beyond experiment and has become a 
 demonstrated success. ' ' 
 
 Continuing, this same writer declares : 
 
 "Private ownership of public utilities seems doomed in 
 Europe. The practical demonstrations are all against it. The 
 most obvious trend of thought is surely destructive of it. Orig- 
 inally in the cities private ownership was the rule ; in a few years 
 it will be a rarely found exception. In European cities, at least, 
 the people have fully satisfied themselves that they can do many 
 things they formerly had done for them and do them better and 
 more cheaply. That settles the fate of private ownership." 
 
 This wonderful change that has taken place practically with- 
 in the last ten years in Europe has resulted from the fact that 
 wherever any city has taken over a street car line, a gas works, 
 an electric light plant, a waterworks, a telephone system, or 
 other public utility of that character, it has found that almost 
 invariably the change has been accompanied by tremendous ad- 
 vantages to the public. 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 305 
 
 It has produced in almost every ease the following extra- 
 ordinary results : 
 
 First. It has reduced the cost of the utility to the public. 
 
 Second. It has increased the efficiency of the service. Lines 
 and plants have been reequipped according to modern methods, 
 the service has been more regular, the schedules more frequent 
 and in the case of street cars, there has been less overcrowding 
 and better accommodation given to the public. In Australia, 
 under public management, I am credibly informed, there has not 
 been a railroad collision in many years. 
 
 Third. In almost every case the wages of the men who operate 
 these utilities have been increased. 
 
 Fourth. In nearly all of these cases the hours of the men 
 employed in operating these utilities have been reduced. 
 
 Fifth. It has been found that, wherever the public has taken 
 over such a utility and operated the same, strikes were a thing 
 of the past. 
 
 Sixth. The last and probably most important of all is that 
 by tlie taking over and operation of these utilities by the public, 
 graft and corruption have been eliminated. 
 
 Such has been the record of the municipalization of these 
 utilities in Europe. The people, where the change has taken 
 place, are thoroughly satisfied with municipal management, and, 
 as Mr. Russell says, there is but one case in all Europe where the 
 public, having taken over any public utility, has reverted to 
 private ownership. 
 
 This one case is so obscure and peculiar that it would be well 
 to refer to it. Turnbridge Wells, England, is the only city that 
 has tried public ownership and abandoned it. For three years it 
 operated a telephone system of its own in opposition to the Na- 
 tional Telephone Company's exchange. The company's rate was 
 $40 a year and two cents a call. The municipality cut this to 
 $29.37 a year for an unlimited service, or $17.50 and one cent a 
 call. The first year's operations left a net surplus of $650.00. 
 The National Telephone Company organized a body called the 
 Rate Payers' League and carried on a skillful campaign by which 
 it won a majority in the town council. Whereupon an ordi- 
 nance was passed leasing the public lines to the company. This 
 was simply a case where a private corporation obtained control 
 of the members of the city council, a thing which is quite com- 
 mon in the United States. The single, obscure exception in 
 Europe merely proves the rule that the public operates yjublic 
 utilities more to the satisfaction of the people than any private 
 interest. 
 
306 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 I have stated briefly the advantages resulting li'oni public 
 ownership throughout Europe. It would be well for me to sub- 
 stantiate these general statements by facts and figures. 
 
 Early in 1905, before I was nominated for mayor of the 
 city of Chicago, I addressed a circular letter to the managers of 
 the street railway system in Liverpool, Glasgow, Leeds, Sheffield, 
 Hull, Salford, Aberdeen, Cardiff, Sunderland, Dundee and other 
 British cities. 
 
 In this circular letter I asked what were the results of the 
 municipalization of their plants. From not one of the cities 
 did I receive an adverse report. The reports were uniform!}^ 
 favorable to municipal ownership and operation. 
 
 In Liverpool, I was informed, fares were reduced 50 per cent 
 and passengers carried four times as far ; electricity replaced the 
 horse ; cars run at intervals of tAVo to four minutes ; forty miles 
 of new tracks laid ; wages increased 10 to 15 cents per day ; 
 hours reduced from fourteen under private companies to ten 
 hours per day; six-day week instituted; uniforms furnished 
 free ; medical attendance and sick benefits, with death benefits 
 to widoAAS ; mileage increased 102.33 per cent ; passengers in- 
 creased 203.68 per cent ; receipts increased 86.05 per cent ; net 
 revenue under company per car mile, 5 7-10 cents, under city, 8 
 cents. Public fully satisfied ; has forced neighboring roads to 
 improve their systems. 
 
 In Glasgow, fares were reduced over 50 per cent ; service 
 improved ; electricity replaced the horse ; cars more frequent and 
 comfortable ; wages increased in all grades 25 per cent ; hours 
 reduced from twelve to nine or less ; six-day week instituted ; 
 uniforms furnished free ; five holidays per year with pay ; bonuses 
 to employes for freedom from accidents ; traffic increased from 
 54,000,000 to 188,962,610 in ten years. 
 
 In Leeds, fares were reduced 62 per cent ; electricity re- 
 placed the horse and steam ; wages raised four cents per hour 
 for drivers, 5% cents per hour for conductors; hours reduced 
 17 and 26 hours per week ; uniforms furnished free ; 1 cent extra 
 per hour to employes for freedom from accidents; 26 per cent 
 of employes get bonuses for working holidays : in three years 
 increased from 8.218.858 i)assengers per year to 60,739,234 per 
 year : cost of operation, 11 cents per mile ; people completely 
 satisfied. 
 
 In Sheffield, fares were reduced 50 per cent ; service im- 
 proved; lines extended; cars run more frequently; wages in- 
 creased 8 cents per hour ; hours reduced about 45 per cent ; uni- 
 forms furnished free ; annual holidays with pay ; conditions of 
 labor much improved; income increased from $175,000 to 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 307 
 
 $1,200,000 per year ; cost of operation, 13 cents per car mile ; pub- 
 lic thoroughly satisfied. 
 
 In Hull, fares were reduced fifty per cent ; electricity re- 
 placed horse ; cars run at three-minute intervals, formerly ten 
 minutes ; wages increased 15 to 50 per cent ; hours reduced from 
 80 to 54 hours per week ; one day off per week ; uniforms fur- 
 nished free ; traffic increased 628 per cent ; cost of operation, 12 
 cents per mile, excluding sinking fund ; people fully satisfied. 
 
 Practically the same report was made to me from Salford, 
 Aberdeen, Dundee and other cities. In no single case was there 
 any report of the failure of municipal ownership and operation, 
 or that the people were dissatisfied with the change. Recently 
 gathered statistics show that of 46 British cities, operating muni- 
 cipal street cars, 35 earned $3,823,865, net profits, per annum, 
 while the aggregate losses of the other eleven operating at re- 
 duced fares were only $142,000 per annum in the aggregate. 
 Such has been almost invariably the history of the effect of mu- 
 nicipal ownership and operation of public utilities, not only in 
 England but throughout entire Europe and in Australia. If it has 
 had that effect in Europe and Australia, why should it not have 
 the same effect here ? 
 
 Muiiicipal ownership and operation is no new principle in 
 American cities. It is true that it has never been extended, ex- 
 cept in the case of the Brooklyn bridge, which by the way was 
 a success, to the operation of street cars by a municipality. But 
 American cities for years have been operating other public utili- 
 ties with the invariable result that they have been efficiently and 
 economically managed to the entire satisfaction of the people. 
 
 Thousands of American cities operate their own waterworks. 
 Hundreds of them operate their own electric light plants. Many 
 of them operate their own gas plants. Nearly all of them operate 
 their police departments, fire departments, park and sewerage 
 systems. Have you ever heard of a city in America operating 
 its own police department, fire department, water departirent 
 or sewerage system, that would be willing to go back to private 
 ownership? Municipal ownership of these utilities by Amei'ican 
 cities has produced exactly the same results that have folio vved 
 the municipal ownership and operation of street cars, electric 
 light systems, and gas works in Europe and Australia. 
 
 The American cities that operate their own waterworks, 
 electric light plants, and gas plants have invariably reduced the 
 price of these utilities to the public. They have given as good, 
 if not better, service than the private companies engaged in 
 the same line of business. As a rule, they pay better wages. 
 As a rule, the hours of the men are shorter. Have you ever 
 
308 DUNNE JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 heard of a strike upou a police or a fire department or a water 
 department in any city that has managed these utilities? Once 
 an American city has taken over its waterworks, electric light 
 plant or any other public utility, have you ever heard of any 
 corruption in and about the procurement of an improvement or 
 enlargement of these utilities? 
 
 1 know not what public utilities you manage in your city, 
 but in the city of Chicago I can cite you the instance of our water- 
 works and our electric light plant. 
 
 The city of Chicago has been operating its own waterworks 
 for over half a century. It is today selling water to its citizens 
 as cheaply as any city of its size in the country. We have 
 within the limits of our city a splendid opportunity to test the 
 efficiency and economy of a publicly and privately owned water 
 plant. By annexation to the city within recent years we have 
 acquired certain territory in which private companies are operat- 
 ing water plants. 
 
 To the west of the city, and now within the city limits, the 
 former village of Austin was, until within the last three months, 
 supplied by a private company. That company charged three 
 and four times the rate charged by the city waterworks to other 
 citizens of the same community. In the village of Rogers Park, 
 now within the city limits, a private company has been and now 
 is furnishing water to the citizens of that portion of the city. 
 The private company charges twenty cents per thousand gallons 
 and charges citizens in addition thereto for all connections made 
 betAveen the house and the main in the streets. The city of 
 Chicago, in the same neighborhood, is selling water to its citizens 
 for ten cents per thousand gallons and makes all connections free 
 of cost to the citizens. 
 
 The city of Chicago owns and operates its own municipal 
 electric light plant. It has gone very extensively into this 
 business within the last eight years. We are not empowered 
 to sell electric light to citizens, but are simply authorized to 
 light our own streets. Chicago has now probably the largest 
 municipal electric light plant in the world. It has extended its 
 electric light system very rapidly throughout the streets of the 
 city and is today manufacturing electric lights for about one-half 
 the cost of electric light which was charged by private companies 
 when the system was instituted. The citizens of Chicago have 
 reached the conclusion that they are just as capable of operating 
 a street car system as they are of operating an electric light 
 plant or a waterworks. 
 
 Under private management we have in Chicago today proba- 
 bly the worst managed and most scandalously conducted street 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 309 
 
 car system iu the world. There is no pretense of giving decent 
 accojuniodation to the public. Our cars are dirty and insufficient 
 in number. Our citizens are crowded like herrings in a box. 
 Our schedules are irregular and our service at night is either 
 scandalously insufficient or nonexistent. The owners of these 
 companies, in defiance of public sentiment and every rule of 
 decency and justice, have been managing these systems so as to 
 mulct the public of their nickels without any attempt to give a 
 decent return therefor. 
 
 The citizens of Chicago have cried out against this sort of 
 treatment. They have protested and protested in vain. At 
 last they have declared by a most emphatic vote that they will 
 have no more of it and that the municipality must take over and 
 operate its street car systems. 
 
 Thrice has the voice of the people been heard at the ballot 
 box. In April, 1902, they declared for ownership by the city of 
 Chicago by a majority of 142,000 as against 28,000. In April, 
 1904, they declared for the adoption of the Mueller law, which 
 was a law enabling cities of the State to own street car systems, 
 by a vote of 122,000 to 50,000. Again in April, 1905, they de- 
 clared emphatically against the extension of the franchises to the 
 present companies by a vote of 152,000 to 59,000. At the same 
 time they elected a mayor upon a platform which declared for 
 municipal ownership at the earliest possible date. And yet, al- 
 though this election occurred in April, 1905, the will of the people 
 is still set at defiance by the tremendous influences that are behind 
 these traction companies and other utility corporations. 
 
 The companies, which procured the passage of the infamous 
 Allen and Humphrey bills by wholesale bribery and corrup- 
 tion, are still exerting their malign influences against the carry- 
 ing out of the will of the people. By influences, known only to 
 themselves, they have succeeded in getting almost two-thirds 
 of the city council to vote in defiance and contempt of the public 
 demand. 
 
 The committee on local transportation, backed up by almost 
 two-thirds of the city council, have been industriously engaged 
 for the past two or three months in framing ordinances extending 
 franchises of the present companies for the next twenty years. 
 The aldermen who are engaged in this work seem to have behind 
 them all the capitalistic influences of the city. They have 
 amassed behind them nearly all the papers of the city, and all 
 the influences of the banking and financial circles. Their leaders 
 in the council are the welcome guests of the swell clubs of the 
 city and every influence that combined and intrenched capital 
 can exert is being vigorously asserted against the carrying out 
 of the will of the people. 
 
310 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 In response to the popular mandate, I have sent message after 
 message to the city council, calling its attention to the vote of the 
 people and asking it, in respectful language, to give heed to the 
 popular voice as expressed at the polls. All such messages 
 have been treated with contumely and disdain. The Chicago 
 papers, I might say, have a standing headline, which becomes 
 useful every Tuesday morning after the council meeting of ]\Ion- 
 day night. It reads in big, black letters: "The Mayor Snubbed 
 Again. ' ' 
 
 I appreciate now, as I appreciated when I became a candidate 
 for mayor, the tremendous opposition that would be exerted in the 
 city of Chicago against the municipalization of the street cars of 
 the city. 
 
 The public utility corporations of Chicago, including the trac- 
 tion companies, the tunnel companies, the gas, telephone and electric 
 light and power companies of the city are stocked and bonded for 
 about $395,000,000, $170,000,000 of this tremendous aggregate being 
 bonds, the remaining $225,000,000 being stocks. There are 2,000,000 
 people in the city of Chicago. Dividing this $225,000,000 worth of 
 stocks among those two million people would give $112.50 worth of 
 stock to each man, woman and child in the city. If this same pro- 
 portion were carried out among the 80,000.000 of the United States, 
 there would be at least $9,000,000,000 worth of stocks now held by 
 stockholders of public utility corporations in the United States. If 
 the municipal ownership movement wins — as it will win — in the 
 city of Chicago, it will win throughout the United States, and that 
 means the extinguishment of this $9,000,000,000 worth of stocks 
 from the stock markets of this country. 
 
 Is it to be wondered at that the traction companies and other 
 public utility corporations would meet in convention, as they re- 
 cently did in Philadelphia, and pledge themselves to oppose with 
 all the forces at their disposal the spread of the municipal owner- 
 ship sentiment throughout the United States? 
 
 Is it to be wondered at that, after three tremendous public 
 votes in the city of Chicago, we find these powerful and malign influ- 
 ences still exerting themselves in every possible way to prevent 
 the realization of the people's demand in that city? Every man 
 and corporation in the United States who holds stock in the trac- 
 tion companies and other public utility corporations is interested in 
 making this a life and death struggle in Chicago for the preserva- 
 tion of his properties. 
 
 They have influence in the banks, in the counting houses, among 
 the merchant princes, in the newspaper offices and with some of 
 the members of the city council, and all this influence is being 
 exerted and will be exerted steadfastly, persistently and defiantly 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 311 
 
 to cheek the popular demand for municipal ownership. But it will 
 not avail. 
 
 The American public is a reading public. The American public 
 is an intelligent public. They know that what has been accom- 
 plished in Europe and Australia can be and will be accomplished 
 in the United States. The electorate of America is just as honest 
 and intelligent, aye — in my judgment — as honest and more intelli- 
 gent than in many of the countries that have already established 
 the ownership and operation of public utilities. 
 
 The financial powers of New York, Philadelphia, Boston, and 
 Chicago may be amassed in a solid phalanx to stop the onward 
 march of municipal ownership, but they might as well be allied for 
 the purpose of sweeping back the waves upon the ocean. The trend 
 of public thought and public desire is towards the ownership and 
 operation by the public, because public ownership will put a stop 
 to rapacity, corruption and graft. 
 
 The issue has arisen in many cities since the Chicago election. 
 Wherever it has arisen — in New York, in Cleveland, in Toledo and 
 other American cities — it has beeen decided by a vote in favor of 
 the people's desire for municipal ownership. 
 
 Mayor Johnson was elected in Cleveland on that issue. Brand 
 Whitlock w^as elected mayor of Toledo on that issue. And upon an 
 honest count, William R. Hearst was elected upon that issue in New 
 York, despite the fact that he had to fight a corrupt combination 
 of the two political machines of that city and was without any 
 organization or political body behind him. 
 
 Municipal owaiership has come to. this country as it has come 
 to Great Britain, Germany, Austria-Hungary, Norway, Sweden, 
 Switzerland and France, and it has come to stay. The machina- 
 tions and tremendous influences exerted by private interests may 
 retard for awhile in this country, as it retarded in other countries, 
 the onward progress of this movement. But the outcome is in- 
 evitable. 
 
 The operation of public utilities must, in its nature, be a mo- 
 nopoly, and therefore either a private or public monopoly. A pri- 
 vate monopoly in its very nature must be rapacious. It is conducted 
 for the financial benefit of the men who hold the stock in the com- 
 pany. A public monopoly is not conducted for the financial benefit 
 of any individual but for the benefit of the community as a whole. 
 The aim of a private monopoly being to make money, it is conducted 
 upon the plan of giving the least service for the largest return. A 
 public monopoly being conducted for the public good, promptly 
 aims to give the best service at the lowest possible price. A public 
 monopoly is benevolent. A private monopoly is rapacious and inde- 
 fensible. I know of no circumstances under which a private mo- 
 
312 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 nopoly should be tolerated in a republic, where the aim of the 
 government is to benefit the whole community alike. 
 
 You may have observed the effect of private monopoly during 
 the years that have passed. The people of America, as well as the 
 people of Europe and Australia, have at last called a halt. The 
 demands of the people to put an end forever to graft and corrup- 
 tion, reduce the rapacity of private corporations, give fair treat- 
 ment to the working men who operate these utilities, both in the 
 way of decent wages and decent hours, to abolish strikes, to abolish 
 bribery in common councils and legislatures, by putting into force 
 the principle of municipal ow^nership, at first feeble, has swelled 
 into a roar whose reverberations are heard in the council chambers 
 of the land as well as in the temples of finance. 
 
 In my judgment, the people are in a condition to be no longer 
 trifled wdth. No longer will they be despoiled and ill treated as 
 they have been in the past by private utility corporations and the 
 sooner men in public life give heed to the demands of the people for 
 the taking over of public utilities, the longer will be their official 
 life as the people's representatives. If they continue to stand in 
 defiance of the people's will, in my judgment, they may as well 
 compose their political obituaries, and prepare for their extinction 
 in the political life of this country. 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 313 
 
 ADVISES CITY FIXING PHONE AND 
 ELECTRIC RATES. 
 
 Message to the Chicago City Council, September 24, 1906. 
 
 To the Honorable, the City Council: 
 
 Gentlemen : Shortly prior to the adjournment of your honor- 
 able body for the summer vacation, it had under consideration the 
 passage of an ordinance regulating the charges for electric light 
 and power in this city. 
 
 Your honorable body passed an ordinance in the nature of a 
 contract ordinance, fixing certain rates and giving certain conces- 
 sions to the Chicago Edison Company and to the Commonwealth 
 Electric Company. In the exercise of my official duty, I was not 
 able to approve this ordinance, and the same failed of passage over 
 my veto. 
 
 I would respectfully suggest that, as the matter of fixing just 
 and reasonable rates for electric light and power is of great public 
 interest and involves a great many citizens of this city, your honor- 
 able body pass an ordinance, not in the nature of a contract ordi- 
 nance but one framed pursuant to the terms of the act of the Legis- 
 lature, empowering the city to regulate the price of electric light 
 and power, after your honorable body has made full investigation 
 into the question as to what are reasonable rates for the same. 
 
 I would further recommend that your committee on gas, oil 
 and electric light at once proceed to ascertain and determine what 
 are just and reasonable rates, and prepare an ordinance establish- 
 ing these rates for all electric light and power companies in the city 
 of Chicago. 
 
 Kespectfully, 
 
 E. F. Dunne, Mayor. 
 
 Septeynber 24, 1906. 
 To the Honorable, the City Council: 
 
 Gentlemen : For some years past the citizens of Chicago have 
 been complaining, in my judgment justly, of excessive telephone 
 charges made against them by the telephone companies of this city. 
 These complaints have been principally directed against the Chi- 
 cago Telephone Company. 
 
314 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 Recently this company, in obedience to the mandate of the 
 Supreme Court of this State, has reduced the rates hitherto charged 
 by said company, and I am informed has reduced other charges 
 not covered by the Supreme Court decision. I am further informed 
 that this company is ready to consider a further reduction of tele- 
 phone rates. To what extent it is willing to reduce such rates, I 
 am not fully informed. 
 
 Another company, recently incorporated, has evinced its will- 
 ingness to construct and operate a telephone system covering the 
 whole of the city of Chicago at rates very much lower than those 
 charged by the Chicago Telephone Company, and to give the city 
 of Chicago free telephone service and one-fourth of the net profits 
 earned by said company. 
 
 This latter company claims that it is financially able to con- 
 struct and maintain a telephone system, covering the entire city, 
 and to operate the same successfully. The time is ripe, in my judg- 
 ment, for action by your honorable body in the matter of determin- 
 ing what are just and reasonable rates for telephone service in the 
 city of Chicago, and to bring about a telephone service in this city 
 which will give to the public efficient service at reasonable rates, 
 and at the same time secure to the operating company a fair return 
 upon the capital invested in the enterprise. In my judgment, the 
 telephone service of a city is essentially a monopoly, and until the 
 city is empowered by law to undertake the giving of telephone serv- 
 ice to its citizens, it should be performed by one company, and that 
 company should be compelled to give efficient modern up-to-date 
 service at just and reasonable rates, which rates should be much 
 below the rates hitherto imposed upon the citizens of this city. 
 
 I would, therefore, respectfully recommend to your honorable 
 body that the matter of determining what are just and reasonable 
 rates to be charged the city of Chicago for telephone service should 
 be referred to some appropriate committee or to a special committee, 
 constituted for that purpose, and that the said committee be em- 
 powered at once to secure the assistance of competent telephone 
 engineers to ascertain and determine what are just and reasonable 
 rates for telephone service in this city, and having ascertained what 
 these rates should be, to formulate a policy which will secure effi- 
 cient modern service at just and reasonable rates, which policy 
 should reserve to the city the right to operate a municipal telephone 
 plant when empowered so to do by the Legislature of this State. 
 
DUNNE JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 315 
 
 THE CIVIC PROGRESS OF CHICAGO. 
 
 Address before the Chicago Commercial Association, 
 October 6, 1906. 
 
 Mr. Clmirman and Gentlemen: 
 
 When last we met at your banquet board, we interchanged 
 views as to the civic administration of our great and much beloved 
 city. Again you have asked me, on this occasion, to address you 
 briefly and I will avail myself of the opportunity to give you, my 
 fellow citizens, a record of the civic progress of the city during the 
 year that has ceased. 
 
 Upon occasions of this kind, it is well that we should turn to 
 the year that has passed to ascertain what has been its civic history, 
 and in doing so tonight, I think we can truly congratulate our- 
 selves upon the history the year has written for the city of Chicago. 
 Let me call your attention briefly to a few facts and figures. 
 
 The record made by the department of police during the past 
 year has been a notable one. During the first eight months of 
 1906, 54,458 persons have been arrested, an increase of more than 
 8,000 over the same period in 1904 or 1905. Fines imposed in 
 police courts were as follows: 
 
 1904, 8 months $269,645 
 
 1905, 8 months 281,265 
 
 1906, 8 months _ 368,456 
 
 During the first eight months of this year 6,000 arrests have 
 been made for violations of the law against gambling. The follow- 
 ing shows the amounts of stolen property recovered by the police 
 department during like periods of the past three years : 
 
 1904, 8 months $224,600.06 
 
 1905, 8 months 118,254.64 
 
 1906, 8 months 273.259.32 
 
 Two thousand three hundred seventy-one persons were held to 
 the grand jury by police magistrates during the first eight months 
 of 1906 as compared with 2,265 for the entire year of 1904 and 
 2,294 for the entire year of 1905. Comment upon the energy and 
 vigor of the police department, as shown by the above figures, 
 seems to be unnecessary. 
 
316 DUNNE^JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 The department of health has also made great progress during 
 the year. On August 7, 1905, within a few weeks after assuming 
 charge of this department, the present commissioner of health. Dr. 
 Charles J. Whalen, reestablished a department of inspection at the 
 Union Stock Yards and urged greater activity and thoroughness 
 in the inspection of all kinds of food supplies, especially in retail 
 stores and markets. 
 
 As the result of this order an aggregate of upwards of 3,487,000 
 pounds of foods "unfit for human consumption" and having a 
 retail value of nearly $300,000 was condemned and destroyed by 
 this department during the succeeding five months. During the 
 preceding seven months the total amount of such food condemned 
 and destroyed amounted to less than half a million pounds, valued 
 at $7,718. 
 
 The total amount of foodstuffs condemned and destroyed by 
 the health department during the first eight months of the year 
 1906 was 5,081,262 as compared with 798,748 for the same period 
 of 1905, being an increase of 534.4 per cent. The health depart- 
 ment formulated and succeeded in having passed on July 2, 1905, 
 an ordinance providing for the inspection, regulation and license 
 of restaurants. Pursuant to this ordinance over 1.400 restaurants 
 and eating houses have been since inspected and over 1.000 of them 
 have been placed under license. The result has been a wonderful 
 improvement in the sanitary and hygienic conditions of the restau- 
 rants of the city and a marked change in the quality and character 
 of the food served. 
 
 The commissioner of health has also endeavored to secure the 
 passage of an ordinance regulating cold storage warehouses, requir- 
 ing such warehouses to stamp thereon the date of admission and 
 the date of withdrawal of all provisions entering or leaving their 
 establishments. So far he has been unable to secure the passage of 
 this much needed ordinance. 
 
 Comparing the first eight months of 1906 with the correspond- 
 ing period of 1905, the laboratory of the department shows 39,787 
 examinations made this year — an increase of 37.4 per cent. Thirty- 
 seven thousand eight hundred sixty-seven samples of milk and 
 cream were analyzed, as against 18,317 last year — an increase of 
 nearly 78.5 per cent. 
 
 In the division of sanitary inspection, increases of 29 per cent 
 are shown in the number of new buildings inspected in course of 
 construction ; of 426 per cent in work places inspected ; of 23 per 
 cent in notices to abate nuisances ; of 30 per cent in abatements 
 secured ; of 61 per cent in suits instituted against violators of sani- 
 tarj^ ordinances. 
 
 In the division of contagious diseases, the notification of the 
 existence of such diseases has been increased two-thirds, thus en- 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 317 
 
 abling the bureau of disinfection to nearly double the volume of 
 its work — from a total of less than 11,000,000 cubic feet to upward 
 of 21,000,000 cubic feet of space disinfected. 
 
 The use of the free public baths has increased 26.7 per cent — 
 from 472,728 in the year 1905 period to 599,677 in the 1906 period. 
 
 Under the present commissioner of buildings, the law has been 
 honestly and rigidly enforced and during the past year great work 
 has been accomplished by this department. From September 1, 
 1905, to September 1, 1906, 10,285 buildings have been erected, as 
 compared with 7,920 for the same period in 1904-5, an increase of 
 2,365 having a frontage of 38,025 feet and an increased value of 
 $11,121,440. The number of permits issued for 1905 was 15.369, 
 while the number for 1906 up to date was 21,333. During 1906 
 the department inspected 68,406 buildings, an increase of 19,862 
 over 1905. 
 
 Strenuous efforts have been made by this- administration to 
 abate the smoke nuisance. Upon entering office as mayor, I found 
 the city reeking with the grime of soot and smoke and I found an 
 ordinance in the code which was practically worthless. I promptly 
 sent a communication to the council, pointing out the defects of 
 the ordinance and recommending that an efficient ordinance be 
 passed. After considerable delay in the council, I succeeded in 
 having a new smoke ordinance passed. The ordinance is now in 
 effect and is being rigidly enforced by my special directions, with 
 the result contained in the following figures : 
 
 No. of com- 
 plaints made. 
 
 1904 (12 months) 473 
 
 1905 (12 months) 444 
 
 1906 (to date) 575 
 
 Suits 
 brought. 
 
 1904 (12 months) 404 
 
 1905 (12 months) 488 
 
 1906 (to date) 1,100 
 
 Fines 
 imposed. 
 
 1904 (12 months) $ 4,366.00 
 
 1905 (12 months ) 5,500.00 
 
 1906 (to date) 18,000.00 
 
 You have probably noticed in your business as merchants 
 the remarkable change in the matter of grime, soot and smoke 
 which has taken place within the last eight months. The ordi- 
 nance is being rigidly enforced by vigorous prosecutions and the 
 
318 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 violators of the ordinance have at last come to understand that 
 the administration means business in the way of suppressing the 
 smoke nuisance. 
 
 The same energy and vigor has been displayed in the depart- 
 ment of weights and measures. From September 1, 1905, to 
 September 1, 1906, 111,760 scales and measures were inspected 
 by this department, an increase of 25,766 over the previous year. 
 During the same period in 1905-6, $22,201.60 were collected in 
 fees, which is $4,191.55 more than was collected from September 
 1, 1904, to September 1, 1905. The arrests for violators during 
 the year just passed were 263, an increase of 162 over the pre- 
 vious year. 
 
 The fines collected from September 1, 1904, to September 1, 
 1905, amounted to $2,016.00, while those collected during the same 
 period in 1905-6 amounted to $4,310, an increase of $2,294.00. 
 
 The law department has been exceedingly vigorous and suc- 
 cessful in its conduct of litigation in which the city's interests 
 were involved. It has succeeded in having the Supreme Court of 
 Illinois sustain Judge Tuley's decision which held that the Chi- 
 cago Telephone Company cannot charge to exceed a maximum 
 rate of $125 per year for the unlimited use of a telephone in 
 this city. 
 
 It has succeeded in reversing Judge Mack and sustaining 
 in the Supreme Court of Illinois the amendments to the charter 
 of the city, thus establishing the Municipal Court Act, creating 
 a new park system and giving the right to the city to fix the 
 price to be charged for gas and electric light in this city. 
 
 It has also reversed Judge Grosscup's decision in the famous 
 ninety-nine-year case and succeeded in obtaining from the high- 
 est tribunal in the land an overwhelming victory for the city. 
 The United States Supreme Court declared that the 99 year 
 claims of the companies had no existence either in law or in fact. 
 
 The department also succeeded in obtaining from the United 
 States Supreme Court a decree compelling the street railway 
 companies to remove the tunnels constructed by them under the 
 Chicago River at their own expense, thus saving the city ap- 
 proximately a million dollars in cash. 
 
 It also secured from the United States Supreme Court a 
 ruling validating what is known as the special assessment act, 
 by which streets may be improved and laid out in a summary 
 and expeditious manner, without tax to the citizens at large but 
 upon a system of bonds issued upon the particular improvement ; 
 the decision not only sustained the legislation but also removed 
 all doubt from as much as $20,000,000 worth of bonds then in 
 existence for such improvements. 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 319 
 
 This department also obtained from the Supreme Court of 
 the State, reversing the lower tribunals, an opinion establishing 
 the right of the city to levy taxes and to force assessment upon 
 the tunnel company, using the underground streets of the city. 
 
 The law department also succeeded in having the Mueller 
 law and the city ordinances passed thereunder, authorizing the 
 issuance of not to exceed $75,000,000 worth of Mueller certificates, 
 and the certificates themselves declared valid by the Circuit 
 Court of this county. 
 
 The same department, by its earnest and vigorous efforts 
 before the board of review, has been able to increase the assess- 
 able property to many millions in excess of previous years which 
 will bring into the city treasury during the present year from 
 two to three millions in cash as an extra fund for municipal 
 purposes. 
 
 The city attorney has succeeded in resisting claims to the 
 extent of preventing judgment against the city for damages in 
 excess of six per cent of the am^ount claimed. 
 
 The corporation counsel's office has succeeded in cases liti- 
 gated by that department in keeping the claims against the city 
 down to $60,000 where over $800,000 were claimed in damages. 
 
 Shortly after my inauguration as mayor, in company with 
 other citizens, who believed that the prices charged for gas and 
 electric light in this city were extortionate, I Avent to Springfield 
 and urged upon the General Assembly the passage of a law en- 
 abling cities to regulate the prices to be charged for gas and 
 electric light. The Legislature, in response to the popular de- 
 mand, passed a law enabling cities to fix such reasonable rates 
 for gas and electric light. 
 
 Promptly upon the passage of this act, T presented a message 
 to the council, urging the passage of an ordinance fixing the price 
 of gas at 75c per thousand cubic feet. The investigation made 
 by the committee on gas, oil and electric light immediately there- 
 after, in my judgment, warranted the fixing of the price of gas 
 at that rate. But the committee, in its judgment, thought other- 
 wise and reported into the council an ordinance fixing the price 
 at 85c per thousand cubic feet. This ordinance was passed by 
 the council. I vetoed the same, believing that the price was 
 unnecessarily and unreasonably high. But the council passed 
 the ordinance over my veto, the net result being that the citizens 
 of Chicago now obtain gas at a price which is fifteen cents lower 
 per one thousand cubic feet than was theretofore paid. 
 
 I have recently recommended to the council the passage of 
 an ordinance, reducing very materially the price charged for 
 electricity for light and power, as well as the passage of an or- 
 
320 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 dinance reducing the telephone charges hitherto made by the tele- 
 phone companies of this city. 
 
 My messages, recommending an investigation into the sub- 
 jects of what is a reasonable rate for both these utilities, have 
 been referred to the committee on gas, oil and electric light and 
 I expect that prompt action will be taken thereon. 
 
 I am clearly of the opinion that the prices hitherto charged 
 by the electric light and telephone companies of this city are 
 unjust and oppressive, and I am very anxious that the council 
 take early action which will result in a very materially reduced 
 rate and the obtaining of more efficient service from public utility 
 companies by the citizens of this comraiinity and I earnestly re- 
 quest that you use your powerful influence in securing this 
 result. 
 
 I have also sent three messages to the council, recommending 
 that a flat rate of 8c per thousand gallons be fixed for water, 
 furnished to the citizens of this city by the municipality. Upon 
 entering office I found that the code contained an ordinance which 
 permits the sale of water to one customer by meter at 4c per 
 thousand gallons, to others at 6c, and to others at 10c. Such an 
 ordinance, I believe to be unfairly discriminative and unjust to 
 the people of this city. 
 
 In each of my three messages, I have advocated the estab- 
 lishment of a flat rate of 8c per thousand gallons. The reasons 
 for the establishment of this rate are obvious. The main cost 
 of a water system is the cribs, pipes and the pumping stations. 
 These remain the same for all consumers. In my judgment, 
 water should be sold exactly as gas is sold. It costs pro rata 
 just as much to pump one thousand gallons as it does to pump 
 a million. 
 
 At the time of my first message, there were 5,749 water con- 
 sumers using meters in the city of Chicago. Only 36 of these 
 5,749 consumers would have their water bills increased by the 
 change from the present rate to a flat rate of 8c. The remaining 
 5,713 customers would have their bills reduced, while the net 
 income to the city would be but slightly altered. The 36 cus- 
 tomers whose water bills would be increased comprise mostly 
 packing, railway and other large companies, which would not ap- 
 preciably feel the difference in cost. There was never any legiti- 
 mate reason, in my judgment, why these great concerns should 
 be favored by the city and furnished Mnth water cheaper than 
 the rest of our citizens. 
 
 An address of this character would be incomplete without a 
 brief discussion of the progress made in the settlement of the 
 traction question during the year that has closed. On January 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 321 
 
 18 of this year, after a bitter and prolonged struggle in the city 
 council, that body, pursuant to the popular will, as expressed at 
 the polls, passed an ordinance, authorizing the issuance of not 
 to exceed $75,000,000 worth of Mueller certificates for the acquisi- 
 tion of a street railway system for the entire city. This ordinance 
 provides for its submission to the people upon referendum and 
 on April 3 of this year the people ratified the same upon popu- 
 lar vote. 
 
 On March 12, of this year, the city administration, through 
 its traction counsel, secured a decree from the Supreme Court of 
 the United States reversing Judge Grosscup and declaring null 
 and void the 99-year claims of the traction companies. Within 
 the last three weeks the city has also obtained a favorable de- 
 cision in the Circuit Court of Cook County, sustaining the validity 
 of the Mueller law, the ordinances passed thereunder and the 
 certificates themselves. 
 
 Every step taken by the administration up to the present 
 time looking towards the municipalization of the street railways 
 of Chicago has met with marked success. 
 
 In the meantime, the city has entered into negotiations with 
 the traction companies for the purchase of their lines. These 
 negotiations contemplate the rehabilitation and modernization of 
 these lines by the traction companies and the acceptance by them 
 of the fair cash value of their present properties, plus the cost 
 of rehabilitation with five per cent interest, with the understand- 
 ing upon the part of the companies that they will accept this 
 money at any time upon six months' notice and surrender their 
 properties to the pity, no extension of franchises of any character 
 to be given. 
 
 Considering the opposition met with in the city council, the 
 progress made towards municipalization has been rapid and en- 
 tirely satisfactory. The appeal from Judge AVindes' decision to 
 the Supreme Court will be decided in a very short time, and in 
 such manner, it is to be hoped, as will end the traction controversy 
 forever and in such a way as has been demanded by the people of 
 this community. 
 
 I will now notice briefly a few other marked improvements 
 that have taken place within the last twelve months. Public 
 gambling has been exterminated in this city. Private gambling 
 may exist but, if so, it is carried on in private clubs, private 
 homes or in private rooms rented from night to night. Public 
 gambling, I confidently assert, has been stamped out in the city 
 of Chicago, unless it be a whispered bet made by one gambler 
 to another, which, by the utmost ingenuity of the police, it is 
 impossible to reach. 
 
 —11 
 
322 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 Street walking and soliciting upon our public thoroughfares 
 has also been suppressed or brought to an irreducible luininium. 
 The brothels on LaSalle Street almost adjoining the courthouse 
 and on Custom House Place, adjoining the Union League Club, 
 which flaunted their vice in the public gaze when last we met, are 
 no more. The vicious resorts on State Street, known as "Whis- 
 key Row" which for years were an eyesore to the people using 
 that thoroughfare, ceased to exist. 
 
 Graft and boodle has disappeared from the city hall and from 
 all departments of the city government. I have repeatedly ap- 
 pealed to the public through the newspapers, during the last few 
 months, to furnish me with evidence of graft in any of the city 
 departments. I have solicited information, pledging myself to 
 preserve confidentially the names of my informants, and have 
 failed to find a single case of authenticated graft urged against 
 any employe in any department of the city. 
 
 The one o'clock saloon closing ordinance has been and is 
 being enforced to the letter. I think all fair-minded men will 
 agree with me that Chicago is freer from vice and crime today 
 than at any time in its previous history. 
 
 The ordinances of the city are generally being vigorously 
 enforced without fear or favor. All classes of citizens are being 
 treated exactly alike, whether they be clothed in rags or m 
 broadcloth. Contracts have invariably been let to the lowest 
 responsible bidder. The civil service law has been and is being 
 honestly enforced. The health of the city was never better, the 
 death rate in Chicago being lower than in any of the large cities 
 of the United States. Public improvements are being carried on 
 as extensively and as vigorously as the city's finances will allow. 
 Many public improvements, it is true, are badly needed. A new 
 city hall is badly needed. More schools are needed. Extensions 
 of the fire department are needed. But, considering the re- 
 sources that we have at hand, everything has been done, in my 
 judgment, that could be done with the limited finances at our 
 disposal. 
 
 The water supply of the city is pure and wholesome, which, 
 I regret to state, has not been the case in Rogers Park, which 
 has been furnished with water by a private company. This 
 company has so outrageously imposed upon the people of that 
 section of our city by giving them impure and unwholesome 
 water at double the rates charged by the city, that I have recently 
 been compelled to turn on the city water there and order the 
 Rogers Park Water Company to cease pumping impure and unsafe 
 water through its mains. 
 
DUNNE JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 323 
 
 The work of track elevation has been constantly going on 
 in the city, ten miles of track having been elevated during the 
 first six months of this year. The city may well be proud of 
 its electric lighting plant. From January 1, 1905, to July 1, 
 1906, not less than 1,580 arc lights of 2,000 candle power each 
 were added to the system, making a total of 6,675 in operation 
 at the lattei" date, all of which cost the city about one-half of 
 what the city was paying to private companies at the time we 
 installed the municipal plant. 
 
 The finances of the city are in a most excellent condition. 
 City employes are paid their salaries promptly and all obliga- 
 tions of the city are promptly met. The credit of the city was 
 never better. 
 
 Such is the record briefly of the year that has passed. This 
 is the record of stewardship of the present administration during 
 the year just closed, and I respectfully submit it to you for your 
 careful and impartial consideration. > 
 
324 DUNXE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 JUDGE MURRAY F. TULEY. 
 
 Address at His Funeral, 1906. 
 
 Into this great city of two million people, within the last quar- 
 ter of a century, have come men of extraordinary attainments, tire- 
 less energy and of wonderful resources. In this city there existed 
 the opportunity for the development of their great attainments and 
 energies. They have made themselves felt in the commercial and 
 professional fields of the city. Many of them have come, played 
 their important parts and passed away, leaving their impress upon 
 the public life of the city. 
 
 Great captains of industry have come, amassed their millions 
 and passed away to their reward. Men of paramount genius have 
 arisen to the highest positions of dignity and power in their profes- 
 sion, have achieved distinction and died. Other men who have had 
 the aptitude for political life have come, played their important 
 parts and gone. 
 
 During the thirty years that I have resided in the city of Chi- 
 cago, I know of no man, save probably one, whose loss to the com- 
 munity will be more deeply felt than that of the "Grand Old 
 Chancellor" who has just passed away. I know of no man, with 
 that possible one exception, who has done more for civic righteous- 
 ness and has accomplished more in the way of asserting the rights 
 of the people and defending them against corporate aggression than 
 he whom we mourn and honor today. 
 
 The life of Murray F. Tuley must be viewed from three sepa- 
 rate standpoints. First, from the standpoint of private citizenship ; 
 second, from the standpoint of a judge, and third, from the stand- 
 point of a powerful moulder of public opinion in the community. 
 
 As a private citizen, Murray F. Tuley was remarkable for the 
 simplicity and modesty of his private life. In these days of reckless 
 extravagance, of huge fortunes, of display and pomp, Murray F. 
 Tuley held to the simple life which characterized the citizenship of 
 half a century ago. 
 
 His tastes and domestic life were beautifully plain and simple. 
 He loved his wife and home and for years spent all his leisure hours 
 therein. He was plain in his dress and plain in his mode of life. 
 His tastes remained as simple as those he acquired in his frontier 
 life and in the Army. To the end of his life he was never attracted 
 
DUNNE JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 325 
 
 by the glitter and pomp of social and political life. He clung with 
 hooks of steel to his old friends and associates of former years, and 
 was loved and respected by them to a most remarkable degree. 
 
 His books and his horse constituted his only luxuries. All his 
 life he was devoted to horseback riding as a means for the preserva- 
 tion of his health and because of the love that he and every Ken- 
 tuckian has for that noble beast. 
 
 In these days when divorce and estrangement are so common, 
 when men of distinction seem to become careless of their mates, his 
 pure, simple, domestic life stands out as a remarkable exemplar of 
 domestic happiness and contentment. 
 
 As a judge, Murray F. Tuley never had a superior if he had 
 an equal, in the judicature of Cook County. I can, looking back 
 over the lives and records of the many great men who have graced 
 the bench of this county, find none, unless it be McAllister, who 
 approached him in brilliancy, breadth, and conception of judicial 
 duty. Gifted by nature with an intellect that was keen, incisive 
 and comprehensive, he was also a student of remarkable diligence 
 and concentration. To this was added a temperament of caution 
 and deliberation. But above and beyond all he had an exalted 
 sense of justice and impartiality. Strong intellect, untiring indus- 
 try, patience, and a sense of justice, all combined, made him the 
 ideal judge. 
 
 Besides all these qualifications he had in his temperament and 
 makeup that which is always necessary to make a good judge a 
 great one, and that was unflinching moral courage. He dared to 
 do what was right whether it was popular or unpopular. He was 
 fearless of the clamor of the mob, whether that mob was arrayed in 
 purple and fine linen or clothed in rags and armed with bludgeons. 
 He often told me that, when he had a great case under advisement 
 in which tliera was intense public interest, he avoided reading the 
 newspapers lest they should unconsciously influence his decision. 
 He has frequently said that a newspaper simply represents the 
 ideas and views of one man or coterie of men, ■ and that that man 
 or coterie of men are frequently either prejudiced or mistaken. 
 
 It seemed always to be his desire to get at the heart of things 
 and decide according to the law and the immortal truth, independ- 
 ent of personal influences. He had a holy veneration for the ancient 
 writ of right, the habeas corpus. He believed that the writ of 
 habeas corpus and the right of trial by jury were the bulwarks of 
 British and American liberty. 
 
 Among his peers upon the bench, during the thirteen years 
 that it was my delight to associate with him. his preeminent abili- 
 ties as a judge made him easily the dean of the judiciary. Year 
 after year he was elected without opposition as chief justice of 
 
326 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 the Circuit Court, because all of his associates felt that by reason of 
 his great and commanding talents he was justly entitled to the 
 place. 
 
 He attended as carefully to the routine and drudgery, inci- 
 dental to his high position, as he did to the more honorable and 
 distinguished features thereof. He used his great talents of dis- 
 crimination with as much care in the selection of a justice of the 
 peace or a park commissioner as he did in deciding the most impor- 
 tant cases that came before him. He was a tireless, incessant and 
 conscientious worker in everything that he undertook. 
 
 He was absolutely impartial in his treatment of the bar. The 
 leader of the profession received at his hands no different treatment 
 than the young beginner in practice. He had an abhorrence of 
 trickery and shystering tactics, and men guilty of unprofessional 
 conduct went from the seat of justice over which he presided 
 scorched with the anathema of insulted justice. He was feared only 
 by men or interests that sought unfair advantages in courts of 
 justice. Changes of venue were taken from him, but only by those 
 who apprehended and feared a just and equitable decision. 
 
 His decisions were as luminous as the light, ever just and ever 
 impartial. The upper courts frequently incorporated his decisions 
 into their own findings and published them as the views of the upper 
 court. In the history of the judiciary of Cook County, as hereafter 
 written, no name will appear in such luminous light or will have 
 left behind it so enduring a memory as that of Murray F. Tuley, 
 judge of the Circuit Court. 
 
 As a moulder of public thought and as an architect of public 
 laws, no man has achieved greater distinction in this community. 
 He was one of the framers of the Constitution of 1870, and, had 
 he lived, would have been one of the framers of the charter of 
 1905, and during that whole period of thirty-five years no great 
 movement, which had for its aim and object the amendment or 
 improvement of the laws and ordinances of this city and State, 
 ever took place that the name of Murray F. Tuley did not appear 
 prominent in the movement. 
 
 He framed the city and villages act which is the charter of 
 the cities of this State, and codified the ordinances of the city of 
 Chicago when corporation counsel of the city. He was one of the 
 framers of the amendment to the Constitution adopted in 1903. No 
 important law affecting the city of Chicago during that thirty-five 
 years has ever been formulated without Judge Tuley being called 
 into conference in relation to the same. 
 
 He was the implacable foe of graft and corruption in any and 
 every form in public life. Always a consistent Democrat of the 
 type of Jefferson and Jackson, he never hesitated to denounce a 
 Democratic grafter or corruptionist. 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 327 
 
 When the infamous Allen and Humphrey bills were put 
 through the Legislature, Judge Tuley was one of the first men in 
 the community to appreciate their malign significance and to attack 
 them in the press and on the rostrum. As indicative of his vigorous 
 character, I recall that when these laws were in course of incubation 
 he was present at a meeting of a club called for the purpose of 
 denouncing them. A communication from one of the traction com- 
 panies was presented to myself as presiding officer of the club, in 
 which — if I remember aright — some sort of a protest was made 
 against the club taking action without hearing from the traction 
 companies. Someone moved that the letter be placed on file when 
 Judge Tuley jumped up and moved as a substitute thai the letter 
 be referred to the State's attorney for further action. It simply 
 was an indication of the hot resentment he felt at temporizing with 
 the traction companies while legislation of such a character was in 
 contemplation. 
 
 Within recent years the Judge, who was always a great student 
 and who was at all time solicitous of the public welfare, became a 
 convert to the doctrine of the public ownership of public utilities. 
 He became satisfied that this was the only sure way of avoiding the 
 scandals and disgrace that had been perpetrated in the Legislature 
 and the city council, arising out of the renewal of franchises giving 
 private companies the right to operate these utilities. He also 
 became satisfied at the same time that the people were as competent 
 and as well able to operate these utilities, through competent agents, 
 as were private companies. Having reached this conclusion he took 
 a very determined stand, as we all know, in opposition to the exten- 
 sion of franchises to private companies, and perhaps no man in 
 public life exerted such a powerful influence in this community in 
 preventing such measures, both in the Legislature and in the city 
 council. 
 
 At all times, the avowed and open enemy of special privilege 
 and discrimination in favor of one class as against another class, 
 he stood like a lion in. the path of those who were attempting to 
 secure these priceless advantages. It was a singular tribute to his 
 strength of character and the honesty of his purposes that the 
 people of Chicago, in defiance of rings, cliques and political organi- 
 zations, responded to his single call and carried the election last 
 spring upon a platform which he assisted in building and which 
 pledged the people of this community and the mayor of the city 
 to a program which absolutely prohibited the granting of any 
 further extensions of franchises to the present street car companies 
 of this city. In response to his clarion call, as to the outcry of 
 Paul Revere in former days, the people turned out and drove back 
 into their entrenchments the bushwackers of the traction companies, 
 as did the minute men drive back the redcoats on the eve of the 
 
328 DUNNE — JUDGE, MxVYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 Revolution. A more significant tribute to the strength, courage, 
 honesty and the wisdom of one man has never before been exhibited 
 in the civic history of this great city. 
 
 To the very last his powerful intellect and great conscience 
 were devoted to the success of what he called the people's move- 
 ment, and but a few days before his death he spoke his last words 
 of encouragement and support for the cause of municipal owner- 
 ship. 
 
 In his death I have lost a true friend and my wisest and 
 most trusted advisor. The city of Chicago has lost one of its 
 best friends and the people of this city have lost the most power- 
 ful advocate and champion of their rights. 
 
 While he himself has passed away to his eternal reward, the 
 influence of his life will remain behind him. He is one of the 
 deathless dead whose example, whose inspiration, whose counsel, 
 w^hose advice and whose record of action will remain behind to 
 influence, in the years to come, the policies of the public men of 
 this community and to shape their acts for the public good. 
 
 His name and his memory will live in the history of Chicago 
 and in the hearts of Chicago's citizens when the names of its 
 greatest financiers, its greatest merchant princes and its greatest 
 captains of industry will be lost in oblivion. 
 
 His love of the people and his solicitude for their welfare 
 endured even to the end. Of no man who ever appeared in 
 public life could it be more truly said, as was said by Whittier : 
 
 "Strong to the end, a man of men, from out of the strife he passed; 
 The greatest hour of all his life was that of earth the last." 
 
DUNXE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 329 
 
 VETOES TWO STREET RAILWAY 
 ORDINANCES. 
 
 Message to the Chicago City Council, February 11, 1907. 
 
 To the Honorable, the City Council: 
 
 Gentlemen: I return herewith, without my approval, an or- 
 dinance passed at the last regular meeting of your honorable 
 body, and published at pages 2944 to 2990, inclusive, of the cur- 
 rent printed council proceedings, entitled "An Ordinance Author- 
 izing the Chicago City Railway Company to Construct, maintain 
 and operate a System of Street Railways in Streets and Public 
 Ways of the City of Chicago," 
 
 A also return herewith, without my approval, an ordinance 
 passed at the last regular meeting of your honorable body, and 
 published at pages 2990 to 3054, inclusive, of the current printed 
 council proceedings, entitled "An Ordinance Authorizing the Chi- 
 cago Railways Company to Construct, Maintain and Operate a 
 System of Street Railways in Streets and Public Ways of the City 
 of Chicago." 
 
 My reason for withholding my approval of the above men- 
 tioned ordinances are as hereafter stated. 
 
 In my letter, addressed to Alderman Werno, chairman of 
 the committee on local transportation, dated April 27, 1906, T 
 stated that, in dealing with the traction question, ' ' The controlling 
 consideration must be that nothing shall be done which will 
 impair tlie right of the city to acquire the street railway sys- 
 tems, as soon as it has established its financial ability to do so." 
 This being the controlling consideration in framing these or- 
 dinances, the right of the city to acquire the street railway prop- 
 erties should be fully protected in the same. This, in my judg- 
 ment, has not been done. 
 
 While purporting, upon their face, to give the city the right 
 to acquire the traction systems of the companies at any time 
 upon six months' notice, the ordinances fail to provide practical 
 methods for the acquisition of the systems. The properties can 
 only be purchased by the payment of money. The city can 
 only secure money by the issuance of Mueller certificates. At 
 the present time, the authority of the city to issue certificates is 
 limited to $75,000,000. After the payment of the usual broker- 
 
330 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 age fees these certificates "will not net to exceed $72,000,000 in 
 cash. The price of the present properties — tangible and in- 
 tangible — as fixed in the ordinances aggregates $50,000,000. The 
 cost of rehabilitation, it is admitted, will be from $40,000,000 to 
 $50,000,000 and may run up to an unlimited amount, making the 
 total cost to the city at least $90,000,000 to $100,000,000. 
 
 One of the ordinances, to-wit, that running to the Chicago 
 City Kailway Company, requires the payment of all cash. The 
 other requires the payment of all cash, except the cost of re- 
 habilitation which, under the terms of that ordinance, may be- 
 come a lien subject to which the cit}' may acquire. 
 
 It has been roughly estimated and stated before the com- 
 mittee on local transportation that the cost of rehabilitation of 
 both companies will be divided in the ratio of two-fifths in the 
 case of the Chicago City Railway Company and three-fifths in 
 the case of the Chicago Railways Company. If both the com- 
 panies accept the ordinances and complete rehabilitation, it might 
 be possible for the city to acquire both plants at any time, under 
 the terms of the ordinances with $75,000,000 worth of j\Iueller 
 certificates. But it was admitted, during the negotiations, that 
 a consolidation of both companies is highly probable in the imme- 
 diate future. Indeed, Mr. Wilson, representing the Chicago City 
 Railway Company, in an address before the committee on local 
 transportation, flatly stated, as an objection to his company 
 agreeing to sell its plant to the city subject to the lien of the cost 
 of rehabilitation, that he expected that that company would be 
 called upon to expend $75,000,000 in the acquisition of the north 
 and west side plants and in the rehabilitation of the three sys- 
 tems, and that he would not, therefore, consent to have incor- 
 porated in the ordinance to the Chicago City Railway Company 
 a provision permitting the city to take over the plant, subject 
 to the lien of the cost of rehabilitation. 
 
 If the ordinance becomes effective and consolidation takes 
 place, as is highly probable, in view of ^Ir. Wilson's statement 
 and in view of the fact that the same financial interests dominate 
 and control both companies, that consolidation will operate under 
 the more favorable to the companies of the two ordinances and 
 the more favorable of the two ordinances is that which runs to 
 the Chicago City Railway Company. This ordinance must and, 
 if it becomes effective, will be accepted within ninety flays. The 
 other ordinance need not be accepted until one hundred and sixty- 
 five days after its passage and, in my judgment, it is highly 
 probable that it will never be accepted. I confidently predict 
 from what has come to my knowledge during these negotiations 
 that a consolidation will take place within the early future and 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 331 
 
 that when that consolidation does take place it will be under the 
 ordinance of the Chicago City Railway Company which provides 
 that the city may not acquire the plant unless upon the payment 
 of cash to the amount of the total cost of all the properties and 
 the rehabilitation of the same. The city being in the position of 
 having only $72,000,000 worth of cash on hand, as at present 
 authorized by the Mueller certificate ordinance, it will never 
 be in a position to acquire these plants until the city council 
 shall see fit to pass supplemental ordinances authorizing Mueller 
 certificates to the aggregate of at least $100,000,000. 
 
 It may be said that the city council can pass such ordinances 
 in the future, but from all our experience within the last two 
 years we must know what almost insuperable obstacles will be 
 offered to the passage of such supplemental ordinances. Although 
 the citizens of Chicago declared for immediate municipal owner- 
 ship of the traction systems of this city in the election of April, 
 1905, by a vote of 141,518 to 55,660, and although I was elected 
 mayor by a majority of nearly 25,000 on that sole issue, we all 
 know how difficult it was, notwithstanding that tremendous pop- 
 ular vote, to obtain any ordinance authorizing the issuance of 
 Mueller certificates and that when the ordinance was finally 
 passed, it was the result of a sudden and most remarkable change 
 in aldermanic sentiment as expressed in previous votes. 
 
 Unless a provision is now incorporated in these ordinances, 
 limiting the cost of rehabilitation at any time to the amount of 
 Mueller certificates authorized to be issued, in my judgment, it will 
 be most difficult, if not impossible, judging of the future by the 
 past, to obtain the passage of such ordinances, no matter what may 
 be the popular sentiment upon the question. 
 
 Already the influences, inimicable to municipal ownership, are 
 making themselves manifest in the State Legislature, where a bill 
 is now pending to limit the issuance of bonds for the acquisition of 
 public utilities. If a provision were inserted in these ordinances, 
 as in my judgment it should be, limiting the amount to be ex- 
 pended by the companies on rehabilitation to an amount within the 
 limit of the Mueller certificates, now authorized or which shall here- 
 after be issued, it would be to the interest of both the traction 
 companies and the people to have such ordinances passed, and as 
 both the traction companies and the people would be interested in 
 the passage of such ordinances, we could confidently count upon 
 the enactment of ordinances authorizing such certificates. Nor 
 would this delay the progress of rehabilitation.- Such an ordinance 
 could be passed with the cooperation of the traction companies and 
 submitted to the people within one year and during that year the 
 companies could hardly expend $22,000,000 in rehabilitation. 
 
332 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 If these ordinances become effective in their present form with- 
 out any such provision, it will be plainly and clearly to the interest 
 of the traction companies, in order to prolong the life of their tenure 
 in the public streets, to oppose at all times the passage of such 
 ordinances. That they would exert their influences in that direc- 
 tion will not be denied. I, therefore, unhesitatingly state that, in 
 the present condition of these ordinances and with the strong proba- 
 bility that consolidation of these companies will take place under 
 the ordinance of the Chicago City Railway Company, it will be 
 impossible for the city to purchase from $90^000,000 to $100,000,000 
 worth of property with cash while our resources under the present 
 ordinance are limited to but $72,000,000 in cash. 
 
 Nor can we hope with any confidence, under the terms of these 
 ordinances, that a fund will certainly be acquired out of the fifty- 
 five per cent net receipts which becomes the property of the city. 
 The traction companies have been very loud in their protestation 
 that the city's portion of the net receipts will aggregate $1,350,000 
 during the first year of the ordinances and that these profits will 
 increase year by year. But when they were asked in committee to 
 guarantee that such returns would come to the city by amending 
 their ordinances so as to guarantee at least eight per cent of the 
 gross receipts, they utterly refused to do so. "VVe must, therefore, 
 view with serious misgivings their assertions that the net receipts 
 coming to the city will be any substantial part of the gross receipts. 
 
 Before the committee on local transportation an effort was 
 made by the city's representatives to obtain a guarantee of at least 
 eight per cent of the gross receipts, but the companies refused this 
 most reasonable proposition. Notwithstanding that refusal, you 
 have passed these ordinances without any provision of any charac- 
 ter for gross receipts. 
 
 Not only do the ordinances fail to guarantee to the city an 
 income of any character, but, if the ordinances become effective, 
 approximately $125,000 per year, which is now paid to the city 
 under existing ordinances, will be wiped out. 
 
 While under the terms of these ordinances the city would be 
 compelled to pay from $90,000,000 to $100,000,000 in cash with 
 less than $72,000,000 available, and while there is no provision for 
 a guarantee of a sinking fund, the city is further embarrassed by a 
 provision in the same which permits these companies to charge ten 
 per cent contractor's profit upon the cost of rehabilitation and at 
 the same time ordinances permit them to make subcontracts. Sub- 
 contractors will not work without a contractor's profit and pre- 
 sumably the subcontractor will obtain his ten per cent profit, and 
 yet after the payment of the subcontractor with his profit, the com- 
 pany is empowered under the ordinances to charge ten per cent 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 333 
 
 additional, both on the cost of subcontracts and the profit obtained, 
 therefrom. There is nothing in the ordinances to prevent the gen- 
 tlemen in control of these properties from organizing construction 
 companies and having these construction companies obtain a con- 
 tract, with the approval of the board of supervising engineers, for 
 the building of power houses, railway barns and other costly 
 structures in which event the construction company will be paid 
 its usual profit and the company, in addition to this profit, will be 
 permitted to charge the people in case of purchase an additional ten. 
 per o,ent for letting of these contracts. 
 
 Under the terms of the ordinances no licensee company, to^ 
 which the city may give a license, may acquire the plants of the 
 present companies, unless upon the payment of a twenty per cent 
 bonus over and above the price the city would have to pay, if it 
 acquired the properties for municipal ownership and operation. 
 The reason advanced by the traction companies for insisting upon 
 this premium was that they should be protected against the sand- 
 bagging operations of rival capitalists. That some protection, if 
 not to this amount, should be given against the machinations of 
 other capitalists might well be conceded but an effort was made 
 before the committee on local transportation to have the present 
 companies consent to the incorporation in the ordinances of a pro- 
 vision that, if a licensee company should offer to the city to accept 
 an ordinance of similar character and give the citizens of Chicago 
 a four-cent fare, that, in such ease, the companies should take the 
 money invested in the plant and turn over the properties to the 
 company that would give the citizens of Chicago a four-cent fare. 
 This provision the companies absolutely refused to accept. In my 
 judgment a rival company that offered such terms to the citizens 
 of Chicago could in no aspect of the case be considered in the light 
 of a sandbagging corporation and I believe that, in the interest of 
 the people of this community, such a provision should be incorpo- 
 rated in these ordinances, particularly in view of the fact that three- 
 cent fares now prevail in Cleveland and Detroit, and will soon 
 obtain in many other American cities, and that a four-cent fare 
 with universal transfers now obtains in Indianapolis. 
 
 Even at the expiration of twenty years, under the ordinances 
 as at present framed, the city or any licensee company could not 
 take possession of the property until it has paid the present com- 
 panies the value of their present properties and the total cost of 
 the rehabilitation ; although at that time and for many years prior 
 thereto the $9,000,000 worth of unexpired franchises now existing 
 and the $4,358,743 worth of cable property, which is now part of 
 the contract purchase price of $50,000,000, will have wholly dis- 
 appeared. 
 
334 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 There are other objeetidns to the ordinances of quite serious- 
 character. In the precipitous haste with which the ordinances 
 were passed in an all-night session, immediately after the adjourn- 
 ment of the committee on local transportation at seven o'clock p. 
 m., some twenty-eight amendments which had not, before the meet- 
 ing of the council, been printed, were incorporated in the ordi- 
 nances and some thirty-eight amendments were voted down. Many 
 of the amendments offered, accepted and rejected, were long and 
 complicated, one of those accepted containing over three thousand 
 words, and could not in the nature of things have been understood, 
 even if heard, by the members of the city council during the ex- 
 citing session. 
 
 It is not to be wondered at, therefore, that such laudable 
 amendments as those which provided for the arbitration of dis- 
 putes between the companies and their employes, a provision 
 limiting the cost of rehabilitation to the amount of Mueller cer- 
 tificates authorized, amending the clause permitting subcon- 
 tractors' profits, requiring a guarantee of eight per cent of the 
 gross receipts and protecting the public in the right to secure a 
 four-cent fare or a three-cent fare, should have been voted down; 
 and that no provision now^ appears in the ordinances regulating 
 the maximum hours or the minimum wage to be paid to em- 
 ployes; nor that the agreement between John A. Spoor, Thomas 
 E. Mitten, the city of Chicago and the First Trust and Savings 
 Bank, which purports to remo\^e the obstruction created by the 
 existence of the present general electric ordinance, is not signed 
 by any of the parties. 
 
 The ordinances have ndt only failed to thoroughly secure 
 the demands of the people for early municipalization of the trac- 
 tion systems but the method of their passage lacked the delibera- 
 tion and careful consideration which measures of such importance 
 to the public require. 
 
 Under the provision relating to power houses and buildings, 
 the companies are permitted to secure power from any source 
 other than the companies' own power plants, with the approval 
 of the beard of supervising engineers. This provision would 
 permit the companies, subject only to the approval of the board 
 of supervising engineers, to make contracts for any length of 
 time and for any price with the Edison or Commonwealth Com- 
 panies, and if the city took over the systems, it might be com- 
 pelled to assume the burden of such a contract, no matter how 
 remunerative it might be to the power company or however 
 onerous it might be upon the city, or however desirable it may 
 be for the city to furnish its own power. 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 335 
 
 Because of the foregoing serious objections, some of which, 
 in my judgment, will make it impossible for the city, as at present 
 circumstanced, to acquire the funds necessary to purchase these 
 properties, I am deliberately of the opinion, after receiving light 
 from all available sources, that these ordinances, while ostensi- 
 bly permitting the city to acquire the plants at any time upon six 
 months' notice, really and in fact place the city in such a position 
 as to make it impossible to carry out the purchase under the 
 terms of the ordinances. 
 
 As, in my judgment, it will be impossible for the city under 
 the terms of these ordinances, from its present existing resources- 
 procured by the sale of Mueller certificates, to acquire the prop- 
 erties at any time for municipal ownership, these ordinances are- 
 not municipal ownership measures, but ordinances masking under 
 the guise of municipal ownership, while really and in fact giving 
 the present companies a franchise for twenty years, if not longer^ 
 This is in violation of my letter to Alderman Werno, referred to 
 above, to Avliich it is claimed these ordinances conform, and whicli 
 letter distinctly stated that these companies should be given the 
 right to operate "under revocable licenses," and further stated 
 that "it is absolutely essential that nothing shall be done to 
 enlarge these present rights of the existing companies or to de- 
 prive the city of its option of purchase at any time." 
 
 The people have demanded that any ordinances which may 
 be passed dealing with this traction question must preserve the 
 right of the people to municipalize at the earliest possible moment 
 and they have a right to have their repeated demands carried 
 out in spirit and in letter and no ordinances which in fact prevent 
 the city from acquiring these properties for many years to come 
 should be passed contrary to their instructions. 
 
 Respectfully, 
 
 E. F. Dunne, Mayor. 
 
336 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 THE TRUTH ABOUT THE ISSUES OF 
 THE MUNICIPAL CAMPAIGN 
 - OF 1907. 
 
 Address at the Jefferson Club Banquet, March 9, 1907. 
 
 Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen: 
 
 The Democratic party of the city of Chicago has nominated 
 its municipal ticket and adopted a platform in accordance with 
 the overwhelming sentiment of the rank and file of the Demo- 
 cratic party. The Jefferson Club, ever true to the principles of 
 progressive democracy, as enunciated in the recent platform of 
 our party, is among the first of the Democratic organizations to 
 ratify that platform and to offer its assist-ance for the success 
 of the ticket. I thank you in behalf of myself and my col- 
 leagues upon the ticket for your prompt and loyal support. 
 
 I thank my fellow citizens tliroughout the city for my re- 
 nomination to the office that I now hold because I regard it, as 1 
 have a right to regard it, as an endorsement of the course of the 
 Democratic administration during the past twenty-three months. 
 
 The Democratic party, in my judgment, has reason to be 
 proud of the record and achievements of the city administratioiv 
 during that period. A brief review of what has been done must 
 satisfy every fair-minded citizen that the administration has 
 been conducted in the interest of the people of this community. 
 
 When I was elected mayor in April, 1905, the citizens of 
 Chicago were paying one dollar per thousand cubic feet for gas, 
 a price which the experience of modern cities shows to have been 
 extortionate. Shortly after vaj inauguration in company with 
 a committee of citizens appointed by me, I went to Springfield 
 and urged upon the Legislature the passage of a law enabling 
 cities to regulate the price to be charged for gas and electric 
 light. 
 
 The General Assembly, in response to the demand of this 
 committee, passed such a law and the same was ratified by the 
 people upon referendum vote. Immediately after the adoption 
 of this act, the mayor of Chicago presented a message to the city 
 council, asking that the price of gas be reduced to 75 cents per 
 thousand cubic feet. After investigation the council in its wis- 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 337 
 
 dom, passed an ordinance fixing the rate at 85 cents. I vetoed 
 that ordinance, believing the price was unnecessarily high. I 
 believed then, and I still believe, that 75 cents would have been a 
 just and reasonable rate. However, the people of Chicago now 
 obtain gas at a rate fifteen cents lower per thousand cubic feet 
 than was theretofore paid. 
 
 Upon entering office I found in the municipal code an ordi- 
 nance permitting the sale of water to one consumer by meter at 
 4 cents per thousand gallons, to another at 6 cents and to others 
 at 10 cents. This ordinance had been in the code for a number 
 of years and was so grossly inequitable and unfair that your 
 mayor demanded its repeal and the passage of an ordinance which 
 would be fair to all persons and corporations alike. I could see 
 no sound reason why a few powerful corporations should be 
 favored by this city and furnished with water cheaper than the 
 rest of our citizens, and I sent a message to the council, calliog 
 its attention to the iniquities of this ordinance. 
 
 As the result of my first message, I was unable to secure any 
 action in the city council. After waiting several months, I again 
 sent a message to the council which met a like fate. Finally, in 
 September, 1906, I reached the determination that this inequit- 
 able ordinance must go and I again addressed a third message 
 to the council, pointing out the unfairness and injustice of 
 this ordinance. Finally, as a result of this third message, the 
 city council, within the last ninety days, passed an ordinance 
 establishing a flat rate of 7 cents to all consumers alike. 
 
 Under the present ordinance, some thirty-six large corpora- 
 tions in this city, which have formerly been buying water at 4 
 cents per thousand gallons, are now paying 7 cents, while manv 
 thousand small consumers which had heretofore been paying 10 
 cents are now paying the same rate of 7 cents. Nor is there any 
 loss of income to the city but, on the other hand, a slight increase, 
 owing to the fact that these large consumers use as 'much water 
 as all the small ones combined. This reduction in the price of 
 water and the establishment of a flat rate to all citizens alike must 
 be credited to the Democratic administration. 
 
 During the present administration, I am also pleased to state 
 that, through the vigorous action of the law department, we 
 obtained from the Illinois Supreme Court a decision reducing the 
 price of telephones for unlimited service from $175 to $125 per 
 annum, which is in itself a great boon to the citizens of this 
 community. 
 
 During the present administration, moreover, the Chicago 
 Telephone Company, which has a monopoly upon the telephone 
 business in this city, has been haled in before the committee 
 
338 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 on gas, oil and electric light and has been flatly informed that, 
 as its present franchises are about to expire, it must, if it seeks 
 an extension of these franchises, be prepared to consider further 
 reduction of rates for this public utility, and I am pleased to say 
 that rival corporations are now competing before that committee 
 for the privilege of furnishing telephone service to the citizens 
 of Chicago at a rate as low as $80 per annum for unlimited 
 service. 
 
 During this administration, the prices charged for electric 
 light have been reduced, according to information given me by 
 city electrician Carroll, over twenty-five per cent. The city 
 council a few months ago passed a contract ordinance granting 
 valuable consolidation privileges to the Edison and Common- 
 wealth Companies. The terms of this ordinance, in my judg- 
 ment, were prejudicial to the interests of the people of this city, 
 and it was my veto alone that delivered the citizens of this com- 
 munity from an impending electric-lighting monopoly. 
 
 Reduction in the price of gas, water, telephone service and 
 electric light must all be placed to the credit of the present Demo- 
 cratic administration. 
 
 Nor is this the sum total of what has been achieved during the 
 last twenty-three months. The city of Chicago has added materially 
 to its police and fire departments and the city is receiving better 
 police and fire protection today than it ever did before. The effi- 
 ciency of the police department is attested by the statement of the 
 Anti-Crime league, made within the last few days, in which that 
 responsible organization, composed of such men as Bishop Fallows, 
 Bishop Muldoon, Rev. John Thompson, Carl L. Barnes, Quin 
 O'Brien, Nathaniel C. Sears, Charles D. Richards, E. J. Davis, 
 I. P. Rumsey, J. H. Fitch, A. J. Petit, Eugene 0. Reed, F. P. 
 Sadler, G. C. Longman, and Frank J. Shead, publicly states that 
 Chicago is today "freer from vice, crime and lawlessness than it 
 has ever been in its history," and further stating that "the infu- 
 sion of this new blood (in the police department) has given tone 
 and efficiency to the entire department, as is shown in the minimi- 
 zation of crime from which we have practically been free this win- 
 ter, in the marked improvement of traffic on our streets and the 
 general betterment of all conditions to which a police department 
 contributes. ' ' 
 
 I also found upon entering office that there existed in the heart 
 of the city, within the loop and immediately adjoining the same, 
 several nests of disreputable houses ; on La Salle Street, near the 
 courthouse, and on Custom House Place and on State Street, which 
 were an eyesore to the public and a menace to public morals. These, 
 through the efficiency of the police department, have been abso- 
 
DUXXE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERXOR 339 
 
 lutely exterminated. Street walking in this city has been sup- 
 pressed and public gambling has been stamped out. 
 
 The present city administration also entered upon a vigorous 
 crusade against the sale of decayed and diseased meats and other 
 unwholesome foods ; the result of which crusade has been the stamp- 
 ing out of such sales, for which too much credit cannot be given to 
 the present commissioner of health and his staff. 
 
 Upon entering office, I found that a large number of unscru- 
 pulous merchants were using short weights and false measures in 
 the sale of commodities. The vigorous and persistent efforts of the 
 present city sealer, Mr. Joseph Grein, have practically eliminated 
 these dishonest practices in this city. 
 
 During the whole of the administration, we have been vigor- 
 ously asserting the right of the community to compensation for the 
 use of public property, both under and over the sidewalks of the 
 city, and we have collected a large amount of rental from that 
 source. 
 
 The administration, moreover, through the sturdy and vigorous 
 enforcement of the building laws by Commissioner Bartzen, has put 
 a stop to violations of these ordinances, both by the merchant prince 
 on State Street and Wabash Avenue, as well as by the humblest 
 citizen in the outskirts. In enforcing these ordinances the depart- 
 ment has shown neither fear nor favor. 
 
 A like vigor has characterized the administration of the law 
 department of the city. That department has laid away forever 
 the 99-year ghost which intimidated for so many years the citizens 
 of this community. The same department has won almost every 
 important case that it has carried to the Supreme Courts and has 
 succeeded in collecting, as shown by the report of Corporation 
 Counsel Lewis to the city council, over $2,000,000 from corporations 
 and estates hitherto- evading just taxation which had been eluding 
 the sleepy eyes of the board of assessors and the board of review. 
 
 An honest and public-spirited board of education has suc- 
 ceeded in unearthing and exposing to the public gaze the scandalous 
 and dishonest leases of school property, given by former boards to 
 favored corporations, and this board is now engaged in the effort 
 to set aside those scandalous and dishonest leases in the interest of 
 the school children of this community. 
 
 The administration of the commissioner of public works has 
 been honest, vigorous and efficient. All contracts have been let to 
 the lowest bidders and no favor of any sort has been shown to one 
 contractor over another. Two large pumping engines have been 
 installed and started during the present administration and more 
 water has been pumped at a cheaper price than ever before in the 
 history of the city. 
 
340 DUXXE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 During the past two years the department of electricity has 
 placed more electric lights on the streets than were placed during 
 the first eleven years ' life of the municipal lighting plant and more 
 than four times as many as were placed during the combined six 
 years' administration of Mayors Roche, AVashburne and Swift. 
 During these two j^ears the department has added to the street 
 lighting a total number of lamps which, expressed in candlepower, 
 exceeds the entire street lighting in all Chicago in the year 1896. 
 The lights have been operated at a reduced cost and the wages 
 of the operating force have been increased. The average cost per 
 arc lamp during 1905 and 1906 under this administration was 100 
 per cent less than during 1891 and 1892 under Washburne. 
 
 Upon entering office, I found in the code an alleged smoke 
 correction ordinance which was a travesty upon legislation. 
 Under its terms, it was well-nigh impossible to obtain a convic- 
 tion. At my instance the city council repealed this fake or- 
 dinance and enacted a new ordinance under which 1,330 suits 
 were commenced during the year 1906, and $24,195 assessed in 
 fines, an increase over the previous year, under the old ordinance, 
 of 200 per cent in the number of suits brought and near 400 
 per cent in the amount of fines assessed. 
 
 The civil service laws, during the present administration, 
 have been honestly and rigidly enforced and no man has been 
 discharged from the public service, until after a full and fair 
 trial has been given him. In this connection it might be well 
 for me to call attention to the fact that the civil service law, 
 as administered in county offices, compared with the civil service 
 law, as administered in the city hall, is a farce. It might be 
 well also for me to call attention to the fact that the Republican 
 platform pledges the nominees of that convention to what the 
 platform calls "the practical enforcement of the merit system." 
 What the practical enforcement of the merit system may be, of 
 course, will be construed by Republicans in case of Republican 
 success, and in view of the fact that these gentlemen have been 
 advocating the passage at Springfield of an amendment to the 
 civil service law, under which civil service employes can be dis- 
 charged without trial, I am forced to the conclusion that a prac- 
 tical enforcement of the civil service law, from a Republican 
 standpoint, will mean the displacement, without trial, of public 
 officials Avho may happen to be Democrats. I do not favor nor 
 does the Democratic party favor the peremptory discharge of 
 public officials, without a hearing. If this right be given, it is 
 my belief that the political ax will be used with much vigor and 
 with much injustice. 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 341 
 
 The finances of the city were never in better condition. At 
 the close of the year 1904, the corporate purposes fund showed 
 a deficit of $218,503.51. On the 31st day of December, 1905, 
 there was a surplus of $889,872.90 and on the 31st day of Decem- 
 ber, 1906, there was a surplus of $4,274,771.43, the largest amount 
 of surplus on hand in the history of the city. There was also 
 a reduction in the charges for interest of $137,392,33. 
 
 The above are a few of the actual accomplishments of the 
 present Democratic administration which have redounded to the 
 material welfare of the citizens of Chicago. Energy and honesty 
 have characterized the administration of every department of 
 the city government. I have made the city hall an unsafe place 
 for grafters. I have permitted no man or no set of men to place 
 their collar around my neck and I have treated all classes of 
 citizens exactly alike, whether they were clothed in rags or in 
 broadcloth. 
 
 Your mayor was elected upon a pledge to institute immediate 
 proceedings to bring about municipal ownership. The adminis- 
 tration has kept that pledge. Immediately upon entering office 
 I appointed as special traction counsel, Messrs. C. S. Darrow and 
 Glen F. Plumb, who, acting in conjunction with the corporation 
 counsel and Mr. E. B. Tolman, took vigorous hold of the 99-year 
 litigation which had been slumbering in the Federal Court and 
 pushed it v/ith great tenacity and vigor to the United States 
 Supreme Court, where, within a year after I entered office, that 
 litigation was disposed of favorably to the city. 
 
 "Within six months after my induction into office, I formi>- 
 lated and submitted to the city council two plans for the bringing 
 about of the municipalization of the street cars of this city. 
 Neither of these plans, I regret to say, seemed to meet with the 
 approval of the city council. They were referred to the com- 
 mittee on local transportation and were pigeonholed by that 
 committee, while the committee, contrary to the expressed will of 
 the people, proceeded to negotiate with the street railway com- 
 [)anies for an extension of their franchises. I sent message after 
 message to the council, protesting against this policy but with- 
 out avail. Ordinances were drafted and were being pushed to 
 <'oinpletion, granting franchises to these companies of such char- 
 acter that the citizens of this city, even those not believing in 
 municipal ownership, rose in protest and finally, through the ef- 
 forts of these protesting citizens, the proposed franchise extension 
 ordinances were laid upon the shelf. This being done, the council 
 adopted one of the plans, drafted by me, known as the "City 
 plan" which called for the issuance of not to exceed $75,000,000 
 worth of Mueller certificates. 
 
342 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 This ordinance was promptly signed by the mayor arid was 
 submitted to the people and approved by them at the election of 
 April, 1906. Although the program, looking towards the muni- 
 cipalization of the street cars of this city, recommended by me 
 to the council, was seriously retarded by reason of the fact that 
 the city council disagreed with me for a long period, nevertheless 
 it has triumphed both in the council and before the people. 
 
 The ordinance, authorizing the issuance of not to exceed 
 $75,000,000 worth of Mueller certificates, is now a law and the 
 validity of that ordinance and of the Mueller law, upon which 
 it is based, is now being tested in the courts. Both the law 
 and the ordinance have already been declared valid by Judge 
 Windes in the Circuit Court of Cook County and I confidently 
 expect the Supreme Court within a short time to affirm that 
 decision. 
 
 It will be seen from what I have just stated that the ad- 
 vancement towards municipalization has been thoroughly suc- 
 cessful and, considering the difficulties which were surmounted, 
 it has been reasonably expeditious. 
 
 The people have won in the Supreme Court of the United 
 States, when that court declared the 99-year act nonexistant. 
 They have won in the council, when that body passed the Mueller 
 certificate ordinance. They have won at the polls Avhen the 
 Mueller certificate ordinance w'as approved. They have won 
 in the Circuit Court of Cook County, when that court declared 
 the ordinance and the Mueller law valid and constitutional, and 
 they expect to win in a few days in the Illinois Supreme Court, 
 when that court will affirm Judge Windes' decision. 
 
 After the ratification by the people of the Mueller certificate 
 ordinance in April, 1906, I deemed it advisable, upon consultation 
 with the best friends of municipal ownership in this city, to ap- 
 l^oint, Mr. Walter L. Fisher, as traction counsel in the place of 
 Mr, Clarence S. Darrow, resigned, and to enter into negotiations 
 with the present companies, pending the hearing of the litigation 
 which would test the validity of the Mueller law and the or- 
 dinance, to ascertain wii ether these companies would be Avilling to 
 agree upon a fair price for their present properties, and rehab- 
 ilitate the same upon plans to be agreed upon between the city 
 and the companies, and then turn over these plants to the city 
 at any time upon the payment of the purchase price and the 
 reasonable cost of rehabilitations. 
 
 I addressed a letter to the chairman of the committee on 
 local transportation, Alderman Werno, embodying my views 
 upon the matter. This communication is now generally known 
 as the "Werno letter". 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 343 
 
 In this letter I declared: 
 
 "The city should therefore be given the right of purchase 
 at any time, * * '" It does possess the right without being 
 given it by any further act of the companies. This right should 
 be jealously preserved until municipal ownership has been ac- 
 tually obtained. * * * The controlling consideration must be 
 that nothing shall be done which will impair the right of the 
 city to acquire the street railway system as soon as it has estab- 
 lished its financial ability to do so. * * * If they (the com- 
 panies) will join, if possible as one company, in the reconstruc- 
 tion of their entire system, upon plans to be adopted by the city, 
 with their concurrence, which shall provide for unified service, 
 through routes, universal transfers and operation, under revoc- 
 able license, then they should be adequately assured of the pay- 
 ment of the value of their present property (to be now fixed 
 before rehabilitation) and additional investment when the city 
 does take over the lines, and they should receive a fair return 
 upon this present and future investment and some share of 
 the remaining net profits while they continue to operate. Sub- 
 ject to these provisions, the net profits of operation should go to 
 the city as a sinking fund for the purchase of the property." 
 
 The traction companies agreed before the committee on local 
 transportation to carry on negotiations along these lines and that 
 committee and the ma.yor industriously carried on negotiations 
 v/ith these companies until the early part of January of this year. 
 
 Many of the conditions insisted upon in the "Werno letter" 
 were apparently complied with by the companies. They agreed 
 to sell their properties upon six months' notice. They furnished 
 an inventory of their tangible property and permitted the experts, 
 employed by the city, to examine into the value of the same. 
 They agreed upon a price for their tangible property now ex- 
 istent. But as the negotiations proceeded towards culmina- 
 tion, it was found that they had inserted in the proposed ordi- 
 nances many provisions which would be dangerous to the public 
 interests and which would practically prevent consummation of 
 the people's desire for municipal ownership. 
 
 These provisions were pointed out to them by myself and 
 others and they were urged to strike out and amend the same 
 so as to make them satisfactory to the popular demand. These 
 requests were refused, and the transportation committee pro- 
 ceeded with remarkable haste to finish up these ordinances, con- 
 taining as they did these dangerous provisions. This was the 
 situation of affairs upon the 7th of January last. 
 
 Wlien you elected me your mayor, I pledged myself solemnly 
 to the people, as did also Mr. Harlan, to give them an oppor- 
 
344 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 tunity to pass upon any ordinance or ordinances settling the trac- 
 tion problem before final adoption. The city council, by its 
 unanimous vote on October 15, 1905, had gone on record to the 
 same effect. 
 
 On January 7, 1907, knov^^ing that but twenty-four days 
 were left under which steps could be taken to give the people a 
 chance for a referendum vote on the present ordinances, I asked 
 the council in a message to reenact the Foreman resolution of 
 October 15, 1905, so as to permit the people of this city to have 
 the last say upon the traction question. To my great astonish- 
 ment, the council, by an overwhelming majority, refused to re- 
 enact the Foreman resolution. The only method by which I 
 could keep my pledge to the people, after the refusal of the coun- 
 cil to cooperate with me, was to appeal directly to the people. 
 This I did on the 8th of January. I issued an address to them, 
 stating the circumstances then existing and asked them to assist 
 me by getting up referendum petitions upon the proposed or- 
 dinances and filing the same with the election commissioners 
 within the ensuing twenty-four days. The people of this city 
 responded with alacrity and vigor and petitions were being cir- 
 culated throughout the city for that referendum. 
 
 The committee on local transportation, noting the {■ul'Iic i-^' 
 spouse, one week afterward, passed a resolution cooperating in 
 the securing of the referendum. That cooperation was not 
 needed, although it was gladly Avelcomed. The people would have 
 responded with or without that belated action. Over two hun- 
 dred thousand votes in favor of the referendum upon this im- 
 portant question was the answer to my appeal to the public of 
 January 8. 
 
 But, it should be noted, upon the question of the referendum, 
 the Republican platform is strangely and significantly silent. It 
 makes no mention of that measure which is the strongest safe- 
 guard of the people against improvised and vicious legislation. 
 
 As the result of my pledge to the people and my determina- 
 tion to keep that pledge, these ordinances are now before the peo- 
 ple for their approval or condemnation. The people must take 
 the final responsibility as to their adoption or rejection. Upon 
 them now rests that grave responsibility. Their decision will 
 be binding upon the next mayor. If they approve these ordi- 
 nances, he is bound — and I will be bound, if elected — to see that 
 they are carried out in accordance with the people's desire. If 
 they reject these ordinances, the next mayor must obey — and I 
 will obey, if elected — that mandate, as expressed at the polls. 
 That they should be condemned is my honest conviction and I so 
 advise the people of this city. 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 345 
 
 While upon their face, pretending to be ordinances which 
 secure the right of the people to municipalize, these ordinances 
 make it practically impossible for the people to do so. There are 
 two ordinances, one running to the Chicago City Railway Com- 
 pany and the other running to the Chicago Railways Company. 
 The ordinance to the Chicago City Railway Company must, and 
 in my judgment will be accepted, if approved by the people, with- 
 in sixty days. The ordinance to the Chicago Railways Company 
 must, and in my judgment will not, be accepted within one hun- 
 dred and sixty-five days. 
 
 My reasons for making this statement are as follows : During 
 the negotiations, I learned that there would be a consolidation 
 of the companies and that that consolidation would take place 
 under the ordinance running to the Chicago City Railway Com- 
 pany, with Mr. Mitten, the presideht of the latter company, in 
 charge. 
 
 Mr. Wilson, representing the Chicago City Railway Com- 
 pany, stated flatly before the committee that he expected that 
 his company might be called upon to advance $75,000,000 for 
 the rehabilitation of the Chicago City Railway Company and for 
 the acquisition and the rehabilitation of the west and north side 
 companies. The ordinance to the Chicago Railways Company, 
 moreover, is so complicated and contains so many difficult, if not 
 impossible, conditions as to make it, in my judgment, impossible 
 of acceptance and fulfillment by the Chicago Railways Company. 
 If the Chicago City Railway Company accepts and the Chicago 
 Railways Company refused to accept or fails to carry out the terms 
 of its ordinance, then the city of Chicago, in acquiring the trac- 
 tion lines of the city, must deal with the Chicago City Railway 
 Company. 
 
 The ordinance to that company requires the city to pay all 
 cash before it can take over the property. The cost price will 
 be (as admitted by Mr. Arnold) from $90^000,000 to $100,000,000. 
 The city has no fund with which to acquire the property, except 
 that derived from the sale oE the Mueller certificates, heretofore 
 authorized by the city council. These certificates will not net 
 to exceed $72,000,000 in cash. In other words, under the terms 
 of the Chicago City Railway ordinance, the city must buy 
 $100,000,000 worth of property in cash with $72,000,000 in cash, 
 an utter impossibility^ 
 
 In order to obviate this difficulty, I suggested to the commit- 
 tee on local transportation and to the traction companies that they 
 either provide that the city might purchase, subject to the cost of 
 rehabiliation, or provide that the cost of the improvements shall 
 at no time exceed the amount of Mueller certificates authorized. 
 
346 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 Both propositions were refused. The sole object of refusal must 
 have been to put the city in such position as to make it unable to 
 purchase. It could have no other object. 
 
 Another most objectionable and dangerous feature in the 
 ordinances is that there is no guarantee that the net profits shall 
 amount to any definite sum or proportion of the gross receipts. 
 The traction companies were very loud in their claims that the 
 city would get as its share for the first year over $1,350,000. But 
 when Alderman Dever figured that this would be approximately 
 eight per cent of the gross receipts and they were urged to insert 
 a provision in the ordinances that the net profits to the city shall 
 at no time be less than eight per cent of the gross receipts, they 
 flatly refused to entertain the proposition. 
 
 The AVerno letter declared: 
 
 "The companies should be adequately assured of the pay- 
 ment of the value of their present property (to be fixed before 
 rehabilitation) and additional investment when the city does take 
 over the lines and they should receive a fair return upon this 
 present and future investment and some share of the rem'iini)]g 
 net profits while they continue to operate. Subject to these 
 provisions, the profits of operation should go to the city as a 
 sinking fund for the purchase of the property. 
 
 In other words, the Werno letter provides that the city shall 
 get the profits of operation, less a certain portion of the net re- 
 ceipts which should go to the companies. These ordinances re- 
 verse the proposition and give the companies the profits of opera- 
 tion, subject to some net receipts to the city. 
 
 Not only do the ordinances fail to 'guarantee to the city an 
 income of any character, but, if the ordinances become effective, 
 approximately $125,000 per year which is now paid to the city 
 under existing ordinances will be wiped out. 
 
 The proposed ordinances allow the present companies a con- 
 tractor's profit of ten per cent upon all work of rehabilitation 
 and then provide that subcontracts may be made with the ap- 
 proval of the board of engineers. In other words, the ordinances 
 expressly permit subcontracts. Judging of the future by the 
 past, we know that immediately upon the approval of these or- 
 dinances certain ingenious gentlemen, connected with the com- 
 panies, will organize construction companies and take contracts 
 for the building of power houses, car barns, railway tracks, etc., 
 from these companies at the usual profit. Subcontractors will 
 not work without the customary profit of ten per cent upon the 
 actual cost and then the company will add ten per cent additional 
 to the amount paid the subcontractor, or eleven per cent on the 
 actual cost. Under these provisions when the city attempts to 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 347 
 
 purchase, it will have to pay the cost of construction and twenty- 
 one per cent in addition thereto. 
 
 Another serious objection to the ordinances will be found in 
 that provision which prevents rival companies from coming into 
 Chicago and furnisliing a three or a four-cent fare, under ordi- 
 nances of similar character, without the payment of a twent}' per 
 cent bonus over and above what the city would have to pay, if it 
 took over the property for operation. It was urged by the 
 traction representatives before the committee that this twenty 
 per cent premium should be incorporated in the ordinances for 
 the purpose of protecting them against the rapacity of rival cap- 
 italists. They argued that after they had built these lines, some 
 buccaneer in finance might come along and offer to advance 
 money to buy them out, if the city would grant a similar fran- 
 chise. That some protection, if not to this amount, should be 
 given one buccaneer as against another might be conceded. That 
 the protection should amouut to twenty per cent, however, is a 
 matter of serious doubt. But it was suggested to the represen- 
 tatives of the traction companies that, if other financiers would 
 offer the city a four-cent fare or a three-cent fare under a similar 
 ordinance, that such conduct could hardly be construed as sand- 
 bagging or buccaneering. The companies were requested to in- 
 sert in the ordinances a provision that if any rival company 
 should offer to the city a three-cent fare or a four-cent fare 
 under a like ordinance, the company making such an offer should 
 be permitted to take over the property upon the same terms as 
 the city could take it over for operation. They absolutely re- 
 fused to consider such a proposition. 
 
 The objection that I have noted to these ordinances are, in 
 my judgment, of serious character and impose such burdens upon 
 the city as to make acquisition of these properties practically 
 impossible. Much was conceded by representatives of the city in 
 the effort to bring about a settlement that would be fair to tin- 
 Companies and to the people, but which would preserve the right 
 of the city to municipalize upon just and reasonable terms. 
 
 The city's representatives agreed to a price of $50,000,000 
 upon these properties, which, in the judgment of many thousands 
 of our fellow citizens, is unreasonably high. As pointed out by 
 Alderman Dover in the city council, the payment of $50,000,000 
 to the present companies for their properties is at the rate of 
 $71,428 per mile. The cost of rehabilitation, as estimated by 
 Mr. Arnold, is between $40,000,000 and $50,000,000. If the cost 
 is $40,000,000 when rehabilitated, we will be paying for these 
 properties at the rate of $128,571 per mile. Yet Mayor Johnson, 
 of Cleveland, within the last year built and is now successfully 
 
348 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 operating at a profit upon a three-cent fare, an absolutely new 
 street railway plant which cost $50,000 per mile. 
 
 The city's representatives further conceded, with much hesi- 
 tation and doubt, that the companies should be paid for the in- 
 tangible property that they now possess, valued at $9,000,000, if 
 the city bought after that intangible property had vanished by 
 expiration of franchises, all of which expire within seven years. 
 
 The city's representatives conceded many things in the in- 
 terest of a fair settlement of this great question. But, notwith- 
 standing all these concessions, the companies have insisted upon 
 retaining in these ordinances the objectionable features pointed 
 out heretofore, and others, which in my juagm'.-iit, make tiiese 
 ordinances dangerous to the people and practically prohibitive of 
 the demand of the people for municipal ownership. 
 
 In my deliberate opinion, these ordinances, if approved by 
 the people, will prevent the people of this city from acquiring 
 municipal ownership of these lines for twenty years, if not longer. 
 At the end of the twenty years, the ordinances provide that the 
 city cannot take possession until it pays for the properties of 
 the companies in cash and, until the city has done that, the com- 
 panies to which these ordinances run will have a right to retain 
 possession of the streets and operate their lines. 
 
 For the last eight years, the representatives of the city have 
 been engaged in futile negotiations with these companies Avhich 
 Avould settle the traction question by agreement. Four different 
 ordinances have been under consideration and have been rejected 
 either by the people or by the companies. The patience of the 
 public has become exhausted. Every reasonable effort has been 
 made by the present administration to secure a settlement of the 
 complicated problem by agreement with the companies. It has 
 made many concessions which, in my judgment, would have been 
 unsatisfactory to the people of this community, in the earnest 
 hope that a settlement might be obtained. It seems impossible 
 to agree upon any ordinances with these companies that will 
 protect the city's interests. The patience of the people has be- 
 come exhausted. They now demand the cessation of all these 
 negotiations and an appeal to the courts in condemnation. 
 
 In such proceedings, the value of the present properties can 
 be judicially determined and determined quickly. A trial in the 
 lower courts can be had within six months and an appeal to the 
 Supreme Court can be had and finally disposed of within eighteen 
 months. Once the value of the property is judicially determined 
 in the lower court, nothing remains for the city but to negotiate 
 its IMuoller certificates, raise the necessary cash and hand it to 
 the companies and take possession of the properties. If the 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 349 
 
 companies desire to appeal, they can do so. But the city will 
 be iu possession pending the appeal. 
 
 The city can rehabilitate these properties just as cheaply, if 
 not more cheaply, than the present companies. It can certainly 
 rehabilitate without paying double contractor's profits. 
 
 The temper of the people is aroused. The 99-year act is 
 disposed of. The traction companies, By their own obstinacy, 
 have forced a situation v^hieh is final and conclusive. The lantern 
 has been hung out from the belfry tower. These ordinances 
 should be voted down and, when they are voted down, condem- 
 nation suits must be immediately commenced, the value of these 
 properties determined in a just and legal manner, the companies 
 paid and the city take possession of the lines and commence their 
 rehabilitation, as has been done by hundreds of great cities in 
 the world. 
 
 The people have negotiated and negotiated and bargained 
 and bargained without result. AVhenever the people have ap- 
 pealed to the courts they have been almost invariably successful 
 in asserting or maintaining their rights. Such was the result 
 in the universal transfer case, in the case involving the 99-year 
 act, in the case involving the police power of the city, in the case 
 involving the validity of the Mueller certificates, in the telephone 
 case and in nearly every other case brought by the city to assert 
 its rights against public utility corporations. 
 
 Let the courts now determine the matter and do justice to 
 the companies and the people alike. 
 
350 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 THE REPUBLICAN PARTY AND THE 
 PANIC OF 1907. 
 
 Address at Freeport, Illinois, December 20, 1907. 
 
 Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen: 
 
 At a time when the granaries of the Nation are full, when from 
 its fertile fields are now being garnered the most bountiful 
 crops in its history, when its forges and factories were running 
 to their fullest capacity, suddenly there has come upon this 
 Nation, within the last thirty days, a financial crash which has 
 toppled over mighty banks, thrown great manufacturing plants 
 into the hands of receivers, caused the closing of many stock ex- 
 changes, and still threatens stagnation to the entire business in- 
 terests of the country. 
 
 For the first time in the history of this country since the 
 Civil AVar, the banks of the entire country liave suspended cash 
 payments, and resorted to the war times expedient of issuing 
 shin-plasters to pass current in place of the currency established 
 by the law of the land. According to the Inter-Ocean, 307,000 
 men, who thirty days ago were working, are now in enforced idle- 
 ness, while many more thousands stand in dread of discharge, 
 and for the first time in the history of America, laboring men by 
 the tens of thousands are crowding the steerage of passenger 
 ships bound for Europe. 
 
 What is the cause of the extraordinary and calamitous re- 
 versal of trade conditions in the United States? Not a failure of 
 crops, because now and for many years past we have been blessed 
 by Providence with most bountiful harvests. Not plague or 
 famine, because we have been remarkably free from these visita- 
 tions. Not a natural scarcity of money, for owing to the recent 
 wonderful discoveries and production of gold we have a plentiful 
 supply per capita of the circulating medium of exchange. Not 
 the Democratic party because it has been out of power for nearly 
 twelve years. What, then; has been the cause of this cataclysm? 
 Some of our Republican friends would have you believe that the 
 author of these evils is the man whom they have elevated to the 
 highest position in the land, Theodore RooseA^elt, President of the 
 United States. 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 351 
 
 Now, fellow citizens, I believe our Republican friends can 
 locate aright the cause of the present panic in their own party, 
 but it is in the legislative rather than in the executive branch of 
 the Government control led by them that the real cause of our 
 troubles can be located. 
 
 The Congress of the United States, dominated for tlie last 
 eleven years by the Republican party, has been sedulously and 
 persistently fostering monopoly and building up the voracious 
 and greedy trusts which have been sucking up the life blood of 
 the Nation, stifling competition, robbing the producer on one 
 hand, and the consumer on the other, and choking the middle- 
 man between them. This, the Republican Congress effected by 
 its infamous tariff laws and its refusal to pass effective inter- 
 state commerce legislation which might curb the weedlike growth 
 of these monstrous trusts and monopolies. 
 
 As early as 1S96, the Democratic party noted and warned 
 the people of the danger from these giant monopolies. In the 
 Democratic platform of that year it declared: 
 
 "The absorption of wealth by the few, the consolidation 
 of our leading railroads, and the formation of trusts and pools 
 require a stricter control by the Federal Government. We de- 
 mand the enlargement of the powers of the interstate commerce 
 commission and such restrictions and guarantees in the control 
 of railroads as will protect the people from robbery and op- 
 pression. ' ' 
 
 Even at that early day, 1896, statistics showed that one per 
 cent of the population owned much more than half of the prop- 
 erty of the countr}^, and yet the Republican platform of that year 
 had not a word against the fast growing monopolies of the trusts, 
 but yelled lustily for more protection and less money. 
 
 In 1900 the trusts and monopolies had waxed still more for- 
 midable and dangerous. Consolidation, exploitation and balloon 
 financiering under the fostering care of the Republican Congress 
 had gone on apace. The tariff laws had been given a dose of 
 digitalis, while the Interstate Commerce law was given the usual 
 dose of morphine. The middleman had been choked to death, 
 and the grip on both producer and consumer had l)een tightened. 
 
 The concentration of the wealth of the people in the hands of 
 the few had been further painfully accentuated. 
 
 Again in 1900 the Democratic party, in its platform, spoke 
 out in more emphatic tones: 
 
 "Private monopolies are indefensible and intolerable. * * * 
 They rob both producer and consumer. * * * Unless their 
 insatiate greed is checked, all wealth will be aggregated in a few 
 hands and the republic destroyed. * * * 
 
352 DUXXE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 "They are fostered by Republican laws and protected by the 
 Republican administration in return for campaign subscriptions 
 and political support. * * * The whole constitutional power 
 of Congress over interstate commerce, the mails and all modes of 
 interstate communication shall be exercised by the enactment of 
 comprehensive laws on the subject of trusts. Tariff laws should 
 be amended by putting the products of the trusts upon the free 
 lists."' 
 
 While the Democratic party in this vigorous language rec- 
 ognized the portentious dangers involving and still further 
 threatening the people in 1900, the Republican party in conven- 
 tion assembled did not even deign to mention the word trust in 
 its platform. Its financial beneficiaries and backers would not 
 allow it. 
 
 But they rallied round the swag, boys. 
 
 Rallied once again. 
 Shouting the battle cry of plunder. 
 
 And in the year 1900 again, the cohorts of monopoly rallied 
 to the cry ; the electorate was again debauched with the enor- 
 mous rake-off contributed by the plunderbund and monopoly 
 again resumed its scientific robbery of the people on a grander 
 and more stupendous scale. 
 
 Having paid the Republican party for protection in their 
 piratical schemes for the robbery of the people, the trust justly 
 concluded that the further prosecution of their manifold devices 
 for exploitation of monopoly would not be interfered with. 
 
 The Republican Presidents and the Republican Congress for 
 the next four years remained as silent and impassive as was their 
 Republican platform in dealing with the giant trusts and monopo- 
 lies that were tightening their hold upon the people. 
 
 Consolidation and amalgamation of small monopolies which 
 controlled but sections of the country into single great monopolies 
 that embraced the whole country now began to appear. The 
 Standard Oil Company had secured the monopoly of oil from Maine 
 to California, from the great lakes to the gulf. The steel and 
 iron, meat, leather and tobacco monopolies were almost as com- 
 plete and extensive. 
 
 The grip of the octopus of monopoly for the next ensuing 
 four years was rapidly tightening year by year. 
 
 In 1904 the national convention of both of the great political 
 parties again formulated their platforms. 
 
 "With the evidence plainly before each of these conventions 
 that the people were being robbed and plundered by the great 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 353 
 
 corporate monopolies, the parties framed their platforms and 
 selected their candidates. 
 
 The Democratic party for the third time recognized the great 
 danger impending over the Nation as the result of the tremendous 
 growth of monopoly and privilege and again warned the elec- 
 torate of the result that must inevitably follow from its continu- 
 ance and declared : 
 
 "The gigantic trusts, fostered and promoted under Repub- 
 lican rule, are a menace to competition and an obstacle to business 
 prosperity. 
 
 "A private monopoly is indefensible and intolerable. * * * 
 We denounce rebates by transportation companies as the most 
 potent agency in promoting these unlawful conspiracies against 
 trade. * * * AVe demand the strict enforcement of existing 
 civil and criminal statutes against all such trusts and monopolies 
 and the enactment of such further legislation as may be necessary 
 to effectually suppress them." 
 
 So flagrant and oppressive had these great monopolies become 
 at this time that the Republican party for the first time in 1904 
 was compelled, out of deference to public sentiment, to take notice 
 of the w^ord trust. 
 
 In its platform of 1904, for the lirst time, the Republican 
 party uses the word, but notice, my friends, the subtle and lady- 
 like language that it uses in speaking of its friends and financial 
 supporters, the trusts of the country. I quote it verbatim: 
 
 "Control of Trusts. Combinations of. capital and labor are 
 the result of the economic movement of the age, but neither must 
 be permitted to infringe upon the rights and interests of the 
 people. Such combinations when lawfully formed for lawful 
 purposes are alike entitled to the protection of the laws, but both 
 are subject to the laws and neither can be permitted to break 
 them." 
 
 This is the plank of the Republican convention of 1904 in its 
 entirety. "Vox praeterea nil." 
 
 This Jack Bunsbian language can be as appropriately applied 
 to a combination of milliners as to a combination of bank 
 burglars. 
 
 It was the manifest intention of the leaders of the Republican 
 party, every man of whom was directly or indirectly financially 
 in the great trusts and monopolies which were oppressing the 
 people, to continue the era of loot and protect the incorporated 
 looters that furnished them their gigantic campaign funds and 
 made most of them millionaires. Immediately after the election 
 of President Roosevelt, the freebooters of finance resumed with 
 added confidence their colossal schemes for plundering the public. 
 
 —12 
 
354 DUXNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 By devious methods having procured control of the great life 
 insurance companies, banlvs and railroads, they used the trust 
 moneys of these institutions to acquire the stocks of the smaller 
 banking, railway, street railway and industrial corporations, and 
 having placed themselves and their satellites on the boards of 
 directors of these smaller concerns, they started their engraving 
 and printing departments to work and issued to themselves bil- 
 lions of dollars worth of bonds and stock certificates which they 
 then listed upon the stock exchanges and proceeded to deal out 
 to the gullible public. 
 
 In 1904 the United States census estimated the total Avealth 
 of the United States at $107,000,000,000. 
 
 Yet while the total Avealth of the whole country of every 
 character as estimated by the United States census bureau was 
 only $107,000,000,000 these conscienceless freebooters had stocked 
 and bonded four classes of corporations alone, the steam railroads, 
 the public utility corporations, some mining corporations, and 
 some industrial corporations at the enormous sum of thirty-six 
 and one-fourth billions, as shown l)y Moody's Manual of 1906. 
 In other words, these frenzied financiers had listed upon the stock 
 exchange and offered to the public for consumption stocks and 
 bonds of these four classes of corporations alone, at a supposed 
 value of thirty-four per cent of all the wealth of the United 
 States. 
 
 As a sample of how the public were being swindled by these 
 watered stocks and bonds let me cite the case of the American 
 Tobacco Company as recounted in this month's number of Every- 
 body's Magazine. 
 
 In 1890 five tobacco firms, having real estate and buildings 
 worth $400,000, were incorporated in New Jersey for $25,000,000. 
 This stock was actually sold to the credulous public for from 
 63 to 180 cents on the dollar. 
 
 In 1898 the public having "digested" the $25,000,000 issue of 
 stocks and bonds, Jim Keene and the Standard Oil crowd became 
 interested, got control and again started the stock and bond 
 factory, and the stock and bond capitalization was increased to 
 $50,000,000. 
 
 Now a rival pirate ship appears in the offing ; Thomas F. 
 Ryan, B. A. P. "Widener, et al, having noted the success of Amer* 
 ican Tobacco in the stock market, under the able guidance of 
 Standard Oil, conceived the idea of a rival tobacco company, and, 
 aided by the sagacious counsel of Elihu Root, now Secretary of 
 State, organized the Union Tobacco Company in 1899, capital 
 stock $10,000,000, of which $1,350,000 was the only cash actually 
 paid in. 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 355 
 
 The new company had friends in Congress, notably in th^ 
 Senate, and the duties upon tobacco could be readjusted so as to 
 help the new company and injure the old. Result — consolida- 
 tion, satisfactory legislation and new orders to the printing and 
 engraving bureau for the issuance of $35,000,000 more stock. Be- 
 fore the passage of any legislation which would help the tobacco 
 interest, it was deemed proper to get control of the stock of the 
 only formidable rival in the country, a St. Louis corporation 
 making plug tobacco. This is accomplished by the issuance of 
 more stock, making the total capitalization in June, 1901, of 
 nearly $200,000,000. Then the Republican lawmaking machine, 
 with three Senators, heavy holders of tobacco stock, passed a law 
 giving proper protection to the great tobacco interests of the 
 United States, and the printing and engraving bureau continued 
 its good work until in 1907, the total capitalization of this great 
 home industry, including its dummy and subsidiary companies, 
 aggregates the enormous sum of $500,000,000. 
 
 This $500,000,000 of American. Tobacco stock and the stock 
 of its subsidiary companies is part of the thirty-six and one-fourth 
 billions of stock and bonds, mentioned in Moody's Manual of 
 1906, and has been swalloAved by the American public and it is 
 the etfort of that public now to digest these stocks which has 
 given the American stomach that violent cramp which we call the 
 "panic". 
 
 The thirty-six and one-fourth billions of stocks and bonds 
 comprise an enormous amount of stocks and bonds issued in the 
 same manner as the tobacco stock. It was issued originally, of 
 course, by the frenzied financiers to themselves, but not to be 
 held by them. Calling a dollar ten dollars and then holding it 
 does not enrich the holder, but calling one dollar ten dollars and 
 getting another man to pay ten dollars, or nine dollars for it, 
 does enrich the man who suceeds in making such a trade. That 
 is what the kings of finance, under the protection of Repfublican 
 rule, have been doing for years. 
 
 They incorporate an enterprise for ten times its value, list its 
 stock on the exchange at that fictitious figure, h .Id it there unii 
 honestly or dishonestly, a couple of dividends are declared, then 
 sell the stock for such prices as they can get a buncoed public 
 to give. Their brokers will take five per cent margin from any 
 gambling lamb, and their bankers, before the crash, would loan 
 seventy-five per cent on the quoted value of the stocks. Any- 
 thing and everything to get the money of the confiding public. 
 
 By such methods and artifices, the dear confiding public 
 were induced to bolt, but had not digested, an enormous amount 
 
356 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOF 
 
 of this thirty-six and one-fourth billion stocks and bonds, and 
 found itself, in the summer of 1907, suffering from a bad ease of 
 financial indigestion. Some time prior thereto, our strenuous 
 and well meaning President discovered that some of these mighty 
 monopolies, notably the Standard Oil Company, the Northern 
 Securities Company, and some of the big railway corporations 
 were not only skinning the public by stock manipulations, but 
 were violating the Interstate Commerce Act by giving and getting 
 secret rebates and other devices. Not being a man, so con- 
 structed as to differentiate between a big criminal and a little one, 
 he ordered their prosecution and exposure and publicly and em- 
 phatically declared he would continue to so act while he held 
 public office. 
 
 This announcement may or may not have affected the spirits 
 ' of the patient suffering from indigestion, but whether it did or 
 not, it was not the cause of the malady. 
 
 The vicious policj^ of the Kepublican Congress in throwing 
 a high protective wall around the products manufactured by these 
 mighty monopolies, and its refusal to enact and enforce anti- 
 monopoly and effective interstate commerce acts, which would 
 prevent rebates and discrimination, has enabled these oppressive 
 combinations to become "powerful and dangerous, so dangerous 
 as to threaten the perpetuity of this Republic. These great com- 
 binations today control the Republican party and through it, the 
 Government of this country. 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 357 
 
 TARDY JUSTICE TO EX-MAYOR 
 
 DUNNE. 
 
 Editorial in Chicago Tribune, November 13, 1908. 
 
 A friend of ex-Mayor Dunne has called attention to an edi- 
 torial published in the Tribune two years ago which he believes 
 did an unintentional injustice to the ex-mayor in the heat of a 
 political campaign. The Tribune said that the mayor had packed 
 the board of education with boodlers. In justice to Mayor Dunne 
 the Tribune has reexamined its editorial and agrees that the com- 
 plaint of the ex-mayor's friend has some foundation. 
 
 The Tribune never intended to charge Mayor Dunne with 
 intentionally appointing men of that character to the board of 
 education. 
 
 It was its purpose to criticise his judgment of men. "While 
 differing radically from him on his political views and question- 
 ing his sagacity in making political appointments, the Tribune 
 at no time has questioned the personal integrity of Judge Dunne, 
 his desire to appoint honest men to office, or his honesty of pur- 
 pose in the selection of his appointees. 
 
 It is but fair to say of him that during his long career in 
 public life, as judge, as mayor, and as a leader of the Democratic 
 party in the State, he has neither affiliated with boodlers nor 
 wittingly appointed them to public office. 
 
358 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 LINCOLN, THE LAWYER. 
 
 Address at Bar Banquet, Galesburg, III., February 12, 1909. 
 
 Mr. Toastmaster and Gentlemen: 
 
 Throughout the American Nation, in every city, town and 
 hamlet within its mighty confines, the people of this land are to- 
 night celebrating the centenary of th(! birth of one of the noblest 
 characters in American history, and one of the greatest philan- 
 thropists and humanitarians in all history. We, in common with 
 millions of our fellow citizens, are met to do honor to the memory 
 of a man -who in his lifetime was, because of his devotion to ideals 
 which struck at sinfully acquired property, more vilified and 
 calumniated than any man of his day or age ; who died a martyr 
 to high principles, but whose fame and name have continued to 
 grow- in the estimation of the world till it has become one of the 
 greatest in history. The many sided aspects of this great char- 
 acter will be displayed and descanted upon throughout the Nation 
 tonight, bvit there is one facet of the stone which members of the 
 bar should carefully examine and consider. 
 
 Lincoln was a statesman, Lincoln was a philanthropist, Lin- 
 coln was an orator and Lincoln was a lawmaker and Chief Execu- 
 tive of a great Nation. But Lincoln was also a lawyer and Lin- 
 coln as a lawyer should be an appropriate theme for discussion 
 among American lawyers. 
 
 Let us for a short time consider Lincoln, the lawyer. For 
 twenty-tliree years of his life, Abraham Lincoln practiced law 
 for a living in the Springfield district of this State in what was 
 then known as the Eighth Judicial circuit. That circuit for a 
 time comprised fully one-seventh of the whole area of the State. 
 Because of its immense area, the difficulties of travel in those 
 early days, and the fact that the Supreme Court was held in 
 Springfield, Lincoln seldom, if ever, engaged in any litigation 
 outside of that circuit. 
 
 His career as a lawyer began, continued and ended in that 
 circuit. The chief characteristics of that career were iudefatig- 
 able industry, remarkable modesty and absolute integrity. 
 
 No man in the profession in this time worked so tirelessly 
 and incessantly. Astride a pow^erful horse -with his saddle bags 
 containing his briefs and pleadings, or, in a wobbling, dilapidated 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 359 
 
 buggy he followed the circuit judge from county seat to county 
 seat through fourteen counties, over almost impassable roads, 
 sleeping in impossible taverns, often sharing a bed with fellow 
 lawyers, or sometimes with the circuit judge himself. For weeks 
 at a time he was away from his home and office, constantly try- 
 ing cases in the then obscure and widely separated county seats 
 of eastern central Illinois. No farmer or mechanic of today 
 did half of the physical labor performed by Lincoln in making 
 these fearful pilgrimages. The remarkable feature of these 
 laborious trips is the fact that throughout them all he preserved 
 his health and good temper. The physical hardships of his early 
 life seemed to have enured him to all kinds of harrassing wear 
 and tear, his temperate habits preserved his extraordinary physi- 
 cal strength, and the unfailing good humor and light-heartednesa 
 with which his Maker endowed him, enabled him, after a hard 
 day's work, to cast off his cares as easily as he discarded his 
 overcoat. 
 
 No lawyer in the circuit tried as many nisi prius cases as 
 did Lincoln. For a time in his career on the circuit he was 
 almost incessantly in court, being retained on either side of nearly 
 every case on trial. 
 
 Nor were his labors confined to the Circuit Court. The labor 
 performed by him on briefs tiled in the Supreme Court was prodi- 
 gious. In the first twenty-five volumes of the Supreme Court 
 reports his name appears as counsel 173 times. In some of these 
 cases, doubtless, the briefs may have been prepared by associate 
 counsel, but no lawyer could have had 173 cases in the Supreme 
 Court within twenty-three years without having done an enor- 
 mous amount of work on the same, both in the Circuit and 
 Supreme Courts. The wonder of the thing grows upon us when 
 we reflect that for many years he prepared his own pleadings 
 in long hand; that his brief book was kept in his pocket and 
 sometimes in his hat, and that in his early days in the profession, 
 he was very careless and unmethodical. 
 
 His industry, however, marvelous as it was, never equaled 
 his modesty. Lincoln was not a commercial law^yer. He knew 
 not how to capitalize anything; least of all did he know how to 
 capitalize his own wonderful genius. The possessor of rude but 
 convincing eloquence that persuaded juries and convinced courts, 
 endowed by God with a nobility of character and a love of truth 
 which shone through his every act and work and brought success 
 to nearly every cause he championed, this great man and this 
 great lawyer was possessed of an instinctive modesty that re- 
 fused to rate his owni worth in mercenarv cash. 
 
360 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 The man who withiu a few years afterward gave utterance 
 to that immortal classic at Gettysburg and penned the likewise 
 immortal Emancipation Proclamation, in his own estimation as a 
 lawyer, was not worth $25 a day. Think of it, you men who are 
 practicing law here today. Think of it, you men Avho can't 
 attend a court without feeling that you are the judge, or a wed- 
 ding without becoming of the opinion that you are the bride, or a 
 wake without believing that you are the corpse. On one of his 
 circuits, it is said Lincoln only collected $5 in cash. On many of 
 them, most of his fees were $5 a trial, and in but very few cases 
 did he receive $50. 
 
 Lincoln should have had some of the commercial lawyers that 
 I know as a partner. Listead of going into the White House 
 poor, he could have been able to boast that his acceptancy of 
 the Presidency was a financial sacrifice. 
 
 His guileless and uncommercial character as a lawyer is but 
 illustrated by his notes made preparatory to a law lecture. 
 
 "The matter of fees is important," he wrote, "far beyond 
 the mere question of bread and butter involved. Properly at- 
 tended to, fuller justice is done to both lawyer and client. An 
 exorbitant fee should never l)e charged. As a general rule, 
 never take your whole fee in advance, nor any more than a small 
 retainer. When fully paid before hand, you are more than 
 mortal if you can feel the same interest in the case as if some- 
 thing was still in prospect." 
 
 Contrast this idea with those of the modern commercial 
 lawyer. 
 
 On one occasion when he learned that an attorney who had 
 retained him had charged $250 for their joint services, he refused 
 to take any share of the money until the fee had been reduced to 
 what he deemed a reasonable amount. 
 
 For this and other outrages of this character upon the legal 
 profession, he was denounced by Judge David Davis, who said: 
 "Lincoln, you are impoverishing the bar by your picayune 
 charges," and he was tried by his brother lawyers in a mock 
 court, condemned, found guilty, and paid his fine with the utmost 
 good nature. 
 
 The lack of financial acquisitiveness, amounting at times to 
 self-deprivations, characterized his every station in life, from gro- 
 cery clerk to the Presidency, and impelled him at all times to 
 side with the under dog and to champion the cause of the poor, 
 the lowly and the oppressed. 
 
 But Lincoln, the lawyer, was not only industrious and mod- 
 est, he was uncorruptibly honest. He could not and would not 
 lie, dissemble, pettifog or corrupt. Lincoln fought his legal 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 361 
 
 battles in the open. Although a power in polities, he never 
 maneuvered and intrigued to get a man on the bench that lie 
 could own. Although a member of the Legislature and of Con- 
 gress, he never was a lobbyist, either during his term of office 
 or afterwards. He never joined swell clubs or fawned upon the 
 wealthy. He never invited judges on the bench to stretch their 
 legs and consciences at private dinner parties. He never dosed 
 them with Ruinart and Cliquot or furnished them with private 
 cars and free transportation. He had no systematized depart- 
 ments in his law office called "Tax Department" wherein the 
 duties of the tax lawj^er was to fix the assessor; "Legislative 
 Department," wherein the legislative lawyer was detailed to see 
 the councilman and assemblyman ; ' ' Publicity Department, ' ' 
 wherein the publicity lawyer was employed to fix the newspapers ; 
 "Claim Department," wherein the claim lawyer was detailed to 
 get to the hospital with a receipt in full before the injured claim- 
 ant was operated upon; "Coroner's Department," wherein the 
 deputy lawyer arranged to draft the verdict for the accommoda- 
 tion of the coroner's jury; nor a "Settlement Department," whose 
 duty it was to settle cases with litigants behind the backs of the 
 lawyers who had brought suits and got them in readiness for trial. 
 Lincoln would have scorned to preside over, or be found in such 
 a law office. 
 
 Lincoln tried some important lawsuits for corporations who 
 needed his unquestioned ability in court as a trial lawyer, but 
 he never became a corporation lawyer in the modern sense. 
 
 His ability could be hired, but not his conscience. He could 
 never be hired to advise a client, no matter how wealthy, how 
 to violate the law, how to cajole or corrupt a court or jury, how 
 to fix an assessor, or debauch a councilman or legislator. 
 
 Even when retained in a case where he owed the duty of 
 giving his best efforts to his client, he insisted that the client 
 must act with honor. 
 
 It is said that during the trial of one of his cases he detected 
 his client acting dishonorably, whereupon he walked out of the 
 court room, and refused to proceed with the trial. Upon the 
 judge sending a messenger after him, directing him to return, 
 he positively declined, saying, "Tell the judge my hands are 
 dirty and I've gone away to wash them." 
 
 Nor would he accept a retainer in a case which was legally 
 
 right, but morally wrong. 
 
 To a prospective client, seeking his services, he once said: 
 "We can doubtless win your case, set a whole neighborhood 
 
 at loggerheads, distress a widow and six fatherless children, and 
 
362 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 thereby get you six liimdred dollars, to which you have a legal 
 claim, but which rightfully belongs to the widow aud her chil- 
 dren. Some things that are legally right are not morally right. 
 We would advise you to try your hand at making $600 some other 
 way. ' ' 
 
 At another time he refused to allow his partner to file a dila- 
 tory plea w^iich was not based upon facts, saying: "You know 
 it is a sham, and a sham is very often another term for a lie. 
 Don't let it go on record. The cursed thing may come staring 
 us in the face long after this suit is forgotten." 
 
 Such were the principles that actuated and governed Lincoln 
 in the practice of his profession. 
 
 In these modern days the spirit of commercialism is alto- 
 gether too rampant. The success of a man is too often measured, 
 not by what he has achieved, or attempted to achieve, but by what 
 he has amassed. 
 
 Unfortunately there is too much of a tendency to apply this 
 test of success in life to the professions, to the surgeon, the en- 
 gineer, and the lawyer. Is it the true test? I sincerely be- 
 lieve it is not. 
 
 A remunerative practice in any profession is a laudable ambi- 
 tion, but too often that ambition is tainted with the "get-rich- 
 at-any-cost" spirit of the age. 
 
 In the mad rush for wealth is it not "well for the lawyer of 
 this day to reflect upon such an occasion as this that men like 
 Abraham Lincoln have lived and labored hard in our chosen pro- 
 fession; have been loyal to their clients' interests, have adhered 
 to lofty ideals and preserved the purest ethics of the profession 
 without amassing wealth? Is it not well to reflect that these 
 lawyers have left behind them records of professional success 
 and names that will never fade from the pages of legal history, 
 names that will be recalled with respect and admiration among 
 generations yet unborn, when the names and deeds of lawyers 
 whose successes are measured merely by their financial acquisi- 
 tions are lost in oblivion? 
 
 Such a name and such a fame is that of Abraham Lincoln, 
 the financially poor, but ethically and morally rich lawyer of 
 central Illinois. 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 363 
 
 PROTESTS HONOR TO JUDGE DICK- 
 INSON BY IROQUOIS CLUB. 
 
 Letter to the Iroquois Club, March 6, 1909, 
 
 I am in receipt of your invitation to attend a reception and 
 banquet to be given in the clubrooms, on Tuesday, March 9, 1909, 
 to Judge Dickinson as a mark of honor and a testimonial of 
 respect to him upon his acceptance of a position in the Cabinet 
 of President Taft. 
 
 If this reception and banquet were tendered to Judge Dick- 
 inson by citizens, irrespective of party and party affiliations, I 
 would be pleased to attend, as I have the highest respect for 
 Judge Dickinson as a lawyer and as a citizen who has the right 
 of every citizen to change his political beliefs and affiliations at 
 any time. 
 
 As a citizen I congratulate Judge Dickinson upon his selec- 
 tion for a position of great dignity and honor, and I sincerely 
 wish the present administration, Judge Dickinson and every 
 member of the Cabinet every possible success in their public ca- 
 reers, and earnestly hope that their public life will be a record 
 of patriotism and accomplishment. 
 
 As the reception and banquet, however, is tendered to him 
 by a club which claims and has always claimed to be an exclu- 
 sively Democratic organization, at a time when he. Judge Dickin- 
 son, has publicly abandoned the Democratic party and entered 
 the ranks of the Republican party, I cannot consistently attend 
 and must respectfully protest as a member of this club against 
 tendering such an honor at such a time and under such cir- 
 cumstances. 
 
 If Judge Dickinson supported Judge Taft for the Presidency 
 he abandoned the Democratic party in the last campaign and 
 became a Republican. If he did not support Judge Taft for the 
 Presidency, his acceptance now of a position in the Cabinet of 
 the President is a public announcement of his allegiance to and 
 accordance with the principles of the Republican party and a 
 repudiation and an abandonment of the Democratic party and 
 its principles. 
 
364 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 For a Democratic club to tender its congratulations in this 
 manner to a gentleman because of his recent abandonment of his 
 party and its principles and his espousal of the opposite party 
 strikes me as highly inconsistent, if not ridiculous. 
 
 I, therefore, most respectfully decline to accept your invita- 
 tion and desire to record my protest against the action of the 
 club in tendering any such honor to Judge Dickinson under the 
 existing circumstances. 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 365 
 
 THE TRACTION SLUSH FUND. 
 
 Extract from an Address, April 5, 1909. 
 
 The information which came to me — and which I believe to 
 be absolutely true — was that the slush fund was not as small as 
 the $350,000 or $360,000 that some of the newspapers say it was, 
 but that it aggregated $600,000. I will not say whether one or 
 two big leaders who received the $50,000 each belong to the 
 Republican or Democratic party organization. 
 
 But I will say that I am satisfied that a slush fund of $600,000 
 was raised by traction interests to put through the traction set- 
 tlement ordinances. I was mayor at the time, and it was be- 
 cause of what I knew of the situatiou thai; the information about 
 the slush fund and where it went reached me in the course of 
 time. 
 
 The subcontracting and rebating provisions of the ordinances 
 were criticised by me at the time as likely sources of graft. 1 
 thought there were some excellent provisions in the ordinances. 
 But the vicious things — the "jokers" in the measure — were 
 numerous. I did my best to expose and eliminate them, but the 
 ways were "greased", as is now admitted. 
 
 However, it was a greasing that will prove costly to the city, 
 as under the operation of the vicious "jokers" the city's 55 per 
 cent income from the net receipts of the traction business is grad- 
 ually dwindling away. Unless I miss my guess, the city's net 
 will continue to diminish until the net is a "nit" and nothing 
 more. 
 
366 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 ANNOUNCEMENT OF CANDIDACY FOR 
 GOVERNOR. 
 
 Statement to the Public, January, 1912. 
 
 For fifteen years Republican jackpot bosses have been in 
 complete control of the government of the State of Illinois, 
 During that period the expense of maintaining the government 
 has increased from about five million dollars per annum, under 
 the last Democratic Governor and true friend of the people, 
 Altgeld, to the staggering total of nearly fifteen million dollars 
 per annum under Deneen, During that period the State has 
 been disgraced and its citizens humiliated by an unparalleled sat- 
 urnalia of debauchery and corruption. The great corporations 
 have evaded just taxation and the public resources have been 
 wasted and dissipated. 
 
 During that period our Legislature and the state board of 
 equalization have become a bj^-word and an object of scorn be- 
 cause both have taken orders from jackpot bosses, who have 
 abused their self-assumed authority by throttling the demands of 
 the people and forcing obedience to the commands of the cor- 
 porations and trusts doing business in the State. 
 
 STATE LEGISLATURE WAS DEBAUCHED. 
 
 During the same fifteen years a group of machine bosses, 
 composed at times of political adventurers from the State at large, 
 but recently of survivors of the fierce factional w^ars that have 
 torn the Republican organization of Cook County to shreds' 
 and tatters, has conducted openly and shamelessly, but always 
 profitably, a system of political office brokerage, tlirough which 
 they have kept their camp followers in public places. The people 
 of Illinois have paid the bills. The system began with the Tan- 
 ner administration in 1897 and has continued through the several 
 terms of Yates and Deneen. Hundreds of thousands of dollars 
 of the people's revenues have thus found their way into the 
 pockets of political parasites whose labor consisted in drawing 
 their breaths and their salaries. 
 
 The debauching of the legislature was coincident with the 
 restoration of the Republican party to power fifteen years ago. 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, (JOVERXOR 367. 
 
 The passage of the Allen bill, Avhicli sought to rob the people of 
 Chicago of their right to control their own streets, the gas front- 
 age and consolidation bills and other equally infamous measures, 
 in a single session, seem to have broken through that moral fiber 
 which, theretofore, constituted a check upon the greed and im- 
 moral tendencies of our public servants. You have only to scau 
 the testimony of those who have appeared as witnesses before 
 the Senate committee that is investigating the election of Senator 
 Lorimer to ascertain the extent of the corruption that is seemingly 
 permeating every avenue of Republican activities in Illinois. It 
 is a continuous story of jackpots. During these fifteen years 
 the state board of equalization, a majority of whom are obscure 
 political henchmen of these same bosses, has been steadily reduc- 
 ing the taxation justly due from the railroads and other corpora- 
 tions, and thus throwing an additional and unjust burden upon 
 the other taxpayers of the State. 
 
 JACKPOT BOSSES STIFLE PEOPLE'S DEMANDS. 
 
 During these fifteen years of power these jackpot bosses 
 have repeatedly turned a deaf ear to the demands of the people 
 for a direct primary by having enacted a series of imperfect laws, 
 knowing them to be imperfect, that were declared null and void 
 by the Supreme Court, one after another, as often as they came 
 before that court and not until 1910 did these jackpot bosses 
 permit the passage of an act that was within the limitations fixeii 
 by the court. Even that law does not give the people the power 
 they should have in selecting candidates. 
 
 The people's demand for the initiative and referendum, twice 
 asserted by popular vote and by overwhelming majorities, has 
 been ingeniously evaded and finally denied. 
 
 The advisory primary vote of the people, governing the selec- 
 tion of a United States Senator, was repudiated by a Republican 
 General Assembly with the connivance of a Republican Governor 
 and the will of the people of the State thus set at defiance by a 
 scandalous cabal, of which Deneen and Lorimer were the leading 
 spirits. And while that bold crime against the dignity and au- 
 thority of the people was being framed, with its tragic sequel of 
 confessions of bribery and criminal prosecutions and death, 
 Deneen and Lorimer, according to the sworn testimony of Deneen, 
 were meeting at the State Capitol daily and there discussing the 
 possibility of the Supreme Court voiding the then existing primary 
 election law, and whether or not, if such a decision were handed 
 down, Busse, then mayor of Chicago, would employ the police 
 force to drive them (Deneen and Lorimer) from power in Chicago. 
 Could there have been a more logical setting for what followed? 
 
368 DUNNE JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 JACKPOTTERS AT EACH OTHER'S THROATS. 
 
 Now the Republican leaders are all at each other's throats — 
 Deneen, Lorimer, Busse, Campbell, and Pease, and their followers 
 and satellites in the State. They have grown rich and powerful, 
 and no longer are in agreement about how to divide the spoils. 
 They cannot again fall back upon the so-called protective, but 
 in truth, the robber tariff, and tlie delusive "full dinner pail," 
 and for once find themselves with no cohesive strength to further 
 delude the public. Such being the situation of the Republican 
 party and its leaders in this State, the time has arrived, in my 
 judgment, when the public will not longer be misled and imposed 
 upon by the discredited and disunited firm of political office 
 brokers and their parasitical followers. 
 
 The steady adherence of the Democratic party to the policy 
 of tarift' for revenue only is at last to bear fruit, and the public, 
 too long exploited and plundered by the party in power, is ready 
 to turn to honest doctrines and progressive Democratic measures. 
 Believing this to be the condition of the public mind, it is my 
 firm conviction that the Democratic party is about to return to 
 power in this State and also in the Nation, pledged to the enact- 
 ment of laws governing corrupt practices at election, election of 
 Senators by direct vote of the people, the abolition of that instru- 
 ment of venality and favoritism in taxation, the board of equali- 
 zation, the enactment into law of the initiative and referendum 
 and other progressive measures which will restore representative 
 government and assure the people of permanent control of the 
 functions and prerogatives that have been wrested from them 
 by the forces of special privilege through the debauching of cor- 
 rupt public servants. 
 
 JACKPOT GOVERNMENT MUST GO. 
 
 In other words, I believe the time has come when jackpot 
 government must go and when the honest manhood of Illinois 
 will rescue their commonwealth from the wickedness, favoritism 
 and corruption that are besmirching its good name. 
 
 It may be that owing to the expense necessarily involved in 
 making a thorough canvass of the State, I may not be able to 
 reach personally or by mail many thousands of my fellow citizens, 
 and because of this situation I am constrained to ask the co- 
 operation and support of all who believe in clean, honest and 
 progressive government. T ask them to give me their assistance 
 upon the pledge that if placed in the Governor's office of this 
 great State, I will devote my whole time, energy and such ability 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 369 
 
 as I may possess to the regeneration of its politics, and in sub- 
 stituting for the existing rule of the "jackpotter" and "office 
 broker" the rule of the people, who are and should be the makers 
 of the Constitutions and laws of this splendid commonwealth. 
 
 E. F. Dunne. 
 
370 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 ADDRESS IN MEMORY OF JOHN P. 
 ALTGELD. 
 
 At Chicago, March 10, 1912. 
 
 Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen: 
 
 Marble and recording brass decay 
 And, like the graver's memory, pass away; 
 The works of man inherit, as is just. 
 Their author's frailty and return to dust; 
 But truth divine forever stands secure, 
 Its head as guarded as its base is sure. 
 
 — Cowper. 
 
 Ten years ago there passed away at Joliet, in this State, a 
 great statesman and a just man, the memory of whose name we 
 cherish today. 
 
 As the years roll by and as we recede in time from that 
 strenuous era in which John P. Altgeld took such an active and 
 important part, the figure that he made in the history of his day 
 looms larger and grander. 
 
 Excepting only Lincoln and Douglas, no man in the history 
 of Illinois has left his impress upon the thoughts and affections 
 of the common people of the State as did Governor Altgeld. 
 
 In every crisis that involved the rights and interests of the 
 common people, which arose in the decade from 1892 to 1902, 
 during which Altgeld was a leading figure in public life, he threw 
 himself into the contest with dynamic force and philanthropic 
 disinterestedness on the side of the people. Reckless of conse- 
 quences, social, political or financial, he preached and practiced 
 the poor man's gospel of equal rights. 
 
 GAVE UP ALL FOR MAN. 
 
 Possessed of a financial competency sufficient to entitle him 
 to be ranked before his entry into active political life among the 
 the millionaires of his day, and holding a position of dignity and 
 emolument upon the bench, when the call to public duty reached 
 him, without calculating the cost, he abandoned his private in- 
 terests and resigned from the bench to fight the battle of man 
 against Mammon. 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 371 
 
 A more unique and remarkable character never appeared in 
 the history of the Middle States of America. 
 
 A German immigrant of weakly frame and constitution and 
 without financial resource, we find him a poor working boy in 
 this country, when it became involved in a life and death strug- 
 gle for its existence. 
 
 Possessed of that courage, and love of liberty which has 
 characterized the Teutonic race from the time when, with un- 
 daunted hearts and naked bodies, the AUemani fought the serried 
 and cuirassed legions of Rome under Caesar and preserved their 
 independence of Rome along the banks of the Rhine, Altgeld, at 
 16 years of age, risked his life for the abolition of human slavery 
 and the preservation of his adopted country. 
 
 Preserved by Providence for greater accomplishments, Alt- 
 geld returned from the battlefield, unscathed in body, to resume 
 the duties of the citizen in time of peace. 
 
 He quickly acquired by self-education the qualifications of a 
 successful teacher, taught school for a period, during which his 
 laudable ambition and tireless energy procured for him admission 
 to the bar. 
 
 A LEADER AMONG LAWYERS. 
 
 His wonderful intellect and tireless energy soon placed him 
 among the leaders of his profession, and then upon the bench, 
 with a fortune amassed from his practice and judicious invest- 
 ments. 
 
 Always a deep thinker and a humanitarian, when he took his 
 seat upon the bench he became a student of social problems. That 
 the rapidly produced wealth of the country was being concen- 
 trated in the hands of a few exploiters of labor, while the real 
 producers of this wealth were but scant partakers of the same ; 
 that half-starved workingmen walked the streets of great cities, 
 where policemen guarded safety deposit vaults containing bil- 
 lions of securities, and that the laws and policies of government 
 not only permitted but fostered such an inequitable distribution 
 of wealth, caused Altgeld, as it caused Henry George and Tom 
 Johnson, to take an active part in public life, with the design of 
 remedying such dangerous conditions. 
 
 No man ever entered in the active Avarfare of polities with 
 more unselfish and more disinterested motives. 
 
 In 1892, when called upon by the Democratic party to be- 
 come its candidate for Governor of Illinois, he had an ample 
 fortune, a position of dignity and large property interests. Politi- 
 cal promotion beyond the Governorship was impossible by reason 
 of his foreign birth. Yet the hope that, by holding the position 
 
372 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 of Governor of a great state, he might be able to fight vested 
 privilege and enforce equity in legislation and aid with humane 
 laws the lot of the common laborer which he had shared %vhen a 
 boy, impelled him to make the race for Governor. 
 
 A SHOCK TO CORRUPTION. 
 
 His election to that office was a shock to every tax-dodging, 
 law-defying, labor-skinning and judge-corrupting plutocrat and 
 corporation in America. 
 
 That a man who believed in absolute equality before the law, 
 and who could not be bribed, browbeaten, cozened or cajoled by 
 the agents of special privilege, should occupy the highest posi- 
 tion in the great State of Illinois was to them a matter of serious 
 portent. 
 
 If the precedent should become contagious, what might hap- 
 pen? At once the syndicated powers of privilege and plutocracy 
 opened war upon the Governor. 
 
 Most of the metropolitan papers of the country were already 
 under the control of the moneyed interests. Such as were not 
 and were needed were speedily secured, pelf, not principle, being 
 the actuating motive. 
 
 A campaign of slander, vituperation and billingsgate un- 
 paralleled even in the unscrupulous methods of the modern dailies 
 w^as inaugurated and maintained by the unprincipled owners of 
 these papers to blacken the character and weaken the influence 
 of this high-minded and courageous friend of the people. 
 
 His motives were impugned, his utterances distorted, his acts 
 misrepresented, his financial interests assailed, his public and 
 private life assaulted Avith all the venom that the human mind 
 was capable of exuding. 
 
 PICTURED AS ANARCHIST. 
 
 He was pictured as an anarchist with a bomb in one hand 
 and a toich in the other. The sewers of mendacity and the 
 eessj)ools of malignity were scraped dry and the contents hurled 
 against the name and character of the people's friend. They 
 succeeded in driving him from office and ruining his fortune, but 
 with his back to the wall and his face to the stars, Altgeld gave 
 back blow for blow, and in justification of his course left as a 
 monument to his name and a vindication of his acts and motives, 
 State papers that will be more imperishable than all the monu- 
 ments of granite and bronze that were ever erected; aye, more 
 enduring than the pyramids that in the Egyptian deserts have 
 withstood the wear and tear of forty centuries. 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 373 
 
 Ten years have passed since the great Governor of Illinois 
 and true friend of the people has been called to his reward, ana 
 now as the impartial student of history in the privacy of his 
 library reads the splendid messages of Grovernor Altgeld, in which 
 he explains his pardon of the condemned"" anarchists, and his pro- 
 test against the unlawful usurpation of Federal authority by Presi- 
 dent Cleveland, he cannot but be convinced that Altgeld was a 
 statesman of lofty character and sublime courase. 
 
 Nor is his character disclosed solely in his public messages. 
 All through the essays, treatises and speeches which he left behind 
 him, we find the lofty ideas of the humanitarian and philosopher. 
 
 In warning the young men of the danger of the lust of wealth, 
 he asks: "Which should a young man, starting in life prefer: 
 to be able to stand erect in God's sunlight and take his chances, 
 free from the burden of tainted dollars; or a fortune of ill-gotten 
 wealth wdth the deformity of soul, the destruction of noble man- 
 hood, the blight of dissipation and physical disintegration that 
 too often accompany such an inheritance?" 
 
 FORTUNES AMASSED FROM ILL-PAID LABOR. 
 
 In speaking of fortunes amassed from ill-requited labor, he 
 asks: "Can we expect our children to be happy and free from 
 inherited blight if we give them the money we have made from 
 underpaying the labor that helped us amass a fortune?" 
 
 In discussing the unjust burdens of labor under existing laws, 
 he blazed the way for remedial legislation which only last year 
 has been enacted in this State. These were his words: "In 
 all large industries accidents happen, laborers get crippled, 
 crushed, killed. This means widows, poverty and wretchedness. 
 Justice requires that accidents should be charged up to the busi- 
 ness, that those who are maimed should be cared for by those for 
 whom they toiled." 
 
 In discussing the evils of a standing army on another oc- 
 casion, he said: "Instead of a standing army being a preserver 
 of peace, it is a constant provocation to war and a continual 
 menace to the liberties of a country. Tyranny must rely upon 
 brute force, but republics must look to the affections of the 
 people for protection." 
 
 "What a splendid exhibition of benignant philosophy is con- 
 tained in these words written by him a short time before his 
 death: "He who has deep down in his soul the knowledge that 
 he has always fought for the right, and that he never knowingly 
 has v^rronged another, could not be unhappy though the world 
 were arrayed against him." 
 
374 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 THE LIBERTINE AND THE GREAT DAILIES. 
 
 And in denunciation of the libertine, what truer words were 
 ever written: "The man who ruthlessly abandons a woman 
 who has believed and confided in him destroys himself and, 
 though he fly to the end of the earth, the curse will follow. ' ' 
 
 And in discussing the methods pursued by the great dailies 
 of his day. how truthful are the following statements: "Few 
 men have grown great upon the large newspapers during the 
 last generation. Many men of excellent ability, fine education 
 and noble aspirations have entered the field. They became for a 
 time more acute and better able to serve their masters, but they 
 degenerate in character. No man can hide behind a hedge and 
 throw missiles at people traveling on life's highway without 
 deteriorating. 
 
 "The great dailies lay the blight of their conduct upon all 
 who are connected with them. The proprietor may wield power 
 for a time, but with rare exceptions the same dragon of wrong 
 conduct that swallows up the smaller men in his employ will 
 destroy him also." 
 
 TO CONTEMPLATE A NOBLE STRUCTURE. 
 
 To appreciate the stateliness, the symmetry and grandeur 
 of a structure which is a triumph of architectural skill, one must 
 not stand close to its wall and place one's hand upon its polished 
 surface. 
 
 One must recede from it to some distance in order to drink in 
 and absorb its stately outlines. So it is in the case of Altgeld's 
 character. As we recede in time from the period when that char- 
 acter developed its full greatness is disclosed. 
 
 Today after the lapse of years we recognize in the character 
 and life of John P. Altgeld a symmetry and grandeur rarely 
 equaled among the public men of his day and age. 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 WHAT NAME AND MEMORY SHOULD 
 WE LEAVE? 
 
 Address on Decoration Day, May 30, 1912. 
 Mr. Chairman, Ladies and Gentlemen: 
 
 "Our fathers' God! from out whose hand 
 The centuries fall like grains of sand, 
 We meet today, united, free, . 
 And loyal to our land and Thee, 
 To thank Thee for the era done. 
 And trust Thee for the opening one." 
 
 Half a century has passed since, in the mighty struggle for 
 the preservation of this great Republic, brave men gave up their 
 lives upon the altar of patriotism. They died that their country 
 might live and that country living, delights to honor the names 
 and graves of those who died in her cause. 
 
 Throughout the length and breadth of this great land, under 
 the whispering pines of Maine, in the everglades of Florida — 
 from the rolling billows of New Jersey, to the golden sands of 
 California, loyal and grateful men and women are today gathered 
 by grass-grown graves of the heroic soldiers of the war of the 
 Republic, scattering fragrant flowers upon the beds in which lie 
 at rest all that was mortal of their deathless dead. Thus does a 
 grateful Nation honor its fallen defenders and a more worthy and 
 inspiring ceremonial was never engrafted upon the customs of an 
 intelligent and self-respecting people. 
 
 To the credit of America this beautiful custom has never been 
 abandoned or neglected, since it was first established half a cen- 
 tury ago. We are here today to' participate in that time-honored 
 practice, and today, Avith reverent hands we gently strew upon 
 the graves of the dead soldiers, now sleeping their eternal sleep 
 in this cemetery, the floAvers of affection and remembrance. 
 
 "Dulce et decorum est pro patria mori." 
 
 'Tis pleasant and proper to die for one's country, but it is 
 also pleasant and proper for those who have not had that honor 
 and glory, to perpetuate the memory of those who have given up 
 their lives in their countrv's cause. 
 
376 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 May the day never come when the meu and women of this 
 country are indifferent to and neglectful of this beautiful custom. 
 
 As the years roll by and as new generations of men spring 
 into being, of course, it is natural that those who did not per- 
 sonally know and who are not closely related to the patriot dead, 
 may not feel the same poignant personal grief for those now 
 resting beneath the graveyard's sod, as those of the past gen- 
 eration, yet the spirit that caused the institution of Decoration 
 Day should not be allowed to subside or be forgotten. 'Tis the 
 sentiment of a Nation, not the personal grief of individuals, that 
 Decoration Day should typify and express. A nation without sen- 
 timent is doomed to decay. 
 
 Some one has said : 
 
 "A land without memories is a land without history. 
 A land that wears a laurel crown may be fair to see, but tAvine 
 a few sad cypress leaves around the brow of any land and it 
 becomes lovely in its consecrated coronet of sorrow. Crowns of 
 roses fade, crowns of thorns endure, Calvaries and crucifixions 
 take deepest hold of humanity; they pass and are forgotten; the 
 sufferings of right are graven deepest in the chronicle of nations." 
 
 And a poet sings : 
 
 "Give me the land that is blest with the dust 
 And bright with the deeds of the down-trodden just 
 Give me the land with a grave in each spot 
 And names in the graves that will not be forgot." 
 
 The tendency of the age in which we live is altogether too 
 materialistic. If truth be told in these modern days, we have 
 become money-mad. In the last quarter of a century we have 
 produced billionaires and millionaires by the thousands, 
 but where are our great American composers, painters, sculptors, 
 dramatists or poets? In these days men point with awe and 
 reverence to the gigantic financial figures of Morgan, Rockefeller, 
 Carnegie and Harriman, but seem to forget, in the absence of 
 their intellectual equals, the glory which Prescott and Bancroft, 
 Irving, Lowell and Longfellow have brought to America. 
 
 No poet comparable to Longfellow or Poe, no statesman like 
 Clay, Calhoun or Webster, no orator like Dougherty, Brecken- 
 ridge or Ingersoll, has risen upon the intellectual horizon of 
 this country within the last twenty years. The sentimental as- 
 pirations of our people, that which makes for lofty ideals, for 
 poetry and patriotism, for intellectual development, seem to be 
 submerged in the intense struggle for material wealth and the 
 enjoj^ment of the gross material luxuries which wealth brings in 
 its train. 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 377 
 
 To such a pass have things come in this age of enormous 
 wealth and gross materialism that the days set apart in more 
 patriotic times, for the commemoration of the glorious achieve- 
 ♦ ments of American history, are now devoted by many Americans 
 to the gratification of their love for display or sport. Instead 
 of the reading of the Declaration of Independence and patriotic 
 speeches on the Fourth of July, we now have an automobile race 
 with its train of homicides, or a baseball game. 
 
 On Thanksgiving Day, instead of thank offering, we have a 
 football game and a bacchanalian feast, and on Decoration Day, 
 it has just been seriously proposed in this city to have a gigantic 
 parade of draft horses, which would enable the pork packers 
 and big teamsters of the city to display the equine wealth of their 
 stables. 
 
 No such honors to the horse have ever been contemplated 
 since the day wlien a profligate Roman emperor decreed that 
 his dumb charger should wear the honors usually accorded to a 
 Caesar, 
 
 Enough of the old patriotic spirit of 1776 and 1861, however, 
 still remains among us to prevent this desecration of the day 
 devoted by the American people to the memory of its patriot 
 dead. Public sentiment favored the hero rather than the horse, 
 and, to the credit of American patriotism, we witness today the 
 attenuated parade of gaunt and grizzled men who still remain 
 to remind us of the days of American valor on the field of battle 
 rather than the dazzling display of stall-fed horses to remind 
 us of the plethoric purses of purse-proud millionaires. 
 
 On this holy ground, sanctified by the bones of patriots, 
 let us, my friends, resolve to resist the materialistic tendencies 
 of the times which would place pelf before patriotism and 
 mammon before man. Looking back over history, let us profit 
 by the lives and deaths of the men upon whose graves we have 
 laid our garlands of remembrance. There are two things we 
 can leave behind us — money and memory. We can take nothing 
 earthly with us. There is no pocket in a shroud. 
 
 If tomorrow we were to face the great hereafter which would 
 we prefer to leave behind us, a great fortune or an honorable 
 name? Would we prefer to leave the name and memory of 
 such as lie around us, the name of a patriot and a martyr, and 
 lie in an humble grave where grateful Americans come and strew 
 the flowers of remembrance, or leave behind us a fortune to curse 
 our children and lie in a mausoleum of sculptured marble, whose 
 only visitors are the hired mercenaries that guard the tomb from 
 spoliation. The one is the grave of the patriot, the other the 
 tomb of the plutocrat. 
 
378 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 There can be no doubt as to how the true American wouU! 
 answer this question. He will prefer to leave behind him the 
 record of a good name, the record of duty done and honor 
 preserved. 
 
 All men cannot have the honor of dying for their country, 
 as have the patriot dead that slumber here. But all men can 
 and do fight the battle of life, and that battle can always be 
 fought along sordid or sentimental lines, selfishly or unselfishly. 
 Let us take inspiration from the graves of the patriot dead. 
 Let us labor as they did for the spiritual, rather than the material, 
 welfare of our country. Let us make this Nation a happy as well 
 as a prosperous land, by placing in the exercise of our duties 
 of citizenship, patriotism before party and man before mammon. 
 Then we can join ^vith LongfelloAV and sing to our mother 
 laud : 
 
 "Our hearts, our hopes are all with Thee, 
 Our hearts, our hopes, our prayers, our tears, 
 Our faith triumphant o'er our fears. 
 Are with Thee, are all with Thee." 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 379 
 
 THE DANGERS OF MONOPOLIES. 
 
 Address at Belleville, III,, July 4, 1912. 
 
 Mr. Chairman, Ladies and Gentlemen: 
 
 Following the laudable and patriotic precedent established 
 over a century ago, we meet today to celebrate the birth of the 
 greatest Republic in history. 
 
 Until Thomas Jefferson penned that immortal document 
 which first enunciated correctly the inalienable rights of man 
 and Avhich we with pride call the Declaration of Independence, 
 the nations of the earth had bowed submissively before the politi- 
 cal fetich called the divine right of kings. For centuries man- 
 kind had been taught that the right to rule was the divinely 
 appointed privilege of the few and that submission to the will 
 of the ruler was the divinely appointed lot of the multitude. 
 
 AVhen Jefferson and his compeers in the Continental Congress 
 promulgated to the world the doctrine that "all men are created 
 equal," with certain inalienable rights, including "life, liberty 
 and the pursuit of happiness," and that "All governments derive 
 their just powers from the consent of the governed," they enun- 
 ciated a new political gospel which shook the very foundation of 
 kingly rights and the vested privileges of centuries. 
 
 It is not so much the birth of a new Nation that we celebrate 
 on July 4 as the birth of the new theory of government. Re- 
 publics indeed had existed in the world's history before 1776, 
 but even in the republics of Athens and of Rome absolute political 
 equality among men Avas unknoAvn. 
 
 The Athenian helot and the Roman slave Avere inhabitants 
 but not citizens, and strange indeed is the fact that even in this 
 Republic, after the promulgation of the great declaration of 
 human rights in 1776, human slavery in flat contradiction of the 
 principles enunciated in the Declaration of Independence con- 
 tinued to exist for OA'er ninety years. 
 
 Vested privilege in the form of legalized OAvnership of 
 human flesh doggedly resisted the crystallization into laAV of the 
 principles of the immortal Declaration of Independence, until 
 the conscience of the American people blazed out in civil Avar 
 in 1861, and at a mighty expenditure of blood and treasure, made 
 the declarafion that "all men are born free and equal," for the 
 first time in history, true in fact as Avell as in theory. 
 
380 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 One hundred and thirty-six years ago today this Nation and 
 the idea of political human equality was born and today with 
 pride we celebrate the anniversary. 
 
 From a struggling infant among the nations, we have become 
 a giant. 
 
 In all things material, we have made marvelous progress. 
 We have the richest country in the world. In the mechanical 
 arts and sciences we lead all nations. 
 
 And yet, my friends, there are some things in the midst of 
 our great prosperity that must make the thoughtful, patriotic 
 citizen pause and consider for the future welfare of our country. 
 We have become money-mad. We are living in a purely com- 
 mercial atmosphere. We inhabit a land richly endowed by 
 nature, where wealth is being amassed with marvelous speed and 
 the aim of too many Americans is to get rich and get rich quickly. 
 W^e are neglecting the spiritual and intellectual side of life. 
 When the Nation was young, we had our poets like Poe, Bryant, 
 and Longfellow, our historians like Prescott and Bancroft, our 
 statesmen like Webster, Clay, and Calhoun, our orators like Inger- 
 soll, Breckenridge and Dougherty. Where are our poe is, our 
 historians, and our literary men of today? 
 
 Take up our papers and you will find column after coliinni 
 devoted to the financial achievements of a Rockefeller, a ]\'J organ, 
 or a Carnegie, but not a word about an American composer, an 
 American painter, sculptor, or poet. 
 
 Go to any of our clubs and we find that it is the man who 
 has made millions, who is pointed out as worthy of admiration 
 and to whom bow down the obsequious adorers of wealth. 
 
 Where are our musicians, composers, artists, poets and ora- 
 tors ? Nowhere. 
 
 Where are our millionaires? Almost everywhere. As the 
 result of this lustful wealth and adoration of the wealthy, almost 
 the sole aim of the brainy young man of America today is to 
 become rich. He becomes commercialized, materialistic. 
 
 There is no great financial reward to be had from the pursuit 
 of literature or art. Therefore he eschews them. He has seen 
 money quickly made by the flotation of consolidated enterprises 
 into great monopolies which reduce the cost and increase the 
 profit of manufacture, particularly in those things manufactured 
 which are the necessities of life. To this avenue leading to qivck 
 wealth he directs his ardent steps. This is the bent of the young 
 active American mind today. 
 
 What is the result? Great monopolies have been conceived 
 and delivered by master minds in the American business world 
 which have increased the cost of living outrageously. 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 381 
 
 Food stuffs, wearing apparel, building material, fuel, light, 
 and the other necessities of life are now produced by great 
 monopolies, formed by consolidating many manufacturies into 
 one, over-capitalizing the consolidation, cutting down wages, and 
 raising the prices to consumers. 
 
 Attendant upon the great consolidations are strikes and lock- 
 outs among the wage earners, resisting reductions of ^^ages on 
 the one side and discontent and protest by the consumer (>n 
 the other. 
 
 This monopolistic tendency in the American business world 
 is becoming dangerous to the community, particularly where it 
 is fostered and encouraged by law. It is producing many social- 
 ists and, I am afraid, some anarchists. 
 
 That I am not too pessimistic in this matter is shown by the 
 fact that Mood3''s Manual of Corporation Securities contains the 
 names of 287 industrial trusts capitalized for about seven billion 
 dollars, most of which are producing the necessities of life. 
 
 Nearly all of them are outrageously over-capitalize.l and, in 
 their efforts to produce dividends on this fraudulent over- capitali- 
 zation, the workingman is squeezed on the one hand while the 
 consumer is robbed on the other. 
 
 To add insult to injury and to increase the burden of ihe 
 iniquity, about 75 per cent of all the capital invested in these 
 monopolies is favored and fostered by the iniquitous high tariff 
 laws of the Nation. 
 
 As the result of this deplorable monopolistic tendency of our 
 time, the increase in the cost of the necessities of life in recent 
 years has been about 50 per cent while the increase of t\.<i wage 
 of the workingman has been less than 20 per cent. 
 
 The most unfortunate aspect of the situation is that while tlie 
 wealth of the country is increasing prodigiously year by year, 
 this wealth, instead of being diffused among the multitude, where 
 its good effects could be appreciated in some measure by all 
 classes, is being rapidly concentrated in the hands of a com- 
 paratively few. 
 
 Senator LaFollette, after careful investigation several years 
 ago, stated in the United States Senate that "less than one hun- 
 dred men controlled the industries of the whole country" and in 
 the recent investigation of the money trust, made by Conoress, 
 it was developed that the six men, controlling the clearing house 
 of New York City, could make or break any bank or industry in 
 the United States. 
 
 This consolidation of the manufacture and production of the 
 necessities of life into great monopolies, with the attendant in- 
 crease of cost to the consumer without a proportionate increase 
 
382 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 in the income of the wage earner and the concentration of the 
 wealth produced in the hands of the few is a dangerous menace to 
 the welfare and prosperity of our country. 
 
 It is defended by some as an evolution of modern progress. 
 Add one letter to evolution and it becomes revolution. Make ft 
 fcAV more additions to monopoly in modern business and it may 
 have the same effect. 
 
 Thoughtful minds have been for years alarmed at these dan- 
 gerous tendencies of the times and have been warning the public 
 against their continuance. 
 
 Thomas Carlyle, in his book on the French Revolution, de- 
 clared that the immediate and provoking cause of that cataclysm 
 was "a hungry belly." 
 
 Private monopoly, if left undisturbed, is always rapacious, 
 and, if the necessities of life are in the hands of monopoly, the 
 public will be exploited to the limit of human endurance. 
 
 Public control of private monopoly must come as the only 
 remedy. Great leaders of public thought have long reached this 
 conclusion. Col. AVilliam J. Bryan has w^ritten into the platforms 
 of two national conventions the bold statement that "Private 
 monopoly is indefensible." Senator LaFollette has declared that 
 ' ' The railroads, the trusts, the tariff and the money power control 
 in government and the burdens of the people grow heavier every 
 day. A crisis is at hand," and he attempted to write into the 
 platform of his party a declaration that "monopoly is intoler- 
 able." 
 
 Following these great tribunes of the people, Col. Roosevelt, 
 Governor Wdson and other patriotic moulders of public thought 
 have pointed out the dangers resulting from the continuance of 
 monopoly in business and warned the rulers of our country of the 
 dangers of the wrath to come. 
 
 Let us, my friends, on this day dedicated to the celebration 
 of our national anniversary, give a little thought to this serious 
 aspect of our present day conditions. We are too well educated 
 and too intelligent people to pass over wuth indifference matters 
 which so seriously concern the welfare of our country. 
 
 It will not do for us to say "we are too much engrossed Avith 
 our private affairs to be concerned with public affairs." It wnll 
 not do to say "leave public affairs to be disposed of by public 
 men." That is the position of the lazy and indifferent citizen. 
 The indifferent citizen is a bad citizen. He sleeps at his post. 
 The men behind the monopolies never do. Men in public affairs 
 will respond to public sentiment when it is manifested at the polls. 
 If they don't, they go out of office quickly. But an indifferent 
 and sleepy electorate often allows, by its ignorance and indolence. 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 383 
 
 men in public office and the agents of vested interests to enter 
 into political partnerships, the profits of which are unwittingly 
 paid by the electorate for years before discovery. 
 Let us, in the exercise of our duties as citizens, place patriotism 
 patriotism, to depart sufficiently from the materialistic tendencies 
 of the age to devote some of our time and attention to the public 
 questions of the day. Let us keep pace with the march of events. 
 Let us, in the exercise of our duties as citizens, place patriotism 
 before party and man before mammon. 
 
 If we find aught in public questions of the day which is of 
 serious portent to the health of the Xatiou, let us by our voice and 
 vote make ourselves heard in averting it. If we find that which 
 makes for. the prosperity and well-being of the country, let us 
 stand fast for it. Let us determine to make this Nation a happy 
 as well as a splendid land and sing with Longfellow to our 
 motherland : 
 
 "Our hearts, our hopes, are all with thee — 
 Our hearts, our hopes, our prayers, our tears, 
 Our faith triumphant o'er our fears 
 Are all with thee, are all with thee." 
 
384 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 THE ECONOMIC PROBLEM OF THE 
 
 DAY. 
 
 Address at Ottawa, Illinois, September, 1912. 
 
 Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen: 
 
 ' On a day set apart by law to be devoted to the celebration 
 of the achievement of labor, it is well for us to discuss those sub- 
 jects which most materially concern and affect the welfare of the 
 laboring man. 
 
 The day can best be celebrated by giving thought to the 
 subjects which most affect the proletariat. To my mind these 
 subjects are those which are concerned with his income, his outgo, 
 and the laws which protect him in his daily avocation. 
 
 The workingman is much more vitally concerned about the 
 income which concerns his family, the outgo, or necessary ex- 
 penditures of his family, and the legislation covering his avocation 
 than is the millionaire or man or woman in easy circumstances. 
 
 The workingman is mainly dependent, particularly early in 
 life, upon the wages he earns. He too is concerned in the expendi- 
 tures necessary to the support of his family. If that income is 
 sufficient to enable him to support his growing family in decent 
 circumstances and if the expenditures of his family fall within 
 the wages earned by him, he is independent and can begin to 
 save and lay aside a foundation for a competence in the future. 
 If, on the other hand, his income is not sufficient to sustain his 
 family in decent circumstances, and if his necessary outgo equals 
 his income or exceeds it, his prospects for the future are indeed 
 unfortunate and worthy of serious consideration. 
 
 I shall, therefore, in this address endeavor to discuss with 
 you the all-absorbing and important question of the increase in 
 the cost of living. 
 
 Figures gathered by me within a recent period justify me 
 in the statement that during the last twelve years, the cost of 
 the necessaries of life, suitable to a decent, self-respecting Ameri- 
 can citizen, has increased about 50 per cent. Part of this in- 
 crease in the cost of the necessaries of life — probably 50 per cent 
 of it — can be fairly ascribed to the recent generous production 
 of gold from the bowels of the earth. Gold is the standard of 
 
DUNNE JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 385 
 
 money values in this and most otlier civilized countries. The 
 remaining 50 per cent, however, can be ascribed in this country 
 to another cause. 
 
 The high protective tariff, which has been in force during the 
 last twenty years, is the main cause of at least 40 per cent of the 
 increase in value of the necessities of life. A protective tariff, which 
 imposes taxes varying from 20 per cent to 75 per cent on all the 
 necessaries of life, must and does occasion a tremendous increase of 
 cost for those necessaries to the workingmen of this country. The 
 imposition of such onerous duties upon foreign made goods prac- 
 tically shuts off the manufactures of these necessaries in foreign 
 countries from entering into competition with the producers of 
 such necessities within the limits of the United States. No foreign 
 manufacturer producing these necessities abroad can afford to pay 
 the freightage upon such goods to tliis country and then in addition 
 thereto pay this onerous imposition varying from 20 to 75 per cent, 
 and successfully enter into competition with our domestic manu- 
 facturers. 
 
 Having destroyed foreign competition, the manufacturers 
 of the necessities of life in this country years ago discovered that by 
 combining the domestic manufacturers into great monopolies, now 
 called "Trusts," they could succeed, in the absence of competition, 
 in forcing up the prices of these necessities to the American con- 
 sumer and that is what has actually taken place. 
 
 In the neighborhood of 300 great monopolies, capitalized for 
 over $8,000,000,000, have been organized during the last sixteen 
 years in the United States under the fostering protection of the 
 high tariff laws. These monopolies, in every case, have increased 
 the price of these necessities to the consumer to an outrageous 
 degree. 
 
 The Chicago Inter-Ocean in its issue of July 29, 1912, published 
 as a news item the following statement: 
 
 "Industrial combinations have kept on increasing in size and 
 number until their total capitalization is more than $8,000,000,000. 
 
 "These industrial combinations, in the great majority of cases, 
 have been formed primarily for the purpose of controlling or ad- 
 vancing prices to the consumer. The great enlargement in profits 
 has, for the most part, been accomplished by price advances and 
 not by cost curtailment." 
 
 The Inter-Ocean gives as authority for this statement Moody's 
 Manual, a recognized financial monthly. Most of these monopolies 
 are engaged in the manufactvire of articles absolutely necessary to 
 the American workingman to sustain himself and his family in 
 decent comfort. Nor is this statement of the Inter-Ocean and 
 Moody 's Manual to be wondered at. 
 
 —13 
 
386 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 As long as liuman nature is selfish in its character, so long will 
 human beings, in the possession of a monopoly, raise prices and 
 increase their profits. If there were but one dry goods merchant 
 in the city of Chicago, that merchant, being in the possession of a 
 monopoly, would charge his own prices. If there were but one 
 doctor, he would charge exorbitant fees. If there were but one 
 lawyer, the same result would happen. Abolish competition and 
 institute a private monopoly and the result is inevitable — an in- 
 crease of cost to the consumer 
 
 A private monopoly is intolerable and indefensible and be- 
 comes a menace to any community, and any law which encourages 
 the- development of private monopolies is inimical to the interests 
 of the community. The protective tariff laws of this country have 
 been justified by their sponsors solely upon one ground, and thai, 
 ground is the protection of American labor. And yet recent in- 
 vestigation has established the fact that, in the most highly pro- 
 tected industries of this country, the wages paid to the operatives 
 barely enable those operatives to sustain an existence. The textile 
 industries of the United States are highly protected by our pro- 
 tective tariff laws and yet the report of the United States commis- 
 sioner appointed to investigate into the condition of the Lawrence, 
 Mass., textile works show that in that highly protected industry 
 families of four have to live on $5 a week ; that, when the mills run 
 on full time, the average family wage is $8.06, but the periods of 
 half time of employment frequently occur and materially reduce 
 the average. Yet the textile industry is heavily protected by law. 
 A recent congressional investigation of the condition of the steel 
 workers, another highly protected industry, shows that the opera- 
 tives in that industry are compelled to work seven days a week and 
 twelve hours a day under conditions no better than prevail in Euro- 
 pean countries. 
 
 That the workingman is not receiving the benefit of the pro- 
 tective tariff laws, is shown by the vast accumulation of wealth in 
 the hands of owners of these great industries while the workingmen 
 are living upon wages that barely sustain life. 
 
 According to Congressman Copley, himself an extensive manu- 
 facturer, in an address delivered by him to the graduating class of 
 Carroll University, Washington, June 28, 1911, ''the absolute con- 
 trol of railroad, telegraph, telephone, iron and steel industries of 
 the United States rests in the hands of five men who are the prin- 
 cipal owners of the United States steel corporation." 
 
 Congressman Copley declares that these same men in addition 
 control 70 per cent of the banking interests of New York and that 
 practically every gas and electric lighting company in the country 
 is dominated by them. Continuing further in his address he says. 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 387 
 
 "We are face to face with the greatest problem of our existence. 
 The question is, Shall five men, who now dominate the United States 
 steel corporation, rule the country by an oligrachy of wealth or 
 shall the people govern for the benefit of all the people and give 
 every man a square deal ? ' ' 
 
 Senator LaFollette in the United States Senate, within the last 
 two years, made the statement, as the result of a thorough investi- 
 gation, that 100 men whose names he gave were in absolute control 
 of all the great industries of the United States. The recent con- 
 gressional investigation, made concerning the money trusts of this 
 country, discloses the further alarming and appalling fact that six 
 men, being the men in control of the executive committee of the New 
 York clearing house, could make or break any bank and, through 
 the banks, any industry in the United States. 
 
 This accumulation of wealth under the protective tariff laws of 
 this country in the hands of a few has produced within recent years 
 some billionaires and a multitude of millionaires, while the files of 
 our papers disclose from day to day that famished men and women 
 are committing suicide in the streets of our great cities. 
 
 "Ill fares the land to hastening ills a prey, 
 Where wealth accumulates and men decay." 
 
 If the condition of the workingman, as to his income, is to be 
 improved, the tariff upon the necessities of life in this country must 
 be reduced speedily and effectually. 
 
 Up to this point, I have been discussing the high cost of the 
 necessities of life. Let us now turn to the income of the work- 
 ingman. 
 
 Federal statistics show that, during the same period, while the 
 cost of the necessities of life has been increasing to the extent of 50 
 per cent more than what they were some ten or twelve years ago, 
 the wage of the average workingman in the same period has not 
 increased in proportion. Federal statistics show that the wage of 
 the workingman during that same period of time has not increased 
 to exceed 20 per cent. 
 
 It matters not what are the causes of the increase in the cost 
 of the necessities of life — whether it be from excessive gold produc- 
 tion or the protective tariff — if the condition of the workingman is 
 to be maintained in this country, his income must keep pace with 
 the increase in the cost of living, and any condition which permits 
 increase in the cost of living to exceed the increase in the income 
 of the workingman will result disastrously to the country. 
 
 A concrete example would probably illustrate this more force- 
 fully. Assume the ease of a workingman who earned $600 a year 
 twelve years ago. Assume that this man supported himself and his 
 
388 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 family upon $550, laying aside each year $50. If, now in twelve 
 months, that man's income has increased 20 per cent, he would 
 now be getting $720. If, however, the necessities of life for which 
 he had paid $550 twelve months ago had increased in cost 50 per 
 cent, it will cost him now to live $825, so that instead of saving 
 $50 a year he is running behind at the rate of $105 per year. 
 
 This brings the workingman to a situation where he must de- 
 prive himself of some of the necessities of life in order to live, and 
 a hungry belly is a dire portent in any country. Thomas Carlyle in 
 his work on the French revolution declares that the real cause of 
 that cataclysm was ' ' a hungry belly. ' ' That critical situation must 
 be avoided in any well governed country. 
 
 In such a situation the only protection that the workingman 
 has is : first, in the organization ; and, second, in an aroused public 
 sentiment. Wherever the workingman has had an organization, it 
 has been the invariable result that the conditions of the men belong- 
 ing to these organizations have been improved and almost always 
 their wages have been raised. 
 
 Who then will say the laboring men of America have not the 
 right to organize themselves into unions for the betterment of them- 
 selves and for the enforcement of a living wage. The time has 
 passed when organizations of this character are opposed to the law 
 or condemned by public opinion. Such organizations, when wisely 
 and judicially governed, are of much importance and benefit to the 
 workingman. Public opinion in this advanced age recognizes that 
 they are a necessity to modern progress and a material benefit to 
 the working people. 
 
 The Congress of the United States has recently, I am pleased 
 to say, recognized the right of organization, even among public 
 employes, but such organizations should be conducted upon legiti- 
 mate and orderly lines. 
 
 The second protection which the workingmen of this country 
 have is that which arises from the public conscience, which, in a 
 well ordered community, is always in favor of the maintenance of 
 a decent wage. 
 
 The public in the 20th century will not tolerate conditions of 
 employment which deny to human beings reasonable hours of rest 
 and recreation and a reasonable wage. Many advanced communities 
 are rapidly coming to the conclusion, as they have already in Eng- 
 land, that a maximum number of hours and a minimum wage ought 
 to be established in certain industries by law, particularly in case 
 of women. 
 
 Another subject which much concerns the working people of 
 this country is the character of the legislation with relation to 
 certain occupational employments. 
 
DUNNE JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 389 
 
 It has been found necessary in the interest of humanity, in 
 certain trades and occupations, which may become detrimental to 
 human life, to establish certain rules and regulations by law under 
 which such occupations can be carried on. Thus we have in this 
 State, and other states, many laws relating to the limitation of the 
 hours of labor, the conditions under which work must be performed 
 and relating to protection from dangerous machinery, all of which 
 have been demanded by an aroused public sentiment. So, in recent 
 years, it has been demanded by the public that the risks and dan- 
 gers, necessarily incident to employment, should not in case of 
 injury place the burdens of the catastrophe upon helpless widows 
 and orphans, who are dependent on those who lose their lives in 
 the great modern industries of the day. • 
 
 I know of no character of laws which are more humane, more 
 just and more earnestly demanded by the public than those laws 
 which throw the burden, resulting from the loss of life or limb, 
 upon the enterprises in which the workingman is engaged rather 
 than upon his helpless wife and children. 
 
 It has been a blot upon our civilization within recent years 
 that men of skill and caution have lost their lives or limbs and ren- 
 dered their families destitute and helpless, throwing them in many 
 cases out upon the world to drift into the poorhouse and, in many 
 cases, into houses of prostitution and penitentiaries. 
 
 An employes' compensation act has recently been passed in this 
 State to relieve this situation and to place the burden of these catas- 
 trophes upon the enterprises. Wliether or not that law is adequate 
 and effective for the purpose, is yet to be determined. If it is not 
 and if it needs strengthening, it ought to be the duty of the State, 
 having regard for the rights of both employers and employes, to 
 strengthen and make that law effective for the humane purpose for 
 which it is intended. 
 
 The aim and object of the legislation relating to workingmen 
 and occupational employment should be to prevent in every possible 
 way the loss of life and limb by enforcing provisions of protection 
 against dangerous machinery ; by limiting the hours of labor to such 
 terms as will not weaken human endurance; by enforcement of 
 hygienic and sanitary regulations and by other measures which will 
 tend to lessen the liability of the occurrence of such catastrophes. 
 
 And when the law has gone as far as possible in that direction, 
 it then should be the aim of the State, knowing that accidents will 
 occur even in the most careful managed institutions, to place the 
 burden of these catastrophes upon the enterprises rather than upon 
 the helpless relatives of the dead or injured. That is the tendency 
 of modern thought. That is the demand of the 20th century, and 
 that should be the aim and object of all men elected to administer 
 
390 DUXXE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 the affairs of the State. The condition of labor nnist keep pace with 
 the progress of the century. As the world is improving in art and 
 in science, so it should improve in the passage of legislation which 
 will protect and care for the men and women who labor in the 
 march of industry. 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 391 
 
 SCORES ABUSES OF THE SHYLOCKS. 
 
 Statement to the Public, August, 1912. 
 
 The money lenders of Chicago who loan money upon the secur- 
 ity of a man 's unearned wages have been guilty of more conscience- 
 less acts of rapacity and brought more misery and desolation into 
 happy homes than have the highwaymen who rob the wayfarer on 
 the public streets. The highwayman takes only what the citizen 
 has on his person ; the salary loan shark plunders his victims week 
 by week, and month by month, for years. 
 
392 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 MESSAGE TO THE FORTY-EIGHTH 
 ASSEMBLY. 
 
 Gentlemen of the Forty-eighth General Assembly: 
 
 The Constitution of the State wisely provides that the Gover- 
 nor shall, at the commencement of each session, and, at the close 
 of his term of office, give to the General Assembly information by 
 message of the condition of the State, and make such recom- 
 mendations as he deems proper. In compliance with that provis- 
 ion Governor Deneen has submitted his message to you. 
 
 It also has become the custom for the incoming Governor to 
 make an inaugural address, recommending such measures to the 
 consideration of the General Assembly as he deems expedient 
 and necessary. In pursuance of that custom, I respectfully 
 submit the following : 
 
 AMENDMENTS TO THE CONSTITUTION. 
 
 The Constitution of this State should be amended in at least 
 three essential particulars, and in at least three separate articles 
 of the same to meet the demands of modern progress. 
 
 FIRST. INITIATIVE AND REFERENDUM. 
 
 Under Article IV, relating to the legislative department, as 
 now phrased, the inherent right of all self-governing people to 
 initiate and veto laws is not reserved to and by the people of 
 Illinois. 
 
 For more than eight years, the people of this State, following 
 precedents set by other republics and fourteen sister states of the 
 American Union, have been insistently demanding the right to 
 legislate directly for themselves by the initiative and the right 
 to veto legislation, passed by the Legislature, contrary to the 
 wishes of the people, by the referendum. Twice within the last 
 eight years the people of Illinois, by overwhelming votes at the 
 ballot box, in the ratio of about five to one, have manifested an 
 urgent desire for this great reform. Their demand is insistent 
 and .iust, and has been too long denied. 
 
 With the control given to the people over legislation, by the 
 possession of the initiative and the referendum, corruption in the 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 393 
 
 Legislature would, practically, be eliminated and all laws, finally 
 enacted either by the' Legislature or by direct vote of the people, 
 would truly express the will of the people. 
 
 This control of the law-making power by the people them- 
 selves can only be secured by amending Article IV of the Consti- 
 tution, so as to give to the people the right, by popular petition, 
 to originate legislation under the initiative, and to veto legisla- 
 tion by the referendum. 
 
 I would respectfully recommend, therefore, at this session of 
 the Legislature, that the necessary legislative steps be taken to 
 amend Article IV of the Constitution, so as to secure the right 
 of direct legislation by the people themselves, upon a petition of 
 eight per centum of the voters voting at the last general election ; 
 and to secure the right of veto in the people, by requiring sub- 
 mission to the people of any law or laws, passed by the Legis- 
 lature, for their approval or disapproval, upon the filing of u 
 petition of five per centum of the v^oters, voting at the last gen- 
 eral election. 
 
 SECOND. ARTICLE IX RELxVTING TO REVENUE. 
 
 Article IX of the Constitution, relating to revenue and tax- 
 ation, and Article XIV, relating to amendments to the Constitu- 
 tion, ought, also, be amended but we are unfortunately con- 
 fronted with a constitutional impasse, which makes it impossible 
 to provide for more than one of these three amendments to the 
 Constitution at this session of the Legislature. 
 
 THIRD. ARTICLE XIV ON AMENDMENTS. 
 
 Article XIV of the Constitution, relating to amendments to 
 the Constitution, declares that "The General Assembly shall have 
 no power to propose amendments to more than one article of this 
 Constitution at the same session." 
 
 This article, itself, should be amended. It is archaic, un- 
 reasonably restrictive, and oppressive. No valid reason exists 
 why several articles of the Constitution should not be amended at 
 the same session to meet the demands of modern conditions. 
 
 The unreasonably restrictive character of this article has oc- 
 casioned, at times, a demand for a constitutional convention to 
 revise the whole Constitution but that demand has not been so 
 general or insistent as has been the demand for the amendment 
 of tlie Constitution in certain well defined particulars. 
 
 There is a general and justifiable demand for an amendment 
 to the Constitution, covering the initiative and referendum, for 
 
394 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 broadening the amending clause of the Constitution, and for an 
 amendment of that article of the Constitution relating to the rev- 
 enue or taxing power of the Legislature. 
 
 FOURTH. AMEND ARTICLE IX. 
 
 Article IX of the Constitution, relating to taxation and. rev- 
 enue, requires every person and corporation to "Pay a tax in 
 proportion to the value of his or her, or its property." This 
 language prevents the Legislature from using any discrimination, 
 of any character, between different classes and descriptions of 
 property. All property, real and personal, tangible and intangi- 
 ble, must be assessed in the same category, and at the same ratio 
 of value. 
 
 In theor}^ this was deemed fair and just by the framers of 
 our Constitution. In practice, as the result of over forty years' 
 experience in this and other civilized countries, it has been found 
 impossible of accomplishment. A large portion of personal prop- 
 erty, and substantially all personal property evidenced on paper, 
 such as bonds, stocks, notes, etc., has escaped taxation and will 
 continue to escape taxation until such property is placed in a 
 special category and taxed in such a way as to secure for the 
 State proper revenue therefrom. 
 
 Article IX of the Constitution, therefore, should be amended 
 so as to give the Legislature and the people free rein in the way 
 of taxing different classes of property, in different schedules, and 
 by different methods. 
 
 AMEND ARTICLE IV. 
 
 While the Constitution should be amended, in all of the fore- 
 going particulars, only one of these amendments, as I have 
 pointed out, can be provided for at this session because of the 
 limitations imposed by the Constitution itself. We must, there- 
 fore, elect now as to which of these different articles of the Con- 
 stitution should be amended at this session of the Legislature. 
 
 In view of the insistent and repeated demands of the people 
 at the polls for the initiative and referendum, I, therefore re- 
 spectfully urge the Legislature at this session to take the neces- 
 sary steps to procure the amendment of Article IV of the Con- 
 stitution, so as to permit the crystallization into law of the in- 
 itiative and referendum. 
 
 When this action is taken at this session it can be followed 
 at the next following session of the Legislature by action pro- 
 viding for an amendment of that article of the Constitution, relat- 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 395 
 
 ing to amendments, so as to permit amendments to three, or even 
 more, of the articles of the Constitution, at the same session, which 
 will open the door for reform of the revenue laws thereafter, and 
 any other changes in the Constitution demanded by the people. 
 
 In making this recommendation, I am not unmindful of the 
 fact that the people of this State, under the Public Policy Act, 
 voted in November, 1912, for submission at this session of the 
 Legislature the question of amending Article IX of the Constitu- 
 tion, relating to revenue, by a vote of nearly three to one. I 
 desire to call your attention, however, to the fact that very littlb 
 publicity was given, during the campaign, to the circumstance 
 that only one article of the Constitution could be amended at 
 a single session, and that the amendment of the article relating 
 to revenue, would necessarily, of itself, postpone the amendment 
 of the Constitution covering the initiative and referendum to a 
 subsequent session. 
 
 I call your attention to the further fact that in the same cam- 
 paign, as conducted by myself, the initiative and referendum were 
 urged as among the most vital and pressing issues of the cam- 
 paign, and that my plurality, of approximately 125,000, was 
 largely the result of the persistency with which I pledged myself 
 in favor of the adoption of that great reform. 
 
 That many of the people, unenlightened as to the effect of 
 their vote under the Constitution, were dubious on the matter, is 
 shown by the fact that while on two other occasions they voted 
 for prompt action on the initiative and referendum by a vote of 
 about 5 to 1, the demand for revenue reform was voiced by a vote 
 of only 3 to 1. 
 
 ABOLITION OF STATE BOARD OF EQUALIZATION. 
 
 Moreover, relief from some, and the most onerous, of the 
 iniquities and inequalities of taxation is open to us without wait- 
 ing for an amendment to the Constitution. For years past the 
 great corporations of the State have been enjoying undue favor- 
 itism in the matter of taxation, owing to maladministration of 
 the law by the State Board of Equalization. This body is 
 charged by law with the duty of assessing fairly and justly the 
 property of corporations. It has signally failed in its duty. 'Vhc^ 
 corporations have been unduly favored at the expense of the 
 people. 
 
 Experience has shown that the State Board of Equalization 
 is unscientifically constituted and unfairly administered. It is a 
 departmental fiasco, and its work farcical. It is unwieldly in 
 numbers, intermittent in its labors, and secretive in its methods. 
 
396 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 It should be abolished. In its place should be created a tax 
 court, or coramissiou, comj)osed of three or tive members of ap- 
 proved intelligence and information, appointed by the Executive, 
 with the approval of the Senate, for a term of years, that shall 
 remain in continuous session the entire year and record its acts 
 and findings from day to day. It should be given all the powers 
 now committed to the State Board of Equalization, and. in addi- 
 tion thereto, should have general supervision of the administra- 
 tion of the assessment and tax laws of the State ; invested with 
 power to advise and instruct local assessors, prescribe forms for as- 
 sessment returns and reports, require returns, schedules and other 
 information, under oath, from individuals and corporations, ap- 
 point special assessors, expert examiners and accountants, direct 
 reassessments in case of defective assessments, hear appeals and 
 complaints, investigate on its own initiative the administration 
 of all tax and revenue laws, examine into the tax methods of 
 other states, and recommend to the Legislature any and all 
 amendments to the revenue laws of the State, which would make 
 for a fair and equitable distribution of the burdens of taxation 
 betAveen the people and corporations of the Commonwealth. 
 
 Such a compact body, clothed with snch power, would be 
 more efficient in action, more responsive to the public demand for 
 equitable taxation, and more easily and directly held responsible 
 for any errors and mistakes which might be made than is the 
 cumbersome and constantly changing elective body now called the 
 Board of Equalization. 
 
 I, therefore, respectfully recommend the passage, by the Leg- 
 islature, of a law abolishing the State Board of Equalization, and 
 creating a tax court, or commission, along the lines above in- 
 dicated. 
 
 ELECTION OF UNITED STATES SENATORS. 
 
 Under the existing terms of the Constitution of the United 
 States, United States Senators must be elected by the legislatures 
 of the states. As the result of one hundred and twenty-six 
 years of experience, it has been found that this method of elect- 
 ing United States Senators has resulted in scandalous corruption, 
 and scandalous misrepresentation of the people in the upper 
 chamber of Congress. 
 
 For many years past, in many of the states, the election of a 
 United States Senators has been accompanied by chicanery, fraud, 
 double-dealing and corruption. Many of the men, so chosen, 
 have shown, by their votes and conduct, in what ought to be the 
 most august and trusted body of the people's representatives. 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 397 
 
 that tliey represented, not the interests of the people, but the in- 
 terests of plutocracy and organized greed. The Senate of the 
 United States, in recent years, because of this condition of affairs, 
 has, in a large degree, lost the confidence of the people. 
 
 United States Senators should be chosen in each of the states, 
 as are its governors, its Congressmen and state officials, by popu- 
 lar vote. At least this is the demand of the people of this State. 
 The Legislature of this State has gone on record to this effect 
 in the years 1903, 1907 and 1909. 
 
 The Congress of the United States has yielded to the public 
 demand for a change in the method of electing United States 
 Senators. In May last it adopted a joint resolution providing 
 for the amendment of the clause of the Constitution governing 
 the election of Senators which, when it has been ratified by three- 
 fourths of the states, as I believe ii will be, will invest tlie people 
 of each of the forty-eight states with power to choose their Sen- 
 ators at the ballot box. The ratification of this amendmeut by 
 the State of Illinois will come before the General Assembly at this 
 session. In view of the action taken by previous General Assem- 
 blies, I have no doubt that your concurrence is assured. Until 
 such an amendment to the Constitution is passed, the advir.ory 
 vote of the people at the polls should be binding on the eon- 
 science of every member of the Legislature. 
 
 PUBLIC UTILITIES. 
 
 The day of competition in the supply of gas, electric light and 
 power, street railways, and som.e other public utilities, ha^ passed. 
 Monopoly in these matters has come to stay. 
 
 In these modern days no municipality can tolerate tbo tear- 
 ing up of its streets, every few months or years, by rival water, 
 gas, electric light, heating or telephone companies in tie laying 
 of pipes, wires and conduits. 
 
 Only one utility producing concern should be allowed that 
 privilege for each utility in each city. 
 
 That concern must be either the municipal corporation itself 
 or a private corporation. 
 
 The sole aim of a public corporation is to operate to the satis- 
 faction of the community, which is always assured by giving the 
 best service at the lowest rate. 
 
 The sole aim of all private corporations, unregulated by law, 
 is to make money for their stockholders, and the most money can 
 be made by poor service at a high rate to the consumer. 
 
398 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 The only question, then, is whether the public shall own and 
 operate through State or local agencies, or whether it shall allow 
 these utilities to remain in the ownership and control of private 
 corporations and regulate them by law. 
 
 MUNICIPAL OWNERSHIP. 
 
 After a careful investigation, through funds contributed oy 
 various vested, interests, the Committee on Municipal v. Priva,te 
 Operation of Public Utilities, appointed, in 1906, by the National 
 Civic Federation, reported nineteen to one : 
 
 "To protect the rights of the people, we recommend, that the 
 various states should give to their municipalities authority, upon 
 popular vote, under reasonable regulations, to build and operate 
 public utilities, or to build and lease the same, or to take ovet 
 works already constructed. In no other way can the people 
 be put upon a fair trading basis, and obtain from the individual 
 companies such rights as they ought to have." 
 
 In other words, this commission, of which a majority at the 
 start were strongly in sympathy with, or identified with private 
 ownership, held the right of municipal ownership to be more im- 
 portant than any form of regulation. 
 
 While most cities of Illinois may not be ready, as yet, to un- 
 dertake municipal operation of other than waterworks, legisla- 
 tion should be enacted immediately, giving all cities the right to 
 build or buy, and to operate their utilities. For this purpose, 
 cities should be empowered to issue bonds, subject to a referen- 
 dum and such other reasonable safeguards as may be necessary. 
 If such rights are given, it will force private corporations, now 
 furnishing these utilities, to give decent service at decent rates, 
 or face the alternative of public ownership. 
 
 STATE REGULATION. 
 
 Important as it is to give cities the right to manage their own 
 pul)lic utilities, it is also important to give to State and local 
 bodies large powers of regulation of the public utilities that re- 
 main in private hands. 
 
 These utilities may be broadly classed as "intra-urban" and 
 "inter-urban." In other words, they are either local in char- 
 acter, confined to a city and its suburbs, or they run through 
 country districts and connect one place with another. 
 
 In the latter class are included interurban electric railways, 
 natural gas mains, electric transmission lines, and a considerable 
 portion of the telephone systems of the State. 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 399 
 
 In the other class are included city gas, electric light and 
 power, heating, and street railway companies, and such parts of 
 the telephone system as are operated within cities by virtue of 
 franchises granted by such cities. Waterworks in private hands, 
 and, doubtless, some other public utilities, could be included in 
 this class. 
 
 The interurban utilities can only be regulated by the State. 
 P^or that purpose a well-equipped Public Utilities Commission 
 should be created with large powers. It should control the 
 issue of securities, the character of service, the rate of charge, etc. 
 It should be appointed by the Executive with the approval of 
 the Senate. 
 
 With respect to intra-urban, or strictly city utilities, it might 
 be well, at the start, to give to the proposed State commission 
 control of the city utilities w^hen requested by any of the several 
 cities of the State. The commission, however, should be em- 
 powered to secure uniformity of accounting and full publicity 
 with respect even to the city utilities, and should be prepared to 
 furnish this information in tabulated form in its annual reports, 
 and in further detail to public officials. 
 
 The commission should also be equipped with funds and 
 authority, so that it can employ and furnish competent expert 
 help in cities seeking advice and assistance from this State com- 
 mission. 
 
 When requested to do so by any municipalit}^, the commis- 
 sion should also supervise the service of these city utilities. 
 
 It would also be well to give the State commission full con- 
 trol of all new issues of stocks, bonds and notes, and other evi- 
 dences of indebtedness of all the public utilities of the State, 
 including those within the cities. If this were done, the com- 
 mission should be equipped with resources and power to make 
 a physical valuation of such properties. No additional securi- 
 ties should be permitted to be issued save for additional physical 
 property and legitimate brokerage. It should be distinctly pro- 
 vided that future issues of securities, when approved by the 
 commission, should be clearly separated by serial numbers, or 
 otherwise, from existing securities, to the end that purchasers 
 might ahvays know whether they were buying new securities, 
 approved by the State, and issued for an increase of physical 
 investment, or, whether they were buying securities issued prior 
 to the enactment of the law, and that had not in any way passed 
 under the scrutiny of the State. 
 
400 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 LOCAL REGULATION. 
 
 In addition to a law conferring the right of municipal own- 
 ership, and another creating a State Utilities Commission, we need 
 legislation conferring upon cities that choose to exercise it, the 
 same rights of control over all their city utilities that they now 
 possess with respect to water companies. Chicago secured such 
 a right with respect to gas and electric companies about six years 
 ago. A similar law, with perhaps some additional powers, should 
 be passed for all cities. 
 
 After some experience with the legislation, recommended 
 above, we shall be in better position to determine whether the 
 powers of the State commission should be further increased. It is, 
 of course, desirable, and in accordance with democratic policy, 
 to confer as much home rule as possible upon cities, and to con- 
 centrate in State and national hands only such powers as are 
 State or Nation-wide in their scope. 
 
 To Chicago and all cities over 100,000 population might be 
 given the right, enjoyed by the city of St. Louis, of creating its 
 own commission, which would report directly to the city council, 
 and be given such powers and resources as may be conferred upon 
 it by the city itself. 
 
 CORRUPT PRACTICES ACT. 
 
 For many years past elections in this State, particularly in 
 our largest cities, have been signalized by the lavish use of money, 
 both before and during primary elections, and before and during 
 final elections. Hordes of hired men have surrounded polling 
 places, intimidating, cajoling and often terrorizing voters. Can- 
 didates liave coneededly spent in election contests more than 
 twice the salary they could collect during the whole term of 
 their offices. Such a practice is scandalous, and, if further toler- 
 ated by law, will debar from political aspiration all but the rich 
 and corrupt. These two classes (the rich and corrupt) combined 
 form but a very small portion of the community, and to limit 
 public office and honor to them is a violation of the spirit and 
 genius of American institutions. 
 
 To reform these conditions I, therefore, recommend the pass- 
 age of a Corrupt Practices Act, which will limit, within reason- 
 able restrictions, the expenditure of money during a political cam- 
 paign, and compel the publication of all amounts collected and 
 expended both before and after election. 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 401 
 
 CIVIL SERVICE. 
 
 Civil service is no longer an untried principle. Honestly and 
 fairly administered, it makes for better and more efficient public 
 service, and the people have shown by their votes that they are 
 in favor of it. 
 
 The various institutions and offices of the State should be 
 maintained at the highest possible point of efficiency, and an hon- 
 estly enforced Civil Service Law will do much to secure that 
 result. 
 
 I respectfully urge that your honorable body give careful 
 consideration to all measures relative to civil service, its extension 
 to positions, which should be included within its scope, and other 
 amendments which might make for the better operation or en- 
 forcement of the law. 
 
 PARK CONSOLIDATION. 
 
 In the city of Chicago there exists three quasi-municipal 
 bodies known as park commissions of the city of Chicago, to-wit • 
 
 The Board of South Park Commissioners. 
 
 The Board of West Park Commissioners. 
 
 The Board of Lincoln Park Commissioners. 
 
 All of these quasi-municipal bodies are conducted as wholly 
 separate institutions, with different offices, with different execu- 
 tives, different police forces, and under difl'erent management. 
 
 There is no good reason why all of these parks should not 
 be placed under one general management. In my judgment, it 
 would result in better service at a reduced cost; and I, therefore, 
 respectfully recommend legislation providing for a consolidation 
 of the three park systems of the city of Chicago. 
 
 SHORTER BALLOT. 
 
 Some effort should be made to shorten the ballot of the 
 elector. 
 
 It has become so cumbrous, and heavily loaded, with names of 
 candidates, particularly in large cities, that even the most en- 
 lightened citizen is incapable of exercising an intelligent selec- 
 tion in the choice of some candidates. 
 
 This condition exists both at primary and final elections. 
 It is worse at primary elections because there is, under the pres- 
 ent condition of the law, no limitation as to the number of can- 
 didates for nomination. 
 
 This shortening of the ballot at primary elections might be 
 attained by increasing the percentage of electors necessary to sign 
 
402 DUXXE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 the petition for nomination, or by requiring a decent percentage 
 of the electors, signing the petition, to appear in person before 
 the city or county clerl\: ; swear to the facts contained in the peti- 
 tion, and identify their signatures before that official. A reason- 
 able registration or filing fee should also be required upon the 
 filing of every petition. 
 
 At final elections, the only vv^ay of shortening the ballot is to 
 cut down the number of elective officers. 
 
 This can safely be done in many cases. Many public cor- 
 porate bodies are now too large and unwieldly, and the individual 
 members, by reason thereof, are less individually responsible to 
 the people. 
 
 I respectfully intrust to your favorable consideration the 
 subject matter of shortening the ballots to be voted upon by 
 the people, both at primary and final elections. 
 
 All judicial officers should be voted for at a time when no 
 State, county, city or village officers are being elected. This, in 
 itself, would shorten the ballot as voted under present conditions. 
 
 ROTATION OF NAMES ON BALLOTS. 
 
 One of the gravest defects of our existing Election Law is 
 that which gives the first place upon the ballot to the person 
 who succeeds in having the official, with whom the petition is 
 filed, stamp it as being the first filed, and which places the other 
 petitioners' names upon the ballot in the order of filing, as de- 
 termined by such official. Such is the effect of the existing law. 
 The first place on the ballot is of enormous advantage, and should 
 not depend upon the mere order of filing. No candidate should 
 be permitted this undue advantage. If in no other way, this ob- 
 jection to the existing Election Law can be avoided by amending 
 the law, so as to require rotation of the names of the candidates 
 in the printing of the ballots. 
 
 I suggest that a special committee be appointed by each House 
 to consider and determine upon some equitable plan for the rota- 
 tion of the names of candidates upon the ballot. 
 
 THE BREAKING OF PLEDGES BY PUBLIC OFFICIALS. 
 
 In the political history of the country, it has happened that 
 candidates for public offices during campaigns have given written 
 pledges to their constituents with reference to their position, if 
 elected, upon public questions of great interest to such constitu- 
 ents; and, after election, have violated pledges when in public 
 office. 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR . 403 
 
 Such conduct appears to me to be obtaining votes under false 
 pretenses, and obtaining votes by false pretenses is, to my mind, 
 as great a moral crime as obtaining property by false pretenses. 
 Why not make it a legal crime? I respectfully recommend the 
 enactment of a law making the breaking of a written political 
 pledge by a public official a felony punishable by imprisonment 
 in the penitentiary. 
 
 PAY OF EMPLOYES. 
 
 Many employes in the State are paid their wages monthly. 
 The custom has, unfortunately, developed a money loaning busi- 
 ness, which is tainted by usury, and attended with many hard- 
 ships. I, therefore, recommend the passage of a law requiring 
 all employers to pay their employes as often as every two weeks. 
 
 AMEND 2-CENT CAR FARE LAW. 
 
 Owing to an oversight of the Legislature in drafting the 
 2-cent fare act, children, under 12 years of age, not purchasing 
 tickets at depots, are now charged three times the fare they would 
 pay if they purchased tickets at the depot, while an adult is 
 penalized to the extent of only 50 per cent of his fare. 
 
 I recommend that the law be amended so as to provide that 
 a child should not be penalized more heavily than an adult. 
 
 PUBLIC EXPENDITURES. 
 
 I recommend the appointment of a joint committee of both 
 houses of the Legislature to examine into the condition of the 
 public institutions of the State, and to confer with the State 
 Board of Administration to ascertain if it is not possible to reduce 
 the expenditures of the same without impairing the efficiency 
 of these institutions. 
 
 EPILEPTIC COLONY. 
 
 l^ublic officials, and many philanthropic citizens in private 
 life, have called my attention to the fact that in the State of 
 Illinois there are a large number of men, women and children 
 afflicted with epilepsy to such a degree as to render them in- 
 capable of pursuing the gainful occupations of life yet who are 
 otherwise mentally and physically in sound health. They num- 
 ber, it is estimated, about 10,000. 
 
 At least 2,500 of these, it is claimed, are, at the present time, 
 without means of livelihood, without friends or relatives, who are 
 
404 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 able to support tliem, and, by reason of their helplessness, art. 
 drifting into crime and abject poverty. 
 
 It is contended that such unfortunates should be cared for 
 by the State, instead of placing them in county institutions ; that 
 if they were cared for in some open colony with healthful sur- 
 roundings, where they could receive skilled medical and surgical 
 care, many of them would respond to such treatment, improve 
 in health and become useful members of society. Much as I am 
 disinclined to recommend any measure, which Avill increase the 
 outlay of expenditure of the State, I am forced to conclude that 
 the care of such unfortunates is a legitimate and necessary duty 
 of the State in the exercise of common humanity. Other states 
 have awakened to the wisdom of providing for these unfortunates 
 in this manner, among them Indiana, Kansas, Michigan, Missouri, 
 Ohio, Pennsylvania, Texas and New York. This State cannot 
 afford to lag behind these other great jurisdictions in this par- 
 ticular. I, therefore, respectfully recommend that the Colony 
 for Epileptics be created, and that appropriation be made suffi- 
 cient to buy a tract of land of about 2,000 acres, and that the 
 erection of buildings thereon be commenced at the earliest pos- 
 sible date. 
 
 CONVICT LABOR. 
 
 Provision, also, should be made for the employment of the 
 inmates of our penitentiaries in road work. Primarily, convicts 
 should be used for the preparation of material, either at the peni- 
 tentiaries, or at camps, established near natural deposits of stone, 
 gravel or other material. In the actual construction of high- 
 ways when it becomes necessary, short term prisoners should be 
 employed on an honor system, such as prevails in Colorado. 
 Humanitarian reasons underlie the employment of convicts in the 
 open air work of this sort. The problem of what is going to 
 become of the paroled or discharged convict is largely solved if 
 he is released, healthy in body and mind, and not debased by 
 associations formed in the debilitating environments of cells and 
 prison workshops. 
 
 Psychological and physiological considerations enter into the 
 employment of men, on an honor system in the fresh air and 
 sunshine, wherein and whereby they are restored to society with 
 their manhood quickened, instead of deadened, or destroyed. 
 
 IMPROVEMENT ON HIGHWAYS. 
 
 A matter touching vitally the agricultural, commercial, edu- 
 cational, social, religious and economic welfare of Illinois, and in- 
 
DUNNE JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 405 
 
 volviiig the conservation of natural resources, is the question of 
 good roads. In the improvement of public highways, Illinois has 
 been backward. 
 
 Reports of the Federal Department of Agriculture show that 
 about 10 per cent of the 95,000 miles of Illinois roads are im- 
 proved in a permanent manner, as against 38 per cent in the 
 neighboring state of Indiana, 20 per cent in Wisconsin, 20 per 
 cent in Kentucky, 28 per cent in Ohio and 50 per cent in Mas- 
 sachusetts. Considered from the standpoint of improved roads, 
 Illinois is the twenty-fourth in the list of states. 
 
 The loss to farmers, because of inaceessibile primary markets, 
 and the abnormal expense of transportation due to bad roads, 
 must be considered as a contributing cause of the high cost of 
 living. In some Illinois counties, highways are impassable to 
 ordinary loads for a full third part of the year. Bad roads not 
 only hinder crop production and marketing, but they keep the 
 rural consumer away from the store of the merchant for weeks 
 at a time. They keep pupils from the schools, and voters from 
 political gatherings, and from participation in elections. They 
 impair the efficiency of churches, and social, fraternal and other 
 organizations, which depend largely on public gatherings for the 
 efficacy of their work. 
 
 Bad roads contribute to the unattractiveness, the isolation 
 and the monotony of country life that are responsible for the de- 
 sertion of rural pursuits, especially by the young. Experts in 
 mental ailments agree that women in remote sections are the chief 
 sufferers from the restriction of communication and social inter- 
 course, which bad roads impose. 
 
 Highway conditions in Illinois are due to the fact that prog- 
 ress in methods of transportation and travel has not been met 
 with corresponding changes in our system o^ road building and 
 maintenance. Illinois clings to the obsolete practice of placing 
 the burden of highway improvement on the townships. Other 
 states, in their laws, have appreciated that highway travel is no 
 longer entirely local and that the main arteries carry a great 
 amount of inter-county and inter-state traffic. Permanent im- 
 provement of the main arteries, which carry the great bulk of 
 traffic, is a problem which affects the general welfare, and these 
 states have established, successfully, systems of state aid on 
 such highways. 
 
 I recommend for your consideration legislation which will 
 promote the efficiency and economy of the administration of the 
 road systfm of the State. This legislation, I believe, should 
 incorporate provisions for State cooperation with counties and 
 townships in the construction of main highways and bridges; and 
 
406 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 the proper maintenance of all roads after they are built ; for the 
 compulsory dragging of all dirt roads, and for the use of the 
 State automobile tax as a nucleus of a fund for such State aid. 
 
 CHICAGO'S CRIPPLED FINANCES. 
 
 My attention has been called by the mayor and corporate 
 authorities of the city of Chicago to the fact that, under a recent 
 decision of the Supreme Court of this State, construing the so- 
 called Juul Law, the city of Chicago is now so seriously crippled, 
 financially, as to be unable to carry on successfully its ordinary 
 corporate functions. Other cities of the State may soon find 
 themselves in like condition. 
 
 I. therefore, respectfully suggest that the corporate authori- 
 ties of the different cities of the State be given an immediate 
 hearing, and that such amendatory legislation may be enacted as 
 will conserve and protect the corporate functions of the cities of 
 the State. 
 
 AMEND THE JUVENILE COURT ACT. 
 
 Under the existing Juvenile Court Law, a dependent can be 
 taken from the care and custody of its parents and deposited be- 
 yond the jurisdiction of the court and without the courts of the 
 State — even beyond the seas. 
 
 I respectfully recommend that it be so amended as to prevent 
 such children being taken without the jurisdiction of the court. 
 
 AMENDMENT OF THE JURY LAAV IN CIVIL CASES. 
 
 I became convinced, from my experience on the bench, some 
 years ago, that quite frequently there was a miscarriage of justice 
 in civil law suits, resulting from disagreemoits of juries, procured 
 by corrupt methods. 
 
 In nearly all of such cases the disagreements arose by reason 
 of one or two men refusing to agree with their fellow jurors upon 
 verdicts, which, to the ordinary person hearing the evidence, 
 would seem manifestly fair and just. Cases occurred in which 
 two jurors, evidently in anticipation of a protracted disagree- 
 ment, had prepared themselves for the expected developments, 
 and fortified themselves with sandwiches, which, when hunger 
 pressed them, they produced and consumed without dividing with 
 the honest and unprepared members of the jury. 
 
 In view of these experiences, I would respectfully suggest 
 that the laAvs of the State, relating to the trial of civil cases 
 in the courts, be amended so as to permit the court to accept a 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 407 
 
 verdict signed by eleven jurors after twelve hours' deliberation, 
 and by ten jurors after twenty-four hours' deliberation. Such 
 time for deliberation would give ample opportunity to an honest 
 minority of one or two men to fully present their views to their 
 fellow jurors, and convince them, if they, the minority, were 
 in the right; and yet would prevent a miscarriage of justice, if 
 they were in the wrong, and actuated by corrupt motives. I am 
 of the opinion, however, that in all criminal cases, involving the 
 life or liberty of a citizen, that a unanimous verdict should still 
 be required. 
 
 LAST DAY OF LEGISLATIVE SESSION. 
 
 I have been informed by members of the Legislature, of 
 much experience, that on the last day, or rather night, of the 
 session, bills are read and voted upon in the midst of so much 
 confusion and turmoil that it is often impossible for the most 
 vigilant member to know what measure is being voted upon and 
 how the vote is being recorded. 
 
 On the assumption that such is the fact, I would respectfully 
 suggest that the last day of all sessions, by statute, be set aside 
 for the purpose of verifying all roll calls of the day preceding 
 and for the transaction of no other business. 
 
 The people have imposed upon the General Assembly and the 
 Executive a solemn responsibility in the discharge of which, I 
 trust, there will be friendly cooperation and sympathetic under- 
 standing. Let us, therefore, strive earnestly, untiringly, to re- 
 deem the pledges we have given : and the people 's faith in our 
 sincerity will be our r^-ward. 
 
408 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 URGES ELECTION OF LEWIS AND 
 SHERMAN AS SENATORS. 
 
 Statement to the Public, February, 1913. 
 
 The time has come in the struggle for the election of United 
 States Senators when a plain, frank statement is due to the members 
 of the Legislature and the people of the State. 
 
 At the advisory election, held April 9, 1912, Col. James Hamil- 
 ton Lewis received 228,872 votes and became the choice of the 
 Democratic party for United States Senator. At the same election 
 Hon. Lawrence Y. Sherman received 178,083 votes and was 
 selected by a large plurality of his party as the Republican candi- 
 date for the same office. 
 
 Since this primary election was held, the United States Senate 
 has declared that the position held by United States Senator Albert 
 J. Hopkins has never been filled, thus leaving to the Legislature, 
 under the Constitution and laws, the duty of selecting two United 
 States Senators, one to succeed Hon. Albert J. Hopkins and the 
 other to succeed Hon. Shelby M. Cullom, the present United States 
 Senator. 
 
 At the election held November 5, 1912, the Democratic ticket 
 prevailed in Illinois by a very large plurality, the candidates on 
 that ticket being elected by pluralities ranging from 80,000 to 125,- 
 000 approximately. 
 
 At the same election State Senators and Representatives were 
 voted for and elected, resulting in the Senate being composed at 
 the present time of 24 Democrats, 24 Republicans and 2 Progres- 
 sives ; and the House of Representatives being composed of 50 
 Republicans, 73 Democrats, 25 Progressives and 4 Socialists. 
 
 The failure of the Democratic party to elect a majority of the 
 members of the General Assembly resulted largely from the inequi- 
 table apportionment made by a Republican Legislature about ten 
 years ago. 
 
 This unfortunate situation, under which no party controls 
 either House on joint ballot, has resulted in delaying the inaugura- 
 tion of the State officials for three weeks and has prevented up to 
 the present time the election of the United States Senators, placing 
 this State in the unfortunate position of being unrepresented in the 
 United States Senate after March 4, 1913, unless an arrangement 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 409 
 
 of some kind is made between two or more of the parties repre- 
 sented in the Legislature. 
 
 In this peculiarly annoying situation, the air is full of intrigues 
 and combinations, which may end eventually in a scandal and the 
 humiliation of the citizens of Illinois. 
 
 In this crisis, I believe it my duty to appeal to the members 
 of the Legislature and the public at large, for an open and above- 
 board arrangement between the discordant elements of the Legisla- 
 ture, which, in my judgment, will commend itself to the patriotic, 
 law-abiding and law-respecting citizens of the State and preclude 
 the possibility of any intrigue or scandal which might bring the 
 fair name of the State into disrepute among the states of the Union. 
 
 In view of the fact that no political party has svifficient votes 
 in the Legislature to secure the election of even one United States 
 Senator, and the further fact that it is absolutely necessary that this 
 deadlock should be broken in a way creditable to the members of 
 the Legislature and the State of Illinois, in order that public busi- 
 ness may proceed, I would respectfully suggest to the members of 
 the Legislature and the people of the State that it would be wise, 
 prudent and patriotic for all members of the Legislature who believe 
 in the right of the people to advise their representatives by primary 
 vote, to meet, irrespective of party, in conference and agree upon 
 the two men who have received these large advisory votes of con- 
 fidence from the people, to-wit : Col. Jas. Hamilton Lewis and Hon. 
 Lawrence Y. Sherman, selecting Col. Lewis for the long term and 
 Mr. Sherman for the short term. 
 
 The selection of Col. Lewis for the long term, I believe to be 
 tntr duty of the members of the Legislature in view of the fact: 
 first, that he received a much larger popular vote than Mr. Sher- 
 man ; second, because the Democratic membership of the General 
 Assembly is much larger than the Republican membership ; and, 
 third, because the Democratic party carried the State by a great 
 plurality at the last election. 
 
 In this great crisis, I believe that the welfare of the common- 
 wealth demands that the members of the Legislature subordinate 
 partisanship to patriotism, that they lay aside their bickerings and 
 select as United States Senators; the men chosen by the people of 
 the State for these offices ajid proceed with their duties as legisla- 
 tors in enacting into law the measures, the advocacy of which 
 brought success to the Democratic ticket last November. 
 
 As a Democrat, I would much prefer, were it possible without 
 discreditable bargaining and intrigue, to secure the selection of 
 two Democratic United States Senators, committed to the support 
 of the policies of President-elect Wilson. This much desired solu- 
 tion of the present difficulty being now to my mind impossible of 
 
410 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 accomplishment, I now advise, after due deliberation, that the set- 
 tlement of the senatorial struggle above suggested is the duty of 
 the hour and the only safe, sane and honorable solution of the pres- 
 ent perplexing situation. Moreover, it is a solution that I believe 
 will meet with the approval of the citizenship of the State, irre- 
 spective of party. 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 411 
 
 ON THE DEDICATION OF LINCOLN 
 
 HALL. 
 
 Address at University of Illinois, February 12, 1913, 
 Ulr. Chairman, Ladies and Gentlemen: 
 
 1 deem myself peculiarly fortunate in being called upon as 
 Governor of this State, at the beginning of my term of office, to 
 participate in the ceremonies of this occasion. 
 
 We are here today to announce officially the consummation of 
 a great educational edifice and to turn it over to the University of 
 Illinois. The ceremony signalizes a great advance in the higher 
 educational work of this great university, of Avhich we Illinoisans 
 are so justly proud, and at the same time affords us an opportunity 
 of unveiling — figuratively speaking — another great monument to the 
 first citizen of Illinois, and the greatest philanthropist of his age 
 and Nation. 
 
 Like that other great statesman, Thomas Jefferson, who was 
 instrumental in founding the University of Virginia, Abraham Lin- 
 coln, the great emancipator, was largely instrumental in laying the 
 foundation stones of the University of Illinois. 
 
 The same hand that signed the Emancipation Proclamation 
 signed the Federal land grant act of 1862, which gave birth to this 
 great university. What so appropriate then as that a hall dedicated 
 to the study of the humanities of this university should be called 
 "Lincoln Hall?" What day so appropriate to christen this hall 
 and turn it over to the university as the day that is set apart by 
 law to commemorate the name and fame of Abraham Lincoln, the 
 best beloved of all the illustrious men given to the Nation by our 
 glorious State. Illinois may well be proud of the galaxy of illus- 
 trious names which she has emblazoned on the pages of American 
 history. 
 
 Statesmen like Douglas, Trumbull, Oglesby, Yates and Alt- 
 geld ; soldiers like Grant, Sheridan, Logan and Shields ; jurists like 
 Davis, Breese and McAlister have stamped the name of Illinois in 
 golden letters on the pages of American history. But great as are 
 all these names and deeply as they have left their impress upon 
 American history, the name of Abraham Lincoln towers among 
 them as that of Illinois' greatest son. Among the illustrious men 
 who have been called to the highest position of honor in the Nation, 
 
412 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 there are four who, aside from their exalted office, have gone down 
 and will go down in American history as colossal figures. Washing- 
 ton, the ideal patriot; Jefferson, the ideal statesman; Jackson, the 
 ideal fighter; and Lincoln, the ideal humanitarian. 
 
 Let us, then, joyfully and proudly, do honor today to the last 
 of these great men Avhom Illinois proudly boasts she gave to the 
 world and this Nation, by naming this splendid building "Lincoln 
 Hall." 
 
 As Governor of this State, it is my proud privilege, in behalf 
 of the State, to turn over the building, now so named, to the presi- 
 dent and trustees of the University of Illinois, for the purpose of 
 enabling it and them further to advance the cause of the higher 
 education which was so near and dear to the heart of Abraham 
 Lincoln. 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 413 
 
 A WASHINGTON REINCARNATED. 
 
 Address to Creve Coeur Club, Peoria, February 22, 1913. 
 
 Mr. Toastmaster and Gentlemen: 
 
 It is customary upon anniversaries like this, in discussing the 
 name and fame of an illustrious man, whose memory we gather to 
 honor, to attempt to reincarnate the dead, place him in the living 
 present, surrounded by the living questions of the day, and decide 
 to our own satisfaction what course he would pursue in relation 
 thereto. 
 
 Ten days ago I listened with intense interest to the eloquent 
 speech of ex-Senator Bailey, in which he pictured the reincarnated 
 Abraham Lincoln of 1913, and I was astonished to learn that if 
 Lincoln were in the flesh today, he would have been a stalwart 
 upholder of the Constitution of our forefathers adopted in 1787. 
 
 Now, my friends, we know that, under that same old Constitu- 
 tion of our forefathers, human slavery was tolerated and for three- 
 quarters of a century practiced. Bailey's reincarnated Lincoln 
 would have vigorously opposed most of the measures of the new- 
 born Progressive party, including equal suffrage. 
 
 To my amazement I read next day that Theodore Roosevelt 
 had reincarnated the same Lincoln on the same night down East 
 somewhere and made that reincarnated Lincoln declare for practi- 
 cally all of the National Progressive platform, including woman 
 suffrage. Such glaring contradictions clearly prove that Colonel 
 Bryan was right when he said, what a man or principle is, depends 
 upon the point of view from which it is inspected. I do not pro- 
 pose to attempt to reincarnate George Washington on this day, 
 justly dedicated to his memory, because, if I did, you would see 
 him view^ed through my glasses, which might or might not aid 
 your vision. 
 
 I will content myself with calling attention to the fact that 
 there is one thing that all historians agree upon in discussing the 
 character of Washington. 
 
 They all agree that he was a plain, blunt, vigorous speaking 
 soldier, who said what he meant, and who meant what he said. He 
 never ostensibly advocated a measure that he in reality opposed, 
 or opposed a measure which he really favored. He never chased 
 the Devil around the stump. He never became a member of the 
 
414 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 society of the "double cross." He knew nothing about the gentle 
 art of muddying the waters. He never studied the habits of the 
 cuttle-fish, and so never adopted its methods in the politics of 
 his day. 
 
 In the politics of the twentieth century, Washington, if rein- 
 carnated, would be vulgarly termed a "back number" or a "jay." 
 
 He would have been, on such questions as the initiative and 
 referendum or the abolition of the State Board of Equalization, 
 either in favor of them or against them. He would not, if squarely 
 faced with the issues, have been adroit enough to answer, "I am a 
 tax reformer or an advocate of a new Constitution." That, how- 
 ever, is the style of politics which prevails today. When a man 
 tries to kill a project that he dares not openly oppose, he advocates 
 some other harmless project as of paramount importance, in the 
 effort to sidetrack the other measure. He muddies the water, and 
 tries to muddle the voter. 
 
 This is exactly what is being done in Illinois today. On two 
 separate occasions, eight years ago, and two years ago, the people 
 of this State voiced their demand at the ballot box for the initiative 
 and referendum by a vote of about five to one. 
 
 A Governor, who made that the main issue of his campaign, has 
 been placed in office by a plurality of about 125,000. In his inau- 
 gural message, he requested the passage of a constitutional amend- 
 ment which will enable the Legislature to place the initiative and 
 referendum upon the statute book of the State. 
 
 In this juncture, although 746,521 voters of the State voted 
 for the two candidates for Governor who were solemnly pledged 
 by their respective platforms to this great reform as against 318,469 
 voters for the candidate for Governor who straddled the question, 
 although the Senate has heretofore voted unanimously for this meas- 
 ure, and although 98 out of 145 of the members of the lower House 
 were elected on platforms pledging them to the measure, certain 
 men, papers and organizations in this State hypocritically raised the 
 cry of reform of taxation or revision of the Constitution. Not until 
 the fruition of an insistent demand of the people for this reform 
 was imminent in the last Legislature was this false and pharisaical 
 cry raised by these men, organizations and papers. Now that the 
 present administration, and honorable pledge-keeping men in the 
 Legislature are endeavoring to keep faith with the people and 
 amend the Constitution so as to secure the initiative and referen- 
 dum, these hypocritical men, organizations and newspapers again 
 lift their pharisaical voices in the demand for revenue reform and 
 a new Constitution, 
 
 It is anything to beat the initiative and referendum ; muddy 
 the political waters ; drag a red herring across the trail ; yell fire, 
 and pick the pockets of the crowds during the crush which follows. 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR ' 415 
 
 These are now the tactics of those who would beat the initiative 
 and referendum. 
 
 They know that, under the Constitution, onh^ one amendment 
 can be provided for at the present session. "Any old Morgan 
 amendment" will do in preference to the initiative and referendum 
 amendment ; so they yell for a tax reform amendment. We need 
 such an amendment. So did the swimmer whose clothes were stolen 
 need a necktie. But he needed much more a pair of trousers. The 
 people need the initiative and referendum, much more than they 
 need the tax reform. Nine-tenths of the evils we suffer from in 
 our tax laws can be cured without a constitutional amendment. 
 
 Abolish the State Board of Equalization, and create an efficient 
 tax commission or court that will honestly, impartially and vigor- 
 ously enforce the levy of equitable taxation. Under our present 
 Constitution, I believe we can collect sufficient additional income 
 from the tax dodgers to adequately carry on all the functions of 
 government without adding any additional burdens upon the poor 
 and middle classes of the State. 
 
 A member of the Cook County Board of Review of Chicago, 
 recently made the statement that there were over 1,000,000 tax 
 dodgers in Cook County. He ought to know^ ; for he has been in a 
 position for many years past where he came in personal contact 
 with most of them. 
 
 The existence of tax dodgers elsewhere throughout the State, 
 if not to as great an extent, at least to some extent, cannot be ques- 
 tioned. Under the present laws and the Constitution, however, 
 much of this could be eliminated by a scientific, equitable and vigor- 
 ous enforcement of the present laws. 
 
416 DUNXE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 UPON THE ELECTION OF UNITED 
 
 STATES SENATORS LEWIS 
 
 AND SHERMAN. 
 
 Address to General Assembly, March 26, 1913. 
 
 Gentlemen of the Senate and of the House of Representatives: 
 
 I recognize that, hidden under the keen humor of Senator 
 Sherman, there was a great deal of truth expressed in the last 
 two sentences that he uttered. I recognize that you are both hun- 
 gry and thirsty, and that you are tired, as the result of the tre- 
 mendous strain inider which you have labored for the last two 
 months, and particularly today, and recognizing that he told, in 
 his humorous and witty way, the truth, I am going to keep you 
 here but a few seconds. 
 
 I simply want to say, my friends, and I call you my friends, 
 because your conduct shows, today, that you are acting in the 
 interests of the people of this State, and the man who acts patriot- 
 ically in the interests of the people of this State, 1 do not care 
 whether he calls himself a Democrat or Republican, a Progres- 
 sive, or a Socialist, is my friend (applause), that I believe 
 you have acted patriotically and consistently, and prudently and 
 wisely, in doing the thing that you have done today. 
 
 We all have studied arithmetic, and we all know and have 
 known, since we left school, that 97 votes do not make a majority, 
 and that a party that has only 97 votes, and that lacks 6 or 7 
 votes of a majority, cannot elect a Senator to the United States 
 Senate, without receiving votes from some other party, and there- 
 fore I thought, three weeks ago, after I had spent three weeks 
 here in the vain and fruitless effort to secure two United States 
 Senators of the Democratic party from this State (and I think 
 I am as intensely Democratic as any member in this Assembly) 
 I reached the conclusion, that we were trying to do the impos- 
 sible thing, and that it would be fair and just to present some 
 sort of a proposition to the membership of this Joint Assembly, 
 and to the whole people of this State, that would meet with popu- 
 lar approval because it was just and fair and reasonable, under 
 the circumstances ; and therefore, not only as a Democrat but as a 
 citizen, and as the executive of this State, I thought it wise to take 
 the people of this State into our confidence, gentlemen, and to 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 417 
 
 propose a solution of this situation that was sane and just, and 
 prudent, and I congratulate you that after reflection — I congratu- 
 late you, my Republican friends — after three weeks' reflection; 
 and I congratulate my Democratic friends, that after reflection of 
 three weeks, they have seen that this is the wise and the prudent 
 thing to do ; and I think that I can safely predict that over ninety- 
 five per cent of the people of this State, no matter what their 
 political affiliations may be, will approve the settlement you have 
 reached, upon honorable terms, this day, without dicker and 
 without trade, openly and above board, honorably and decently. 
 I congratulate you upon the result, my friends, of the break- 
 ing of this agonizing and unfortunate deadlock, that was delay- 
 ing the legislation demanded by the people of this State ; and now 
 that it is- dissolved, let us get to work, my friends, no matter what 
 party you belong to, and put upon the statute books of this State 
 the laws that the people demand.. 
 
 —14 
 
418 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 MAKING TWO BUSHELS GROW WHERE 
 ONE GREW BEFORE. 
 
 Address to Farmer Boys, March, 1913. 
 
 3Iy Young Farmer Friends: 
 
 I have never had the honor of addressing a strictly agricul- 
 tural meeting, and I consider it a high privilege to be here today, 
 among men and boys engaged in so useful an enterprise as modern, 
 efficient and scientific farming. I want to become better acquainted 
 with you and your interests. I am informed that the members of 
 the Top Notch Farmers' Club have produced one hundred or more 
 bushels of corn to an acre and that some of you have raised as high 
 as one hundred and eighty bushels to the acre. This is an achieve- 
 ment of which any man, no matter how high his position in life, 
 could be proud; for the man who makes two blades of grass grow 
 where only one grew before, is greater than he who conquers an 
 empire. 
 
 What shall we say then of the boy or the man who makes three 
 blades grow where only one grew? 
 
 In 1912, in this central Illinois, the famous cornbelt of the 
 world, the average yield of corn was only thirty-nine bushels to the 
 acre, for the 3,099,754 acres planted. The average price of this 
 corn on December 1, 1912, was 39 cents per bushel, making the total 
 value of the crop $47,362,474. The estimated cost of this crop was 
 $28,574,482, leaving of a profit to the growers of $18,832,806. 
 
 Here in your own county of Sangamon, you planted 100,000 
 acres of corn and harvested 3,400,000 bushels, an average of only 
 thirty-four bushels to the acre. The farmer boy who raised 100 
 bushels to the acre, therefore, made three blades grow where only 
 one grew. He increased the money value of his crop from $13.26 
 to $39.00 per acre. Had the average yield in this cornbelt been 
 100 bushels to the acre, and the December 1 price the same, the 
 total yield would have been 309,957,400 bushels, worth $121,000,000, 
 against 121,000,000 bushels worth .$47,000,000. 
 
 We have here only the dollars and cents result of making two 
 or three blades grow where one grew. There are possibilities in 
 other directions equally as great. Such luxuriance of nature means 
 greater beauty, sweeter home environment, reduction of the sum of 
 poverty'', the elevation of the individual standard of life, the better- 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 419 
 
 ment of community existence and ideal, turning of the tide now 
 cityward back to the country. 
 
 In good agriculture — I will not say scientific agriculture — the 
 farmer of today contends with less competition than confronts any 
 other business. 
 
 Here sit about me some fifty young men who have raised each 
 100 or more bushels of corn to an acre, representing fifty acres out 
 of 100,000 acres in Sangamon County, producing 100 bushels each. 
 Is there any reason why the other 99,950 acres cannot do as well on 
 an average ? Is there any reason why they should not ? Is not the 
 country and the world calling for more bread, more meat, more of 
 all products that come from the farm ? 
 
 The call of today is the call of the city. Our young people are 
 flocking in armies to the cities and towns to congest the already 
 congested streams of professional, industrial and mercantile life. 
 They are, by their competition, cutting down average earnings and 
 lessening opportunity. The problem of the period, reduced to 
 its elements, is the young man and the young woman stranger in 
 our cities. Life is harder, life is more severe, life is more un- 
 certain, life is more unwholesome and impure in these centers of 
 population, because they cannot receive and assimilate the on- 
 rushing flood of youth who are pouring from their natural envi- 
 ronment into an unnatural environment. 
 
 Meanwhile in the country lies neglected opportunity. The 
 appeal of the country is drowned in the mad call of the city and 
 no ear heeds it. Allurement of promised fortunes in the city blind 
 the eye to the gold glittering in every ear of corn. The smoke, 
 grime, dirt, heat and sweat of toil of the city seem to fascinate 
 and draw with irresistible power our youth from the sweetness and 
 wholesomeness, the comforts and the joys of life in the free, open 
 air, for a full breath of which there is no greater elixir. 
 
 The young man who neglects so great an opportunity as coun- 
 try life presents today — the young man who turns his back upon 
 the farm to face the terrific battle of city life, little realizes his 
 mistake ; it is almost a crime of self obliteration. The lad who 
 sticks by the farm home, each year finds his task easier, his op- 
 portunities wider and his way to fortune less crowded and less 
 obstructed by competitors. 
 
 Good agriculture means a highly profitable business. It 
 means likewise that an education in a science can be obtained 
 without loss or expenditure of time and money. Each lesson 
 becomes available at once and turns up from the soil its harvest 
 of dollars. 
 
 One may not become an engineer by digging in the ditch, nor 
 an astronomer by peering at the stars, nor a physician by reading 
 materia medica. But for the farmer to become an expert farmer, a 
 
420 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 scientific farmer, if he will, the way is comparatively easy. He 
 develops as he lives and works, adding daily to his knowledge and 
 his facilities. We have our colleges of agriculture with their labo- 
 ratories and experimental farms. It is characteristic of these insti- 
 tutions and of this science that the results of their experiments can 
 be stated in simple, plain terms, understandable by all. The boy 
 bred to the land may understand many of these truths and put them 
 to practical use while in his teens. All that these institutions learn 
 by research and experimentation is at once set down in simple 
 English and distributed throughout the land. Through agricul- 
 tural publications, popular magazines and daily newspapers this 
 information is spread over wide areas and any tiller of the soil may 
 avail himself of it almost without cost. He can use it and profit by 
 it if he will. It is through such means that you have learned how 
 to raise one hundred bushels of corn to the acre. Every other 
 land owner or tenant enjoys the same opportunity to learn and 
 to produce. 
 
 So I say agricultural life presents an opportunity for clean 
 existence, for a livelihood and decent fortune, without destructive 
 competition. It presents untold possibilities in monetary rewards. 
 It offers a training and education. You enjoy in your rural homes 
 more of our modern comforts and conveniences, such as the tele- 
 phone, interurban cars, free delivery of mail, electric light, hot 
 and cold water, sewerage systems, than the city population, in 
 proportion to its numbers, enjoys. In short agriculture is, today, 
 of all occupations, an occupation of respectability, of opportunity, 
 of the gentleman and the scholar. 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 421 
 
 COMMUNICATION ON *TISH AND 
 GAME." 
 
 Message to Forty-eighth General Assembly, April 23, 1913. 
 
 Gentlemen of the Forty-eighth General Assembly: 
 
 An investigation of the Fish and Game Departments of the 
 State Government, made at my direction by the State Civil Ser- 
 vice Commission, lias shown a condition to exist of waste and 
 extravagance in the expenditure of public money, coupled with 
 almost utter failure properly to enforce the Fish and Game Law^s 
 and a serious neglect to conserve great natural resources of the 
 State. 
 
 The extent of the public wealth in the Illinois River fishing 
 grounds is not generally known. It is estimated tliat the value of 
 fish yielded by the river, which, in 1908, according to census re- 
 ports, was $900,000.00, has increased to more than $1,500,000.00 
 annually. The value of the game which the State laws seek to 
 protect is also great, though incomparable with the fish product 
 commercially. In the great fishing grounds of the Illinois the 
 State has a natural resource wdiicli will increase in value tremend- 
 ously as food prices become higher and which should be conserved 
 by wise laws firmly and impartially enforced. Our present laws 
 are not enforced. Owing to this, the destruction of commercial 
 fish has reached a scale that is alarming. Unless it is permanently 
 checked the Illinois River will eventually cease to be a great 
 natural asset. There is also need of some intelligent effort di- 
 rected by scientific minds to provide spawning grounds and fish 
 hatcheries which will insure the continuance of the fish supply, 
 and this need the present system makes no attempt to meet. 
 
 Immediate and radical action is required to reorganize both 
 the Fish and the Game Departments on a basis which will insure 
 enforcement of the laws and protection of our valuable game and 
 fish. In my judgment this can best be accomplished by the con- 
 solidation of the two departments and the creation of a Game 
 and Fish Conservation Commission, with authority to appoint 
 wardens who shall have jurisdiction in the enforcement of all laws 
 relating to both subjects. In practically every other state of the 
 Union such consolidation was long ago efi^ected and it is my opin- 
 ion that the same consolidation should take place here. 
 
422 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 Not only will such consolidation effect a substantial saving in 
 money but by reorganizing the system of wardens and deputy 
 wardens, by disposing of the expensive and impractical fish boat, 
 the Steamer Illinois, and substituting inexpensive and useful 
 launch patrols, and by abolishing the game farm at Auburn or 
 conducting it in an economical manner for the propagation of 
 game birds which may add to the natural wealth of the State, the 
 money which is expended can be made to accomplish a great 
 amount of real good where now it accomplishes little or nothing. 
 
 As organized at present, the Game Department consists of a 
 game commissioner, Avho is paid $4,700.00 a year, including all of 
 his various salaries and allowances ; sixteen district game war- 
 dens, who are paid $75.00 a month and expenses ; 100 deputy 
 wardens, who are paid $2.00 a day and expenses, and special dep- 
 uty game wardens without compensation except for a share in 
 fines which they may have imposed. I am reliably informed there 
 are in the neighborhood of 500 of these special deputies in Cook 
 County alone. 
 
 The Fish Department consists of a commissioner and chief 
 warden, who is paid $175.00 a month and expenses in this dual 
 capacity ; two commissioners, who are paid $100.00 a month and 
 expenses ; seven district fish wardens, who are paid $75.00 a month 
 and expenses, and forty-five deputy fish wardens, who are paid 
 $2.00 a day and expenses. 
 
 In the report of the Civil Service Commission, facts are cited 
 which raise grave doubt as to whether the employes in either of 
 these departments give any efficient service to the State. Further 
 facts rgarding failure to enforce laws, waste of money in the 
 game farm and on the fish boat, prevalence of fraudulent per 
 diem claims and exiDense accounts, and the entire absence of any 
 intelligent and constructive effort to conserve the public wealth 
 in either fish or game, are given in detail in the report of the 
 Civil Service Commission and in the reports of audits of these 
 departments conducted under the direction of the State and De- 
 partment Aviditor, all of which are herewith transmitted. 
 
 I recommend that a bill be passed abolishing both Fish and 
 Game Departments as they now exist and substituting therefor a 
 Game and Fish Conservation Commission, to be composed of three 
 commissioners, the president to be the executive officer and to be 
 paid $5,000.00 a year, and the remaining two commissioners to 
 be persons of scientific attainments, versed in the biology of fish 
 and game, to be paid $2,500.00 a year each. 
 
 I recommend that under the direction of this commission a 
 force of six wardens at $1,500.00 a year each and sixty depiTty 
 wardens at $1,200.00 a year each shall be employed continually in 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 423 
 
 the enforcement of the conservation laAvs, and that in such sea- 
 sons as extra service is required, not more than sixty deputy- 
 wardens may be appointed temporarily at $100.00 a month each. 
 I recommend further that in adopting the bill for such re- 
 organization and consolidation, particular attention shall be given 
 to the drafting of wise and effective measures for the conserva- 
 tion of commercial fishing as well as for the protection of the 
 interests of sportsmen, and that in consideration of these meas- 
 ures the advice of scientific experts shall be consulted. 
 Respectfully submitted, 
 
 E. F. Dunne, Governor. 
 
424 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 THE PROGRESS OF THE INITIATIVE 
 AND REFERENDUM. 
 
 Statement to the Public, May 2, 1913. 
 
 The resolution providing for the initiative and referendum 
 has already passed the Senate and has been reported for passage 
 by the Judiciary Committee of the House. 
 
 Under Article IV of the State Constitution, relating to the 
 legislative department, as now phrased, the right to initiate and 
 veto laws is not reserved to and by the people of Illinois. 
 
 For more than eight years the people of this State, following 
 precedents set by other republics and fourteen sister states of 
 the American Union, have been insistently demanding the right 
 to legislate directl}^ for themselves by the initiative, and the right 
 to veto legislation, passed by the Legislature, contrary to the 
 wishes of the people, by the referendum. Twice within the last 
 eight years, the people of Illinois, by overwhelming votes at the 
 ballot box, in the ratio of about five to one, have manifested an 
 urgent desire for this great reform. Their demand is insistent 
 and just, and has been too long denied. 
 
 With the control given to the people over legislation by the 
 possession of the initiative and referendum, corruption in the 
 Legislature would, practically, be eliminated and all laws, finally 
 enacted either by the Legislature or by direct vote of the people, 
 would truly express the will of the people. 
 
 This control of the law-making power by the people them- 
 selves can only be secured by amending Article IV of the Con- 
 stitution, so as to give to the people the right, by popular petition, 
 to originate legislation under the initiative, and to veto legis- 
 lation by the referendum. 
 
 I confldently hope that, at this session of the Legislature, the 
 bill, already passed in the Senate and now pending in the House, 
 to amend Article IV of the Constitution, so as to secure the 
 "right of direct legislation by the people themselves, upon a 
 petition of eight per centum of the voters voting at the last gen- 
 eral election, and to secure the rights of veto in the people, by 
 requiring submission to the people of any law or laws, passed 
 by the Legislature, for their approval or disapproval, upon the 
 filing of a petition of five per centum of the voters voting at the 
 last general election," will be passed. 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 425 
 
 In my campaigu for Governor, the initiative and referendum 
 was urged by me as one of the most vital and pressing issues oi 
 the campaign, and, in my judgment, my plurality of approxi- 
 mately 125,000, was largely the result cf the persistency with 
 which 1 pledged myself in favor of the adoption of this great 
 reform. In the late gubernatorial campaigu, the initiative and 
 referendum was one of the main planks in the platform of the 
 Democratic party. My vote for Governor Avas 443,120. Like- 
 wise it was one of the main planks in the platform of the Progres- 
 sive party. Mr. Funk, the Progressive party's candidate for 
 Governor, received 303,401 votes. It was a plank in the platform 
 of every party except the Republican, and it was a plank in the 
 platform of the Republican party four years ago. 
 
 In the late election the Republican candidate for Governor, 
 Charles S. Deneen, received 318,469 votes. The other candidates 
 for Governor in the same campaign, who urged the adoption of 
 the initiative and referendum, received a total of 844,411 votes. 
 The candidate for Governor who did not urge the adoption of the 
 initiative and referendum received only 318,469. These ilgures 
 speak for themselves. 
 
 The people have demonstrated, in no uncertain terms, three 
 times at the ballot box, that they desire this reform crystallized 
 into law, and I say again that, in my judgment, it was mainly 
 upon this issue that I was elected Governor of this State. 
 
 The Senate has done its duty and passed the resolution for 
 this measure by an almost unanimous vote. The matter has been 
 reported favorably in the House of Representatives by the Judi- 
 ciary Committee. Within the next few days, thfe House of Repre- 
 sentatives will vote upon the measure. I believe all friends of 
 good government in the House of Representatives, all those Avho 
 believe in the right of the people to rule, all those who believe in 
 respecting the will of the people, as expressed at the ballot box, 
 will vote for the resolution now pending, that the measure most 
 strongly advocated by this administration and, through the advo- 
 cacy of which, the Governor of this State rolled up such a signi- 
 ficant plurality, may be enacted into law. 
 
 Ohio adopted this great reform in its constitution, adopted 
 last year. Let the State of Illinois, at the thrice-expressed man- 
 date of the people, do the same at this session of the Legislature. 
 Let us be loyal to the will of the people expressd at the polls. 
 
426 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 ADDRESS IN COMMEMORATION OF 
 
 THE lOOTH ANNIVERSARY OF THE 
 
 BIRTH OF STEPHEN A. 
 
 DOUGLAS. 
 
 Address to Forty-eighth General Assembly, April 23, 1913. 
 
 Gentlemen of the Senate, Gentlemen of the House of Bepresentfi- 
 
 tives, Ladies, Fellow Citizens of the State of Illinois: 
 
 1 have been honored by the Committee on Arrangements, rep- 
 resenting the Joint Assembly, in being asked to preside over this 
 memorable meeting. 
 
 One hundred years ago, in a little village in Vermont, there 
 was born a man, who, when he arrived at the years of manhood, 
 made his home in the State of Illinois, and who, from the time 
 when he came to this State, until the time of his untimely death in 
 1861, was one of the great intellectual leaders, not only of the 
 State of Illinois, but of the United States of America. 
 
 Jn the political struggles which attracted the attention not 
 only of this State, but of the whole United States, he became one 
 of the great moving figures, and in his intellectual combats with 
 another great Illinoisan, Abraham Lincoln, he riveted the atten- 
 tion of the whole of the United States upon the issues of his day. 
 
 These two great sons of Illinois became so prominent in the 
 political life of the United States that they were both nominated 
 for the highest executive office in the gift of the people of the 
 United States, and after a most memorable struggle, Abraham 
 Lincoln, his competitor, was elected President of the United 
 States. 
 
 At this juncture this Nation was faced with a situation full of 
 peril, if not complete extinction, and upon that great occasion the 
 man whose name we noAV meet to commemorate, proved himself 
 a patriot among patriots, and next to Abraham Lincoln, himself, 
 did more for the preservation of the integrity of the United States 
 than any other man within its confines. 
 
 You are exceptionally fortunate, my friends, in being ten- 
 dered an intellectual treat this afternoon ; and in view of the fact 
 that there are so many eminent, and so many eloquent speakers 
 here today, I shall confine myself, from this time on, to the pleas- 
 ant duty of introducing to this audience these distinguished 
 gentlemen. 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 427 
 
 SEEKS HELP FOR PEOPLE IN THE 
 
 FLOODED DISTRICT ON OHIO 
 
 RIVER. 
 
 Message to Forty-eighth General Assembly, May 7, 1913. 
 
 Gentlemen of the Forty-eighth General Assemhly: 
 
 I beg to transmit herewith reports of Frank S. Dickson, the 
 Adjutant General, and Amos Sawyer, Acting Secretary of the 
 State Board of Health, covering the protective, rescue, relief and 
 sanitary work of the State in the flooded territory on the Ohio 
 River. 
 
 These reports evidence at once the absolute necessity and the 
 thoroughness and extent of the relief work. I invite your atten- 
 tion to the fact that in carrying on this work there were on active 
 duty, twenty-four companies of the Illinois National Guard and 
 three divisions of the Illinois Naval Reserve, rendering coura- 
 geous and effective service in protecting levees, building bulk- 
 heads, filling and placing sandbags,, and carrying relief to dis- 
 tressed persons. 
 
 Help Avas given to thousands of our citizens in thirty-one 
 flooded sections through the establishment of twenty relief sta- 
 tions, from which food, clothing and tents were issued by methods 
 which conserved the interests both of the State and of those 
 organizations, societies and individuals that so generously for- 
 warded aid, and which also fully met the equitable requir"ments 
 of the flood sufferers. 
 
 The relief and sanitary work were so coordinated as to be 
 doubly efl'ective. I feel no stronger evidence may be presented of 
 the dispatch and thoroughness with which their duty was per- 
 formed by those having this work in charge than the statement 
 that in the wide extent of devastation all possible disease epidem- 
 ics were anticipated ; no man, woman or child was permitted to 
 suffer from hunger, or left without clothes or shelter ; and not a 
 single life was lost in the rising waters. 
 
 I am satisfied that the prompt and effective action of the 
 State authorities in this matter prevented the loss of millions of 
 dollars worth of property belonging to the citizens of Illinois. 
 
 The cost to the State is presented in the itemization prepared 
 by the Adjutant General and transmitted in connection herewith, 
 which may be summarized as follows : 
 
428 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 Expenditures for protective, rescue, relief and sanitatioti i]i 
 connection with the refugees, $65,118.99. Of this amount, item- 
 ized bills in the sum of $45,118.99 are in the hands of the Adju- 
 tant General, the remaining $20,000.00 being a carefully prepcired 
 estimate of the outstanding indebtedness, based upon computa- 
 tions of the different matters for which bills have not been re- 
 ceived. I have received from various sources, voluntary dona- 
 tions, approximately $15,500.00 in flood relief subscriptions. The 
 residue of this fund is approximately $13,600.00, leaving a balance 
 of approximately $52,000.00 at present unprovided for. 
 
 Expenditures connected with the active service of the Illinois 
 National Guard and Illinois Naval Reserve on flood duty v.ere 
 $81,647.68. The balance in the emergency fund at the inception 
 of the flood was $23,356.56. This balance has been exhausted 
 and there is an unpaid liability of $58,291.12. 
 
 I recommend that a bill be passed appropriating $52,000.00 
 or so much thereof as may be necessary for the purpose of defray- 
 ing the indebtedness incurred on the part of the State in furnish- 
 ing relief to flood sufferers, 
 
 I recommend the passage of a bill appropriating to the emer- 
 gency fund of the Illinois National Guard and Illinois Naval 
 Reserve, $58,291.12 to defray liabilities contracted by reason of 
 the necessary use of the military and naval force in the protection 
 of life and property in the flooded territory. In view of the 
 fact that the liability above indicated has been contracted and 
 is now unpaid, it is respectfully urged that the bills be passe-"! 
 with emergency clauses attached. 
 Respectfully submitted, 
 
 E. F. Dunne, Governor. 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 429 
 
 INITIATIVE AND REFERENDUM. 
 
 Message to Forty-eighth General Assembly, June 5, 1913. 
 
 To the Honorable, the House of Representatives of the Forty- 
 eighth General Assembly: 
 
 In my candidacy for Governor, I sought election upon a decla- 
 ration of principles, among which the Initiative and Referendum 
 was the most vital and important part. 
 
 A very great majority of your Honorable Body, as well as 
 myself, were elected upon the pledge that we would incorporate 
 such an amendment into the Constitution of this State. 
 
 The question of the adoption of the resolution providing for 
 the Initiative and Referendum comes up today before your Hon- 
 orable Body. If adopted by your vote, the proposed amendment 
 to the Constitution is again submitted to our constituents — the 
 people of this State — for their final acceptance or rejection. 
 
 In view of the thrice-recorded vote of the people at the polls 
 in favor of the principles of the Initiative and Referendum I re- 
 spectfully, but earnestly, submit that we ought to obey the ex- 
 pressed will of the people and adopt the resolution providing 
 for this great reform. 
 
 Thus we will place it within the power of the people finally 
 to adopt or reject this proposed amendment to the Constitution 
 and thus we will redeem the pledges we have made to the people. 
 Respectfully, 
 
 E. F. Dunne, Governor. 
 
430 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 HIS ATTITUDE TOWARDS THE UNI- 
 VERSITY OF ILLINOIS. 
 
 Statement to the Public, June 7, 1913. 
 
 In view of the fact that certain anonymous, false and other- 
 wise misleading pamphlets have been circulated throughout the 
 State tending to create the impression that the Governor and the 
 chairmen of the Appropriation Committees of the Senate and 
 House of Representatives were endeavoring to cripple financially 
 the University of Illinois or subject the university to inconven- 
 ience in the management of its financial affairs, I make this state- 
 ment to the public in order that it may know exactly what the 
 situation really is. 
 
 For many years past the University of Illinois has been draw- 
 ing its finances from the State treasury out of the appropriations 
 made by the Legislature in bulk sums upon requisitions signed 
 by the treasurer of the board of trustees of the university at- 
 tested by its secretary. The drafts drawn the last two years 
 have been in the following amounts and .upon the dates indicated : 
 
 STATISTICS OF DRAFTS. 
 
 August 5, 1911, to H. A. Haugan, treasurer, $408,230.26. 
 October 31, 1911, to H. A. Haugan, treasurer, $322,025.00. 
 November 17, 1911, to II. A. Haugan, treasurer, $40,000.00. 
 December 2, 1911, to H. A. Haugan, treasurer, $16,206.56. 
 January 12, 1912, to H. A. Haugan, treasurer, $314,625.00. 
 April 15, 1912, to H. A. Haugan, treasurer, $541,825.00. 
 May 1, 1912, to H. A. Haugan, treasurer, $300,000.00. 
 July 2, 1912, to H. A. Haugan, treasurer, $65,000.00. 
 August 1, 1912, to H. A. Haugan, treasurer, $418,057.96. 
 January 8, 1913, to H. A. Haugan, treasurer, $492,125.00. 
 January 31, 1913, to H. A. Haugan, treasurer, $466,133.08. 
 February 5, 1913, to H. A. Haugan, treasurer, $210,000.00. 
 
 The sums so drawn from the State treasury have under the 
 old system been deposited with the local treasurer of the uni- 
 versity and used to pay university bills. The bills or vouchers 
 so paid under the old system were then sent to the Governor's 
 office after payment, to be approved in the Governor's office. 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 431 
 
 These bills ran far up into the thousands and the moneys 
 represented thereby aggregate millions. 
 
 Under the system which has been followed in past years, the 
 Governor has thus been compelled to pass upon and approve, in 
 round numbers, fifty thousand vouchers each biennium aggregat- 
 ing approximately three and a half million dollars. The Gover- 
 nor has been required to approve these vouchers three or four 
 months after the expenditures are made and at a time when his 
 refusal to approve a single item would stop the payment of any 
 and all moneys of the university by the State Treasurer. 
 
 Under the old system the Governor was placed in the attitude 
 of perfunctorily approving hundreds of thousands of dollars' 
 worth of vouchers long after the money had been spent. 
 
 The Governor has been advised by expert accountants, and so 
 believes, that this method of doing business in so far as it com- 
 pels the Executive to pass upon paid vouchers perfunctorily, is 
 ridiculous and absurd. The Governor, therefore, upon confer- 
 ence with the State Auditor and Chairman of the Appropriation 
 Committees has asked that this absurd and unsatisfactory system 
 be changed. 
 
 The Governor is insisting that money drawn by the univer- 
 sity shall be upon itemized vouchers approved by the board of 
 trustees of the university, then presented to the Auditor of 
 Public Accounts, whose duty it is to audit all vouchers in the 
 same manner as is followed by other public institutions of the 
 State and then paid by the State Treasurer. 
 
 In the false and misleading pamphlets the statement is made 
 that the Governor demands the right to approve or disapprove 
 vouchers for the university expenditures in advance of payment. 
 
 The Governor does not desire or demand that he be permitted 
 to approve expenditures of the university, either before or after 
 the vouchers are paid, but he does insist that, if he be called upon 
 by law or procedure to pass upon the vouchers, that these vouch- 
 ers shall be submitted to him before the moneys are paid when 
 approval or disapproval would be of some effect. 
 
 The Governor is desirous that lie shall he relieved of the respon- 
 sitility in the matter of approving these vouchers and that the l)0\ard 
 of trustees of the university shall perform the duty, and that when 
 they have approved the vouchers that the Auditor of Piihlic Ac- 
 counts shall audit these vouchers before payment hy the State 
 Treasurer. 
 
 The pamphlet entitled, ''State of the Proposals," sent out 
 from the university creates an entirely false and erroneous im- 
 pression. The Governor is in favor of absolutely divorcing the 
 University of Illinois from politics. The claim is made that the 
 
432 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 Governor is in favor of taking the fees earned by the students 
 and to "confiscate it to the State treasury." 
 
 The Governor is willing and favors the reappropriation to 
 the University of Illinois of all of its revenue, of all Federal 
 funds, of all gifts, donations, trust funds, etc., made by private 
 individuals, alumni and others. 
 
 Certain individuals, apparently, have been attempting to 
 create the impression tliat the Governor and the Chairman of the 
 Approprintion Committees are attempting to handicap the Uni- 
 versity of Illinois by changing its financial system. 
 
 On the other hand, the Governor and the Chairman of the 
 Appropriation Committees are in favor of doing everything pos 
 sible to bring about a greater efficiency in the university and 
 only are asking that the appropriations made for the university 
 remain in the hands of the State Treasurer to be paid out on 
 itemized vouchers, approved by the university trustees and 
 audited by the Auditor of Public Accounts instead of, as has 
 been th^ custom in the past, permitting the university to deposit 
 the moneys of the university in the hands of a local treasurer and 
 compelling the Governor to approve vouchers long after they 
 have been paid. 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 433 
 
 VETO OF SO-CALLED KLEEMAN BILL. 
 
 Message to Forty-eighth General Assembly, June 16, 1913. 
 
 To the Honorable, the House of Representatives of the General 
 
 Assembly of Illinois: 
 
 I return herewith, ■without my approval, House Bill No. 38. 
 This bill authorizes the Sanitary District of Chicago "to con- 
 struct a public harbor so far as feasible within the meander lines 
 of Lake Calumet, Cook County, not less than 500 acres in extent." 
 
 It authorizes the said district "to build permanent retaining 
 walls around said basins and slips." 
 
 It authorizes the said district further "to operate wharves, 
 docks, levees, elevators, warehouses, vaults, disposal stations, 
 reduction plants, terminal railroad tracks and other terminal 
 facilities." 
 
 It authorizes the district to build "connecting channels be- 
 tween said harbor basis and the Calumet River, Calumet Harbor, 
 Lake ]\Iichigan and other waterways in or adjoining the Sanitary 
 District" when required in the judgment of the corporate au- 
 thorities of the said Sanitary District, and the district is re- 
 quired, after making such connections, "forthwith to build suit- 
 able bridges across such waterways." It provides that the ripar- 
 ian rights of the owners of property adjoining the lake shall not 
 be affected without making just compensation therefor. 
 
 It further authorizes the Sanitary District to acquire by pur- 
 chase, condemnation or otherwise, so much land as may be re- 
 quired for use by the Sanitary District of Chicago to afford facil- 
 ities for railroads connecting with said harbor. 
 
 It will be seen from the above that the rights given to the 
 Sanitary District are far-reaching in their nature, and if this 
 bill were permitted to become a law an enormous burden might 
 be imposed upon the taxpayers of the Sanitary District of 
 Chicago. 
 
 In view of the enormous powers so given, I deem it unwise 
 to approve this bill until a concrete scheme is formulated, the 
 cost of same to be approximately ascertained so that the tax- 
 payers of the district might know what their burden in the future 
 would be. 
 
434 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 The excavating of 500 acres iu the lake aud the necessary 
 connections from such excavation to the Calumet River at tlie 
 soutli of the hike, and docking the same vv^ith timbers, I have as- 
 certained, from careful investigation, would alone cost over three 
 million dollars. What it would cost to acquire the riparian 
 rights of the owners of property around Lake Calumet to build 
 connecting waterways with Lake Michigan and other waters and 
 the building of bridges thereover, I have not been able to ascer- 
 tain, but it might run into enormous figures. 
 
 To extinguish the riparian rights of the owners of property 
 surrounding Lake Calumet would require the expenditure of 
 more moneys. 
 
 In ray judgment, as the location of a harbor in Lake Calumet 
 would tend to increase much in value the properties surrounding 
 the lake, the owners thereof should be compelled, before locating 
 any such great enterprise in that neighborhood, to release and 
 quit-claim all such riparian rights before such an undertaking 
 is entered upon. 
 
 In the absence of a formulation- of a concrete scheme which 
 would show at least approximately the cost of the proposed enter- 
 prise, and in the absence of any showing that the owners of the 
 property surrounding Lake Calumet are willing to relinquish 
 and convey their riparian rights, I deem it my duty, in the in- 
 terests of the taxpayers of the Sanitary District, to veto this 
 bill. Accordingly, I withhold my approval of the same and re 
 turn same to you without my approval. 
 
 Respectfully submitted, 
 
 E. F. Dunne, Governor. 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 435 
 
 FAVORS PRINCIPLE OF RELIEF TO 
 PARENTS OF DESTITUTE CHIL- 
 DREN LAW. 
 
 Statement to Good Housekeeping^ June 16, 1913. 
 
 In response to your inquiry, relative to home aid for dependent 
 children in Illinois, I beg to state that I am in full accord with this 
 law and consider the principles it inculcates are fundamentally sane 
 and sound. 
 
 The law, though somewhat crude and incomplete, has worked 
 out well in Illinois and with some changes will place the dependent 
 child problem in our State on an entirely new basis. 
 
 The motive back of the passage of this law, I consider, contains 
 all three elements mentioned in your letter. It is not only based 
 on humanitarianism and sympathy, but, in the course of time, will 
 prove to be a good business investment for the State. 
 
 That a mother should be required to part with her offspring 
 simply because of poverty or adverse circumstances over which she 
 has no control, is nothing short of an outrage, and should not be 
 tolerated in any civilized country ; nor is the crime much less when 
 the child must be recorded as a dependent in order to enable the 
 mother to procure the needed help. 
 
 A bill has just passed the Senate and doubtless will become a 
 law, eliminating the necessity of the child being tried and found 
 dependent. If, after careful investigation, the mother is found to 
 be needy, by due process, without the child being recorded as a 
 dependent, she may receive a suitable compensation, enabling her 
 to remain at home and care for her child or children. While these 
 cases come within the jurisdiction of the Juvenile Court, the 
 mother's pension law should be separate and distinct from the so- 
 called Juvenile Court law and under the provisions of the bill now 
 pending it is made so, while the interest of the State and the chil- 
 dren are, in our opinion, safeguarded, the home being under strict 
 supervision of a competent probation officer with penalties fixed 
 for violation of the law\ 
 
 The present law providing home aid for dependent children 
 has grown in favor and wherever put in practice has continued. 
 A number of counties outside of Cook, where the law has become 
 most popular because of good results achieved, are putting it to 
 practice with equally good results. 
 
436 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR , 
 
 Hon. Arthur D. Deselm, county judge, Kankakee County, in 
 his report for June, 1912, to the Board of Administration, of chil- 
 dren placed during the quarter shows that twenty-three children 
 were found dependent; of these, one was placed in a foster home, 
 three sent to an institution and nineteen were pensioned. I have 
 just been informed by the judge that the work has proven a great 
 success and decidedly helpful in lessening pauperism in his county. 
 The enactment and proper enforcement of this law gives both the 
 mother and the child a square deal. 
 
 In Illinois, contracts are often made by boards of supervisors 
 with institutions to take their dependent children for a stipulated 
 price ranging from $25.00 to $50.00. The argument often presented 
 to the board is that it is cheaper to dispose of the child in this way 
 than to attempt to keep it in the county. There will be less need 
 for the signing of such contracts when the mothers' pension law 
 becomes the universal practice, which is bound to be the case sooner 
 or later. If this law is properly enforced, you are correct in assum- 
 ing that it is cheaper to pay the pension to the mother than to put 
 this class of children in an institution. One case in question, and 
 there are numerous others that have come to me within the past 
 few weeks as a result of the work of certain child-saving societies, 
 is worthy of consideration. Three little girls because of the poverty 
 of their mother were placed with an association for temporary care ; 
 one of these had recently been taken from the mother's breast. She 
 signed the contract that, if she was financially able to care for the 
 children, they would be returned to her in three months ; she failed 
 in her attempt ; the children were scattered and the mother died, her 
 death being supposedly hastened because of her grief. Later an 
 appeal was made to the department of visitation of children and, 
 after several weeks of earnest search, the three sisters were found 
 and reunited in a state outside of Illinois. Other institutions in the 
 State are at the present time receiving and disposing of children on 
 the same conditions. This law, properly executed, will relieve the 
 State of this diabolical practice and insure to the poor mother the 
 sacred right of rearing her own child or children. We unhesitat- 
 ingly recommend the law and are confident that very soon each state 
 in the Union will have such a law fully enforced for the protection 
 of this class of poor, deserving mothers and their children. 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 437 
 
 STATEMENT OF GOVERNOR DUNNE 
 REGARDING PUBLIC UTILITIES, 
 
 (House Bill 907.) 
 
 State of Illinois, 
 Executive Department, 
 Springfield, III., June 30, 1913. 
 
 To the People of Illinois: 
 
 Satisfactory control of public service corporations is manifestly 
 necessary. No one will dispute the accuracy of this statement. 
 
 Such control by a commission should be given every reasonable 
 trial in this State. If that fails, all will concede, there is no alterna- 
 tive but public ownership. A public ownership law has just been 
 passed by the Legislature at my request. 
 
 Public utility legislation, I believe, is no longer in the experi- 
 mental state. It has been adopted by the states of New York, New 
 Jersey, Massachusetts, Oregon, Wisconsin, Ohio, Indiana, Califor- 
 nia and other states, some twenty in all, and with results that have 
 proved satisfactory to those communities. The public utilities bill 
 in the form in which it comes to me for approval, notwithstanding 
 that there has been eliminated from it certain home rule provisions, 
 which I earnestly supported and tried to have placed in the act, is 
 in many respects the best measure of its kind that has found its way 
 into the laws of a state. It is elastic ; it is workable ; it provides 
 ample authority for a Public Utilities Commission, when appointed, 
 to deal efficiently with all problems it may undertake. It is in my 
 judgment better than the Wisconsin law which has been regarded 
 as a model in that it eliminates two questionable features of that 
 law, to-wit : first, giving the commission control of public owned 
 utilities, and, second, giving private corporations indeterminate 
 franchises. 
 
 The Democratic State platform of 1912, upon which I was 
 elected to the office of Governor, said : ' ' AVe demand enactment of 
 legislation creating a commission that will consolidate supervision 
 and control over public service and public utilities corporations, 
 that unjust and intolerable practices shall cease. ' ' 
 
 The Republican State platform of 1912 said: "We favor the 
 enactment of public utilities legislation that will place all railroad, 
 
438 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 telegraph, telephone, electric light and power companies, street rail- 
 ways, distributors of gas, express companies and common carriers 
 of all kinds under the control of a commission or commissions having 
 authority over the issuance of stocks and bonds, the fixing of valua- 
 tion of plants of these corporations and regulation of their rates and 
 services so as to treat fairly the interests of investors and of the 
 public. ' ' 
 
 The Progressive platform also declared in favor of a State 
 Utility Commission. 
 
 Thus it will be seen that the Democratic platform, and the plat- 
 forms of the Progressive and Republican parties contained planks 
 demanding the creation of a Public Service Commission, so that 
 the electorate of Illinois substantially voted as a unit in favor of 
 this proposition. 
 
 Taking into consideration all the facts, it is manifest to me that 
 the people of the State of Illinois desire a Public Utilities Commis- 
 sion. It is true the Legislature repudiated the doctrine of home 
 rule, and it is regretable that it did not accept the provisions of 
 Article 6 of the original bill, which would have enabled the city of 
 Chicago and all other cities in the State, if they so elected, to 
 govern and control their own utilities. 
 
 In the original public utilities bill that was prepared under my 
 direction by Professors Kinley, Fairlie and Dodd of the Illinois 
 State University, upon consultation with Professor Bemis, the home 
 rule feature for cities was incorporated. I conferred with Mayor 
 Harrison, Corporation Counsel Sexton, members of the Committee 
 on Public Utilities of both Houses and others, and after many con- 
 ferences certain changes were made in the bill elaborating on the 
 home rule article. 
 
 "When the bill was introduced in the House it contained the 
 home rule feature. The House of Representatives, however, 
 amended the bill by striking out the home rule feature. The bill 
 then went to the Senate. Before the vote on the bill in the Senate, 
 I appeared before that body, and urged them to restore the home 
 rule section. The Senate replaced the home rule provision in the 
 bill, and sent it back to the House of Representatives for concur- 
 rence in the amendments. 
 
 In the meantime I spoke to about fifty members of the House 
 of Representatives individually (all I could reach personally) and 
 urged them to concur in the ameildments of the Senate, and replace 
 home rule in the bill. On the roll call in the House of Representa- 
 tives only seventy votes were cast to concur in the Senate amend- 
 ments, whereas seventy-seven were needed. The bill then went back 
 to the Senate and on motion the Senate receded from its amend- 
 ments and the bill comes to me in its present form without the home 
 rule feature. 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 439 
 
 Home rule can be provided for hereafter, if public sentiment 
 crystallizes sufficiently to influence the State Legislature at the next 
 session to amend the act so that provisions of article 6 of the orig- 
 inal bill may be restored to it. This can be done without prejudice 
 to the rest of the State. 
 
 No criticism is offered of the provisions of the bill except on 
 the single point that it does not provide for home rule. It is mod- 
 eled on the Wisconsin law, with some features copied from the 
 statutes of other states. Every section has been approved by official 
 representatives of the city of Chicago. It is admittedly as good a 
 bill as could be framed in the light of the experience of those states 
 which preceded Illinois in this vital public reform. 
 
 It writes into the law of this State the principle that the cha'rges 
 of public service corporations shall be based upon a fair return on 
 actual investment. It takes questions of public utility service and 
 charges out of politics and leaves questions of regulation to be 
 determined after scientific investigation, publicly made. 
 
 I sincerely favor the principle of home rule and used my best 
 efforts to induce the Legislature to write it into the statute. 
 
 Chicago is where I have lived most of the years of my life, and 
 I would not knowingly do anything that would in any way harm 
 or impede the progress of that city. I do not believe, however, that 
 it would be fair for me, as Governor of the whole State, to veto this 
 bill if such veto would deprive the rest of the State of material 
 benefits. It has required many years of effort to induce the State 
 Legislature to take the first step toward the scientific regulation of 
 public utilities. It is the judgment of those best informed upon 
 legislative methods that it would be far easier to induce the next 
 Legislature to amend the existing law than to sacrifice the bill 
 already passed and require ground to be broken anew in 1915. 
 
 To refuse to approve the measure in view of the history of 
 public utility legislation in other states, would be tantamount to 
 running the risk of putting off such legislation indefinitely. Its 
 enactment by the Legislature during the session just ended was 
 almost psychological. For the first time in the history of the State, 
 all of the political parties had united in demanding such legislation. 
 That demand was the outgrowth of years of misconduct and rapac- 
 ity on the part of the corporations. 
 
 The act does not become effective until January 1, 1914. The 
 Governor has thirty days following that date in which to name the 
 members of the Public Utility Commission. Experience has shown 
 that a considerable time must elapse before such a board can ade- 
 quately organize to proceed intelligently with the work which it is 
 empowered to perform. Fortunately the board will be prepared to 
 proceed immediately with the work of the State Board of Railroad 
 
440 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 and Warehouse Commissioners, but the task of dealing with other 
 public service corporations will require preparation and organi- 
 zation. 
 
 The time of the commission will be mostly occupied in looking 
 after interurban utilities and performing the work of the Railroad 
 and Warehouse Commission until the next session of the Legisla- 
 ture, even if no special session should be called, when the act 
 should be speedily amended so as to restore to the cities their 
 present control of utilities, and I will urge the General Assembly 
 to do this. 
 
 To me, the proposition is just simply this : 
 
 Were I to veto the present bill, public utilities legislation might 
 not be had for years to come. With this bill on the statute books 
 and public sentiment heartily in favor of home rule, there should 
 be no serious doubt about having the home rule feature incorporated 
 in the law at the next session. Experience has shown that it is 
 always easier to amend the existing law than to have an entirely new 
 bill passed by the Legislature. 
 
 Having in mind the words of the Democratic State platform 
 upon which I was elected, and having in mind the fact that 7 \am 
 Governor of the whole State, I deem it my duty to sign the bill as 
 passed and insure to Illinois without further delay the creation of 
 a commission that will consolidate the supervision and control of 
 the public service and public utilities corporations, and I say here 
 that at the next session of the Legislature, no one in Illinois will 
 more energetically or more earnestly try to incorporate in the bill 
 the home rule feature, than myself. 
 
 The people of the State can depend upon it that whatever the 
 advantages of home rule are as a matter of principle, the Public 
 Utilities Commission to be appointed by me will, to the best of my 
 judgment and ability, be constituted of men of such character and 
 ability as to place the cities of the State under no practical dis- 
 advantage by reason of the failure to include the home rule amend- 
 ment. 
 
 In accordance with my recommendation, the Legislature has 
 enacted a law giving to cities the power to own and operate their 
 public utilities. If the work of the public utilities commission is 
 unsatisfactory and the commission cannot properly control the utili- 
 ties, public ownership is the only alternative, and this has been 
 amply provided for in the splendid public ownership measure just 
 placed upon our statute book and signed by me within the last 
 forty-eight hours. 
 
 Public ownership, in my judgment, must be the ultimate solu- 
 tion of the complex problems, which, forever, are arising from the 
 attempts of the people to exercise legitimate and lawful control over 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 441 
 
 public utility corporations ; but realization of the benefits of public 
 ownership may be deferred for a long time, hence it is urgently 
 essential that there shall be centralized control and authority now. 
 This law, in principle and form, is nearly identical with laws, 
 the passage of which was procured by such eminent leaders of mod- 
 ern thought as Woodrow Wilson, of New Jersey, and Senator La 
 Follette, of AVisconsin, in their respective states. 
 
 E. F. Dunne. 
 
442 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 THE VALUE OF FISH AND GAME IN 
 ILLINOIS. 
 
 Address to State Game and Fish Conservation Commission, 
 July 5, 1913. 
 
 Gentleme^i: 
 
 In my campaign I pledged my best efforts to the conserva- 
 tion of our fish and game, and to place those departments on a 
 basis of efficiency and economy. The superficial glimpses which 
 We were able to get of the protected fish and game departments 
 warranted me in publicly assailing them as incompetent and 
 wasteful. 
 
 One of my first official acts as Governor was to order a 
 searching investigation of these two departments. Accordingly 
 investigation was made by the State Civil Service Commission, 
 which was assisted by a firm of certified public accountants. 
 
 Tliair reports were submitted by me to the General Assembly 
 in a special message on April 13, 1913. Extensive accounts of 
 their findings appeared in all the newspapers of the State. How 
 fair and truthful these investigations were has been vi\'id]y 
 demonstrated by the complete silence with which their disclosures 
 have been received, both by the political organization which 
 profited by the misdeeds and by the men who were directly re- 
 sponsible for their commission. 
 
 The reports of these investigations rcA^ealed a state of in- 
 efficiency in organization and operation and a mess of corruption 
 and waste in the expenditure of public money, so great that I at 
 onr-c oX'TC'sed my prerogative and in tbe interest of public moral- 
 ity, summarily removed from office those men Mdio had been guilty 
 dither of manifest offenses, or, without protest, had stood by com- 
 placently and witnessed ihem. 
 
 Both the departments and the laws had become a by-word, a 
 joke and a scandal. Our political nomenclature had been en- 
 riched by the contemptuous terms, "rabbit shepherds" and 
 "carp nurses". The conservation of that part of our natural 
 wealth, represented in fish and game, had been completely lost 
 in the mad rush after partisan and personal spoil. Employes 
 were discovered defrauding the State for time they had been paid 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 443 
 
 for by private employers. Others were duplicating expense 
 bills and securing money for services and material never fur- 
 nished. The game farm, so-called, was costing a vast sum of 
 money \\'itliout adequate return to the State. 
 
 The General Assembly, on my recommendation, has wisely 
 consolidated the fish and game commissions under a plan of re- 
 organization that is comprehensive and scientific and in accord 
 with progressive ideas and withal capable of operation and en- 
 forcement. 
 
 [ have named you three men as the commissioners to carry 
 out its terms. 
 
 The fishing industry along the Illinois River is annually 
 worth a laillion and a half dollai-s, and is growing rapidly. I have 
 seen the statement, that the output of the Illinois River is second 
 in value to that of the Columbia River. All our streams, lakes 
 and ponds should be conserved, the supply of fish repleni&hed and 
 protected to the end that from these sources of food enough may 
 be taken to influence the cost of living downward. 
 
 Our game, especially our birds, perform their service in an- 
 other way and we cannot estimate their value in dollars and 
 cents, but we know that the farmers' best friends are those birds 
 which fight the pests and parasites of his fields. How much of 
 our magnificent yields of corn and other grains and fruits of all 
 kinds should be creditcal to ovir birds we cannot even approxi- 
 mate. 
 
 Illinois can and should cooperate with the general Govern- 
 ment in this work of conservation. It is too extensive and its 
 possibilities too varied for me to attempt enumeration today. The 
 new law afi:"ords you a Avonderful opportunity to perform a great 
 service that will benefit our people financially and socially. I 
 hope you will measure up to the demands and opportunities. It 
 is my desire that you shall so enforce this law that it may be 
 raised to a plane of dignity and respectability, and so administer 
 your department that, when you leave it, you will leave a monu- 
 ment to efficiency and an asset to the public service. 
 
 Further, let me say that the investigations of the game and 
 fish departments have impressed me with the necessity for ap- 
 plying, especially to fish, a system of culture and conservation 
 that will, in years to come, assure the people of the State of 
 Illinois a needed auxiliary food supply. Our beef food supplies 
 are diminishing year by year at a rate that is startling to con- 
 template. The last decennial census disclosed that, notwith 
 standing there has been an increase in population aggregating 
 nearly twelve millions, the cattle supply of the Nation had dimin- 
 ished from seventy-sevcxi millions to fifty-seven millions. This, 
 
4J:4 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 obviously, can mean but one thing. The people sooner or later 
 will be forced to seek new forms of food supply. 
 
 My investigations disclosed that the State of Illinois possesses 
 elementary sources of food supply that are equal to those of any 
 other State in the Union. The Illinois River alone should become, 
 under thoughtful, skillful management by the new Game and 
 Fish Conservation Commission, one of our greatest and most. 
 enduring sources of wealth. 
 
 I would respectfully suggest that, as soon as the new com- 
 mission has been organized and is ready for business, the question 
 of fish conservation be taken up in a broad, intelligent manner 
 with Professor Stephen A. Forbes of the State University, Avho 
 is acknowledged to be the most eminent biologist in the country. 
 Professoi- Forbes is wonderfully inte'rtjsted in our natural re- 
 sources and possesses a vast fund of important information which 
 can readily be applied to existing conditions. 
 
 I wish you gentlemen to go to work at once and divide the 
 State into districts, each to be overlooked by a district w^arden. 
 The deputy wardens you will assign to such places where you 
 think they are most needed. It might not be a bad suggestion 
 to have some of the district wardens continually traveling 
 throughout the State tc see that the deputy wardens are properly 
 Derforming their duties. 
 
 All wardens should be required to make a daily report show- 
 ing what work they have done and where their time has been 
 spent. Every man who accepts a position as a deputy or district 
 game warden is expected to perform honest work for the com- 
 pensation he receives from the State. 
 
 I shall hold you gentlemen responsible for the proper conduct 
 of the Fish and Game Department and for the conservation of 
 our great natural resources. I hope you will do your duty and 
 you shall find me at all times cooperating with you. 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 445 
 
 FAVORS ABOLITION OF BOARD OF 
 EQUALIZATION. 
 
 Address to Democratic Members of the State Board of 
 Equalization, August 15, 1913. 
 
 Gentlemen : 
 
 I am pleased to meet you gentlemen and to say a word to yon 
 in reference to the duties you are charged by law to perform. I 
 understand that for the first time in its history the State Board of 
 Equalization is a Democratic board. Such being the case, I hope 
 you will do your duty faithfidly, energetically and fearlessly that 
 the great corporations, which have evaded just taxation in the past 
 may pay the share that they should pay. In my announcement of 
 my candidacy for Governor, which was made a year ago last Jan- 
 uary, I advocated the abolition of the State Board of Equalization. 
 Largely at my suggestion the following plank was incorporated in 
 the Democratic State platform, which was adopted at Peoria : 
 
 ''We demand the abolition of the State Board of Equalization; 
 its functions to be performed by a commission of experts appointed 
 by the Governor, approved by the Senate, who shall sit the year 
 round in open session and preserve daily minutes and records of 
 its proceedings. ' ' 
 
 I have heretofore believed, and I still believe, that the State 
 Board of Equalization should be abolished. It is the system that I 
 believe is wrong and should be changed. 
 
 Nevertheless, under the law, you gentlemen have certain duties 
 to perform. It is now a Democratic board and I urge you to so 
 perform your duties that it may be said, for once in its history, that 
 the Board of Equalization has become a people's board; that it 
 takes its orders, not from the great corporations, but from the peo- 
 ple of the State. I hope you will do your duty honestly; that you 
 will show no favoritism but will assess fairly and justly the prop- 
 erty of all those that come before you. Let your honesty, integrity 
 and industry be such that it may redound to the credit of the 
 party to which you belong and that this session of the board may 
 make a record for future members to follow. 
 
446 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 CUTS TIME OF HONOR PRISONERS ON 
 PUBLIC ROADS. 
 
 Letter to Wardens E. M. Allen and W. V. Choisser, 
 August 22, 1913. 
 
 Dear Sirs: 
 
 Pursuant to my inaugural message, the Legislature lias wisely 
 passed a law permitting the utilization of convicts whose unexpired 
 term of imprisonment does not exceed five years, upon the public 
 roads of the State of Illinois, in the way of improving the public 
 roadways. 
 
 This humane measure, in my judgment, will permit many con- 
 victs to be engaged in healthful occupation ; which will work to the 
 material betterment of these convicts. 
 
 The law does not provide specifically for any reward to convicts 
 employed in this manner, but in my discretion, as the possessor of 
 the power of pardon and commutation, I have reached the conclu- 
 sion that all convicts, so employed, should receive in addition to the 
 good time, now allowed them by law, a further reward for honest 
 and industrious work thus performed upon the public roads of the 
 State. 
 
 You can announce to the inmates of your institution that I 
 shall commute the sentences of all employes engaged in this work 
 whom you report to me have honestly and efficiently worked upon 
 the public roads of this State on the following basis : For every 
 three days work honestly and efficiently performed on the roads in 
 the State, I shall commute the sentence of the convict so performing 
 such work to the extent of one day. 
 
 In other words, for every three days work performed the con- 
 vict shall receive by executive clemency a reward of one day. The 
 convict so employed for three months shall receive a commutation 
 of one month. The convict so employed for three years shall receive 
 a commutation of one year. 
 
 You are hereby directed to read this letter to the convicts of 
 your institution at your early convenience. 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 447 
 
 INSTRUCTIONS TO A NEWLY 
 APPOINTED BOARD. 
 
 Address to State Highway Commission, August, 1913. 
 
 Gentlemen: 
 
 I have called you gentlemen here today to discuss, what I 
 believe to be, one of the most important subjects with which this 
 administration has to deal. The matter of good roads touches vitally 
 the agricultural, commercial, educational, social, religious and eco- 
 nomic welfare of the State and involves the conservation of natural 
 resources. 
 
 Legislation adopted by the Forty-eighth General Assembly 
 makes possible the improvement of the roadways of the State. 
 Sentiment throughout the State is, and has been, strong for bettef 
 roads. Better roads means that the farmer can get his produce 
 to the market quickly ; it means better schools, larger neighbor- 
 hood communities and better social conditions of all kinds. It 
 means that Chicago is closer to Springfield and Springfield closer 
 to Cairo. It directly connects the different communities of the 
 State with each other. 
 
 In my inaugural address to the Forty-eighth General Assem- 
 bly, I dwelt ^t considerable length on the question of the improve- 
 ment of the highways of the State. I recommended the passage of 
 laws which would promote the efficiency and economy of the ad- 
 ministration of the road system of the State. The General Assem- 
 bly has wisely enacted into law measures to this end and I have 
 appointed you three gentlemen as members of the State Highway 
 Commission, under whose control will lie the enforcement of the 
 good roads bill. 
 
 In the improvement of public highways, Illinois has been too 
 backward. Reports of the Federal Department of Agriculture show 
 that about 10 per cent of the 95,000 miles of Illinois roads are 
 improved in a permanent manner, as against 38 per cent in the 
 neighboring state of Indiana, 20 per cent in Wisconsin, 20 per cent 
 in Kentucky, 28 per cent in Ohio and 50 per cent in Massachusetts. 
 Considered from the standpoint of improved roads, Illinois is the 
 twenty-fourth in the list of states. 
 
 The loss to farmers, because of inaccessible primary markets, 
 and the abnormal expense of transportation, due to bad roads, must 
 
448 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 be considered as a contributing cause of the high cost of living. In 
 some Illinois counties, highways are impassable to ordinary loads 
 for a full third part of the year. Bad roads not only hinder crop 
 production and marketing but they keep the rural consumer away 
 from the store of the merchant for weeks at a time. They keep 
 pupils from the schools, and voters from political gatherings, and 
 from participation in elections. They impair the efficiency of 
 churches, and social, fraternal and other organizations, which de- 
 pend largely on public gatherings for the efficacy of their work. 
 
 Bad roads contribute to the unattractiveness, the isolation and 
 the monotony of country life that are responsible for the desertion 
 of rural pursuits, especially by the young. Experts in mental ail- 
 ments agree that women in remote sections are the chief sufferers 
 from the restrictions of communication and social intercourse, which 
 bad roads impose. 
 
 Highway conditions in Illinois are due to the fact that prog- 
 ress in methods of transportation and travel has not been met with 
 corresponding changes in our system of road building and mainte- 
 nance. Illinois clings to the obsolete practice of placing the burden 
 of highway improvement on the to'wnships. Other states, in their 
 laws, have appreciated that highway travel is no longer entirely 
 local and that the main arteries carry a great amount of intercounty 
 and interstate traffic. Permanent improvement of the main arteries, 
 which carry the great bulk of traffic, is a problem which affects the 
 general welfare, and these states have established, successfully, sys- 
 tems of State aid on such highways. 
 
 In my message to the General Assembly, I also recommended 
 that provision be made for the employment of the inmates of the 
 penitentiaries in road work. The Legislature has adopted a bill 
 to that effect and this will lead to much good results. 
 
 I want you gentlemen to give to the positions, to which I have 
 appointed you, the best that is in j^ou and to work in cooperation 
 with me for the improvement of our roads. Nothing that we can 
 do will mean more to the State of Illinois than to improve its road- 
 ways. I leave to you the working out of the necessary details. 
 Yours is a big undertaking but I think I have selected men compe- 
 tent to fill the places that have been given them. I place the matter 
 in your hands and hope that when our terms of office shall be ended 
 we will turn over to our successors a vastly improved system of 
 roadways in the State we all have been called upon to serve. 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 449 
 
 THE VALUE OF GOVERNORS' 
 CONFERENCES. 
 
 Statement to the Public, September 3, 1913. 
 
 I have just returned from the governors' conference hekl in 
 Colorado Springs, Colorado. 
 
 It was attended by twenty-three governors, two lieutenant 
 governors and several ex-governors. 
 
 It proved to be a very interesting and, I believe, a very in- 
 structive gathering, at which were discussed the questions of 
 "State Department of Efficiency and Economy," "Distrust of 
 State Legislatures," "State Assumption of Nomination and 
 Election Expenses," and the "Growth of the Control of Public 
 Utilities." 
 
 Some very radical and startling ideas were enunciated by 
 some of the Governors. Notably by Governor Hodges of Kansas, 
 who advocated a single legislative chamber, composed of some 
 eight to sixteen men, who would sit the year around in confer- 
 ence with the governor and formulate laws for the government 
 of the state. The suggestion did not seem to meet with the 
 approbation of the Governors' Conference. A very entertaining 
 and instructive debate was held upon this proposition, but the 
 majority of those present seemed to favor the present system of 
 two houses. 
 
 Quite a sentiment developed among some of the western gov- 
 ernors in favor of state assumption of nomination and election 
 expenses, but the general sentiment of the governors seemed to 
 oppose this novel idea. Also quite a number of the governors 
 were in favor of the state compelling all candidates for office to 
 pay a printing fee of from $100 to $300 and with this fund dis- 
 tribute platforms and arguments of each of the candidates at 
 public expense. 
 
 The paper read by the Governor of Illinois upon the "Con- 
 trol of Public Utilities by Commissions" was very generously and 
 favorably discussed at the convention, and seemed to meet with 
 practically universal approval. 
 
 One of the governors went so far as to say he was about to 
 call a special session of the legislature of his state for the pur- 
 pose of putting up for passage a law similar to the Public Utility 
 Act just passed by the Legislature of Illinois. 
 
 —15 
 
450 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 From participation in this conference, I have reached the 
 conclusion that these conferences are of great value in the inter- 
 change of ideas and recomnnnidations from the governors of the 
 states of the Union. 
 
 While no formal action is ever taken in the way of a vote 
 of approval or disapproval, it affords an opportunity for the 
 discussion of the questions most vitally affecting the people of 
 the several states, aiid such discussions tend toward uniformity 
 of action in the different states and the crystallization into la^»' 
 of progressive policies. 
 
 I was informed by several of the governors that the confer- 
 ence of 1913 was probably the most interesting and successful of 
 the many conferences heretofore held. 
 
 I l)elieve that these conferences will grow into general favor 
 and be productive of excellent results. 
 
 The citizens and commercial bodies of Colorado Springs and 
 Denver were extremely hospitable and did everything in their 
 power to make the social features of the gathering a distinct 
 success. 
 
 The climate and surrounding scenery of Colorado Springs 
 make that place a most desirable and comfortable place for such 
 conferences in midsummer in contrast with that of Washington, 
 D. C, during the trying midsummer weather. 
 
 I think that this great Nation ought to be able to provide a 
 place for the sessions of Congress in midsummer in a place of 
 ]ik3 character where the strain upon the health and rjtrength 
 of the Senators and Congressmen would not be so severe as it is 
 in the present Capital of the United States. 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 451 
 
 THE TWO BATTALION SYSTEM IN 
 FIRE DEPARTMENTS. 
 
 Statement to Massachusetts Firemen, September 4, 1913, 
 
 I became convinced, while mayor of Chicago, that the work- 
 ing hours of firemen were unduly protracted and that a limita- 
 tion ought to be placed by law upon the consecutive hours during 
 which the firemen ought to be on active duty. I therefore advo- 
 cated what is known as the two platoon system and had it in- 
 stalled in one battalion in the Chicago city fire department. 
 
 According to the reports made, after a fair trial, the system 
 worked well and, if I had longer continued in office as mayor, it 
 was my intention to have extended the system further through- 
 out the city. Upon my being retired from the mayoralty, the 
 two platoon system was abandoned by my successor. 
 
 Upon my election as Governor of Illinois, I again did what 
 I could to secure the passage of a State law and had the satis- 
 faction, on June 26, 1913, of affixing my official signature as 
 Governor to a law which limits the hours of a fireman to 14 out 
 of each 24. 
 
 I hope the firemen of Massachusetts will succppit in having 
 passed a like humane or better law in that .state in the near 
 future. 
 
452 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 IMPORTANT RESULTS OF THE BAT- 
 TLE OF LAKE ERIE. 
 
 Address at Put in Bay, Ohio, September 11, 1913. 
 
 Mr. Chairman, Ladies and Gentlemen: 
 
 In a lagoon within Jackson Park in the city of Chicago, there 
 have stood at anchor for many years past three tiny, grotesque 
 and highly decorated vessels known as the "Nina," "Pinta, " and 
 "Santa Maria," 
 
 They look like the playthings of boys, and utterly unfit for 
 the winds, and waves of even an inland lake, and yet, without 
 a doubt, these tiny vessels, in so far as their dimensions and gen- 
 eral strength are concerned, are practically duplicates or repli- 
 cas of the vessels in which Columbus and his men crossed the 
 great and stormy Atlantic five hundred years ago, and made the 
 discovery of this great continent, now teeming with nearly two 
 hundred million men. 
 
 With such insignificant instruments was one of the greatest 
 accomplishments of history achieved. 
 
 The other day in Chicago, I saw within our harbor a little 
 two masted schooner of about 100 feet in length or thereabout, 
 which we know was rebuilt upon the hull and keel of the vessel, 
 which with its tiny consorts compelled, under the command of 
 Oliver H. Perry, an English admiral with a more powerful fleet 
 to strike their colors and surrender their men and vessels. 
 
 It seems almost incredible that so tiny a vessel as the re- 
 incarnated Niagara and its sister ships of smaller dimensions 
 should have been the instruments with which the momentous 
 battle of Put in Bay was won. 
 
 Neither Perry nor his men, nor Barclay and his men, who 
 fought under the British flag on the memorable 10th of Septem- 
 ber, 1813, could appreciate the tremendous and far-reaching con- 
 sequences of that battle. To them it meant the mastery of Lake 
 Erie. To them it meant the possession of the facilities for trans- 
 ferring men and supplies from one portion of the lake to the 
 other, but the far-seeing statesmen of that day, upon reflection, 
 might have seen what everyone a century later can readily 
 perceive, and that is, that the naval conflict near Put in Bay 
 decided the destinies of a territory now teominsr wi+l^ .^^0,000,000 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 453 
 
 of population, a territory as rich in fertility of soil and in fruit- 
 fulness 01 agricultural and mineral resources as there exists upon 
 the face of the civilized globe. 
 
 That conflict, insignificant in so far as the strength and arma- 
 ment of the vessels and the number of men engaged was con- 
 cerned, decided definitely the question vv'hether the British or 
 the American flag should wave thereafter over the country now 
 known as the states of Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, "Wisconsin, Michi- 
 gan, Minnesota, Iowa, Missouri, Arkansas, Nebraska, Colorado, 
 North Dakota, South Dakota, Idaho and Montana. 
 
 It will be remembered that at the time of the battle of LaKt; 
 Erie there were no railroads in existence, and that these now 
 rich and populous states were but sparsely settled ; that there were 
 scarcely a thousand human beings inhabiting the south shore of 
 Lake Erie ; that the only means of transportation was upon the 
 water or in the primitive ox and horse carts of that day ; and 
 that there were practically no wagon roads built through the 
 wilderness of these states. 
 
 Under these circumstances, the only way to control the 
 transportation of men and supplies was by boats upon the bosom 
 of Lake Erie. 
 
 If the British war vessels under Barclay had maintained their 
 control of that lake, the red-coated soldiers of the British empire, 
 trained by military warfare for m.anj- years, could have been 
 Transported across the lake to the northern boundary of Ohio, and 
 by taking possession of strategic points between Lake Erie and 
 the Ohio River, could, and would have maintained the supremacy 
 of the British flag over the whole of the state of Ohio and Ibwe^ 
 Michigan. Once intrenched and fortified in these states they 
 could, and would have prevented the western spread of the thir- 
 teen colonies over this rich and fertile territory, and the terri- 
 tory west of these states. 
 
 In the War of 1812, prior to the battle of Lake Erie, the 
 military forces of the colonies in the inland lakes and the terri- 
 tory surrounding was lamentably weak and inefli'ective. 
 
 Hull had disgracefully surrendered Detroit. Mackinaw had 
 been captured by the British forces and the far-seeing British 
 statesmen of that day intended, by the placing of Barclay's fleet 
 in Lake Michigan, not only to secure control of the lake, but to 
 extend tbe British dominion across Lake Erie and Lake Huron 
 into the states of Ohio and Michigan. 
 
 Perry's celebrated victory in Lake Erie demolished all these 
 plans. It gave the Americans absolute control of Lake Erie, and 
 permitted them to land their troops and supplies where they 
 saw fit. 
 
454 DUXXE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 Thus did the celebrated battle of Lake Erie, insignificant 
 in the armament of the vessels and the number of the men en- 
 gaged, decide for all time to come the possession over this great 
 territory, which is now the heart of the Americrfn Nation; teem- 
 ing with wealth, and populated with tens of millions of Ameri- 
 can citizens. 
 
 In my judgment, the two great decisive battles in American 
 history, previous to the "War of the Rebellion, were the battles of 
 Saratoga and Lake Erie. The former has been enumerated by 
 Creasy in his "Fifteen Decisive Battles." The battle of Saratoga 
 was the first important success of the Revolutionary arms against 
 the British forces. It proved to the French government at a 
 critical moment, when that government was hesitating whether 
 or not it should give assistance to the Revolutionary arms, that 
 the yeomanry of America was capable of making a successful fight 
 for the independence of the colonies. It banished the hesitation 
 then prevailing at the French court, and secured the cooperation 
 of the French nation, which culminated in the overthroAv of the 
 British armies at Yorktown. It decided the fate of the thirteen 
 colonies, and secured for them their independence. 
 
 But when Creasy wrote his work about the middle of the 
 nineteenth century, he had not discovered or appreciated the 
 tremendous opportunities lying undeveloped in the valley of the 
 Mississippi, west of New York and Pennsyh^ania. He did not 
 even dream of the powerful empire lying west of Pennsylvania 
 now known as the Middle West. He did not sense the far-reach- 
 ing sagacity of the British design in 1813 to control Lake Erie, 
 and through possession of that lake secure control of this tre- 
 mendous empire. 
 
 The American people do w^ell, now that the full significance 
 of this battle is understood, to commemorate the decisive success 
 of the American arms under the command of the gallant Perry, 
 who saved Lake Erie for the American Republic, and, by saving 
 Lake Erie, added to the thirteen colonies a territory wiiich is 
 probably the choicest and richest on the western hemisphere, and 
 which is capable of sustaining upon its fertile fields a population 
 of 200,000,000 inhabitants. 
 
 At the celebration of this victory, with its tremendous con- 
 sequences to the American people, we can also appropriately and 
 properly celebrate the centennial of final peace between this coun- 
 try and Great Britain. 
 
 We trust that we have seen the last of the Avars between these 
 two great, powerful and intelligent nations. We believe, and 
 hope that the era of war has passed, not only between these great 
 nations, but between all the great civilized nations of the earth. 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 455 
 
 The day of peace and arbitrament is here; the daj' of peace 
 and arbitrament, not only between these great nations, but be- 
 tween all nations and iimerica. The policy of peace and arbitra- 
 ment is the policy of the present administration. 
 
 We are holding out at Washington under the guidance of 
 our great Secretary of State, the olive branch of peace to the 
 nations of the earth. We not only celebrate today the centenary 
 of peace between the two great English speaking nations, but 
 we celebrate and glory in the fact that there always and ever 
 has been peace between this country and nearly all of the nations 
 of Europe, Great Britain and Spain excepted. 
 
 We have always been at peace with liberty loving France. 
 Indeed, we oAve to her in a great measure the outcome of the war 
 for our independence. Were it not for her valiant assistance at 
 a critical time the outcome might have been doubtful. French 
 succor and assistance added materially to the establishment of the 
 great American Republic, and ever since that day we have been 
 at peace with the French nation under all forms of government, 
 and hope we will always remain in that position. 
 
 There has been eternal and perpetual peace between us and 
 the great German nation, the Italian nation, the Austro-Hungary 
 nation, and the Russian nation; from all of them we have drawn 
 the manhood and womanhood that is now making the American 
 Republic the most powerful cosmopolitan people in the world. 
 Europe, not England, is the mother country of America. 
 
 In this year of 1913, let us not only commemorate the battle 
 of Lake Erie and the peace of one hundred years which has 
 prevailed between Great Britain and America, but also let us 
 hope that the peace and harmony which prevails between this 
 Nation and all the nations of Europe and the world may never be 
 disturbed by the conflict of battle or the red ruin of war. 
 
456 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 STOPS MAUDLIN SENTIMENT OVER 
 CONVICTS. 
 
 Letter to Hon. E. M. Allen, Warden, Joliet Penitentlvry, 
 September 15, 1913. 
 
 Warden, Joliet Penitentiary: 
 
 Am informed by Mayor Brinton, Dixon, Illinois, that some 
 misguided enthusiasts are proposing to give automobile rides and 
 theater parties to convicts working on roads at Grand Detour. This 
 is either effervescent emotionalism, or a scheme to advertise a 
 theater. Stop it at once. 
 
 E. F. Dunne, Governor. 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 457 
 
 THE CAREER OF MICHAEL KELLY 
 LAWLER. 
 
 Letter to People of Equality, September 22, 1913. 
 
 Until today I had indulged in the hope that I could be person- 
 ally present at the unveiling of the Lawier monument in Equality 
 on September 24, but find this morning that owing to the press 
 of public business here in Springfield, and the fact that I am to be 
 present in Piano tomorrow at the convention of the Farmers' Alli- 
 ance, that it will be impossible for me to reach Equality and be 
 present at the services without sacrificing public interest here at 
 Springfield. 
 
 In this situation, I have asked Captain Frank B. Wendling to 
 act as my representative and spokesman at the' unveiling of this 
 monument. 
 
 Michael Kelly Lawler was one of the vigorous and fearless pio- 
 neers of this State, who was ever ready to respond to his country's 
 call in time of war. The splendid services that he rendered to his 
 Government as commander of soldiers recruited in Illinois will 
 long be remembered by the people of this State. 
 
 It is eminently fit and proper that his memory should be per- 
 petuated by the monument which is being unveiled tomorrow in 
 Equality. His career is one of which every citizen in the State of 
 Illinois is proud. May that career serve as an example to young 
 men of the rising generation. 
 
 Wishing you and the people of your section of the State a most 
 successful celebration, I am. 
 Kespectfully, 
 
 E. F. Dunne, Governor. 
 
458 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 THE SOIL WE TILL THE SOURCE OF 
 ALL WEALTH. 
 
 Address to Farmers' National Congress, Plano, Illinois, 
 September 23, 1913. 
 
 Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen: 
 
 A very pleasant duty falls to my lot today, and that is, as the 
 Executive of this great, j)remier agricultural State of the United 
 States, to address a few words of hearty welcome to the members 
 of the Farmers ' National Congress, upon the occasion of your assem- 
 bling here, in Piano, Illinois, on the true vein of the most fertile 
 soil, I believe, on the face of the earth, not excepting the far-famed 
 valley of the Nile. At the outset, I wish to express my appreciation 
 of the fact that my distinguished colleague, the governor of the 
 great state of Ohio, a farmer himself, has taken occasion to leave 
 his varied and manifold duties in that great state and come out to 
 our State and address a few words of wisdom to the members of 
 this great Congress. 
 
 At home in Springfield yesterday I was visited by your distin- 
 guished fellow citizen. Representative Charles F. Clyne, who was 
 kind enough to me to suggest that he would be very happy to be 
 with me here today. Knowing of his oratorical ability, and know- 
 ing of his facility in catching the crowd, and knowing that he has 
 made such a distinguished record in the State of Illinois, as a man 
 who introduced into and put through the Legislature probably one 
 of the most beneficial laws that this State has upon its statute books, 
 the great public ownership bill, passed by the last Legislature, it 
 occurred to me that I could probably make a better impression vica- 
 riousl}'-, by getting this eloquent and able gentleman to represent 
 me here today and make my speech. I don't know what terms he 
 forced upon the modest mayor of this city — (Laughter) — because, 
 since he has made that record for eloquence and perseverance in 
 the Legislature, he has been raising his price. But I do know that, 
 when we discussed the subject matter of representing me here today, 
 his price was so exorbitant that I concluded I would leave Spring- 
 field and come here myself. (Loud applause.) 
 
 I am here, my friends, in all sincerity in behalf of the great 
 State of Illinois, the greatest agricultural state in the United States, 
 to bid you welcome to this State ; to wish you wisdom in your con- 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 459 
 
 ferences, and to express tlie hope that the results of this Congress 
 will be for the betterment of the people who live by tilling the soil 
 of the United States. I recognize, my friends, that the backbone 
 of all the wealth of this Nation, and of most nations, is the soil from 
 which we produce the crops. You can raze from the earth every 
 palace, every great monumental structure built by the accumulated 
 wealth of a century ; you can raze them from the face of the earth, 
 though they have cost untold millions — -yea, billions — by an earth- 
 quake, a conflagration, or by any other great catastrophe, and such 
 is the fertility of the soil of the State of Illinois, and so hard- 
 working and industrious are the men caring for and tilling the soil, 
 that in a half century you wouldn't notice the difference. All the 
 great temples and palaces erected in the past were built upon the 
 foundation of all wealth — the soil we till. 
 
 Knowdng that the soil is the backbone of all the M^ealth of 
 the country, my frieiids, it is wise for you men who till the soil 
 to meet in conference for the purpose of advancing tlie best in- 
 terests of the tillers of the soil. Because you till the soil, my 
 friends, and because I happen to be by accident, — or by the will 
 of the voters as you may prefer to put it, — the Chief Executive of 
 the premier agricultural State of the United States, I am here 
 today to participate with you for a short time in your conferences. 
 
 This State is the premier agricultural State. For years she 
 has led in the production of the greatest of agricultural products 
 of the United States — corn ; and she is the second greatest of the 
 states in the production of oats. Recognizing the value of agri- 
 culture and recognizing the need of fostering the interests of 
 those who till the soil, this great State, out of the abundance of 
 its wealth, and through the wisdom of the men who preceded me, 
 has established in the State of Illinois a great agricultural school 
 in the State University, which I honestly believe,— and I think 
 you will agree with me — is the greatest agricultural college in 
 the United States. 
 
 And yet, my friends, while we are fortunately in possession of 
 boundless wealth in the great fertility of our soil, and have in 
 addition what, perhaps, does not exist elsewhere on the face of 
 the earth, the richest coal mines under a fertile soil that can be 
 found on the face of the earth. "While we have all this wealth 
 of soil and wealth of mine, however, we must admit that in this 
 great agricultural State and right in the county where we now 
 are, the population of the rural districts of the State of Illinois, 
 notwithstanding that the population of the State as a whole has 
 been increasing by leaps and bounds, has been decreasing. You 
 have not as many people in the county of Kendall today as you 
 had ten years ago, — the rural population is falling off. It makes 
 
460 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 US pause also to be compelled to admit, that the fertility of the 
 soil of this great State is decreasing, that it is not as rich today 
 as it was some years ago, owing to the fact that we have not been 
 paying the same scientific attention to the needs of the soil that 
 other people, with broader and longer experience, have been ex- 
 hibiting in the use of their soils. I know little about farming ;• 
 my farm education was in early years sadly neglected. I lived in 
 cities from the time of my boyhood to the time of my maturity 
 and to the time of my election to public office and didn't get as 
 practical an experience in farming, such as my friend Governor 
 Cox, the farmer governor of Ohio, may have had. But, my 
 friends, I know this to be a fact, that after a thousand of years 
 of tillage in the great empire of Germany, where they have tilled 
 the soil from the time the Roman centurions and legions fought 
 with the Allemani — although they have tilled the soil for over a 
 thousand years — they produce today in the empire of Germany 
 twenty-nine bushels of wheat to the acre, while you here in Illi- 
 nois, on a much richer soil that has not been exhausted and can 
 not be exhausted, in this great fertile valley of the Mississippi, on 
 a more fertile soil than they have in Germany — a soil that you 
 have not tilled for over fifty years, — you are only producing six- 
 teen bushels of wdieat to the acre. Think of it, my farmer 
 friends ! These men that farm a soil that has been tilled for a 
 thousand years are producing twenty-nine bushels to the acre, 
 and you on a soil that has not been tilled for over fifty years, 
 are producing only sixteen. This shows, my friends, that there 
 is need of conferences among American farmers. When the 
 population is drifting from the rich, fertile soil of the rural dis- 
 tricts of this State into the great cities of the State, when you, 
 with all the intelligence and with all the instruction that we can 
 give in the greatest agricultural college in the United States, can- 
 not produce as much from your fertile soil as the German produces 
 out of his exhausted soil, it is time for conference and delibera- 
 tion. It is time for you to take steps for more* intelligent 
 methods in farming, to take steps toward intelligent, scientific 
 farming. It is time for you to begin to devise schemes that will 
 keep your boys and girls at home in the rural communities, in- 
 stead of producing these greatly congested cities and weakening 
 the population of your farms. 
 
 That, my friends, if you will pardon a suggestion, can be 
 done, if you will organize in rural communities domestic circles 
 and social circles where amusements can be given, — consolidate 
 little schools where less than twenty are going to school into 
 schools where at least fifty can be taught by competent teachers, 
 where the schoolhoufee Avill be the center of the social life, social 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 461 
 
 intelligence, and the center where not only education can be given 
 in the day time but where amusements and little pleasures can 
 be given to the young at night. 
 
 ■ Think, my friends, of these things. Then devise, as I know 
 you will devise, with the advice of the intelligent grey-haired 
 men and women that I see around me, methods of producing more 
 from the great fertile soil that belongs to you, and devise methods 
 for making rural life more congenial to the children that you are 
 blessed with today, and that I hope you will continue to be blessed 
 with for many years to come. 
 
462 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 SUGGESTS A THESIS OR LECTURE ON 
 PRACTICAL FARMING. 
 
 Letter to President James of University of Illinois, 
 September 27, 1913. 
 
 Dear Sir: 
 
 Would it not be a good idea to prescribe, as part of the cur- 
 riculum of the students in the agricultural department of the uni- 
 versity, during the last or senior year, the duty of preparing a 
 thesis or lecture upon practical farming in the State of Illinois, and 
 require these students, before graduation, to deliver the same at 
 one or more of the township schools of the State? 
 
 The requiring of the preparation of such a thesis, near the close 
 of the student's curriculum, would not only fire his ambition to 
 excel therein, but, if the most successful and practical of these theses 
 were approved by the university authorities and actually delivered 
 "in the township schools, it would bring home to the sons of the 
 farmers who might not be able to attend the university, much 
 practical information of value to them in future life. The delivery 
 of the lecture might be accompanied by practical illustrations in 
 the fields, if necessary, "What do you think of this idea? 
 
 E. F. Dunne. 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 463 
 
 ON THE PARDONING OF TWO 
 CONVICTS. 
 
 Statement to the Public, September 29, 1913-. 
 
 I today commuted the sentences of two prisoners in the peni- 
 tentiary at Joliet, to take effect on October 1, 1913. 
 
 The first of these cases is that of Sidney B. Creek, who was 
 convicted at the April, 1894, term of the Circuit Court of DuPage 
 County for the crime of murder. 
 
 It appears from the report of the prison physician that this 
 man has tuberculosis of the left lung and both testicles ; he is also 
 suffering from prolapse of rectum complicated with internal hemor- 
 rhoids and ulcers. He has paralysis of the left leg. His other 
 organs are in comparatively good condition. He has been bedridden 
 for six years. 
 
 I have liberated him to die outside the walls of the penitentiary. 
 
 The other case is that of John "Williams, who was convicted at 
 the September, 1890, term of the Circuit Court of Grundy County 
 for the crime of murder. His record up to the date of his pardon is 
 reported to me to be without a flaw. He was 40 years of age when 
 he committed the crime. Upon prison commutation, making allow- 
 ance for good conduct, he has served a 45-year sentence, and has 
 been in fact in the penitentiary for 23 years. He is now about 67 
 years of age, and his petition for pardon has been signed by every 
 warden and deputy warden and employes of the penitentiary, ex- 
 cepting one. He has also recently been suffering bad health. In 
 my judgment, he has paid the penalty of his crime. 
 
464 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 HIS ATTITUDE ON STATE CIVIL 
 SERVICE LAW. 
 
 Statement to the Public, October 1, 1913. 
 
 The Governor has been shown a copy of an anonymous com- 
 munication, inspired by the friends of employes suspended on 
 charges, which has been sent to the various newspapers of the State, 
 relative to the attitude of the administration on the enforcement of 
 the civil service law. 
 
 The Governor is, and always has been, a firm believer in honest 
 civil service. He has advised President Burdett of the State Civil 
 Service Commission, that he wants the civil service law of the State 
 fairly, impartially and honestly administered. The Governor has 
 requested the resignation of no employe under civil service, although 
 it has been sought repeatedly to have him do so. Employes under 
 civil service have called upon the Governor, and declared their will- 
 ingness to tender their resignations, if he requested them so to do, 
 but the Governor has uniformly refused to make such requests of 
 civil service employes. 
 
 Mr. Moulton was president of the Illinois Civil Service Com- 
 mission and Mr. Robinson was the secretary under Governor Deneen. 
 Mr. Moulton is still a member of the board and Mr. Robinson is the 
 secretary. Mr. Moulton has been endorsed to the Governor by the 
 various civil service reform associations, who have requested that he 
 be retained on the Civil Service Commission. The Governor has 
 heard no protest from Mr. Moulton, Mr. Robinson or anyone else 
 relative to the enforcement of the civil service law, except from 
 officeholders against whom charges have been filed because of incom- 
 petency or worse, or because it is alleged they were illegally 
 appointed. 
 
 Temporary appointments have been legally made where there 
 were no eligible lists to fill the various places. 
 
 The Civil Service Commission of the State consists of James H. 
 Burdett, A. B. Culhane and W. B. Moulton, and they have been 
 honestly enforcing the law, and in so doing they have the hearty 
 cooperation of the Governor. 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 4(55 
 
 ON FIXING STATE FIRE PREVENTION 
 
 DAY. 
 
 Statement to the Public, October 2, 1913. 
 
 By proclamation issued on September 1, 1913, the Governor of 
 the State of Illinois has set aside the 9tli of October as the anniver- 
 sary of the great Chicago Fire, as "State Fire Prevention Day." 
 
 I cannot too strongly urge upon the citizens of this State the 
 observance of the recommendations in said proclamation. 
 
 The records of 1912 show that the average losses per month in 
 the State of Illinois by fire were $1,000,000, or .$12,000,000 per year, 
 and that these losses have been increasing rather than diminishing 
 in number. 
 
 During that same year, 400 people lost their lives by fire. Most 
 of these fires were preventable by the exercise of reasonable care 
 and caution. 
 
 Let me again recommend that on October 9, all heating appa- 
 ratus and chimneys be carefully gone over and placed in a proper 
 condition for winter use, and that the proper authorities in all of 
 the cities and villages of the State make a careful inspection on that 
 day of all public and private institutions, hotels, asylums, factories 
 and theaters, and make such suggestions as will minimize the risk 
 of fires. 
 
 Fire drills should be held on that day also, and teachers in the 
 public schools should instruct their pupils with short talks on the 
 dangers of fire and the simpler means of fire prevention. 
 
 The last Legislature passed a wise law, requiring that all gaso- 
 line must be stored in metal receptacles, painted a bright red, and 
 marked "gasoline," and the observance of this law will obviate 
 many fires, entailing loss of lives; and serious injury. 
 
 I am informed by the fire marshal, that most of the fires that 
 occur during the months of October and November are those result- 
 ing from defective and dangerous flues in chimneys. 
 
 I earnestly hope that there will be a general observance of the 
 admonitions in the proclamation. 
 
466 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 ADVISES DEMOCRATS TO VOTE FOR 
 C. C. CRAIG. 
 
 Letter to Democratic Voters, October 12, 1913. 
 
 On October 20, Monday, an election will be lield in the Fifth 
 Judicial District for Justice of the Supreme Court to fill the vacancy 
 caused by the resignation of Justice Hand. 
 
 The Fifth Judicial District is comprised of the following 
 counties: Knox, Henry, Peoria, Bureau, LaSalle, Grundy and 
 "Woodford. 
 
 The Democratic nominee is Hon. C. C. Craig, of Galesburg. 
 Mr. Craig is a lawyer of standing, and a man of integrity. He is 
 the son of the late Justice Craig of the Supreme Bench, and, in my 
 judgment, he will worthily fill the place which was held so creditably 
 and honorably by his father. 
 
 I believe it to be the duty of every Democrat, and every Demo- 
 cratic newspaper in the Fifth Judicial District to energetically and 
 enthusiastically support the candidacy of Mr. Craig for this office, 
 to which I sincerely hope Mr. Craig will be elected. 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 4G7 
 
 LEGISLATION FOR IMPROVING FARM 
 
 LIFE. 
 
 Statement to Successful Farming, October 17, 1913. 
 
 In answer to yours of the 14tli instant, would state that in my 
 judgment legislation along the following lines is essential for the 
 improvement of farming conditions in the State of Illinois and 
 the surrounding states: 
 
 First. The national banks should be permitted to make loans 
 for at least one year upon the security of farms worth at least 
 double the value of the loan. 
 
 Second. Tlie small school districts in farming communities 
 should be consolidated so that the schools would be attended by 
 from 50 to 100 pupils in each school instead of being attended 
 b}" from 5 to 15 pupils, as is frequently the case. 
 
 Third. In connection with the common schools there should be 
 established exhibition halls and gymnasiinns in which public 
 entertainments could be held for the benefit of the children and 
 their parents in these communities. In other words, in connec- 
 tion with the schools there should be established social centers 
 where lectures, stereopticons and other moral and educational 
 entertainments could be given for the people in the farming com- 
 munities. 
 
 Fourth. There should be coordination between the great uni- 
 versities and the township schools in the way of having lecturers 
 from the universities to deliver lectures upon scientific and inten- 
 sive farming, with practical illustrations upon the land. This 
 could be achieved by requiring every student of an agricultural 
 college in a university, before he receives an agricultural diploma, 
 to write a thesis or essay upon scientific farming which would 
 meet with the approval of the stafi^ of the university. This should 
 be made a compulsory part of his curriculum, and before receiving 
 his diploma, the senior student should be compelled to deliver 
 this lecture, Avith practical illustrations, in one or more of the 
 primary schools of the State. 
 
 In this way the benefit of scientific agricultural education 
 could be communicated to the children of farmers who might not 
 be nble to receive the higher education in the university. 
 
468 DUXNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 Fifth. Fanners should request the distribution of pamphlets 
 upon scientific farming which are published in the great universi- 
 ties of the agricultural states and evoke and direct the attention 
 of their children to these pamphlets, and make every effort to put 
 in force practically on the land the suggestions contained in such 
 pamphlets. 
 
 These are among some of the things that in my judgment 
 should be brought about by legislation and cooperation with the 
 higher institutions of learning. 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 469 
 
 PROTESTS AGAINST ACCUSATION 
 AGAINST JEWISH RELIGION. 
 
 Telegram to Judge Edward 0. Brown, October 17, 1913. 
 
 Answering yonr of the sixteenth instant, regret to say that it 
 will be impossible for me to be in Chicago Sunday afternoon to 
 attend meeting of citizens protesting against blood ritual accusa- 
 tion in Beilie case. 
 
 No intelligent person believes for a moment that the Jewish 
 religion calls for the sacrifice of human blood under any of its 
 rituals. To make such an accusation, even in a court of justice in 
 any land in the twentieth century, brands the accuser as a malig- 
 nant perjurer or a gullible fool. 
 
 The wonderment is that any self-respecting court could be 
 prevailed upon to consider seriously such an accusation. 
 
 Am in hearty sympathy with the object of j^our meeting, 
 which I understand is to protest against the farcical claims being 
 made in a so-called court of justice. 
 
 Kindl}^ express my views as above to the meeting. 
 
470 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 OPPOSES TEACHING SEX HYGIENE IN 
 
 SCHOOLS. 
 
 Letter to President James of the University of Illinois, 
 October 18, 1913. 
 
 Dear Sir: 
 
 Yours of the 15tli instaut has been placed before me on my 
 return from Hannibal, Missouri. 
 
 As to the first resolution proposed, to-wit: ''Resolved, That 
 it is the sentiment of the board of trustees of the University of 
 Illinois that, as soon as feasible, a public health laboratory shall 
 be established in the university which shall cooperate, as best 
 it may, "vvith all the forces now directed to combating human 
 disease," you may record me as voting- '"aye". 
 
 With reference to the second resolution, to-wit: "Resolved, 
 further, That such instruction in sex hygiene should be given in 
 the school of education and in the college of medicine of the 
 iJniversity of Illinois as may enable teachers in the public and 
 private schools of the State to acquire the information necessary 
 to enable them to give suitable instruction and guidance in this 
 delicate and important subject," vou mav record me as voting 
 "no". 
 
 Modesty is the chief charm of womanhood. The moral teach- 
 ings of the Christian religion, if impressed upon the youth of the 
 country in the home, are the surest guarantee of the preservation 
 of chastity and moral cleanliness in the minds of the j'oung. 
 
 I honestly fear that, if sex hygiene be taught in the schools 
 and young boys and young girls in the open classroom are made 
 aware of things which may be taught in the line of sex hygiene, 
 it may create, and probably will create, in their young minds a 
 prurient curiosity which will induce, rather than suppress, im- 
 morality and unchastity. 
 
 Personally I would not permit my young and innocent daugh- 
 ters to be sent to either a public or private school where sex 
 hygiene is discussed in public, in their hearing and in the hearing 
 of children of their tender age. 
 
 I think you can trust the mothers and fathers of the land to 
 guard their children much better at home. 
 
 I will vote emphatically "no" upon this proposition. 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 471 
 
 WAS PLEASED TO SIGN WOMAN'S 
 SUFFRAGE BILL. 
 
 Letter to Mrs. P. L. DeVoist, October 20, 1913. 
 
 Dear Madam: 
 
 111 answer to yours of the 17tli, am pleased to say that it 
 gave me great pleasure, as Governor of this State, to sign the 
 Woman's Suffrage bill passed by the last Legislature of the State 
 of Illinois. 
 
 This decided and remarkable step forward in the State of 
 Illinois resulted from a sane and intelligent presentation of the 
 rights of women to a deliberative body without bluster, violence 
 or violations of the laws of the State. 
 
 I have long been an advocate of the rights of women to the 
 suffrage and am clearly of the opinion that the way to bring 
 about this great reform is by an appeal to reason and not by in- 
 timidation or violence. 
 
 I wish you in Minnesota success in your efforts to procure 
 for the women of that state the rights of citizenship. 
 
472 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 VALUE OF BUILDING AND LOAN 
 ASSOCIATIONS. 
 
 Address before Illinois Building Association League, 
 October 23, 1913. 
 
 Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen: 
 
 It gives me great pleasure to be your guest here today and 
 to welcome you to Springfield in the name of the State of Illinois. 
 The association which you represent has been long known to 
 me and I have watched its progress with great interest. The 
 work you are doing, and will attempt to do, has for its object 
 conservation of the interests of a movement than which no other 
 has done more to promote material and lasting welfare of a very 
 great portion of the community. 
 
 It would seem that building and loan associations had their 
 origin in England about the beginning of the eighteenlh century, 
 among the workmen in factories and mills, who had formed build- 
 ing societies. The movement was inaugurated in the United 
 States in 1861 in a very humble way, but its growth was imme- 
 diate and steady, due to wdse and efficient management, until 
 today thei'e are six thousand local building and loan associations, 
 having a membership of two and one-half million members, who 
 own cooperatively over more than a billion dollars assets, and I 
 believe that approximately twelve and one-half per cent of the 
 total membership is in Illinois. 
 
 C. S. Cellarius, secretary of the National League of Local 
 Building and Ijoan Associations, shows that these associations are 
 among the most economically managed financial institutions in 
 the vrorld. and that, even in localities where the lending rates are 
 comparatively low. they have no difficulty, as a rule, of declaring 
 dividends of at least five per cent. Hence an excellent and very 
 safe medium for the small investor. 
 
 It should not be imagined, however, that the building aod 
 loan society can assure investors of absolute safety. There have 
 been at times mistakes and worse, abuses of management, bring- 
 ing home to investing members the important fact that they are 
 not depositors entitled to interest, but stockholders, every one 
 entitled to his proportion of the profits, but also, liable for his 
 proportion of the losses. 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 473 
 
 But after all, the record of these local societies is remarkably 
 clean. Next to the carefully regulated savings banks, probably 
 no other kind of institution is more fit to cater to the needs of 
 the small investor. 
 
 It would be a wholesome thing to see them commanding a 
 large part of the small savings of the Nation, to the exclusion of 
 some of the more modern installment, investment schemes of 
 doubtful stability. 
 
 Not only are local building and loan associations beneficial, 
 as an incentive to thrift and conservative and profitable invest- 
 ments, but they are likewise essentially democratic in their in- 
 fluences, tending as they do to promote a strong fraternal feeling 
 among their members. 1'hese associations should remain local 
 institutions. A great authority on these matters, Judge Sey- 
 mour Dexter, says in part ; * * * "The moment these institu- 
 tions become extended in the conduct of their business over large 
 territory, that moment many of the elements of safety involved in 
 the local association methods are necessarily eliminated, and 
 dangerous ones substituted in their place. They are no longer 
 building and loan associations, because no longer conducted on 
 the methods on which these associations have won their success 
 and grown into fame." 
 
 The usual and well known investments, customary in insur- 
 ance business, such as endowment, paid up policies and loan 
 values,, in themselves, are very beneficial, but building and loan 
 associations provide immediate returns to the investor and much 
 of the future profits, so to speak, are enjoyed at first hand, 
 whereas insurance regulations compel the investor to depend on 
 future benefits. 
 
 The laws of the State of Illinois governing homestead, build- 
 ing and loan associations, are very benign, both to the members 
 in their corporate capacity and as investors, insuring justice to 
 the one and protection to the other, promoting the while equit- 
 able and just cooperation. It is not contended, however, that 
 these laws are perfect, nor yet even closed to improvement, but in 
 their present form they work hardships on none and serve the 
 purpose for which they were enacted. 
 
474 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 URGES PUBLICATION OF LINCOLN'S 
 GETTYSBURG ADDRESS. 
 
 Address to the Public, November 3, 1913. 
 
 In connection with the exercises which the Superintendent of 
 Public Instruction has authorized and directed in the public schools 
 and other educational institutions of the State on Gettysburg Day, 
 November 19, 1913, pursuant to the Governor's proclamation of 
 October 16, 1913, it has been suggested to me, and I believe it to 
 be a wise and patriotic act so to do, that the newspapers of the State 
 should publish in full on that day, the brief but immortal addi:ess 
 of President Lincoln, delivered on the Gettysburg battlefield. 
 
 Every citizen, young or old, in the State will be pleased to have 
 called to his recollection this great address on the 50th anniversary 
 of its deliver}^ 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 475 
 
 CONSERVING POWER RIGHTS AT 
 JOLIET. 
 
 Letter to Sanitary District, November 11, 1913.. 
 
 I am in receipt of an argument signed by the Illinois and Michi- 
 gan Canal Commissioners, which in substance sets out that the 
 project of the Sanitary district to develop and utilize the water 
 power below Joliet at Brandon road, will, if carried out, produce a 
 water power worth $18,000,000.00 or thereabout, and that the cost 
 of so doing would be $7,000,000.00, leaving to the Sanitary district 
 a net profit of $11,500,000.00 or thereabout. 
 
 They also contend that, in the prosecution of said work, the 
 Sanitary district would take from the State and destroy a water 
 power worth, $4,750,000.00 as follows: water power at Jackson 
 Street, $3,500,000.00; water power on Channahon level, $250,000.00; 
 water power rights between Jackson and South Streets, $1,000,- 
 000.00. Their contention is that before the administration should 
 commit itself to the project suggested by the Sanitary district, 
 some arrangement should be made to compensate the State for 
 the water power now owned by it, which they value at said 
 $4,750,000.00. 
 
 In view of the fact that before you can succeed in carrying 
 out your proposed project, as outlined to me, in the recent confer- 
 ence in the Governor "s office, it will be necessary for -you to carry 
 to a conclusion the condemnation proceedings, now pending against 
 the Public Service Company, which owns the property sought to be 
 condemned, I have reached the conclusion that you should carry on 
 your condemnation suit to a final examination in a court of last 
 resort. As the condemnation suit was commenced some years ago, 
 when the property probably was not as valuable as it is today, in 
 my judgment, it would be a great mistake to abandon the law suit 
 now, and be compelled to commence another suit hereafter, if the 
 State or any arm of the government in the State should deem it 
 necessary to acquire the water power rights and property at Bran- 
 don road. 
 
 I think that the final disposition of the question as to whether 
 the State itself, or the Sanitary district, or the Illinois and Michi- 
 gan Canal Commissioners should develop a water power at Brandon 
 road, ought to be left in abeyance until they dispose of the con- 
 
476 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 demnation suit. It will take some time to dispose of this litigation 
 ill court, and after the Sanitary district has acquired the property 
 at Brandon road in question, it will be then time enough to deter- 
 mine whether the water power which can be created at this point 
 should be owned and developed by the State itself, the Sanitary 
 district, the Illinois and Michigan Canal Commissioners, or some 
 special corporation, organized for that purpose, and upon what 
 terms and conditions, as between the State and the corporate body, 
 which finally conserves and created the power. 
 
 Of course, we all agree that the water power, there potentially 
 existing, should be conserved for the public, but it is at the present 
 time unnecessary to find and determine what particular arm of the 
 Government should develop and utilize it. 
 
 I would, therefore, respectfully state, in my judgment, that the 
 Sanitary district should push through its condemnation proceedings 
 to finally determine and acquire the rights of Brandon road by 
 condemnation, as cheaply and quickly as possible. 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 47' 
 
 EUROPE, NOT ENGLAND, IS THE 
 
 MOTHER COUNTRY OF 
 
 AMERICA. 
 
 Letter to John A. Stewart, November 18, 1913. 
 
 John A. Stewart, Chairman of the Executive Committee of the 
 "American Committee for the Celebration of the 100th Anniver- 
 sary of Peace Among English-Speaking Peoples," wrote Governor 
 Dunne requesting him to take certain action favoring the cele- 
 bration. 
 
 November 21, the Governor wrote Mr. Stewart that he was in 
 favor of broadening the scope of this celebration. In his letter to 
 Chairman Stewart, Governor Dunne said : 
 
 ' ' I am, however, very strongly in favor of broadening the scope 
 of this celebration. We should celebrate not only peace which lasted 
 for a century between English-speaking peoples, but peace between 
 this country and every other great nation of Europe with whom we 
 have been forever at peace. 
 
 Why discriminate between these nations and Great Britain? 
 Europe, not England, is the mother country of America. 
 
 I note that your Committee in Richmond is broadening the 
 scope of this celebration so as to take in Germany, France, Rvissia, 
 Norway, Sweden and other European countries. Cannot this be 
 arranged before the committees are designated?" 
 
 January 6, 1914, Mr. Stewart wrote Governor Dunne, asking 
 him to take the initiative with the Legislature in bringing about 
 such action as would mean official State participation in the celebra- 
 tion of the "American Committee for the Celebration of the 100th 
 Anniversary of Peace Among English-Speaking Peoples," and ask- 
 ing him to make some public recommendation. 
 
 Mr. Stewart, in his letter, also requested Governor Dunne to 
 kindly increase the number of the State committee to 100 or more. 
 
 In answer to that letter. Governor Dunne sent Mr. Stewart the 
 following communication : 
 
 January 27, 1914. 
 
 Dear Sir : Your favor of the 6th instant requesting me to 
 
 take the initiative with legislative representatives of the State 
 
 of Illinois in bringing about official State participation in the 
 
 apj)roaching celebration on the 17th and 18th of February, 1915, 
 
478 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 and asking me to appoint a State committee of 100 or more to co- 
 operate in the celebration reached me in due course. 
 
 I did not answer promptly because 1 thought the matter was 
 worthy of careful consideration, and because there are several 
 matters in connection with this celebration which had given me 
 considerable thought, and which I wished to discuss dispassion- 
 ately with you before taking action. 
 
 Some time since I wrote you suggesting that the scope of the 
 celebration should be widened so as to take in all the nations with 
 whom we have been at peace for a century or over. I learn 
 from your letter some such action has been taken. In other words, 
 that you are to take in "France, Germany and other nations of 
 the world." I find, however, that your committee still retains 
 the name "The American Committee for the Celebration of the 
 One Hundredth Anniversary of Peace Among English-Speaking 
 Peoples," and I find, by examining the printed account of the 
 proceedings held by the American committee, in conference 
 December 3 and 4, 1913, at Richmond, Virginia, that your 
 program is almost exclusively concerned with exercises and ser- 
 vices in commemorations between this country, Great Britain and 
 Canada, while but very little, and those, very obscure arrange- 
 ments, are made for celebrating peace witli the other great nations 
 of the world. 
 
 I am in favor of celebrating a century of peace between this 
 country and Great Britain or any country, and earnestly hope 
 that such peace will be continuous, but it must be remembered 
 that while we have had peace for a century with Great Britain, 
 we have had peace perpetually with France. Germany, Russia, 
 Sweden, Norway. Austro-Hungary, Italy, Japan, China, and most 
 of the great nations of the world. 
 
 We have had two wars with Great Britain and none with 
 these other countries, and the peace betAveen the United States 
 and Great Britain was seriously imperiled during our "War of the 
 Rebellion. "Europe, and not England, is the mother country 
 of the United States." This is particularly true of the great 
 State of Illinois. AYithin the confines of this State we have 
 hundreds of thousands of Germans ; hundreds of thousands of 
 Poles; thousands of Swedes; a large Italian population; many 
 thousands of Austro-Hungarians; Bohemians; Greeks and Rou- 
 manians. All of these elements are gradually being moulded into 
 good xVmerican citizenship. 
 
 If I appoint a committee of 100 to participate in this cele- 
 bration of peace, and they find that it is under the auspices of 
 an organization whose verv name indicates that it is to celebrate 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 479 
 
 "peace between English-speaking peoples," these representa- 
 tives of the diiferent nationalities who have come from all the 
 diiferent nations of Europe or which are descendants from those 
 w^ho have come from the other nations of Europe may be in- 
 clined to question w^hy they are called upon to participate in a 
 celebration which is limited to a celebration "among English- 
 speaking peoples." 
 
 1, therefore, respectfull}- suggest that it would be wise on 
 the part of your committee to take action changing the name of 
 the organization to one organized for the celebration "of a 
 century of peace" without the limitation "among English-speak- 
 ing peoples." This celebration would then be a cosmopolitan 
 celebration at which could be present, in some of the great cities 
 of the country, the ambassadors of Great Britain, France, Ger- 
 many, Russia, and other great countries with whom we have been 
 at peace for a century or over, and the proceedings would be 
 divested of the narrowness arising from a celebration between 
 Great Britain and this country. 
 
 Upon the committee of 100 named by me ought to be citizens 
 of not only English, Irish. Scotch and "Welsh blood, but of Ger- 
 man, French, Norwegian, Swedish, Russian and Italian, and other 
 of the bloods represented in this great commonwealth. 
 
 The era for the solving of all disputes by international arbi- 
 tration is upon us. I am heartily in favor of celebrating a cen- 
 tury of peace with all nations, but I am firmly of the opinion that 
 it ought to be so wide in character so as to embrace not only two 
 nations, but all nations who have lieen at peace for a centurv 
 and over. 
 
 Governor Dunne is now extremely pleased to note that the 
 title of this organization has been changed from the "American 
 Committee for the Celebration of the One Hundredth Anniversary 
 of Peace Among English-Speaking Peoples" to the "American 
 Peace Centenary Committee." 
 
 February 28, 1914, Mr. Stewart wrote to Governor Dunne 
 requesting the Governor to write to certain Congressmen and 
 United States Senators, urging favorable consideration of a meas- 
 ure to appropriate $100,000 for the expenses of a commission of 
 several members to be known as "The Peace Centenary Com- 
 mission." 
 
 Complying wdth that request. Governor Dunne on IMarch 3, 
 1914, wrote the following letter to Hon. John J. Fitzgerald, chair- 
 man of the appropriations committee of the House of Representa- 
 tives, and to certain United States Senators : 
 
480 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 March 3, 1914. 
 Dear Mr. Fitzgerald: 
 
 1 am requested by Mr. Johu A. Stewart, ehairmau of the 
 American Peace Centenary Committee, to write to you, requesting 
 your favorable consideration of House Bill No. 9302, introduced 
 by Hon. Charles Bennett Smith, carrying an appropriation of 
 $100,000 for the payment of expenses of a commission of seven 
 members to be known as the "Peace Centenary Commission." 
 
 The American Peace Centenary Committee "was originally or- 
 ganized and called ' ' The American Committee for the Celebration 
 of the One Hundredth Anniversary of Peace Among English- 
 Speaking Peoples." 
 
 They wrote letters to a great many people in public life, 
 including myself, soliciting our support in the movement. When 
 they wrote me I answered, stating in substance that I was in favor 
 of the celebration of a centenary of peace between this Nation and 
 Great Britain, and all other countries, but that I saw no good 
 reason why they should have selected simply the English-speaking 
 peoples nations as those to whom the celebration should be 
 confined. 
 
 I reminded these gentlemen that this country has had eternal 
 peace with the great German nation, with the great French Re- 
 public, Norway, Sweden, Italy, Austro-Hungary, and most of the 
 great nations of the world. That not only had we eternal peace 
 with the French Republic, but that the French people had enabled 
 us by their assistance and support, at a critical time, to be-^.ome 
 a nation. 
 
 I pointed out to them that the best brain and brawn of Ger- 
 many, France, Sweden, Russia, and other great nations had con- 
 tributed to the upbuilding of this great cosmopolitan Nation, and 
 that "Europe, not Great Britain, is the mother country of 
 America," and suggested that their celebration was too narrow 
 in its avowed objects, that the very name of the association in- 
 dicated that it was to be a British-American celeliration. and 
 that the program agreed upon seemed confined to the glorifica- 
 tion of peace between Great Britain and this country, to the ex- 
 clusion of all other nations. 
 
 In answer to my letters to them on this line they now an- 
 nounce that they have changed the name from "The American 
 Committee for the Celebration of the One Hundredth Anniversary 
 of Peace Among English-Speaking Peoples," to "American Peace 
 Centenary Committee," which I am glad to approve. They have 
 also announced in their literature that they intend to make the 
 celebration cosmopolitan in its character. 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 481 
 
 Upon this understaiidiug I cheerfully recommend the making 
 of an appropriation for the purpose of celebrating a century of 
 peace between this country and most of the great nations of the 
 earth, and that the bill, in my judgment, should mention the 
 names of the other countries, as Avell as Great Britain, and that 
 the bill should provide that the funds should be expended for a 
 cosmopolitan celebration in which the ministers and ambassadors 
 of all the countries of Europe and the Orient should be invited 
 to participate. 
 
 I had much pleasure in meeting you in Washington recently, 
 and think that you will agree with me that the above suggestions 
 are wise and prudent. 
 
 -16 
 
482 DUXXE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 BISHOP JOHN L. SPALDING. 
 
 Letter to Peoria Knights of Columbus, November 20, 1913. 
 
 The press of public business here in Springfield will prevent 
 my being present at the banquet to be given by your organization 
 in honor of the Golden Jubilee Celebration of the Most Reverend 
 John Lancaster Spalding, Titular Archbishop of Scitopolis, on next 
 Monday. 
 
 In common with thousands of my fellow citizens, I have always 
 had intense admiration for Bishop Spalding not only as an ecclesi- 
 astic of our church, but as a citizen of the Repulilic. His sympa- 
 thies, public utterances and public writings on civic matters have 
 ever and always sounded true in their advocacy of popular rights. 
 His sterling democracy has endeared him to all who believe in the 
 rule of the people. 
 
 His labors for education and religion have accomplished won- 
 ders in Peoria and throughout the land. I hope and trust that his 
 life may long be spared to continue the splendid work he is further- 
 ing in education, religion and patriotism. Love of God and love of 
 country has always manifested itself in everything he has said, done 
 and written. 
 
 I regret exceedingly that I cannot be personally present and 
 participate with you in doing him the honor he so well deserves. 
 
DUNNE JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 483 
 
 UPON THE CONDITION OF STATE 
 TREASURY. 
 
 Statement to the Public, December 9, 1913. 
 
 Upon my return from Washington, I find in the public press 
 0* December 3, a statement by former Governor Deneen, in answer 
 to the statement issued on November 29 by the State Tax Com- 
 mission of this State, in which it is pointed out that, by failure to 
 fix adequate tax rates in the year 1911 and 1912, the State Tax 
 Commission of the last administration created a deficiency between 
 the amount ordered by law to be raised and the amount actually 
 raised by taxation of $5,424,730. 
 
 In this statement of Governor Deneen, he does not deny these 
 facts but attempts to muddy the waters by declaring, "That there 
 was on hand in the treasury on January 1, 1913, a cash balance of 
 $4,258,664.21, and in the various State institutions $1,012,546.39, 
 making a total of $5,271,210.60." 
 
 Why he should select January 1, 1913, as the pregnant date 
 upon which to show the condition of the public treasury, I cannot 
 understand. Why did he not take February 3, 1913, that being the 
 date that Mr. Mitchell, former Treasurer, turned over the money 
 in the treasury to AVilliam Ryan, Jr., the present State Treasurer. 
 On that date, February 3, 1913, Mr. Mitchell turned over to William 
 Ryan, Jr., the present incumbent, $3,564,689.49, against which there 
 were outstanding on that date $904,293.05 in warrants actually 
 issued by his administration, leaving a net balance on that date in 
 the treasury of only $2,660,396.44, against which there remained on 
 that date a balance of unexpended appropriations made by the 
 Forty-seventh General Assembly of $8,234,853.88. Moreover Gov- 
 ernor Deneen does not state that, during the month of Jarniary, 
 1913, he signed requisitions for funds for H. A. Haugin, Treasurer 
 of the University of Illinois, aggregating $958,158.08. 
 
 In other words, when Mr. Deneen, former Governor, Mr. 
 Mitchell, former Treasurer, and Mr. McCullough, former Auditor, 
 stepped out of office there was only $2,660,396.44 in the treasury 
 over and above outstanding warrants, most of which outstanding 
 warrants, amounting to $904,293.05 were presented for payment 
 within a few days. This balance, $2,660,396.44, was all that was 
 
484 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 left in tlie treasury to take care of liabilities created by appropria- 
 tions, then in existence and unpaid, aggregating $8,234,853.88. 
 
 Moreover in addition to this lamentable condition of the treas- 
 ury, the Forty-eighth General Assembly found, upon assembling, 
 that it was necessary to enact deficiency appropriation bills to cover 
 liabilities incurred prior to that date by the Secretary of State's 
 office. Board of Contracts, Treasurer's office, Auditor's office, and 
 Live Stock Board, aggregating $500,000.00 or thereabout. 
 
DUNNE— JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 485 
 
 AGAIN OPPOSES TEACHING OF SEX 
 HYGIENE IN SCHOOLS. 
 
 Address to the Illinois State Teachers' Association, 
 December 29, 1913. 
 
 Mr. Chairman, Ladies and Gentlemen : 
 
 It gives me much pleasure, as the Governor of this State, to 
 address a few words of welcome to the hard-working teachers of the 
 Illinois State Teachers' Association, and to wish from my heart that 
 their deliberations and discussions, during the present meeting, will 
 be fruitful of good results, not only to the teaching profession, but 
 to the children, pupils of this State. 
 
 Yours is a profession of the utmost importance to the commu- 
 nity. The fathers and mothers of this State are placing under your 
 control, for their development and education, the children whose 
 future is a matter of the utmost importance to the parents. 
 
 If wisely and effectively instructed, both from the material and 
 moral standpoint, their children will develop into useful citizens of 
 the community. If instructed in a haphazard and inefficient man- 
 ner, these children will not become as useful citizens as though well 
 instructed. 
 
 Yours is a profession calling for patience, self-abnegation, con- 
 stant industry, intelligence and tact, without the larger remunera- 
 tion which is often the return in other professions. Necessarily you 
 are men and women of intelligence and of good education. Other- 
 wise you could not fill the positions that you now occupy, and yet 
 the rewards for your intelligence and education in your profession 
 are frequently not the rewards that follow the prosecution of other 
 professions. 
 
 I have always had a warm spot in my heart for the teachers of 
 this State, since the time that I found, when I was in public office, 
 that they were among the most aggressive and intelligent leaders of 
 public thought on the great questions of the day. When I was 
 mayor of the city of Chicago, I had with me, in sympathy of action, 
 the teachers of that great city, in the effort to bring about reforms 
 of momentous importance. 
 
 I do not pretend to be at all familiar with pedagogic science, 
 and I have no doubt, if I were able to spare the time to attend all 
 the deliberations of your conference, that I might be most intelli- 
 
486 DUXNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 gently instructed upon the science of teaching, but the press of 
 public business will debar me from availing myself of the oppor- 
 tunities that might be presented by attending these conferences. 
 
 I have but a few words to say upon a topic, which, by reason of 
 my official position, I have been compelled to express myself upon 
 within the last few days. 
 
 As ex-officio trustee of the University of Illinois, one of the 
 greatest institutions of learning in the Northwest, I have been called 
 upon to record my vote on the question as to whether or not the 
 university should provide in its curriculum for a series of lectures 
 or a course of instruction which would enable the teachers of this 
 State to teach sex hygiene to the pupils of the State. 
 
 On this question I hold firm views as a husband and father, 
 which I think it will not be amiss for me to state to this conference. 
 
 If the teachers of this State are to be prepared for the giving 
 of lectures or instructions upon sex hygiene, it contemplates inevi- 
 tably that such teaching will be given to those whom they are to 
 instruct. Those whom they are to instruct are almost without excep- 
 tion children of tender years. 
 
 Owing to the splendid laws which have prevailed for years 
 in this State favoring education for the young, ^ve can proiur}^ 
 now boast that illiteracy among adults is almost unknown. You 
 know, and I know, that the pupils that you are teaching, and will 
 teach, are children in the grammar schools between the ages cf 
 C and 15 years. 
 
 The proposition to teach these young children in open class 
 the secrets of sex hygiene, the methods of reproduction of the 
 species, the mysteries of the organs of generation, is, to my mind, 
 as a husband and a father, a horrible mistake. The teachings 
 of the Christian and Jewish religions inculcate chastity and 
 modesty. 
 
 Modesty is the crowning glory of girlhood and womanhood, 
 and the teaching of such subjects, even in the most chaste and 
 guarded language, in open classroom where children between the 
 ages of 6 and 15 years are gathered together, in my humble judg- 
 ment, will rob girlhood of its modesty and boyhood of its decency. 
 
 There is a time in the life of the young boy and girl, Avhen 
 that boy and girl should be warned of the dangers that follow 
 from undue intimacies between the sexes, and a place for such 
 instruction. That time is when that boy or girl is about to leave 
 parental control, and the place is in the quiet of the home where 
 the father or mother can address his child in private, and open 
 to his view the dangers that may result from intimacies between 
 the sexes. 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 487 
 
 To talk out in the open in the public schools, in the presence 
 of girls and boys of the same age, in my judgment, will not be 
 productive of protection to the young, but will, on the contrary, 
 induce at that age a prurient curiosity for further information 
 which the children will procure in a way that violates all modesty 
 and decency. 
 
 In my view, the teaching of sex hygiene should come direct 
 from the parents of the child, at that age when such instruction 
 becomes absolutely necessary, and should not be committed to any 
 one else, particularly to a teacher in the open classroom. I 
 fnvor instruction upon sex hygiene to the mothers and fathers 
 of the land. I favor the printing of pamphlets and treatises 
 and that they be placed in the hands of fathers and mothers of 
 the land. I favor education of the parents to impart this knowl- 
 edge at the time and under circumstances when it becomes abso- 
 lutely necessary. This can be done without violating the rules 
 of modesty and decency. The teachers of the State have enough 
 in their curriculum at the present time to fully occupy their 
 1im,e, and to place upon their shoulders the responsibility of im- 
 parting sex secrets to children in the open classroom, in my judg- 
 iiT^nt. would be a blunder and mistake. 
 
 Again let me.Avish }'ou the successful and fruitful conference. 
 My earnest good wishes go out to the teachers of the State of 
 Illinois. 
 
488 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 ON THE OPENING OF THE NEW YEAR. 
 
 Statement to the Public, December 31, 1913. 
 
 The new year opens auspiciously. 
 
 For years an agitation has been carried on throughout the 
 country for the reduction of the tariff upon imports, which agita- 
 tion has kept business in an unsettled condition. 
 
 Within the last few months the new tariff law reducing the 
 tariff on most imports has been placed upon the Federal statute 
 books. This was done after mature deliberation, and with full 
 notice to the community. Now business can adjust itself to the 
 requirements of the new law, and business men can develop their 
 enterprises upon the basis of that new law. 
 
 Financial panics heretofore, resulting from the inelasticity 
 and stringency of the money markets, has occasioned widespread 
 financial distress. 
 
 The new currency act, just placed upon the Federal statute 
 books after mature deliberation and ample opportunity for dis- 
 cussion, as the result of which many concessions were made to 
 meet the requirements of banking, has noAV become crystallized 
 into law, and the effect of this law, it is even conceded by bank- 
 ers, is to provide against the inelasticity of the currency which 
 has heretofore been the cause of such panics, and will provide 
 means and methods for avoiding most of these financial troubles. 
 
 We are at peace with the world. 
 
 The course of the administration in dealing with the Mexican 
 question indicates that we cannot be provoked into a warlike con- 
 troversy with our sister republic of the south. 
 
 The jMexicans, owing to their unfortunate internecine war- 
 fare, have well nigh reached the limit of endurance. Peace will 
 soon again come to this unhappy land. In any event there is 
 no likelihood of war between Mexico and the United States. 
 
 Fortunately we are more than ordinarily free from the 
 struggles between cai)ital and labor. Jn the Calumet region alone 
 is there disorder and discontent. Let us hope that both sides 
 to this controversy will soon display the spirit of conciliation 
 and concession, and put an end to this unfortunate blot upon the 
 industrial situation of the day. It is high time, unless they show 
 disposition so to do, for a thorough investigation to be made as 
 to the causes of this controversy, and vigorous effort should be 
 made to adjust the trouble. 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 489 
 
 ON THE ADMINISTRATION OF 
 PRESIDENT WILSON. 
 
 Address to Democratic State Convention, Springfield, 1914. 
 
 Fellow Citizens: 
 
 At the invitation of the Democratic State Committee it gives 
 me great pleasure to be with you today and discuss some of the 
 important issues of the present campaign. 
 
 The present Democratic Congress, I believe, has given the finest 
 exhibition of unswerving duty and loyalty to public interest of any 
 Congress in history. Since the fourth of March. 1913, the members 
 of the Senate and House of Representatives, at the call of our great 
 patriotic President and leader of the Democratic party, have re- 
 mained in continuous session, loyally upholding the hands of the 
 President in carrying out the great reforms pledged by the Demo- 
 cratic party during the campaign of 1912. 
 
 Throughout the long, hot, trying months of midsummer, when 
 the rest of us were endeavoring to take a little respite from the heat 
 and prostration incident to an American summer, our brilliant, 
 eloquent and industrious Democratic Senator and Democratic Con- 
 gressmen from this State, at the call of the President, with great 
 personal discomfort, and often at great risk to their health, remained 
 at Washington, crystallizing Democratic pledges and Democratic 
 policies into national law. 
 
 Never was more loyal support given to a President by his party 
 than has been the support given by our representative, Senator 
 Lewis, in the upper House, and by our splendid representatives in 
 the lower House of Congress. Today and during the whole of this 
 campaign those loyal friends of the people remain in their seats in 
 Congress, neglecting their own interests of reelection for the benefit 
 of the people. Under such circumstances, and at such a time, it 
 behooves therefore every Democrat who believes in the policies of 
 President Wilson and the Democratic party to do all he can to 
 secure the election of our Democratic candidates for the Senate and 
 the lower House. 
 
 The Democratic party has been enthroned in power in Wash- 
 ington and throughout most of the states for the last eighteen 
 months, and today that party presents a record to the people for 
 
490 . DUNNE JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 its approval or disapproval. What the verdict will be, I believe 
 admits of no doubt. It is a record of achievement seldom displayed 
 by any party in so short a period. When the Democratic party, 
 under President Wilson, took office on the fourth of March, 1913, 
 it was confronted with the following situation : 
 
 First. In Mexico there were commercial and industrial dis- 
 turbances and war inviting international complications. A usurper 
 whose only credentials were the assassination of a duly elected presi- 
 dent, demanded recognition as the accredited ruler of the nation 
 and a Republican administration were inclined to give him such 
 recognition. 
 
 Second. There was a long standing demand ignored by Repub- 
 lican administrations for an income tax law, which demand was 
 overwhelmingly reiterated at the election in 1912. 
 
 Third. An imperative demand for reform currency legislation, 
 long promised and never given by Republican administrations. 
 
 Fourth. The public demand for a consistent revision of the 
 tariff" downward, oft promised but never given by Republican ad- 
 ministrations. 
 
 Fifth. An uncertain and unfortunate condition of the law and 
 administration of same in dealing with the evil practices of big 
 business, and a futile effort to control the trusts and monopolies 
 of the country. 
 
 To these were added within recent months tremendous and 
 unexpected problems arising out of the awful European war which 
 interrupted and deranged industrial production, commerce, finance 
 and ocean transportation throughout the world. How have these 
 complications been met during the eighteen months of the Demo- 
 cratic administration? Mark the result. 
 
 First. The Mexican situation has been dealt with in a spirit 
 of firmness, with justice, and without bluster. We have avoided 
 war without compromising our dignity as a great nation, conserved 
 American blood and treasure, avoided international complications 
 and set the Mexican people well on the road to a new era of peace 
 and constitutionally organized government. 
 
 Second. An ecjuitable income tax law has for the first time been 
 placed on the statute books, and is being impartially enforced, thus 
 securing from the wealthy and powerful, for the first time in Ameri- 
 can history, reasonable and proportionate contributions to the bur- 
 dens of government. 
 
 Third. A currency law that meets with practically universal ap- 
 proval enacted and now in process of being put into effect, cordially 
 assented to by the bankers and the whole community. 
 
 Fourth. Antitrust laws are being enforced with a siiigle eye to 
 ending bad practices, not merely for the sham-battle purpose of 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 491 
 
 "making a record." and new legislation to correct obscurities and 
 inconsistencies in the old antitrust laws. 
 
 Fifth. Dollar diplomacy in the State Department has been abol- 
 ished by our great Secretary of State, and the doctrine of human 
 rights substituted therefor. 
 
 Sixth. We have revised the tariff downward on the necessities 
 of life pursuant to our campaign pledge of 1912. 
 
 Seventh. The dangerous and insidious lobby which has haunted 
 the halls of Congress for decades past has been driven out of the 
 Capitol. 
 
 Eighth. The Panama Canal has been completed and opened to 
 the commerce of the world. 
 
 Ninth. By law, the great national treasure house of Alaska is 
 being opened up and nationally-owned railroads authorized and a 
 survey therefor begun. 
 
 Tenth. Popular election of United States Senavors has been 
 made effective. 
 
 Eleventh. Two great railway strikes have been averted by 
 arbitration and the coal strike settled. 
 
 Twelfth. The telephone and telegraph trusts have been dis- 
 solved. 
 
 Thirteenth. The parcel post has been extended and made 
 cheaper to the people. 
 
 Fourteenth. Express rates and charges have been reduced as 
 the result of national competition. 
 
 Fifteenth. More remedial labor legislation has been enacted 
 upon request of laboring men than was ever enacted by all previous 
 Republican administrations. 
 
 Sixteenth. The problems and situations suddenly arising from 
 the European war have been met firmly, promptly and patriotically. 
 The country has been preserved from a financial crisis. AVar insur- 
 ance for American cargoes has been provided, and legislation has 
 been enacted that will re-create the American merchant marine and 
 again place the American flag upon the high seas of the world. 
 
 Thanks to the prompt and intelligent action of a great peace- 
 loving President and his peace-loving Secretary of State, we remain 
 at peace with all the world. We have laid the foundation for bring- 
 ing about peace between the warring nations and we have success- 
 fully consummated as a standing monument to the constructive 
 genius of the Democratic party, twenty-five treaties of peace and 
 arbitration between this Republic and twenty-five other nations, 
 comprising within their boundaries over two-thirds of the popula- 
 tion of the globe. 
 
 This is the record of eighteen months of a Democratic adminis- 
 tration. Where in the history of American Presidents can we find 
 so extraordinary a record in so short a time? 
 
492 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 lu addition to these accomplishments, the President and the 
 Democratic Congress are now engaged seriously, studiously and 
 conservatively in amending the antitrust legislation o^ the Nation 
 in such a way as to protect legitimate industries against the curse 
 of monopoly. 
 
 Upon this record the Democratic party stands and asks the 
 approval of the people of the United States. The Democratic Con- 
 gressmen of this State unselfishly remain at Washington, leaving 
 the verdict to your just and impartial consideration. 
 
 A vote for our candidate for the United States Senate and the 
 Democratic candidates for Congress is a vote of endorsement of the 
 President. A vote against them is a repudiation of this splendid 
 record of the Democratic party. 
 
 Tavo years ago you placed in power in the State and in the 
 Nation President Wilson and your Democratic representatives in 
 Congress. After eighteen months of constant session they have 
 placed before you this record. Can there be any doubt in the mind 
 of any clear-minded citizen, no matter to what party he may be- 
 long, as to what should be the verdict of the people ? 
 
 Do you favor revision of the tariff downward? If so, the 
 Democrats have revised it downward. Already in wholesale prices 
 the effect of that tariff is being felt, and long before the next Presi- 
 dential election retail prices will demonstrate the efficiency and 
 wisdom of that revision downward. 
 
 Do you favor the imposition of an income tax? Nearly every 
 civilized country on earth has such a tax, and yet the Republican 
 party for sixteen years had prevented the enactment of this wise 
 and just law. If you favor an income tax, the Democratic party, 
 for the first time in American history, has placed it effectively upon 
 the statute books. The income tax law is a law which compels the 
 ricli to pay their fair share of the burdens of running the Govern- 
 ment. Why should they not ? 
 
 Do you favor legislation w^hich w^ill abolish financial panics? 
 If so, the Democratic party has given it to you. For one-half 
 century under Republican rule, we have been periodically visited 
 with financial crashes as the result of an unwise and unskilful 
 condition of the currency laws, under which the bankers of Wall 
 Street concentrated all the wealth of the country in the hands of 
 a few. The new currency law enacted by the Democratic party 
 is admitted by the bankers themselves to be of so wise and com- 
 prehensive a character as to prevent the concentration of this 
 wealth in the future as it has been in the past, and permits the 
 bankers of the country to obtain relief in case of stringency by 
 pledging their assets in the hands of the general Government. 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 493 
 
 During Republican administrations the great financial powers 
 were in the habit of making loans to the smaller nations and in 
 forcing the collection of these loans by Federal gunboats. This 
 utilization of governmental power as a debt collecting agency has 
 stopped. Human rights instead of dollars are now the interests 
 protected by our Department of State. 
 
 For decades past, under Republican rule that party and its 
 representatives have been coerced and intimidated by the great 
 interests into passing laws favoring gigantic corporations and 
 combines. For that purpose these great interests during Repub- 
 lican rule have maintained permanently in the Capitol a danger- 
 ous and insidious lobby, which has exerted tremendous and malign 
 power upon the law-making machinery of the Republic. That 
 lobby the Democratic party has driven from the Capitol, and 
 exposed to the sunlight of investigation. The third House has 
 been abolished, and I trust forever. 
 
 Under Republican rule it was the policy to permit the natural 
 resources of newly developed territories to be given away and 
 monopolized by the great interests or to tie them up so as to 
 place them beyond the reach of ordinary settlers. The Demo- 
 cratic party has compelled a change in this procedure, particu- 
 larly in reference to the tremendous riches lately discovered in 
 Alaska. It has moreover authorized the building of the first 
 nationally oAvned railroad to develop and lay bare those great 
 riches for the common use and benefit of all* prospectors and 
 settlers, and today American engineers are penetrating into the 
 interior of Alaska, laying out the line of that great railroad. 
 
 Under Democratic rule we have made effective the popular 
 vote for United States Senator. The last senatorial deadlock 
 has taken place in the State of Illinois. The people have been 
 given the right to vote directly for their Senators and no more 
 will we hear of the scandalous intrigues which have heretofore 
 frequently disgraced the different states in the election of United 
 States Senators. 
 
 But above all the things accomplished by the Democratic 
 party has been the preservation of peace between this country and 
 all other nations. 
 
 "When the Republican party went out of power there was a 
 very difficult and delicate situation existing between this Republic 
 and the Empire of Japan, which it was feared for a time might 
 develop into warfare between the nations. Our great Secretary 
 of State has so conducted the diplomacy of this Government in 
 dealing Avith Japan that all danger of war has now been averted 
 and a good will and harmony exist between the two countries. 
 
494 DUXXE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERXOR 
 
 lu Mexico, internal war was raging and private property 
 interests of great magnitude were demanding the recognition of 
 a usurper and assassin to the furtherance of their own selfish 
 interests. To the credit of this country President Wilson took 
 the stand that no government which had been erected upon the 
 ruins of constitutional government by the weapons of assassins 
 should receive recognition as a de facto government, and when 
 uniformed Mexican bravos imprisoned our marines without justi- 
 fication and flouted our flag, he refused to be forced into a decla- 
 ration of war with a sister republic, even though that sister re- 
 public could have been crushed like an eggshell by our armed 
 forces. 
 
 Wisely and prudently he avoided war. He seized a maritime 
 port of Mexico and held it until time could be given to that dis- 
 tracted republic to compose its affairs and then apologize for the 
 injury done. To seize this port in the assertion of dignity of 
 the American flag and to hold it until a proper amend could be 
 made has averted a great war, and has cost the United States 
 but $6,000,000.00. 
 
 Contrast this, my friends, with the spectacle of events now 
 presented to us in Europe. Day after day the unfortunate na- 
 tions now engaged in this insane war are spending $50,000,000.00 
 a day, and at least 500,000 corpses are now buried in trenches 
 upon the battlefields as a tribute to the Moloch of war. Half a 
 million of widows and orphans are being deprived of their mean? 
 of support, and the end is not yet. 
 
 Thank God, during the last six months we have had a man in 
 the White House who was a disciple of the Prince of Peace. 
 
 Let us now turn to the Democratic administration of the State 
 to see what it has accomplished and whether or not it has been 
 loyal to public interests and faithful to the trust reposed in it. 
 
 Although you elected a Democratic Governor by the huge 
 plurality of about 125,000, a Republican gerrymander of legis- 
 lative districts, made when they held absolute control of the law- 
 making power of the State, prevented you from obtaining a legis- 
 lative majority in either House of the Legislature. Nevertheless, 
 a Democratic Governor pressed upon both Houses many great 
 reforms demanded by the people, and by demanding a record vote 
 thereon succeeded in getting most of these reforms into the 
 statutes of the State. The Governor in his inaugural message 
 recommended the follo-wnng reforms which are now a part of the 
 law of the land : 
 
 First. Ratification of the amendment to the Federal Constitu- 
 tion providing for the election of United States Senators by the 
 direct vote o* the people. 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 495 
 
 Second. The creation of a pnblic utilities act under which a 
 commission has complete and absolute control of the great public 
 utilities of the State, and is enforcing rules and regulations for 
 the thorough portection of the people. 
 
 Third. Placing upon the statute books an act permitting every 
 city in the State of Illinois to own or operate or lease public 
 utilities of any and all descriptions. 
 
 Fourth. The employment of convicts in building public roads. 
 Pursuant to this act such convicts are now being generously 
 utilized in upbuilding the State highways. 
 
 Fifth. The founding of an epileptic colony for the care of 
 these unfortunates. 
 
 Sixth. The rotation of names upon the ballot for all State 
 officers. 
 
 Seventh. The creation of a legislative reference bureau for the 
 collection of data on economic and sociological subjects for the 
 purjjose of furnishing complete information to the people and to 
 members of the Legislature upon all legislative topics. 
 
 Eighth. The creation of an Efficiency and Economy Committee 
 that has been assiduously engaged in devising methods for the 
 consolidation of State departments and commissions and pro- 
 curing retrenchment of expenses. 
 
 Ninth. Tlie placing upon the statute books of a practical road- 
 making laAV in the State of Illinois, under W'hich we are now vigor- 
 ously engaged in the upbuilding of the roads of the State. 
 
 Tenth. The enactment of a law requiring the semimonthly 
 payment of wages and salaries by all corporations in the State. 
 
 Eleventh. The abolition of the frauds and scandals in the fish 
 and game department, and the consolidation of these departments so 
 as to give sufficient fish and game protection. 
 
 In addition to the above the present administration has 
 enacted and is now enforcing an excellent workmen's compen- 
 sation act, Avhich provides . for definite reward to injured 
 employes. 
 
 It has amended the mechanics' lien law so as to give a sub- 
 contractor a lien on a building for labor and material furnished. 
 
 It has enacted laws providing for greater safety in mining 
 operations, and has further developed the establishment of rescue 
 stations to relieve miners from the dangers incident to that great 
 industry. 
 
 It has enacted a laAV permitting the organization of corpora- 
 tions for loaning money by wage assignment and limiting the 
 rate of interest or compensation therefor. 
 
 It has placed upon the statute books a law which requires the 
 owners of coal mines, mills and foundries and other work-shops 
 
496 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 to maintain sanitary washrooms, convenient to the place of em- 
 ployment, for the use of employes, and passed many other laws 
 in the interest of the whole people. 
 
 It has, moreover, changed the whole course of treatment 
 for the wards of the State. In the penal institutions, reform 
 and not vengeance has been the watchword. 
 
 Under the Democratic administration in the charitable in- 
 stitutions of the State extensive building operations are now in 
 progress, which will provide adequate room for the patients 
 and proper accommodations for the employes. 
 
 It has humanized and civilized the State institutions of Illi- 
 nois by abolishing corporal punishment in all those institutions 
 having to do with the care and training of children by abolishing 
 all mechanical restraint and all brutality in the handling of the 
 patients in the State hospitals, and by adopting and instituting 
 the eight-hour system for the benefit of the employes. 
 
 My fellow citizens, consider these facts. Take them home 
 with you. Appeal to your own conscience, and ask yourselves if 
 such a glorious record made by a Democratic President and a 
 Democratic party should not receive the commendation and sup- 
 port, not only of Democrats, but of all fair-minded citizens. If 
 you think it does, and I know you will, you will see to it that that 
 splendid record is sustained by going to the polls next month and 
 voting for the Democratic nominees who are pledged to support 
 President Wilson — Mr. Sullivan for the Senate, and the Demo- 
 cratic candidates for the House. 
 
 I further trust you will vote for your Democratic nominees 
 for the State Legislature and assist a Democratic Governor to 
 place upon the statute books the measures demanded by the plat- 
 form of the Democratic party in Illinois. 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 497 
 
 SHELBY M. CULLOM. 
 
 Address by Governor at Memorial Services in House of 
 Representatives, January, 1914. 
 
 Man dies but his memory lives. His material part dissolves 
 and decays; liis spiritual and intellectual elements survive and 
 endure. 
 
 All that was mortal of Shelby M. Cullom lies before us helpless 
 and inert. The spiritual and intellectual record of his past lies 
 before us vigorous and forceful. 
 
 It falls to the lot of few men to have their lives so long and 
 so prominently woven into the history of his state and country as 
 was the life of Senator Cullom. 
 
 To fewer still does it fall to leave behind him after such a life 
 so fragrant and wholesome a memory. For over half a century he 
 held public office continuously down to the hour of his death. 
 
 During that half century parties were born and died, policies 
 of government changed, leaders rose and fell, party ties were broken 
 and realigned, and during that half century this man living con- 
 tinuously in one small county, by his force of character, lovable 
 disposition, and above all, by his irreproachable integrity, secured 
 and retained the confidence and respect of the people of a great 
 State, who kept him amidst all the vicissitudes of political warfare 
 in positions of the highest dignity and responsibility. 
 
 His was not the blazing light of the flaring comet which daz- 
 zles the eye and soon is lost in darkness, but the steady, sober light 
 of the heavenly star which shines throughout the long years with 
 unvarying purity and splendor. 
 
 The secret of Senator Cullom 's marvelous hold upon his fellow 
 citizens is easily understood. No man has ever succeeded in retain- 
 ing the confidence of the public for any great length of time unless 
 the public were convinced of his integrity. 
 
 Brilliant men have arisen in public life in this and every other 
 country by sheer force of their intellectual strength. For a time 
 they have succeeded in arousing and holding the admiration of their 
 fellow men, but no man, however brilliant he may be, has ever suc- 
 ceeded in keeping himself in positions of public trust and honor 
 unless he had that first essential of a successful statesman, inbred 
 honestv. 
 
498 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 If a flaw be found iu the armor of that integrity, the people 
 will drive such a man from public life. Jefferson once said, ' ' That 
 the whole art of government consists in the art of being honest," 
 and that is the reason, in my judgment, why Senator Cullom was 
 so adept in the art of government. 
 
 I knew him not, personally, I differed with him, as many have, 
 on political issues. I believed his party erred repeatedly, and that 
 he erred with his party, but as I look, over his long career I cannot 
 find a time when I ever believed that he was dishonest in his votes, 
 or in the advocacy of his party principles. 
 
 All men in public life are subjected to fierce criticism by their 
 political enemies, and he did not escape it. Most of this criticism 
 is, as a rule, unjust, aijd actuated by party rancor, but no critic that 
 I have ever read or heard during the one-half century of his po- 
 litical life ever questioned Senator Cullom 's integrity. 
 
 For thirty years he was a member of an exalted body of legis- 
 lators, where opulence was the rule and a moderate competency the 
 exception. He had before him the temptations thrown around every 
 man in public life. He became intimately acquainted with the ease 
 and luxury which wealth produces, and which makes other men 
 envious of such possessions, and yet this man lived and died com- 
 paratively a poor man, which is the best test of integrity and devo- 
 tion to duty. 
 
 May this life of integrity which he led and this reputation 
 which he leaves behind him be an incentive to the public men of 
 the day, and of the days to come, to devote their lives as he did to 
 their country's welfare, without price or reward, except such as is 
 given by_^the law of the land. 
 
 His friends and relatives have the consolation of knowing that 
 he left behind him a heritage greater and grander than all earthly 
 riches — the heritage of an honest name and a record of duty done. 
 
 The State of Illinois numbers among its illustrious sons the 
 names of many whom history would record among the Nation's 
 great. The name of Lincoln is titanic. The names of Douglas, 
 Yates, Oglesby, Logan and Altgeld will go down in history, not 
 only among the great men of Illinois, but among the great men of 
 the American Nation, and in the long roster of the names of which 
 Illinois feels proud, and which she has given to the American Nation 
 let us now record, as he sleeps in his grave, the name of Shelby 
 M. rullom. 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MxVYOR, GOVERNOR 49b 
 
 PROGRESS IN ILLINOIS' CONSERVA- 
 TION. 
 
 Statement for Leslie's Illustrated Weekly, 191-4. 
 
 Illinois is the richest chamber in the heart of the corn belt. 
 Twenty-third in size among the states of the Union, it is first in 
 ag-ricultnral wealth and production, third in population, in mineral 
 wealth, and in manufacture. 
 
 The Illinois farmer has learned, not only how to produce 
 great crops, but how to continue to produce them ; in other words, 
 to make the agriculture of the State permanent. 
 
 In 1912, the corn crop of Illinois was worth $108,827,882. 
 The hogs marketed brought $15,005,254, the beef cattle 
 $20,806,811. The value of the dairy herds and the milk sold in 
 1912 amounted to $17,877,563, while over four million dollars 
 jingled their welcome way into the pockets of the citizens of the 
 State from the sale of cream and butter. Apples, oats, rye, truck 
 gardening, all contributed to swell the agricultural wealth of the 
 State to its grand total of $3,903,321,000. What this means one 
 hard fact proves ; in 1900, the shrewd investor looking for a 
 chance to double his dollars, was willing to pay on an average 
 $46.17 an acre for Illinois land. A decade later an acre of this 
 same land looked to him worth $95.02. 
 
 Evidently the Illinois farmer is not snatching from the soil 
 the fertility meant to last for generations. Intelligent farming, 
 which means farming in as well as farming out, is beginning to 
 he regarded in a very definite and large way as a matter of public 
 duty as well as private policy. 
 
 Phosphorus and nitrogen are being restored to soils that the 
 worn out conditions of many farm lands in the east may never be 
 duplicated here; limestone is being used extensively to sweeten 
 acid soils, and lands hitherto thought worthless are yielding up 
 to seventy bushels of corn per acre by the addition of the single 
 element, potassium. 
 
 Therefore, wealth in farm resources is not alone the condition 
 in Illinois. There is wealth in resources plus intelligence in their 
 conservation. 
 
 The same reasonableness, willingness to accept the responsi- 
 bilities of riches as well as the pleasures, marks the policy of the 
 
500 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 State iu other lines than agriculture. A few years ago there 
 was established a State Geological Survey which makes an in. 
 ventory of the developed and undeveloped mineral resources and 
 acts as a free information bureau for land owners and investors. 
 Thus a prospective buyer hardly can get cheated in a mine invest- 
 ment, notwithstanding his willingness. Also in the mines, Illinois 
 not only provides work for 100,000 men, she provides protection 
 for them. Illinois is the only State to have mine rescue stations, 
 where mine rescue cars are ahvays in readiness to respond to a 
 call for help within the districts they cover. In 1911 the minerals 
 produced in Illinois exceeded in value $145,524,000. 
 
 In manufacturing interests Illinois is the most important 
 State west of the Alleghenies. The gross value of the products 
 of manufacturing amount to $1,919,277,000 yearly. There are 
 over 18,000 manufacturing establishments, giving employment to 
 561,000 persons, and, during the year 1909, the sum of $364,- 
 768,000 was paid out in salaries and wages. 
 
 Probably nowhere does education come more easily to thf> 
 youth than in this State where Lincoln longed with solemn pas- 
 sion for knowledge and obtained it so hardly. It is as if the 
 denial of that great soul were projected into wood and stone. 
 The rural schools, so often doomed to shameful neglect, are re- 
 cei\'ing their share of attention, and are being forced to fit them- 
 selves into the life of the times. At present there are rural schools 
 and rural township high schools that are models of their kind. They 
 teach the boj'^ agriculture, the girl household science. Under- 
 standing kills apathy and no more do they find their daily tasks 
 dull drudgery. Nor will such education in the least interfere 
 with the development of some potential Milton or Romney ; and 
 should one appear that should hitch his chariot to a star, his har- 
 ness will not be nearly so likely to break, if he has an under- 
 standing of life's every da,y work. 
 
 At the apex of the educational system is the State University 
 Avhich offers almost limitless opportunity to the youth of ambition 
 and ability. Nor does the university confine itself to the campus. 
 It has gone out into the life of the people in no uncertain way. 
 As an instance, there is the soil survey which is making a survey 
 of all the soils of the State. When it is completed, a farmer, 
 merely by writing a letter, can find out the condition of his soil 
 and Avhat it needs for increasing and making permanent its 
 productivity. 
 
 Also the State AVater Survey, located at the University, is 
 noteworthy. Water from any place in the State is analyzed and 
 advice given, if it is unfit for use. 
 
DUNNE^ — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR • 501 
 
 Illinois has a State HigliAvay Commission, which means that 
 the people are interested in good roads. Good roads are essential 
 to the advancement of a people. 
 
 Few states exercise more complete control over transporta- 
 tion matters than Illinois. The Illinois Public Utility Commis- 
 sion now exercises as much power in Illinois as the Interstate 
 Commerce Commission exercises over interstate comm.erce. 
 
 In the care and conservation of its wage earner, those hum- 
 ble toilers upon whom this great prosperity depends, Illinois has 
 shown humanity and foresight. There is an occupational disease 
 act, the first of its kind in the United States; there is a work- 
 men's compensation act, a ten-hour day for working women and 
 intelligent child labor legislation. The State Board of Health 
 hqs a laboratory created and maintained for the early diagnosis 
 of communicable diseases. It offers service without cost to the 
 people of the State and affords early and accurate diagnosis in 
 cases of diphtheria, typhoid, tuberculosis, and contagious or in- 
 fectious diseases. 
 
 Mention should be made of the intelligence the State has used 
 in the care of its unfortunates, its human waste that unheeded 
 will finally clog progress. A single instance is sufficient, the re- 
 cent establishment of a Psychopathic Institute for the education 
 and training of State hospital physicians in nervous and mental 
 disorders and symptoms, and the investigation into the causes of 
 insanity, with the purpose of discovering cures for forms of in- 
 sanity now deemed incurable. Thus one of the evils that has 
 come with the good of our high tension civilization Avill be eradi- 
 cated or ameliorated, if science can do it. 
 
 After this it need hardly be said that as a place of residence 
 Illinois cannot be excelled. "Wealth and the intelligent use of 
 wealth, a quickened and enlightened public conscience, a whole- 
 some and enthusiastic belief that the good in our community life 
 far outweighs the evil, will make it a more desirable home-place 
 with every passing year. 
 
502 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 ON THE OWNERSHIP OF PUBLIC 
 UTILITIES. 
 
 Address before Men's Club, Englewood, January 12, 1904. 
 
 Mr. Chairman and Gentlemoi: 
 
 In j'ecent years perhaps no sul),iect has engrossed so much of 
 the attention of the pul)lic in great cities of this country, and in 
 Chicago particularly, as the question of the ownership and opera- 
 tion by the public of public utilities. By these I mean street 
 cars, gas works, electric light plants, telephones, telegraphs, rail- 
 roads and other enterprises the operation of which requires the 
 possession and use of public property. 
 
 No subject is of more vital interest to the inhabitants of 
 cities, who are compelled, day by day and year by year, to make 
 use of and pay for these utilities, whether they like them or not. 
 
 A resident of a city may dicker, bargain with and change his 
 butcher, his baker, his haberdasher, his tailor, his lawyer, and his 
 doctor, if he is not satisfied with his services or his charges, but 
 when he comes to pay his street car fare, his electric light or tele- 
 phone bill there is room for neither dicker, trade nor change. He 
 must stand up and deliver, no matter how unreasonable the 
 charge or unsatisfactory the service. 
 
 If he objects to the street car service or its price, he is thrown 
 ofl the car. If he demurs to the service or price for gas or elec- 
 tric light, it is shut off. If he criticises his telephone bill his 
 'phone is pulled out. He has learned by experience that individ- 
 ual protest or objection is unavailing. 
 
 The existence, in this community and elsewhere, in cities, of 
 grave and scandalous abuses, both in the service given and the 
 prices charged for such utilities, and the recognition by thous- 
 ands of the litter helplessness of citizens, as individuals, to help 
 themselves or correct these evils, which have become over-bur- 
 densome and intolerable, have brought about in many of the 
 great cities of the world a great unrest and public agitation for 
 the correction of these intolerable evils. 
 
DUNNE JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 503 
 
 THIS IS THE SITUATION IN CHICAGO. 
 
 la this city today a citizen is charged from $40 to $175 for 
 the annual rent of a telephone, and the service is not overgood at 
 that. The same service is given in Stockholm, Sweden, for $20 
 a year, on the average ; in Christiana, Norway, for $22 a year, on 
 the average ; in Trondhjem, Norway, for $13.50 a year, on the 
 average ; in Berne and Zurich, Switzerland, for $10 and upward ; 
 in Berlin, for $36 per annum; in Copenhagen, from $27 to $48, 
 and in Paris, France, for $78. 
 
 In Chicago today we are paying $1 per thousand feet for 
 gas, which has been sold to the citizens of Hyde Park, in this 
 city, up to three years ago, for many years past, for seventy-two 
 cents per thousand. 
 
 The city of Glasgow is charging fifty-two cents for the same 
 kind of gas, and the average price charged by all cities in Eng- 
 land operating municipal gas plants in 1897, was only seventy- 
 five cents, upon which price the municipalities netted eighteen 
 and one-third cents profit, making the gas cost the consumer 
 only fifty-six cents net. 
 
 In Chicago today electric light companies charge from $105 
 to $125 per annum per arc lamp. They are empowered by law 
 to sell electric light to private consumers all over the city, while 
 the city, which can not sell light to private consumers, but can 
 only produce such light for municipal use, is producing the same 
 for $99 per lamp. 
 
 The city of Detroit is producing the same light for $61 per 
 are light ; Aurora, Illinois, for $50 ; Elgin, Illinois, for $50, and 
 Bay City, Michigan, for $52. 
 
 In Chicago today the shortest ride a man can take on the 
 street car costs him five cents, and then he rides a great part of 
 the way hanging to a strap, most of the time in a dirty car, and 
 always during the rush hours, jammed, jostled and jolted about 
 in a manner that is irritating to his fellow passengers and inde- 
 cent to the gentler sex. 
 
 The fare paid in other great cities of the world, outside of 
 the United States, is about half of this amount. 
 
 In most other American cities a citizen is charged the same 
 price for the same reason, to-wit, because the service is in the 
 hands of private companies. 
 
 This state of facts and figures in Chicago, and this state of 
 facts and figures elsewhere in the world, has caused, is causing 
 and will cause the people of Chicago to endeavor to find the 
 
504 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 reason for this situation of affairs, this discrepancy in the cost 
 of such necessaries of life, and when the cause has been discov- 
 ered, to find a remedy. 
 
 On the threshold of this injury the people of Chicago have 
 discovered that all these public utilities furnished to the citizens 
 of the city of Chicago are owned and operated by private cor- 
 porations, organized and conducted for private gain. 
 
 On stepping over the threshold into the vestibule of the inves- 
 tigation they have also found that in all the cities above men- 
 tioned, where public utilities were furnished at a cheaper price, 
 these public utilities were being owned and operated by the pub- 
 lic — in other words, by the municipalities themselves. 
 
 Must or must we not conclude that the difference in owner- 
 ship and operation is the cause of the wide discrepancy in tho 
 cost of these absolutely essential necessaries of life to the resi- 
 dents of cities? 
 
 This is the subject for consideration by j^ou and me today. 
 
 If it be found upon investigation that in Chicago and other 
 cities where these public utilities are furnished by private per- 
 sons or corporations, the prices charged for the same are higher 
 than they are in a few^ other large cities, where these utilities are 
 furnished by public corporations, it might appear upon investi- 
 gation that the different prices result from many and various 
 causes. 
 
 But if we find upon investigation that private corporations 
 in different parts of the world and under varying conditions 
 nearly always charge more than public corporations for the same 
 service, we must conclude that private corporations charge exor- 
 bitant prices, and that it is to the interest of the public to place 
 the production of their utilities in the hands of the public 
 authorities. 
 
 xVccording to the official report of the American consul in 
 Liverpool, now on file in Washington, dated Mav 19, 1902, we 
 find: 
 
 "There are now in Great Britain 931 municipalities ow^ning 
 waterworks; 99 owning the street railways; 240 owning the gas 
 works; and 181 supplying electricity. IMunieipalities were not 
 allowed to work tramways until 1896. It is estimated that half 
 the gas users in England use municipal gas." 
 
 Among the municipalities owning and operating street cars 
 are cities ranging from 4,000,000 to 50,000 inhabitants. 
 
 In Germany, "Wurtemberg, Bavaria, Bulgaria, and some of 
 the Australian states all telephones are owned by the public. In 
 Switzerland nearly, if not all. of the telephone systems are owned 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 505 
 
 by niimieipalities. Many of the municipalities of Norway and 
 Sweden own their own telephone systems, and in the duchy of 
 Luxemburg the telephone system is owned and operated by the 
 duchy. In Holland the telephone system was private till 1896, 
 when the leading cities, Amsterdam and Rotterdam, secured 
 franchises for municipal plants. In France the telephone was in 
 private hands till 1899, when the government took possession and 
 reduced rates. Austria and Belgium began with private ex- 
 changes and afterward adopted public ownership. In Denmark 
 the government in 1898 assumed control of the telephone busi- 
 ness, reserving the power to tix rates, and in England there is 
 a decided movement from private to public ownership. 
 
 ]\Iunicipa,l ownership and operation is now practically in 
 force in the following great cities of Great Britain : 
 
 London (in part) Glasgow liceds 
 
 Southampton Nottingham Liverpool 
 
 Hull Bradford Blackburn 
 
 Aberdeen Sheffield Huddersfield 
 
 nearly all of wiiich cities have a population of from 100.000 to 
 over a million. 
 
 In Milan, Italy, a city of a half million, the city owns its 
 gas works and railways, and has a joint interest with the private 
 corporation in the net proceeds of the company. In Saxony the 
 gas plant is owned by the public. In Great Britain over 60 per 
 cent of all the gas consumers are served by publicly owned com- 
 panies. Birmingham, Glasgow, Manchester, Leicester, Notting- 
 ham, etc., own their own gas works. 
 
 Let us now examine and see what are the prices charged 
 in these different countries for the public utilities when furnished 
 by public corporations : 
 
 TELEPHONES. 
 
 Telephone charges in the United States are three times the 
 government tariff in England, and also three times the charges 
 permitted by the government in France. 
 
 In Trondhjem, Norway, with 780 exchange lines, the average 
 rental was $13.25 a year per 'phone. Subscribers speak to eleven 
 towns, within a radius of fifty miles, for five minutes for five 
 cents. 
 
 Stockholm has an average of $20 per 'phone, and communi- 
 cation within a radius of forty-three miles. The Bell company, 
 bought out by the government, charged $44 for the same service. 
 
506 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 The public telephone of the duchy of Luxemburg (forty-four by 
 thirty miles) makes a uniform yearly charge of $16 for each 
 'phone, and each subscriber can talk all over the duclij^ 
 
 In Switzerland, which has an excellent system (metallic cir- 
 cuit), the cities make a moderate charge of $8, plus one cent for 
 each call. In Zurich and other cities the average total rate is $15 
 per 'phone per year. 
 
 In Sweden there are 160 cooperative telephone exchanges, 
 and the average of their charges is $10 per 'phone per year. 
 
 GAS. 
 
 In England, wherever municipal ownership has been estab- 
 lished, the cost of gas is considerably less than wdiere the gas is 
 furnished by private companies. 
 
 The private companies operating in Glasgow, before the same 
 were purchased by the municipality, charged consumers $1 per 
 thousand feet, while the municipal company now being operated 
 by the city of Glasgow charges 52 cents per thousand. 
 
 Private gas companies in England are now charging ninety 
 cents per thousand, and publicly owned companies charge from 
 fifty-two to eighty cents per thousand. 
 
 The private gas company or companies in the city of Chi- 
 cago, as we all know, charge $1 per thousand for gas, and in 
 manj^ cities of the United States private gas companies charge 
 considerably more. 
 
 It may be urged, however, that the difference in the price of 
 gas in American and European cities might result from the 
 increased cost of la])or, or some other reason outside of the char- 
 acter of the management. That this is not true is shown by the 
 fact that in those states of the Union where any of these public 
 utilities are furnished by both private and public companies the 
 same difference in rate prevails as those between American and 
 European cities. 
 
 Some years ago it was found upon investigation that there 
 w'ere eight private gas companies in Virginia and four municipal 
 plants. All ])ut two of the private companies charged from $2 to 
 $3 per thousand feet, and the average of the eight companies was 
 $2.11. Three of the public works charged $1.50 per thousand and 
 one of them $1.44, and the average cost to the people, operating 
 expenses and all fixed charges, was $1.17. 
 
 In AVest Virginia there were five private companies and one 
 municipal plant. One of the private companies charged $1 per 
 thousand feet, another $1.60, and the other three $2 and $2.25. 
 The public works in Wheeling charged seventy-five cents per 
 
J)UNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 507 
 
 thousand, and the total cost to the people was fifty cents, there 
 being no debt and no intere'st to pay, operating cost, depreciation 
 and taxes being the whole expense. 
 
 Of the eighty-nine private companies in Pennsylvania, 
 twenty-six charged $2 per thousand, and over fifty-five charged 
 $1.50, and only eight made a rate as low as $1. At the same time 
 the public works in Philadelphia, Pa., charged $1.50 per thousand, 
 but sixty cents of it was clear profit in the treasury above the 
 cost of operation and fixed charges, so that the people really got 
 the gas for less than $1. 
 
 In Kentucky none of the private companies sold as low as the 
 public works in Henderson, Kentucky. 
 
 In Ohio there were two public plants, one at Hamilton, which 
 supplied gas at a total of $1 per thousand (thirty cents of it 
 being interest), and the other at Bellefontaine (free of debt), 
 which supplied gas at a total cost of sixty-three cents per thou- 
 sand. Of the forty-three private companies only five made as low 
 a rate as $1. 
 
 ELECTRIC LIGHT. 
 
 AVhat is true of gas and water is also true of electric light. 
 
 While private comjjanies in Chicago are charging from $105 
 to $125 per annum per arc lamp, the following cities which 
 have municipal plants are furnishing the same light for the same 
 period at the following prices : 
 
 Bangor, ]\Ie $46 00 
 
 Lewiston, Me 52 00 
 
 Dunkirk, N. Y 53 50 
 
 West Troy, N. Y 75 00 
 
 Allegheny, Pa 57 00 
 
 Easton, Pa 95 00 
 
 Bay City, Mich '. 52 00 
 
 Detroit, I\Iich 61 50 
 
 South Park Plant, in Chicago 57 00 
 
 Aurora 111 ^ 50 00 
 
 Topeka, Kans 51 00 
 
 Little Rock, Ark 49 50 
 
 Wheeling, W. Va 57 50 
 
 Peabody, Mass 61 50 
 
 Braintree, Ma ss '. 6150 
 
 Dan vers, Mass....; 56 50 
 
 Jamestown, N. Y 49 00 
 
 South Norwalk, Conn 47 50 
 
508 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GO\^RNOR 
 
 The cit}' of Boston, Mass., is furnished electric light by a 
 private comi:)an3' which charges one ceiit per meter hour ; the city 
 of Braintree, Mass., is furnished light by a public plant Avhich 
 charges one-half cent per meter hour; Brookline, Mass., is 
 charged one cent per meter hour by a private company ; Swanton, 
 Vt., one-third cent per meter hour by a public plant. In New 
 York City the charge by a private company is one cent per meter 
 hour; Westfield, N. Y., has a public plant which charges one- 
 half cent per meter hour. The city of Philadelphia, Pa., is 
 charged three-fourths cent per meter hour by a private company, 
 and Newark, Del., three-tenths cent per meter hour by a public 
 company. In Detroit, Mich., the private electric light plant 
 charges $1 per month for each lamp; in Wyandotte, Mich., (near 
 Detroit) the charge by a public plant is sixteen and two-thirds 
 cents per month for each lamp. In Kalamazoo, Mich., citizens 
 are charged 20 cents per kilowatt by a private company ; Cold- 
 water, Mich., (near Kalamazoo), which has a public plant, 
 charges five cents per kilowatt. In Chicago, 111., the charge is one 
 cent per meter hour, and in Peru, 111., the charge made by a pul^- 
 lic company is one-half cent per meter hour. 
 
 WATERWORKS. 
 
 The same is true of waterworks in the United States. In 
 Indiana the charges made by private companies have been found 
 to be double those charged by public companies. Only nine of 
 the fifty large cities of the United States are supplied with water 
 by private companies, and only two of these companies have 
 made public their receipts and expenses. The two that have 
 made reports admit that they have earned from thirty to forty 
 per cent per annum on their capital stock. 
 
 The following statistics with relation to the rates paid for 
 water by Illinois cities will convince the most skeptical that the 
 rates charged by private companies for water are much in excess 
 of those charged by publicly owned and operated companies : 
 
 Total revenue 
 per family 
 Private water supply and ownership. per year. 
 
 Lincoln, 111 $18 00 
 
 Mt. Vernon, 111 10 00 
 
 Effingham, 111 '. 5 50 
 
 Alton, 111 4 33 1.3 
 
 Sterlin g. 111 8 70 
 
 Kankakee, 111 7 90 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 509 
 
 Total revenue 
 per family 
 Private water supply and ownership. per year. 
 
 Chillicothe, 111 ' ; $ 9 80 
 
 Cairo, 111 10 66 2-3 
 
 Oak Park, 111 20 00 
 
 $94 90 
 General average $10 54 
 
 Total revenue 
 per family 
 Public water supply and OAvnersliip. per year. 
 
 Moline, 111 !. $4 50 
 
 Taylorville, 111 4 50 
 
 Savanna, 111 2 00 
 
 Lexington, 111 3 00 
 
 Elgin, lU 3 00 
 
 La Salle, 111 4 50 
 
 Evanston, 111 _ 6 40 
 
 Rock Island, 111 5 33 
 
 Aurora, 111 _ „ _ 4 00 
 
 $37 20 
 General average $4 13 
 
 What is true of gas plants, electric light plants, waterworks 
 and telephones is also true of street railways : 
 
 STREET RAILWAYS. 
 
 The street car fare paid in the United States, where private 
 ownership prevails, we all kno^v to be five cents a ride, whether it 
 be short or long, which is more than double what is paid to mu- 
 nicipal street ear companies in Europe, as will be apparent from 
 the following table : 
 
 Town. Population. 
 
 Milan 440,000 
 
 Berlin 1,800,000 
 
 Budapest 500,000 
 
 London 4,000,000 
 
 Belfast 256,000 
 
 Glasgow 840,000 
 
 Fare. 
 1 and 2 cents 
 
 Average Fare. 
 1 . 8 cents. 
 3.0 
 
 2.7 
 2.5 
 2.2 
 
 cents, 
 cents, 
 cents, 
 cents. 
 
 1.78 cents. 
 
 The principal street car companies in Chicago are capitalized 
 and bonded for one hundred and seventeen millions of dollars. 
 The value of their tangible property is shown by Mr. Arnold's 
 
510 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 recent report to bo less than twenty-seven million dollars. Until 
 recently they have been paying interest and dividends upon their 
 total bonds and capitalization. 
 
 In other words, they have been compelling the citizens of 
 Chicago to pay them five per cent dividends upon ninety millions 
 of dollars of stock which has no tangible property behind it, and 
 which has not been invested in the railroads, but which is the 
 value placed by these companies upon the charters given to them 
 by the very people out of whom they are squeezing this extor- 
 tionate income. 
 
 A consideration of the foregoing figures must convince the 
 most skeptical that private companies that are furnishing water, 
 gas, electric light and street railway transportation, both in this 
 country and in Europe, are charging exorbitant prices for these 
 commodities, and much more than is charged for the same by 
 publicly owned companies. 
 
 This cannot be the result of mismanagement by private com- 
 panies and efficient management by public companies, for it has 
 always been claimed, and I think it will be conceded, even by ad- 
 vocates of public ownership, that the wages paid by publicly 
 owned companies are always higher than those paid by private 
 companies, and that the publicly owned companies are not man- 
 aged with the same stringent economy that is characteristic of 
 private ownership, where every attention is paid, even to the 
 minutest detail, in order to decrease the cost of production. It 
 must then result solely and exclusively from the fact that private 
 companies, in their anxiety to swell the dividends of their stock- 
 holders, charge the public more than is reasonably necessary for 
 the pecuniary success of these enterprises, and charge such rates 
 as can safely be called "extortion." 
 
 The interest of the private companies is solely to make big 
 dividends for their stockholders ; the interest of the public com- 
 panies is mainly to furnish the utilities to the public as cheaply 
 and efficiently as possible, consistent with successful management 
 of the enterprise. The spirit wdiich actuates the former companies 
 is that of private gain ; the spirit which actuates the latter com- 
 panies is the public good. The motive controlling the former com- 
 panies is selfishness ; the motive that actuates the public companies 
 is altruistic. 
 
 But it has been said by those who oppose municipal owner- 
 ship and operation that the service rendered by the public cor- 
 poration^ is not as efficient or as satisfactory as the service ren- 
 dered by the private corporations. This objection has been made 
 most insistently by one of the papers of this city. This paper, 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 511 
 
 not content with defensive arguments in support of private own- 
 ership, for reasons best known to its owners and proprietors, 
 seems to have had a severe attack of hysteria whenever the sub- 
 ject of mmiicipal OAvnership is mentioned or advocated. It de- 
 nounces the advocates of municipal ownership, and particularly 
 myself, as a Socialist and lunatic. Let us see whether these 
 claims made by the enemies of municipal ownership, and this 
 paper in particular, are true or false. 
 
 The American Consul at Liverpool, England, in his report, 
 dated May 19, 1902, declares : 
 
 "Liverpool is one of the foremost cities in municipal social- 
 ism. It owns the waterworks (one of the best systems in the 
 world) ; it operates the street cars; it supplies the electric light 
 and power ; it has one of the largest and best public bath systems 
 anyAvhere, and proposes to erect the finest Turkish bath in 
 Europe. ' ' 
 
 The London correspondent of the New York Tribvuie has been 
 investigating the government and varied industries of Notting- 
 ham, and he sends the following report to his paper : 
 
 "Good local government is the chief glory of modern Eng- 
 land and cannot be too highly extolled, and the great distinguish- 
 ing features of English local government into enterprises which 
 in this country are, for the most part, carefully kept in private 
 hands, who overlook no opportunity to plunder, and dupe and 
 befog citizens. 
 
 ' ' Nottingham, a city of 240,000 people, owns its own markets, 
 cemeteries, waterworks, gas and electric light service and street 
 railways, and while giving the people very low rates it has been 
 able to turn into the treasury within five years $720,000 as net 
 profit, after payment of interest on purchase debts, payments to 
 sinking funds and liberal allowances for depreciation. This profit 
 serves to reduce the tax rates materially. But while profit for, 
 tax reduction is secured, it is not the sole or the greater object of 
 the city in conducting these enterprises. The collective interests 
 of the community are mainly considered — the advantage of the 
 common people considered apart from their liability as taxpayers. 
 
 "Water, for example, is furnished to tenements of low rental 
 at not exceeding 42 cents per quarter year, and still the Avorks are 
 made to yield a small profit to the public treasury. The charge 
 for municipal gas ranges from 28 to 34 cents per 1,000 cubic feet, 
 and electric light and poAver service is correspondingly Ioav. " 
 
 In speaking of the public utilities in LIa' erpool, the American 
 Consul says : 
 
512 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 "Liverpool boasts of having oue of the best railroad systems, 
 not only in Great Britain, but in Europe. The corporation got 
 control of the system in September, 1897, and has substituted elec- 
 tric for horse cars. ' ' 
 
 The same consul, in the same report, speaks of his observa- 
 tions with reference to the operation of public utilities by the 
 public throughout the kingdom, and concludes his report by 
 saying : 
 
 "Two observations are appropriate to be made in conclu- 
 sion. Speaking generally, municipal government in Great Britain 
 is honest, intelligent and energetic ; and as a rule politics has 
 but little to do with the engagement or retention of civic em- 
 ployees." 
 
 Who should know most about the ownership and operation 
 of public utilities? The editor in Chicago, who expresses views 
 pursuant to orders given him by men who live in Chicago, or the 
 American Consul who for years past has been on the ground 
 and seen with his own eyes how these matters are managed "^ 
 
 It has been, however, contended by the enemies of municipal 
 ownership that the city of Chicago will be unable to undertake 
 municipal ownership and operation of street cars or other public 
 utilities, because of the fact that the city of Chicago is indebted 
 to the full constitutional limitation of indebtedness ; has no money 
 on hand wuth which to construct or purchase such utilities; and 
 cannot borrow same by reason of the constitutional provision 
 that "No city shall be allowed to become indebted in any manner, 
 or for any purpose, to any amount, including existing indebted- 
 ness, in the aggregate exceeding five per centum of the taxable 
 property therein." 
 
 It is conceded that the city is noAV indebted to the constitu- 
 tional limit. 
 
 Notwithstanding this concession as to the amount of the in- 
 •debtedness, there is no force in the contention. The city of Chi- 
 cago need not obligate itself or its citizens, nor pledge its prop- 
 erty or the property of its citizens, nor tax them or their property 
 to the extent of a single dollar, to enable it to acquire a complete 
 system of street railways, or a gas, electric light or telephone 
 plant, adequate to the use of its citizens. 
 
 By agreeing to turn over to contractors or money lenders the 
 prospective income from a street car system, a gas, electric light 
 or telephone plant, to be erected, until the contract price for the 
 construction of the same is paid, with six per cent interest there- 
 on, without obligating itself personally to pay anything, the city 
 can easily find contractors or money lenders to advance the money 
 for such construction. Nay, more, I have no hesitation in saying 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 513 
 
 that if the present street car companies were offered a price which 
 was satisfactory to them they would willingly accept the receipts 
 (street car fares at present rates) as security for the purchase 
 price. They maj^ deny it now, but, mark my prediction, they 
 will offer to do so before the street car problem is settled in this 
 city. 
 
 Why do I make this assertion with so much confidence? 
 
 First. Because such a pledge of prospective receipts would be 
 essentially the same, or better, security than has enabled them in 
 the past to bond and stock their companies on the stock exchanges 
 for four times their intrinsic value. 
 
 The different traction companies in this city, in negotiating 
 their stocks and bonds, have given no outside securities. The 
 names of these companies, and these alone, are signed to their 
 stocks and bonds. Consequently only the property of these com- 
 panies is liable for the payment of these obligations. What does 
 this property consist of ? Their tangible property, worth only one- 
 fourth of the aggregate of these liabilities, and their franchises 
 which at no time extend beyond twenty years. 
 
 They have raised all the money they need on such security. 
 Now the city of Chicago, without personally obligating itself, can 
 give constructing contractors or money lenders better security, 
 to-wit : The tangible, real and personal property, which will be 
 acquired and used in operating the plant, and the receipts from 
 the operation of the system, not limited to twenty years, but un- 
 limited in time, until the cost of the plant, and all interest there- 
 on, is fully paid. If four times the value of the tangible property 
 has been raised here in Chicago within a few years past by private 
 companies, which can only pledge these receipts for less than 
 ' twenty years, can it be seriously contended that one-half of that 
 amount (which will be more than adequate for all purposes) can- 
 not be raised by the city on a pledge of the same tangible prop- 
 erty and a pledge of the receipts unlimited in time'^ 
 
 TO DENY IT IS ABSURD. 
 
 Second. I assert that that money can be raised on this pledge, 
 and this alone, because it has been done before. 
 
 I have been informed that municipal companies have been 
 financed in many cities in Europe in just this manner. I can 
 specifically refer to one case upon such respectable authority as 
 the Lord Provost of Glasgow. 
 
 In a report made by that gentleman in 1901, on pages 9 and 
 10, will be found the following statement : 
 
514 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 "The companies (gas companies purchased by the city of 
 Glasgow) held two kinds of stock, one entitled to a maximum 
 dividend of 10 per cent, and the other 7 per cent. Under the cor- 
 porations act, holders of the former received perpetual annuities 
 of 9 per cent, and of the latter, 6% per cent, these annuities being 
 secured by a lien on the gas works, on the revenue derived from 
 the manufacture of gas, and by a guarantee rate of 6 pence on 
 the pound per year leviable from the inhabitants of Glasgow in 
 respect of rental." 
 
 In other words, the city of Glasgow pledged for the payment 
 of the purchase price of the gas works, the plant and its receipts, 
 and guaranteed that each house renting for one pound sterling 
 would pay, as gas rent, 6 pence, or, in American money, that each 
 house renting for $40 per month would pay a gas bill each month 
 of$l. 
 
 If the conservative and canny Scot is satisfied Avith such 
 security, why should not the more conservative American 
 financier? 
 
 It has, however, been asserted by a Chicago paper, and other 
 enemies of municipal ownership in this city, that the scheme of 
 pledging the prospective plant and receipts of a municipal plant 
 has been declared- by our Supreme Court to be unconstitutional. 
 The case they rely upon, and the only one they have cited, to my 
 knowledge, is the "City of Joliet vs. Alexander," 194 111., 460, de- 
 cided in February, 1902. 
 
 I have read and reread that case, and can say with confidence 
 that it does not declare the scheme suggested unconstitutional or 
 illegal. In that case the city of Joliet had an existing water plant 
 of large intrinsic value, from which it was deriving a net income, 
 over all expenses, of $10,000 a year. For the purpose of extending 
 this plant the city passed an ordinance providing for the issuance 
 of $240,000 worth of water certificates, pledging as security for 
 the payment of the same the existing waterworks owned by the 
 city, and all the receipts from said plant, present and prospective. 
 In other words, it made the then existing city propert.y and in- 
 come subject to mortgage, and liable to be taken from the city 
 upon foreclosure. 
 
 In passing upon the state of facts the court said : ' ' One who 
 pawns or pledges his property and who will lose his property if 
 he does not pay is indebted, although the creditor has nothing 
 but the security of the property, and so also is a mortgagor, who 
 is liable to lose his property if he does not pay the money secured 
 by the mortgage." 
 
 The court dwells upon the fact that the pledge was not for 
 purchase money, but a pledge upon existing property and income 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 515 
 
 then existing and then the property of the city ; but lest it might 
 be construed as holding that a city might not acquire property 
 then owned by it, and pledging the property so acquired for the 
 purchase price, the court uses the following language: 
 
 "What is said relative to mortgaging property owned by the 
 city, or pledging its existing income, is not intended to apply to 
 a mortgage purely in the nature of a purchase money mortgage, 
 payable wholly out of the income of property purchased, or by 
 resort to such property purchased." 
 
 The use of the language just quoted was unnecessary to the 
 determination of the case, but the court seemed anxious to place 
 itself on record as refusing to hold that a city could not pledge a 
 plant about to be purchased, and the prospective income thereof, 
 as the sole security for the purchase price of same. 
 
 . The Alexander case strongly supports the validity and con- 
 stitutionality of the scheme I have heretofore suggested. 
 
 I therefore confidently assert on the authority of the Alex- 
 ander case that the city of Chicago can, as is proposed by the 
 Mueller Bill, issue certificates, payable only out of the prospective 
 receipts of the street car system and the property acquired, with- 
 out the city obligating itself to the amount of one dollar, and that 
 such certificates can be readily negotiated. 
 
 The only other objection that I have heard urged to the 
 scheme of municipal ownership is that it will build up a great 
 political machine; that every man employed upon a municipal 
 system would be a political striker, owing his position to a politi- 
 cal boss or machine, and that the aim of such an employe would 
 be to please his political sponsor rather than to give efficient 
 service to the public. 
 
 There would be considerable force in this objection if it were 
 proposed to operate such enterprise independent of the civil 
 service law of the city. 
 
 But no advocate of municipal ownership is making any such 
 suggestion. On the contrary, every advocate of municipal own- 
 ership and operation demands that a rigid civil service provision 
 should be incorporated in every such ordinance. All employes of 
 a street car system owned and operated by a city would fall with- 
 in the provisions of the present civil service law. 
 
 The friends of municipal ownership and control are the 
 friends of civil service. They know that, without civil service, 
 municipal ownership and control cannot be efficient or satisfac- 
 tory. They know that where municipal operation has been put in 
 force it has been accomplished by a civil service system. They 
 know the Federal post-office system has been successful under the 
 civil service. They know that the Chicago water office sj^stem has 
 
516 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 been successful under the civil service, and they are informed in 
 the words of Consul Boyle that "Municipal government in Great 
 Britain (where municipal operation and civil service prevail) is 
 honest, intelligent and energetic; and as a rule politics has but 
 little to do with the engagement or retention of civic employes." 
 
 As a matter of fact, the public has more to fear from political 
 intrigue and bossism under private than under public manage- 
 ment. Most of the great scandals that have disgraced the public 
 life of American officials have been the result of bribery on the 
 part of private companies. 
 
 Who was responsible for the scandals connected with the 
 notorious Allen and Humphrey bills? Who was responsible for 
 the gas consolidation infamy? Who secured the corrupt legisla- 
 tion in the city council of St. Louis, which has landed'many of its 
 aldermen in the penitentiary? Who secured for the Philadelphian 
 council of aldermen in the past, and the common council of New 
 York in the days of Jake Sharp, a reputation that is a stench in 
 the nostrils- of the people? 
 
 PRIVATE COMPANIES OR PRIVATE INTERESTS. 
 
 In a word, private corporations or interests, seeking to obtain 
 from the public new grants or extensions of old grants, have been 
 the moving cause, and have furnished the corruption funds for 
 nearly every scandal that has disgraced Congresses, State Legis- 
 latures and Municipal Councils in America from the days of the 
 Credit Mobilier down to the days of St. Louis boodle. 
 
 Within a few years back we have loiown aldermen and legis- 
 lators in this city who have become unaccountably rich while in 
 office, and while they have found it impossible to place their 
 friends in the water office since the institution of civil service, 
 they have found no difficulty in placing scores of them on the 
 street cars and in the gas plants of the city. 
 
 At the last session of the Legislature, the people succeeded, in 
 spite of open opposition and secret intrigue, in spite of the plot- 
 ting of boodlers and the scheming of traction interests, in having 
 a bill passed under the terms of which, for the first time in the 
 history of this State, cities and municipalities were empowered, 
 under certain terms and conditions, to own and operate street 
 ears. This bill is popularly known as tlie Mueller bill. 
 
 The bill is not an ideal bill ; it is not the bill that was formu- 
 lated and presented to the Legislature by the friends of municipal 
 ownership; it has many defects incorporated into it by the cor- 
 ruption and intrigue of political machinery; but none the less it 
 is a bill under which the people of the city of Chicago today, if 
 
DUNNE JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 517 
 
 they assert their rights and are firm and insistent upon them, can 
 acquire, own and operate street cars for the public good. 
 
 The greatest danger to l^e apprehended to the people is not 
 from the Mueller bill, but from the ordinances which may be 
 framed under it, giving certain rights to private companies. If 
 the people are watchful and vigilant, they can prevent the pass- 
 age in the city council of any ordinance which wall be detrimental 
 to the public interests. The main object achieved by the passage 
 of the Mueller bill was the granting to the city of the power to 
 own and oi^erate, or own or operate street cars. This it does 
 clearly and unequivocally, and better still, it enables the city, 
 once this bill is adopted by the people, to acquire street car sys- 
 tems by condemnation. In other words, it empowers the city 
 which desires to own and operate public utilities, to condemn the 
 property and franchises of existing companies and, under the 
 eminent domain act, hale them into court and compel them to 
 surrender their property at its fair cash value to the people. 
 
 Today the living question put to the people is as to whether 
 or not they Avill adopt the Mueller bill. By its very terms it can- 
 not become operative unless adopted hy the people of this city 
 by popular vote. I have no hesitation, as a friend of municipal 
 ownership, in advising the people of this city to vote and work for 
 its immediate adoption, and I earnestly hope that every citizen 
 who has the interest of the public at heart in this community, 
 will do everj^thing possible within his power within the next few 
 weeks to bring about the adoption of the Mueller bill. This 
 should be the first aim and ambition of the citizens of this city. 
 In my opinion unless this bill be adopted next April by the people 
 of this city by a decisively affirmative popular vote, the traction 
 corporation of this city within the next few months wnll have this 
 city bound hand and foot for the next forty years by ordinances 
 passed by the common council. 
 
 The object sought by the Mueller bill is to place the city in a 
 position where it can own and operate, or own or operate its own 
 street cars. Five-sixths of the people have recently demanded 
 it by popular vote; the city council demanded it and appointed a 
 municipal ownership committee with instructions to draft a bill 
 for that purpose. This committee submitted such bill to the 
 Legislature for passage. Both of the great political parties pro- 
 fessed themselves in favor of the Mueller bill during the last 
 mayoralty campaign, and through their candidates for mayoralty 
 appointed a joint committee to go to Springfield to urge its pass- 
 age. Overwhelming public sentiment, by brute strength, forced 
 it down the Speaker's throat, through the Senate and out of the 
 
518 • DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 Governor's office a law — but a law to take effect only when ap- 
 proved by popular vote in this city. 
 
 Now, what has taken place since the passage of this law? 
 
 First. An ordinance providing for the submission of the law 
 to popular vote, as required by the Mueller bill, was allowed to 
 sleep in a committee of the common council for months, and was 
 only dragged out of the committee and put upon passage by per- 
 sistent outside pressure and a storm of popular protest. 
 
 Second. Instead of the council busymg itseif with preparing 
 ordinances for submission to the people as to whether they desired 
 to own and operate or own or operate their street railways under 
 the provisions of the Mueller bill, the committee on transporta- 
 tion got very busy and worked incessantly after the passage of 
 the Mueller bill, in preparing an ordinance to extend the franchise 
 of the Chicago City Raihvay Company ostensibly for twenty years, 
 but which in reality would effectively and summarily defeat the 
 whole object and aim of the Mueller bill for from twenty to forty 
 years. In so doing this committee brazenly and openly defied 
 public opinion as expressed at the polls, recanting the position of 
 the council itself when it recommended to the Legislature the 
 passage of the municipal ownership bill, repudiated the demands 
 made upon the Legislature by both political parties and all the 
 candidates for the mayoralty, and did everything in its power to 
 perpetuate the system of private owuiership and defeat the system 
 of public ownership demanded by the people at the polls. What- 
 ever may have been the motives of the members of this committee, 
 honest or dishonest ; whatever may have been their private char- 
 acters, honorable or dishonorable, in drafting this ordinance, 
 which would kill public ownership from twenty to forty years 
 and nullify the Mueller bill, they proved recreant to the wishes 
 and demands of their constituents, the people of the city of Chi- 
 cago, and they have no right to complain if the people, discovering 
 no excuse for their action in preparing this ordinance, or any 
 ordinance which kills the municipal OAvnership for from twenty 
 to forty years, regard their conduct with suspicion and indig- 
 nation. 
 
 In the situation confronting the people of this community at 
 the pi'esent time the following program should be adopted and 
 pushed forward by everj'- possible means : 
 
 First. Above all, the Mueller bill should be adopted at the 
 polls next April. 
 
 Second. All negotiations with the traction companies which 
 have for their avowed purpose the killing of municipal owner- 
 ship for from twenty to forty years, should be immediately sus- 
 pended. 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 519 
 
 Third, Until the people are empowered by purchase, con- 
 demnation or otherwise, to acquire and operate their own street 
 cars, the city council should pass a license ordinance, licensing 
 street cars in the same way as they license drays, cabs, trucks and 
 other vehicles; or, it should grant short extensions, preserving the 
 present status between the city and the present companies, for 
 a period not to exceed three months at a time, until the city is in 
 a position to take over the street car systems by purchase or 
 condemnation. 
 
 Fourth. If the present companies refuse to place a reason- 
 able price upon their properties for purchase by the city, the city 
 should commence, immediately after the adoption of the Mueller 
 bill, condemnation proceedings under it, to fix the value of the 
 properties of these companies. 
 
 Fifth. After the value of the same is fixed in a condemna- 
 tion proceedings, the question should be submitted to the people 
 as to whether or not they desire to acquire the property of these 
 companies at the price fixed in the condemnation proceedings, and 
 if they vote in the aJBfirmativfe, then. 
 
 Sixth. The city should advertise the sale of street car certifi- 
 cates, pursuant to the terms of the Mueller bill, for an amount 
 sufficient to purchase these properties at the price fixed by the 
 condemnation proceedings, and ten per cent in addition thereto, 
 as proA'ided in the Mueller bill, to cover operating expenses, bear- 
 ing interest at five per cent, with a guarantee that a five-cent fare 
 will be retained until all of said certificates, with interest thereon, 
 shall be paid in full. 
 
 All of these steps can be taken successfully, in my opinion, 
 under the provisions of the Mueller bill, and I have not the least 
 doubt that, if such certificates, bearing such interest, with the 
 guarantee above mentioned, were offered to the investing public, 
 large financial syndicates would purchase these certificates with- 
 in ninety days after their issuance. Such certificates w^ould give 
 not only as good but better security than has been given by the 
 traction companies to investors in the past. The tangible prop- 
 erty of these companies in 1883 was worth less than twenty-seven 
 million dollars, and, yet with no security but this tangible prop- 
 erty worth twenty-seven million dollars and a franchise for twenty 
 years given them by the city of Chicago, permitting them to charge 
 nickel fares, the gentlemen who own and control these companies 
 were able to capitalize the stocks and bonds of these companies at 
 one hundred and seventeen million dollars. In other words, the 
 value of the franchise for twenty years was worth the difference 
 between $27,000,000 and $117,Oo6,obO— $90,000,000. 
 
520 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 If they succeeded in capitalizing these franchises for that sum 
 in 1883, when the city had not over 700,000 inhabitants, what 
 would such a franchise be worth today in a city of 2,000,000 in- 
 habitants? I have not the least possible doubt that they would be 
 worth at least $200,000,000. Yet this enormous capitalization of 
 ninety million over and above the value of the tangible property 
 of the companies was made solely and exclusively upon the 
 tangible property and the franchises of twenty years. No surety 
 company or individual guaranteed these stocks and bonds; they 
 were secured alone upon the tangible property and the franchise 
 for twenty years. 
 
 Today the city of Chicago will be able to offer as security for 
 the payment of its street car certificates not only the same security, 
 to-wit, the tangible street car property acquired by it, but a fran- 
 chise not for twenty years, but unlimited in time. In other words, 
 in addition to the tangible property the city will pledge itself, 
 without limit of time, to charge nickel fares until said street car 
 certificates and the interest thereon are paid in full. 
 
 Inside of ten years, if not less, in' my judgment, all these street 
 car certificates can be paid in full, and the people, then owning 
 their own plant, can proceed to reduce fares to the lowest possible 
 cost, as has been done in all the great cities of England and in a 
 great many of the great cities of Germany, Austro-Hungary, Aus- 
 tralia and Italy. 
 
 If these successive steps are taken the money can and will 
 be raised to purchase the street car systems of this city, and the 
 present companies can be paid therefor, as above stated; then 
 additional street car certificates can be issued to remodel and mod- 
 ernize the street car systems to meet the present demands of the 
 public. 
 
 Care should be taken, moreover, in the passage of any or- 
 dinance providing for the acquisition of street car lines and the 
 operation of the same by the municipality, that all employes should 
 come within the terms of the civil service law, and the provisions 
 of the civil service law should be enforced in the most rigid and 
 effective manner. 
 
 If these steps be taken by the people I am confident that within 
 a reasonably short time the city of Chicago will be able to own 
 and operate the street car system with the same satisfaction to the 
 public, both from the standpoint of economy and efficiency, as has 
 been experienced by the great cities of England, where, after a test 
 of at least ten years, it has found to have worked a wonderful 
 reform. 
 
 Efficient service will be rendered; economic charges will be 
 made ; corruption of the common council will cease ; and the boodler 
 and bribe giver will vanish from the land. 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 521 
 
 Corruption of public officials, the stealing of public property, 
 favoritism in the selection of employes, strikes, inefficient service, 
 exorbitant charges and insolence toward and defiance of the public 
 has marked the history of private management of public utilities 
 in Chicago, and elsewhere in America. 
 
 The people have called a halt. The demand of the people to 
 place a check upon public corruption b}' and with the referendum, 
 at first feeble and unheeded, has swelled into a roar whose reverber- 
 ations are heard in the council chambers of the land, as well as 
 in the temples of finance. 
 
 In my judgment the people are in no condition to be longer 
 trifled with ; no longer will they be despoiled and flouted as they 
 have been in the past, and the legislator, councilman or alderman 
 who remains deaf to the cry of the people and heedless to the 
 popular demand for municipal ownership and the referendum, may 
 as well prepare for sepulture under a stone upon which will be 
 Avritten the epitaph: "HE SERVED THE CORPORATIONS— 
 NOT THE PEOPLE." 
 
522 DUNXE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 WORDS OF CHEER AND HELP TO 
 THE IMPRISONED. 
 
 Address to Eeformatory Boys, January 19, 1914, 
 
 Bo3"s, as Chief Executive of the great State of Illinois, it be- 
 comes one of the duties incumbent upon that position to inquire 
 personally into the operation of some of its great institutions. I 
 have always conceived that duty to rest upon the Governor. 
 During the first year of my incumbency in that office, my time was 
 so taken up with legislative matters and in attending to the busi- 
 ness growing out of the same that I could not find time to take 
 up this work. I have now reached the' place where, in my 
 official capacity, I hope to visit every institution, and I have 
 chosen the Illinois State Reformatory as the place for my first 
 inspection. The reason is this : Having been blessed of God 
 with eight sons, five of whom are still living, I am naturally in- 
 tensely interested in boys, and particularly in boys and young 
 men who, by reason of having broken the laws of the State 
 of Illinois, are in confinement. 
 
 I believe that the name of this institution is "svell bestowed; 
 that the name "Reformatory" is the proper name, in that it 
 stands for a new departure on the part of those who, having gone 
 wrong, should be given a fresh start in life and citizenship. This 
 institution is founded for reform and not for vengeance. 
 
 You know, boys, that you have gone wrong in your conduct 
 outside of this institution. You know that you come here be- 
 cause of the wrong things you have done outside, and that the 
 law says you must be deprived of your liberty. Do not come 
 here with the idea that the law is unjust in this. Laws are neces- 
 sary for the regulation and .protection of society. There must 
 be — and are — such laws in every civilized land. There is not a 
 single nation on the face of the earth called civilized where such 
 laws are not enforced. Unfortunately, you have done something 
 to break these laws. This is true of probably 99 out of every 
 100 boys here. This I am sure you vrill admit to be a fact, and 
 that the matter of your guilt or innocence, so far as you each are 
 concerned, Avas fairly decided in court. Our tribunals a're con- 
 ducted upon the principles and elements of righteousness. 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 523 
 
 Doubtless many of the reasons which led you into the trouble 
 which brought you here have arisen from unfortunate conditions 
 in your youth. Many here have been deprived of the guidance 
 of fathers and mothers, who would otherwise have guarded and 
 guided you in such a way as to haA'^e made it forever impossible 
 for you to have come here. Some of you have doubtless come here 
 through the environments into which you have fallen, where you 
 were induced to commit these infractions of the law. But noTT 
 that you are here, I do not want you to neglect anything which 
 will forward the efforts which are being and Avill be made to 
 accomplish your reform. Are you willing to do your part to 
 make good records and go out clean boys? We are sincerely 
 anxious to get you started right in life. Are you willing to help 
 us in our work for you, and so enable us to graduate you from 
 this institution with honor to yourselves and to the State? We 
 are going to do everything in our poAver to succeecT in this re- 
 spect. To this end you will be regarded by the officers placed 
 over you as human beings, with a good measure of intelligence, 
 and as boys with souls that need help. 
 
 In looking over the faces in this place, as I went through, I 
 can frankly say I would not have felt myself in a reform school, 
 did I not know such to be the fact, but that I was visiting a 
 place where free business was being carried on and free labor 
 being employed. I am much impressed with what I have seen 
 here and I feel confident you will so conduct yourselves while here 
 that we may finally send you forth into the world once more 
 to earn an honorable living and to become worthy citizens. 
 
524 DUNXE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 ^THE FORTY-EIGHTH GENERAL 
 ASSEMBLY." 
 
 Address to the Chicago Bar Association, January 21, 191-4. 
 Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen: 
 
 After sixteen years of Republican control of the Illinois 
 Legislature, the Fortj^-eighth General Assembly convened last 
 January with a small plurality of Democrats, elected to both 
 Houses, but without a majority. The conditions, under which 
 previous Assemblies convened, were absent, and after much 
 delay, a Speaker w^as finally elected. For weeks the State offi- 
 cers were prevented from taking the oath of office and assuming 
 the duties for wdiich they had been elected by the people. 
 
 In mv inaugural message, I urged upon the Assembly certain 
 legislative steps wdiich I deemed necessary for the welfare of the 
 commomvealth, and that I had advocated during the campaign 
 previous to my election. Most of these measures met with the 
 approval of the Legislature, but among the most important that 
 I recommended, to w^hich it failed to respond, "ivas the passing 
 of the initiative and referendum law, and a law for the abolition 
 of the State Board of Equalization. 
 
 For more than eight years the voters of this State have been 
 insistently demanding the right to initiate legislation and to veto 
 legislation by use of the referendum. Twice at the ballot box 
 they had declared for these measures. The ratio for and against 
 w^as approximately five to one. When the bill which pro vi dec" 
 the necessary change in the Constitution that would make the 
 initiative and referendum a law, had passed the Senate and was 
 before the House, the required votes, namely, one hundred two, 
 were secured. Whereupon, Representative Kilens changed his 
 vote to the negative, thereby repudiating his party pledges, and 
 voted against the mandate of the people of the State and of his 
 own district. This was patent to him and tliose who sought its 
 defeat. The action staggered the members Avho believed in rep- 
 resentative government and paralyzed the efforts of thousands of 
 good citizens wdio for years had labored to bring about this 
 great reform. 
 
 For years, those of you who are acquainted with the revenue 
 laws of our State, know that valuations in the past have not been 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 525 
 
 assessed along just or scieutifie lines. Corporations have been 
 favored, and obtained privileges, denied to the small business men 
 and the poor people of the State. The measure that would abol- 
 ish the State Board of Equalization passed the House, but the 
 Senate saw fit to bury the matter so deep in the committee that it 
 was never resurrected. The abolition of this board had been 
 demanded by the three parties in their respective jdatforms. It 
 had been recommended by a Republican Governor, as well as. 
 myself. Its farcical work and secret methods should have been 
 abolished, and in its stead created a commission that would in- 
 telligently inquire into the tax laws of the State, prescribing 
 new forms for assessment returns and reports and securing all 
 schedules and information which would help bring about a fair 
 and equitable distribution of the burdens of taxation by deter- 
 mining the correct valuation. 
 
 I think it proper to direct your attention at this time to the 
 fact that in my message to the Assembly, I pointed out that there 
 was an insistent demand by the people for at least three amend- 
 ments to the present Constitution. While that instrument as a 
 whole is a good one, and its bill of rights an admirable declara 
 tion and its division of the departments of government wise and 
 scientific, it has not in its provisions relating to its own amend- 
 ment, been sufiiciently elastic to keep pace with the demands of 
 modern progress in that its amending clause is, itself, in sari 
 need of amendment so as to permit greater facilities in amend- 
 ment now and hereafter. 
 
 1 recommended in my inaugural and special messages the 
 enactment of eighteen specific measures, twelve of which received 
 the approval of the Assembly, and I had the pleasure of affixing 
 my signature thereto, and thereby making them laws of the State 
 of Illinois. 
 
 First. The Legislature, on my recommendation, ratified the 
 amendment to the Federal Constitution, providing for the election 
 of United States Senators by direct vote of the people, thus 
 preventing for all time the possibilities of such deadlocks and 
 scandals as have sorely tried the patience of the public in the past. 
 
 Second. The Legislature, on my recommendation, enacted the 
 public utility act. The Public LTtilities Commission has large 
 powers over all public utility companies, including control over 
 accounts and reports, capitalization, rates and service, with au- 
 thority to conduct hearings and investigations, to establish a 
 uniform system of accounts. In order that the charges of public 
 utilities shall be reasonable, the fluctuations in rates must be 
 based upon conditions after a scientific investigation. And while 
 the law of Illinois contains many similar provisions, enacted in 
 
526 DUNXE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 Other states, it differs in tAvo important respects in that the State 
 commission shall have no jurisdiction over municipally owned 
 utilities and there is no provision for indeterminate franchises. 
 
 Third. The Legislature, upon my recommendation, passed a 
 public ownership act, in which cities are given the right to own 
 or operate public utilities and to acquire or dispose of them in 
 order that adequate service may be secured for the people. 
 
 I consider the passage of this act one of the greatest accom- 
 plishments of the administration, and take pleasure in recollect- 
 ing that, when mayor of Chicago, my advocacy of municipal own- 
 ership of public utilities was believed by many people to be 
 chimercial, but after these years, during Avhicli public thought has 
 adjusted itself to the economic laws, bearing upon the relation 
 between the utility companies and the public, I experienced great 
 pleasure in affixing my signature to the bill which created the law 
 and gave to the municipalities of this State powers of tremendous 
 value to the people. 
 
 Fourth. The Legislature, upon my recommendation, passed an 
 act, authorizing the employment of convicts on State roads, which 
 made for more humane treatment, as well as conserving the health 
 of the convicts, while utilizing their labor for the benefit of our 
 rural communities. The honor system has been tried in other 
 states, and by its use the inmates of penitentiaries and reforma- 
 tories have been restored to society and have again taken up the 
 duties of citizenship with renewed vigor and hope, instead of re- 
 maining a charge on society after their release because of their 
 tendency to renew criminal life. 
 
 Fifth. The Legislature, upon my recommendation, passed an 
 act, establishing an epileptic colony. Illinois has been some- 
 what remiss in caring for a portion of its afflicted people, and 
 while our administration of charities is second to none in the 
 country, the care of epileptics has been sadly neglected. There 
 are about ten thousand in our State, one-third of whom are prac- 
 tically without means of a livelihood. They could support them- 
 selves if given employment, which they cannot secure for them- 
 selves on account of their affliction. So I recommended the es- 
 tablishment of an Epileptic Colony, a tract of land of about two 
 thousand acres, and while this most humane matter has been 
 attempted before, I am glad to say the last Assembly acted wisely 
 when they appropriated half a million dollars for this very 
 worthy cause. 
 
 Sixth. The Legislature, upon my recommendation, amended 
 the primary election law, and hereafter the candidates for elective 
 State and congressional offices will be rotated on the ballot. I 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 527 
 
 regret that this same method will not apply to cities and villages, 
 but I believe that the law as enacted will eliminate many of the 
 abuses previously complained of. 
 
 Seventh. The Legislature, upon my recommendation, estab- 
 lished the Legislative Reference Bureau, which will prove a bene- 
 fit not only to members of the Legislature, but to all the State 
 departments, civic bodies and the public as well. The collection 
 of data on economic and sociological subjects, procuring complete 
 information on all legislative topics, will furnish the members 
 of the next Assembly information in a ready and accessible man- 
 ner, which will enable it to intelligently discuss the many prob- 
 lems which it will have to consider. The bureau will prepare a 
 comparative statement of State expenditures and a statement of 
 estimates, and this new form of budget-making should enable the 
 Assembly to speedily dispose of the appropriations in an intelli- 
 gent manner. Besides, the bureau will assist the members of the 
 Assembly in drafting of bills, and the preparation of resolutions, 
 etc. 
 
 Eighth. The Legislature, upon my recommendation, created 
 the efficiency and economy committee, consisting of eight mem- 
 bers chosen from the Senate and House, wlio are now preparing 
 the plans for an examination into the condition of public institu- 
 tions and departments of the State, to ascertain, if it is possible 
 to reduce the expenditures without impairing the efficiency and to 
 provide for the latter, where it is possible to do so. 
 
 Ninth. The Legislature, upon my recommendation, amended 
 the two-cent fare law so that the discrimination that existed 
 against children, obliging them to pay higher rates than adults, 
 when paying fares on trains, wall no longer penalize them in this 
 regard. 
 
 Tenth. The Legislature followed my suggestion concerning 
 good roads. The improvement of highways, which all must recog- 
 nize as vital to the agricultural and educational welfare of Illinois, 
 has been shamefully neglected. There are nearly one hundred 
 thousand miles of roads in Illinois, only ten per cent of which 
 are up to the standard that obtains in our neighboring states. 
 Illinois, wliile rich agriculturally, is twenty-fourth in the matter 
 of improA^ed roads, and the loss occasioned to farmers, and the 
 hardships connected with transporting products of the farm to 
 the towns and cities, has a direct bearing on the high cost of 
 authorities. The State and county equalize the cost of construc- 
 tion and practically a million and a half dollars were appropriated 
 charge of State roads to be built in cooperation with the local 
 authorities. The State and county equalize the cost of construc- 
 tion and practically a million and a half dollars were appropriated 
 
528 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 for these expenditures for the next two years. The method of 
 securing county superintendents by competitive examination of 
 nominees of the county boards should secure efficient supervision 
 of road-malving and bridge-building in Illinois. 
 
 Eleventh. The Legislature, at my request, passed an act in rela- 
 tion to the semimonthly payment of wages and salaries by corpo- 
 rations for pecuniary profit engaged in any enterprise or business 
 in Illinois, which will relieve and be of great benefit to many thou- 
 sands of wage-earners and salaried people within this State. Lack 
 of ready money in cases of illness, death or any unforeseen occur- 
 rence, is often the occasion of much embarrassment and the means 
 of throwing many a victim into the clutches of the loan shark. 
 
 Twelfth, The Legislature, at my request, after an investigation 
 of the fish and game departments of the State had disclosed extrava- 
 gance and waste, failure to enforce the laws and neglect in conserv- 
 ing the natural resources of the State, consolidated these two de- 
 partments and created the Game and Fish Conservation Commis- 
 sion, in order to keep step with the progress attained by other 
 states in this direction. 
 
 Much more beneficial legislation was secured, principally among 
 which was the workman's compensation act, which revised the law 
 of 1911, providing for a definite award to injured employes and the 
 creation of a commission to pass upon the amount of the award in 
 place of the County Court, and the woman suffrage act, giving 
 women large franchise rights in the State. 
 
 The mechanics ' lien law was extended to give a subcontractor 
 a lien on the building for which labor or material was furnished. 
 
 Coal mining laws, providing greater safety in mining opera- 
 tions and the establishment of rescue stations, will prove a benefit 
 to coal mining employes. 
 
 There was also a commission appointed to investigate causes 
 and effects of unemployment in Illinois. 
 
 A more thorough investigation of railroad safety appliances 
 and the requiring of^electric headlights on railroad engines, provid- 
 ing that in passenger service sufficient candlepower shall be used 
 to discern an object the size of a man upon the track at the distance 
 of eight hundred feet, with similar requirements for engines used 
 in other seiwice, are other important measures. 
 
 A law of vital importance to wage-earners, which allows the 
 organization of corporations for loaning money by wage assignment 
 and limiting the rate of interest or compensation therefor, not to 
 exceed three per cent per month for its use, should have a ten- 
 dency to put a stop to the outrageous loan shark methods hereto- 
 fore prevailing in this State. 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 529 
 
 The owners or operators of coal mines, mills, foundries, shops 
 and such business in which employes become covered with grease, 
 smoke, dirt, perspiration, etc., which might injure their health or 
 make their condition offensive to the public, must maintain sanitary 
 wash rooms convenient to the place of employment for the use of 
 the employes. 
 
 This summary of what was attained at the last session will, by 
 comparison with the previous sessions extending back over a period 
 of years, seem favorable indeed. Some of the measures will help 
 revitalize the whole law in Illinois. Much more might have been 
 accomplished, but what was secured has great merit. 
 
530 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 PLEASED AT REGISTRATION OF SO 
 MANY WOMEN. 
 
 Statement to Chicago Journal, February 4, 1914. 
 
 Am pleased at the splendid outpouring of Chicago women on 
 registration day, particularly in my own ward, the 25th. My wife 
 and daughter registered among them. 
 
 Am confident that it presages still greater interest in the future 
 among women. 
 
 Every woman, entitled to vote, should be registered at the very 
 first opportunity. Democratic women should, and will, exhibit as 
 much interest in the issues of the day as other women. The only 
 decent argument ever used against women suffrage was that women 
 did not want suffrage. The answer to that objection has been given. 
 There are 154,000 w^omen in Chicago who, at the very first oppor- 
 tunity, answered that objection. I believe Chicago is the largest 
 city in the world where women are now permitted to vote, and they 
 are splendidly availing themselves of the opportunity given them 
 bv the law which I signed as Governor last June. 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 5lU 
 
 COMMENDS SERVICES OF PRESIDENT 
 
 JAMES. 
 
 Letter to Dr. Edmund J. James, March 7, 1914. 
 
 Dear Sir: 
 
 Yours of the 6th instant is before me. Before receiving notice 
 of the meeting, I had promised to attend the celebration of the 
 centenary of the creation of Belleville as the county seat of St. 
 Clair County, and have made all arrangements to be present and 
 deliver an address at that celebration. 
 
 It gives me much pleasure to know that the teaching facultj^ 
 of the university has shown with such practical unanimity their 
 confidence in your administration of the responsible position of 
 President of the University of Illinois. 
 
 Every citizen of this State, including myself, is intensely inter- 
 ested in the continued success of this great university, and it is my 
 earnest hope and desire that all personal considerations and ties of 
 preference among the trustees should give way to the great object 
 of making our university the greatest State University in the 
 United States. 
 
 Politics must not enter into consideration in the management 
 of the university, and whatever may be our affiliation with politi- 
 cal parties, they should be forgotten in the execution of our busi- 
 ness as trustees of the university. 
 
 In reference to yourself, as I have heretofore publicly stated, I 
 believe you to be a most efficient and competent executive and edu- 
 cator. Under your administration, the university has developed 
 in the most wonderful manner, and, in my judgment, the State 
 University is fortunate in possessing such an able and forceful 
 executive at its head. 
 
 Kindly present to the Board of Trustees my regrets at being 
 unable to be present. 
 
 Wishing you and the university continued success, etc. 
 
 E. F. Dunne. 
 
532 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 ON BELLEVILLE'S CENTENARY. 
 
 Address at Belleville, III., March 10, 191-1. 
 
 Mr. Chairman, Ladies and Gentlemen: 
 
 The State of Illinois will celebrate the tirst centenary of its 
 statehood in 1918. Yet. strange to say, the city of Belleville cele- 
 brates the centenary of its creation as a county seat today. It mnst 
 be a matter of pride to the citizens of this city that, in antiquity, 
 it antedates the creation of Illinois as a State and it is meet and 
 proper that the historic occasion be observed with fitting ceremony. 
 
 The city of Belleville was made the county seat of St. Clair 
 County, a hundred years ago today. Cast your eyes back over that 
 lapse of a century and contemplate with me the stupendous changes 
 which have come and the tremendous progress that has been made. 
 From a population of about 50,000 in 1818, the State has sprung 
 into the place of the third state of the Union with a population of 
 nearly six millions. St. Clair County, second county in the State 
 in 1820, with a population of 5,248, still remains the second county 
 but with a population of about 130,000. To the galaxy of the 
 Nation's great men and the State's idols, your beautiful city of 
 Belleville, true to the literal translation of its euphonious name, 
 enjoys the rare distinction of having contributed a goodly share. 
 There was Ninian Edwards, a successful business man of Belleville, 
 who attained the distinction of becoming Governor of the State, the 
 onlj'- territorial Governor the Illinois territory had and the third 
 Governor of the State. He left the imprint of his magnificent 
 character, his winsome ways and his dignified and courtly bearing, 
 indelibly on the records of Illinois. The house which he built and 
 where he lived and died, during the disastrous cljolera epidemic 
 which devastated a large portion of our State, still stands here, I 
 am told, as a landmark and as his only monument. 
 
 Governor John Reynolds, too, was a Belleville man. If he were 
 alive today' he would doubtless be branded as a chronic office-seeker 
 and as a politician whose hunger for place was practically insatiable, 
 but in his day he secured and retained the confidence and love of 
 his fellow citizens. He is the only man I know of who rose to first 
 rank in all three of the separate branches of our State government, 
 viz: the legislative, the judicial, and the executive. Reynolds was 
 Governor and he was a great Governor, but, before he achieved this 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 533 
 
 distinction, he was a member of the Legislature and Speaker of the 
 House. He was besides that a distinguished and illustrious member 
 of our Supreme Court ; a member of Congress and a foreign diplo- 
 mat. Best of all, he was the historian of the State. He wrote and 
 printed his books in Belleville. Copies of the original editions of 
 these publications are priceless treasures now and they are only 
 parted with by their envied and happy possessors at fabulous prices. 
 His home still stands and is an ornament to North Illinois Street. 
 His bones rest on the summit of Walnut Hill Cemetery, his last 
 resting place being marked by a dignified, though exceedingly mod- 
 est shaft of marble. 
 
 William H. Bissell was another of the Governors Belleville gave 
 to the State. He also served with rare distinction in the Congress of 
 the Nation. He was a man of robust courage, charming eloquence 
 and great executive power. His prompt acceptance of the Jeff Davis 
 challenge to a duel and the trying conditions he named and the 
 subsequent humiliating backdown of Senator Davis is one of the 
 facetious events in American history. 
 
 James Shields practiced law in this city, a Belleville man. So 
 high did he rise on the pedestal of fame that his statue today graces 
 a spot in the Hall of Fame in the Nation's Capitol in Washington. 
 He, too, was a statesman, a jurist, a soldier, an orator. His person- 
 ality was overwlielming, fascinating and overpowering. Illinois 
 claims him as her own but, after leaving Belleville, he had the rare 
 distinction of representing two other states, Missouri and Minne- 
 sota, besides Illinois, in the Senate of the United States. This is 
 wonderful and an unexcelled record. 
 
 One of the greatest men our State has produced was Lyman 
 Trumbull, and he came to us from St. Clair County and from Belle- 
 ville, where he lived and practiced law for many years. He loved 
 this city and its people. He became distinguished among his fellow 
 men. He was Secretary of State, a Supreme Justice and twice a 
 United States Senator. He was really and truly a noble Roman. 
 In the Senate he served with the intrepidity of a lion, the ability 
 of a Cicero and a Demosthenes, and the fidelity of a Cincinnatus. 
 I knew" him, loved him and revered him. 
 
 Belleville has the record of having furnished three of the Gov- 
 ernors of the State but the city was not content to stop there; it 
 also supplied two of the Lieutenant Governors, viz: AYilliam C. 
 Kinney and Gustavo Koerner. Either of these men would have 
 made a great Governor. They possessed education, culture, charac- 
 ter, ability, brains, energy and ambition. Koerner was of the cele- 
 brated German stock, for which your city and county are justly 
 famous. 
 
534 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 Belleville was the home of Jehu Baker, an orator of national 
 reputation and a great statesman, who died a pioneer in the pro- 
 gressive political movement which is at this time bringing about 
 great changes in the social, economic and political conditions in this 
 country, through process of peaceful revolution. It was the second 
 home of the illustrious William R. Morrison, hero of two wars, and 
 father of tariff reform. It was the .home of Henry Raab, the friend 
 of the gifted Altgeld, twice elected to the high office of Superin- 
 tendent of Public Instruction. Raab was a thinker, a philosopher 
 and an educator. He was one of the great school teachers of his 
 day and time. He remained strong, powerful and manly to his 
 death. He set an example worth emulating. He held the respect, 
 the admiration and the love of all men. Nor has Belleville ceased 
 to produce men of sterling worth and character in pulilic life. 
 Today it is giving us Fred Kern, one of the truest and ablest men 
 in public life, and Charles Karcli, your member of the Legislature, 
 in whom you should take more than ordinary pride. 
 
 I congratulate Belleville and its people ; the record they have 
 is one to be proud of. I congratulate St. Clair County. In point 
 of population, St. Clair County is only outranked by Cook. 
 
 Your city is famous now and St. Clair County is, for its diversi- 
 fied industries, its capable men and women, its splendid children, 
 its fine schools, its magnificent churches, its exceptional libraries, 
 its mines, its farms, its factories, its intricate network of railroads, 
 its vast resources, its wealth, its glorious past, its wonderful possi- 
 bilities for the future. I am proud to have the opportunity to spend 
 the evening of your centennial anniversary with you. I thank you 
 for your exceedingly kind invitation, and close by expressing my 
 profound appreciation of your whole-souled generosity and your 
 liberal hospitality. 
 
DUNNE JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 5'So 
 
 PROCLAMATION FOR "ROAD DAY." 
 
 To THE People of the State, March 22, 1914. 
 
 Perhaps no subject has more thoroughly aroused the people of 
 Illinois to action than has the question of improvement of our wagon 
 roads. 
 
 In Illinois, we are entering upon a new era of road improve- 
 ment. The new road law of the State, one of the most comprehen- 
 sive under which any state is acting, has become operative. 
 
 It, therefore, seems fitting, as the time of year approaches when 
 actual work can be done on our roads, that there should be set aside 
 a day known as ''Road Day," upon which should be commenced 
 coordinated and intelligent work in improving the roadways of the 
 State. In the observance of this day, particular attention should be 
 called to the improvement of our dirt roads, and, so far as practi- 
 cable, plans should be laid whereby actual work shall be initiated 
 on a day, set aside for that purpose, and carried on continuously 
 thenceforth. 
 
 The spirit of the new road law" is one of cooperation ; the co- 
 operation of State 'officials with local officials, and, more especially, 
 the cooperation of the people themeslves with all the officials in 
 their endeavor to carry on efficient work. 
 
 Heretofore our road laws have been woefully inadequate and 
 ineffective. The Tice law of 1913 now makes possible economical 
 and well systematized efforts, without which efficient results cannot 
 be obtained. 
 
 It is important that the local highway commissioners, the 
 county superintendents of highways, the good roads organizations 
 and commercial clubs, in their respective communities, unite in the 
 adoption of a plan to organize and carry out this work so as to 
 give the greatest number of citizens an opportunity to celebrate the 
 observance of "Road Day" by practical work on the roads, such 
 as road dragging, grading, draining, hauling and placing gravel, 
 stone or other road material. 
 
 I have requested the State Highway Commission to suggest 
 wdiat class of work may be entered into advantageously. 
 
 It is also advisable that "Road Day" be observed in the schools, 
 for the children of today are the citizens of tomorrow, and there 
 should be read to the pupils in all the schools, on this day, a short 
 treatise dealing with the subject of road improvement together with 
 this Proclamation. 
 
536 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 It is hoped that the observance of "Road Da}'" Avill result in 
 the inauguration of practical work in the up-keep of the public 
 roads of the State. 
 
 Now, therefore, for the purpose of bringing about the com- 
 mencement of comprehensive and coordinated work upon the road- 
 ways of the whole State, I hereby designate Wednesday, April 13, 
 1914, as "Road Day" — not a holiday, but a hard-work day — upon 
 which day, I respectfully urge the State Highway Commission, the 
 State highway engineers, county superintendents of highways, town 
 or district road officers, their employes and the public in general, to 
 begin practical and effective work upon the improvement of high- 
 ways of the State, to continue said work industriously and to ' ' Pull 
 Illinois out of the mud," which has so grievously clogged her rural 
 transportation in the past. 
 
 In witness whereof, I, Edward F. Dunne, do hereunto set my 
 hand and cause to be affixed the Great Seal of State this twenty- 
 third day of March, A. D. 1914. 
 
 E. F. Dunne, Governor. 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GO\^RNOR 537 
 
 THE HIGHWAYS OF ILLINOIS. 
 
 Illinois Highway Improvement Association, Chicago, 
 March 26, 1914. 
 
 Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen: 
 
 Illinois is the third State in the United States in population, 
 wealth, and political and commercial importance. 
 
 It is the premier agricultural State of the United States. Its 
 soil, on the average, is three times as valuable, in selling price, as 
 the average soil of the United States, and yet in that important fea- 
 ture which gives value to the farm, to-wit : the roadways which lead 
 to its gates, Illinois is scandalously and deplorably in the back- 
 ground as compared with most of the other progressive states of 
 the Union. 
 
 In the matter of rates of improved roadways to unimproved 
 roadways, Illinois holds today the hoodoo number of 23. In other 
 words, 22 of the states of the United States have a greater ratio of 
 improved roadwaj^s to unimproved roadways than has the great 
 State of Illinois. 
 
 I was surprised to find, upon investigation, that Illinois has a 
 smaller percentage of improved roads than has the United States 
 in general. In other words, the average percentage of improved 
 roads to unimproved roads in the whole of the United States on 
 December 31, 1911, was ten and one-tenth per cent, while the aver- 
 age in the great State of Illinois was only nine and forty-seven 
 hundredths per cent on the same date. This situation of affairs has 
 been, and is, a reproach to the intelligence and a blemish on the 
 reputation of this State. 
 
 ]\Iost of the public utilities of our State were under the control 
 of private hands or corporations, practically without statutory or 
 administrative regulation, until the year 1914. All of these utilities, 
 however, owned by private corporations, have been, by the action 
 of the last Legislature, brought within the control of the Public 
 Utilities Commission of the State of Illinois, and will be compelled 
 by that commission to give decent service to the public at reason- 
 able rates ; but the greatest utility of all, to-wit : the public roadways 
 of the State, are absolutely under public control and in public 
 ownership, and yet the public of the State of Illinois, owning and 
 controlling this greatest of all utilities has failed in its duty to give 
 
538 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 decent transportatiou to the farmers and citizens of Illinois, by 
 making" these roads decently passable. 
 
 Less than ten per cent of these roadways are improved, and for 
 one-third of the year, the unimproved roads of this State are, in 
 many extensive districts, practically impassable, and unfitted for 
 use by the farmers of the State. As a result the production and 
 marketing of crops is hindered ; rural consumers are kept away from 
 the stores of the merchants; pupils frequently kept from school; 
 voters from political meetings, and from participation in elections, 
 and social, fraternal and religious organizations are seriously im- 
 paired in their gatherings. 
 
 The impassability or difficulty of passage of these roads has 
 contributed more than anything else to the isolation and unattrae- 
 tiveneps of farm life, and has driven, in many cases, the best 
 brain and brawn of our citizens from the farm land to the con- 
 gested cities. 
 
 Alienists of standing ascribe much of the depression and 
 melancholy, particularly among women, to the solitary life en- 
 forced upon the occupants of farms by reason of improper 
 methods of intercommunication. It is high time that the back- 
 ward and disgraceful position which Illinois occupies among the 
 States in regard to the improvements of its roadways should be 
 changed. 
 
 The amended law, placed upon our statute books by the last 
 Legislature, know^n as House Bill No. 843, affords a scheme of 
 State aid, and provides for cooperation betw^een the State and the 
 counties in such a way as to encourage and develop road building 
 in the State of Illinois. 
 
 No class of people in the comm,unity should be more inter- 
 ested in the development of improved highways than the farmers 
 of the State. These roadways are the only avenues leading to 
 the gates of their farms, upon which they can get to market the 
 products of their soil and industry, and the only avenues over 
 which they can bring themselves and families into contact with 
 their felloAV beings. 
 
 It is true that road building costs money. It is true tliat it 
 Avill entail some taxes, but I do not believe that, if the roadway 
 building of the State is conducted upon sane and sensible lines, 
 under which honest work will be done for fair compensation, 
 there is a farmer in the State of Illinois whose property will not 
 be enhanced in value several times the amount of taxation he 
 may be compelled to pay under the new road law in the way of 
 bringing about good roads in his neighborhood. 
 
 It is time for the intelligent and progressive people of Illinois 
 to drag their State out of the disgraceful 23d position she occu- 
 
DUXNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 539 
 
 pies among the states in the way of road building, and further 
 drag the people of the State of Illinois "out of the mud", that so 
 long has retarded in particular the great agricultural interests 
 of this premier agricultural state. 
 
 Many voluntary organizations have taken this important 
 question up and are cooperating forcefully and effectively with 
 the public authorities of this State, and I am pleased to rank 
 prominently among these organizations the "Illinois Highway 
 Improvement Association," the organization to which you belong, 
 and on behalf of the people of the State of Illinois I wish to con- 
 gratulate you upon the interest you are taking in this important 
 subject, and to thank you and other organizations of like char- 
 acter for the splendid support you are giA'ing the State Highway 
 Commission, and the local road building organizations of the dif- 
 ferent districts of the State, and I urge upon your organization 
 and all other organizations of like character to cooperate with 
 the State Highway Commission in and about making a great suc- 
 cess of "Road Day" upon April 15, this year. 
 
540 DUXNE JUDGE, MAYOR. GOVERNOR 
 
 ON SUBWAYS IN CHICAGO. 
 
 Statement to the Public, March 30, 1914. 
 
 There is no need for argument that subways must be built in 
 Chicago. It is inconceivable that a city of nearly 2,500,000 
 people, whose growth in population, commercial power, and 
 world influence has only begun, should neglect the most modern 
 scientific means of adequate transportation for its people. Chi- 
 cago's citizens are intelligent enough to decide for themselves, 
 and decide rightly, which method of making an immediate start 
 in subway construction is best for the community's welfare. 
 
 The important issue at the present time is not Avhether the 
 beginning should be made upon an initial subway in the heart of 
 the city, to be developed and extended from time to time as the 
 city's needs demand, and as the city's finances or credit is avail- 
 able or whether that beginning should be made upon a compre- 
 hensive city-wide plan upon the city's own cash and credit. 
 
 The important point, as I view it, is that no method of sub- 
 Avay construction should be considered unless it provides, in un- 
 equivocal terms, for municipal ownership. Not only that, it 
 would be destructive of the principle of municipal ownership to 
 give existing traction companies a part proprietorship in sub- 
 ways by accepting financial aid from them in construction, or, 
 in any other way, to allow these companies a controlling interest 
 in subways. 
 
 During the framing of the traction ordinances that were 
 passed in 1907, I was mayor of Chicago, and was opposed to allow- 
 ing the traction companies to assume financial responsibility, in 
 any degree, for Chicago's future subways. My views on this score 
 have not changed during the seven years since elapsed. I do not 
 consider that Chicago's experience with existing traction com- 
 panies offers assurance that these corporations are desirable part- 
 ners for the city in any large plan of betterments, intended to 
 really solve the transportation problem. 
 
 Our battle for municipal ownership of Chicago's traction 
 lines, during my occupancy of the mayor's office, was waged on 
 the proved theory that private ownership of leading municipal 
 utilities is responsible for a large proportion of political corrup- 
 tion in cities, as well as for the poor service rendered. 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 541 
 
 Experience teaches that the most modern cities, in Europe 
 and America, are ;nore and more coming to this view. It is being 
 proved, also, in countless instances, tliat cities are generally com- 
 petent to ovrn and manage their leading utilities. They not only 
 serve the people better, and more economically, by doing so, but 
 they ren;.ove the constant incentive to graft and corruption that 
 follov\'s in the wake of private ownership. 
 
 It is my belief that Chicago now has one of the greatest op- 
 portunities in its history to declare iis independence of further 
 domination by its private traction monopoly. There should be 
 an emphatic response to the appeal for a manifestation of true 
 public spirit. If the chains of private monopoly are irksome, 
 now is the time to break them rather than to make them stronger.. 
 
 Passenger subways should be a municipal undertaking. I am 
 personally inclined to the view that the city should build subways 
 with its own funds, as rapidly as such funds are available, and 
 then lease the subways, under proper safeguards, to skilled 
 operators. It is merely a question of method — the goal should 
 be the same in any method adopted, absolutely city ownership. 
 
 AVhether the city starts subways on a comprehensive scale,, 
 at the outset, or in an initial progressive way, there can be no 
 possible excuse for any surrender of these immensely valuable 
 underground spaces to those who merely seek to further exploit 
 and commercialize the people's needs. 
 
 Chicago, as a city of manifest destiny, needs every ounce of 
 patriotism among its present citizens to forestall a calamity of 
 this kind. 
 
542 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 ON AMENDMENTS TO MUNICIPAL 
 COURT LAW. 
 
 Statement to the Public, March 31, 1914. 
 
 This law was one of the 188 bills submitted to me as Governor 
 for approval or disapproval, when the Forty-eighth General Assem- 
 bly took a recess on June 20, 1913. 
 
 It reached me from the Attorney General's office on June 24, 
 1913. As printed in the session laws of the Forty-eighth General 
 Assembly, it covers forty-two of the printed pages of that volume. 
 
 Between June 24 and June 30, when the Legislature re- 
 assembled, I was compelled to pass upon 132 bills, many of them of 
 great length. It was absolutely impossible, in this brief time, to 
 personally digest and analyze, critically, this act. I was advised by 
 the Attorney General that section 56 of the act was unconstitu- 
 tional. 
 
 Upon reading sections 2 and 56 of the act, my own experience 
 as a judge and a lawyer, convinced me of the absolute correctness 
 of the Attorney General's opinion. I therefore determined to veto 
 the act. Some intimation must have reached the judges of the 
 Municipal Court of my intention. A delegation of these judges, 
 consisting of Judges Goodnow, Wells and Caverly, called upon me 
 at my office and asked to be heard in objection to my impending veto. 
 
 I informed them that section 56 was plainly unconstitutional 
 and illegal. They thereupon called my attention to the fact that 
 under section 87 of the act, "The invalidity of any other portion 
 of this act shall not affect the validity of any other portion thereof, 
 which can be given effect without such invalid part, ' ' and promised 
 me, as Governor, that if I would approve the act, they would bind 
 the judges of the Municipal Court not to enforce the provisions of 
 this section until its constitutionality and legality would be passed 
 upon by the Supreme Court of this State. 
 
 They assured me that they represented the full municipal bench 
 and this undertaking on their part was committed to writing, and, 
 according to my recollection, signed by the three judges on behalf 
 of the Municipal Court. 
 
 My recollection is also that they afterwards informed me that 
 the full municipal bench approved this agreement. Upon this un- 
 
DUNNE JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 543 
 
 derstanding, after conference with the Attornej' General, I ap- 
 proved the act. 
 
 I am still of the opinion that section 56 is not only nnconsti- 
 tutional but dangerous to the community. 
 
 It permits any judge of the Municipal Court, on the application 
 of any person in private life, no matter how irresponsible, to file a 
 complaint against any citizen charging a felony, and, ipso facto, by 
 the filing of such complaint that court takes jurisdiction of the 
 defendant charged with such felony and places him on trial without 
 any official investigation by any sworn body or official before assum- 
 ing jurisdiction. 
 
 In my opinion, if this section becomes law, the Municipal Court 
 will be flooded with complaints by private citizens to such a degree 
 as to prevent any public official taking the charge and control of 
 such prosecutions, in which event the same section provides that the 
 court which receives the complaint "may appoint any attorney-at- 
 laiv to act as prosecuting attorney." 
 
 I do not know whether the judges of the Municipal Court are 
 now of the opinion that this section is constitutional and valid. If 
 they are of the opinion that it is constitutional and valid and are 
 of the opinion that the section should be enforced, the law should 
 be beaten at the polls. 
 
 The section is not only unconstitutional, but would be, if en- 
 forced, a serious invasion of the rights of citizens as heretofore 
 enjoyed in the State of Illinois. 
 
5-14 DUXXE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 ON THE PARDON OF CHARLES A. 
 KIMSEY. 
 
 Statement to the Public, March, 1914. 
 
 I have this day commuted the sentence of a convict avIio Avas 
 convicted of an atrocious crime. 
 
 The crime was committed by an adult man with the consent 
 of a female child incapable of giving legal consent under the law. 
 
 AVhat justification have I for commuting this sentence and 
 giving this man his liberty? 
 
 Every justification from standards which appeal to a human 
 heart tinged with human sympathy. 
 
 As the result of this crime a babe has been born which for 
 three years has borne upon its brow the brand of illegitimacy. 
 An innocent-minded girl for the same long period has borne a 
 blasted reputation. Throughout these three years of ignominy 
 to the girl wliose reputation has been blasted, and of criminality 
 to the man whose reputation has been ruined and Avhose liberty 
 has been taken from him, this man and girl have preserved an 
 affection for each other. Avhich must be, and is, more tiian lustful. 
 
 She, with the consent of her nearest relatives, and the man in 
 the penitentiary, have jointly appealed to me to permit them to 
 become man and wife, to have the iron bars of a penitentiary, 
 which have separated them so long, torn apart ; to permit them to 
 be married under the laws of the State ; to found a home : to legiti- 
 matize their child, and to become respectable members of society. 
 
 To refuse this appeal from them, their relatives and friends, 
 and to keep the man longer in prison Avould have the effect of 
 still longer compelling this woman to bear upon her breast the 
 scarlet letter and to expose this child of three years of age, in its 
 developing consciousness, to the taunts of its playmates, and 
 would prevent this man and woman from condoning the past by 
 living a virtuous life within the bonds of wedlock. 
 
 A strict adherence to the letter of the law which would keep 
 this man in prison for twenty years longer, instead of vindicating 
 society and the criminal code, would, in my opinion, subject 
 society and its laws to well merited censure. 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 545 
 
 "To err is liumaii, to forgive divine/' Tlie pardoning power 
 was invested in the Governor of the State to cover just snch 
 cases, and, in my judgment, in commuting this man's sentence I 
 follow the dictates of humanity, the teachings of Christianity, 
 and exercise wisely and justly the discretion vested in me by 
 the laws of the land. 
 
 -18 
 
546 DUXNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 DEMOCRATIC IDEALISM. 
 
 Statement in the East St. Louis Gazette, March, 1914. 
 
 The subject, "Democratic Idealism," would have been 
 broader two years ago than now. AVebster says idealism means 
 conception of the ideal, and the ideal is a mental standard or 
 model which exists only in theory. In the last twelve months 
 many Democratic ideals which previously existed only in theory 
 have become facts in the statutes of Nation and State, and so are 
 removed from the sphere of idealism into that of reality. 
 
 The Democratic party's ideals agree perfectly with the party 
 name. Every school boy knows democracy means the rule of 
 the people. Our fundamental ideal is complete rule of the com- 
 mon people. There was a time when Democrats were accused 
 of being theorists only, incapable of putting their ideals into 
 practice. Few persons would assert that now. A Democratic 
 President and Democratic Congress have made a record unsur- 
 passed in history for fulfilling party promises. Those who are 
 familiar with the work of the last State Legislature in Illinois 
 know now, and history will record that that Legislature put more 
 progressive statutes into effect than any in the history of the 
 State. When all these new measures have had time to produce 
 their results the soundness of Democratic ideals will be demon- 
 strated. There will be a more equal distribution of prosperity 
 and a far more equal distribution of justice. 
 
 The Democratic party has long been known as a party of 
 ideals. Let us take pride in that fact. Does any one ever talk 
 of Republican ideals? If one were in doubt that the Repul)lican 
 party bases its sole appeal to the people upon material selfishness, 
 that doubt would disappear upon consideration of the course 
 Republican leaders are now following. They are crying hard 
 times and praying for a panic. Their hope of return to power 
 is based on the possibility of a financial condition which will 
 impel men to consider dollars above principles and allow their 
 selfish interests to blind them to the common good. But there 
 will be no panic. The currency bill, which established in this 
 country for the first time a democracy of finance, has made it 
 impossible for cabals of vast wealth to precipitate panics for 
 political or other purposes. 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 547 
 
 One Democratic ideal ceased to be a theory and became a fact 
 when for the first time in a generation, Congress enacted a tariff 
 law in which no special interest or lobby had any hand. This 
 great measure unfettered industry and commerce and deprived 
 monopoly of its control over production, distribution and prices. 
 It was passed by a Congress unhampered by the pernicious 
 lobby — the corrupt agent of special privilege, — which had been 
 eliminated from the halls of the Capitol, where it had been in- 
 trenched for years, as a result of exposure made by the President. 
 Democratic ideals became accomplished facts in the adoption of 
 the first two amendments to the Constitution since 1870, namely, 
 the imposition of a graduated income tax and the provision for 
 electing Senators by direct vote of the people. The income tax, 
 which is a feature of the new tariff law, makes the fortunes of the 
 rich bear their proportionate part of the burden of taxation, and 
 will probably bring into the Federal treasury one hundred million 
 dollars a year. The direct election of Senators by popular vote 
 is an epoch-making change in our system of government, the 
 greatest victory for popular rule that has been won in fifty years. 
 
 In Illinois, after sixteen years of Republican control of the 
 Illinois Legislature, the Forty-eighth General Assembly convened 
 last January with a small plurality of Democrats elected to both 
 Houses but without a majority. 
 
 In my inaugural message, I urged upon the Assembly certain 
 legislative steps which I deemed necessary for the welfare of the 
 commonwealth, and that I had advocated during the campaign 
 previous to my election. Most of these measures met with the 
 approval of the Legislature, but among the most important that 
 I recommended, but which failed, were the initiative and refer- 
 endum, and the abolition of the State Board of Equalization. 
 
 I recom.mended in my inaugural and special messages, the 
 enactment of eighteen specific measures, twelve of which received 
 the approval of the Assembly, and I had the pleasure of affixing 
 my signature thereto, and thereby making them laws of the State 
 of Illinois. 
 
 Democratic ideals are in harmony with the immense expendi- 
 tures Illinois is making upon public charities which the last Legis- 
 lature substantially increased. Not a dollar must be wasted but 
 the unfortunates of the State must be given the best scientific 
 care it is possible to buy, with kind and sympathetic treatment, 
 good food and clean, comfortable living quarters. The friends of 
 inmates of Illinois institutions, — hospitals, schools and homes, — 
 may rest assured that all this will be provided under Democratic 
 rule. 
 
548 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 Nor do Democratic ideals bar from kindly consideration the 
 prisoners in our reformatory and penitentiaries. They have of- 
 fended against the lavv^s and are righteously being punished ; yet 
 they are men and brothers and only too often have they been more 
 sinned against than sinning. AYe shall try to build them up 
 rather than destroy them; to treat them behind the bars so as 
 to send them out into the world again, not .broken but mended ; 
 with an opportunity to make good and with help rather than 
 hindrance in their efforts to seize the opportunity. 
 
 In this instance I have mentioned and in many others, Demo- 
 cratic ideals are being wrought into reality in a way of which 
 every Democrat should be proud. But there are still many 
 ideals which remain theories. The Initiative and Referendum is 
 one of these. The abolition of the State Board of Equalization 
 is another. Let us work for a Democratic Legislature which 
 will provide for constitutional amendments that will enable us 
 to secure to the people these great reforms and keep step with 
 the demands of the progressive Democracy now triumphant in 
 the State and Nation. 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 549 
 
 AS TO TUBERCULIN TEST OF DAIRY 
 
 HERDS. 
 
 Statement to the Public, April 8, 1914. 
 
 In view of certain letters of protest which Governor Dunne 
 has received from commission men doing business at the Union 
 Stock Yards in the City of Chicago and of letters which have 
 been received from dairy men and stock dealers in relation to 
 the proclamation issued by the Governor, dated November 12, 
 1913, and which proclamation went into effect January 1, 1914, 
 and which in substance prohibited the importation into the State 
 of Illinois, except for immediate slaughter, of cattle which did not 
 have a certificate of health based upon the tuberculin test, the 
 Governor desires to make this statement. 
 
 The said proclamation was issued only after a very deliberate 
 and careful examination into the cattle-raising business of the 
 State of Illinois. It was unanimously recommended by the Chief 
 State Veterinarian and the Board of Live Stock Commissioners. 
 When the matter of issuing the proclamation was under con- 
 sideration, notice was given to the persons and interests opposed 
 to its issuance. Those favoring, and those opposing, the issuance 
 of the proclamation were given full opportnuity to be heard. The 
 question of the accuracy and reliability of the tuberculin test was 
 fully gone into. 
 
 The Governor then communicated with the United States 
 Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Animal Industry, and 
 ascertained that that bureau regarded the tuberculin test as accu- 
 rate and reliable, and in no way injurious to cattle. 
 
 Most, if not all, of the stock-raising associations in the State 
 have strongly commended the Governor's course in issuing this 
 proclamation, but several commission men, doing business in and 
 around the Union Stock Yards in Chicago, are opposed to its 
 continuance. 
 
 In view of these facts, the Governor has again communicated 
 with the United States Department of Agriculture, Bureau of 
 Animal Industry, and asked that department to inform him, first, 
 whether or not the tuberculin test is accurate and reliable, and, 
 second, whether or not its administration could be injurious to 
 
550 DUNNE JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 cattle. In answer to these inquiries, the Governor has received 
 the folloAv ing communication : 
 
 "UNITED STxVTES DEPARTMENT OF AGRICULTURE, 
 
 BUREAU OF ANIMAL INDUSTRY, 
 
 WASHINGTON, D. C. 
 
 Hon. Edward F. Dunne, Governor, State of Illinois, Springfield, III. 
 
 Sir: Referring to your letter of March 20, enclosing a copy 
 of a proclamation issued by you upon November 12, 1913, and 
 requesting information in regard to the status of the tuberculin 
 test as a diagnostic agent for bovine tuberculosis of cattle, I have 
 the honor to state that the tuberculin test, when properly applied 
 by qualified veterinarians or other persons especially trained in 
 the technique of the test and the physical diagnosis of diseases of 
 animals, is considered the most reliable method known for the 
 diagnosis of bovine tuberculosis. When the test is applied in the 
 manner indicated post-mortem examinations will confirm the re- 
 actions to the test in approximately 98 per cent of the cases. 
 
 Tuberculin is a sterile extract of the product of the growth 
 of tnbercule bacilli in artificial culture media, and its injection 
 into healthy cows is not capable of producing tuberculosis or 
 any other disease, in fact, it has no more influence upon healthy 
 cattle than would the injection of the same quantity of freshly 
 boiled water. It has no influence in producing abortion in 
 healthy cows, although in a few instances it has appeared as a 
 possible factor in producing abortion in cows affected with ad- 
 vanced cases of tuberculosis. 
 
 Statistics obtained from herds of cattle in which the milk 
 produced is weighed at each milking, show that the application 
 of the tuberculin test has no influence whatever in reducing milk 
 production. 
 
 Very respectfully, 
 
 (Signed) A. D. Melvin, 
 
 Chief of Bureau." 
 
 The Governor places the above letter before the public and all 
 parties interested for their impartial consideration. 
 
DUXXE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 551 
 
 TO PERMIT TRAVELING SALESMEN TO 
 
 VOTE. 
 
 Statement for ' ' Traveling Salesmen, ' ' April 13, 1914. 
 
 I have for many years past been made aware by frequent 
 communications from, and by conferences with, commercial 
 travelers, of the great hardship imposed upon these hard w^orking 
 men in the way of compelling them to abandon their business, 
 leave the road, and return to their homes upon registration day 
 in order to secure the right to vote. 
 
 I am satisfied that, because of the provisions of the registra- 
 tion law, many thousand hard working, honest and patriotic men 
 engaged in commercial business are deprived of the right to vote. 
 
 I believe that the law could be amended so as to permit bona 
 fide comanercial travelers bearing credentials from their employ- 
 ers to register at any time within ninety days of an election by 
 making personal application to the Board of Election Commis- 
 sioners. Upon such application being made to the Board of 
 Election Commissioners at any time within ninety days preceding, 
 and not less than ten days before the election, the Board of Elec- 
 tion Commissioners could have ample opportunity to ascertain 
 the right of the applicant to vote, and the fact that his business 
 compelled him to be upon the road on registration day, and if 
 they ascertained after careful examination, that the aj^plicant 
 was a citizen entitled to vote, and actively engaged as a traveling 
 salesman, they could then so certify and place his name upon 
 the register as a traveling salesman and relieve him from the 
 necessity of personally registering his vote on registration day 
 in his precinct. 
 
 The law, of course, would have to be carefully drawn so as 
 not to permit fraudulent voting by persons not traveling sales- 
 men, who might attempt to vote illegally under the provisions of 
 the act. 
 
552 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 MEDIATION PLAN IS FAVORED BY 
 GOVERNOR OF ILLINOIS. 
 
 StxVTEment to the Public, April 26, 1914. 
 
 After reading dispatches from AVashington, announcing that 
 Chile, Argentine and Brazil had tendered their good offices in an 
 effort to settle the Mexican controversy. Governor Dunne last 
 night made the following statement: 
 
 "The acceptance by this great and powerful country of the 
 offer of inediation, tendered by our sister republics in South 
 America, when we have the weak, distracted and war-torn ]\Iexi- 
 can nation practically under our heel, is one of the most magnani- 
 mous exhibitions of diplomatic generosity the world has ever 
 seen. No one doubts that we could crush Mexico like an egg- 
 shell, if we saw fit to do so. The strong can afitord to be gener- 
 ous. The acceptance of mediation averts a one-sided war, but 
 redounds to the glory and generosity of a great, just and peace 
 loving nation. It markj in history the beginning of the end of 
 war. the commencement of disarmament, and the inauguration of 
 arbitrament among nations. All honor to the great peace loving 
 President of the United States and his Secretary of State." 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 553 
 
 ON MOBILIZATION OF ILLINOIS 
 NATIONAL GUARD. 
 
 Statement to the Public, May 1, 1914. 
 
 Mobilization of the Illinois National Guard at the present 
 time, before any call for troops is made by the President, would 
 be wholly unjustifiable, impractical, highly expensive, and not 
 productive of any practical good results. 
 
 From present indications there will be no war with Mexico. 
 If, unfortunately, war should arise, there will be ample time to 
 mobilize and season the National Guard for active dut}", after the 
 President has issued his call for troops. 
 
 The seasoning should be done not in Illinois, but in a 
 southern camp, contiguous to Mexico. If the National Guard, at 
 its present strength, were mobilized in Springfield tomorrow, 
 it would be at a cost to the State of probably $25,000 per day, no 
 part of which would be paid by the Federal Government. This is 
 a burden which the taxpayers of the State would resent in view 
 of the fact that it would be of no practical value. 
 
 Mobilization of the National Guard before any call for troops 
 is made would have the appearance of forcing the hand of the 
 President, and would be playing into the hand of the belligerent 
 jingo who wants war even when war is unjustifiable and un- 
 necessary. 
 
 Moreover, mobilization of the National Guard at the present 
 time without notice to the employers of the men in the National 
 Guard would occasion them great loss and inconvenience which 
 should only be entailed upon them when war is declared. 
 
 For these reasons no mobilization of the National Guard of 
 Illinois will be ordered by the Governor at the present time. 
 
554 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 ON THE DEATH OF MARINE, SAMUEL 
 MEISENBERG, AT VERA CRUZ. 
 
 Address at Chicago, May 14, 1914. 
 
 Mr. Chairman, Ladies and Gentlemen : 
 
 Nearly two thousand years ago, the Roman poet Horace 
 declared: "Dulce et decorum pro patria mori." 
 
 The patriotism that inspired the poet in the days of Rome 
 still stirs the breast of the modern patriot. To die for one's coun- 
 try is still a welcome and an honorable death for him who loves 
 and honors his country. Patriotism still lives, and heroism still 
 prevails. 
 
 At the call of duty but a short month ago, this young man 
 whom we honor today, tore apart the ties which bound him to 
 home and kin, and devoted himself to the cause of his country. 
 Today he lies upon his bier, a willing sacrifice to the vindication 
 of his country's honor. 
 
 Death is a tragedy in any shape, in any form, in any place, 
 and in any cause, but a death that occurs in the defense of the 
 honor of one's country is the sublimest of tragedies. 
 
 The mother and the kin of this brave lad are bowed today 
 with grief and sorrow, but if ever sorrow can be assuaged, if ever 
 grief can be mitigated, that sorrow has been assuaged, and that 
 grief must be mitigated by the circumstances of his heroic death. 
 
 This young man and his brave young comrades leaped upon a 
 foreign soil midst a rain of deadly bullets, and gaA^e up their lives 
 that the honor of their country might be vindicated. 
 
 When that order came, like the men at Balaklava, 
 
 "Theirs not to make reply, 
 Theirs not to reason why, 
 Theirs hut to do and die," 
 
 they obeyed orders, faced death, and made the supreme sacrifice. 
 This young man, whom Ave are gathered together to honor, 
 sprung from a race that was new to our soil ; from a race without 
 a country or a flag in the ohl land, but Avith a yearning for liberty 
 and equality that found its consummation in this great Republic. 
 New to its soil, he early learned to loA^e the land of his parents' 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 555 
 
 adoption, and v/as ready to prove, and did prove, in a great crisis, 
 his loyalty and fidelity to this land of liberty. 
 
 What a splendid testimonial, do we find here furnished at 
 Vera Cruz of the absolute loyalty of our naturalized citizens to 
 the cause of the American Republic. Head the names of the men 
 who gallantly gave up their lives in the vindication of Ai^erican 
 honor in that southern port within the last few days, and you 
 will find that the majority of them indicate their recent foreign 
 extraction. Irish, French, German, Jewish, aye, even Armenian 
 blood, mingled on the cobblestones of the streets of Vera Cruz in 
 attestation of the splendid patriotism of the naturalized citizens 
 of America. In the hour of trial, this Republic, in the personnel 
 of its soldiers attested its cosmopolitan character. 
 
 Young Meisenberg was a Jew, the descendant of a race whose 
 virility has been attested by its survival of and triumph over the 
 persecutions of ages, and the proscriptions of centuries, a race 
 whose intellectual strength has been attested in art, in science, in 
 literature, in music, in the drama, in the professions, in the marts 
 of trade, and upon the battlefield, and a race which is furnishing 
 in this land of equality its full share of leadership in modern 
 thought and action, and which is proving its right to the enjoy- 
 ment of that equality of opportunity which is the proud boast 
 of this country, by its loyalty to American institutions and to 
 American ia^"S. 
 
 All honor to the dead, and the race from which he sprung. 
 As he died, cheerfully and proudly, so will other men of tliat same 
 race, in crises yet to come, prove their fidelity to this Nation and 
 its policies. Let us do honor to his memory, ofl^er consolation to 
 his kin, and congratulations to our mother country upon the life 
 and death of such as he. 
 
 "Whether on the scaffold high or in the battle's van, 
 The noblest place for man to die is where he dies for man." 
 
556 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 TO THE GRAND ARMY OF THE 
 REPUBLIC. 
 
 Address at Mattoon, June 4, 1914. 
 
 Mr. Chairman and Gentleynen: 
 
 As Governor of this State, it was my pleasure and duty last 
 Saturday, to review the Memorial Day parade in Chicago. 
 
 In the place of honor in that parade were a few of the gallant 
 old men who a half-century ago offered their lives for the defense of 
 their country's honor and integrity. 
 
 It was not the first time that I had witnessed such a parade. 
 Forty years ago, when a boy, I witnessed the parade of gallant, 
 able-bodied men in thousands; men who were in the prime of life, 
 who had returned about ten years before from the battlefields of 
 the South ; returned to civil life, and who were engaged in the varied 
 industries of the country. 
 
 What a contrast between the years 1874, and the year 1914. In 
 1874 thousands Avalked with the firm and steady stride of trained 
 soldiers, with heads erect and shoulders squared. Last Saturday, 
 there moved but two or three hundred men, gray-haired, stooped, 
 and enfeebled by age. 
 
 Post after post moved slowly by, in numbers that were pain- 
 fully few. The flag of Mulligan's post was followed by only three 
 survivors, and I reflected that although the numbers were not there, 
 the spirit of the thousands of men who served the Union hovered 
 around that meager, age-burdened group of men, and the spirit of 
 the country, which first created and instituted Memorial Day, was 
 as strong in the year 1914 as it was in the sixties and seventies. 
 
 We are frequently charged in this age of commercialism with 
 being materialistic and lacking in sentiment, and yet what better 
 proof can there be that sentiment still reigns in this twentieth cen- 
 tury than the fact that fifty years after the great Civil War, men 
 and women Avill lay aside the duties of life and celebrate JMemorial 
 Day with as inudi solemnity and feeling as they did one-half 
 century ago. 
 
 A few years ago I was in the city of Paris, and amongst the 
 beautiful places of that beautiful city, I visited the Place de la Con- 
 corde. Around this beautiful place were arranged in circular form, 
 the statues of the great cities of France, and as I gazed from one to 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 557 
 
 the other I noticed that one was covered with wreaths of immor- 
 telles. The name of the city was covered, and even the features of 
 the figures were heaped up with these evidences of sentiment. I 
 asked why was this statue so covered, and I was told that that statue 
 represented the city of Strassburg, which by the fortunes of war 
 was torn from the body politic of the French republic thirty 
 years ago. 
 
 I was further told that, during all these thirty years, there was 
 never a time when the statue of the city of Strassburg was not 
 covered with fresh immortelles, and upon looking upon that flow^er- 
 covered statue, I was filled with admiration for the sentimental 
 character of a people who, for thirty years, never forgot a lost sister 
 among the cities of France ; and yet when I gazed upon the thou- 
 sands of able-bodied men armed, accoutred for war who followed last 
 Saturday the fading and failing posts of the Grand Army of the 
 Republic. I congratulated myself that there was sentiment still in 
 America as strong and as powerful as that sentiment which existed 
 among the people of Paris, in relation to the lost city of Strassburg. 
 
 The men and women of America today have the same admira- 
 tion and respect for the men living and dead who risked their lives 
 in the War of the Rebellion as they had fifty years ago, when this 
 Nation was first recovering from the shock of that great Civil War. 
 With that admiration, respect and affection for the heroes of that 
 day, they have and feel a supreme confidence that such a crisis shall 
 never again occur in American history; that the American people 
 today are one and indivisible, North and South, East and West ; 
 that the ties of the closest affection have recreated a Nation ani- 
 mated by a patriotic fervor that will make another civil -war, not 
 only improbable, but impossible. 
 
 I congratulate you men of the Grand Army of the Republic, 
 who still live, upon the fact not only that you did your duty in the 
 hour of the Nation 's trial, but that you have been fortunate enough 
 to possess such constitutions arid physical strength as to have with- 
 stood the ravages of a half a century. 
 
 Let me offer you congratulations to the living on behalf of the 
 people of this country, and gratitude, both to the living and the 
 dead, for the glorious part that you have played in the history of 
 this great Republic. 
 
558 DUXXE JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 AS TO RENTAL OF STREETS BY CAR 
 COMPANIES. 
 
 Statement to Chicago Journal, June 4, 1914. 
 
 I do not agree with Alderman Block, when he declares that the 
 city of Chicago should "give the surface car companies the whole 
 nickel to use for transportation purposes, but make them pay rental 
 for the streets and license fees for their cars. ' ' 
 
 I am surprised that Alderman Block should take this position. 
 That was the situation prior to the passage of the ordinance of 1907. 
 Under this sort of treatment of the car companies by the city of 
 Chicago, the city of Chicago received for many years the most 
 scandalous service in the w^orld, with little or no return to the city 
 for rental or license fees. 
 
 The surrender by the city of its 55 per cent of the net earnings 
 of the surface lines to the traction companies is too big a price to 
 pay for the merger of the elevated and surface lines. 
 
 I am clearly of the opinion that the nickel fare will provide 
 transportation of the highest efficiency on the surface lines under 
 the present surface ordinance. If the efficient service is not now 
 being given, it is not because of a lack of income. 
 
 The ordinance of 1907 should have secured to the city a share 
 of the gross receipts instead of a share of the net profits, but none- 
 theless this ordinance does provide before there shall he any net 
 profits that there shall he first-class surface car service, which can 
 be enforced by the city council, and the board of supervising engi- 
 neers, and paid for out of the income received from the nickels 
 before any division of net profits is made. 
 
 Net profits have been declared and divided ever since the 
 ordinance was passed, every six months, and if the service has not 
 been made efficient the fault lies with the board of supervising engi- 
 neers and the city council, [and does not result from a lack of funds. 
 
 I believe a nickel fare will cover the cost of universal transfers 
 in the event of a merger between the elevated and surface lines. 
 Universal transfers upon such consolidation may reduce the net 
 profits, but I believe will not wipe them out. 
 
 Rather than surrender 55 per cent of the net profits, now aggre- 
 gating $13,000,000, and which is augmenting so rapidly in the city 
 treasury, and which is available for the acquisition of these lines by 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 559 
 
 the city, I would favor the taking over of all the lines in the city, 
 surface and elevated, by the city of Chicago by condemnation pro- 
 ceedings, and the operation of the same under municipal owner- 
 ship, pursuant to the beneficent provisions of the public ownership 
 act, passed upon my recommendation by the last Ijegislature, 
 in 1913. 
 
 The city of Cleveland, Ohio, is enforcing a three-cent fare. The 
 city of Detroit has within the last few days refused a proposition of 
 what is practically a three-cent fare, made by the traction companies 
 of that city, and has announced its intention of owning and operat- 
 ing the traction lines of that city for the benefit of the people. 
 
 If the city of Detroit can own and operate its traction lines and 
 give a fare to the people of three cents or less, why should not the 
 city of Chicago resolutely refuse to surrender to the traction com- 
 panies the thirteen millions it now holds in its treasury for the 
 building of traction lines and subways and the splendid income it 
 is receiving year by year as additions to that fund? 
 
 That fund should be held sacredly by the city of Chicago for 
 the acquisition of these lines, as it was intended by the people it 
 should be, and utilize it for the building of subways, railway tracks 
 and acquiring equipment, rather than donate it to the transporta- 
 tion companies in the city of Chicago. 
 
 To surrender these funds to the traction companies as the price 
 of the so-called merger, would be throwing to the winds the result 
 of a ten years' fight that the people of Chicago have made against 
 the traction companies of that city. 
 
560 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 THE STRUGGLE OF IRELAND FOR 
 HOME RULE. 
 
 Address to Irish Fellowship Club of Chicago. 
 
 Mr. Toastmaster and Gentlemen: 
 
 In modern history, I know of no more interesting, intellectual 
 ajid moral struggle than that of the Irish people for local self- 
 government. 
 
 After a trial of seven hundred years, fair-minded English 
 statesmen conceded forty years ago that English government in 
 Ireland has proved a failure. It was maintained during the lasii 
 half of the last century only by repeated suspensions of the huLeas 
 coi-pus act, and the right of trial by jury and by the enactment of 
 drastic and cruel coercion acts. 
 
 Rebellion succeeded rebellion, coercion act succeeded coercion 
 act, and the jails and prisons of Ireland were, from time to time, 
 filled with political prisoners, among them the leaders chosen by 
 the Irish people to represent them in the English Parliament. The 
 most intellectual and highly educated men of Ireland, who in 
 private life and in political life, were men of unimpeachable char- 
 acter, were dragged to jail and there imprisoned because of their 
 protests against cruel misgovernment as the result of that mis 
 government. 
 
 Ireland alone among the nations of Europe was constantly 
 decreasing in population. Famine and emigration became the 
 order of the day. Government was administered by a bureau- 
 cracy' stationed at Dablin castle, and appointed by the English 
 Government. 
 
 Among those who suffered imprisonment because of tfeeir 
 protests against this order of things were men like Parnell, 
 Biggar, the Redmonds, Healy, O'Connor and John Mitchell, a 
 grandfather of the present mayor of Ncav York. John Boyle 
 O'Reilly, 'Dougherty, and others were banished from the land. 
 Others were sentenced to death, all because of viKile protests 
 against atrocious misgovernment. 
 
 At length in the seventies of the nineteenth century, men 
 arose to prominence in public life in Ireland, who discountenanced 
 violence but appealed to reason. Among the first of these was 
 Isaac Butt, the first great home rule leader. 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 561 
 
 Witli tremendous force and logic, he appealed to tlie English 
 people and to the world for justice to Ireland. He asked for 
 Ireland that right whigh each of the states of the United States 
 possesses, the right of local self-government. His matchless elo- 
 quence and convincing arguments began to make an impress upon 
 the opinion of England and the civilized world. 
 
 Carried off in the midst of his great propaganda, he was 
 promptly succeeded by C. S. Parnell, Joseph Biggar, Timothy 
 Healy, and other men of like integrity of character and purity 
 of motive. These men in and out of the British Parliament pre- 
 sented Ireland's case with a logic and force that commanded the 
 respect of the civilized world. They gathered around them 
 younger men who adopted their methods, the Redmonds, T. P. 
 O'Connor, Justin McCarthy, and a host of other brilliant men 
 who from that time doAvn to the present time have been waging 
 an intellectual and moral fight for Irish self-government in a man- 
 ner that has forced conviction even upon the English people. 
 
 At length the cry of Ireland for justice and for self-govern- 
 ment found enlodgment in the minds of English statesmen, and 
 among the first, the great Gladstone, was forced to admit that 
 England's policy of governing Ireland in the past was a fail- 
 ure, and that other methods would have to be pursued to bring 
 about a peaceful understanding between the English and the 
 Irish peoples. 
 
 Gladstone, with all his power of statesmanship, advocated 
 a change of policy, and the substitution of conciliation and fair 
 treatment for the mailed hand of oppression. He succeeded in 
 converting the democracy of Great Britain to his views and 
 passed a home rule measure through the House of Commons, only 
 to have it strangled in the House of Lords. 
 
 With the death of Gladstone, and the failure of his program 
 the struggle for Irish self-government seemed to have been lost. 
 The Irish people with a steadfastness and a fortitude unequaled 
 in history, continued to send back to London, as their parlia- 
 mentary representatives, men who followed the policies of Butt 
 and Parnell, and these men with indomitable persistency kept the 
 presentation of Ireland's case l)efore the English Parliament 
 from that day down to the present time. 
 
 Within the last two or three years they have won over to 
 their cause the democracy of Great Britain, and the democracy of 
 Ireland, and the democracy of Britain have at last placed upon 
 the English statute books a measure of home rule that seems to 
 be satisfactory to most of the leaders of these democracies. 
 
 I have not analyzed the provisions of this act. As an Amer- 
 ican citizen, living in this free land, it will not affect me or vou 
 
'0&2 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 iu our civil life. I am not prepared to say that it is without 
 flaw. It suffices for me to know that it meets with the approval 
 of the great mass of Irish people, and the great mass of English 
 people. 
 
 My sympathy goes out to any who are suffering from mis- 
 goverument, and my congratulations go out to any people who are 
 escaping from misgoverument. 
 
 I congratulate the democracies of Great Britain and Ireland 
 that they have reached an understanding. I care not if that 
 understanding fails to meet the approval of the privileged class, 
 if the mass of the Irish people, and the mass of the English peo- 
 ple are satisfied with this enactment. 
 
 We who are not citizens or subjects of those lands must 
 reach the conclusion that they are the best judges of their politi- 
 cal future. That there are some of the British and some of the 
 Irish people who are not content with its provisions is a matter of 
 regret, but there are minorities in every country, and the will 
 of the people, as expressed by the majority, must determine the 
 policies of government in every coiuitry. 
 
 Some of the extreme Irish nationalists under the leadership 
 of "William O'Brien have not voiced their approval of this law, 
 but failed to vote thereon. Others of the Irish people, under 
 the leadership of Sir Edward Carson are bitterly opposed to the 
 law, but both of these elements are inconsiderable in number, and, 
 T believe, unreasonable in their attitudes. 
 
 But six counties out of thirty-two follow the leadership of 
 Sir Edward Carson, and but six members of Parliament, as I am 
 informed, under the leadership of AA^illiam O'Brien, refused to 
 voice their approval of the law. 
 
 Out of this struggle of over forty years, the Irish home rule 
 law of Asquith has emerged as the settlement of a great racial 
 controversy. Settled not by a resort to bullets and brute force 
 but as tiie result of intellectual combat and appeal to the con- 
 science of the British empire. 
 
 I trust that this settlement may alleviate the racial feud of 
 even seven hundred years, and bring peace and prosperity to the 
 Irish and the English peoples. 
 
 In conclusion, let me suggest to the nonassenting O'Brienites 
 and the protesting and dissatisfied Carsonites that the poetic 
 advice of the great Irish poet, Thomas Moore, is as good today 
 as it was a century ago. 
 
 "Erin, thy silent tear never shall cease. 
 Erin, thy languid smile ne'er shall increase 
 Till, like the rainbow's light, 
 Thy various tints unite 
 To form in Heaven's light one arch of Peace." 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 563 
 
 THE GERMAN IN ILLINOIS. 
 
 At the Unveiling of Goethe's Monument, Chicago, 
 June 13, 1914. 
 
 Mr. Chairyn\'in, Ladies and Gentlemen: 
 
 Nearly a century after his death and in a country on the oppo- 
 site side of the world from where he wrote and labored, we meet 
 today to unveil a statue to the greatest dramatist and author who 
 ever wrote in the vigorous, virile language of the German nation, 
 Johann Wolfgang Von Goethe. 
 
 How comes it, it may be asked in this far away country, so 
 remote from the scenes of his labors, that a people, speaking a 
 different language, in a nation different in character, should be 
 paying so high a tribute to the genius of this man. 
 
 It is because : first, Goethe is so great a character that admira- 
 tion for his genius is world-wide, and not limited to the nation of 
 his birth and tongue ; and, second, it is because there is in this great 
 State a Germanic strain which has given to this State a population 
 of probably 1,100,000 souls, or nearly twenty per cent of its total 
 strength, and it is because these vigorous, virile Germans who have 
 been transplanted .upon the fertile soil of Illinois have brought with 
 them not only the grand old German tongue, but the German love 
 of liberty, love of justice, and love of German literature and its 
 highest exponents. 
 
 This land of ours today is the greatest Republic upon earth, and 
 at the same time the most cosmopolitan in character. Originally 
 discovered bj^ an Italian, it was first settled by the Anglo Saxons, 
 the French and the Spanish. In the struggle between the original 
 settlers, the Anglo Saxons forced the French to the north and the 
 Spanish to the south, thus reserving to the Anglo Saxon settlers 
 the richest and most fertile lands on the face of the earth. The 
 Anglo Saxons did not long continue to hold exclusive sway. 
 
 When it became known in Europe that there lay between the 
 St. Lawrence and the Gulf of Mexico a stretch of country of mar- 
 velous richness of soil and mineral wealth, the daring and enter- 
 prising men from other countries of Europe began coming to our 
 shores. 
 
564 DUNXE JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 Among the first of these were the Germans, the Celts and the 
 Scandinavians, and these virile people, pushing their way inward 
 from the Atlantic, began to develop in the heart of this. great, fer- 
 tile country the boundless resources placed there by nature. 
 
 During the first half of the nineteenth century most of the emi- 
 gration to America Avas from Germany, Ireland and Scandinavia, 
 their numbers being in the order of their mention. In the latter 
 half of the nineteenth century and up to the present date in the 
 twentieth century, these three great sources of emigration were 
 augmented by the emigrants from southern and western Europe, so 
 that today it is probably true that there is not a country in Europe 
 that has not more or less representation among the American people. 
 
 As the result it has been truthfully said that ' ' Europe and not 
 England is tlie mother country of America. ' ' Among all these dif- 
 ferent races that have contributed to build up and develop this 
 great cosmopolitan Republic, there is none perhaps who has left a 
 more powerful impress upon the history of this country and con- 
 tributed more effectually to its tremendous development than the 
 men and women who have come from the land whose language and 
 literature Goethe has immortalized. 
 
 Possessing the same physical strength, capacity for endurance 
 and intellectual power that made the German race irresistible, even 
 as against the trained legions of Rome, it has displayed in this coun- 
 try the same vigor, the same courage, tlie same intelligence and the 
 same capacity for independence and self-control. 
 
 The first great German settlement was at Germantown, Pa., 
 about the end of the seventeenth century, which city was incorpo- 
 rated by them in 1691, but dissolved soon afterwards as the histo- 
 rian naively relates, "because no one would hold public office." I 
 believe this is the only incident of its character in American history. 
 
 Very early in the history of the State of Illinois, the German 
 immigrant made himself felt in the shaping of public events in 
 this State. Captain Leonard Helm and Captain Joseph Bowman, 
 German Virginians, were two of the ablest and most courageous 
 of the captains who invaded this State in the interest of the 
 American Republic during the War of the Revolution under the 
 leadership of George Rogers Clark. 
 
 Baron Steuben abandoned a comfortable home and position in 
 Prussia to enlist as a volunteer in the American Army, and ren- 
 dered invaluable services under Washington, particularly in the 
 siege of Yorktown. 
 
 Baron de Kalb was also of the same race and rendered splendid 
 service to the cause of the revolutionists. 
 
 As early as 1820, German emigrants located in St. Clair County, 
 in Belleville, until recently the principal city of that county. Belle- 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 565 
 
 ville has always been regarded as a great German center, and for 
 many years German Americans filled all tlie public offices of that 
 county. 
 
 Edward Rutz, three times State Treasurer, was a German who 
 hailed from Belleville ; Gustavus Koerner, also from Belleville, was 
 elected Lieutenant Governor of the State of Illinois, and afterwards 
 was appointed Minister to Spain, 
 
 Among the other eminent men of German extraction whose 
 names are indelibly inscribed upon the history of this State are 
 those of Samuel Etter, a former Superintendent of Public Instruc- 
 tion; Frederick Hecker, Colonel, Twenty-fourth Illinois A^olun- 
 teers ; Francis A. Hoffman, a former Lieutenant Governor of this 
 State; Anton C. Hesing, the brilliant journalist; Washington 
 Hesing, his son, a former postmaster of Chicago ; W. C. Kueffner, 
 Colonel, 149th Illinois Volunteers, and Herman Raster, editor and 
 journalist, all of whom have been gathered to their long rew^ard. 
 
 The loyalty of the German-American emigrant has never been 
 questioned. In peace and in war he has been loyal to the laws and 
 institutions of his adopted country. Over 18,000 Germans or de- 
 scendants of Germans volunteered and did valiant service in the 
 cause of the Union from the State of Illinois. 
 
 The Twenty-fourth Illinois, commanded by Hecker and the 
 Forty-third Illinois, commanded by Colonel Engelman, were com- 
 posed almost solidly of German-Americans, and the sons of Ger- 
 man-Americans. Franz Sigel, of the neighboring State of Mis- 
 souri, was one of the most brilliant generals in the Union Army, 
 and Carl Schurz was probably one of the leading statesmen of 
 his day. 
 
 Subsequent to these times, there arose to public prominence in 
 the State of Illinois one of the most gifted and courageous men 
 whose name appears in the history of Illinois, a scholar, a philoso- 
 pher, a soldier, a jurist, afterwards one of the greatest Governors 
 this State has ever had, John P. Altgeld. 
 
 This great leader of public thought, this great humanitarian, 
 this man of courage and conviction has placed his name high among 
 the statesmen of the United States, and earned for himself the honor 
 recently conferred upon him by the Legislature of this great State 
 when it authorized the erection to his memory of a statue to be 
 built at the State's expense. 
 
 Meet and proper then is it that German- American people of 
 this State should, at their own expense, in one of the most beautiful 
 of our parks, located where it is surrounded by the homes of Ameri- 
 can citizens of German descent, erect a monument to commemorate 
 the genius of the greatest of German -dramatists and authors, the 
 immortal creator of "Faust." 
 
566 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 Meet and proper is it that the statue, idealizing and typifying 
 the genins of Goethe, the Shakespeare of Germany, should be placed 
 in this beautiful park. 
 
 The German in his native land, and the German who has 
 adopted as his country this free land of ours, has invariably been a 
 student, a man of culture and a lover of literature. His is a race 
 of students, philosophers, scientists, literati and artists. 
 
 Not only has the German race placed the Fatherland among 
 the greatest nations of the earth by his warlike prowess, and his 
 splendid courage, but, by his love of literature, his love of art and 
 science, and his studious, artistic and philosophical temperament, 
 he has placed that same race among the vanguard of the nations in 
 art, in science, in sculpture, in music, and in literature. 
 
 I congratulate the German people of Chicago upon the fact 
 that they are here today to dedicate this magnificent monument to 
 the memory of the immortal Goethe, and that they soon will be 
 permitted in this same park to assembly upon a like occasion to 
 unveil the monument erected by a grateful State to the greatest of 
 German-American Illinoisans, John P. Altgeld. 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 567 
 
 SAFETY FIRST AND GRADE CROSSINGS. 
 
 Letter to Orange Judd Farmer, June 16, 1914. 
 
 Your letter entitled "Safety First" at grade crossings, is 
 timely and intelligent. 
 
 Several months ago 1 invited the executive officers of most 
 of the railroads in the State of Illinois to meet me in Springfield 
 to discuss this very subject. 
 
 I pointed out to them that, by actual experience, in touring 
 the State, I discoA^ered there were numberless crossings in the 
 State of Illinois that were unnecessarily dangerous, and that the 
 danger could be obviated by the expenditure of a very little 
 amount of money. 
 
 First. The "hog-back" crossing where the wagon road rose 
 abruptly to a railroad crossing and descended abruptly. In such 
 cases an automobile engine is very frequently "killed" right 
 upon the crossing by reason of the precipitous approach. This 
 I pointed out could be obviated by filling up on each side of the 
 railroad track to the outer edge of the right of way. They con- 
 ceded this could be done. 
 
 Second. I pointed out the danger from "oblique" crossings. 
 I advised them in all cases of "oblique" crossings by co- 
 operation with the highway commissioners they could divert the 
 "oblique" crossing to a right-angular crossing across the track, 
 and having crossed the track then again straightening the wagon 
 road the other side of the crossing. They conceded that this 
 could be done by cooperation with the highway commissioners 
 in each county. 
 
 Third. I pointed out that crossings became dangerous because 
 of the existence of sheds, buildings or shrubbery close to the 
 intersection from the railroad track to the wagon road, and that 
 such obstructions could be cut down or moved a distance from 
 the track. 
 
 None of these changes, in my opinion, would have entailed 
 much expense, and would obviate many of the dangerous railroad 
 cros«!ins:s. To their credit, the railroad managers agreed with 
 me that they would cooperate in making these changes. Some 
 of the roads have sent in blue prints, marking all the dangerous 
 crossings. "Within the last few days I have again taken the mat- 
 ter up with the Public Utilities Commission, and urged them to 
 insist upon these changes. 
 
568 DUNXE JUDGE, MAYOR. GOVERNOR 
 
 ILLINOIS TROOPS AT KENESAW 
 MOUNTAIN. 
 
 At the Unveiling of the Monument at Kenesaw Mountain, 
 June 27, 1914. 
 
 Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen: 
 
 Fifty years ago today, near the place where we now stand, 
 three thousand brave men gave up their lives in one of the most 
 terrible conflicts of the Civil AVar. 
 
 We are not here today to celebrate a victory or to com- 
 memorate a defeat. 
 
 In that terrible struggle men on the one side believed they 
 were fighting for the preservation of their country, and men on 
 the other side believed they Avere fighting for the defense of their 
 homes and firesides. 
 
 We are not here to criticise motives nor inquire into the 
 development of the political issues which led to that terrible 
 conflict. 
 
 We fire here with the deepest respect to the dead who died 
 on both sides, to extend our tribute of praise and commemorate 
 the bravery and fortitude displayed liy the sons of Illinois who 
 engaged in that memorable conflict. 
 
 A half century has rolled by. and with it all of the ani- 
 mosity and all of the bitterness that then existed between the com- 
 batants have disappeared. 
 
 The men of the North and the men of the South, many years 
 ago, laid aside all bitterness. They have become and will ever 
 remain brothers and compatriots; fellow citizens of the same 
 land; copatriots in the same country, actuated by the desire that 
 this great Republic and its free institutions shall become per- 
 petual. 
 
 Over the yawning graves of a half century ago, the suns 
 and showers of fifty years have spread a mantle of verdure and 
 forcretfulness. It remains only for us to mark the snot and 
 honor the bravery of the sons of Illinois who participated in the 
 battle of Kenesaw Mountain. 
 
 Be it said to the credit of both the soldiers of the North and 
 the soldiers of the South that never was more desperate bravery 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 569 
 
 shown, ou both sides, than in the stubbornly contested battle 
 where we have erected and now unveil the monument erected by 
 the State of Illinois, in commemoration of the bravery of its 
 sous. 
 
 On the 27th day of June, 1864, where we now stand, by 
 order of General Shermau, two determined assaults were made 
 upon the entrenched lines of the Confederates, and in those ter- 
 rible assaults the Federal troops lost General Harker and Gen- 
 eral IMcCook. Colonel Rice and many other officers were badly 
 wounded, the aggregate Federal loss being about three thousand. 
 
 The Confederates and the Federals both displayed a tenacity 
 and a bravery seldom recorded upon the pages of history. 
 
 In that bloody contest the Illinois troops' played a most 
 signal and glorious part. Among the Federal troops who wera 
 actively engaged on that day in the battle of Kenesaw Mountain, 
 and from that day up to July 2 were the following Illinois: 
 10th, 12th, 16th, 20th, 24th, 25th, 26th, 27th, 31st, 32d, 84th, 35th, 
 36th, 38th, 40th, 41st, 42d, 44th, 51st, 52d, 55th, 59th, 60th, 64th, 
 73d. 74th. 75th. 78th. 79th. 80th. S4th. 8oth. 8fith, 8Sth, 89th, 90th, 
 95th, 96th, 101st, 103rd, 107th, 111th, 116th, 125th, and 127th 
 Regiments of Infantry ; the 16th Regiment of Cavalry, and bat- 
 teries A, C, D, F, H, and I, of the First Regiment, Light Artillery, 
 and Battery F of the Second Regiment, Light Arfillery. 
 
 Would that time might permit me to record the names in 
 detail of the gallant men who gave up their lives in that awful 
 carnage, but the list is so long and the record so glorious that 
 time forbids, and to mention one, without mentioning all, would 
 be an invidious distinction. 
 
 A grateful State here today sees fit to mark the spot where 
 such heroism was displayed, and to do honor to the Illinois regi- 
 ments which Avere engaged in that battle. We unveil this monu- 
 ment to the memory of these brave Illinoisans in a spirit of 
 admiration and respect for the courage of the other brave men 
 who gave up their lives on both sides in this battle, but in par- 
 ticular to commemorate, at the direction of the Legislature of 
 Illinois, the gallantry and heroism of the Illinois troops. 
 
 Let us confidently hope, aye, let us more than hope, let u.5 
 confidently predict, that such another confiict shall never arise 
 between the citizens of this great Republic. 
 
 The era of war betw^een nations is coming to a close ; the 
 era of war between American citizens has been closed forever. 
 
 In the words of the poet Finch, let us recite here today his 
 beautiful tribute to the dead soldiers of the North and the South : 
 
570 DUNNE JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOK 
 
 By the flow of the inland river, 
 
 Whence the fleets of iron have fled, 
 
 Where the blades of the grave-grass quiver, 
 Asleep are the ranks of the dead: 
 
 Under the sod and the dew 
 
 Waiting the judgment day; 
 Under the one, the Blue; 
 
 Under the other, the Gray. 
 
 No more shall the war cry sever, 
 
 Or the winding "rivers be red; 
 They banish our anger forever. 
 
 When they laurel the graves of our dead: 
 
 Under the sod and the dew, 
 
 Waiting the judgment day; 
 Love and tears for the Blue; 
 
 Tears and love for the Gray. 
 
DUNNE JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 571 
 
 TRIBUTE TO JOHN A. LOGAN. 
 
 Address at Murphysboro, Illinois, August 3, 1914. 
 
 Mr. Chairman, Ladies \and Gentlemen : 
 
 It is with sincere pleasure that I am here today to participate 
 officially and as an individual in a movement which has for its object 
 the erection in this city, of a monument or some other suitable 
 memorial to commemorate the distinguished services rendered to 
 the State of Illinois and the United States of America by its emi- 
 nent citizen, soldier, orator and statesman, John A. Logan. 
 
 Aside from the name of the immortal Lincoln, and, perhaps, 
 the eminent patriot and statesman, Stephen A. Douglas, there are 
 few, if any, names which are treasured with such sincere admira- 
 tion and affection as that of the "Black Eagle" of the Civil War, 
 General Logan. 
 
 A native of Illinois, he was among the first of its citizens to 
 volunteer at his country's call in the war against Mexico. Although 
 a mere boy at that time, he so distinguished himself in action as to 
 earn a commission as an officer. At the outbreak of the Civil War, 
 by the sheer force of his native ability and inborn eloquence, lie 
 had attained the distinction of being a member of the Congress of 
 the United States. 
 
 He was one of the followers at that time of Stephen A. Doug- 
 las, but Avhen the flag of the Nation was spat upon by the rebel 
 guns before Fort Sumter, he, like Douglas, reached the conclusion 
 that all parties must rally to the defense of the Republic. 
 
 He resigned from Congress, accepted a commission as Colonel 
 of the Thirty-first Illinois, and thence rose by reason of his in- 
 domitable bravery and reckless audacity on the battlefield to the 
 position of Major General of the United States Army. 
 
 From Fort Donelson to Atlanta, he was engaged in some of 
 the most bitterly contested battles of the Civil War, and was in at 
 the death at Johnson's surrender. 
 
 His fellow citizens of this State were never tired of honoring 
 him in civil life. He possessed a rare combination of eloquence, 
 patriotism, courage and mental brilliancy which made him promi- 
 nent in civil and military life. 
 
 As Blaine declared, there were greater statesmen in the council 
 chambers of the State during his day and greater generals upon the 
 
5/2 DUXXE JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 battlefield, but ''there was none among tlieni all who combined so 
 much in one person — so much ability as a soldier and a statesman. ' ' 
 
 A heroic statue in Grant Park, Chicago, well typifies in artistic 
 bronze his animated valor upon the battlefield, but to the shame of 
 his native place, there has not yet been erected in this vicinity any 
 memorial to his greatness. 
 
 We are here for the purpose of remedying this situation. It is 
 proposed that, by voluntary contribution, a statue or other memorial 
 shall be erected in the city of Murphysboro, the scene of his early 
 life — a statue or other memorial worthy of his greatness in history. 
 
 I believe that the appeal to the citizens of Illinois for the crea- 
 tion of a fund to accomplish this purpose will fall upon willing ears 
 and upon generous hearts. It is the duty of the citizens of Illinois, 
 aye, and of the surrounding states, fittingly to commemorate the 
 memory of this great citizen-soldier in the way proposed by this 
 committee, and knowing, as I think •! do, the affection and love in 
 which the memory of Logan is held by the citizens of Illinois, I 
 predict that the objects, sought to be attained bj- this meeting and 
 others to follow, will be successfully achieved before many months 
 roll by. 
 
 I cordially recommend the objects of this association to the 
 citizens of Illinois and appeal to them to subscribe to its most praise- 
 worthy aims and objects. 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR .573 
 
 THE DUTY OF LABOR TO HUMANITY. 
 
 Address on Labor Day, September 7, 1914. 
 
 Mr. Chairman, Ladies and Gentlemen: 
 
 In nearly every State in the Union, Labor Day has appro- 
 priately been declared a legal holiday as a tribute to the dignity 
 of labor. The day should be utilized by devoting it to the dis- 
 cussion of affairs -which concern the social and economic welfare 
 of the producing classes, not only the mechanic, the artisan and 
 the laboring man, who are wisely and intelligently organized in 
 great cooperative bodies known as unions, but also the farm 
 laborer, the small farmer, the land tenant, the unorganized but 
 intelligent enfranchised common laborer, the retail merchant, 
 the doctor and the lawyer of limited practice. 
 
 While primarily this day has been designed for the organ- 
 ized masses of manual workmen, let us view it in its broadest and 
 most patriotic aspect as the day when our producing classes of all 
 kinds take stock of their conditions, measure their progress and 
 present tc the throne of American selection, public opinion, their 
 petitions for consideration of their needs. 
 
 Our governmental system is based on the theory of majority 
 rule and control. We secure the alignment of the majority upon 
 any question of public policy by appeal to the fairness, the judg- 
 ment, the good sense and the humanity of our fellow men. We 
 progress in this country only as public sentiment becomes en- 
 lightened and gives its consent. Legislative reforms are im- 
 possible without the sanction of public opinion. LIow well we 
 understand this is demonstrated every day in the numerous 
 movements inaugurated to secure desired reforms. The first 
 step is always a campaign of public education. The avenues by 
 which the public is reached to carry on these campaigns, are 
 always accessible in a land wdiere free speech and a free press 
 are guaranteed by law. 
 
 The great mass of the people is of a generous nature, pos- 
 sesses an open mind, patriotic impulses and humane instincts. 
 The public is ever ready to listen to complaint of injustice, and 
 when once convinced that injustice is being done, will promptly 
 right the wrong complained of. 
 
5/4 DUNNE JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 Where does public seiitimeut crystallize / To whom is the 
 appeal iu all these campaigns made? Who are the rulers of 
 America today/ The producing classes. The producing class 
 in this Republic is the backbone of national integrity and soli' 
 darily. Upon its intelligence, puritj' and patriotism have de- 
 pended the life and strength of the government. From it has 
 been recruited the world's armies and navies. That class, directly 
 or indirectly, pays the taxes, resists the political disease of graft 
 and corruption, and the social disease of aristocracy ; maintains 
 the purity and virility of the race, replenishes our population and 
 supplies our most progressive and aggressive citizens. From 
 this class are selected our leaders in every movement, and from 
 its ranks come most of our speakers, lawmakers, physicians, sur- 
 geons, writers, artists and industrial geniuses. 
 
 So today let us consider this as the holiday of all wealth- 
 producing and conserving forces, and look upon it as an oppor- 
 tunity for the creation and the development of wholesome, en- 
 lightened, just and humane public sentiment. 
 
 The workingmen exert a preponderating influence by reason 
 of their numbers and the power of their organizations. To them, 
 more than any other body of our citizenship, I believe, is due 
 the credit for the present healthful public sentiment upon all 
 questions affecting the social welfare of our people. In calling 
 attention to your own personal wants and needs you have opened 
 the public eye to many of our social abuses and injustices, to 
 the remedy of Avhich not only the toiler but many other earnest 
 men and women are directing their efforts and energies all over 
 the land. The demand rings clear and true that all men must 
 have an equal chance to participate in the opportunities, the 
 work and the profits of our national development. 
 
 We are insisting that the weak, the helpless, the sick, the 
 poor, the crippled, the insane, the feeble-minded, the delinquent, 
 the dependent, the widowed mother, and orphaned child, shall 
 receive first, kindness and sympathy, and second, skillful and 
 scientific treatment to the end that their ills may be relieved and 
 the public safeguarded against the evil eft'ects of the social and 
 physical diseases which have produced them. 
 
 In all legislation affecting them, the workingman is inter- 
 ested. No state has made greater progress in these matters 
 than Illinois. Our State should lead. We should have the best 
 system of poor relief, the best methods of employing our prison- 
 ers, the most intelligent treatment of our delinquent boys and 
 girls, the most modern and highly specialized and socialized 
 courts, the best hospitals for the insane, the most highly devel- 
 oped system of education, and the most perfect code of charitable, 
 
DUNNE JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR OiO 
 
 philanthropic and correctional laws. Our institutions of every 
 type and character should stand in efficiency and humanity higher 
 than those of any other state. We should never have to say 
 "This is the way they do in New York or Massachusetts." We 
 should always be able to say, "This is our way," and other states 
 should be copying from us. 
 
 It has been my pleasure and privilege to foster and encourage 
 such a sentiment. I have done all in my power as Chief Execu- 
 tive to raise our eleemosynary institutions to the highest possible 
 plane, and to give to the State a code of social advancement. 
 
 The last two years in Illinois have been rich in administra- 
 tion and legislation along these lines. Directly touching labor 
 iiself, but none the less affecting the social order at vital point, 
 are the numerous acts of our last General Assembly, many of 
 which were sought by organized labor itself. I may be pardoned 
 if I mention briefly a few of these laws: 
 
 The creation of wage loan corporations, an act permitting 
 the organization of corporations to make loans, secured by as- 
 signment of wages, and protecting the borrower at every point. 
 
 Wash rooms for employes in certain industries, such as coal 
 mines, steel mills, factories, machine shops, where men and women 
 become covered with grease, dust, grime and perspiration to such 
 an extent as to endanger their health. 
 
 Protection for chauffeurs, requiring shields or hoods to pro- 
 tect them from wind, dust and inclement weather. 
 
 Revision of the mine examining board law, the object being 
 to provide more safety for persons employed in and about coal 
 mines. 
 
 Amendment to the shot firers law, which amendment defines 
 a "dead hole" and materially safeguards the life and limb of 
 the miner. 
 
 The State Industrial law, making provision for compensation 
 for accidents, injuries or death of employes. This act is one of 
 the most important in the program. Under its provision, com- 
 pensation is made for injuries not resulting in death. It provides 
 the methods by which awards for damages shall be computed. 
 It fixes the amount of compensation for partial disability and for 
 permanent disfigurement. It creates an Industrial Board which 
 shall determine all disputes between employer and employe in 
 the way and manner provided by the law itself. Claims and 
 awards made under this act are paramount liens on all property 
 of employers. 
 
 A most humane enactment was Senate bill 539, which pro- 
 vides for the employment of convicts who have less than five 
 years to serve, on road work outside the walls of the prison. 
 
576 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 This system has been iiiaiigurated and has given general satis- 
 faction, both to the public and to the prisoners. 
 
 An act requiring that all explosives used in coal mines, be 
 stamped to show that they conform with the standards of the 
 United States Bureau of Mines. Such explosives must be stored 
 in magazines approved by the State Mine Inspector. 
 
 Amendment to iire fighting and rescue station act Avhich 
 provides for the employment of two extra assistants instead of 
 one on each mine rescue car. 
 
 Amendment to the act of 1911, providing for fire fighting 
 equipment in coal mines. This act requires a larger equipment 
 than the original act. 
 
 The law creating a mining investigation commission to in- 
 vestigate methods and conditions of mining coal, tlie safety of 
 lives and property and the conservation of coal deposits. 
 
 Revision of the act of 1911 in relation to coal mines by pro- 
 viding more frequent and tnore thorough insi)ection of mines and 
 many additional safeguards for the protection of life, health 
 and limb. 
 
 An act, amending the law, providing for inspection of equip- 
 ment and operation of safety appliances on railroads. This act 
 provides for thorough inspection of the surface and track condi- 
 tions and train yards and of the sanitary condition of passenger 
 coaches and investigation of train accidents. 
 
 Semimonthly payments of wages and salaries by persons, 
 firms, corporations and municipalities. 
 
 A law limiting members of fire departments of cities and 
 villages to ten consecutive hours in a day and fourteen consecu- 
 tive hours at night. 
 
 An act requiring railroad corporations to equip all passen- 
 ger locomotives with headlights of sufficient candlepower to 
 enable the engineer to discern an object the size of a man on the 
 track, at a distance of eight hundred feet from the headlight, 
 and all freight locomotives exclusive of those in switching and 
 transfer service, Avith a headlight of sufficient candlepower to en- 
 able the engineer to discern an object the size of a man upon the 
 track at a distance of four hundred fifty feet from the headlight. 
 
 These do not represent all that labor asked for nor all to 
 which it ma}^ be justly entitled. The rights and justice of labor 
 will not prevail of their own volition. You must preach them ; 
 you must push them ; you must impress them upon the public 
 mind ; you must show your fellow men that they are right and 
 just and convince him of your worthiness of them. 
 
 First, last and all the time it should be your object and pur- 
 pose to carry the light of reason and humanity into the dark 
 
DUNNE JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 577 
 
 places. Never forget the weak or unfortunate, nor overlook 
 the rights of those masses who toil as you do but are not affiliated 
 with your movement. Recognize in your strength the power not 
 alone to help yourselves, but the ability to improve the social 
 condition of the whole people. 
 
 Our celebration of Labor Day this year will not be complete 
 without congratulations upon the part of labor itself that as a 
 nation we are at peace with the world. In war, labor receives the 
 lirst shock and then continues to suffer the pain and bear the 
 burden. 
 
 President Wilson's peace policy has more than demonstrated 
 its worth. It has contributed to our industrial, commercial and 
 political prestige among the nations of the world. It has in- 
 creased our self respect as a people. It has saved thousands of 
 lives that would have been sacrificed on the battlefield and in the 
 camp hospital. It has conserved our national resources for 
 scores of years to come. It has protected us against entangle- 
 ments with foreign nations. It has proven to neighboring 
 nations and the world our good faith and disinterestedness. It 
 has exalted democracy. It has brought nearer to the old Avorld 
 that day when the people shall hold the power, and the nod of the 
 king for the slaughter of his subjects shall be no longer obeyed. 
 
 It has struck a fatal blow at the divine right of kings and 
 the aristocracy of birth. It has strengthened our faith in the 
 Christian religion. It has found its vindication in the gory 
 lields of Europe, its ruined cities, its crowded hospitals and its 
 desolated homes. 
 
 It is no wonder that the London News says: "The example 
 of the United States must hereafter become the model of the 
 civilized world." Verily, his peace policy has been the crowning 
 glory of President Wilson's administration. It has silenced 
 the war party and the .jingo and I believe has united our people 
 in its unanimous support and ai)proval. 
 
 In the years to come when the full eft'ects of our policy of 
 peace shall be realized and we shall view it clearly against tHe 
 dark background of this period, we shall, as a nation, be proud 
 of the course pursued and shall read in the faces of our fellow 
 men the acknowledgment of eternal benefits conferred thereby 
 upon the rest of the world. 
 
 Among the half dozen markers scattered at centurial intervals 
 along the path of the world's progress, this labor of President 
 \Vilson in behalf of peace and the brotherhood of man will be 
 found standing higher and nobler than all the rest. 
 
 To it, labor is indebted to a degree that you and I cannot 
 fatbom, for no man can estimate the distress and the ruin, the 
 
 —19 
 
578 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 anguish and the sorrow that trail the footsteps of war, even 
 through many succeeding generations. 
 
 Let us today, therefore, dedicate ourselves to the cause of 
 peace, of humanity, brotherhood and fraternity. Let our only 
 warfare be upon those evils which debase our citizenship, corrupt 
 our Government, deteriorate our efficiency, rob us of our strength 
 of character, dull our humane instincts and blind us to the needs 
 a,nd wants of our fellow men. 
 
 Above all, at this great epoch in our country's history, when 
 we are at peace with all mankind while most of the great nations 
 of Europe are at each other's throats, let us preserve industrial 
 peace. We are now, fortunately for us, the greatest producing 
 nation on the face of the globe. We must for months to come 
 be the principal reliance of Europe For food, clothing and all the 
 other necessities of life. Our wonderful productivity must and 
 will be doubled, aye trebled, in the near future. A wonderful 
 era of increased production is before us, which should give em- 
 ployment soon for all who are willing to work. 
 
 Let neither capital nor labor by senseless difference spoil the 
 great opportunities which lie before us. Let there be neither in- 
 dustrial nor physical warfare in this great bountifull.y endowed 
 and fortunate Republic. If we preserve industrial peace as we 
 have preserved international peace, an era of bounty and pros- 
 perity lies before us such as no nation has ever before enjoyed ; 
 a prosperity which must and will be shared by both employer and 
 employe throughout the length and breadth of the whole Republic. 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 579 
 
 DESIGNATES A DAY FOR PRAYER 
 FOR PEACE. 
 
 A Proclamation for Peace Services, September 10, 1914. 
 
 Whereas, Many of the great nations of the world are now 
 engaged in a sanguinary war, which has caused and is causing 
 enormoas loss of human life and property and menacing the future 
 of civilization; and 
 
 Whereas, Our own State and Nation have as adopted citizens 
 liunclreds of thousands of the sons and daughters of the nations 
 at war whose hearts are wrung with grief over the disasters befall- 
 ing their kith and kin ; and 
 
 Whereas, All the citizens of this State and Nation are appalled 
 at the awful destruction of life and property and anxious for its 
 speedy termination ; and 
 
 Whereas, A war fever and blood lust has apparently tempo- 
 rarily deranged the leaders of the warring nations, and hope for 
 early peace lies only in an appeal to Almighty God ; and 
 
 Whereas, The President of the United States has designated 
 Sunday, October 4, 1914, as a day of prayer and supplication to 
 Him for the restoration of peace : 
 
 Now, therefore, I, Edward F. Dunne, C4overnor of the State 
 of Illinois, do hereby designate Sunday, the 4th day of October 
 next, as a day of meditation and conference on the subject of the 
 world's peace, and of prayer and supplication to Almighty God 
 that strife may be ended among the warring nations, and respect- 
 fully request that all the people of this State assemble on that day 
 in their respective churches and synagogues and other places of 
 public meeting to appeal to the Almighty in His divine mercy to 
 end this awful war and its attendant horrors. 
 
 In witness whereof. I have hereunto set my hand and caused 
 tlie seal of the State of Illinois to be affixed. 
 
 Done at Springfield, Illinois, this 9th day of September, in the 
 year of our Lord nineteen hundred and fourteen and of the inde- 
 pendence of the United States of America the one hundred and 
 thirty-ninth. 
 
580 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 A PLEA FOR A UNITED DEMOCRACY. 
 
 To THE Democratic State Convention, kSeptember 18, 1914. 
 
 Fellow Democrats: 
 
 I much appreciate the honor conferred in asking me to preside 
 over this convention, an honor which I accept with much pleasure. 
 
 Our primary election has been held, and our leaders in the 
 coming political conflict have been selected by the untrammeled vote 
 of the people. We all had our favorite candidates. We all advo- 
 cated their selection, and, in advocating the selection of these can- 
 didates, each of us believed that his favorite candidate would be the 
 strongest before the people and should have been selected, but we 
 always believed, whatever the result of the primary, that the will of 
 the people, as expressed in the primary, is binding upon every voter 
 that participated in this primary, and upon every voter who is 
 alligned with a party which places in nomination candidates of 
 that party. 
 
 Eveiy true Democrat is permitted and has the right to express 
 his convictions before the primary election is held, and to endeavor 
 to influence his fellow Democrats in the selection of candidates, but 
 every true Democrat is bound to acquiesce in the will of the major- 
 ity, as honestly expressed at the polls. 
 
 At no time in the history of the Democratic party is it more 
 incumbent upon Democrats to be loyal to the party nominees than 
 at the coming election. 
 
 After a struggle of sixteen years, the Democratic party is now 
 in the places of power in the Nation, and in the State. It has been 
 redeeming the pledges that it made in its national and State plat- 
 forms. It has reduced the tariff on the necessities of life. It has 
 enacted an income tax law, which will compel the wealthy, for the 
 first time in the history of the country, to bear their proportionate 
 share of the burdens of government. 
 
 It has placed upon the statute books a currency act which has 
 met with the almost unanimous approval of the whole country, and 
 which even the bankers themselves admit will relieve this country 
 from the monetary distresses resultant from the financial panics 
 which, in the past, have so frequently afflicted this country. 
 
 It has introduced a new atmosphere in the diplomatic relations 
 of the world. It has breathed peace, instead of war, and advocated 
 arbitration, instead of bloodshed. It has given the finest exhibition 
 
DUNNE JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 581 
 
 of national restraint under provocation that the world has ever 
 seen. When the flag of the Nation was flouted, and its soldiers 
 imprisoned without justification by the bandit soldiers of a sister 
 republic, it refrained from declaring war. Although our country 
 could have crushed this sister republic like an eggshell, it contented 
 itself with the demand for an apology, and the taking of such neces- 
 sary steps as would enforce the same at the proper time, and thus 
 presented to the world a contrast to the hot-headed belligerenc.y 
 of Europe which has since embroiled most of the advanced civilized 
 nations of the world in the most awful carnage that has ever dis- 
 graced history. It has tendered its services as a mediator to the 
 warring nations of Europe, and in the midst of the carnage 
 now disgracing Europe, has brought about, through our great 
 Secretary of State Bryan, the consummation of treaties between this 
 great Republic and twenty-four other nations, M^hich comprise with- 
 in their territory two-thirds of all the population of the world. 
 
 Tliis is the record of a great, pure, clean, patriotic, peace- ■ 
 loving Democratic administration. With such a record, the Demo- 
 cratic administration at Washington has earned and now holds the 
 good wishes and admiration of all thinking American citizens, and 
 has assured the continuance in power of that party for years to 
 come. 
 
 We Democrats, here in Illinois, are now faced with the duty 
 of sustaining that splendid administration in its splendid work. 
 The only way it can be done is by standing loyally and unitedly 
 behind the candidates, fairly nominated by the Democratic party 
 for the Senate of the United States, and the lower House of Con- 
 gress. At such a time as this, to fail to support the Democratic 
 ticket would be treason to the party. 
 
 Let us therefore pull off our coats and get to work for the suc- 
 cess of this whole ticket from Roger C. Sullivan, the candidate for 
 the United States Senatorship, down to the last man upon the State 
 and county tickets in every county in the State of Illinois. 
 
 Harmony should be the watchword and success will be the 
 result. Let us sink our personal feelings and preferences and unite 
 for the success of the Democratic party, and the administration of 
 Woodrow Wilson and his great peace-loving Secretary of State, Wil- 
 liam Jennings Bryan. 
 
582 Dl'XXE JUDGE, MAYOR. GOVERNOR 
 
 A CALL TO PEACE. 
 
 Address at the Auditorium, Chicago, October 4, 1914. 
 
 Mr. Chyiirmo)!, Ladies and Gentlemen: 
 
 At the call of the great peace-loving and peace-preserving Presi- 
 dent of this great Republic, we meet today to utter our protest 
 against the further continuance of the devastation of property and 
 the destruction of Innnan life, entailed by the awful war now being 
 waged in Europe, and to appeal to the Great Jehovali for liis i]iter- 
 vention in that behalf. 
 
 Never in the history of this country and (so far as I know) in 
 the history of any country, has the executive of a nation at i)eace 
 with the whole world set aside a day for prayer and supplication 
 to the Almighty for the restoration of peace between • far-distant 
 nations with whose policies and prosperity his country has no imme- 
 diate concern. 
 
 Yet the proclamation from the President of the United States, 
 setting aside this day as a day of prayer for peace, comes most 
 opportunely and appropriately from the pen of a President, who, 
 through the indefatigable labors of his great peace-loving Secretary 
 of State, has just concluded treaties of peace and arbitration be- 
 tween this great Republic ami twenty-five other nations whose 
 populations comprise two-thirds of the population of the whole 
 world. It comes with most fitting grace from a President who 
 within the last three months has preserved the peace of this Nation 
 in spite of tlie truculency of Mexican bravos and the mock patriot- 
 ism of American jingoes. 
 
 Tlie proclamation of the President falls upon tlie sympalin'tic 
 e'dVH of the overwhelming mass of American citizenship. 
 
 Throughout the morning of this day, in all the clnirchcs and 
 synagognes of this land, millions upon millions of the men, w(mien 
 and childrcji of the Nation have joined the President in supplica- 
 tion to the Almighty for the restoration of peace among the war- 
 ring nations of Europe. 
 
 Here in this great auditorium, furnished by the generosity of 
 a peace-loving eitizen in private life, we are met (whether we are 
 affiliated with any church or religious faith or not) to express our 
 approbation of the President's proclamation, to record our solemn 
 protest against the further continuance of this bloody war and to 
 voice our demand, in the name of humanity, for its speedy cessation. 
 
DUNNE JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 583 
 
 Even the infidel, who may believe that an appeal to Jehovah is 
 in vain, will admit that the protest of one hundred million disin- 
 terested free men and women against the carnage and devastatiou , 
 now prevailing in Europe, must have its effect upon the war- 
 crazed and blood-begorged rulers and statesmen of Europe. 
 
 An appeal for peace could come from no other nation with such 
 force and eft'ect as from the American Nation. 
 
 Most of us in this hall and throughout this country trace our 
 ancestry by one or two or three generations to one or anotlier of 
 the nations now unfortunately embroiled. This Nation owes much 
 to each and all of them. 
 
 The best brain and brawn of this country has sprung from the 
 strains produced by these European nations now at each other's 
 throats. We have a kindly feeling for all of them. 
 
 We rise and uncover to but one national anthem, but until the 
 war broke out we listened impartially and with respect and appre- 
 ciation to the Watch on the Rhine, the Marseillaise and the 
 national anthems of all these countries. 
 
 Following the advice in the farewell address of the great Wash- 
 ington, we have had "friendship for all" of these nations but "en- 
 tangling alliances with none." 
 
 During the progress of the two months of this awful war, we 
 have been scrupulously careful to remain neutral and impartial. 
 
 Even though hundreds of thousands of our fellow citizens 
 have had their kith and kin on the red line of battle, they have 
 remained Americans first and all the time and have refrained from 
 discussion or altercations with other Americans of different 
 strains, and so we will remain unto the end. 
 
 But all Americans, and particularly those who have come most 
 recently from these distracted countries, fervently hope and pray 
 that this awful carnage shall cease. 
 
 Statesmen of Europe, we demand that your warring nations 
 who have been vaunted as the leaders of modern European civiliza- 
 tion shall stop this bloody debauch, listen to the cry of one hundred 
 million of human beings who are not besotted with the lust of human 
 blood and who have the right, by reason of their disinterestedness 
 and affiliation of ancestry with you, to say to you plainly that this 
 war is a disgrace to civilization and that, by the loss of life and by 
 the destruction of property, it has set back the progress and pros- 
 perity of the world to such a degree that it will require decades of 
 years to overcome. 
 
 We can say further that the causes underlying this terrible 
 conflict, in our opinion, were not noble or righteous. 
 
 • Lust for power and race hatred or jealousy have been its gene- 
 sis. None of you have been free from blame. You have, all of you, 
 been preparing for it for nearly half a century. You have been 
 
584: DUNNE JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 dragooning your unfortunate subjects and citizens into immense 
 armies and navies, and flaunting your military power and prepared- 
 ness before each other's faces year after year. 
 
 You have been forcing every third or fourth man of your popu- 
 lations to become a soldier. In this Republic, not one man in two 
 hundred is a soldier. You have been taxing your citizens and sub- 
 jects so as to sustain these millions of nonproducing men. Nay, 
 they are not nonproducers. They produce discontent and socialism 
 and sometimes anarchy. 
 
 This appalling situation should cease. This war should cease. 
 
 The hundreds of thousands of widows and orphans already 
 made, cry out to Heaven in protest against the atrocity of this war. 
 The hundreds of thousands of lives already lost and the billions of 
 dollars worth of property already destroyed are more than a suffi- 
 cient sacrifice to the Moloch of war. 
 
 Statesmen and rulers of Europe, sober up before the curses and 
 maledictions of your own people drive you from place and power 
 in infamy and disgrace. Follow the precedent of this great 
 Republic. 
 
 If this Republic, w^ith its one hundred million of souls and in 
 possession of more financial resources than any country on earth, 
 can live in peace and prosperity and conclude treaties of arbitration 
 with both the weakest as well as the mightiest nations of the earth, 
 it involves no sacrifice of either dignity or pride for you to do the 
 same. 
 
 The day of war is passirig. The day of peace is nearly here. 
 
 This is the last great war. Its very immensity and awful con- 
 sequences are the best argument for arbitrament and peace. Peace 
 must eventually come by exhaustion. 
 
 Statesmen and rulers of Europe, listen to the cry of the friendly 
 American people. 
 
 Let the war cease now with a provision for arldtrament in the 
 future and the disarmament of your forces down to a number that 
 may be necessary for the preservation and protection of the laws 
 within the borders of your respective territories. 
 
 Thus will you earn the gratitude and respect of your own 
 peoples and the whole world, and secure in history a place above 
 that of Alexander or Caesar, Hannibal or Napoleon, and all the 
 warriors in ancient or modern times — that place which history still 
 reserves for the men who, following the teachings of the lowly Gali- 
 lean, established firmly and irrevocably in the policy and laws of 
 the nations of the earth : 
 
 "Peace on Earth, Good Will to Men." 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 585 
 
 EIGHTEEN MONTHS OF DEMOCRATIC 
 ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 Address to Democratic Meeting, Springfield, Missouri, 
 October 6, 1914. 
 
 Fellow Citizens: 
 
 At the invitation of your Campaign Committee, and your 
 distinguished fellow citizen. Senator Stone, it gives me great 
 pleasure to be with you today, and discuss some of the important 
 issues of the present campaign. 
 
 Although my duties in my own State are somewhat onerous, 
 leaving but little time to spend outside of Illinois, I believed it 
 my duty, at the present time, to help, in my feeble way, the Demo- 
 cratic party in your state in sending back to the Senate and the 
 lower House the gentlemen who so splendidly represented you 
 in the Congress of the United States and who, by reason of tlicir 
 high sense of public duty and because of their loyalty to the 
 Presideut of the United States, are unable themselves to be upon 
 the ground to urge their reelection. 
 
 The present Congress, I believe, has given the finest exhibi- 
 tion of unswerving duty and loyalty to public interest of any 
 Congress in history. Since the fourth of March, 1913, those gen- 
 tlemen, botli in the Senate and in the House of Representatives, at 
 the call of our great patriot President and leader of the Demo- 
 cratic party, have remained in continuous session, loyally up- 
 holding the hands of the President in carrying out the great re- 
 forms pledged by the Democratic party during the campaign 
 of 1912. 
 
 Throughout the long, hot, trying months of midsummer, 
 when the rest of us were endeavoring to take a little respite from 
 the heat and prostrati'on incident to an American summer, those 
 gentlemen, at the call of the President, at great personal dis- 
 coTufort. and often at great risk to their health, remained at 
 Washington, crystallizing Democratic pledges and Democratic 
 policies in the interest of the people, into national law. 
 
 Never w^as more loyal support given to a President by his 
 party than has been the support given by your representatives. 
 Senator Stone and Senator Reed in the upper House, and by your 
 splendid representatives in the lower House of Congress. Today 
 
586 DUNNE JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 and duriiig the whole of this campaign those loyal friends of the 
 people remain in their seats in Congress, neglecting their own 
 interests of reelection for the beneiit of the people. Under such 
 circumstances, and at such a time, it behooves, therefore, every 
 Democrat who believes in the policies of President Wilson and 
 the Democratic party, to do what he can to secure their re- 
 nomination and reelection. 
 
 The Democratic party has been enthroned in power in Wash- 
 ington and throughout most of the states for the last eighteen 
 months, and today that party presents a record to the people 
 for its approval or disapproval. What the verdict will be, 1 
 believe atlmits of no doubt. It is a record of achievement seldom 
 displayed by any party in so short a period. When the Demo- 
 cratic party, under President Wilson, took office on the fourth 
 of March, 1913, it was confronted with the following situation : 
 
 First. In Mexico, there were commercial and industrial dis- 
 turbances, and civil war inviting international complications. 
 A usurper- whose only credentials were the assassination of a dnlv 
 elected president, demanded recognition as the accredited ruler 
 of the nation and a Republican administration was inclined to 
 give him such recognition. 
 
 Second. There was a long standing demand, ignored by Re- 
 publican administrations, for an income tax law, which demand 
 was overwhelmingly reiterated at the election in 1912. 
 
 Third. An imperative demand for reform currency legis- 
 lation, long promised and never given by Republican adminis- 
 trations. 
 
 Fourth. The public demand for a consistent revision of the 
 tariff downward, oft promised but never given by Republican 
 administrations. 
 
 Fifth. An uncertain and unfortunate condition of tlie law 
 and administration of same in dealing with the evil practices 
 of big business, and a futile effort to control the trusts and 
 monopolies of the country. 
 
 To these were added within recent months tremendous and 
 unexpected problems arising out of the awful European war 
 which interrupted and deranged industrial production, commerce, 
 finance and ocean-transportation throughout the world. 
 
 How have these complications been met during the eighteen 
 months of the Democratic administration? Mark the result. 
 
 First. The Mexican situation has been dealt with in a spirit 
 of firmness, with justice, and without bluster. We have avoided 
 war without compromising our dignity as a great Nation, con- 
 served American blood and treasure, avoided national compli- 
 
DUNNE JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 587 
 
 cations and set the Mexican people well on the road to a new 
 era of peace and constitutionally organized government. 
 
 Second. An equitable income tax law has for the first time 
 been placed on the statute books, and is being impartially en- 
 forced, thus securing from the wealth}^ and powerful, for the 
 first time in American history, reasonable and proportionate con- 
 tributions to the burdens of government. 
 
 Third. A currency law that meets with practically universal 
 approval, enacted and now in process of being put into effect, 
 cordially assented to by the bankers and the whole community. 
 
 Fourth. Antitrust laws are being enforced with a single eye 
 to ending bad practices, not merely for the sham-battle purpose 
 of "making a record," and new legislation enacted to correct 
 obscurities and inconsistencies in the old antitrust laws. 
 
 Fifth. Dollar diplomacy in the State Department has been 
 abolished by our great Secretary of State, and the doctrine of 
 human rights substituted therefor. 
 
 Sixth. We have revised the tariff downward, on the necessi- 
 ties of life, pursuant to our campaign pledge of 1912. 
 
 Seventh. The dangerous and insidious lobby which has 
 haunted the halls of Congress for decades past has been driven 
 out of the Capitol. 
 
 Eighth. The Panama Canal has been completed and opened 
 to the commerce of the world. 
 
 Ninth. By law, the great national treasure house of Alaska 
 is being opened up and nationally-owned railroads authorized and 
 a survey therc^for begun. 
 
 Tenth. Popular election of United States Senators has been 
 made effective. 
 
 Eleventh. Two great railway strikes have been averted by 
 arbitration, and the coal strike settled. 
 
 Twelftli. The telephone and telegraph trusts have been dis- 
 solved- 
 
 Thirteenth. The parcel post has been extended and made 
 cheaper to the people. 
 
 Fourteenth. Express rates and charges have been reduced as 
 the residt of national competition. 
 
 Fifteenth. More remedial labor legislation has been enacted 
 upon request of laboring men than was ever enacted by all pre- 
 vious Republican administrations. 
 
 Sixteenth. The problems and situations, suddenly arising from 
 the European Avar, have been met firmly, promptly and patriotic 
 ally. The country has been preserved from a financial crisi.«i. 
 War insurance for American cargoes has been provided, and lejris 
 
588 DUXNE JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 lation has becu enacted that will help to re-create the American 
 mei'chant marine and again place the American flag upon the 
 high seas of the Avorld. 
 
 Thanks to the prompt and intelligent action of a great 
 peace-loving President and his peace-loving Secretary oi State, 
 Aye remain at peace with all the world. 
 
 We have laid the foundation for bringing about peace be- 
 tween the warring nations and have successfully consummated 
 as a standing moiiument to the construction genius of the Demo- 
 cratic party, twenty-five treaties of peace and arbitration l)etween 
 this Republic and twenty-five other nations, comprising within 
 their boundaries over two-thirds of the population of the globe. 
 
 This is the record of eighteen months of a Democratic ad- 
 ministration. AVhere in the history of American Presidents can 
 we find so extraordinary a record in so short a time? 
 
 In addition to these accomplishments, the President and Dem- 
 ocratic Congress are now engaged seriously, studiously and con- 
 servatively in amending the antitrust legislation of the Nation 
 in such a way as to protect legitimate industries against the 
 curse of monopoly. 
 
 Upon this record, the Democratic party stands and asks the 
 approval of the people of the United States. Upon this i-ecord 
 Senator Stone presents himself for reelection, and the Demo- 
 cratic Congressmen of this State unselfishly remain with liim at 
 Washington, leaving the verdict to your just and impartial con- 
 sideration. 
 
 A vote for Senator Stone and your Democratic candidate 
 for Congress is a vote of endorsement of the President. A vote 
 against Senator Stone and against your Democratic candidate 
 for Congress is a repudiation of this splendid record of the 
 Democratic party. 
 
 Two years ago you placed in power in the State and in the 
 Nation President Wilson and your Democratic representatives 
 in Congress. During eighteen months of constant sesvsion they 
 have i)laced before you this record. Can there be any doubt in 
 the mind of any clear-minded citizen, no matter to what party 
 he may belong, as to what should be the verdict of the people? 
 
 Do you favor revision of the tariff downward? If so, the 
 Democrats have revised it downward. Already in wholesale 
 prices the effect of that tariff is being felt, and long before the 
 next Presidential election, retail prices wall demonstrate the 
 efficiency and wisdom of that revision downward. 
 
 Do you favor the imposition of an income tax? Nearly 
 every civilized country on earth has such a tax. and yet the Re 
 publican party for sixteen years had prevented the enactment 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 589 
 
 oJ' this wise aud just law. If you favor an income tax, the Demo- 
 cratic party, for the tirst time in American history, has placed 
 ^ it effectively upon the statute books. The income tax law is a 
 law which compels the rich to pay their fair share of the bur- 
 dens of running the Government. Why should they not? 
 
 Do you favor legislation which will abolish financial panics? 
 If so, the Democratic party has given it to you. For one-half 
 century under Republican rule, we have been periodically visited 
 with financial crashes as the result of an unwise and unskilful 
 condition of the currency laws, under which the bankers of Wall 
 Street concentrated all the wealth of the country in the hands 
 of a few\ The new currency law enacted by the Democratic 
 party is admitted by the bankers themselves to be so wise and 
 comprehensive in character as to prevent the concentration of 
 this Avealth in the future as it has been in the past, and permits 
 the bankers of the country to obtain relief in case of stringency 
 by pledging their assets in the hands of the general Government. 
 
 During Republican administrations the great financial 
 powers were in the habit of making loans to the smaller nations 
 and in forcing the collection of these loans by Federal gunboats. 
 This utilization of governmental power as a debt collecting 
 agency has stopped. Human rights instead of dollars are now 
 the interests protected by our Department of State. 
 
 For decades past, under Republican rule, that party and its 
 representatives have been coerced and intimidated by the great 
 interests into passing laws favoring gigantic corporations and 
 combines. For that purpose these great interests during Repub- 
 lican rule have maintained i)ermanently in the Capitol a danger- 
 ous and insidious lobby, which has exerted tremendous and 
 malign power upon the lawmaking machinery of the Republic. 
 That lobby the Democratic party has driven from the Capitol, 
 and exposed to the sunlight of investigation. The third house 
 has been abolished, and, I trust, forever. 
 
 Under Republican rule, it was the policy to permit the nat- 
 ural resources of newly developed territories to be given away 
 and monopolized by the great interests or to tie them up so as 
 to place them beyond the reach of ordinary settlers. The Demo- 
 cratic party has compelled a change in this procedure, particu- 
 larly in reference to the tremendous riches lately discovered in 
 Alaska. It has, moreover, authorized the building of the first 
 nationally owned railroad to develop and lay bare those great 
 riches for ^he common use and benefit of all prospectors and 
 settlers, and today American engineers are penetrating into the 
 interior of Alaska laying out the line of that great railroad. 
 
590 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 Under Democratic rule, we have made effective the popular 
 vote for United States Senator. The last senatorial deadlock 
 took place in the State of Illinois. The people have been given 
 the right to vote directly for their Senators and no more will we 
 hear of the scandalous intrigues which have heretofore frequently 
 ■disgraced the different states in the election of United States 
 Senators. 
 
 But above all the things aecomplished by the Democratic party 
 has been the preservation of peace between this country and all 
 other nations. 
 
 When the Republican party went out of power there was a very 
 difficult and delicate situation existing between this Republic and 
 the empire of Japan, which it was feared for a time might develop 
 into warfare between the nations. Our great Secretary of State has 
 so conducted the diplomacy of this government in dealing with 
 Japan that all danger of war has now been averted and good will 
 and harmony exist between the two countries. 
 
 In Mexico, internal war was raging and private property inter- 
 ests of great magnitude were demanding the recognition of a 
 usurper and assassin to the furtherance of their own selfish inter- 
 ests. To the credit of this country. President Wilson took the stand 
 that no government which had been erected upon the ruins of con- 
 stitutional government l)y the weapons of assassins should receive 
 recognition as a de facto government, and when uniformed Mexican 
 braves imprisoned our marines witliout justification and floutei^ our 
 flag, he refused to be forced into a declaration of war with a sister 
 republic, even though that sister republic could have been crushed 
 like an eggshell by our armed forces. 
 
 Wisely and prndently he avoided war. He seized a maritime 
 port of Mexico and held it until time could be given to that dis- 
 tracted republic to compose its affairs, and then apologize for the 
 injury done. To seize this port in the assertion of dignity of the 
 American flag and to hold it until a proper amend could be made 
 has averted a great war. and has cost the United States but 
 $7,000,000. 
 
 Contrast this, my friends, with the spectacle of events now 
 presented to us in Europe. Day after day the unfortunate nations 
 now engaged in this insane war are spending $50,000,000 a day, 
 and at least 500,000 corpses are now buried in trenches upon the 
 battlefields as a tribute to the Moloch of war. Half a million of 
 widows and orphans are being deprived of their means of support, 
 and the end is not vet. 
 
 Thank God, during tbe last six months we have had a man in 
 the Wliite House who was a diseiple of the Prince of Peace. 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 591 
 
 My fellow citizens, consider these facts. Take them home with 
 you. Appeal to your own conscience, and ask yourselves, if such a 
 glorious record made by a Democratic President and a Democratic 
 party should not receive the commendation and support, not only 
 of Democrats, but of all fair-minded citizens. If you think it does, 
 and I know you will, you will see to it that that splendid record is 
 sustained, by going- to the polls next month and return to the Senate 
 your splendid representative in the Senate w^io for years has been 
 one of the leaders of the Democratic party in that great chamber, 
 William J. Stone, the great Missourian and the great American, 
 and by casting your votes also for each and all of the Democratic 
 nominees for Congress, who are pledged to support the policies of 
 President Wilson. 
 
592 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 THE PROPOSED EIGHT-FOOT 
 WATERWAY. 
 
 Address to Delegates, Chicago, October 10, 1914. 
 
 The following were present: J. J. Armstrong, H. C. Barlow, 
 John J. Commons, Col. E. S. Conway, Lyman E. Cooley, Hon. 
 Edward V. Dunne, Henry P. Dwyer, John Ericson, H. C. Gardner, 
 John M. Glenn, William H. Harper, Thomas J. Healy, W. H. John- 
 son, C. W. Judd, Col. William V. Judson, E. J. Kelly, F. R. McMul- 
 lin, Elmer Martin, T. Edward AVilder, H. V. Miller, Sterling 
 Morton, Edmund H. Roche, Walter A. Shaw, L. K. Sherman, John 
 C. Spry, A. C. Sullivan, George A. Tripp, J. J. Wait, all of Chicago ; 
 Captain G. P. Blow, N. W. Duncan, W. A. Panneck, R. W. 
 Thompson, H. S. Hazen, Fritz Worm, Thomas F. Noon, all of 
 La Salle; R. F. Burt, Lockport; Arthur Charles, Carmi ; Sherman 
 L. Marshall, Ipava ; Edward S. Morhan, Sheridan ; Arthur C. Leach, 
 Joliet; E. J. Barklow, Joliet; Cal. D. 'Callahan, Joliet; Henry B. 
 Morgan, Fred H. Smith, Walter B. AVilde, Richard H. Johnson, of 
 Peoria. 
 
 Gentlemen and Felloir Citizens: 
 
 It is with much pleasure that I am here today in response 
 to the very kind invitation of the Association of Commerce to 
 meet, not only some of the most prominent members of the water- 
 ways committee of that very influential organization, but to meet 
 other representative citizens of the city of Chicago and the State 
 of Illinois and the public officials having to do with the water- 
 ways of the State. 
 
 When the committee who invited me suggested liiat the 
 subject they would like to have under discussion would be the 
 creation of a waterway between the city of Chicago and the Mis- 
 sissippi River, they also were kind enough to suggest that, if there 
 were any other public officials in the State that were concerned 
 with these very important and pregnant problems, they would 
 like to have them present. And, it gives me much pleasure to 
 see around this board not only the very representative citizens 
 connected with the Association of Commerce and other prom- 
 inent citizens of this city, but also all the engineering members 
 of the Rivers and Lakes Commission; in fact, all the members — 
 
DUNXE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 593 
 
 1 see Mr. Healy here and Mr. Charles, — all members of the 
 Rivers and Lakes Commission, and all the commissioners from the 
 Illinois and Michigan canal board. The president of the Sani- 
 tary district, I believe, was invited. I do not see him present, 
 but I see him represented both by Mr. Cooley, the consulting 
 engineer of that great corporation, and Edward J. Kelly, the 
 assistant or acting engineer of the Sanitary district. 
 
 We are all intensely interested, my friends, in making prac- 
 ticable and utilizing for commerce the cut across the watershed 
 first discovered by a white man in the person of Father Marquette. 
 Years and years ago, in the early history of this State, the value 
 of that great waterway across that Avatershed became apparent 
 to the Congress of the United States and to the people of the 
 State of Illinois, and the Congress of the United States ceded 
 lands of enormous value now, according to their present valua- 
 tion, to the State of Illinois, upon the distinct understand- 
 .ing that the State of Illinois would create a navigable waterway 
 from Lake ^Michigan leading to the Mississippi. Pursuant to that 
 understanding the old Illinois and Michigan canal was con 
 structed. It Avas constructed by engineers, capable in their day 
 and was well constructed, considering the state of engineering- 
 science at that time. But the world has moved and moved most 
 wonderfully in every profession^ — except the profession of 
 law (laughter). It has moved wonderfully in the surgical 
 science, in engineering science, in the science of war, — I wish to 
 God it had not (applause). — and it has moved very rapidly in 
 engineering science, and things that were absolutely impossible 
 of achievement forty or fifty and seventy-five years ago in the 
 engineering world, are mere child's play today, as these engineers 
 will tell you. 
 
 We have all discovered in recent years that the waterway, 
 built by the State of Illinois under its contract with the Govern- 
 ment in exchange for. these valuable lands, has become an obsolete 
 and inadequate waterway. I got a very bad impression of the value 
 of that waterway while I was a private citizen and until I was 
 elected Governor, and retained that impression for months after I 
 was Governor. When riding on the Chicago & Alton train from 
 Chicago to Joliet, I looked into the canal from the railroad 
 cars I thought no language was more appropriate than that applied 
 by Senator Sherman to it when he called it a "tadpole ditch," 
 because between Joliet and Chicago, it is a tadpole ditch. When I 
 got into office, my friends, I found a report from the old Illinois 
 Canal Commission recommending a rehabilitation of that canal. In 
 print it was a very able argument and it would have struck me with 
 
594 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 a great deal of force, were it not for the fact that 1 knew the condi- 
 tion of the canal from Joliet to Chicago. 
 
 I said, "Where is the use? Look at it! We can't rehabili- 
 tate that thing and it is idle to think of it in view of the fact that 
 the Sanitary district has got a splendid waterway right along- 
 side of it." But 1 did not know anything of the condition of the 
 canal from Joliet to La Salle. 
 
 Finally the Illinois and Michigan Canal Commission and 
 Mr. J^urt, their superintendent, became very insistent that I ought 
 to acquaint myself with the condition of the canal below Joliet, 
 and about sixty days ago, I think it was, I accepted the invitation 
 of these gentlemen and went down that canal from Joliet to 
 La Salle. 1 suggested that they invite a few engineers along 
 who would go on the waterAvay wuth me and who might be able to 
 explain the things to my mind from an engineering standpoint 
 that I could not understand. They were kind enough to invite 
 Mr. Cooley, whose eminence as an engineer and whose learning 
 and ability no one can contest, Mr. Kelly of the Sanitary district, 
 Mr. Sherman of the Rivers and Lakes Commission, and Mr. Shaw, 
 who was formerly on the commission and is now a member of the 
 Public Utilities Commission. 
 
 I went down that canal in order to know what I was talking 
 about when I did talk to the Legislature and to my fellow citi- 
 zens; and I must say to you, my friends, my eyes were opened. 
 
 I had thought we had a tadpole ditch the whole way down 
 until I went on that trip. I discovered to ray surprise that Ave 
 had a waterway that ought not to be closed up. During 
 my trip dow^n that river I suggested to these engineers that the 
 improvement of the waterway from Chicago to the gulf had been 
 delaj-ed snd hindered by differences of opinion as to th<^ depth 
 of the waterway: "While the people w'ere generous enough to 
 consent to the constitutional amendment under which you can 
 appropriate twenty million dollars for the improvement, it would 
 appear that you engineers have not been able to agree upon some 
 sort of a program to present to the people." And I happened 
 to say to these gentlemen: "Is it not true that the Federal en- 
 gineers who have been preparing plans and giving study to the 
 waterw.ay and to the Mississippi, have reported within the last 
 twelve-month that the w^aterway from St. Louis to Cairo and 
 from Cairo to New Orleans is impracticable at a greater depth 
 than eight feet? If that be true at the present time, in the pres- 
 ent condition of engineering science, is it necessary to discuss a 
 fourteen or twenty-four foot depth of the Illinois River when 
 commerce is waiting in Chicago and all along the banks of that 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 595 
 
 canal, waiting to transfer property day after day? An enormous 
 amount, they say, can be carried on an eight-foot channel." 
 "Can't some plan," I said, turning to Mr. Cooley and these other 
 engineers, "can't some plan be devised under which we can 
 get that eight-foot channel from Chicago to St.' Louis and 
 from Chicago to Davenport through the Hennepin canal, which 
 connects w'ith the Mississippi, that will not militate against these 
 other depths, and would it not be wise to adopt some scheme, 
 at not unreasonable expense, to give us an eight-foot waterway 
 temporarily, if that does not conflict ultimately with the other 
 fourteen or fifteen or twenty-four foot depths?" 
 
 Mr. Cooley and these other engineers happened to drop a 
 remark tJiat it was possible by building a dam at Starved Rock 
 across the Illinois River and dredging that river northwards and 
 utilizing some of this canal, that it was possible to get an eight- 
 foot channel from Ch,icago down to LaSalle w^ithout antagonizing 
 or foreclosing any of the other depths on this river. I then 
 asked these gentlemen if they would not be kind enough to make, 
 as engineers, a study of the problem and report to me in thirty 
 days. 1 am pleased to say that all of these gentlemen, without 
 pay or recompense, as far as I know (l)ecause we have said noth- 
 ing about it) have given me their valuable time and intelligence, 
 and it gi\es me more than great pleasure to report that these 
 gentlemen, some of whom are devoted to a deeper waterway, and 
 some to another kind of waterway, have submitted to me three 
 schemes imder which, in a very short time and at very low ex- 
 pense, the city of Chicago will be able to transport merchandise 
 from that city to LaSalle, and the east wall be able to transport 
 traflie through the Sanitary district canal dowai to Tiockport or 
 Joliet, and thence, utilizing nineteen miles of the old canal, 
 which will have to be dredged to the depth of eight feet, and 
 about forty-five miles of the Illinois River to LaSalle, by the 
 Illinois and Mississippi to New Orleans. 
 
 These men reported to me, in other words, that in a very 
 In-ief time, and at the expense of only three million and 
 seventy-five thousand dollars, the citizens of Chicago and 
 the citizens of Buffalo and Toledo, Cleveland, Detroit, Duluth, 
 the citizens of all these cities can transport in steam barges to the 
 IMississippi at Da^enport, through the Hennepin, and also to St. 
 Louis, through the Illinois, merchandise that is waiting for the 
 opening of that canal, and at a cost of only about three million 
 dollars: and that the proposition as recommended by them in the 
 third project wall not in any way militate against any of those 
 other different programs for the depth of tlie Illinois south of 
 LaSalle. 
 
596 DUNNE JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 1 am Jiore, my Iriends, to get light on this problem. 1 will 
 be frank enough to say to you that, while I am not committed to 
 any plan at the present time, this scheme impresses me as the 
 most practical, reasonable, and sensible program that has been 
 devised during all this talk of a waterway that has been going 
 on in tlie city of Chicago and the State of Illinois for the last 
 twenty years. I know that at this table there are many business 
 men that have business heads on them ; I know there are many 
 engineers who have experience and knowledge. I am here simply 
 as the Executive of this State to say that I want earnest co- 
 operatioji with some sort of scheme with the citizens of this com- 
 munity that will enable freight to be carried from the lakes and 
 through the port of Chicago down to St. Louis, Cairo and New 
 Orleans ; and if freight to the enormous amount the merchants of 
 this city tell me is waiting to be transported can be transported 
 upon an eight-foot channel — and it lies waiting for us — and that 
 project recommended by these gentlemen will give us an eight- 
 foot channel to the gulf — then this scheme should be endorsed 
 and adopted. 
 
 If this scheme gives that great artery of Avater transportation 
 without militating against any of these other engineering pro- 
 jects of fourteen or twenty-four foot depth, it is an act of wisdom 
 on the i)art of this community and you business men. in view of 
 the fact that it will only cost three million and seventy-five thou- 
 sand dollars, to get to work on it. 
 
 That is the impression that is made on me by this report. I 
 think it was a fortunate circumstance that, when we went down 
 the canal I had the benefit of all the information given me by 
 these engineers and to have gotten them together on the matter 
 of making this report. I Avant that report to be studied by such 
 men as the Colonel (Colonel Judson) on my right, who is a Fed- 
 eral engineer, to let me know if there is anything that can be 
 logically or scientifically urged against the adoption of that re- 
 port. If it is feasible, we knoAv it is economical. We know there 
 has been a repeated and continuous demand from the merchants 
 of this city for a navigable waterway down the canal. 
 
 I see Mr. Duncan of LaSalle here. Down there they tell me 
 there is an enormous amount of transportation waiting for that 
 waterway, and I was informed, to my great surprise, that water- 
 ways are not only cheaper — everyone knows that — but they are 
 more expeditious than rail transportation. 
 
 That is a thing that amazed me. If we get a waterway that 
 is capable of floating barges of about eight-foot draft, they tell me 
 that such transportation will be cheaper and more rapid than 
 bv rail. 
 
DUNNE JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 597 
 
 That is the situation, my friends, that we are here to discuss. 
 That is a condition that the people of Chicago and the public 
 officials and myself want light upon. I will say to you this, I 
 have not gone plougliing around with any of the newspapers to 
 get them to commend or approve this problem. I have not seen 
 any of them to urge its adoption. I find voluntaiy support. The 
 Tribune has spoken very favorably of it — and very seldom they 
 speak favorably of anything I am interested in. (Laughter.) 
 I find the Journal favorable also, although it has been a little 
 more friendly politically. I find the Examiner today had an 
 article commending it. 
 
 In addition to all this, let me say before I close, that I am 
 advised by merchants of reputable standing in this community, by 
 manufacturers and men who expect to use that waterway, that if 
 the waterway is constructed — and they have been advocating the 
 rehabilitation of the old canal, not this program, which is wholly 
 different — they say even if the old canal was rehabilitated that the 
 amount of the tonnage rates paid for freight, which I believe is 
 much less than what is paid to the railroads — would pay the interest 
 upon that investment to the State of Illinois. These gentlemen who 
 have these views are here, and we probably would be glad to hear 
 from them. 
 
 This project, I understand, first contemplates the erection of 
 a dam at Starved Rock, which would constitute the major part of 
 the cost of the whole projec't. Thence north for forty-five miles, it 
 utilizes the natural waterway of the Illinois river with the exception 
 of about a mile and a half at Marseilles, where there is a private 
 waterway which we don 't care to interfere with at the present time. 
 Then when it strikes Dresden Heights, it debouches into the old 
 canal, and for about 19 miles into Joliet utilizes the old canal. 
 
 The plan contemplates the dredging of the waterway to the 
 depth of eight feet. It does not interfere with any of those other 
 projects for a fourteen or twenty-four foot waterway, down from 
 Chicago to southern Illinois. That is my understanding, gentle- 
 men. I am pleased to be here, and I am interested to find out 
 whether the plan is what it appears to be and whether it receives 
 the approval of the level-headed merchants of the city of Chicago. 
 
 I shall be very brief, Mr. Toastmaster. I would not 
 want to leave this meeting without voicing my appre- 
 ciation of the statements made by Mr. Morton with reference to the 
 control of the terminals. I think the very first thing we ought to 
 do — all the cities along the Illinois River and the Des Plaines 
 River — the very first thing that ought to be done, if we are going 
 to get this thing through, is for each of these cities, through their 
 public-spirited citizens and common councils, to acquire property 
 
598 DUXNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 that should be publicly owned or publicly controlled by the munic- 
 ipalities, to be dedicated to the use of teraiinals on the water 
 front. Once that property is acquired, then the next thing to be 
 done is for j'ou to design a uniform kind of terminal consistent 
 with the depth of the water. But the terminal land should be ac- 
 ({uired now if we go forward with this- movement to deepen the 
 canal between Chicago and through Utica to Davenport and to 
 St. Louis at once. Every shrewd real estate investor along this 
 river is going to acquire these water fronts if he can, and you 
 are going to be fooled, if you acquire it by condemning it at its 
 enhanced value. 
 
 Chicago has led the way; we are going to have a great public 
 port which we are now building in the city of Chicago. It is up to 
 Peoria, Peru, LaSalle, and every one of these cities to acquire ter- 
 minals, publicly owiied and controlled, where everybody will be 
 permitted to land his barge or boat at the public docks and be 
 treated exactly alike, so there will be no preferences between men, 
 as to the treatment they receive at these terminals. 
 
 I want to say that this has been made easy for you by the 
 enactment by the Legislature of the law, giving the cities of this 
 State the right to acquire any utility they see fit. I am pleased to 
 say that in the last Legislature upon my recommendation there 
 was passed a bill under which every city of the State can acquire 
 by purchase or condemnation every sort of a public utility, includ- 
 ing bridges and warehouses and landings and such things. They 
 can be acquired throughout the whole State. (Applause.) 
 
 Another thing; tlie consensus of opinion, as displayed by the 
 advocates of the deep waterway, in the persons of Mr. Cooley and 
 my friend from Peoria, and the attitude displayed toward this 
 scheme by the advocates of the shallow waterway, like Mr. Morton, 
 makes it apparent that at last we have got together upon a feasible 
 project for the State of Illinois for the opening of a waterway. I 
 am pleased to hear that we have a million dollars for the develop- 
 ment of the lower rivers in the hands of the Government, and 
 ]>leased to hear from Colonel Judson that there will be little diffi- 
 ciilly in acquiring that money for the opening of the canal. 
 
 I think the time has arrived when we all ought to push forward 
 this project as advocated under Number 3 ; and particularly at this 
 time when there are so many men in the State of Illinois who need 
 employment. How can they be better employed than upon a project 
 like this, which belongs to all the citizens of the State. 
 
 One more thing, and then I am through. I want to call atten- 
 tion to the fact that the present Congress has sat down effectually 
 upon the appropriation for waterways. I do not think that is spas- 
 modic. I think that is likely to be the policy of Congress in the 
 
DUNNE JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 599 
 
 future, because of the many urireasonal)le and unutilitarian schemes 
 that have been brought forward in the country by hundreds of little 
 places for the wanton waste of money. If we can go to Congress 
 with this project and show Congress that this is iu line with the 
 things already recommended by their engineers, as Colonel Judson 
 pointed out, we won't be put in the position of_ having a pork 
 barrel proposition, but a fine utilitarian project. 
 
 If the people are behind this, as they seem to be today, I think 
 this project v/ill be put through inside of two years, and we will 
 have a practical waterway from Lake Michigan to the Mississippi 
 river. 
 
 One thing more. The suggestion has been made by INIr. Gard- 
 ner and Mr. Wilder that there is a very important conference of 
 the National Rivers and Harbors Congress in Washington, and I 
 will be very much pleased to adopt the suggestions made by Mr. 
 Wilder, and appoint the gentlemen who have displayed their inter- 
 est in the matter by attendance here, as delegates to the convention. 
 As he said, the State has made no appropriation and you will be 
 rewarded by the zeal with which you devote yourselves to the inter- 
 ests of the people. (Applause.) 
 
600 DUXXE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 THE IDEALS OF A NOTED IRISH 
 PATRIOT. 
 
 At the Unveiling of the Finerty Monument, Chicago. 
 October 11, 1914. 
 
 Mr. Chairman, Ladies and Gentlemen: 
 
 It is with much pleasure that I participate with you today in 
 the unveiling of a monument erected to the memory of one of the 
 most prominent citizens of the city of Chicago, who, during his 
 life, by his signal services rendered as a journalist, editor, orator 
 and statesman, endeared himself to a very wide circle of acquaint- 
 ances in this city, and throughout the Northwest. 
 
 Seldom does it happen to a man, so soon after his death, to 
 have a monument erected to him by the volunteer contributions of 
 liis fellow men. The fact that within a few short years after his 
 death this monument is ere(;ted by volunteer subscription attests 
 the affection in which he was held by many thousands of our 
 citizens. 
 
 It was my pleasure to have known him personally during his 
 lifetime, and I can speak from personal contact with him of his 
 many remarkable virtues and attributes. For forty years and over 
 he was identified with the social, commercial and political life of 
 this city. 
 
 Possessed of a magnificent physi(|U('. and a charming person- 
 ality, he was also endowed by his maker with conversational and 
 oratorical gifts which seldom fall to man. With such attributes he 
 readily found his way into the hearts and affections of his fel- 
 low men. 
 
 John F. Finerty was born in Galway, Ireland. His father was 
 the owner and propi-ietor of the principal paper of that city, which 
 accounts for his predilection for journalism in his after years. In 
 his youth he witnessed with much bitterness the destitution and 
 mi.sery afflicting his fellow countrymen as the result of atrocious 
 misgovemment. 
 
 Before reaching manhood the first thing he did was to cry out 
 in protest against the things he saw around him. A born orator, 
 he easily aroused his fellow men to resist the continuance of such 
 conditions. So effective aiul vigorous were his speeches that a 
 warrant was issued for his arrest, charging him with the dissemina- 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 601 
 
 tion of treason. To escape imprisonment because of these utter- 
 ances he was compelled to leave his native land while yet under 
 age, and to come to this country. 
 
 Promptly upon landing, he volunteered in the Union Army, 
 and served creditably for a brief period until the close of the war. 
 In the latter end of the sixties he located permanently in Chicago. 
 Almost immediately he became permanently identified with the 
 Cliicago press, first on the editorial staft' of the old Republican, 
 which was the precursor of the Inter Ocean, and afterwards upon 
 the Tribune. He served as special war correspondent for the Trib- 
 une and as such reported four of the western Indian wars, including 
 the campaign against Sitting Bull in 1876. 
 
 During those campaigns he endured all of the hardships, and 
 trials, and risked all the dangers of the ordinary trooper, and nar- 
 rowly escaped massacre in the Big Horn campaign. Afterwards, as 
 the correspondent of this paper, he traveled much in Mexico re- 
 porting the border troubles. In 1882 he founded and became 
 editor of the Chicago Citizen, a weekly which has existed, and has 
 been published in Chicago from that time down to the present 
 date. 
 
 In 1883, he was elected to Congress and served most creditably 
 in the lower House. He advocated an increased Navy and more 
 powerful fortifications for America in a powerful speech which has 
 been long remembered throughout the country. An account of his 
 experiences in his Indian campaigns is contained in his "Warpath 
 and Bivouac," a work written in the choicest diction and full of 
 fire and action. 
 
 'He also was the author of "A People's History of Ireland." 
 
 Throughout his life he never forgot. to sympathize with and 
 champion the cause of the land of his birth. The impressions which 
 misgovernment and misrule in his native land had made upon him 
 in his youth seemed to have burned into his very being. He never 
 ceased to advocate and strive for the independence of his native 
 land. He at one time organized the great popular organization 
 known as the Irish Land League of America, which raised and 
 forwarded over one-half million dollars to the Parliamentary party 
 in Ireland. 
 
 He was a member of the Grand Army of the Republic, and of 
 the American Irish Historical Society, and was seven times elected 
 president of the United Irish Societies of Chicago. 
 
 He possessed that rare combination, so seldom found in one 
 person, eloquence of speech upon the platform, and facility of 
 expression by pen in the library or editorial sanctum. Few men in 
 Chicago in our day possessed his marvelous eloquence. I can recall, 
 while still a young man, being more deeply moved by his tremendous 
 
602 DUNXE; — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 power of pul)lic iittoranee tiuui by any man in his day. Patriot, 
 l)oet, orator, author and journalist, he was a rare combination 
 among men. 
 
 Like most men of liighly emotional temperament, he lacked 
 commercial sagacity and shrewdness. This lack of commercial 
 shrewdness, together with his open-handed generosity, prevented 
 his amassing even a moderate competence. He left behind him 
 little of this world's goods, but did leave behind him what is far 
 more to be envied, the reputation of being a man of exalted ideals 
 and lofty principle. 
 
 The respect and affection of hundreds of thousands of men was 
 the only heritage he left, and was the thing that he valued in life 
 more than all the riches of Golconda. 
 
 It is fitting and proper that the citizens of Chicago, with whom 
 he lived so long and honorably, should now. that he has passed 
 away, do honor to his fragrant memory and splendid life. This 
 they now do by unveiling this splendid work of art in one of tlie 
 parks of this great cit}'. 
 
DUXNE- — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 603 
 
 WATERWAY TRANSPORTATION NEAR. 
 
 Statement to the Public, October 14, 1914. 
 
 I believe the time is rapidly approaching when waterway 
 transportation, as supplemental to and not antagonistic toward 
 I'ailway transportation, is soon to be thoroughly developed in the 
 State of Illinois and surrounding states. 
 
 Public sentiment is rapidly crystallizing in favor of a speedy 
 construction of an eight-foot channel in the Illinois River between 
 Joliet and LaSalle, thus giving through waterway transportation 
 with a depth of eight feet from Chicago to St. Louis, and from 
 Chicago. to Davenport, Iowa, via the Hennepin canal; such a proj- 
 ect not being, however, in any way inconsistent with the further 
 deveU)pment of the river to a further depth. In view of this fact 
 and before any legislation is recommended or carried through 
 the Legislature having this object in view, it is most important 
 that all cities intending to avail themselves of water transporta- 
 tion should immediately proceed to acquire title to the land 
 necessary for the establishment and maintenance of terminals and 
 wharves. 
 
 if these cities wait until after the Legislature legislates upon 
 the matter, they will be faced with an increase in valuation of the 
 lands necessary to be acquired for that purpose resulting from 
 the passage of such a law. If they proceed at once to acquire 
 hy i^urchase or condemnation such property, it can be procured 
 at a cheaper valuation. 
 
 All sach cities and municipalities, in my judgment, ought to 
 proceed to cooperate for 'the purpose of establishing a uniform 
 character of terminals that would be suited to the boats which 
 would be engaged in such water transportation. 
 
604 DUNNE JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 GOOD ROADS IN ILLINOIS. 
 
 Address to Association of Commerce, Chicago, October 21, 1914. 
 Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen: 
 
 It is a pleasure lor me to be here today and say a few words 
 upon the subject of "Good Roads." 
 
 The question of good roads touches vitally the agricultural, 
 commercial, educational, social, religious and economic welfare 
 of Illinois, and involves the conservation of natural resources. 
 
 In the improvement of good roads, Illinois has until recently 
 been indeed backward. Reports of the Federal Department of 
 Agriculture up to 1913 shoAv that about 10 per cent of the 95,000 
 miles of Illinois road are improved in a permanent manner, as 
 against 35 per cent in the neighboring state of Indiana, 20 per 
 ^ent in Kentucky, 28 per cent in Ohio, and 50 per cent in Mas- 
 sachusetts. 
 
 The loss to farmers, because of inaccessible primary markets, 
 and the abnormal expense of transportation, due to bad roads, 
 must be considered as a contributing cause of the high cost of 
 living. In some Illinois counties, highways are impassable to 
 ordinary loads for a full third part of the year. Bad roads not 
 only hinder crop production and marketing, but Wiay keep the 
 rural consumer away from the store of the merchant for weeks 
 at a time. They keep pupils from the schools, and voters from 
 political gatherings, and from participation in elections. They 
 impair the efficiency of churches, and social, fraternal and other 
 organizations. Avhich depend largely on public gatherings for the 
 efficacy of their work. 
 
 Moreover, bad roads contribute to the unattractiveness, the 
 isolation and the monotony of country life that are responsible 
 For the desertion of rural pursuits, especially among the young. 
 Experts in mental ailments agree that women in remote sections 
 are the chief sufferers from the restriction of communication and 
 social intercourse, which bad roads impose. 
 
 Highway conditions in Illinois are due to the fact that prog- 
 ress in methods of transportation and travel has not been met 
 with corresponding changes in our system of road building and 
 maintenance. 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 605 
 
 lUiuois IS the third State in the United States in population, 
 wealth, and political and commeicial importance. 
 
 It is the premier agricultural State of the United States. Its 
 soil, on the average, is three times as valuable in selling price as 
 the average soil of the United States, and yet in that important 
 feature which gives value to the farm, to-wit, the roadways 
 which lead to its gates, Illinois is scandalously and deplorably 
 in the background as compared with most of the other progres- 
 sive states of the Union. 
 
 In the matter of ratio of improved roadways to unimproved 
 roadways, Illinois holds today the hoodoo number of 23. In other 
 words. 22 of the states of the United States have a greater ratio 
 of improved roadways to unimproved roadways than has the great 
 State of Illinois. 
 
 I was surprised to find, upon investigation, that Illinois has a 
 smaller percentage of improved roads than has the United States 
 in general. In other words, the average percentage of improved 
 roads to unimproved roads in the whole of the United States on 
 December 31, 1911, was ten and one-tenth per cent, while the 
 average in the great State of Illinois was only nine and forty 
 seven hundredths per cent on the same date. * This situation of 
 affairs has been, and is, a reproach to the intelligence and a 
 blemish on the reputation of this State. 
 
 Knowing these conditions, I recommended to the last General 
 Assembly consideration of legislation which would promote the 
 efficiency and economy of the administration of the road system 
 of the State. Pursuant to that recommendation the last General 
 Assembly placed upon the statute ])Ooks a law which affords a 
 scheme of State aid and provides for cooperation between the 
 State and counties in such a way as to encourage and develop 
 road building in the State of Illinois. This law created the pres- 
 ent State Highway Department.. 
 
 This department has been thoroughly reorganized. It has 
 laid out the roads that will constitute the proposed State aid 
 road system of the entire State, and maps have Iieen made of 
 about sixteen thousand miles of improved roads. These State 
 aid roads connect all the principal trading points of the State 
 with one another, extending throughout the length and breadth 
 of all of the counties of the State, and when completed as the 
 main thoroughfares of the State, will be one of the most com- 
 prehensive systems of roads in any like community in the world. 
 When this system of roads is once constructed, there will not be a 
 home in the State of Illinois farther than four and one-half miles 
 from a State aid road. 
 
606 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 The State Highway Coramission was somewhat hampered in 
 the beginning of their work by a suit testing the constitutionality 
 of the law. It was fought through all the courts and the Su- 
 preme Court handed down its decision on the question at the 
 June term, this year, holding the law to be constitutional in every 
 detail. 
 
 The commission at once began active work under the law. 
 The first contracts were let on the first day of July this year. 
 Contracts have been let in forty-six counties of the State com- 
 prising ninety-one miles of road, seventy-five of which will be of 
 concrete and sixteen of brick. The Highway Department hope to 
 have this number of miles of work completed this fall. This, 
 together with perfecting the organization and the preparing of 
 the maps and designating the roads that should be State aid roads, 
 we believe to be a phenomenal success for the first year's work 
 under the new road law. 
 
 Communities that were against this system at the beginning 
 of the work have become enthusiastic in favor of road improve- 
 ment under the system as designated in the law, and we predict 
 that this will be one of the most beneficial pieces of legislation 
 that have been enacted in the great State of Illinois, because it 
 will ultimately lead to the construction of such a system of roads 
 as the people can use in their business and in their pleasure 
 every day in the year. 
 
 In addition to the State aid roads, the department has under 
 construction about thirty-five miles of hard roads. Seventeen 
 miles of these roads are waterbound macadam and are ])eing con- 
 structed with convict labor. Four miles are in P^rankfort Town- 
 ship and thirteen miles in Washington Township, in M^ill County. 
 
 Under the direction of the State Highway Department all of 
 the roads of the State will be improved under one system. 
 
 Perhaps one of the most important points in the construction 
 of any quality of road is that of drainage. This question applies 
 to every quality of road, whether it be an earth road, a gravel 
 road, a macadam road, a concrete or brick road. . If any road is 
 permitted to stand under water, disintegration will soon set in, 
 but any quality of road properly drained is a great improvement 
 upon the old syslnn of Ictling the roads i)raeti('jilly take care of 
 themselves. 
 
 During the year there have been graded and dragged u])- 
 wards of seven thousand miles of earth roads under the direction 
 of the State Highway Department through the county superin- 
 tendents of highways. We have ninety-six thousand miU^s of 
 public highways in the State of Illinois outside of the villages and 
 cities of the State: thus you will see avc will ahvays have manv 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 607 
 
 earth roads and we must give much attention to the proper grad- 
 ing and dragging of these to place them in a passable condition, 
 in order to be feeders to the main thoroughfares which are desig- 
 nated as State aid roads. 
 
 The department under no condition will overlook the lateral 
 roads, the great majority of which for many years will be earth 
 roads, but the construction of the main system of roads of either 
 concrete or brick will lead to the better construction of all of the 
 hiteral roads. 
 
 The State Highway Department, in addition to the work speci- 
 fied, has, during the year, prepared plans and specifications for at 
 least six hundred bridges for the various townships and counties 
 in the State, and it has superintended the construction of many of 
 them. This part of the work has been of vast importance to the 
 various counties, as it is conceded that a very great saving has 
 been made to the various counties because of their inspection and 
 supervision. The durability in the manner of constructing 
 bridges and culverts has been marked because of the quality of 
 construction, reinforced concrete being the present method of 
 construction. When a culvert or bridge is built of this material 
 under proper plans, it is almost indestructible. 
 
 The improvement of our highways is a matter that ought to 
 arouse every citizen of the land, because when once we have 
 thoroughly improved them, it will be a pleasure to the people 
 and of vast importance to them from a business standpoint. The 
 people are becoming intensely interested in this question, not 
 only from one end of the State to the other, but throughout the 
 entire length and breadth of the Nation, and I can think of no 
 other question of more interest to the State and Nation than the 
 building of good roads and good waterways. 
 
 When this system of roads that is planned in Illinois is com- 
 pleted, it will enormously enhance the value of every acre of 
 land in tlie State. The cost of building and maintaining these 
 roads in comparison with the enhanced value of the land resulting 
 therefrom will l)e inconsiderable. 
 
 The entire system of concrete and brick- roads will cost the 
 State, as the department estimates, one hundred and eighty million 
 dollars, but the farmers' part of this cost will only be eight cents 
 per acre each year for twenty years to construct the entire system, 
 he paying under the new road law forty per cent of the cost of the 
 system; the railroads, tlie villages and the cities paying the balance 
 of the cost of construction. This being the case, it would seem that 
 every citizen in the State ought to become enthusiastic and insist 
 that Avithin a few years we must have this system of roads for the 
 benefit of our people. 
 
608 DUNNE JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 I also recommended to the General Assembly the enactment of 
 appropriate legislation which would provide for the employment of 
 the inmates of our penitentiaries in road work. In response to that 
 suggestion the General Assembly passed a law which I approved, 
 permitting the use of convicts on the roads of the State, who have 
 less than five-year sentences to serve. 
 
 The first road camp — Camp Hope — was established at Grand 
 De Tour, a village near Dixon, Illinois, September 3, 1913. Fifty- 
 one honor men were sent there. A road was cut through a hill 
 three-fourths of a mile long and one mile of grading was completed. 
 This work was finished February 7, 1914. 
 
 On April 27, 1914, Camp Dunne was established at Deer Park, 
 near Ottawa, Illinois. Forty-two honor men were sent there. A 
 deep cut was made through rock and earth and about two and one- 
 half miles of macadam road were completed. After this work was 
 completed, the camp was moved to Mokena, Illinois, where one mile 
 and a fourth was completed in the twenty-six working days. This 
 was done at a total cost of $2,800. The roadbed consisted of 10 
 inches of gravel with a surface of 2 inches of chipped rock. Camp 
 Dunne was then transferred to Frankfort, Illinois, where forty-five 
 honor men are employed and have completed to date two miles of 
 roadway. 
 
 Another camp- — Camp Allen — was established at Beecher. Illi- 
 nois, on June 15, 1914, and is composed of sixty-two honor men. 
 This work is being done under the supervision of the State High- 
 way Department. To date, fourteen miles of road work have been 
 completed, and with good weather, we hope to have the work fin- 
 ished there by the fifteenth of November. 
 
 Sixty men have been assigned to work on the Joliet honor farm, 
 consisting of about two thousand acres. At present these men are 
 employed rebuilding and grading all the roads around this farm, 
 and in all probability will remain there all winter. 
 
 T am advised by the warden of the Southern Illinois Peniten- 
 tiary at Chester that the prisoners in that institution have con- 
 structed a splendid road which runs in front of the prison property 
 on the grounds of the State. Also, that they have constructed a 
 fine road to the prison farm, and have built many rock roads on 
 the prison farm. 
 
 It is true that road building costs money. It is true that it 
 must entail some taxes, but I do not believe, if the road building of 
 the State is conducted upon sane and sensible lines under which 
 honest work will be done for fair compensation, that there is not a 
 farmer in the State of Illinois whose property will not be enhanced 
 in value several times the amount in taxation he may be compelled 
 to pay under the new road law. in the way of bringing about good 
 roads in his neighborhood. 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 609 
 
 It is indeed time to drag the State of Illinois out of the unen- 
 viable twenty-third position she now occupies among the states of 
 the Union in the matter of road building, and further drag the 
 people of the State out of the mud that so long has retarded in 
 particular the great agricultural interests of this premier agricul- 
 tural State. 
 
 It was a pleasure to me, as Governor, to have designated 
 Wednesday, April 15, last, as "Road Day," not as a holiday, but 
 a hard-working day upon which day I urged public officials and the 
 public in general to begin practical and effective work upon the 
 improvement of the highways of the State. Public sentiment is in 
 favor of the improvement of our roads. A great deal has been 
 accomplished, and I hope much more will be accomplished in this 
 direction in the next few years. 
 
 —20 
 
610 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 THE WORK OF THE RAILROAD MAN. 
 
 Address to the Switchmen's Union, Chicago, October 23, 1914, 
 
 Mr. Chairman \and Gentlemen: 
 
 It gives me much pleasure, as Governor of this State, to meet 
 you gentlemen tonight, and to address to you a few words of wel- 
 come and encouragement. 
 
 Probably no class of laboring men in the community has more 
 responsible and arduous duties to perform than the men engaged 
 in the railway transportation of the country. The lives and prop- 
 erty of other citizens are committed to their care and keeping. If 
 they are vigilant, sober, and industrious, and attentive to their 
 duties, the loss of life and limb and property is minimized to the 
 lowest degree of which human intelligence is capable; but on the 
 contrary, if the railroad men are reckless, careless, dissipated or 
 improvident, loss of life, limb and property must necessarily occur. 
 You are out in all sorts of weather. Your lives are constantly in 
 danger. Your future is uncertain, and your compensation not 
 always commensurate with the tremendous risks you run. 
 
 ] am pleased indeed to have this opportunity to address this 
 body of men, representatives of the switchmen of North America ; 
 and when I speak to the switchmen, I believe that my remarks 
 are likewise appropriate to the whole body of railroad employes. 
 So while you maj- be divided into organizations by the specific 
 form of your occupation, you have in common the good of all 
 railroad Avorkers. 
 
 The American railroad man is without a peer in efficiency, 
 skill and intelligence. We are sometimes inclined to criticise 
 the railroads. Some evils in them deserve all the condemnation 
 we can heap upon them. Their financiering has often been a 
 national scandal. Our trains have been made abodes of physical 
 comfort, but railroad securities have frequently been the most 
 unsafe things in which to invest. 
 
 It can be truthfully said that recently there has developed 
 increased safety of travel upon American railroads which has 
 been largely due to the efforts and intelligence, and the devotion 
 to duty of the railroad employes, and it is a gratifying sign that 
 the fatalities and financial losses of property through railroad 
 accidents have been steadily decreasing. 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 611 
 
 From 1902 to 1912, passenger and freight traffic increased 
 by 66 per cent. Yet fatalities to passengers in 1912 were 318 
 against 345 in 1902. Fatalities to employes have increased only 
 29 per cent, though the total number of employes at work had 
 increased in that time by 45 per cent. 
 
 Our American railroads today have a system of 250,000 miles 
 of track. They employ nearly 2,000,000 men and women, Their 
 annual pay rolls amount to more than $1,500,000,000. In 1912 they 
 carried 972,000,000 passengers, an increase of 136 per cent since 
 1888, and 1,765,000,000 tons of freight, an increase of 268 per cent 
 since 1888. 
 
 The British Board of Trade in the last nine years have 
 boasted that in two different years there were no fatalities on the 
 railroads of the United Kingdom. Yet even here in this country 
 each year there is freedom from such fatalities on more miles of 
 railroad than there are miles of road in the United Kingdom, 
 Germany, France and Austria. 
 
 Two hundred and ninety of our American railroad corpora- 
 tions reported no passenger fatalities in 1912. They operated 
 101,000 miles of track and carried 333,000,000 passengers and 
 868,000,000 tons of freight. The Lackawana system has had in 
 twelve years only one accident in which a passenger was killed. 
 The Long Island road, operating 34,000 miles of track, had one 
 death of a passenger in nineteen years. 
 
 During the years 1904 to 1912, eight roads killed no passen- 
 gers in 9 years ; 45, hone in 8 years ; 76, none in 7 years ; 90, none 
 in 6 years ; 118, none in 5 years ; 165, none in 3 years ; 209, none 
 in 2 years ; and 290, none in 1912. With such a record as to 
 passenger safety our railroads are still hazardous for train crews 
 and employes. It is noted in statistics that this hazard is ma- 
 terially decreasing. In 1889, one trainman out of 117 was killed. 
 In 1912, one out of every 192 lost his life. It is evident, there- 
 fore, that the railroad men of this country are still in need of 
 aciditional legislation, and of protective and preventative meas- 
 ures designed to save their lives and limbs. 
 
 The time was when there was but little regard for your safety 
 and well-being in the statutes of the State, Enlightened public 
 opinion, however, in recent years has taken recognition of the 
 tremendous risks that you run from the defects of machinery, 
 and from other causes, and has begun to influence the legislation 
 of the State towards relieving you in so far as human ingenuity 
 can from the risks and dangers of your employment, and the 
 railroad men themselves have earned all they have secured. They 
 have endeavored to improve their own conditions through the 
 
612 DUNNE JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 instrumentality of education, insurance Lenefits, thoughtful co- 
 operation and appeal to public sentiment. 
 
 I am pleased to say that the Legislature at its last session 
 did notably good Avork in passing legislation which will lessen the 
 risks of railroad employes in the performance of their duties. 
 
 Senate bill 687, approved June 26, 1913, provides "For the 
 appointment of three additional safety appliance inspectors v. ho 
 must have seven years of practical experience on railroads oper- 
 ating in the State of Illinois, in the capacity of train bag«-age 
 man, engineer, fireman, conductor, yardmaster, brakeman, watch- 
 man, car inspector or car repairer. Their duties are to inspect 
 the surface and track conditions of train yards, sanitary condi- 
 tions of passenger cars and the investigation of power brake.5 
 and such appurtenances of cars or engines used by persons on 
 the railroads engaged in moving traffic within the State." 
 
 Senate bill 473, approved June 26, 1913, requires "That all 
 locomotive engines used in passenger service excepting suburban 
 passenger service, be equipped with headlights of sufficient candle- 
 power to discern an object the size of a man upon the track at 
 the distance of eight hundred feet. All locomotives used in 
 freight service, exclusive of switching and transfer service, be 
 equipped with headlight of sufficient candlepower to discern 
 an object the size of a man upon the track at the distance of 
 four hundred feet, and that all locomotives used in switching, 
 transfer or suburban passenger service be equipped with a head- 
 light of sufficient candlepower to enable the engineer to discern 
 an object the size of a man upon the track at a distance of two 
 hundred fifty feet. ' ' 
 
 House bill 102, approved June 20, 1913, provides "For the 
 organization of corporations to allow the loaning of money by 
 such corporations secured by wage assignment and limiting the 
 rate of interest or compensation therefor, not to exceed three per 
 cent per month for the use of such money." 
 
 The law further provides that the Governor may appoint one 
 of the directors in each of these corporations to see that the law 
 is efficiently enforced. This law is of vital importance to a 
 great many wage earners in that it tends to put a stop to the out- 
 rageous loan shark methods heretofore prevailing in the State. 
 
 Senate bill 11, approved June 21, 1913, "Provides for the 
 payment of all wages semimonthly" in accordance with the 
 recommendation of my inaugural message. 
 
 House bill 348 requires every owner or operator of a coal 
 mine, steel mill, foundry, machine shop or other light business 
 in which employes become covered with grease, smoke, dirt, 
 grime and perspiration which might injure their health or make 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR * 613 
 
 their condition offensive to the public, to maintain a suitable 
 and sanitary wash room in or convenient to place of employment, 
 for the use of such employes. 
 
 House bill 841 provides for compensation for accidental in- 
 juries or death suffered in the course of employment Avithin the 
 State ; the creation of an Industrial Board which will adjudicate 
 dift'erences between employer and employes. 
 
 House Bill 907, known as the Public Utility Act, empowers the 
 Public Utility Commission to bring about efficient service and guard 
 against accident by securing the installation of safety and inter- 
 locking protecting devices and the maintenance of such appurte- 
 nances in good order. The construction of grade crossings along 
 safer lines will prevent great loss of life. 
 
 I can assure you, gentlemen, at all times of a respectful hear- 
 ing before the new Public Utilities Commission and of justice at 
 its hands. 
 
 The attitude of President Wilson and of Congress towards 
 railroad corporations and their employes, must be gratifying to 
 you and to all good citizens. Congress has enacted a number of 
 splendid laws through the operation of which you will be helped. 
 The provisions of the new legislation which exempts labor organiza- 
 tions from the penal effects of the antitrust laws ; the amendments 
 affecting the issue of injunctions in labor disputes ; the authoriza- 
 tion of the Alaskan railway projects under Government auspices; 
 the averting of several tremendous and destructive industrial con- 
 flicts between the railroads and their employes through the friendly 
 intervention and aid of the President, are but a few of the achieve- 
 ments of the last two years in our National Government. 
 
 There is another subject I cannot pass by. As a Nation we 
 have been shocked by the warfare that is destroying our fellow men 
 and ruining the works of peace on the European continent. In our 
 industrial activities we are suffering severely as a result of that 
 terrible conflict. But we should congratulate ourselves and render 
 thanks to our Supreme Ruler for the peace that reigns in our land. 
 We have narrowly escaped a bloody war with one of our neigh- 
 bors. We have, by our conduct in the Mexican crises, exalted our- 
 selves among men and advanced the cause of democratic government 
 throughout the world. No one can estimate where war with Mexico 
 would have led us. 
 
 Our Government was supported in its peace policy by a whole- 
 some public sentiment which has been forming among us for many 
 years. Contributing to this sentiment has been the rapidly growing 
 disposition among employers and employes to adjust their dif- 
 ferences by peaceful methods. 
 
614 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 Probably no class of labor in America has done more in the 
 creation of this sentiment for peace than the railroad men. They 
 have always favored arbitration and mediation in settling disputes 
 between themselves and their employers, and both they and our 
 country have profited by what has been accomplished in this way. 
 You may congratulate yourselves upon your stand. Events through- 
 out the world today justify your position. You can well afford to 
 be proud of your record. In this respect you have done far more 
 for the development of your country and for the peace and pros- 
 perity of yourselves and your fellow men than you or I can ever 
 estimate. 
 
 As I have already said, your achievements, your devotion to 
 duty, unmindful often of your own safety so that that of others 
 may be conserved, your intelligence, efficiency, courtesy, good citi- 
 zenship, patriotic performances in behalf of the public welfare, 
 entitle you to the highest and most thoughtful consideration and 
 treatment. I wish you success and prosperity in your undertakings. 
 
 The trend of modern thought and modern legislation is in the 
 direction of doing away with unnecessary risks and hardships for 
 workingmen and workingwomen in the prosecution of their employ- 
 ment and towards compensating them for the inevitable losses and 
 suffering which are incident to such occupations, and such legisla- 
 tion has my hearty approval and support. 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 615 
 
 THE STATE CHARITIES OF ILLINOIS. 
 
 Address to State Conference of Charities, LaSalle, 
 October 26, 1914. 
 
 Mr. Chairman, Ladies and Gentlemen: 
 
 One year has elapsed since the holding of the last Charities 
 Conference in Rockford, under the auspices of the Illinois Charities 
 Commission. We are now convened in LaSalle for the purpose of 
 fostering the development and perfection of organized and con- 
 structive charity in our State. We are met to compare notes in 
 order that we may profit by our varied and diversified experiences, 
 and to encourage the work of scientific research in order that we 
 may be better able to perform the important social service of caring 
 for the unfortunate wards of tlie State who, under the law, have 
 been committed to our care and keeping. 
 
 I heartily endorse the plan adopted by the Charities Commis- 
 sion of holding these meetings in different cities from year to year. 
 By rotating the annual conventions between different communities, 
 more people are brought in direct personal^ contact with this dis- 
 tinguished body, and familiarized with its lofty purposes, its splen- 
 did ambitions and its humanitarian work. 
 
 We learn by daily experience and observation that thousands 
 of people in the State are not informed as to the mission, the mag- 
 nitude and the number of the State institutions, nor as to their 
 rights and privileges regarding these hospitals and asylums. 
 
 I am pleased to be able to report that great progress has been 
 made in the management, the enlargement and the improvement 
 of all of our State institutions since last I addressed the charities 
 conference. Humanitarian policies have been adopted and are 
 being enforced, which are very significant and which cannot but 
 prove very beneficial and far-reaching in their consequences. 
 
 At practically all of the old and established institutions, new 
 buildings are being added to the equipment and are now in process 
 of erection and well under way, to increase the floor space and 
 enlarge the facilities for the custody of the inmates and the proper 
 housing of the employes. 
 
 The management of the vast State farms has been improved, 
 the standard of their efficiency elevated and their outpvit materially 
 increased. 
 
616 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 Two magnificent new iiistitntions are being added to the list. 
 At the new State hospital at Alton, ground has been broken and 
 quite a number of the necessary buildings are in course of construc- 
 tion. Provision for the care of patients will be made at this new 
 infant institution at a very early date. The crops on this new 
 farm are now being put in by the State. 
 
 An excellent site for the new epileiptic colony has been selected 
 near Dixon, and the necessary ground, consisting of over one thou- 
 sand acres of land, has been purchased and paid for by the State. 
 The general plans for the construction of this institution have been 
 formulated and adopted and advertisements are now running in 
 the newspapers for the bids for a number of the individual build- 
 ings and cottages. The initiative will be taken in the building opera- 
 tions within the next few weeks. At each of these two new institu- 
 tions, provision will be made for the treatment and custody of at 
 least fifteen hundred patients and the proper housing of the em- 
 ployes. It is safe to predict that on completion of the new buildings 
 in course of construction at the old institutions, and the addition of 
 the two new institutions, the present deplorable and unfortunate 
 over-crowding and congestion at the State institutions of Illinois 
 will be completely relieved and effectively and adequately remedied. 
 
 These provisions refer to the improvement of material condi- 
 tions in the institutions. Changes of policy in the management 
 having reference to social justice and medical efficiency have been 
 agreed upon and promulgated, which are even far more significant 
 in their import than anything which I have yet outlined. 
 
 We have abolished, and we forbid, the use of mechanical re- 
 straint in the treatment and handling of the patients in the State 
 hospitals or insane asylums. In the same connection we have 
 effectually put the ban on all brutality, inhumanity and mistreat- 
 ment in all of these institutions. All violations of this rtile are 
 punished by the immediate and unconditional discharge of em- 
 ployes, who, after careful and impartial trial, are found guilty and 
 convicted of its infraction. We have abolished, and we forbid, the 
 use of corporal punishment in the institutions having to do with 
 the care, the training, the reformation, the teaching and the educa- 
 tion of children, whether they be delinquents, defectives or orphans. 
 Modern progress demands this measure. The whip, the strap, the 
 cat-o-nine-tails has no more place in these institutions under the 
 light of advanced knowledge than have the padded cell, the hand- 
 cuffs, the straight-jacket, the manacles and the l)lndgeon and the 
 blacksnake in the insane asylums. We have resolved to substitute 
 kindness and decency for the fossilized and antiquated methods 
 which are thoroughly discredited and should have been thrown into 
 the discard long ago. 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 617 
 
 Last, but not least, we have adopted, in several of the State 
 asylums and have in contemplation its extension to the other 
 asylums, the eight-hour system for the benefit and relief of the 
 employes. Many of the employes in our State institutions have 
 been compelled to work from ten to fourteen hours and even six- 
 teen hours a day, without a Sunday even being allowed them for 
 much-needed rest and recreation. It is needless to say that pro- 
 tracted and unremitting toil of this description is enervating, 
 irritating and demoralizing. It lacks all of the primary and essen- 
 tial elements of social justice. 
 
 We cannot render the service to the patients which human 
 society has the right to expect of us with exhausted overwrought 
 and overworked employes. I am satisfied in my own mind that the 
 eight-hour system will automatically eliminate much of the vio- 
 lence, the discourtesy and the ill-treatment in general which has 
 served to discredit the public service in State charitable institu- 
 tions in years gone by. 
 
 In the adoption of these three great progressive reforms, the 
 State of Illinois leads all of the states in the Union. 
 
 I am advised that wage conditions among some State employes 
 are not what they ought to be in Illinois. In no iiretance have the 
 wages of employes been lowered during my administration. In 
 many cases where they have been grossly underpaid, they have been 
 raised. The general average of wages and the standard of living 
 and the conditions of employment have been raised in all of the 
 institutions. More progress has been urged in this direction, but 
 the taxpayer demands economy in the management of the State 
 institutions and his interests are a vital factor in the equation and 
 they are entitled to our most serious considerations. By comparison 
 with statistics which reach us from all of the sister states, a more 
 than favorable showing is made in Illinois, even in the payment of 
 wages to the domestics and farm help in the institutions. We are 
 doing the very best we can under existing appropriations and we 
 have no right to complain; for our Legislature has, by comparison 
 with other states, been fairly liberal and generous in providing 
 necessary funds for the support of the unfortunate and afflicted 
 wards of the State. 
 
 The scope of organized, constructive and public state charity 
 in Illinois is on a tremendous scale. We will have twenty institu- 
 tions under the management and control of the Board of Adminis- 
 tration when the new hospital at Alton and the epileptic colony are 
 on the completed list and commissioned into service. 
 
 The cost of the two new institutions will reach the stupendous 
 sum of three millions of dollars. The new buildings at the old 
 institutions will run over a million dollars in cost to the State. It 
 
618 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 will cost five millions and over a year to maintain the institutions 
 under the control of the Board of Administration. 
 
 The lesson which these figures ought to impress on our minds 
 is that we owe the taxpayer, not only the greatest institutional effi- 
 ciency for the money that is exacted from him, perfect honesty, 
 absolutely faithful service, but rigid, scrupulous and old-fashioned 
 economy as well. All of the institutions are to be heartily com- 
 mended for results achieved in this essential direction. 
 
 All of the institutions are conducted on a strictly nonpartisan 
 basis and the merit system is being faithfully, honestly and rigor- 
 ously enforced in all of them. All of them are doing a great work 
 and they are meeting the highest expectations nobly and manfully. 
 They are making good. They are realizing the highest ideals of 
 mankind. 
 
 I am sometimes afraid that the general public has no just 
 appreciation of the wonderful work which is being done in the 
 State charitable institutions, on account of the modesty which is 
 being observed in giving out statements of results. 
 
 The inmates in these institutions approximate the twenty thou- 
 sand mark, under the care of nearly four thousand employes. In 
 the eye and ear infirmary in Chicago, seventy-five thousand afflicted 
 people with eye and ear ailments and too poor to employ specialists 
 to give them the benefit of their science and skill, receive treatment 
 and get relief and are cured every year. These are staggering 
 figures, but they are accurate and they unfold a tale of public 
 charity which controverts, so far as Illirfois is concerned, the pes- 
 simistic charge that human civilization has broken down. There is 
 balm in Gilead. We are indeed our brother's keeper. The strong 
 are protecting the weak. We are helping those who have lost the 
 ability to help themselves. We have incorporated the golden rule 
 into our governmental system and we are making heroic efforts to 
 live up to its mandates. 
 
 I now wish to thank you for your courtesy in inviting me to be 
 here and address you. Let me thank you for the efficient work of 
 the past and let me adjure you to give the State and its wards the 
 best that is in you. 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 619 
 
 THE SPREAD OF THE FOOT-AND- 
 MOUTH DISEASE. 
 
 Statement to the Public, November 7, 1914. 
 
 My attention lias been called to the fact that the foot-and-mouth 
 contagion among cattle can be disseminated by persons passing from 
 one pasture where infected herds are found to other farms and 
 pastures and portions of the State where hitherto there has been 
 no infection. 
 
 My attention also has been called to the fact that the hunting, 
 season for quail is about to open and that many hunters in their 
 zeal for the game may be tempted to cross pastures and other 
 places occupied by cattle and other stock, and in this way un- 
 wittingly disseminate and spread the contagion. 
 
 In view of these facts, I desire to call to the attention of the 
 people of the State and to farmers and stock-raisers in particular, 
 the provisions of sections 29, 30 and 31 of the Fish and Game Act, 
 chapter 56, Kurd's revised statutes of 1913, which prohibit "per- 
 sons from hunting with gun or dog upon the grounds or premises 
 of another, or upon the waters flowing over or standing on said 
 lands or premises, without first obtaining from the owner, agent, 
 or occupant of said lands or premises, his, her or their permission 
 so to do," and which make a violation of this law a misdemeanor 
 punishable by fine or imprisonment. 
 
 In view of the widespread and dangerous epidemic among 
 cattle now prevailing in this State, known as the foot-and-mouth 
 disease, and in view of the easily communicable character of said 
 disease by persons passing from one field to another, I would re- 
 spectfully suggest to all farmers and live stock dealers that they 
 post trespass notices upon their premises and that they exercise 
 the utmost diligence in preventing such trespasses, even to the ex- 
 tent of apprehending persons violating the provisions of this law. 
 
 All trespassing upon stock farms should be rigidly prohibited 
 at the present time. 
 
620 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 UNIFORMITY OF SAFETY AND SANITA- 
 TION LAWS FOR PLACES OF 
 EMPLOYMENT. 
 
 Address at Governors' Conference, November 10, 1914. 
 
 Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen: 
 
 In the early history of the legislation of the United States, 
 but little attention was paid to industrial sanitation and the pre- 
 vention of industrial accidents. 
 
 The strong individualism and self-reliance of the pioneers 
 who opened up and developed the country regarded such matter's 
 as being wholly within the province of each individual employer 
 and his employes. 
 
 The law-making bodies for years placed no legal restrictions 
 upon the relatioiis of employer and employe. They considered 
 such subjects to be matters for private consideration and action. 
 They believed them to be affairs to be covered by contract and 
 environment which should be free from State control. 
 
 Conservation of public resources, and the conservation of 
 life and health in industrial centers were alike neglected and 
 ignored. Our forests were recklessly destroyed for immediate 
 gain, without care of the future. Our mines were crudely and 
 wastefully exploited. Our soils were recklessly impoverished, 
 and their fertility woefully weakened. Our waterways were 
 neglected or destroyed for immediate necessities, and the life 
 and health of the proletariat was a matter of but little public 
 concern. 
 
 In recent years, however, there have been a great social 
 awakening. Conservation is the order of the day, and the cry of 
 the political economist. Mines, forests, and waterways are being 
 withheld from private exploitation, and reserved for futun public 
 development or development by private interests under public 
 control. So also is the trend of the day towards the conservation 
 of human life, human limb, and human health. 
 
 The statutes of most of the progressive states are replete 
 with modern legislation having for its object the conservation 
 of the health, morals, and well-being of the men and Avomcn 
 who form the working units of the industrial world. 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 621 
 
 It was high time that there should have been such an awaken- 
 ing. Within the knowledge of most of us here present, there 
 was a time when a brakeman working upon a railroad with an 
 unmutilated hand was a rarity ; while all such mutilations were 
 easily preventable by the adoption of safety brakes. 
 
 In the decade from 1900 to 1910, the total premiums paid 
 to casually companies insuring against accidents was $181,276,782 
 and during that period the total number of persons insured who 
 were injured was 1,558,551. During that same period most of 
 the losses entailed by this frightful destruction of life and limb 
 fell not upon the industries in which these injuries occurred, nor 
 upon the employers, but upon the helpless employes or their 
 widows and orphans. 
 
 xit length the public's conscience was shocked both at the ap- 
 palling roster of these casualties, and over the fact that tlie Josses 
 entailed thereby fell upon the weak and helpless, and the whole 
 community, including even the employers, arrived at tbe con- 
 . elusion that it is better to provide safeguards in factories, 
 in workshops, and on the railroads, than to wait until an accident 
 happens, and then give the employe the choice of a lawsuit or 
 the benefit of the recently enacted, so-called compensation laws. 
 
 Legislation creating factory inspection commissions, and 
 legislation compelling the adoption of safety devices and sanita- 
 tion appliances, have recently been adopted by most of the pro- 
 gressive states. Such laws have been enacted in the State of 
 Illinois. 
 
 Since the enactment of such laws, the Department of Factory 
 Inspection in that State has compelled over 18,000 dangerous 
 machinery parts to be provided with safeguards. It has er forced 
 the construction of over 6,000 fire escapes and exits: and 7,000 
 devices on elevators insuring their safety ; enforcing the guard- 
 ing of over 43,000 belts and pulleys ; over 30,000 gears, and 1,800 
 emery wheels ; compelled the removal of over 18,000 set screws ; 
 issued nearly 13,000 orders covering sanitation ^nd ventilation, 
 and eliminated or compelled changes in over 137,000 possible 
 sources of danger from machinery. 
 
 It has compelled the safeguarding of machinery during tli*' 
 last three years, which has cost the employers four millions of 
 dollars, and has taken steps, which during the coming year, with 
 the approval of the directors of several Illinois con paiues, will 
 cost even a greater amount than four millions of dollars. 
 
 Not only has that State made such stringent and expensive 
 changes in the interests of the safety of life and lic^.b, but it has 
 enforced many sanitation laws of inestimable value to the working 
 
622 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 men and women of the State. Twenty-five out of the forty-eight 
 states of the Union have enacted more or less progressive laws 
 relating to the safety and sanitation of working men and women. 
 All such legislation has been forced upon the statute books by 
 reason of the fact that 50,000 people were being killed annually 
 in industrial enterprises in the United States and over 1,000,000 
 more were receiving nonfatal injuries. 
 
 Time was when the employer, because of expense and the 
 trouble entailed upon him by the changes of equipment, opposed 
 the passage of such laws, but in recent years he has barkened to 
 the demands of humanity and modern progress, and now many of 
 these laws are placed upon the statute books after consultation 
 with, and the approval of the employing element of our citi- 
 zenship. 
 
 The only objection to the passage of such humane and sani- 
 tary laws that now comes from the employer is the objection that 
 such laws are not uniform in their application to all employers 
 in the same line of business. In making this objection, the em- 
 ployer points out, with some truth, that some of these states 
 claiming to be progressive, are passing and rigidly enforcing laws 
 for the safety of human life and limb, and for the sanitation, 
 hygiene and well-being of the working men and working women, 
 which entail great expense upon the employers in his state, while 
 other states within whose borders there exists the same line of 
 industry are free from the burden so enforced upon him and 
 thus are able to run their business more cheaply and more profit- 
 ably, and under-lnd him in placing their products upon the open 
 market. 
 
 Such an employer points out that frequently the large in- 
 dustries are driven from one state whose laws are onerous upon, 
 and expensive to the employer, to another state where such re- 
 strictions are not enforced, and where the business can be car- 
 ried on more economically and more profitably. A progressive 
 state enacting humane laws for the conservation of human life 
 and limb, and for the preservation of the health, morals, and 
 well-being of its laboring citizens is thus placed at a great dis- 
 advantage as compared with a nonprogressive state, which by its 
 failure to enact such laws invites the manufacturer whose only 
 aim is financial profit within its borders, and thus enhances the 
 manufacturing development in such nonprogressive state. 
 
 Such cases are not rare. I have in mind one reported to me 
 by the Chief Factory Inspector of our State. This concern had 
 four factories in different parts of the State, but found it difficult 
 to comply with certain restrictions, which the child labor and 
 machinery law placed upon it. After demands by the Chief 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 623 
 
 State Factory Inspector of the State of Illinois were made upon 
 that concern to comply with these restrictions, the president of 
 the corporation decided that in order to place his corporation 
 and its products under the same advantages as his competitors 
 in the same line of business he would move his plant out of the 
 State of Illinois, into an adjoining state where the factory laws 
 were less stringent. 
 
 Many manufacturers, before instituting an establishment or 
 developing an existing establishment, look carefully into the laws 
 of the diiferent states before setting up an establishment or 
 further developing it, and if they find the laws of one state oner- 
 ous and exacting, and entailing an expenditure of money to com- 
 ply with such laws, locate by preference in the states where 
 such laws are not so onerous. The old position of the manu- 
 facturer and employer was the demand "to be let alone. ' ' In 
 recent years, however, he has changed that position largely as the 
 result of the tremendous changes which have taken place in mod- 
 ern business and in modern public opinion. He has come to- 
 realize and accept graciously the fact that the day of absolute 
 "laissez faire" is past. He is now willing to submit to a great 
 deal of governmental regulation and inquiry, but he wants to be 
 assured that that inquiry and regulation bears equally, uniformly, 
 and impartially on all his competitors. He is satisfied that he can 
 pass on to the consumer the increased cost of manufacture en- 
 tailed by reasonable and humane laws, relating to sanitation and 
 safety of his employes so long as these burdens rest equally upon 
 all engaged in the same line of business. 
 
 I am informed that at a recent hearing before the New York 
 legislature, on a bill fixing the maximum number of hours per 
 week during which women might work in factories, the attorneys 
 for the textile manufacturers opposed the bill on the ground that 
 the difference in wages and working time which would result, 
 as compared with Pennsylvania and with some southern states 
 where a longer working week was allowed, would be ruinous to 
 their business. These attorneys declared "That they and those 
 whom they represented would be glad to go to Washington and 
 favor, as a national law, the same measure which they were oppos- 
 ing as a state law. ' ' Without doubt there is some truth and force 
 in the position thus taken by such manufacturers. 
 
 The manufacturer in the progressive state, which enacts such 
 humane laws entailing expense upon them may, and probably will 
 find, competitors in the same line of business in other states 
 where such laws are in force, producing the same line of goods 
 much more cheaply and thus underbidding them in the markets of 
 the world. This may result in either totally ruining or seriously 
 
624 DUNNE — JUDGE, MxVYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 damaging the position of the manufacturer in the progressive 
 state. 
 
 It must be apparent, therefore, that if such salutary laws 
 must be passed and enforced — as all must concede — that there 
 should be more or less uniformity of legislation in all the states 
 where such industries are carried on or the enactment of Federal 
 laws covering the subject matter. This latter alternative has 
 been seriously urged by many manufacturers and political econo- 
 mists, but, in my judgment, is not feasible or possible. 
 
 Federal legislation, under the Interstate Commerce Act may 
 be applied to interstate railroads, and other interstate utilities, 
 but most of the product of our manufacturing industries are not 
 impressed with an interstate character. They may be consumed 
 in any state, and when finished at the manufactory, are not with- 
 in tlie scope and control of Interstate Commerce legislation. 
 Placing such products upon a common carrier does not change the 
 character of the product. After a product is finished and capable 
 of barter and sale, it does not become contraband or nonsalable 
 when placed upon an interstate common carrier. Moreover, even 
 if it were feasible and within the scope of Interstate Commerce 
 legislation, it would not be advisable to place the control of the 
 manufacture of produce and merchandise within the jurisdiction 
 of the Federal Government. A Federal law must be uniform 
 in its application to all parts of the United States, and a law 
 which might be salutary and advisable relating to the manufac- 
 ture of goods in the tenement districts of New York, Philadelphia 
 or Chicago, might be grossly unjust and unduly onerous in west- 
 ern villages and cities. 
 
 A fire-escape in a great city surrounded by conflagration 
 hazards might be unnecessary and unduly expensive in a western 
 village. Absolute uniformity of laws relating to the sanitation 
 and safety of working men in all parts of the United States under 
 all circumstances is not demanded, and in fact, unnecessary, but 
 uniform law or laws approaching uniformity in the different states 
 engaged in like industries under like circumstances is an attain- 
 ment much to be desired. 
 
 It has been urged that it is impossible to secure uniformity 
 of legislation upon any subject in all of the forty-eight states 
 of the United States. This T believe to be true.> There are so 
 many different circumstances and environments, and so much dif- 
 ference in the methods, habits and occupations of citizens in the 
 forty-eight states of the United States, that public sentiment 
 could not force absolute uniformity of laws in all particulars. 
 Nonetheless, I believe that cooperation between the great manu- 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 625 
 
 facturing States of the United States toward the securing of the 
 same or similar laws affecting such industries is urgently demand- 
 ed and that it is not difficult of attainment. 
 
 Geographical locations, facility of transportation, and avail- 
 ability of the raw products necessary to the carrying on pf many 
 P'reat iiid'istries necessarily centralizes these industries in certain 
 fixed localities. Most of the coal mining of the United States 
 is carried on in five or six states. The manufacturing of textile 
 fabrics is confined to New England and two or three of the south- 
 ern states. ]\rost of the clock and watch-making is confined 
 to a few states. The manufactiu'e of flour is confined to but a few 
 states. The manufacture of iron and steel is confined to but a 
 few states. The production of cotton is confined to the Southern 
 ►states. The production of corn and wheat mostly to the states of 
 the Central West. Numerous other instances might be given 
 where the manufacture of certain products are confined to cer- 
 tain limited districts. 
 
 From this it follows, in my judgment, that cooperation be- 
 tween states engaged in like manufactures can secure the passage 
 of laws substantially uniform in relation to the conduct of such 
 character of business. Great manufacturing enterprises can only 
 be carried on where power is easily developed, and raw products 
 and transportation are accessible. 
 
 The time has come, in my judgment, when the dif'^erent 
 states of the United States engaged largely in the manufacture 
 of industrial products should, through commissions appointed by 
 the legisb'iture, or the executive of those states, arrange for an 
 investigation of the conditions relating to manufacturing and the 
 advocacy of the laws covering those industries in so far as the 
 health, sanitation, morals and safety of the men and women en- 
 gaged therein are concerned. 
 
 IModcrn conditions and overwhelming public sentiment favor 
 the passage of such laws. The only obstacle in the way is the re- 
 fusal of some jurisdictions so to do, thus entailing upon the 
 manufacturers in those states responding to this public sentiment, 
 the hardships of unfair competition by manufacturers in other 
 states, or driving them out of those states which respond to the 
 demands of modern progress into the states who refuse to heed 
 the cry of humanity for decent treatment of the workingmen. 
 
 I am confident that if the great manufacturing states of the 
 United States through their legislatures authorized the creation of 
 commissions for securing the enactment of uniform laws relating 
 to safety and sanitation in manufacturing industries, and if these 
 commissions meet in a spirit of fairness and impartial justice, 
 they can, before the meeting of the next ensuing legislatures. 
 
626 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 recommend to their respective legislatures the passage of laws 
 affecting with substantial uniformity such manufacturing indus- 
 tries which will be just to both employer and employe, and meet 
 the demands of modern society for laws which will conserve the 
 health and lives of the working men and working women of the 
 nation. 
 
 This step towards cooperation of the states in procuring 
 uniformity of laws has been advocated heretofore by some of the 
 best thinkers and political economists of this country. Upon all 
 subjects, of course, it is impossible to secure this uniformity, but 
 upon many subjects, cooperation can be secured. For many years 
 uniformity of divorce laws had been advocated by some of the 
 ablest men and women of the country. 
 
 Uniformity of state labor legislation has been advocated, not 
 only in this country, but in many countries of Europe. 
 
 A number of treaties of international importance have been 
 made affecting labor. In 1906 fourteen nations united in a treaty 
 forbidding the night work of women in industries. In the same 
 year seven nations united in a treaty forbidding the use of white 
 phosphorus in the manufacture of matches, in order to stamp 
 out the phosphorus necrosis which is so prevalent in this industrj'. 
 
 In 1904 a treaty was made between France and Italy to secure 
 for the workers of each of these countries advantages in the sav- 
 ings banks and the insurance institutions of the other country. 
 In July, 1909, a treaty was made between France and England, 
 giving the workmen of those countries reciprocal rights with re- 
 gard to compensation for accidents. 
 
 Sam.uel Gompers, President of the American Federation ol 
 Labor, is on record as favoring uniform laws regulating child 
 labor and woman's work, and especially the normal work day, 
 hours of labor, compulsory school attendance, and, "even above 
 all these, compensation for the victims of industry." 
 
 John Mitchell, a short time ago declared: "The working- 
 men, in common with all other citizens, are interested in the sub- 
 ject of uniform legislation among the various states and they 
 recognize the necessity and the importance of systematic efforts 
 in this direction. Especially are they interested in uniform and 
 effective legislation for the prevention of industrial accidents." 
 
 John Hays Hammond also has declared: "Uniformity in the 
 mining laws of all the states is indispensable. It would obviously 
 be unfair for a state to impose drastic legislation upon its mining 
 industry adding to the cost of production, where laxity in this 
 respect prevails in neighboring sister states." 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 627 
 
 Isaac N, Seligiuaii, speaking for the National Child Labor 
 Committee, declared: "'The importance of uniform legislation is 
 obvious, particularly where states are Avithin the same industrial 
 area." 
 
 It may be objected that the enactment of such uniform laws 
 by conference between the legislative committees or commis- 
 sions from the different states contemplates and requires a com- 
 pact between the states, and that such compacts are a violation of 
 Section 10, Article 1, of the Constitution of the United States, 
 which declares "That no State shall enter into any treaty, alli- 
 ance, or confederation." My answer to this is that no official 
 compact or treaty between the states is necessary. 
 
 The passage of uniform laws in each state corresponding 
 with the laws of a sister state will be the result, not of interstate 
 agreement, but the result of interchange of experience and wisdom 
 between the citizens of such states. Identical or simihir laws can 
 be passed by such great nations as Great Britain, France or 
 Germany without compact, and will be binding upon the citizens 
 and subjects of these great nations when enacted. 
 
 Similar, aye, even identical laws are now in force in many 
 of the states of the United States, not as the result of interstate 
 compact or treaty, but as the result of the fact that public senti- 
 ment in the several states was harmonious, and secured the pass- 
 age of such similar or identical laws. But it may be said that 
 the securing of such uniformity of laws by conference between 
 interstate commissions will be a matter of slow development. I 
 think not. 
 
 The American Bar Association, some twenty years ago, began 
 a campaign for uniformity of legislation in the different states. 
 It has secured the official selection of Uniform State Law Com- 
 missioners in forty-four states and territories. These commis- 
 sioners have secured the adoption of a uniform Negotiable Note 
 bill in thirty-eight of the states, territories and Federal districts, 
 a uniform Warehouse Receipts bill in eighteen states and a uni- 
 form Bill of Lading act in two states. On the Pure Food and 
 Drug matter they urged the adoption by the states of the Federal 
 Act, which has already been endorsed by thirty-five states. Their 
 Marriage and Divorce Act has been adopted in four states. 
 
 The result of these activities is promising. If every State 
 Commission acts vigorously and promptly they can secure uniform 
 or similar laws relating to sanitation and life-saving in the indus- 
 trial states within a reasonable time. If the commissions, upon 
 conference, can agree upon a uniform law, the securing of the 
 enactment of this law in the several manufacturing states is 
 certain to come within a reasonable time. Even if there should 
 
628 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 be delaj^ between the agreement upon such a law in these con- 
 ferences, and the enactment of the law in the several states, the 
 progressive states can place such laws upon their statute books 
 to take effect when all of the manufacturing states shall enact 
 them in their several jurisdictions. 
 
 I have no doubt, for instance, that the State of Illinois could 
 place upon its statute books a law covering sanitation and safety 
 of employes in manufacturing industries, which would receive 
 the approval of the legislative commissions from the several 
 manufacturing states, with a proviso that said law should only 
 go into effect when the governor of the state shall ascertain and 
 make proclamation that said laAv has been placed upon the statute 
 books of certain other states. It is within the province of a 
 legislature in enacting a law to fix the time for its going into 
 eft'ect, and such time may be fixed as a positive date or upon the 
 happening of certain events officially found and promulgated. 
 Uniform laws enacted by the great manufacturing states relating 
 to sanitation and the safety of life and limb of industrial work- 
 ers is a crying demand of the times, and I believe is a matter of 
 early accomplishment. 
 
 This brings us to the consideration of what should be the 
 general character of such laws. ]\Iany of the states of the United 
 States have enacted employment laws of great length and par- 
 ticularity. They have specifically covered the number of hours 
 to be worked per day ; limitations of hours as to women and chil- 
 dren ; registration of factories and warehouses ; inspection ot 
 premises, and appliances ; safety devices for machinery ; safety 
 devices for scaffolds, hoists, elevators and fire escapes ; ventilation 
 and sanitation. 
 
 Such states have, as a rule, after the passage of such acts, 
 appointed factory inspectors to enforce compliance with those,, 
 acts. Other states, notably Wisconsin, California, New York, 
 Ohio and Pennsylvania, have. contented themselves in a broad way 
 in placing upon the statute books simple, concise laws demanding 
 the adoption of safe machinery, safe buildings, safe appliances 
 and safe employment, and requiring that all things should be 
 done that are reasonably necessary to protect the life, health, 
 safet^y and welfare of the employe. Those states have then 
 created Industrial Commissions with power to hear, examine and 
 determine all questions relating to such safety and welfare of 
 employes, and then empowered the commissions to adopt general 
 rules by order of the commission, which orders shall have the 
 force and effect of laws. 
 
 In other words, those states give their Industrial Commis- 
 sions so created, what is practically legislative power in the mat- 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 629 
 
 ter of the declaration of what buildings, tools, and appliances 
 are safe, sanitary, and for the well-being of the workingmen. 
 While much can be said in favor of the creating of such adminis- 
 trative commissions, and in favor of permitting such commis- 
 sions to carry out the main, broad and comprehensive intent of the 
 law in favor of sanitation and safety by administrative order in 
 detail matters, it will be urged against giving such tremendous 
 power to those commissions that it is an abdication of the law- 
 making povver of the state, to-wit, the legislature of its legis- 
 lative powers, and that such delegation of legislative powers to 
 such commissions is illegal and unconstitutional. Until the courts 
 have finally passed upon these questions in detail we can not 
 safely say whether this quasi-lawmaking power of the commis- 
 sion will be upheld. 
 
 I am here simply to discuss, not the legality of such laws, but 
 the policy of their enactment if they can be enforced. As a 
 matter of policy, I believe tliat in the determination of such ques- 
 tions as to what is the latest and best safety device to be adopted ; 
 what is the best method of securing the best ventilation, what is 
 the best and latest method of secuinng employes from the acquisi- 
 tion of occupational diseases, and questions of like character, that 
 such matters ought to be left to a standing commission which is 
 always in session, to be determined by such commission from time 
 to time by frequent investigation with the assistance of the most 
 modern experts and scientists. 
 
 Changes in the forms of machinery are taking place almost 
 monthly. What is a modern safety securing machine today may 
 be obsolete tomorrow. The science of sanitation is growing by 
 leaps and bounds. Methods which might be approved as skillful 
 and up-to-date this week may be discarded as obsolete and out 
 of date next week. 
 
 A commission created for the purpose of keeping pace with 
 the march of modern science, with power to examine from day 
 to day and from week to week new methods and new contriv- 
 ances, would have a facility of power and effectiveness which 
 could not be obtained in anj^ cast-iron law passed by a legislature 
 in its biennial sessions. I believe in the creation and operation 
 of such commissions operating through administrative orders so 
 far as the courts will permit same to be done. 
 
 Nonetheless, I see no good reason why a legislature should 
 not, in its laws relating to manufacturing industries, incorporate 
 m such laws full and plenary provisions securing safety and 
 salutation by methods which have received the approA^al of 
 science after full investigation up to the date of the passage of 
 such laws, leaving the industrial commissions created contem- 
 
t>30 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 poraneous with the enactment of such laws to supplement these 
 laws in detail matters by commissional order. Such commis- 
 sional orders, however, should be uniform and applicable alike 
 to all classes of citizens and manufactories in similar classes. 
 
 I doubt much the advisability of that provision of the AViscon- 
 sin law which permits a commission to make special orders ap- 
 plicable to special cases. Private legislation by legislatures in 
 the past, appearing on the statute books in the shape of private 
 law, became a scandal and a disgrace and forced, in many states, a 
 revision of the constitution, prohibiting such legislation. Special 
 orders by a commission seems to me just as objectionable as 
 private laws enacted by a legislature. In some cases such special 
 orders work no injustice, but the power to make such special 
 orders opens the door to the possibility of grave abuses, and, in 
 my opinion, is dangerous and unnecessary. 
 
 I do not pretend to have made a careful examination into 
 the workings of the Wisconsin law creating the industrial com- 
 mission, which declare in such simple, concise, and generic lan- 
 guage the duties of the employers of that state, and the powers 
 of that commission, but I see no good reason why a legislature, 
 in the passage of laws covering the employment of men and 
 women in the manufacturing industries, should not place upon the 
 statute books enactments requiring specifically the adoption of 
 such measures and appliances as modern science and modern ex- 
 perience has shown to be necessary to. and productive of, the 
 safety, health, and welfare of such employes, and then as auxil- 
 iary thereto appoint a commission with the powers given by the 
 Wisconsin law to strengthen the statute law b.y investigation and 
 commissional order in relation to details relating to safety, health 
 and welfare, which may not be specifically covered by such law. 
 This, in my j^^dgment, would be a wise and conservative method 
 of procedure. 
 
 Reasonable laws for the protection of the life, health, safety 
 and welfare of employes are essential to the political and social 
 health of the states and the Nation. Such laAvs should be uniform 
 in fairness to the employers. Uniformity should come, and will 
 come, from cooperation between the states, and it is the duty 
 of every citizen interested in the well being of our industrial 
 classes, and the prosperity of our country to cooperate in bring- 
 ing about this much desired accomplishment. 
 
DUNNE JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 631 
 
 PROCLAIMING THE BIRTHDAY OF 
 ILLINOIS. 
 
 Proclamation to the People, November 16, 1914. 
 
 Illinois was admitted to the Union of the States on December 
 3, 1818, and we are fast approaching the centenary of the birth of 
 this State. 
 
 The Forty-eighth General Assembly has already laid the 
 foundation for a historical commemoration of the event. 
 
 In view of these facts, I have been requested by the Chicago 
 Association of Commerce, the Peoria Association of Commerce, and 
 the East St. Louis Commercial Club, and the Cairo Association of 
 Commerce, and many prominent citizens, to proclaim December 3 
 the birthday of the State, as a State holiday, upon which day 
 commercial and civic organizations throughout the State may appro- 
 priately celebrate the day. 
 
 In view of the widespread desire for the setting apart of this 
 day as a day distinctly of State commemoration, I hereby respect- 
 fully request the citizens of the State of Illinois, without interfering 
 with their daily avocations, to participate in commemoratory serv- 
 ices of the admission of the State of Illinois to the Union of States 
 on December 3, 1914, and to signalize the birth of a State which 
 within a century has so rapidly advanced into the front rank among 
 the States of the Union. 
 
 In witness whereof, I, Edward F. Dunne, Governor of the 
 State of Illinois, do hereunto set my hand and cause to be affixed 
 the Great Seal of the State this sixteenth day of November, A. D. 
 1914. 
 
632 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 THE LAW AND PRACTICE IN 
 REQUISITION. 
 
 Statement to the Public, November 28, 1914. 
 
 If Judge Gemmell of the Municipal Court of Chicago is cor- 
 rectly quoted in the papers, he is amazingly ignorant of the law 
 relating to the extradition of fugitives from justice. 
 
 As reported by the papers, he intimates that before a governor 
 can honor the requisition of another governor he must await for 
 and consider evidence taken before a court in this State. Such is 
 not, and never has been, the law. When the governor of any state 
 shall demand the extradition of any person in this State as a fugi- 
 tive from justice, and shall have complied with the requisitions of 
 the act of Congress, and forwarded a copy of the complaint or 
 indictment attached to his requisition duly authenticated, it becomes 
 the duty of the Executive of this State, upon ascertaining the iden- 
 tity of the person sought and that he has fled to this State, after 
 the commission of the alleged crime, to issue his warrant for the 
 apprehension of the fugitive and deliver the fugitive to the agent 
 of the governor of such requisitioning state. No proceedings in 
 court are necessary and no evidence need be submitted to the Gov- 
 ernor, Judge Gemmell to the contrary notwithstanding. 
 
 In the proceedings before Judge Gemmell, as soon as he was 
 notified that a warrant of extradition had been issued by the Gov- 
 ernor of this State upon the requisition of the governor of Iowa, it 
 was his duty to respect that warrant. Judge Gemmell, as a 
 municipal judge, has no jurisdiction on habeas corpus, and has no 
 power of any character to interfere with the Governor's warrant. 
 
 Section 3 of the fugitive act does provide for a hearing before 
 a court when a man is arrested in this State as a fugitive from 
 justice of another state when no requisition has heen made hy the 
 Governor of a foreign stute and no extradition has heen issued hy 
 the Governor of this State. 
 
 In the case before Judge Gemmell, when the Governor's war- 
 rant was issued, the prosecution properly entered a motion for 
 nolle of the proceedings which Judge Gemmell wrongfully and 
 improperly refused. In the case of Hemstreet, I have refused to 
 recall the warrant of extradition, but as a matter of favor to his 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 633 
 
 attorney, who claims that his client is deaf and dumb and innocent, 
 I have written Governor Clarke of Iowa the defendant's conten- 
 tion, and asked him for his desires in the matter. I was moved to 
 this because of the fact that the defendant is a deaf and dumb man, 
 who seems to be struggling; for a living. If the Governor of Iowa 
 wants him, under the law, his requisition must be honored, and the 
 defendant extradited to Iowa. 
 
634 DUNNE JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 THE SCOTCHMAN IN AMERICA. 
 
 Address to St. Andrew's Society, Chicago, November 30, 1914. 
 
 Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen: 
 
 It gives me much pleasure to participate with you at the ban- 
 quet board in the commemoration of Scotland's national holiday. 
 
 It is not the first time that I have attended a St. Andrew 
 banquet. I retain very pleasant recollections of former occasions 
 when I enjoyed your hospitality and good cheer. 
 
 At a St. Andrew banquet you meet not only a lot of congenial, 
 good fellows, but many of the most representative men in public 
 and commercial life of this great city. I am not here to consume 
 your time with the commemoration of the achievements and glories 
 of old Scotia in the past, great as they have been. The Scotch people 
 have ever asserted their rights to liberty and independence, in the 
 forum and 'on the battlefield. They resisted stoutly and aggressively 
 their English neighbors for many centuries, and only when they 
 succeeded in getting a Scotch king upon an English throne did they 
 desist in their warfare upon the English. Since that time it must 
 be conceded that they have been as loyal and have remained as 
 faithful to the British Constitution as have the English themselves. 
 
 I will not descant upon the courage and valor of your Robert 
 Bruce, nor your William Wallace, nor dwell at length upon the 
 contributions of your David Hume and Adam Smith to philosophy, 
 science and history, nor shall I pay a well-merited but unnecessary 
 tribute to the genius of Bobby Burns and Sir Walter Scott, nor to 
 the rugged literary grandeur of one of the most forceful historical 
 Avriters in the English language, Thomas Carlyle. 
 
 Let me spend but a few minutes in discussing the contributions 
 of brain and brawn made to this great, cosmopolitan Republic by 
 the men of the Scottish race. 
 
 Proverbially, the Scotchman is a money maker and a money 
 saver, and because of this sagacity and frugality, the Scotchman 
 has made himself felt in every portion of the commercial world, but 
 the Scotchman can be as open-handed and . generous-hearted as a 
 man of any nationality on earth. 
 
 Andrew Carnegie is probably one of the greatest money makers 
 in modern history, and yet this man, with his great acquisition of 
 wealth, has been even greater in the generosity of his benefactions. 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 635 
 
 No man in the world, so far as I know, has done more in the way 
 of bringing about a sentiment for peace and universal disarmament 
 than has Andrew Carnegie, and no man has done more to bring 
 about the education of the multitude by the foundation of libraries 
 throughout the world than has this same Andrew Carnegie. Unlike 
 most benefactors, he has lived to see the splendid accomplishment 
 of his generous heart, and I trust with you that his days may long 
 be numbered to continue these magnificent benefactions throughout 
 the world. 
 
 Although the emigration to this country from Scotland has 
 not been as great as that from Germany, Ireland, Sweden, Italy or 
 Russia, the Scotch immigrant in this country has made up for his 
 lack of numbers by the force of his personal character. 
 
 Among the great men who have graced the bench of the 
 Nation and the states, we find the names of Storey and Kent, 
 Marshall, Harlan and David Davis, all of whom I believe were 
 proud to claim that they were of Scotch ancestry. 
 
 Patrick Henry was either a Scotch-Irishman or an Irish- 
 Scotchman. I suppose he got the name of Henry from some Scotch 
 father, while Patrick was probably attached to it by some enthusias- 
 tic Irish mother, but whatever his origin, he was historically the 
 first Governor of the territory upon which we now stand. In the 
 Statehouse at Springfield, among the portraits of its Governors, 
 at the head you will find the portrait of that great Scotch-Jrish- 
 Virginian, Patrick Henry. 
 
 George Rogers Clark was a Scotch-Irishman, who received his 
 commission to recover the Northwest from British rule from Patrick 
 Henry, and this gallant man, at the head of a band of 153 men, 
 among whom were Scotch, Irish and Virginian names most numer- 
 ous, succeeded after a marvelous march through the wilds of the 
 western territory, in capturing the British Fort Kaskaskia, which 
 was then the Capital of Illinois, and then secured the surrender 
 of the British garrison in the town of Vincennes, Indiana, and thus 
 wrested from the British Crown the marvelously rich valley of the 
 Mississippi, and placed it under the folds of the American flag. 
 
 No more romantic adventure appears in the pages of history 
 than that enterprise, daring and almost incomprehensible as it was. 
 It was pregnant with more far-reaching results than any accom- 
 plishment on the great battlefields of Europe. The storming of 
 Kaskaskia and the capture of Vincennes turned over to the young 
 American Republic a territory upon which now live one-half of the 
 population of the United States, a territory which is probably the 
 most fertile on the face of the earth. 
 
 Edward Coles, one of the early Governors of Illinois, a Vir- 
 ginian by birth, was of Scotch origin. 
 
636 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 McLean, the first Speaker of the Illinois House of Representa- 
 tives, was a Scotchman, and gave his name to one of the largest 
 and richest of Illinois counties, McLean, the county seat of which is 
 Bloomington. 
 
 Governor Ninian Edwards, the man for whom the State re- 
 cently erected a monument at Warsaw, Illinois, was the third elected 
 Governor of Illinois, and was of Scotch origin. 
 
 General John A. Logan, the greatest volunteer soldier of the 
 War of the Rebellion, and Senator for many years in the United 
 States Senate, was of Scotch-Irish ancestry. 
 
 James S. Ewing, Minister to Belgium under President Cleve- 
 land's administration, is a Scotchman, and a member of the Ewing 
 family, prominent in early Illinois history. 
 
 McClernand, Speaker of the House of Representatives of Illi- 
 nois, Army leader and friend of Lincoln, was a Scotchman. 
 
 Governors Oglesby, Yates and Palmer, all boasted of their 
 Scotch ancestry, and Stephen A. Douglas, the little giant of the 
 West, and the great antagonist of Lincoln, was undoubtedly of 
 Scotch descent. 
 
 With such a record, the Scotch-Americans of this community 
 may well boast of the splendid part they have played in the up- 
 building of this State and Nation. 
 
 In the commercial and financial theater of action all of us 
 concede that the Scotchman and the Scotch- American has played a 
 most honorable and useful part, and a part of which all Illinoisans 
 are proud. 
 
 I congratulate you upon the record, and congratulate you that 
 year after year you maintain this splendid organization with its 
 splendid record of benevolence and charity, and trust that the 
 success already secured by your organization may long continue in 
 this city and in this State with the beneficent results that have fol- 
 lowed it in the past. 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 637 
 
 THE PAST AND FUTURE OF ILLINOIS. 
 
 Address to Commercial Association, Springfield, December 
 
 3, 1914. 
 
 Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen: 
 
 For nearly a century the State of Illinois has been without a 
 State flag or a State official anniversary. 
 
 Whether we should adopt a State flag, following the precedent 
 by many other States, or whether we should be content to. remain 
 with no flag but the starry emblem of our Nation, is a matter about 
 which there may be some difference of opinion. But that we should 
 have an official Illinois Day, upon which to commemorate the prog- 
 ress and achievements of this great State, I do not believe will be 
 seriously questioned. 
 
 The great commercial organizations of Illinois seem to be firmly 
 of this opinion. A wide-spread sentiment in favor of it I find to 
 prevail among all classes. Because of this sentiment, as I have 
 found it, I have deemed it my duty, as Executive of this State, to 
 declare by proclamation December 3, the day upon which this 
 State was born and upon which it was admitted into the union of 
 states, as a day appropriate to be set apart for the commemoration 
 of the material and moral progress which this State has made among 
 the states of the Union. In so doing, I have not requested the laying 
 aside of the ordinary avocations of life, but have simply suggested 
 to the people of the State that the birthday of the State could be 
 appropriately celebrated without interference with the business 
 activities of its citizens. 
 
 I have noticed in going to other states a manifestation of more 
 state pride in those states than there has existed up to the present 
 time in the State of Illinois. On a recent visit to Georgia, I noted 
 that the Georgians had a state flag of which they are extremely 
 proud, and I found it pinned upon the buttonholes of many of the 
 residents of that state, and they are wont to speak with peculiar 
 pride of the part that Georgia has played in the history of these 
 United States. I know of no reason why the men of Illinois should 
 not be as proud of the history of their State, as are the citizens of 
 Georgia. 
 
 True it is that we were not one of the original thirteen colonies, 
 and did not therefore become one of the thirteen original con fed- 
 
638 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 erated states, but if we were not then one of the original states, 
 upon the soil of Illinois there was enacted during the War of the 
 Revolution one of the most glorious episodes in American history. 
 While the thirteen colonies were engaged in a life and death strug- 
 gle with the kingdom of Great Britain, as the result of which they 
 wrested from the. mother country their independence as autonomous 
 states, on the soil of Illinois a struggle took place during that same 
 war with consequences so tremendous that it has redounded not 
 only to the tremendous aggrandizement of the young American 
 Nation, but in glory to this State which can never be forgotten. 
 
 In 1778, Patrick Henry, then Governor of Virginia, was ap- 
 proached by a daring spirit in the person of George Rogers Clark, 
 who suggested to him the granting of a commission to him (Clark) 
 for the wresting from British control of the fertile valleys east of 
 the Mississippi River. Clark was without money and without 
 troops, and without the munitions of war. The Old Dominion her- 
 self was engaged in a struggle with Great Britain, which taxed all 
 her energies and occupied the attention of all its fighting men, but 
 Patrick Henry was not only a public official and a brilliant orator, 
 but one of the most far-seeing men of his day. 
 
 Wild and visionary as the scheme might have seemed to other 
 men, he became attracted by its very daring, and although he was 
 unable to furnish either men or means to the daring applicant he 
 gave him a commission empowering him to raise an expedition of 
 men, and in the name of Virginia, to plant the American flag upon 
 the forts held by the British in the northwest territory. To com- 
 mission a man to undertake such a project at such a time, and in 
 such a way, as we look upon it now, seems to border upon the 
 quixotic, and yet it is a fact incontestably recorded in history. 
 
 Upon receipt of the commission, the daring and heroic Clark 
 proceeded to its execution. How he crossed the Alleghenies, the 
 bridgeless rivers, and the trackless wastes that then lay between 
 Virginia and the Mississippi River, only Clark and the advent\ir- 
 ous men who accompanied him can tell. 
 
 However, it was accomplished. Clark and 153 men in the 
 spring of 1778 captured Fort Massac on the Ohio River, and thence 
 through the swamps and mountains they found their way to the 
 fort of Kaskaskia on the Mississippi River, and ill-clad and ragged 
 as they were they succeeded in surprising and capturing that 
 British fort and placing over it the flag of the young Republic. 
 The nearest British fort was then at Vincennes, Indiana, and soon 
 it came to the ears of Clark that the British forces in that fort 
 were about to be reinforced by British troops from Detroit, whence 
 it was planned that an expedition should start to reconquer Kas- 
 kaskia. With extraordinary daring Clark conceived the idea of 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 639 
 
 surprising Vincennes before these reinforcements could arrive. 
 With about 200 men he again traversed the State of Illinois from 
 the Mississippi to the Wabash in the middle of winter, laying siege 
 to, and capturing the fort of Vincennes. A more daring, courageous 
 and successful campaign was never waged. The results were prob- 
 ably the most comprehensive in the history of the United States. 
 
 As the result of this extraordinary expedition, the northwestern 
 territory at the close of the Revolutionary War was in the hands of 
 the long-knife soldiers and frontier men from Virginia and, when 
 peace was concluded. Great Britain was compelled to acknowledge 
 that the frontier men from Virginia were in possession of the terri- 
 tory to the east of the Mississippi and under the terms of the treaty 
 of peace, all this territory was recognized as belonging to the 
 thirteen colonies and was divested forever of British rule. 
 
 To the west of the Mississippi there lay a tremendous territory 
 between the Mississippi and the Rocky Mountains, to which the 
 Spaniards claimed possession. It was practically unpopulated, how- 
 ever, by white men, and the Spanish tenure was therefore most 
 insecure, and when the great Napoleon succeeded in overrunning 
 Spain, and placing his brother upon the throne, he secured a relin- 
 quishment of the Spanish title to France, and soon after, being 
 sorely pressed for money. Napoleon surrendered, for a nominal con- 
 sideration, all title to these United States. Thus we find, as the 
 result of this extraordinary enterprise of George Rogers Clark and 
 his small band of Virginians and Kentuckians, the United States 
 now owns the most fertile valley on the face of the earth, upon 
 which now live practically one-half of the population of the United 
 States. In that valley there now live prosperous, happy and con- 
 tented, about 50,000,000 American freemen. 
 
 Upon Illinois soil on the 4th day of July, 1778, took place a 
 struggle, which, as we see, has eventuated in incorporating 50,000,- 
 000 of people in the body politic of the United States, and what a 
 wondrous story has been the growth and development of this State 
 from that time to this ! Have you ever noted the peculiar formation 
 of the State of Illinois, and its surroundings ? Look at its map and 
 you will find Lake Michigan in the shape of a great index finger 
 pointing southward to the northeast corner of the State, the finger 
 of destiny, with the point of that finger resting upon the great 
 metropolis of the West where now nearly 2,500,000 people are 
 engaged in developing what I believe will eventually be the greatest 
 city on the western continent. 
 
 Again, have you ever noted the peculiar shape of this State? 
 Trim off the straight boundary line which rests between it and Wis- 
 consin, and it takes the shape of a human heart, the heart of the 
 Mississippi valley, the throbbing nerve-center of the United States, 
 
640 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 and running across its fair bosom northeast to southwest runs the 
 mighty Illinois River, navigable for 263 miles, like a cordon of the 
 legion of honor. Nearly 6,000,000 people now dwell in comfort 
 and happiness within its borders. 
 
 The first state in the United States in the valuation of its crops, 
 the second in mining, third in the production of oil, in population 
 and in political and commercial importance, and the greatest manu- 
 facturing state in the United States west of the AUeghenies. Of 
 the 2,950 counties in the United States, the first eight produced 
 about 2 per cent of the total value of all the crops of the year 1913. 
 In other words, these eight counties produced over $95,000,000 
 worth of crops. Four of these counties out of the eight are within 
 the State of Illinois, viz : McLean, Livingston, Iroquois and 
 LaSalle. 
 
 The average value per acre of the land of Illinois is three 
 times the average value of the land of the United States. These 
 figures show the tremendous progress of the State of Illinois up 
 to date. What of the future? 
 
 Her roadways are as yet practically undeveloped. Her great 
 waterway, the Illinois River, is clogged and stopped. Of the 
 90,000 odd miles of roads of this State, less than ten per cent can 
 be called good roads. The average of improved roads in the 
 State of Illinois is less than the average of the improved roads 
 of the United States. 
 
 First in the valuation of her agricultural products, second in 
 the valuation of her mines, third in the production of oil, in popu- 
 lation and in commercial and political importance, she ranks 
 twenty-third of the states of the United States in road improve- 
 ments. Her great waterway, the Illinois River, which, if devel- 
 oped to Lake Michigan, would give a water highway from the 
 lakes to the gulf and the Panama eanal, is still clogged, because 
 about sixtj^ miles of that river runs through a rocky formation. 
 In other words, the great State of Illinois has achieved its won- 
 derful progress without any intelligent development of either its 
 great waterway or its roadways. 
 
 Must we be content with what nature has done for her or 
 will we assist nature and at once really demonstrate the future 
 greatness of our State? If we had good roads in Illinois, it 
 Avould enable the farmers to take the produce of their farms 
 into the cities and railways stations and waterway terminals, 
 and the value of Illinois land before long would be doubled. 
 
 If we can break through the rocky strata of 60 miles which 
 now separate the great lakes from the Mississippi Ave can develop 
 a waterway commerce which will astonish the Avorld. We have 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 641 
 
 already commenced to improve our roadways. The people are at 
 last awakening to the drawbacks resulting from mud roads, which 
 are impassable for at least one-third of the year. 
 
 The last Legislature wisely placed upon the statute books 
 a law, under which the State cooperates with the counties, and 
 I am satisfied that an aroused public sentiment will soon eventu- 
 ate in pulling Illinois from the twenty-third position of disgrace 
 which she now occupies among the states up to the place in which 
 she should hold among the progressive states of the United States. 
 
 I am confident that the movement to improve our roadways 
 will soon result in pulling Illinois out of the mud. 
 
 As to the waterway, at the present time, south of St. Louis, 
 in the Mississippi River, there is a channel of about eight feet in 
 depth. Federal engineers have reported to the United States 
 Government that, to secure a greater depth in the Mississippi, 
 would involve a cost so enormous as to make a further depth a 
 commercial impossibility in . the present state of engineering 
 science. 
 
 With a depth then in the Mississippi River of eight feet, why 
 cannot we acquire the same depth in the 60 miles of river and 
 canal lying between Joliet and Utica. "Within the last sixty 
 days, at my request, four intelligent and practical engineers 
 have made a study of the problem and have reported to me that 
 such a channel can be had, and quickly secured, for the whole of 
 that 60 miles, at a cost to the State of Illinois of $3,075,000. This 
 channel can be completed within two years, and we get a water- 
 way from the lakes to the gulf for immediate use by the citizens 
 of Illinois. 
 
 The commercial associations of the State have examined the 
 plan, and I am pleased to say that it has been universally ap- 
 proved. I have not found a single critic as yet to attack it. Let 
 us then not be content with the tremendous prosperity shown by 
 our great and glorious State in the past; let us awake to the op- 
 portunities of the present and the future. Let us develop our 
 roadways for the benefit of our farmers and stock raiders, and let 
 us remove the blot and stain upon the history of this State in 
 allowing 60 miles of an impassable waterway to retard the prog- 
 ress and advancement which should be ours. 
 
 With this channel completed in two years, at a cost of about 
 $5,000,000, and with our roadways developed into durable com- 
 mercial highways as they should be, I can see an era of prosperity 
 for this State which can not be measured in ordinary language. 
 A prosperity which within one-half of a century would place 
 this State as the premier State of the American Republic. 
 
 —21 
 
642 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 UPON REFUSING TO ISSUE CERTIFI- 
 CATES OF ELECTION IN CERTAIN 
 CASES. 
 
 Statement to the Public, December 2-1:, 1914. 
 
 While I have the absolute right, in accordance with the terms 
 of section 78 of the chapter on elections relating to the canvass 
 of election returns by the State Canvassing Board, or any two of 
 them, in the Governor's presence, and pursuant to the opinion of 
 the Attorney General of this State, to proclaim elected and issue 
 certificates of election to Thomas F. Byrne as State Senator from 
 the Eleventh Senatorial District, Joseph Strauss as State Senator 
 from the Twenty-third Senatorial District, and Robert Howard 
 as a Representative from the Thirty-fourth Senatorial District, 
 I have determined, in view of the divergent opinions existing 
 between the members of the State canvassing board as to tne per- 
 sons who received the highest number of votes for said offices, 
 not to issue any proclamations or certificates of election in said 
 Senatorial Districts as to said offices, leaving the matter of such 
 elections to be determined by the Senate and House of Represen- 
 tatives, respectively, where the ballots can and should be opened 
 and counted and the persons really elected can and should be 
 definitely and surely ascertained and declared elected. 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 643 
 
 ON THE ISSUING OF ELECTION 
 CERTIFICATES. 
 
 Statement to the Public, December 29, 1914. 
 
 On last Saturday, Mr. Masters of the Springfield Bar, repre- 
 senting Mr. Joseph Strauss, Democratic candidate for Senator, 
 called upon me to ascertain whether or not I would expedite the 
 hearing of a mandamus case against me as Governor in connection 
 with the senatorial contests, by signing certain papers that he 
 would prepare. 
 
 I suggested to him that he confer with the legal representa- 
 tive of Mr. Austin, the Republican candidate for Senator, and 
 that they both confer with the Attorney General to ascertain 
 whether we could agree upon some method of finally disposing of 
 the same in court expeditiously. 
 
 Yesterday, the 28th instant, Mr. Masters, and Mr. M. J. Stein, 
 representing Mr. Austin, called at my office in the effort to agree 
 upon a plan for an early and final hearing of a mandamus suit 
 against me in the matter of the issuance of certificates of election, 
 and the proclamation of candidates. 
 
 I informed them I was willing to expedite in every possible 
 way the hearing of such a case in court, provided a final decision 
 could be rendered binding on all parties within a few days. It 
 was pointed out by Mr. Stein that if any mandamus proceeding 
 was commenced against me as Governor by Mr. Strauss, that 
 under section 7 of the Mandamus Act, Mr. Austin would have to 
 be made a party defendant "upon his application," and that he, 
 Austin, would ' ' appear and plead, answer and demur in the same 
 manner as if he had been made defendant to the original peti-, 
 tion," and that if a suit were commenced in the Circuit Court in 
 Sangamon County against me as Governor that Austin would 
 appear therein, and would pray an appeal, if any judgment was 
 entered against me as Governor, to the Supreme Court. 
 
 The right of Austin to appear in any such proceeding was 
 conceded by Mr. Masters. It then became apparent that no final 
 determination of the case could be had until the meeting of the 
 Supreme Court in February, for the reason that any one defend- 
 ant has the right to appeal, in which case, the appealing defend- 
 
644 DUNNE JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 ant, under section 97 of the Practice Act, "shall be permitted to 
 remove such suit to the reviewing court by appeal or writ of 
 error, as may be by law allowed, and for that purpose shall be 
 permitted to use the names of all of the defendants, if necessary, ' ' 
 and no final order could be executed in the Circuit Court of San- 
 gamon County until the appeal was disposed of in the Supreme 
 Court. In other words, it became apparent that no final disposi- 
 tion of the proceedings in court could be had until after the 
 Senate convened, and that nothing could be accomplished by any 
 agreement between myself, as Governor, and the complainant if 
 a mandamus suit were started against me. 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 645 
 
 FAVORS SIMPLIFIED SPELLING. 
 
 Address to State Teachers' Association, Springfield, Illinois, 
 December 29, 1914. 
 
 Mr. Chairman, Ladies and Gentlemen: 
 
 It gives me much pleasure to meet so many of the trained 
 teachers of this State assembled at this convention. 
 
 Because of your intelligence, superior education, and expe- 
 rience in teaching you are well qualified in your deliberations to 
 make recommendations in the interests of the education of the 
 children of the State. Probably it is not for me to give sugges- 
 tions, but I think I can appropriately speak a word of commenda- 
 tion on one matter in which we have a common interest. 
 
 I congratulate the teachers of this State upon having among 
 their membership so many who are in favor of a simplified spell- 
 ing movement. I believe that the movement initiated in your 
 ranks, and it has been a puzzle to me why it has not made more 
 distinct and positive progress. Probably the reason lies in the 
 fact that adult men and women who have completed their educa- 
 tion in spelling have become so inured to the old stereotyped 
 forms that it has become second nature with them and difficult to 
 shake it off. 
 
 If it is started in the schools, however, the children educated 
 in simplified spelling will adhere to it when they arrive at mature 
 age, and the problem will be solved. It lies, then, with the teach- 
 ers in the universities, normal schools, and common schools of 
 the State to push this great reform. 
 
 "Why should the child be compelled to memorize and retain 
 all his life the inconsistencies and absurdities of our present 
 spelling ? If the child has spelled a word according to its sound, 
 why should the child be taught to tack on to the sound the useless 
 "ugh"? Why should he be compelled to write "ph" instead of 
 "f"? Why should he be compelled to write "ei" or "ie", 
 "ea" or "ee" in such words as deceive, believe, retreat, discreet? 
 Why not write the accented vowel in all of them? Why should 
 he write succeed, but recede; proceed, but precede? 
 
 The only argument against simplified spelling is that given 
 by one of my children now in the high school. "If I have gone 
 
646 DUNNE — JUDGE, MxVYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 to all the trouble," said he, "of learning how to spell under the 
 present st^^le, why should you simplify it? Other children under 
 your new system would be relieved of all the labor that I was 
 put to." This is the child's argument, but an unjust one. 
 
 In the interest of children now growing up, simplified spell- 
 ing should be taught both as a saving of labor on the part of the 
 student and on the part of the teacher. 
 
 1 believe that phonetic spelling, if adopted, would shorten 
 the ordinary child's course in school at least one year. 
 
 I congratulate you upon your efforts in this direction, and I 
 hope that your efforts will be continued and more compre- 
 hensive. 
 
 ' I wish you a most successful and productive convention. 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 647 
 
 WHAT HAS 1914 DONE FOR ILLINOIS? 
 
 Statement to the Chicago Daily News, December 30, 1914. 
 
 Nineteen Fourteen has secured for the State of Illinois : 
 
 First. Reform in its penal institutions. In Pontiac, the boys 
 no longer are beaten and battered, and overwork upon task work 
 is a thing of the past. They are given one hour a day recreation. 
 Regeneration rather than vengeance is the watchword of the 
 State in dealing with its convicts. At Joliet and Chester, one 
 hour recreation per day is given the men, and convicts are now 
 employed building roads for the State, and are employed upon 
 the penitentiary farms upon honor. To their credit, they have 
 responded to the change of treatment. There have been few 
 escapes, and an almost universal keeping of honor pledges. 
 
 Second. Physical punishment of the boys and girls in the 
 State School for Boys at St. Charles, and the State School for 
 Girls at Geneva has been abolished. 
 
 Third. The straight jacket and other instruments of physical 
 restraint have been banished from the asylums of the State. For- 
 bearance and kindly treatment has been substituted therefor. 
 
 Fourth. The eight-hour day has been instituted in several 
 institutions of the State. 
 
 Fifth. The public utilities of the State have been placed 
 under State control. Rebates, passes, and favors to public offi- 
 cials and other favorites have been abolished. Discrimination in 
 rates has been abolished, and the public utilities of the State are 
 being compelled to give reasonable service at reasonable rates to 
 the public. 
 
 Sixth. A great and comprehensive start has been made in 
 pulling Illinois ''out of the mud" and building decent highways 
 throughout the State. 
 
 Seventh. Adequate State levees have been constructed at 
 Cairo, Shawneetown and Mound City, securing those cities against 
 the floods which threatened to overwhelm and obliterate them in 
 the year 1912. 
 
 The year Nineteen Fifteen promises for the State of Illinois : 
 
 First. The probable enactment of a law authorizing the con- 
 struction of an eight-foot waterway between Joliet and LaSalle, 
 thus opening up a waterway from the lakes to the gulf, of the 
 
648 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 same depth now maintained in the Mississippi River and opening 
 up a commerce in the Mississippi valley from the great lakes 
 along the Illinois River to the Panama canal, insuring a lowering 
 of railroad rates between the Mississippi valley and the Pacific 
 coast. 
 
 Second. The probable enactment of a law under which the 
 State will have the right to examine into the reasonableness of 
 fire insurance rates fixed arbitrarily by a combination of the 
 great fire insurance interests of the State, and State regulation 
 of these rates. 
 
 Third. The opening up of the new epileptic colony at Dixon. 
 
 Fourth. Developing an extension of the insane asylum at 
 Alton. 
 
 Fifth. Reorganization and concentration of many of the dif- 
 ferent departments of the State which will result in efficiency 
 and economy of government. 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 649 
 
 UPON DEVELOPING THE STATE 
 MILITIA. 
 
 Statement to New York Times, January 16, 1915. 
 
 In answer to yours of the 13tli instant, would say that I be- 
 lieve the states and the Federal Government ought to encourage 
 the further development and increase of the militia of the differ- 
 ent States. 
 
 I do not believe that the American people favor, or will favor, 
 a large standing army. The only alternative between a large 
 standing army and unpreparedness for defense in the event of 
 war is the establishment of a citizen soldiery. 
 
 The major portion of the equipment used by the military of 
 the several states is furnished by the Federal Government as a 
 charge against allotment to states made by congressional appro- 
 priation, and the military authorities of the state become responsi- 
 ble therefor. This plan is good because it results in standardiza- 
 tion of equipment. The state furnishes the arsenals and armories 
 and bears the expense of maintaining her military force under the 
 direction of the Governor as Commander-in-Chief, through his 
 Adjutant General. 
 
 From this cooperation between the state and Federal forces, 
 there has arisen mutual obligation and responsibility and as the 
 state forces are required, as closely as possible, to acquire the 
 efficiency of the regular establishment, much additional prepara- 
 tion and time and labor on the part of officers and men, in con- 
 nection therewith, is now required. No compensation is paid 
 the enlisted men except $1.00 per day while they are on their 
 tour of instruction, which does not exceed twelve days annually. 
 This period being admittedly insufficient to secure that high de- 
 gree of efficiency desired, much additional time must be spent by 
 officers and men through the year in securing military prepared- 
 ness. This time is given to the state absolutely gratuitously and 
 involves from one to three evenings a week. In this situation 
 there has arisen the thought that if a man is Avilling to enter into 
 a volunteer enlistment and sacrifice his time and many civilian 
 interests in order to prepare himself to answer the emergency 
 call of either his state or Nation, that equity would demand that 
 
650' DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 he be not penalized therefore by being compelled to pay froiu 
 his own individual funds for the privilege. 
 
 To the end that at least that burden should be lifted, I favor 
 the enactment of a Federal law which will compensate these men 
 at the rate of $1.00 per day for each day spent in drilling 
 throughout the year, provided at least forty days during the 
 fifty -two weeks are actually devoted by the men to military train- 
 ing. I think if this additional inducement were given to the 
 rank and file that the militia forces of the different states would 
 be doubled within a very short time. 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 651 
 
 ON THE DISSOLUTION OF AN INJUNC- 
 TION AFFECTING LIVE STOCK. 
 
 Statement to the Public, February 1, 1915. 
 
 I have just been informed that Judge Irwin has dissolved the 
 injunction heretofore granted by him in the case of Norton 
 against Dyson. 
 
 The injunction should never have been granted. It has been 
 very productive of hardships upon the farmers and stock raisers of 
 this State. The physical effect of the injunction was not so 
 serious but the moral effect was to induce farmers and stock 
 raisers to believe that the State in advocating the slaughter of 
 infected and exposed cattle was making a mistake and pursuing 
 an unjustifiable policy. 
 
 At the time this injunction was issued, there were not to 
 exceed twenty-five affected herds in the State under quarantine 
 and under consideration for slaughter. Since the issuance of 
 the injunction, I am informed, many farmers acting in the belief 
 that tiie injunction was properly issued, and that quarantine, and 
 not slaughter of diseased and exposed animals was the proper 
 course to pursue, have kept from the State and Federal veterin- 
 arians knowledge of the existence of the foot-and-mouth epidemic 
 in their herds, and have refused to agree to the slaughter of their 
 herds upon an appraisal. 
 
 There are today in the State of Illinois between fifty and 
 sixty herds of cattle infected,, which should be slaughtered as 
 soon as preparations can be made therefor. 
 
 This mischievous injunction now being out of the way, I call 
 upon all stock raisers and farmers in the State of Illinois to co- 
 operate with the Federal and State veterinarians in maintaining 
 the Federal quarantine which the State was constrained by this 
 injunction to adopt, for the more effective eradication of the 
 
 disease. 
 
 At the earliest possible moment I hope to secure the consent 
 of the Federal authorities in releasing from time to time the dis- 
 tricts now under quarantine. I invoke their further cooperation 
 in consenting to the slaughter of infected and exposed herds after 
 an appraisal has been made. The consent to slaughter and dis- 
 infection will effectively operate toward a condition where the 
 
652 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 State and Federal authorities can from time to time safely lift the 
 quarantine from those portions of the State where it is now in 
 force. 
 
 I shall, as I have heretofore announced, cooperate heartily 
 with the Legislature in providing for an appropriation to compen- 
 sate the owners of slaughtered herds for one-half of the value of 
 the same, the Federal Government already being on record in 
 favor of compensating for the other half. 
 
 I can assure the stock raisers of the State of my hearty sym- 
 pathy with such an appropriation. 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 653 
 
 PUT THE UNEMPLOYED ON ILLINOIS 
 WATERWAYS. 
 
 Address to Elks Club, Chicago, February 6, 1915. 
 
 Mr. Chairman [and Gentlemen : 
 
 One of the most important problems confronting modern 
 society is the problem of the unemployed. 
 
 At the present time, and during every winter in the large 
 cities of the Nation many men and women are found to be out of 
 work, and any expedient that can be devised to bring legitimate 
 work to the unemployed is worthy of the closest attention. I 
 believe that the State of Illinois is at the present time in a condi- 
 tion to relieve much of this distress, and at the same time carry 
 out a great public improvement which is absolutely necessary and 
 essential to the further development of this State; 
 
 Between Chicago and Joliet we have a great waterway, the 
 Sanitary district canal, 22 feet in depth and with an enormous 
 capacity for commerce. Between Joliet and LaSalle for 65 
 miles, we have a waterway available only to prehistoric canal 
 boats drawing four feet of water. Between LaSalle and Grafton, 
 where the Illinois River enters into the Mississippi River, we have 
 a splendid waterway of 232 miles that, without dredging, aver- 
 ages seven feet in depth, and between Grafton and Cairo, the 
 Mississippi River has a channel eight feet in depth. The only 
 obstacle to a tremendous commerce by self-propelling and tow 
 barges, capable of carrying from one to two thousand tons, be- 
 tween Chicago and the great lakes at one end and the Gulf 
 of Mexico at the other end, is the 65 miles of inadequate and 
 undeveloped waterway between Joliet and LaSalle, which acts as 
 a stone wall in the way of commerce. 
 
 Such being the situation, I traveled on a barge down the 
 old Illinois and Michigan canal from Joliet to LaSalle last sum- 
 mer, and invited four eminent and experienced engineers to ac- 
 company me on the trip. Prior to that time, different engineers 
 in the State had been advocating a waterway, some of them in- 
 sisting upon a 14-foot channel, and others insisting upon a greater 
 depth. 
 
 During the trip down the canal, I suggested to the engineers 
 who accompanied me that the channel in the Mississippi River 
 
654 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 from Grafton to Cairo was only eight feet in depth and that Fed- 
 eral engineers liad reported adversely against the practicability 
 of a greater depth and suggested the propriety of devising some 
 engineering scheme which would give the people an eight-foot 
 depth in a waterway between Joliet and LaSalle without fore- 
 closing the further development and deepening of this channel to 
 a further depth, if the time should ever come in the development 
 of engineering when a greater depth could be produced in the 
 Mississippi River. As the result of this suggestion, these different 
 engineers who prior to that time had been advocating differing 
 depths and projects, finally agreed in a written report to me, 
 signed by all of them, that a dam could be built across the Illinois 
 River at Starved Rock, near LaSalle, and, by the construction of 
 certain locks in the Illinois River and in a portion of the old canal, 
 that a waterway could be successfully completed between Joliet 
 and LaSalle, eight feet in depth at a cost of about $3,075,000. 
 
 This project, they reported, could be completed within two 
 years at this moderate cost, and I have, therefore, recommended 
 to the Legislature the passage of a bill appropriating not to ex- 
 ceed $3,500,000 for the furtherance of this sane and sensible proj- 
 ect. I know of no scheme of more momentous importance to 
 the State of Illinois than the building of this 65 mile waterway 
 between Joliet and LaSalle at this depth of eight feet, utilizing 
 the Illinois River for 45 miles and the old Illinois and Michigan 
 canal for 20 miles. 
 
 The Panama canal is now open to the commerce of the world. 
 New Orleans is about 900 miles nearer to that canal than New 
 York, Boston, or any other of the eastern seaports. Since the 
 opening of the Panama canal, freight rates between New York 
 and San Francisco by waterway are found to be considerably 
 cheaper than rail rates across the continent. As a result the 
 trans-continental railroads have been compelled to cut their rates, 
 but in cutting these rates they have confined the cuts to the terri- 
 tory east of the Alleghenies and west of the Rocky IMountains, 
 leaving the rates for the great Mississippi valley iTudisturbed. 
 The rates in the Mississippi valley have not been lowered, because 
 we have no competition from waterways. If the 65 miles of 
 waterway between Joliet and LaSalle were finished and open to 
 commerce, we then could transport our merchandise from the 
 great lakes down the Illinois River and Mississippi River to the 
 Gulf of Mexico and get even better waterway rates than now 
 prevail between New York and San Francisco. As the result of 
 cutting of the railroad rates on the transcontinental lines east 
 of the Alleghenies and west of the Rocky Mountains, the Saturday 
 Evening Post, a few weeks ago called attention to the fact that 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 655 
 
 trade was being diverted from as far wxst as the states of Indiana 
 and Ohio to New York, and thence placed on shipboard and trans- 
 ferred to the Pacific coast. 
 
 If this 65-mile gap in the waterway between Chicago and 
 New Orleans were open, all of this trade, now going to the eastern 
 seaboard, would go by water from Lakes Erie and Ontario 
 through the Detroit and St. Clair Rivers to Chicago and thence 
 down the Illinois and Mississippi Rivers. 
 
 Colonel E. S. Conway of W. W. Kimball & Co., declared 
 recently in' a public address that, if an eight-foot channel was 
 opened between Joliet and LaSalle, freight rates from Chicago 
 to New Orleans would be reduced from $1.10, the present rate, 
 to $0.40 per hundred. Other manufacturers and merchants who 
 are extensive shippers of merchandise are of the same opinion, 
 The Illinois River, as a waterway in transporting capacity, is equal 
 to the River Rhine in Germany. The Illinois River for 232 miles 
 has a depth today without dredging of 7 feet. The distance 
 between Chicago and the Mississippi River along the drainage 
 canal and the Illinois River is 327 miles, and there is a depth of 7 
 feet or over during the whole of its course excepting the 65 miles 
 between LaSalle and Joliet. 
 
 The River Rhine is 355 miles long between the Dutch frontier 
 to Strassburg ; its depth varying from 9 and 8-10 feet to 4 feet 
 In the year 1908, 54,000,000 tons of merchandise were trans- 
 ported up and down this river. I am satisfied that, if this gap 
 of 65 miles in the waterway between Chicago and New Orleans 
 was developed to an 8-foot depth, a greater commerce would ply 
 between Chicago and New Orleans annually than is now carried 
 up and down the Rhine. 
 
 Thousands of men are now out of employment. A tremen- 
 dous potential commerce lies at our door. This commerce should 
 come, first, from the immediate banks of the Illinois and Missis- 
 sippi Rivers ; second, from the tributaries of those rivers ; third, 
 from the great lakes ; and fourth, from the Gulf of Mexico. In 
 my judgment, with such opportunities before us, to fail to take 
 advantage of them, is almost criminal. 
 
 In view of the fact that thousands of men are out of employ- 
 ment and that this work is so easy of accomplishment and can be 
 completed at such a moderate cost within the next two years, 1, 
 therefore, urge with all the emphasis of which I am capable that 
 now is the time and now is the opportunity for the development 
 by our great State of this waterway, and that it will not only 
 give employment to the unemployed at present but that its com- 
 pletion will furnish opportunities for future employment in the 
 commerce that will inevitably develop as the immediate result 
 thereof. 
 
656 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 LINCOLN AND ILLINOIS. 
 
 At the Lincoln Day Banquet, Springfield, Illinois, February 
 
 12, 1915. 
 
 Mr. Toastmaster, I^adies and Gentlemen: 
 
 The Lincoln Centennial Association has but one mission and 
 object — to perpetuate and do honor to the memory of the greatest 
 of Illinoisans and one of the greatest of Americans, the immortal 
 Lincoln. 
 
 With that end in view, each year since its organization it 
 has gathered around its banquet board the greatest of living men, 
 vrho have deemed it an honor to be invited to discuss the life, 
 the virtues and the accomplishments of the great Emancipator. 
 Presidents, Foreign Ambassadors, Senators, orators, poets and 
 divines have, around this board and in this hall, honored the 
 association and themselves by paying tribute to the man whose 
 name and fame are honored and beloved in every nation and in 
 every clime on the civilized earth. 
 
 With the same object in view, we are again gathered tonight. 
 We Illinoisans are proud of the history and progress of this great 
 State. 
 
 We are proud that it was on the soil of Illinois that the 
 gentle Pere Marquette made most of his important discoveries 
 and planted the cross of Christianity in 1673, his mission being 
 one for the salvation of souls and not the subjugation of the 
 bodies of men. 
 
 We are proud of the achievements which LaSalle and Joliet, 
 Tonti and Hennepin accomplished on Illinois soil. 
 
 We are proud of the fact that the hardy pioneers who dwelt 
 in the wilderness around Kaskaskia in what is now the State of 
 Illinois, anticipated, in 1771, the demands of the colonists in Mas- 
 sachusetts, New York, Virginia and the rest of the 13 colonies 
 when they repudiated Lord Dartsmouth's "Sketch of Government 
 for Illinois," as "oppressive and absurd," and declared, "should 
 a government so evidently tyrannical be established, it could be 
 of no duration. There would exist the necessity of its being 
 abolished." This declaration of independence antedates that of 
 1776 in Philadelphia by five years. 
 
 We are proud of the fact that on Illinois soil took place, on 
 July 4, 1778, the struggle resulting in the capture from the Eng- 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 657 
 
 lish by George Rogers Clark of the fort of Kaskaskia, which 
 wrested forever from the British crown all of the territory west of 
 Pennsylvania lying between the Ohio and Mississippi Rivers. 
 
 "We are proud of the fact that it was on the soil of Illinois 
 that its two intellectual giants argued out before the people sit- 
 ting as a jury the greatest moral issue that this country has ever 
 faced — the issue as to whether this country could long endure as 
 a republic with human slavery legally enforced in one part of it, 
 and legally prohibited in another. 
 
 "We are proud of the fact that that great issue, as the result 
 of that great debate, was finally settled right in the awful arbitra- 
 ment of war under the leadership of the great commander fur- 
 nished by Illinois in the Nation's crisis, backed by the valor of 
 256,000 sons of Illinois. 
 
 We are proud of the place that Illinois has taken within 
 the first century of its existence as a st^te among the states of 
 the Union. 
 
 We are proud today that the comparatively young State of 
 Illinois has distanced all of her sisters, excepting two, in popula- 
 tion, wealth, manufacture and political importance, that she 
 stands first in agricultural wealth, first in the fertility of her 
 soil and first in railway development, and when we have opened 
 up a waterway over the sixty miles of rock between Joliet and 
 LaSalle and thus given to the people of the Mississippi valley a 
 continuous commercial waterway from Buffalo, New York, and 
 Duluth, Minnesota, to the Gulf of Mexico, we will be proud to 
 boast of Illinois as the premier state of the Union in commercial 
 importance. 
 
 But above and beyond all, the State of Illinois is proud of 
 the fact that she gave to the Nation and to the world Abraham 
 Lincoln, the great Emancipator. 
 
 Four men who have reached the Presidency of this great 
 Republic stand out among the fellow presidents as Titanic figures 
 in American history — Washington, the ideal patriot; Jefferson, 
 the ideal statesman; Jackson, the ideal citizen-soldier; and Lin- 
 coln, the ideal humanitarian. 
 
 To honor the last but not least of these we are gathered here 
 tonight. It does not rest with me in ray feeble words to do this 
 appropriately. Other men better qualified will follow me to 
 wiiom will fall that pleasing and important task. 
 
658 DUNNE JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 BIENNIAL MESSAGE TO THE FORTY- 
 NINTH ASSEMBLY. 
 
 To THE Forty-ninth General Assembly, February 17, 1915. 
 
 To the Members of the Illinois General Assembly: 
 
 In compliance with the constitutional provision, requiring the 
 Governor, at the commencement of each session, to give to the 
 General Assembly information, by message, of the condition of 
 the State and to recommend such measures as he may deem 
 expedient, I submit the following matters for your consideration ; 
 
 WATERWAYS. 
 
 For many years past there has been in this State an emphatic 
 demand for a waterway between Chicago and the Gulf of Mexico. 
 The practicability of such a waterway was noted by Pere Mar- 
 quette when he first discovered the portage between the Chicago 
 River and the DesPlaines River centuries ago. Its practicability 
 was further noted by the early pioneers of this State, and the 
 boundary lines of the State were fixed upon its admission to the 
 Union of States so as to provide for this waterway. 
 
 The Congress of the United States deeded lands of immense 
 value to the State of Illinois for the purpose of creating this 
 waterway. In the early history of the State, a cut was made and 
 a canal constructed, connecting the south branch of the Chicago 
 River wuth the Illinois River, which was for many years success- 
 fully used in commerce. As the years rolled bv, however, it 
 bt-came apparent that the canal then constructed was totally 
 inadequate to meet the demands of advanced, modern transpor- 
 tation. The age of steam and gasoline has rendered obsolete 
 the boats, locks and waterways of the early part of the nineteenth 
 century, and the Illinois and Michigan canal has rapidly fallen 
 into disuse. As the result, in recent years, the demand for an 
 adequate waterway between the Great Lakes and the Mississippi 
 River has become insistent. 
 
 On November 3, 1908, the people of the State by popular 
 vote amended the Constitution so as to permit the issuance of 
 not to exceed $20,000,000 worth of bonds to be used in the con- 
 struction of an adequate waterway, and in the erection, equipment 
 
DUNNE JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 659 
 
 and maiutenance of power plants, locks, bridges, dams and ap- 
 pliances. 
 
 Divers plans for the development of a waterway between 
 Lockport and Utica have been formulated and discussed before 
 the public, but the different Legislatures of the State have never 
 succeeded as yet in formulating a law for that purpose, and plac- 
 ing it upon the statute books. 
 
 In my judgment, the time has arrived for prompt action. The 
 Panama canal has been opened to the commerce of the world. 
 As the results thereof, the cost of transportation between the 
 eastern and the western seaboard has fallen much below the 
 rates heretofore charged by the railroads. As a result, freight 
 traffic is now being attracted from as far east as the states of 
 Ohio and Indiana to the eastern seaboard by railroad and thence 
 by waterway transportation to the western coast of the United 
 States. Where such competition exists, railroad rates will proba- 
 bly be lowered, and where no competition exists, railroad rates 
 will probably remain as they now are. 
 
 If an adequate waterway were opened between Lake Michi- 
 gan and the Gulf of Mexico, an immense commerce would, in my 
 judgment, develop between points on the Illinois River and 
 points at or near the Great Lakes through the Sanitary District 
 Canal from Chicago to Lockport and thence through a waterway 
 from Lockport to the Mississippi River. At the present time, a 
 navigable depth of over seven feet exists normally for a distance 
 of 262 miles out of a total of 327 miles between Chicago and the 
 Mississippi River. Sixty-five miles between LaSalle on the Illi- 
 nois River and the Chicago Drainage Canal at Lockport is now 
 limited to a draft of four and one-half feet through the old fos- 
 silized Illinois and Michigan Canal, with its inadequate locks con- 
 structed three-quarters of a century ago. A channel of eight 
 feet in depth now maintained in the Mississippi River from 
 Cairo to St. Louis wdth no early prospect of being further deep- 
 ened. If an eight-foot depth could be provided for an adequate 
 waterway in the Illinois River and a portion of the Illinois and 
 Michigan Canal between the cities of Utica and Lockport, we 
 would have a Avaterway of eight feet in depth from Chicago to 
 the Gulf of jMexico. 
 
 Such being the situation. I invited, last summer, the eminent 
 engineer, Lyman E. Cooley, and E. J. Kelly, Assistant Chief En- 
 gineer of the Sanitary District of Chicago, Walter A. Shaw, 
 engineer member of the Illinois Public Utilities Commission, and 
 LeRoy K. Sherman, engineer member of the Illinois Rivers and 
 Lakes Commission, to accompany me down the Illinois and Mich- 
 igan Canal from Joliet to LaSalle. On that trip of inspection, 
 
660 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 these gentlemen and myself examined the physical condition of 
 the Illinois and Michigan Canal and the Illinois and DesPlaines 
 Rivers between Joliet and LaSalle, and as the result of that in- 
 spection and after a careful inquiry into the practicability of at 
 least an eight-foot channel between Joliet and Utica, these gen- 
 tlemen have reported, in writing, several schemes or projects 
 for the construction of an eight-foot waterway between Utica and 
 Joliet. One of these schemes or projects, known as project No. 3, 
 they have unanimously endorsed as being entirely feasible and 
 capable of construction within two years at a cost of $3,075,000. 
 It contemplates the use of the Illinois River for approximately 
 45 miles and the development and enlargement of about 20 miles 
 of the Illinois and Michigan Canal. A copy of this report which 
 has been endorsed by the Rivers and Lakes Commission of this' 
 State will accompany this message, and I herewith recommend it 
 to you for careful examination. 
 
 I am convinced that the scheme is entirely feasible that, con- 
 sidering the immense advantages to be obtained therefrom, it is 
 exceedingly economical, and that it possesses the advantage of 
 not, in any way foreclosing or preventing the creating of a deeper 
 waterway hereafter, if a deeper waterway can be secured in the 
 Mississippi River. If the science of engineering in the future will 
 be able to bring about a greater depth in the Mississippi River 
 than the eight feet which now exists, such depth can also be se- 
 cured in the proposed channel without in any way impairing the 
 efficiency of the work done under project No. 3. In other words, 
 the construction of this channel in the Illinois River and the Illi- 
 nois and Michigan Canal between Utica and Joliet will open up 
 within two years, if constructed, a splendid waterway of eight 
 feet in depth from Chicago to the Gulf of Mexico, at a cost of 
 $3,075,000 or thereabout, and give to the people of this State, as 
 well as those tributary to the Great Lakes, a commerce to New 
 Orleans and the Panama Canal. 
 
 I would further call the attention of the Legislature to the 
 fact that, if this waterway be constructed as outlined in project 
 No. 3, $1,000,000 is available in the treasury of the United States 
 for the dredging and deepening of the Illinois River to an eight- 
 foot depth between Utica and the mouth of the Illinois River 
 where it enters into the Mississippi River. Project No. 3 has 
 b^en investigated by such influential bodies as the Association of 
 Commerce, of Chicago, Joliet, LaSalle, Peoria, and other cities 
 and towns along the Illinois and Mississippi Rivers, and, so far 
 as I am informed, it has their unanimous approval. 
 
 I therefore recommend the passage of a law providing for the 
 construction of a channel, as recommended by these engineers. 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 661 
 
 aud authorizing the issuance of bonds not to exceed in amount 
 the sum of $3,500,000. 
 
 KEGULATION OF FIRE INSURANCE RATES. 
 
 Complaints of excessive rates in fire insurance premiums and 
 01 combinations between fire insurance companies to prevent com- 
 petition in the establishment of reasonable rates in this State have 
 reached me for some time past. 
 
 In the spring of 1914 I instructed' the Insurance Superin- 
 tendent, Hon. Rufus M. Potts, to make an investigation into the 
 subject, the result of which investigation he has embodied in a 
 comprehensive report, to which I respectfully request your 
 earnest attention. 
 
 In substance, this report declares that there exists a wide- 
 spread and comprehensive combination among the fire insurance 
 companies doing business in the State, and their annexes and 
 rating organizations and appendages, the effect of which has been 
 to stifle competition and to establish in many lines of insurance 
 unreasonably excessive rates of premiums such rates being in ex- 
 cess of rates established and charged in other states, although 
 the State of Illinois is favorably situated in reference to fire 
 insurance risks. 
 
 The report discloses, as the result of investigation into prem- 
 iums paid and losses sustained, that, for twenty years past, the 
 insured citizens of this State have been paying for insurance 
 premiums approximately twice as much as has been paid to the 
 insured for fire losses. The report also states that the profits 
 earned by the insurance companies upon their capital stock have 
 been enormous, amounting in some cases to over 100 per cent. 
 
 The report shows that, owing to the fact that it is impossible 
 to obtain the dividend figures of European companies, the total 
 profit percentage of all companies doing business in the State 
 cannot be calculated. This can be done, however, for companies 
 domiciled in the United States. The average profit percentage of 
 these companies for 1913, exclusive of dividends, as shown by this 
 report, was 32.8 per cent. They paid an average dividend of 12.3 
 per cent, so that the total annual profit for 1913 of all the Ameri- 
 can fire insurance companies doing business in Illinois, as stated 
 in the report, was 45.1 per cent of their capital stock, which is 
 enormous and unreasonable. 
 
 The fire insurance companies dispute the conclusion of the 
 report in some particulars, but there are sufficient facts set forth 
 in said reports to justify me in reaching the conclusion that the 
 time has come, in the history of the State, for effective control by 
 
662 DUNNE JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 the State of the rates charged for fire insurance. Legislation 
 along this line is imperative. I have been in correspondence and 
 in conference with representatives of the tire insurance interests 
 of the State in the endeavor to agree upon the outlines of a law 
 under which the State shall be empowered to make a thorough 
 and exhaustive examination into the rates charged for fire in- 
 surance, and to enable the State further, if it is found that such 
 rates are unreasonable and excessive, to fix and proclaim jtist and 
 reasonable rates, which shall be charged in the future by all the 
 fire insurance companies doing business in this State. 
 
 I am pleased to announce that gentlemen, representing very 
 important and influential fire insurance interests of the State, have 
 declared their willingness to cooperate w4th the Insurance Super- 
 intendent and his legal staff in and about drafting a bill, under 
 wliich the right of the State to make such investigations and to fix 
 such rates is recognized, and that they are willing to ha\e such 
 provisions incorporated in a law to be enacted by this Legislattire. 
 The Insurance Superintendent and his counsel and the counsel 
 for these insurance interests have been engaged for some time 
 past in endeavoring to agree upon the details of such a bill. If 
 such an agreement is reached, such a bill will be presented to this 
 Legislature for its action. Should they not agree upon the details 
 of the bill, one will be presented to the Legislature by the Insur- 
 ance Superintendent, embodying the fundamental principles of 
 investigation and regulation by the State, hereinbefore referred 
 to, and such other provisions as may be agreed upon between 
 the insurance interests and the Instirance Superintendent, leav- 
 ing the other details of the bill, which may not be agreed upon, 
 to the careful consideration of this Legislature. Such a law is 
 now in force in the State of Kansas, and has been pronounced 
 valid and constitutional by the Supreme Court of the United 
 States in the case of the German Alliance Insurance Company v. 
 Lewis, decided April 20, 1914. 
 
 In that case the court held that "the business of insurance so 
 far affects the public welfare as to invoke and require govern- 
 mental regulation." * * * "In assimilation of insurance to 
 a tax, the companies have been said to be the mere machinery by 
 which the inevitable losses by fire are distributed, so as to fall 
 as lightly as possible on the public at large, the body of the in- 
 sured, not the companies, paying the tax;" and again in the same 
 case, the court declares that fire insurance has "become clothed 
 with a public interest, and, therefore, subject to be controlled by 
 the public for the common good." 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 663 
 
 1 earnestly recommend the passage of a bill providing for 
 such investigation and regulation in the interest of the citizens 
 of Illinois. 
 
 Insurance Superintendent Potts in his report, after an ex- 
 haustive examination into insurance conditions, has made certain 
 recommendations with reference to the codification and amplifica- 
 tion of the general insurance laws of this State to which I hereby 
 direct your earnest attention. 
 
 AMENDMENT TO THE AMENDING CLAUSE OF THE CON- 
 STITUTION OF 1870. 
 
 The Constitution adopted by this State in the year 1870 is in 
 many respects an admirable instrument. Its bill of rights is broad 
 and comprehensive, and its distribution of powers of government 
 is in accord with the fundamental laws of most of the states 
 of the Union. 
 
 In the march of events, however, it has been found that some 
 few amendments are advisable. So proud of their work were the 
 framers of this Constitution that they framed the article relating 
 to amendments of the Constitution in such a way as to make 
 amendments to the Constitution most difficult, by declaring that 
 "The General Assembly shall have no power to propose amend- 
 ments to more than one article of this Constitution at the same 
 session, nor the same article oftener than once in four years." 
 This provision is archaic, inelastic, and unduly onerous. It is so 
 restrictive as at times to operate in practice as a prohibition 
 against amendment. This amendment should be amended so as 
 to permit at least three different articles to be amended at the 
 same session. 
 
 Because of the difficulty in amending the present Constitution, 
 some sentiment exists in favor of the adoption of a new Constitu- 
 tion. Whether a new Constitution is adopted or not, in my judg- 
 ment, the amending clause of the present Constitution should be 
 amended. The amendment of the amending clause could be 
 amendment of the present Constitution, the much needed amend- 
 ments of the present Constitution to be adopted thereafter. A 
 new Constitution cannot be adopted by the people in the ordinary 
 course of such matters within five or six years. 
 
 What the new Constitution, when framed may be, and 
 whether the people will approve of it or not, cannot be known. 
 In the meantime we must proceed, before the adoption of a new 
 Constitution, upon the lines of the old Constitution, and that Con- 
 stitution should be amended, in its amending clause, so as to 
 
664 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 permit the people to suggest amendments from time to time to 
 meet the demands of modern progress in legislation. 
 
 If a new Constitution be framed and submitted to the people 
 and disapproved, we should have our present Constitution in 
 such shape as to permit it to be more readily amendable than 
 at the present time. If a new Constitution is adopted after the 
 amendment of the present Constitution, the much needed amend- 
 ment heretofore suggested would not operate in any way to 
 interfere with a new Constitution, as the present Constitution, 
 and all amendments thereto would be displaced by the new Con- 
 stitution. 
 
 Whatever action be taken in reference to a new Constitution, 
 I, therefore, recommend the amendment of the amending clause 
 of the present Constitution as hereinbefore suggested. 
 
 In the past the struggle between the advocates of the in- 
 itiative and referendum and the advocates of revenue reform for 
 paramount recognition have operated to prevent the adoption of 
 either. With the amending clause amended, as suggested, it 
 will open the way Por an early amendment of the Constitution 
 along the lines of revenue reform, the initiative and referendum, 
 and other necessary amendments, all of which could be voted for 
 at the same session and submitted to the people at the same 
 election. 
 
 EEDISTRICTING OF SENATORIAL AND CONGRESSIONAL 
 
 DISTRICTS. 
 
 SENATORIAL. 
 
 The Constitution provides that ' ' The General Assembly shall 
 apportion the State every ten years into 51 senatorial districts, 
 each of which shall elect one Senator and three Representatives. 
 
 The last senatorial apportionment was made in the year 1901. 
 The new senatorial apportionment should have been made, pur- 
 suant to the Constitution, in 1911. Nearly four years have elapsed 
 since the senatorial apportionment should have been made. 
 
 I, therefore, recommend, in compliance with the Constitution, 
 that the Legislature reapportion the senatosial districts of the 
 State. 
 
 CONGRESSIONAL. 
 
 The last congressional apportionment in this State was made 
 on May 13, 1901. Since that time Illinois has become entitled 
 to two additional Congressmen, who are now elected in the State 
 at large. 
 
 A new congressional apportionment should also be made at 
 this session to provide for 27 congressional districts. 
 
DUNNE JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 665 
 
 COST OF ELECTIONS. 
 
 Elections for city, village, township, school districts, counties 
 and State are unnecessarily frequent and too costly. In the 
 city of Chicago alone a single primary election costs $275,000 
 and a single final election $320,000. 
 
 I would respectfully recommend the passage of bills requiring 
 all city, village, township and school elections to be held on the 
 same day, and have only one such election every two years, and 
 that all county, State, congressional and national elections should 
 be held upon the same day every two yars. If the State, county, 
 congressional and national elections are held in the even year, 
 the city, village, township and school elections might be held in 
 the odd year, thus having only one election day each year. 
 
 This will considerably reduce both the cost and number of 
 elections and be for the public interest. 
 
 I further recommend that elections for all judicial offices be 
 held on a date when no other officials are voted for. The primary 
 election for judges might, however, be held on the same day as a 
 general election, had for other offices. 
 
 Legislation should also be enacted cutting down the number 
 of elective offices where possible, thus shortening the ballot and 
 providing for the rotation of names of candidates upon the ballot 
 at all elections for all offices. 
 
 I further recommend that, at all primary elections, each 
 candidate be compelled, on filing his application, to pay to the 
 clerk, where such application is filed, a filing and printing fee 
 sufficient to cover the cost of printing, at least one page of printed 
 matter, relating to his candidacy, and that said clerk cause to 
 be printed and paid for out of such fee copies of such page of 
 printed matter to the amount of twice the number of legal voters 
 in the district from which said applicant is a candidate, said 
 copies to be delivered to the applicant, before the nomination, 
 for distribution by him or mailed to all vol^ers by said clerk 
 upon such candidate paying the cost of the postage thereof, and 
 that all candidates be limited in their election expenditures to a 
 reasonable amount over and above the cost of such distribution 
 of such printed matter. Probably twenty per cent of the legal 
 salary, paid to the incumbent of the office should be the maximum 
 of expenditure to be permitted. 
 
 The election laws should also be amended so as to provide 
 for a report of a candidate's expenditures within a reasonable 
 time after the election and before he be permitted to assume 
 the duties of his office, with effective penalties for violation of 
 the law. 
 
666 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 STATE PUBLIC UTILITIES COMMISSION. 
 
 The State Public Utilities Commission closed the first eleven 
 months of its administration on November 30. 1914. During that 
 time, the commission was organized, its work systematized, and 
 the administrative, engineering, accounting, rate, and service 
 departments were built up to such a state of efficiency as the lim- 
 ited time and the means at the disposal of the commission would 
 allow. The present working force of the commission, attorneys, 
 engineers, accountants, statisticians, experts, inspectors, clerks, 
 stenographers, etc., numbers seventy-three persons. The Illinois 
 Public Utilities Law is probably the most comprehensive measure 
 of its kind ever enacted, and the duties and powers of the Illinois 
 Commission are probably more numerous and greater than those 
 of any similar commission. The multiplicity, variety, and im- 
 portance of matters coming before it during this period of organi- 
 zation have been so great as to tax to the utmost its ability to 
 investigate, hear, and dispose of the cases. 
 
 During the eleven months, there were tiled 1,278 formal com- 
 plaints and petitions, all of which called for investigation and 
 public hearings, and a finding by the commission. In 924 of these 
 cases formal orders were entered. There were also brought to 
 the attention of the commission during this same time about 500 
 informal complaints, covering almost every conceivable matter 
 about which complaint could be made, some 400 of Avliich have 
 been investigated and disposed of informally by correspondence 
 or conference. In addition to the above, the commission has ap- 
 proved 1,160 leases, made by utility corporations. Orders were 
 issued in sixty-five stock and bond cases, authorizing the issue of 
 $176,917,304 par value, of stocks, bonds, and notes. On December 
 15, 1914, there were pending, applications for authority to issue 
 securities of the par value of $262,185,258. On December 22 a 
 majority of the pending applications for authority to issue securi- 
 ties had been heard. The amount of fees paid into the State 
 Treasury for authorities granted up to this time was $505,202.78. 
 The total receipts of the commission at this time was $510,173.89. 
 The total amount of appropriation expended to maintain the 
 commission was $118,548.14. 
 
 The beneficent effects of the operation of the Utilities Law 
 are already apparent on every hand. Discriminations in rates 
 and service have been eliminated, and it may now be said that 
 strict rate uniformity prevails among all the utilities of the State. 
 The question of rates has probably been most often brought to 
 the attention of the commission ; for while rates and service 
 are fundamentally joined in almost every ease, the majority of 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 667 
 
 complaints coming to the commission thus far have found their 
 expression in terms of rates. In a number of smaller communi- 
 ties settlements have resulted in substantial reductions in rates. 
 In some of the more important cases the determination of reason- 
 able rates has necessitated the making of property valuation, 
 which requires much time and labor. 
 
 Standards of service to govern gas and electric utilities have 
 been established by the commission, and service inspectors are 
 now at work inspecting the quality of service furnished by the 
 various utilities of the State. 
 
 One of the main objects, sought by the Legislature, in the 
 establishment of the Utilities Commission was to secure to the 
 people of the State adequate service at reasonable rates, and the 
 commission in all its acts has ever kept before it this condition, 
 and has sought to accomplish and is accomplishing this great 
 purpose, for which it was created. 
 
 While the operations of the commission have been satis- 
 factory throughout the entire State, including Chicago, and while 
 there seems to be no sentiment, at the present time, in favor of 
 local commissions to regulate intraurban utilities down the State 
 outside of Chicago, there is considerable sentiment in that great 
 city in favor of a local ancillary commission, to take charge of 
 and control the intraurban municipal utilities of that city, and I, 
 therefore, favor the creation of such an ancillary commission 
 for the city of Chicago to take charge of and control the intraur- 
 ban utilities of that city. 
 
 TRESPASSERS UPON RAILROAD RIGHT-OF-WAY. 
 
 During the years 1911, 1912 and 1913, 1,497 lives were lost 
 and 1,470 persons were maimed while trespassing upon railroad 
 right of way in the State of Illinois. 
 
 The number of trespassers on railroad right-of-way, killed 
 and injured, is increasing year by year. In 1913 alone, 510 tres- 
 passers M-ere killed and 521 were injured in this State. 
 
 In the interest of the protection of human life and limb 
 rather than protection to railroad interests, I believe that a law 
 should be enacted making trespassing on railroad property a mis- 
 demeanor. It is now merely an infraction of civil rights. Such 
 a law would tend to discourage trespassing and result in the 
 saving of life and limb. 
 
 LEGISLATIVE REFERENCE BUREAU. 
 
 By an act, effective July 1, 1913, the Forty-eighth General 
 Assembly created the Legislative Reference Bureau, of which 1 
 became ex officio chairman, and upon which was imposed the duty 
 
668 DUNNE JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 of collecting, classifying, and indexing information which may be 
 of value to the Legislature in considering and constructing leg- 
 islation. 
 
 You will find that this work has been diligently prosecuted 
 and there is at your disposal, as a result of the work of eighteen 
 months, a large collection of classified data upon most of the sub- 
 jects which will come before you. 
 
 The methods of this bureau have been modeled after similar 
 bureaus in New York, Pennsylvania, Connecticut, Wisconsin, and 
 other states. 
 
 Perhaps the most important duty imposed upon the Legis- 
 lative Reference Bureau is the preparation of a detailed budget 
 of the appropriations which the officers of the several depart- 
 ments of the State government report are required for their sev- 
 eral departments for the next biennium, together with a compara- 
 tive statement of the funds appropriated by the preceding Gen- 
 eral Assembly for the same purpose. This task has been care- 
 fully and most completely accomplished. A classification of- 
 accounts has been prepared after a study of the best public ac- 
 counting practice and, for the first time in the history of Illinois, 
 the State Legislature will be furnished early in the session with 
 full information concerning the money asked to be appropriated, 
 particularly as to whether the amount sought is an increase or 
 decrease over preceding appropriations, and as to the definite 
 purpose for which the money is to be used. Estimates have 
 been made of the revenue from all sources which may be counted 
 upon in the next two years, so that an intelligent comparison of 
 proposed expenditures with income may be made by every mem- 
 ber of the General Assembly. 
 
 PRISON REFORM. 
 
 Prison reform in Illinois in past years has not kept pace with 
 the progress in the management of our other institutions. In my 
 experience as a judge on the bench, I have been given an insight 
 into the workings of our criminal laws, which has created in me 
 sincere pity for the man who has gone wrong and an earnest 
 desire that the punishment, inflicted by the State, shall not need- 
 lessly degrade him and rob him of all ambition, but rather shall 
 assist and lend encouragement to his efforts toward rehabilitation. 
 
 To this end I have lent my influence, in the prison adminis- 
 tration of the State, to the introduction of more humane methods 
 of dealing with offenders, and the establishment, so far as found 
 practical, of the honor s^^stem. 
 
DUNNE JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 669 
 
 Real progress has been made in all the penal institutions in 
 this direction. In the Illinois State Reformatory, at Pontiac, 
 corporal punishment has been eliminated and a policy of severe 
 restrictions has been replaced by the elimination of the task sys- 
 tem of enforced work under penalty and the substitution of the 
 piece work system with rewards for proficiency; the allowance 
 of one hour's recreation each day for all inmates and the de- 
 velopment of institution athletic teams, a drill corps, and frequent 
 entertainments. In each of the penitentiaries, recreation periodsf 
 have been instituted and repressive rules have been changed to 
 extend to inmates privileges which make for greater self-respect 
 and tend to reform rather than degrade. The result of these 
 changes has fully met expectations. 
 
 The improvement so far made should be continued and Illi- 
 nois should do its part toward assisting in the scientific research 
 into the causes of crime which is now engaging the attention of 
 many other states and learned societies. It would be of great 
 value to the prison wardens and to the Board of Pardons to have 
 the advice of trained psychologists as to the mental condition, 
 the IrustAvorthiness, and the possibilities of reform of the in- 
 mates, to guide them in extending liberties and in granting 
 paroles. This, not with the idea of extending leniency toward 
 defectives, but rather in order that those who are incapable of 
 living honestly, if set free, may be detained in custody and those 
 who possess the possibilities of successful careers in honest occu- 
 pations may be given encouragement and another chance. 
 
 For these reasons, I recommend to your careful consideration 
 measures, seeking to provide for the prisons the assistance of a 
 psychological laboratory for the study of criminals and the causes 
 of crime, and would suggest that provisions be made for co- 
 operation between such laboratory, if it be established, and the^ 
 psychopathic laboratory of the State hospital service now main- 
 tained at Kankakee. 
 
 PUBLIC CHARITIES. 
 
 Upon the public charities of the State a greater proportion of 
 our revenue is expended than on any other single object except 
 public education. 
 
 In the last two years, the increase in the population of the insti- 
 tutions under the Board of Administration has exceeded the normal 
 rate. For 1913 it was 4 per cent, and for 1914, 4.2 per cent. The 
 appropriations for maintenance for the biennium 1913-1915 were 
 based upon an estimated increase of 3 per cent. In addition there 
 has been an abnormal increase in the cost of food, which is the chief 
 
670 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNCS 
 
 item of expense in the maintenance of the institutions. Neverthe- 
 less, by wise economy and careful management, the institutions have 
 been maintained at the usual high standard and a substantial saving 
 has been made in the maintenance fund. 
 
 The Forty-eighth General Assembly appropriated $2,427,304.67 
 for the continuation of the physical rehabilitation of these institu- 
 tions and for the construction of the new State Hospital at Alton 
 and a State Epileptic Colony which I urged upon the Legislature 
 in my inaugural address. 
 
 The $1,000,000.00 appropriated for these new institutions has 
 been expended or contracted for. After careful investigation, the 
 Board of Administration selected a site for the epileptic colony at 
 Dixon, Illinois, in a beautiful location on the Rock River, and con- 
 tracts have been let for the construction of nine buildings. At Alton 
 work is progressing upon five buildings. You will be asked to 
 appropriate $500,000, for the completion of each of these new insti- 
 tutions and to provide a fund for the maintenance of patients, as 
 both will be ready for occupancy before long. 
 
 Owing to the large amount provided for buildings by the last 
 Assembly, which was more than sixty per cent of the amount which 
 had been expended in the previous eight years, the total request of 
 the Board of Administration for all purposes for the next two years 
 is $397,632 less than two years ago, and this in spite of the mainte- 
 nance increase made necessary by the abnormal growth in popula- 
 tion and provision for two new institutions. 
 
 It is with sincere pleasure that I can report conditions in the 
 eighteen charitable institutions to have improved in the last two 
 years in all those particulars which increase the comfort and happi- 
 ness of the wards of the State. 
 
 In economical business management, the Illinois institutions 
 are not surpassed by any private corporation. No private sani- 
 tarium in this State can furnish medical attention to the mentally 
 afflicted, of a higher standard than that given to the inmates of the 
 State hospitals. No endowed home or school gives more careful 
 training, supervision, nor more humane treatment than is received 
 by the wards of the State in our schools for delinquents, while the 
 institutions for the deaf and blind, the soldiers' homes, and soldiers' 
 orphans' homes are not surpassed anywhere. 
 
 Most important in the improvements effected in these institu- 
 tions during my administration has been the abolition, in the schools 
 under the Board of Administration, of corporal punishment. The 
 old policy of repression and severity has been replaced by patient, 
 persevering encouragement of the better qualities in inmates and 
 freedom from petty restraint — that humane treatment, in fact, 
 which is advocated by the best informed students of delinquency 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 671 
 
 as being most effective for the building up of self-control and self- 
 restraint. 
 
 In the State hospitals all mechanical restraint of patients, in- 
 cluding seclusion, has been abolished. Patience and kindness com- 
 bined with the best curative treatment known to medical science, 
 have worked wonders in obtaining discipline hitherto thought impos- 
 sible to maintain without straps, straight-jackets, and close con- 
 finement. 
 
 The merit system among the employes is being faithfully and 
 conscientiously enforced. The promotional system is in vogue in 
 all branches of the hospital service. The ' ' hospital tramp ' ' is being 
 weeded out. Experience, fidelity, honest and faithful work, human- 
 ity, and decency are recognized, encouraged, and rewarded. Stand- 
 ards of living and employment are being elevated with all who 
 serve the State. Wages of employes, particularly those receiving 
 the smallest pay, have been increased in all the institutions. The 
 eight-hour system has been adopted by the Board of Administration 
 in several institutions and will be extended to others. 
 
 In the adoption of the eight-hour system for hospital service, 
 Illinois is the pioneer in the United States. Better living quarters 
 are being provided for the employes in the institutions. In return 
 for all these considerations the State demands the highest degree of 
 efficiency and humanity from its employes. 
 
 GAME AND FISH CONSERVATION. 
 
 Consolidation of the former Fish Commission and Game De- 
 partment, pursuant to my recommendation, in the bill creating 
 the Game and Fish Conservation Commission, effective July 1, 
 1913, has given substantial proof of the wisdom of combining inde- 
 pendent State agencies which handle work that is closely related. 
 
 With an appropriation considerably less than that expended 
 by the former departments, the newly created commission has organ- 
 ized an efficient warden force and conducted a vigorous and effective 
 conservation campaign. 
 
 By strict enforcement of the law requiring licenses and the 
 development of a thorough system of accounting for collection of 
 fines and confiscation proceeds, the new department has been made 
 more than self-sustaining, the cost through these contributions fall- 
 ing upon persons directly interested in the results of its work. 
 
 The most important conservation work in the care of this 
 department relates to the fishing industry of the State. Our lakes 
 and streams furnish an enormous supply of excellent and cheap 
 food. Since it is available for all who come to take it, free of 
 charge, wise and strict regulation is required to prevent the whole- 
 sale destruction by wasteful methods of this common property 
 
672 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 The problem of protecting the natural supply, and increasing it 
 through scientific propagation, has been undertaken in an effective 
 manner by the commission. Large quantities of fry and finger- 
 lings have been placed in the waters of the State during the last 
 season and permanent ponds and hatcheries have been provided 
 for the continuation and extension of this work. 
 
 I commend to your careful consideration, as of great impor- 
 tance to the public, all measures submitted for the purpose of 
 improving the present methods of conserving this important nat- 
 ural resource. 
 
 Preservation of the game, while not so important from the 
 standpoint of food supply, is of great interest to the hunters of this 
 State, who take out more hunting licenses every year than in any 
 other State in the Union. After years of experience with the State 
 game farm in propagating English pheasants in the hope of adding 
 that bird to the game birds of the State, the commission has reached 
 the conclusion that this expensive effort will never succeed, and 
 recommends that the State game farm be abandoned. 
 
 During the last two years, on an appropriation of $12,000, 
 only a fraction of what had hitherto been spent, the operations of 
 the farm have been continued and the distribution of birds and 
 eggs throughout the State has been kept up. A careful canvass has 
 been made through the game wardens, and the conclusion is reached 
 that in spite of the large number of pheasants liberated in the past, 
 there has been little or no increase, and no increase can be hoped 
 for because of the unfavorable conditions in this State. 
 
 As a substitute for the game farm, it is recommended that in 
 each county reservations be established — tracts of land rented for 
 a nominal sum — on which grain and cover can be provided at a 
 small cost where the native game birds can find food and protection 
 during the winter and the breeding season, free from molestation 
 or destruction by hunters or others. The expense of maintaining 
 such reservations will be but a fraction of the cost of the State game 
 farm, and, in this recommendation of the commission, I concur. 
 
 RIA^ERS AND LAKES COMMISSION. 
 
 In the work of conserving the natural resources of the State, 
 the Rivers and Lakes Commission has an important part. Public 
 bodies of water are of vital importance to the people, and it is 
 necessary that the State have an active agency to protect such 
 bodies against encroachment, to prevent the drainage of valuable 
 lakes, the obstruction of river flow, and the pollution of rivers and 
 lakes. The much extended powers, given to the Rivers and Lakes 
 Commission by the amendment to the Rivers and Lakes Act, in 
 force July 1, 1913, have been put to valuable use in the last eighteen 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 673 
 
 months. The report of that commission details the work accom- 
 plished in the prevention of stream pollution and the investigation 
 of complaints of encroachments on public waters of the State. The 
 service of the commission in superintending the construction of 
 State levees at Cairo, Shawneetown, and Mound City, Illinois, for 
 which the Forty-eighth General Assembly appropriated $339,000, 
 merits commendation for businesslike efficiency. The work was 
 undertaken immediately the appropriation became available ; it was 
 planned and conducted according to the best engineering practice, 
 and was finished well within the authorized cost and in ample time 
 to withstand the high waters of the spring of 1914. 
 
 FOOD INSPECTION. 
 
 In the vital matter of protecting the public from the peril of 
 impure and unsanitary food, the State Food Commission has made 
 noticeable progress along the most profitable line of endeavor in 
 this work — the education of the public. 
 
 With only eighteen inspectors to cover the entire State, it is 
 obvious that this department can accomplish its purpose only with 
 intelligent cooperation from municipal and county officers and 
 from the general public. 
 
 Realizing this, the State Food Commissioner has devoted par- 
 ticular attention to enlisting the assistance of local officers, obtain- 
 ing the enactment of municipal ordinances for the protection of 
 the food and milk supply of cities, and to a campaign of lectures 
 and newspaper publicity for the purpose of instructing the public 
 on the provisions of the law and methods of insuring its enforce- 
 ment. Moving picture exhibitions have been used with good results 
 and the volunteer assistance of newspapers throughout the State 
 has been of great value in this campaign. 
 
 The report of the State Food Commissioner calls particular 
 attention to the widespread practice of using fraudulent weights 
 and measures in the retail sale of foods. This is a fraud which 
 merits the severest condemnation and the most stringest measures 
 for suppression. 
 
 I recommend that a law be passed permitting adequate pun 
 ishment of persons guilty of this offense and empowering the State 
 Food Inspectors to enforce its provisions. I also recommend the 
 careful consideration of all measures relative to the protection of 
 the public food supply from adulteration and insanitary conditions 
 and the improvement of the present methods of law enforcement. 
 
 I am pleased to call your attention to the fact that in this 
 department for the year ending September 30, 1914, that there was 
 a saving of expenditures over the preceding year of over $17.000 ; 
 while the collections made by the department in the same time 
 were over $10,000 in excess of the preceding year. 
 
674 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 NATIONAL GUARD AND NAVAL RESERVE.' 
 
 During my administration, our State Military and Naval 
 Establishment has undergone changes in organization necessary to 
 conform to the detail of organization found, by the Federal Gov- 
 ernment, to promote the highest efficiency. 
 
 Progress has been made not only in the character and amount 
 of military equipment but in the method of caring and accounting 
 for military stores. 
 
 Joint camps of instruction, both within and without the State, 
 participated in by our State forces in conjunction with Federal 
 troops and those of other states, have combined to secure greatly 
 increased efficiency. 
 
 The inadequate housing, both of our troops and their military 
 equipment, has been for years a serious handicap to proper train- 
 ing, and has been an almost constant source of complaint. There 
 are at the present time authorized and either being planned or in 
 the course of construction, nine armories for the proper housing of 
 troops and equipment. 
 
 The funds appropriated for the National Guard and I^aval 
 Reserve have been so advantageously expended that were our troops 
 called into service within the State for State purposes, or needed 
 in National defense, the entire military force could be mobilized at 
 the State mobilization camp at Springfield within forty-eight hours, 
 equipped for field service and prepared for active duty. 
 
 HIGHWAY IMPROVEMENT. 
 
 In accordance with the recommendation made in my inaugural 
 message, the Forty-eighth General Assembly passed a State Aid 
 Road and Bridge Act, which went into effect July 1, 1913, and has 
 now been under trial for eighteen months. 
 
 This act changed our entire system of highway construction 
 and maintenance, and the first duty of the commissioners, appointed 
 under it, was to construct a new organization for the State and for 
 every county desiring to operate under the act. 
 
 A court test of the constitutionality of the act caused much 
 delay, but so vigorously and successfully has the work been carried 
 on that one hundred county superintendents of highways, whose 
 qualifications have been proved in competitive examinations, are 
 now in office. State aid routes in ninety-four counties have been 
 agreed upon between the county boards and the State commission. 
 A complete uniform system of auditing and accounting for all road 
 and bridge moneys has been installed, allotments from the State 
 aid road and bridge fund have been made to all counties that have 
 qualified therefor, and contracts have been awarded on seventy- 
 four sections of roads having a total length of 91.27 miles. 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 675 
 
 In many parts of the State work has been completed on sections 
 of State aid roads and tlie public has had an opportunity to inspect 
 the type of road which the Highway Commission has determined 
 to require. This is a finished driveway thirty feet wide, divided 
 into a pavement proper of brick or concrete from ten to eighteen 
 feet wide, with earth or macadam shoulders on each side to make 
 up the required width. The contracts which have been let for State 
 aid roads are distributed among forty-eight counties. 
 
 A complete engineering organization under the State Highway 
 Engineer has been constructed, through which the State High- 
 way Commission is enabled to provide plans for all road and bridge 
 work and supervise all construction with the assistance of the 
 county superintendents. 
 
 All the precautions which engineering science and modern 
 business methods afford have been taken to insure that full value 
 is given to the State for all money expended in highway construc- 
 tion and that the specifications of contracts are met in every detail. 
 
 I recommend that careful consideration be given to the provi- 
 sion of funds for the completion, in a reasonable time, of the 
 construction of the fifteen thousand miles of State aid roads, con- 
 sistent with the annual tax paying ability of the taxpayers of the 
 State. 
 
 CIVIL SERVICE. 
 
 At the beginning of my administration, two years ago, the 
 State Civil Service law, so far as it applied to the more important 
 positions in the service, was eighteen months old. Since by its 
 provisions all the appointees holding office at the time it became 
 effective were covered without examination and comparatively few 
 changes in the personnel had been made, there was widespread 
 anfamiliarity with the provisions of the law. The strain of enforc- 
 ing this law, after the first complete change in party domination 
 in sixteen years, has not been slight ; nevertheless, with determined, 
 honest and fair' enforcement, there has come a vigorous and gratify- 
 ing growth in the Civil Service work of the State. In 1911, 4,685 
 applications for examination were received ; in 1912, 6,671 ; in 1913, 
 8,839 ; in 1914, estimate to December 1, 11,307. In the past year, 
 the commission has held 144 examinations and, it was estimated, 
 had examined 7,500 applicants up to December 1, this being 
 approximately one hundred per cent increase over the number 
 examined in 1912. There has been a marked increase in the num- 
 ber of positions filled by certification from the eligible lists and 
 of all the persons occupying positions in the classified service of 
 the State, it is estimated there are now less than seven hundred 
 who have not proved their qualifications by passing examinations. 
 
676 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 It is with sincere gratification I report to you that the merit 
 system in all State departments is now established upon a firm 
 basis and I respectfully urge that your honorable body give careful 
 consideration to all measures relative to Civil Service, its further 
 extension to some positions, not now classified, which should be 
 included within its scope, and other amendments which might 
 make for the better operation or enforcement of the law. There 
 are some few classes of employment, where professional skill and 
 implicit confidence is demanded, which might safely be excluded 
 from the Civil Service list. 
 
 INDUSTRIAL BOARD. 
 
 Of all the progressive laws placed upon the statute books by 
 the Forty-eighth General Assembly, perhaps none is more impor- 
 tant to the workingmen of the State than that creating the 
 Industrial Board for the administration of the Workingmen 's 
 Compensation Act. 
 
 Upon this board rests the duty of arbitrating, in speedy hear- 
 ing, disputes over compensation for injury and death incurred in 
 industrial accidents. Successful performance of this duty will 
 eliminate the great hardships, formerly imposed by the law's delay, 
 upon those disabled in the performance of their duty, and upon the 
 helpless dependents of men who have fallen in the struggle for 
 existence. 
 
 The extent of this work is proved by the fact that the facilities 
 of the board have been overtaxed from the beginning. There have 
 been presented to and decided by the board, by committees of 
 arbitration appointed by it, 584 cases, involving the payment of 
 $155,101.11. Lump sum orders have been entered in 367 cases, 
 involving the payment of $335,732.91. There are pending before 
 the board 240 arbitration matters and 28 lump sum petitions. 
 
 It is evident that the volume of work to be handled will increase 
 rapidly, and if the Industrial Board is to avoid a congestion already 
 existing, which will soon result in reproducing in its affairs the 
 court delays which it is intended to avoid, increased facilities must 
 be provided for its work. 
 
 I, therefore, recommend that careful consideration be given to 
 the report of this board and to its request for a suitable appropria- 
 tion with which to handle its most important work. 
 
 I am informed by the president of this board that its appro- 
 priations for rent are at present exhausted and that, unless an 
 emergency appropriation for rents, and additional help is given, it 
 will result in a suspension, in whole or in part, of the duties of the 
 board. 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 677 
 
 I, therefore, recommend an emergency appropriation sufficient 
 to enable the board to carry on its duties until the general appro- 
 priation bill is passed. 
 
 SEMIMONTHLY PAYMENT OF STATE EMPLOYES. 
 
 The last Legislature, upon my recommendation, passed a law 
 compelling corporations and employers to pay their employes semi- 
 monthly. I see no reason why the State should not follow the 
 same practice. I am informed that the State can provide for such 
 semimonthly payment of employes by the employment in the 
 Auditor's office and in the office of the Civil Service Commission of 
 extra clerks at a cost of not to exceed $5,000 annually. 
 
 I recommend that provisions be made for such semimonthly 
 payment of State employes. 
 
 EFFICIENCY AND ECONOMY. 
 
 Following the recommendation in my inaugural message the 
 Forty-eighth General Assembly appointed a committee composed 
 of four members of each house, to examine into different depart- 
 ments of the State government for the purpose of ascertaining 
 whether or not, by cooperation of the different departments and 
 commissions of the State and the coordination of their functions, 
 greater efficiency and economy in administration could not be 
 attained. 
 
 This committee has been industriously engaged for the last 
 eighteen months in making such investigation, and will make a 
 report to the Legislature embodying the result of its labors, which 
 report, I earnestly commend to you for your careful consideration. 
 
 While not agreeing with all of the recommendations of the 
 committee in their entirety, it is in the main a very valuable and 
 well-considered report of conditions prevalent at the present time, 
 with very wise recommendations of changes. 
 
 I particularly call your attention to the very valuable recom- 
 mendations in reference to the consolidation of the penal and 
 correctional institutions under one commission; the consolidation 
 of the different mining boards into one department ; the consolida- 
 tion of the various agricultural and live stock boards into one 
 department ; the consolidation of the different normal schools under 
 one board of trustees; the consolidation of the tax levying boards 
 and the revenue collecting departments of the State into a depart- 
 ment of finance under the control of a State Finance Commission, 
 consisting of a State Comptroller, a State Tax Commissioner and 
 a State Revenue Commissioner, the Auditor of Public Accounts 
 and the State Treasurer being ex officio members, and involving the 
 abolition of the State Board of Equalization and the creation of a 
 State Tax Commission in lieu thereof. 
 
678 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 COm^ICT LABOR. 
 
 The last Legislature, upon my recommeudation, enacted a law 
 permitting the use of convicts upon road building in the State, 
 limiting the employment of such convicts, however, to those whose 
 terms of unexpired imprisonment did not exceed five years. 
 
 Liberal use of the convicts has been made for that purpose, 
 particularly at the Joliet penitentiary, with beneficial results both 
 to the convicts and to the State. A very small percentage of the 
 convicts have violated their pledge of honor, and the work done 
 has been valuable and efficient. 
 
 I would respectfully recommend the amendment of the law, 
 so as to permit convicts whose unexpired terms exceed the five-year 
 limitation to be used for road building. The limitation, in my 
 judgment, can be safely extended to ten or even fifteen years instead 
 of five. 
 
 In order to bring about a more extensive use of the convicts 
 for this laudable purpose, it might be wise to amend the Good 
 Roads Act, so as to require the counties, who are recipients of 
 State aid to avail themselves of convict labor, charging therefor 
 the actual cost of feeding the men while so engaged. 
 
 During the last fifteen months, fifty-one convicts were em- 
 ployed at road building, from September 3, 1913, to February 10, 
 1914, at Camp Hope, near Dixon, Illinois, doing very effective 
 road work. Not one attempted to escape. 
 
 Seventy-two convicts were employed at Starved Rock from 
 April 27, 1914, to August 20, 1914, and afterwards at Mokena, Will 
 County, Illinois, until December 23, two of whom escaped, and 
 have not been recaptured. 
 
 Sixty-five men were employed at Beecher, Illinois, from June 
 15, 1914, to November 24, 1914, none of whom attempted to escape. 
 
 One hundred and five convicts were utilized at the Joliet 
 honor farm from February 27, 1914, until recently. Twenty-four 
 have had their sentences commuted; nine returned to the prison; 
 two paroled, and nine transferred to road camps, leaving sixty-one 
 still on the farm operating same. 
 
 In view of the small* percentage of escapes, and the general 
 observance of their pledges by the convicts, the warden of the 
 Joliet penitentiary has recommended that the convict labor act be 
 amended so as to permit the use of convict labor upon the public 
 roads, by removing the clause specifying that a man must have 
 less than five years to serve before he is eligible for road work. 
 
DUNNE JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 679 
 
 CHICAGO PARK COMMISSIONS CONSOLIDATION. 
 
 In my inaugural address to the General Assembly, I recom- 
 mended the consolidation of the Park Commissions of the city of 
 Chicago. 
 
 At present there are three separate commissions: the Board 
 of South Park Commissioners, the Board of West Park Com- 
 missioners, and the Board of Lincoln Park Commissioners. 
 
 All of these quasi-municipal bodies are conducted as wholly 
 separate institutions, with different offices, different executives, and 
 under different managements. 
 
 These park boards should be consolidated. At your last session, 
 a bill was passed consolidating the park boards, and I was con- 
 strained to veto same on being advised by the Attorney General 
 that the bill was unconstitutional. 
 
 I again recommend the consolidation of the different park 
 boards of the city of Chicago and I trust "constitutional legislation 
 to that end will be enacted at the coming session. 
 
 THE STATE BOARD OF LIVE STOCK COMMISSIONERS. 
 
 FOOT-AND-MOUTH DISEASE IN ILLINOIS. 
 
 Since November 1, 1914, when the first case of foot-and-mouth 
 disease was discovered in Illinois, live stock producers within the 
 State have necessarily been subjected to great inconvenience and 
 economic losses incidental to the establishment and the enforcement 
 of quarantine regulations to prevent one of the most highly con- 
 tagious diseases known from infecting every farm within the State. 
 
 During this time the services of two hundred veterinarians 
 constituting the cooperating forces of State and Federal Govern- 
 ments have been constantly engaged. An additional force of over 
 five hundred laborers under competent supervision has also been 
 engaged in cleaning and disinfecting infected premises after the 
 slaughter of affected herds. In doing this work the State and 
 Federal Governments have been acting in complete harmony and 
 cooperation. 
 
 In waging this fight against the unrestricted spread of the 
 contagion of foot-and-mouth disease, much opposition and failure 
 to promptly report infection has been encountered, and to this fact 
 can be charged at least fifty per cent more outbreaks than would 
 have otherwise occurred. The culmination of the opposition against 
 effective work in completely eradicating the disease previous to this 
 date was reached when the State Veterinarian was served with 
 threatening notices by the owners of herds infected and their law- 
 yers, and finally with an injunction against the further slaughter of 
 affected herds, thus preventing the best known method of success- 
 
680 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 fully eradicating the disease from being utilized to protect the live 
 stock interests in this and other States. Unless this injunction is 
 soon dissolved all of the work so far done will be of little or no 
 avail and the live stock interests will be confronted by rigid Federal 
 quarantine of this State for years to come. 
 
 Up to this time 591 herds consisting of 18,348 cattle, 26,613 
 hogs and 903 sheep have been slaughtered, the total appraised valua- 
 tion of which is $1,494,528.67. Of the 591 infected premises 523 
 have been thoroughly cleaned and disinfected under official super- 
 vision, the remainder being now in course of disinfection or in 
 preparation for disinfection. 
 
 In view of the widespread extent of this very contagious dis- 
 ease, involving such serious consequences to the live stock owners 
 of the State, and the large expense entailed upon the State of 
 Illinois in the effort to furnish assistance to the Federal Govern- 
 ment in eradicating the disease, and in view of the great losses 
 entailed upon the owners of the cattle infected and destroyed, I 
 recommend the early attention of the Legislature to the question of 
 making an appropriation sufficient to cover the unusual expenses 
 entailed upon the State of Illinois in the effort to suppress this 
 disease, and that it should further take official action in the way 
 of making appropriations to reimburse in some way the owners of 
 the cattle killed. 
 
 In my opinion, because of the fact that this disease has already 
 infected eighteen states of the United States, the expense and re- 
 sponsibility of handling this nation-wide calamity ought to fall 
 upon the Federal Government. No one or more states can effect- 
 ively suppress this contagion throughout the United States. Arbi- 
 trary state lines are not effective in preventing the spread of the 
 disease. It is as though war were declared upon this country by a 
 foreign foe. The National Government is charged with the duty of 
 defending the country from foreign invasion. 
 
 The foot-and-mouth disease has declared war not upon the 
 State of Illinois, but upon the live stock interests of the United 
 States, and the consumers of the Nation dependent thereon, and, I 
 believe, the Federal Government ought to shoulder the responsi- 
 bility of this nation-wide calamity, and compensate those that are 
 entitled thereto, but in the meantime, until action is taken by the' 
 Federal Government, some action should be taken by the State of 
 Illinois to relieve its own citizens, and thereafter the State should 
 demand reimbursement from the Federal Government for ex- 
 penses entailed thereby. 
 
 THE STATE CHARITIES COMMISSION. 
 
 The State Charities Commission, whose duties are those of 
 inspection and recommendation, suggests and recommends : 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 68] 
 
 First. That the Alton State Hospital and the Dixon State 
 School and Colony, the two institutions now in course of construc- 
 tion, be completed at the very earliest date. 
 
 Second. The establishment of a State home or school for 
 adult feeble-minded women and the enactment of a law providing 
 for legal commitment of the feeble-minded of all ages and for 
 discharge of such defectives from institutions designed for their 
 care only upon order of the court. Such law should give courts 
 discretion to commit a feeble-minded person to a private institu- 
 tion, as insane are often committed to private hospitals, when the 
 reasons for such commitment warrant it. 
 
 Third. Attention is called to the almost indescribable con- 
 dition of the jails, lockups, calabooses and workhouses of this State. 
 Legislation is urged which will vest in State authority, preferably 
 the Governor, the power to close a jail or other local place of deten- 
 tion or an almshouse which does not comply with the law and 
 conform to the standards which the law prescribes. 
 
 Fourth. The creation of a State Housing Commission to 
 study the housing situation in Illinois and to report back to the 
 next General Assembly recommendations for a comprehensive 
 statute covering this highly important subject. 
 
 Fifth. Endorsement of the recommendation of the Efficiency 
 and Economy Commission that the State Charities Commission 
 be empowered to inspect and supervise the three State penal insti- 
 tutions of Illinois, in the same manner and for the same purposes, 
 as it now inspects and supervises the State charitable institutions. 
 
 INSPECTION OF PRIVATE EMPLOYMENT AGENCIES. 
 
 New life has been injected into the supervision and inspection 
 of private employment agencies during the fiscal year 1914. Three 
 hundred sixty-seven licenses were issued to private agencies, an 
 increase of thirty-eight over 1913. 
 
 The amount of revenue from licenses was $17,750, an increase 
 of $1,775. During the year, $6,785 were refunded by agents to 
 complainants, a gain of $4,832. Inspectors made 1,973 reports on 
 general conditions of agencies, an increase of 557. One thousand 
 seven hundred and sixty-seven complaints were investigated, as 
 against 432 in 1913. 
 
 The department has discovered that it is a practice among 
 "straw bosses" on railroads and factory foremen to charge a fee 
 to men for the privilege of holding their jobs. This practice is 
 probably an outgrowth of the scarcity of work. It is being dealt 
 with vigorously; several convictions have been had in Chicago, 
 one in East St. Louis, four in Granite City, where four cases are 
 
682 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 pending in the courts. The department reports the necessity of 
 drastic methods to regulate the booking agents who are sending 
 young girls as entertainers to saloons, cafes, etc. 
 
 THE PANAMA-PACIFIC INTERNATIONAL EXPOSITION. 
 
 Illinois will be represented at this great exposition by a dis- 
 play of its industries and a State building where its people may 
 gather. The last General Assembly made an appropriation of 
 $300,000 with which to erect a building and to bear the expenses 
 of the commission. At the time this message is written, the building 
 is practically complete. 
 
 It is 96 feet deep and has a frontage of 136 feet, with prin- 
 cipal entrances on its north and south sides. The contract price 
 was $89,000, exclusive of furnishings, decorations, and lighting 
 fixtures. 
 
 The plans were drawn by State Architect, J. B. Dibelka, and 
 the contract was let to Lange & Bergstrom, of San Francisco, the 
 lowest bidder. 
 
 The friezes on the north and south fronts are embellished with 
 ornamental sculpture, designed after prize competition by young 
 Illinois sculptors, their work being supervised by Lorado Taft. 
 
 The building contains twenty-five rooms. 
 
 A room is set apart as a memorial to Lincoln. There is a 
 ballroom, where dances and other entertainments may be held, 
 a recital hall for musical entertainments, a motion picture theater, 
 reading, writing, and lounging rooms. 
 
 Among the features of the entertainment program is a large 
 pipe organ which has been donated to the State on condition that 
 it defray the cost of packing and shipping. 
 
 In the moving picture theater, the State's manufacturers and 
 industries, its parks and buildings, its public institutions, agri- 
 cultural, live stock, and dairying resources will be displayed daily. 
 
 The commission has divided itself into fifteen standing com- 
 mittees, each having in charge a certain department of exhibits. 
 
 Special attention is to be given to the agricultural, live stock, 
 and dairying interests. 
 
 The commission has made a strong effort to have every manu- 
 facturing and commercial industry of the State represented by an 
 exhibit, and as a result every exhibition hall will house some 
 substantial evidence of the State's commercial and industrial activi- 
 ties and supremacy. 
 
 Illinois Day has been set for July 24 and Chicago Day for 
 October 9. 
 
 Aside from the expenditures on the erection of the building, 
 the total expenses of the commission to date have been only $3,944. 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 683 
 
 STATE BOARD OF HEALTH. 
 
 The State Board of Health, during the biennial period, has 
 been exceedingly alert to the demands upon it. During the two 
 yeai*s, 73,786 packages of diphtheria antitoxin have been distrib- 
 uted by the board at a total cost of $57,270. This antitoxin has 
 been employed in 23,100 cases of diphtheria, and the mortality 
 throughout the State has decreased to 7 per cent as compared 
 with 40 per cent in the pre-antitoxin days. 
 
 In 1914 the board distributed, without charge, vaccine against 
 typhoid fever, and 6,000 packages of this agent have already been 
 used. During 1913-1914, one hundred and thirteen indigent per- 
 sons were treated for rabies, under the direction of the board, at a 
 cost to the State of $6,161. Recently the board has begun the 
 distribution of a solution of nitrate of silver for use in the pre- 
 vention of blindness, occasioned by childbirth infection of the eyes. 
 
 Illinois has never provided for the free distribution of small- 
 pox vaccines. During the last year 3,650 cases were reported in 
 the State. Four thousand cases of typhoid fever were reported 
 during the year, due to the ever increasing pollution of water 
 supplies. During the two years the board's laboratory has ex 
 amined 1,185 specimens of blood for the early diagnosis of this 
 disease. 
 
 A sanitary survey of summer resorts was made in 1914. The 
 board caused the inspection in 1913 of 1,900 dairies, and in 1911 
 of 3,600. During the last year these inspections were confined 
 largely to the Chicago district, to prevent the milk rejected by 
 Chicago being dumped into other Illinois communities. 
 
 Nine hundred special investigations were made in the two 
 years on account of insanitary conditions and the unusual prev- 
 alence of communicable diseases. The laboratory of the board 
 has examined 9,000 specimens for the scientific diagnosis of com- 
 municable diseases, of which 4,804 were for tuberculosis, 1,741 
 for diphtheria, 2,118 for typhoid fever. 
 
 At the present time, the laboratory is making Wassermann 
 tests for indigent persons, and within a short period of time ex- 
 pects to open branch laboratories in the southern and northern 
 parts of the State for the early diagnosis of diphtheria. 
 
 An effort has been made to induce municipalities, operating 
 without health ordinances, to adopt them, and in many instances 
 the ordinances passed have been those recommended by the board. 
 
 During the past tw^o years, the board has examined 1,153 
 physicians, 201 midwives, 260 other practitioners, 378 embalmers. 
 It reports that during this time the standards of medical educa- 
 tion have been distinctly raised, the period of instruction being 
 lengthened from four to five years. 
 
684 DUNNF — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 DEPARTMENT OF DEPORTATION. 
 
 This department makes its first annual report. One hundred 
 and nine persons were removed from our State institutions to 
 other states and governments. Thirty deportable aliens are await- 
 ing deportation. During the year, 1,509 patients committed to 
 State hospitals were investigated and found to be legal residents 
 of the State. On account of the department's close record of 
 deportable aliens and nonresident insane persons, brought to 
 the Court of Cook County for examination as to their sanity, 
 fifty-five aliens and thrity-seven nonresidents were either dis- 
 missed or paroled to friends, because of the latter 's knov/ledge 
 of its existence and activity. 
 
 It is reported that during the year only seven insane persons 
 were returned to Illinois from neighboring states through this 
 department. 
 
 The department estimates that the total gross savings to the 
 State through the deportation of these 109 persons was $156,960, 
 
 BUREAU OF LABOR STATISTICS. 
 
 The Bureau of Labor Statistics has just completed its report 
 of industrial accidents for the year ending December 31, 1913. 
 Arrangements have been made with the Industrial Board to com- 
 pile the reports of accidents, covered by the present and revised 
 compensation law for the first year of its existence, which em- 
 braces about 15,000 reports. 
 
 The 1914 biennial report on child labor is almost complete. 
 It covers the investigation of child labor in cities of 50,000 or 
 more and deals with the apparent physical and mental status of 
 children, the condition of employment, the income of the child 
 and of the parents, the extent of education, etc. 
 
 The bureau recommends the consolidation of the free em- 
 ployment offices in Chicago into one bureau, with separate de- 
 partments for skilled labor, unskilled labor, clerical positions, and 
 domestic service. 
 
 BOARD OF PHARMACY. 
 
 The State Board of Pharmacy was created to protect the in- 
 nocent public from unscrupulous dealers in drugs, medicines, and 
 poisons. 
 
 During the year the board has held eight examinations of 
 applicants for registration as pharmacists and assistant pharma- 
 cists. Six hundred and fifty-five applicants for the first, and four 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 685 
 
 hundred and forty-two for the second grade have been personally 
 examined, the greatest number in one year since its organization. 
 
 The board says that, in no year since its organization, has 
 there been such close inspection of drug stores. Sixty-three of- 
 fenders in the )State, outside of Chicago, have been prosecuted and 
 fines amounting to $2,530 turned into the State treasury. Seventy 
 cases have been instituted in Chicago, and in practically all of 
 them judgments have been obtained. 
 
 From January 1, 1914, to November 18, 1914, fees and fines 
 collected by the board, amounted to $21,200, an increase of more 
 than ten per cent over any like period of time. 
 
 STATE FACTORY INSPECTOR. 
 
 The Chief Factory Inspector has made a notable record dur- 
 ing the last year. A total of 60,198 inspections were made, com- 
 pared with 40,103 of the year before. Under the child labor law, 
 32,981 inspections were made, against 26,495 during the preceding 
 year. In the enforcement of the law regulating the hours of 
 employment of women, 17,969 inspections were made as against 
 8,079 during the preceding year; under the "health, safety and 
 comfort" law, 5,785 inspections contrast with 3,845; 917 inspec- 
 tions were made under the "structural iron" law% as against 590 
 the year before. The "metal polishers" law required 1,362 in- 
 spections, against 701; the "ice cream and butterine" law re- 
 quired 485 inspections and 260 licenses, against 205 inspections 
 and 165 licenses. 
 
 Under the "occupational disease" law, 721 inspections were 
 made, against 187. A total of 252 firms are now reporting month- 
 ly under the provision of the "occupational disease" law, as 
 against 166 firms in the preceding year. 
 
 During the past year, 795 cases were brought before the 
 courts, 69 of which w^ere discharged and 726 convicted ; fines and 
 costs amounted to $10,679. This record is contrasted with 434 
 prosecutions and 396 convictions, with fines and costs amounting 
 to $6,240 in 1913. 
 
 GRAIN INSPECTION DEPARTMENT. 
 
 Due to an unjustifiable reduction of fees for the inspection of 
 grain from 50 cents to 35 cents per car, made by the Railway and 
 Warehouse Commission in December, 1912, earnings of this de- 
 partment, in the Chicago district, during the last fiscal year were 
 about $40,000 less than during the preceding year, with result 
 that the disbursements exceeded the receipts by about $46,000. 
 
686 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 The Public Utilities Commission, on viewing the situation, 
 has increased the fees to 50 cents per car for "in" inspection and 
 50 cents per 1,0,00 bushel for "out" inspection. 
 
 Under these ncAv fees, receipts of the department for the 
 quarter ending September 30, 1914, exceeded disbursements by 
 nearly $20,000, so that it is expected receipts hereafter will meet 
 the expenses. 
 
 That the department is being operated in an efficient man- 
 ner is being demonstrated by the almost entire absence of com- 
 plaints either from shipjjers or receivers, this obviously being 
 the most accurate barometer of the high standard of inspection 
 attained by the department. 
 
 The chief grain inspector recommends that the grading of 
 all grain in the State shall be by duly classified inspectors. The 
 present conditions whereby any locality may operate, independent 
 of the State, does not, in his opinion, tend to give all shippers of 
 grain that wholly impartial grading which they should have. 
 
 COMMITTEE TO im^ESTIGATE VOLUNTARY CHARIT- 
 ABLE SOCIETIES SOLICITING CHARITABLE 
 CONTRIBUTIONS AND CHILD HOME- 
 FINDING ORGANIZATIONS. 
 
 The Forty-eighth General Assembly, by House Joint Resolu- 
 tion No. 36, created a joint committee of five Representatives and 
 five Senators to investigate into the methods and actions of cer- 
 tain charitable institutions and organizations licensed by the 
 State, and all societies and organizations licensed by the State to 
 handle children under the juvenile law, and to investigate the 
 accounts, receipts and expenditures of said institutions and organ- 
 izations for the purpose of determining where all such moneys go, 
 and whether or not they go to such institutions, etc., etc. 
 
 Said committee has a report ready to present to the Forty- 
 ninth General Assembly. In this report they state that they have 
 not completed their work of investigation; that they have in the 
 course of their investigations unearthed a very scandalous state 
 of affairs in relation to the disposal of children in this State ; 
 that they have discovered cases in which children have been 
 bought and sold as merchandise ; that, with the little time and 
 money at their disposal, they have been unable to make a thor- 
 ough investigation of all the maternity hospitals and other in- 
 stitutions of like character, and request that their existence be 
 continued to enable them to complete their investigation. 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 687 
 
 I, therefore, recommend that the committee appointed by the 
 Forty-eighth General Assembly be continued for further investi- 
 gation under the same powers heretofore given them, and that a 
 reasonable appropriation be made to them to carry on their 
 work. 
 
 STATE FINANCES. 
 
 In relation to the finances of the State, they are in a most 
 excellent condition, the cash balance on hand in the State treas- 
 ury on January 1, 1915, being $10,310,015.95. 
 
 For full information and figures concerning said State finan- 
 ces, I refer you to the reports of the Auditor of Public Accounts 
 and State Treasurer. 
 
 The Constitution requires the Governor at the commencement 
 of each regular session to present estimates of the amount of 
 money required to be raised by taxation for all purposes. 
 
 In this connection, I would direct your attention to the budget 
 which will be presented to you by the Legislative Reference 
 Bureau, which contains estimates by the various department heads 
 as to their needs for the coming two years. I earnestly request 
 your cooperation in pruning and cutting down the same, where 
 possible, to the actual needs and necessities of efficient adminis- 
 tration. 
 
 EXECUTIVE EXPENDITURES. 
 
 For a statement of expenditures, made by me for this depart- 
 ment from fimds subject to my order, your attention is directed 
 to the biennial report of the Auditor of Public Accounts. 
 Vouchers for all such expenditures have been filed in the Audi- 
 tor's office. 
 
 E. F. Dunne, Governor. 
 
688 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 THE CORRUPT LOBBYIST. 
 
 Message to Forty-ninth General Assembly, March 2, 1915. 
 
 Gentleme^i of the Forty-ninth General Assembly: 
 
 One great embarrassment attendant upon the honest effort of 
 a State Legislature to give to the people remedial legislation has 
 been the insidious influence of the corrupt lobbyist. 
 
 Always the servile hireling of the concealed master, he sits 
 near the seats of the members and in the committee rooms during 
 the sessions of the committees and endeavors to poison at its source 
 what would otherwise be the honestly expressed will of the people 's 
 representatives. 
 
 It has been said in the past that Illinois was not free from this 
 scourge. 
 
 I have proposed several remedial measures to the present Legis- 
 lature and many other meritorious measures will be considered dur- 
 ing the session. We should not sit quietly by and permit bills, 
 designed to give relief to the people, to be changed, modified, ren- 
 dered impotent or nullified by the machinations of undisclosed 
 persons and influence, if it is in our power to prevent it. 
 
 Such persons and influences should come out in the open and 
 show their colors, where all men can see them and know for what 
 they stand. Honest men and measures will announce themselves 
 and be welcome, but the subsidized and professional lobbyist, intent 
 on defeating the will of the people by endeavoring to corrupt the 
 weak and to circumvent the strong, should be driven from the State- 
 house. 
 
 In my judgment, no one, not a member of this General Assem- 
 bly, should be admitted to the floor of either House or the committee 
 rooms thereof, the cloak rooms, the corridors or any other part of 
 the Statehouse adjacent to the legislative chambers, for the pur- 
 pose of advocating, amending or opposing any bill, resolution or 
 measure, pending in either House of the General Assembly, unless 
 such person shall first register his name and address with the Secre- 
 tary of State and the secretary and clerk of each House of the 
 General Assembly. 
 
 Such person, in addition to his name and address, should be 
 required to certify in writing if he is employed by any person, firm 
 or corporation ; and if so, the name and address of each employer. 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVEKNOP 689 
 
 and what compensation he has received or is to receive, if any. He 
 should further be required to state in writing the bills, acts, meas- 
 ures or resolutions he is interested in and what the nature of his 
 interest may be. Such registration and other information should be 
 spread upon the records of the House or Senate and published in 
 the Journal of its proceedings, and no person, not a member of 
 either House of the General Assembly and not so registered, should 
 be permitted to discuss any measure, bill, act or resolution so pend- 
 ing before any committee or with any members of either House. 
 In any resolution covering this matter that is adopted by either 
 House, however, nothing therein contained should apply to any 
 person or persons invited by either House or any committee thereof 
 to appear before such House or any of its committees for the pur- 
 pose of furnishing information or data desired by either House or 
 any such committees, on any matters pending before either House 
 or any of its committees, provided the name and address of any such 
 person, so invited and appearing before any committee of either 
 House, shall be reported to the clerk (or secretary) of either House 
 by the chairman of such committees and published in the daily 
 Journal of its proceedings. 
 
 Neither should any resolution adopted by either House concern- 
 ing this matter apply to any State officer or department head ap- 
 pearing before the various committees, relative to the work of their 
 departments. 
 
 Very respectfully, 
 
 E. F. Dunne, Governor. 
 
690 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 THE PARDONING OF NEWTON C. 
 DOUGHERTY. 
 
 Statement to the Public, March 3, 1915, 
 
 Governor Dunne announced today that he will pardon New- 
 ton C. Dougherty of Peoria, upon the recommendation of the State 
 Board of Pardons, but that he will not act upon the case until 
 Dougherty actually begins the serving of his sentence in the Joliet 
 penitentiary. 
 
 Attorneys Clarence S. Darrow and Joseph Weil, representing 
 Dougherty, and State's Attorney McNemar of Peoria County, 
 representing the State, appeared before the Governor today, pre- 
 senting arguments for and against the granting of a pardon to 
 Dougherty. 
 
 In announcing his decision, Governor Dunne said: "Justices 
 Craig, Cooke, Farmer, Dunn and Carter of the Supreme Court of 
 this State have either written or called upon the Governor or 
 the Board of Pardons in the interest of Dougherty. They state 
 that they represent the view of all of the Justices wiio partici- 
 pated in the hearing of the case in the Supreme Court. They 
 believe that inasmuch as Dougherty has served seven years in the 
 penitentiary for the offense which he committed -whilp Superin- 
 tendent of Schools of Peoria County, that the punishment was 
 adequate and sufficient to vindicate the law; that to insist upon 
 further punishment would be an act of injustice by the State. 
 This view is also concurred in by Judge W. C. Worthington, in 
 writing, before whom Dougherty was tried upon the original in- 
 dictments, and is also the view expressed in writing by Hon. 
 Robert Scholes, ex-State's Attorney of Peoria County, who prose- 
 cuted Dougherty upon the original indictments. 
 
 "Dougherty was originally sent to the penitentiary upon a 
 plea of guilty to five indictments selected by the State's Attorney 
 out of a total of 140 indictments returned against him. The five 
 indictments to which Dougherty plead guilty carried a total 
 forgery of $750.00. 
 
 "If the former Board of Pardons had not taken into con- 
 sideration the whole subject of Dougherty's wrongdoings it would 
 not have kept him in the penitentiary seven years for forgeries 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 691 
 
 amounting to only $750.00. Consequently, the investigation which 
 the Board of Pardons has just concluded makes it certain that 
 Dougherty already has been punished for the crime of which he 
 is now convicted, and that to punish him further would be a 
 violation of the agreement made by ex-State's Attorney Scholes 
 aud would be an act of injustice on the part of the State." 
 
692 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 STATE HOSPITALS TO TREAT DRUG 
 VICTIMS. 
 
 Statement to the Public, March 6, 1915. 
 
 Governor Dunne issued the following statement today: 
 I am reliably informed that many persons addicted to the 
 cocaine, morphine and other drug habits, whose supply has been 
 cut otf because of the going into effect of the Federal Law pro- 
 hibiting the sales of such drugs, are financially unable to procure 
 scientific treatment for the cure of such habits, and inasmuch 
 as the State authorities are anxious to give relief in such critical 
 cases, I now advise all such unfortunate persons addicted to the 
 use of such drugs that if they will apply to the county courts 
 of their respective counties and enter into a consent agreement 
 to be treated at once of the State institutions, that the authorities 
 in the different institutions of the State at Kankakee, Elgin, 
 Anna, Watertown, Peoria, Jacksonville and Dunning will receive 
 and give such applicants medical treatment having for its object 
 the reformation of such drug habitues. 
 
 The Board of Administration advises me that they will read- 
 ily receive such applicants and are prepared to take care of them. 
 Even if the applicants are suspected of giving fictitious names, I 
 have advised the Board of Administration not to cross-examine 
 them with the purpose of compelling them to disclose their true 
 names. 
 
DUNNE JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 693 
 
 ON THE KILLING OF LUMPY JAW 
 CATTLE. 
 
 To State Board of Live Stock Commissioners and to the Chi- 
 cago Live Stock Exchange, March 6, 1915. 
 
 Gentlenven : 
 
 Some time in December, 1914, a serious controversy arose 
 between the State Board of Live Stock Commissioners of Illinois, 
 and the Chicago Live Stock Exchange, in reference to the methods 
 prevailing in relation to the killing of lumpy jaw and diseased 
 cattle tagged as suspected in the Union Stock Yards, Chicago. 
 
 The immediate incidents giving rise to the controversy arose 
 out of the cancellation by the Live Stock Exchange of a contract 
 it had entered into with the Bismarck Packing Company for the 
 slaughter of such cattle and the attempt by the Live Stock Ex- 
 change to let a new contract for the killing of such suspected 
 cattle. 
 
 In the discussion of this controversy I will refer hereafter 
 to the Board of Live Stock Commissioners as the Commissioners, 
 and to the Live Stock Exchange as the Exchange. 
 
 Pursuant to an arrangement entered into many years ago 
 between the Commissioners and the Exchange, the Exchange had 
 been awarding such contracts to different slaughtering companies 
 situated in or near the Union Stock Yards, Chicago. When the 
 controversy between the Commissioners and the Exchange arose 
 much dissatisfaction was expressed by the members of the Com- 
 mission in relation to the methods followed in the slaughtering of 
 such cattle, and in the making of returns of the proceeds thereof 
 to the Exchange. It was contended by the Commissioners that 
 the owners of these suspected cattle w^ere not receiving the full 
 returns that they were entitled to from the concerns which did the 
 slaughtering under the contracts for the Exchange. 
 
 Being exceedingly anxious to harmonize the differences be- 
 tween the Commissioners and the Exchange, I invited both of 
 them to appear in my office for the purpose of discussing their 
 differences and vigorously and insistently urged upon them the 
 propriety of harmonizing their differences and agreeing upon a 
 slaughter house and upon a contract and specifications covering 
 
694 DUNNE JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 the slaughtering which would secure to the owners of the slaugh- 
 tered cattle full and complete returns. I had hoped that as the 
 result of these interviews and my insistent admonition, they 
 would harmonize their differences and agree upon a plan where- 
 by the slaughtering of such cattle would be conducted in a man- 
 ner satisfactory to both parties to the controversy and the gen- 
 eral public. 
 
 My efforts to produce a harmonious agreement between the 
 Commissioners and the Exchange failed, and I was compelled to 
 give a great deal of personal attention to the matter which should 
 not have been entailed upon me. 
 
 As the principal controversy seemed to be over the slaugh- 
 tering house that was to conduct the slaughtering, I ordered the 
 Commissioners to advertise for bids, and to notify all slaughtering 
 houses in and near the Union Stock Yards, Chicago, requesting 
 them to bid, fixing upon the time and place for the opening of 
 all sealed bids. I also required the Commissioners to notify the 
 Exchange when such bids would be submitted, giving the time 
 and place. This time and place was fixed upon as January 5, 
 1915, at my office in the Statehouse, Springfield. On January 
 5, the Commissioners brought to me at my office certain sealed 
 bids. As no one representing the Exchange was present, I tele- 
 graphed the president of the Exchange, under date of January 5, 
 1915, notifying him that sealed bids for the slaughter of lumpy 
 jaw and diseased cattle were presented to me by the Commis- 
 sioners ; that no one representing them was present, and that I 
 Avould defer opening the bids until 10 o'clock on the following 
 morning, January 6. On that day the bids were opened and 
 tabulated; whereupon I wrote a letter to the Exchange, enclosing 
 copies of these bids, and requested said Exchange to examine 
 said bids and if they had any views to express thereon to pre- 
 sent same. 
 
 Shortly afterward Messrs. Stafford and Martin of the Ex- 
 change and the attorney for the Exchange, Mr. Edward Everett, 
 called at my office and requested me not to award any bids until 
 the whole matter of the controversy could be examined by a 
 committee to be appointed by myself. I thereupon sent for Dr. 
 0. E. Dyson, State Veterinarian, representing the Commissioners, 
 and, after a long and painstaking discussion, it was suggested by 
 Mr. Everett and agreed to by the representatives of the Ex- 
 change and Dr. Dyson, representing the Commissioners, that I 
 should select a disinterested referee or umpire and that such dis- 
 interested referee or umpire should be an expert in the methods 
 of slaughtering cattle and that he and Mr. Garrett, Assistant 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOB 695 
 
 Attorney General, and Mr. Everett should act as a committee to 
 go to Chicago, visit the slaughtering houses, thoroughly investi- 
 gate the methods pursued in the past, and advise me as to the 
 course to be pursued in the future. 
 
 I thereupon, in the presence of these same gentlemen, sug- 
 gested to them that such referee should be selected by one of the 
 large packing companies in the City of Chicago, as 1 myself was 
 not acquainted with anyone who was an expert in the methods of 
 slaughtering cattle. I suggested the firm of Cudahy & Co. as 
 being a firm who could probably give me the name of an im- 
 partial expert in that line. Mr. Everett, Mr. Garrett, the repre- 
 sentatives of the Exchange, and Dr. Dyson, representing the Com- 
 missioners, all agreed to this suggestion, whereupon, in their pres- 
 ence, I dictated and afterwards sent a letter to Cudahy & Co., 
 requesting them to give me the name of an impartial and skilled 
 expert along these lines. 
 
 At the same time and in the presence of these gentlemen, I 
 dictated the following memorandum, dated January 7, 1915, and 
 they all expressed themselves in entire accord therewith: 
 
 "At a conference between the Governor, Dr. 0. E. Dyson, 
 State Veterinarian, Messrs. Stafford, Martin and Everett, mem- 
 bers of the Chicago Live Stock Exchange, and Mr. Garrett of the 
 Attorney General's office, it was agreed, informally, that a special 
 commissioner should be selected by the Governor to sit in con- 
 ference with representatives of the State and the Chicago Live 
 Stock Exchange, to pass upon the character of the specifications 
 that should be agreed upon in any contract let for the slaughter 
 of lumpy jawed cattle, and all cattle held by the order of the 
 State for slaughtering in the Union Stock Yards, Chicago, and 
 advise the Governor and the Live Stock Commissioners of the 
 State in relation thereto. 
 
 "Also to advise them in reference to the method of securing 
 to the owners of diseased cattle just and proper returns for the 
 carcasses and offal after slaughter. 
 
 "It was further informally agreed, pending this hearing, that 
 the slaughtering of diseased cattle should be carried on at the 
 Western Packing Co., under a temporary arrangement now exist- 
 ing between the Live Stock Commissioners and the said packing 
 company, and that the moneys now in the hands of the Live Stock 
 Commissioners of the State of Illinois, as the proceeds of car- 
 casses and offal of cattle that have been killed during the last 
 two or three weeks, should be paid over to the Chicago Live 
 Stock Exchange upon this exchange giving a receipt in which 
 they bind themselves to pay said moneys over to the persons 
 
696 DUNNE — JUDGE, MxVYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 legally entitled thereto, under the laws of this State, and to 
 indemnify the Live Stock Commissioners from any and all liability 
 thereof, and that until a final report is made and a slaughter 
 house selected, that the proceeds of the slaughtering of diseased 
 cattle in the Western Packing Co. be paid over to the Chicago 
 Live Stock Exchajige upon their giving like receipts therefor. 
 
 "This commission so comj^uscd shall have the absolute right 
 to investigate all the books and accounts of the Chicago Live 
 Stock Exchange and make a report thereon; it being the spirit 
 and intention of the Live Stock Commission of the State, the 
 Chicago Live Stock Exchange, and the State Veterinarian to 
 facilitate the handling of this cattle to the satisfaction of the 
 public." 
 
 On January 8 the Cudahy Packing Co. notified me that the> 
 would select the expert requested. 
 
 On January 9 the Cudahy Packing Co. notified me that they 
 had selected Mr. Wm. Diesing (a gentleman whom I have never 
 before had the pleasure of meeting), manager of their beef de- 
 partment, to serve on the commission. 
 
 On January 16 Mr. Diesing accepted the appointment and so 
 notified both the Commissioners and the Exchange. 
 
 Thereafter Mr. Diesing, Mr. Garrett and Mr. Everett met and 
 conducted their investigations. 
 
 On February 15 Mr. Diesing, on behalf of himself and Mr. 
 Garrett, presented me with a report of the Board of Referees 
 or Examiners. Accompanying the same was a letter from Mr. 
 Diesing in which he states "All three members of this committee 
 agreed to this report paragraph by paragraph as we made it up, 
 the purpose being to make an unanimous report. However, after 
 the report was written and ready for signature, the representa- 
 tive of the Chicago Live Stock Exchange refused to sign. Mr. 
 Garrett and the writer did sign." Li a separate written report 
 signed by Mr. Everett, he (Everett) states "I approve of the form 
 of contract submitted by the majority of the committee in their 
 report, and of the suggestions they made therein for the future 
 conduct of the business." He, however, in another part of his 
 separate report recommends that the selection of the slaughter 
 house he left in the hands of the Exchange. 
 
 This report, signed by Mr. Diesing and Mr. Garrett, declares: 
 "We interviewed persons who have been identified with the con- 
 duet of this business in the past and others who are identified 
 with it at the present time. 
 
 "We examined plants where the slaughtering had been done 
 under previous contracts and is being done now under present 
 arrangements. We investigated the methods of conducting this 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 697 
 
 business throughout; we examined the contracts covering same 
 during the last ten years and ascertained some of the results 
 secured under each contract by an examination of the actual 
 records." 
 
 The report further states: 
 
 "That as a result of our investigation, which is substan- 
 tiated by the records of the Chicago Live Stock Exchange, we 
 believe that the said exchange, through its supervising committee, 
 have acted in good faith and honestly and have returned to the 
 commission firms for the account of the owners of the animals 
 slaughtered full proceeds received by the exchange for the prod- 
 ucts from the animals, less incidental charges, which we find are 
 reasonable and usual. 
 
 '"But, however, there seems to have been a shortage in the 
 returns made by the various slaughterers to the Live Stock 
 Exchange. The returns were not in accord with the terms of the 
 contracts in force. There appeared to be a shortage in certain 
 items of offal. The supervision of the work done and the hand- 
 ling of the business by the Live Stock Exchange under the differ- 
 ent contracts in force from time to time appears to have been 
 insufficient to get full returns from the slaughterer under his 
 contract. 
 
 "Statements made that the slaughterers retained part of the 
 product from the slaughter of State faiimals and to which they 
 were not entitled under contract, seem to be substantiated by 
 figures taken from the records on file in the Live Stock Exchange 
 office." 
 
 The report further states: "From 1905 to the date of this 
 report three contracts with the Chicago Live Stock Exchange 
 and one with the State Board of Live Stock Commissioners have 
 been in force pertaining to the slaughter of State retained 
 animals, as follows : 
 
 "No. 1. Standard Slaughtering Co.— From July 1, 1905, 
 to March 17, 1914. 
 
 "No. 2. Chicago Packing Co.— From March 17, 1914, to 
 July 7, 1914. 
 
 "No. 3. Bismarck Packing Co. — From July 7, 1914, to Decem- 
 ber 24, 1914. 
 
 "No. 4. AVestern Packing Co. — From December 24, 1914, to 
 date. 
 
 "The first three were under the supervision of the Chicago 
 Live Stock Exchange and the fourth under the supervision of the 
 State Board of Live Stock Commissioners." 
 
 In demonstration of the results secured under operation of 
 thesp various contracts, the committee had drawn from the rec- 
 
698 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 ords and submitted to it, with the original records for verifica- 
 tion, figures covering cattle killed and handled under these four 
 forms of contracts for the following periods : 
 
 "I. Five weeks about October, 1913 — With Standard 
 Slaughtering Co. 
 
 "2. Five weeks about October, 1914 — With Bismarck Pack- 
 ing Co. 
 
 ''3. Five weeks about January, 1914 — With Standard 
 Slaughtering Co. 
 
 "4. Five weeks during April and May, 1914 — With Chicago 
 Packing Co. 
 
 "We also secured from the office of the State Board of Live 
 Stock Commissioners, now in control of the slaughtering work, 
 figures demonstrating the four week period ending January 15, 
 1915, under an arrangement in force during that period with the 
 Western Packing Co. These figures can readily be verified. We 
 consider them substantiall}'' correct. A detailed analysis of these 
 figures is hereto attached, made a part of this report, and marked 
 'Exhibit 5.' 
 
 "Among the important points developed by the analysis of 
 these figures are the followijig: 
 
 HIDES. 
 
 "From animals passed for food. 
 
 "All contracts specified green weight of hide to be returned 
 by slaughterer. 
 
 "The class of cattle covered by these demonstrations, as in- 
 dicated by average live weight, should yield conservatively 6.75 
 per cent green weight. 
 
 "The Western is the only one in the figures approximating 
 this yield. 
 
 "The others indicated a shortage of about seven pounds to 
 the hide, worth about $1.00 per head to the owner." 
 
 The report of the committee further states: "That the jneld 
 of offal, including butter fat in the Standard is short on this 
 item 24.2 cents in one demonstration and 25.6 cents under the 
 other demonstration, for every 100 pounds of live animals handled 
 which -were passed for food. Under this contract all parts were 
 to be returned by the slaughterer," and that the "demonstrations 
 show a shortage of offal under the terms of the contract as 
 follows : 
 
 Per cwt., 
 live weight. Per head 
 
 "Standard— 1913 34.1 $3 15 
 
 ' ' Bismarck— 1914 _ 22.5 1.95 
 
 "Chicago— 1914 12.1/2 1.28 
 
 "Western— 1915 "... " 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 699 
 
 The report further states : ' ' That the Standard, which, under 
 the terms of its contract, was to return all parts of passed and 
 condemned animals and retain nothing, yielded the poorest re- 
 turns to the owner in this demonstration under this heading, and 
 that the returns from the Standard Slaughtering Co. under its 
 contract were entirely insufficient." 
 
 The report recommends on the subject of contracting for the 
 slaughter: "That such contract be made with the slaughterer 
 who will make the best terms, on a competitive basis. The bids, 
 for the purpose of securing this business under contract, should 
 be considered from all firms that can qualify, by showing suf- 
 ficient facilities to do the work as required, and whose plant is 
 under full United States Government inspection, and who can 
 meet the requirements of the contract as to bond for the faithful 
 performance of the same, and give satisfactory assurance of finan- 
 cial responsibility." 
 
 The report further recommends: "That persons of expe- 
 rience be employed to observe the killing and dressing, and the 
 sale and delivery of products, for the purpose of determining 
 whether or not the slaughterer is strictly complying with tlie 
 terms of the contract." 
 
 The report further recommends : ' ' That in addition to the 
 present method of keeping accounts of all cattle covered by State 
 inspection, there be added to the present method of acounting 
 a system of keeping figures of each week's killing, so that there 
 may be established a standard basis for returns. This record 
 should show the percentage of live weight yielded in dressed 
 beef, hides and butter fat separately for each week, as illus- 
 trated by the figures shown in other parts of this report. This 
 system will establish a standard yield for each item, which will be 
 useful for comparative purposes in determining whether or not 
 full returns are received from each week's killing on each item. 
 From this standard the results obtained from the slaughter under 
 the contract may be checked against the established percentages. 
 This, used in connection with the inspection in the slaughtering 
 house, should insure a full return from the products of the 
 animals. ' ' 
 
 The committee further reported: "That it could not agree 
 as to who should let the contract." but recommends, "Whether 
 the State Board of Live Stock Commissioners controls the letting 
 of contracts or the Chicago Live Stock Exchange, the party not 
 letting the contract should have the right to insist upon the 
 slaughterer strictly complying with the terms of the contract, and 
 should also have the right to investigate and inspect the detec- 
 tion, detention, inspection, slaughter and disposition of the prod- 
 
700 DUNNE JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 ucts of animals slaughtered, and should have access to all of the 
 transactions and to all books and records pertaining thereto." 
 
 The committee further reports a form of contract and specifi- 
 cations for slaughtering. 
 
 From the foregoing report it would appear that the Live 
 Stock Exchange has had the contract of the letting of the con- 
 tracts for many years last past, and that up to March 17, 1914, 
 it had been letting these contracts to the Standard Slaughtering 
 Co., year after year without interruption. 
 
 I have been presented with a certified copy of the records in 
 the Criminal Court in Cook County, showing that at the January 
 term, 1902, one Frederick Hess, who, I am informed, was at that 
 time in the employ of the Standard Slaughtering Co., was indicted 
 for keeping for sale a large amount of diseased animals, to-wit, 
 steers, the flesh of which was then and there corrupt and un- 
 wholesome, and that said Hess was found guilty in the Criminal 
 Court under said indictment and fined therefor. 
 
 I am also informed that at that time the Standard Packing 
 Co. was slaughtering cattle for the Exchange and that the said 
 company has continued from the time of the date of this con- 
 viction down to March 17, 1914, to slaughter these suspected 
 cattle for the Live Stock Exchange. 
 
 In view of this indictment, and in view of the report of the 
 committee as to the shortage in hides of $1.00 per animal, and of 
 the shortages in return of offal, butter fat, etc., amounting to 
 $3.15 per head, and in view of the fact that the committee fur- 
 ther reports: "The Standard, which under the terms of its eon- 
 tract, was to return all parts of passed and condemned animals 
 and retain nothing, yielded the poorest returns to the owner in 
 this demonstration," and that ''The returns from the Standard 
 Slaughtering Co. under its contract were entirely insufficient." 
 I cannot understand how the Exchange could have continued to 
 do business with this company during all these years and still 
 claim that it was vigilant of the rights of the owners of the 
 slaughtered cattle. 
 
 As there was a shortage of $1.00 per animal per hide and 
 $3.15 per head on account of this insufficient return of offal, etc., 
 while the Standard Packing Company was doing this slaughtering, 
 it must in the aggregate, have amounted to an enormous sum of 
 money between the years 1902 and 1914. I am informed that on 
 an average the number of cattle slaughtered each week is 250, 
 and if this be true, the shortage of $4.15 per head would amount 
 to the enormous sum of $54,000 annually. 
 
 I am satisfied from the report that the Exchange has ac- 
 counted for all moneys received by it from the slaughtering com- 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 701 
 
 pany, less reasonable and proper deductions for handling these 
 moneys, but I am also clearly of the opinion that the Live Stock 
 Exchange did not exercise that vigilance and care in inspecting, 
 slaughtering, and securing the full returns from the slaughtered 
 animals that it should have exercised, and that great losses have 
 resulted therefrom to the owners of lumpy jaw cattle who have 
 consigned the same for sale in the Union Stock Yards. 
 
 In my judgment, the recommendations of the committee, ' ' That 
 a contract be made with the slaughterer who will make the best 
 terms, on a competitive basis ; the bids, for the purpose of securing 
 this business under contract should be considered from all firms 
 that can qualify by showing sufficient facilities to do the work as 
 required and whose plant is under full United States Government 
 inspection, and who can meet the requirements of the contract, as 
 to bond for the faithful performance of the same, and give satis- 
 factory assurance of financial responsibility, ' ' should be carried out. 
 
 I am further clearly of the opinion, in view of the statements 
 made in this report that the Live Stock Commission of this State 
 must take the responsibility of letting the contracts for the slaugh- 
 tering of such animals under the terms and conditions recommended 
 in the report signed by Mr. Diesing and Mr. Garrett, giving the 
 right at all times to the Live Stock Exchange to be heard at the 
 opening of the bids as to any objections that they may have to urge 
 against the bidders, the Commissioners to finally let the contract, 
 with the approval of the Governor. 
 
 I am further of the opinion that the Live Stock Exchange 
 should be permitted at all times to inspect the slaughter house and 
 the methods of slaughtering and disposition of the carcasses and 
 offal, and that the proceeds of these carcasses and offal should be 
 turned over to the Live Stock Exchange for distribution to the 
 owners or persons lawfully entitled thereto. 
 
 I am further of the opinion that the practice of selling options 
 upon condemned cattle before slaughter should be discountenanced 
 and discouraged, as I believe the practice has been used to the great 
 financial loss of the owners of the cattle, who are frequently friglit- 
 ened into the disposal of their cattle when they are tagged as 
 suspects. 
 
 Mr. Everett in his separate report declares : ' ' That more than 
 ninety per cent of the lumpy jaw cattle are passed as fit for food 
 on post mortem examination." If this be true, the owner of the 
 suspected animal has nine chances out of ten of being able to sell 
 the carcass of the suspected animal for food fit for human consump- 
 tion, and he should not be frightened into selling the suspected 
 animal because it has been tagged. 
 
702 DUNNE— JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 THE ABOLITION OF CAPITAL 
 PUNISHMENT. 
 
 Message to the Forty-ninth General Assembly, March 10, 1915. 
 
 Gentlemen of the Forty-ninth General Assembly : 
 
 I respectfully recommend the passage of a law abolishing 
 capital punishment in the State of Illinois. 
 
 The strongest, if not the sole logical argument in favor of its 
 retention is that it acts as a deterrent upon the criminal and is 
 therefore a protection to society against the commission of murder. 
 If it proved to be such a deterrent, I would not urge its abolition. 
 Experience in the United States does not sustain the contention. 
 Capital punishment by law has been placed upon and has remained 
 upon the statute books of nearly all of the states of this Nation 
 since the inception of their governments. Up to the year 1913, 
 only six states of the United States had abolished the death penalty. 
 In 1913, the state of Washington abolished capital punishment. 
 
 United States statistics of 1910 show that five of these states 
 rank among the twenty states having the lowest per capita of homi- 
 cides, all of these five states having a percentage of less than .08 in 
 each 10,000 inhabitants. The other noncapital punishment state, 
 Kansas, has the same percentage of homicides, 1.01 in 10,000, as 
 have the states of Illinois and Maryland, in both of which capital 
 punishment has been enforced. 
 
 The twenty-one states of the Union having the highest per- 
 centage of homicides, all of which have a greater percentage per 
 capita than Illinois, Kansas and Maryland, have capital punish- 
 ment in their criminal codes, and such punishment has been duly 
 enforced. 
 
 From the foregoing statement of statistics, it will be seen that 
 the states having a capital punishment law, rank as a rule among 
 the states having the greatest percentage of homicides, while those 
 which have abolished capital punishment as a rule rank among 
 those which have the lowest percentage of homicides. 
 
 Such condign and repulsive punishment has therefore failed to 
 have a more deterrent effect than imprisonment, in the United 
 States. 
 
 Why, then, should capital punishment be longer retained in 
 Illinois ? 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 703 
 
 In this State of ours, 651 homicides were committed in 1910, 
 after nearly a century's enforcement of this law, while in our 
 neighboring state of Wisconsin, where capital punishment has been 
 abolished, the percentage of homicides has not been much over 50 
 per cent per capita of those committed in Illinois. 
 
 The cold-blooded enforcement of this awful penalty under the 
 forms of law is brutal and abhorrent and wrenches the decent sensi- 
 bilities of every public official who, by any act or omission, is re- 
 quired by law to participate in its enforcement, including the jury- 
 men who impose the penalty, the judge who sentences, the Governor 
 who refrains from pardoning, the sheriff who superintends the hang- 
 ing and the miserable unknown human tool who cuts the rope. 
 
 Taking human life is only justifiable in self-defence. Under 
 the pretence of self-defence, the People of the State of Illinois have 
 been for years taking human life under the forms of law. As a 
 defence of society against murder, judicial taking of human life 
 has proved a failure. It has proved to be no defence. 
 
 Imprisonment is equally eft'ective, with less opportunity of 
 irrevocable mistake, ' ' Thou slialt not kill ' ' is the law of Christianity 
 and should be the law of twentieth century humanity. 
 
 Let us, then, in the name of humanity, replace the punishment 
 of death with the punishment of imprisonment, following the prece- 
 dent of more humane communities that have not suffered thereby. 
 
 Let us put to death, not the wretched convict, but the law 
 which has heretofore taken his life without real advantage to society 
 or the State. 
 
 Respectfully submitted, 
 
 E. F. Dunne, Governor. 
 
704 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 THE IRISH-AMERICAN CITIZEN. 
 
 Address of Governor Edward F. Dunne of Illinois on Saint 
 Patrick's Day, Cincinnati, Ohio, March 17, 1915. 
 
 Mr. Toast master, Ladies and Gentlemen: 
 
 At the present time, more than ever in the history of this Na- 
 tion, should the citizen of Irish birth or lineage be careful to place 
 his loyalty to the United States above his sympathies with any of the 
 European countries, now unfortunately embroiled in war. 
 
 It is now the supreme duty of the American statesmen in Wash- 
 ington to preserve the strictest and most impartial neutrality 
 between the warring nations and keep this country from being 
 embroiled in the awful conflict now raging in Europe. Day by day 
 the belligerents in the blind fury of the struggle are trampling 
 upon the rights of neutrals and making it almost impossible to keep 
 our country from entanglement. 
 
 In this critical situation it is the duty of every citizen of this 
 country, no matter what his birth or lineage, to uphold the hands 
 of oilr President and Secretary of State in their efforts to preserve 
 the peace between America and the warring nations of Europe and 
 in the laudable efforts they have been making to bring about media- 
 tion between the belligerents. Never in recent history was there 
 greater need in this country of moderation, tact, and statesman- 
 like diplomacy by American statesmen, and of loyalty and patriot- 
 ism by all American citizens. 
 
 To allow this Nation to become engulfed in the European cata- 
 clysm would be a stupendous political blunder, if not a political 
 crime, which the patriotic President and Secretary of State will not 
 commit. Let not then American citizens of any race, no matter 
 how they may inwardly sympathize with one or more of the bel- 
 ligerents, embarrass our public officials at this critical time by the 
 public expression of such sympathies or by participating in meet- 
 ings or organized efforts to give contraband assistance to any of 
 the belligerents. 
 
 This great, generous, liberty-loving and peace-preserving Na- 
 tion has opened wide its doors to all the races of Europe, and 
 placed the children of these races upon a political equality with 
 her own. Hundreds of thousands, aye, even millions of the children 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 705 
 
 of all these warring countries are within our gates, enjoying the 
 rights of native-born Americans under the pledge made in their 
 oaths of naturalization that they would forever forswear allegiance 
 to the land of their birth and this oath they should and will keep 
 both in letter and spirit. 
 
 Hands off for Europe, hands up for America, should be our 
 watchword. Neutral nations in Europe now stand armed cap-a-pie 
 not knowing what moment they may be engulfed in the maelstrom. 
 
 Separated from them by three thousand miles of ocean this 
 favored land of ours, under the guidance of such devoted apostles 
 of peace as President Wilson and Secretary of State Bryan, will 
 not become involved if they are not embarrassed by the acts of mis- 
 guided sympathizers with the belligerents, who are citizens or resi- 
 dents of this Reijublic. 
 
 Let us then in this crisis suppress our racial sympathies, place 
 American patriotism and love of country above all other considera- 
 tions, and confine our energies during this European war to work- 
 ing and praying for a speedy cessation of this awful conflict and 
 the restoration of peace among the harrassed and war-smitten 
 nations of Europe. 
 
 Let us pledge to our country in the words of Oliver Wendell 
 Holmes : 
 
 "One flag, one land, one heart, one hand, 
 One Nation, evermore." 
 
 To thee, America, is our first and last allegiance. 
 
 "Our hearts, our hopes are all with thee. 
 Our hearts, our hopes, our prayers, our tears, 
 Our faith triumphant o'er our fears. 
 Are all with thee, are all with thee." 
 
706 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 ON THE MANAGEMENT OF THE BIO- 
 LOGICAL LABORATORY. 
 
 Statement to the Public, April 9, 1915. 
 
 In the matter of the management of the State Biological 
 Laboratory in connection with the operating methods and the 
 free distribution of anti-hog-cholera serum to farmers within 
 the State, I have upon investigation arrived at the following 
 conclusions : 
 
 First. That the present method of free distribution of anti- 
 hog-cholera serum is highly unsatisfactory and should be dis- 
 continued. 
 
 Second. That the State Biological Laboratory should be placed 
 upon a self-sustaining basis. This could easily be done by the 
 expenditure of $25,000 for additional buildings and equipment 
 which would enable the director of the laboratory to turn out 
 five times more serum per annum than has heretofore been 
 possible. 
 
 Third. By appropriating not less than 50,000 to be used as a 
 permanent operating fund for the production of serum to be sold 
 directly to farmers or farmers' clubs at approximately the cost 
 of production, with a slight additional charge to cover deprecia- 
 tion and upkeep of the plant, satisfactory results could be ob- 
 tained and much needed service rendered to swine breeders with- 
 in the State, practically without expense to the State. Under 
 present conditions the State has annually appropriated from 
 $30,000 to $40,000 for the benefit of a comparative few who have 
 been supplied with serum gratis at the expense of the State. 
 
 Fourth. Under the proposed plan of operation the laboratory 
 can be made self-supporting and at the same time render a useful 
 and satisfactory service to a large per cent of swine breeders 
 throughout the State. In the event that the General Assembly 
 sees fit to effect the proposed change, farmers' clubs should be 
 organized for the purpose of combating the ravages of hog 
 cholera. Serum should be purchased in advance of inevitable out- 
 breaks and placed in cold storage in their respective localities, 
 in order that it may become available for use immediately when 
 cholera is first discovered in a herd. By this means I am au- 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 707 
 
 thoritatively advised that losses resulting from hog cholera, even 
 in infected herds, can be reduced fully fifty per cent, and inas- 
 much as the annual losses resulting from hog cholera within the 
 State are conservatively estimated at approximately $3,000,000, 
 every possible effort should be made to utilize to the utmost, 
 modern means of preventing such losses through the early treat- 
 ment of infected herds with serum and by the adoption of sani- 
 tary means of preventing the spread of the contagion of hog 
 cholera broadcast through the State. 
 
 I am satisfied that flthe proposed plan of operation Avould 
 receive the full approval of the agricultural press and practically 
 all who are personally interested in the suppression of hog cholera 
 in Illinois. 
 
 In substantiation of the foregoing remarks and for the pur- 
 pose of proving untrue charges that the cost of producing serum 
 during the past year was greatly in excess of that of the preced- 
 ing period, the following comparative itemized statements, com- 
 piled and presented to me by Dr. 0. E. Dyson, State Veterinarian, 
 should be carefully noted : 
 
 STATEMENT. 
 
 Serum produced at the Biological Laboratory, and cost of 
 same, March 15, 1914, to March 1, 1915. 
 
 Serum produced during year ending March 1, 1915 5,039,860 cc 
 
 Expenditures covering purchase of hogs, feed, labor 
 
 etc $ 32,101.95 
 
 Salary Bacteriologist and Assistant 5,575.00 
 
 Salary Messenger _ 745.00 
 
 Total cost of serum production $ 38,411.95 
 
 Cash reverting to State Treasurer from sale of hog 
 
 carcasses - 9,642.79 
 
 Total cost of 5,039,860 cc serum $ 28,769.16 
 
 Cost of serum per cc ~ 005.71 
 
 Cost of serum per quart _ 5.71 
 
 Note — During the above period the plant was operated for the pro- 
 duction of serum for nine months only, while overhead charges are in- 
 cluded for the period of eleven and one-half months. All serum produced 
 was tested for potency. All virus used was produced upon the premises. 
 
708 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 CAPITAL PUNISHMENT. 
 
 Address to Forty-ninth General Assembly, April 27, 1915. 
 
 Gentlemen of the House: 
 
 I appreciate very much the courtesy that you have extended 
 to me in inviting me to be present and express my views upon a 
 subject that I think very nearly concerns not only the Governor of 
 this State but every citizen in the State of Illinois, and, indeed, I 
 think not only the citizens of Illinois, but the citizens of every civil- 
 ized country on the face of the globe. 
 
 We have today in this State, and in most of the states of the 
 Union, have had for a number of years a law fixing the penalty of 
 death for certain crimes in this State. 
 
 Some years ago, when I was judge of the Circuit Court of Cook 
 County, and ex officio judge of the Criminal Court of Cook County, 
 I became a convert to the view that that punishment ought not to 
 be insisted upon in any civilized community. 
 
 While sitting on the bench in the Criminal Court a man was 
 tried before me for murder. Prior to his being placed on trial 
 before me as a judge of the Criminal Court, this same man had been 
 placed upon trial in the same court before another judge and another 
 jury, and after a trial given to him under the forms of law, and a 
 fair trial so far as I could see, this man was condemned by his 
 fellow men sitting upon the jury, to death, and sentenced by the 
 judge of that court to death, and were it not for the fact that his 
 friends were able to take an appeal and present it, with the record, 
 to the Supreme Court of this State, that man would have been 
 executed, and any mistakes that might have been made by the judge 
 or jury could never have been rectified. That man, subsequently 
 was placed on trial before another jury and before myself, and was 
 acquitted after fair trial, and I believe, after a careful consideration 
 of that report, that the probabilities were very strong that that man 
 was absolutely innocent. I refer you to the case in the 188 Illinois 
 — Michael J. Synon v. State of Illinois, opinion filed in the Supreme 
 Court February 20, 1901. 
 
 The case was reversed, not because of the admission of evidence 
 contrary to law; not because of the exclusion of evidence contrary 
 to the law ; not because of faulty instructions, but reversed because 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 709 
 
 of certain statements made by the judge on the bench to the pris- 
 oner while the prisoner was a witness upon the witness-stand. That 
 was the only thing that prevented his execution; and a fair jury 
 afterwards acquitted that man, and I believe to this day that he 
 was innocent — Michael J. Synon. That is my personal experience 
 in one case. 
 
 Last year in this State a young man named Pfanschmidt, was 
 tried for the murder of one of three persons, whom it was claimed 
 he killed for the purpose of getting possession of their property. I 
 believe one was his father, one was his mother and the other was 
 his sweetheart. That man was tried under the forms of law and I 
 believe that both the judge and jury were conscientious in giving 
 him that trial. He was found guilty by a jury and sentenced by a 
 court to be hung. Fortunately for him he had means enough to 
 appeal that case to the Supreme Court. The court reversed the 
 finding. That man within the last six months, I believe in two 
 trials, has been acquitted by a jury of his fellow men, the opinion 
 of these jurors being that this man was innocent. 
 
 This illustrates to you the terrible danger that society runs into 
 in convicting men and sentencing them to death. 
 
 Cases have been cited by English judges of standing and integ- 
 rity, of known cases where innocent men have been strangled under 
 the form of law, and this, in my judgment, is one of the reasons why 
 capital punishment ought to be abolished. 
 
 The advocates of capital punishment point to the cases of the 
 assassination of Abraham Lincoln and of James A. Garfield, and 
 say. Would you abolish capital punishment in cases like that ? There 
 may be some room for argument there. I believe it should never be 
 inflicted. Biit even in those cases, my friends, it was more than 
 murder. That was treason against the State, and there may be 
 some possible justification for taking the life of a citizen who is a 
 traitor to his country and attempting to subvert the law of man by 
 murdering its Executive. 
 
 The only logical argument in favor of the retention of this 
 awful penalty is that it is a protection to society and acts as a 
 deterrent against the commission of murder. If that were true, 
 there might be some force in the position that the penalty ought 
 to be retained, but I have carefully had the statistics of the Federal 
 Government, which are known to be reliable, examined within the 
 last few months and I have had them verified from different sources 
 and know that they are correct, and here is the result, my friends : 
 Does it act as a deterrent ? Statistics carefully preserved show that 
 it does not. 
 
710 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 The 21 states of the United States that have the greatest per- 
 centage of capital punishment have laws upon the statute books 
 that have been rigidly enforced for over a century in most of them, 
 and they have the greatest number of homicides per capita in those 
 states where that penalty has been retained. 
 
 On the contrary, these same statistics show that among the 20 
 states having the lowest percentage of capital punishment in the 
 United States, that five of the six states that have abolished capital 
 punishment are in the number of those having the lowest number 
 of homicides per capita, and that the one state where they have 
 abolished capital punishment, has exactly the same percentage of 
 homicides per capita as the State of Illinois that has had that pen- 
 alty upon its statute books for over a century. Capital punishment 
 was enforced in the Territory of Illinois before she became a state, 
 and has been on the statute books ever since Illinois was admitted 
 to the Union, in 1818 down to the present time. 
 
 It is because of the recognition of these facts by civilized com- 
 munities throughout the world that legislation is gradually tending 
 towards the abolition of capital punishment. 
 
 There was a time in the history of England when 160 offenses 
 were punishable by capital punishment, and during the reign of 
 Henry VIII, 72,000 people lost their lives judicially as the result 
 of violation of the law. In recent times the tendency has been away 
 from this capital punishment. 
 
 I am reading from a pamphlet issued by Brand Whitlock, a 
 former mayor of Toledo, Ohio, and now consul for the United States 
 in Belgium — a man whose integrity, whose humanity and whose 
 veracity will not be questioned by any man in this House : 
 
 '' Capital punishment was abolished in Egypt for 50 years dur- 
 ing the reign of Sebacon ; in Rome for 250 years ; in Tuscany for 
 more than 25 years ; in Russia for 20 years of the reign of Elizabeth, 
 and substantially during the reign of her successor, Catherine, and 
 has been abolished at the present time in Russia for everything ex- 
 cepting violation of the military code. There is no capital punish- 
 ment today in Russia for murder. 
 
 "Again: Under Sir James Mackintosh it was prohibited in 
 India for seven years ; the state of Rhode Island has done without it 
 since 1852 ; Michigan since 1847 ; Maine since 1835 ; Holland since 
 1860 ; Saxony since 1868 ; Belgium since 1831 ; it has been abolished 
 in Italy, Switzerland, Sweden, Norway, Denmark, Portugal and 
 elsewhere. Its abolition has not produced lynchings in those 
 places. 
 
 "Within the last two months capital punishment has been 
 abolished in the states of Tennessee and one of the Dakotas. It is 
 also now in force in Washington, having been adopted in the last 
 year or two." 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 711 
 
 In other places in his pamphlet he goes on to say that those 
 states in which there are the greatest number of lynchings in the 
 United States, are the states that have retained capital punish- 
 ment. 
 
 Six states of the United States, up to the present year, have 
 abolished the capital punishment. Of these six states, five of them 
 are among the states that have the least number of homicides. 
 Minnesota recently abolished capital punishment. Governor Eber- 
 hart, on February 11th of this year — 1915 — stated : 
 
 "The death penalty in this State was abolished four years 
 ago, with the result that there has been no increase of crime, but 
 on the other hand, there has been an increase of about 50 per cent 
 in the number of convictions." 
 
 We refer to lynchings as the result of the abolition of cap- 
 ital punishment. Let me read from statistics compiled by another 
 authority. Legalized murder has been proven wanting, in that 
 it is an incentive to more violence. Those states in which there 
 are the greatest number of legal executions are the states which 
 also have the greatest number of lynchings. Thus, Georgia, in 
 the last 21 years, has had 216 hangings and 314 lynchings ; Texas, 
 with 171 hangings, also had 235 cases of mob violence. 
 
 This ratio is continued in the North, so there can be no claim 
 that it is the result of the negro danger. 
 
 Colorado, in the same time, has had 16 judicial hangings and 
 23 lynchings ; Indiana has had 18 lynchings, showing a direct 
 connection with its 14 judicial hangings. On the other hand, 
 Michigan has not had a single legal hanging and has had but two 
 cases of mob murder. Wisconsin, also, without any legal hang- 
 ings, has had but two lynchings. These two northern states both 
 have a rough population in their mine and lumber camps and 
 have had but four cases of lynching. Ohio, Indiana and Colorado, 
 with a total of 83 legal hangings, have had 65 lynchings. Cali- 
 fornia and Wisconsin have about the same population and both 
 have a peculiarly agricultural community. California uses the 
 noose ; Wisconsin the life sentence. In the year 1910, as well as 
 in the years 1908, 1909, 1911 and 1912, there were six times as 
 many murders in California, where they hang people, as there 
 were in Wisconsin, where they imprison them for life. 
 
 These statistics show, gentlemen, that the abolishment of 
 capital punishment does not provoke mob violence. 
 
 Let me read a little further : Let us go back to our closely 
 related states — Ohio, Wisconsin and Michigan, our neighbor 
 states. Ohio has twice as many murders in proportion to the 
 population as these- other states without the death penalty. Ohio 
 
712 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 in the last 12 years has averaged one murder conviction in every 
 56,000 people, while Wisconsin only one to every 127,000, and 
 Michigan one to every 206,000. 
 
 Gentlemen, while this awful penalty has been on the statute 
 books, it must wrench and distort the sensibilities of every jury- 
 man who is called to sit upon a capital case, and every judge who 
 sits as the presiding judicial officer, and to every governor to 
 whom appeals are made for commutation of the sentences, and to 
 every sheriff who executes the penalty, while it wrenches the 
 decent sensibilities of that unknown human tool who cuts the 
 rope. While, I say, that sort of penalty has been upon the statute 
 books, it has been enforced by juries, judges and Governors of 
 this State, and yet the result in the State of Illinois is that, as 
 compared with Wisconsin, just across the line, where they have 
 abolished capital punishment, we have nearly twice as many homi- 
 cides or murders per capita, as they have in that state. This fails 
 to prove that it is a deterrent and that is the only logical reason 
 for retaining it upon the statute books. 
 
 Because of the fact that we have this law, many men are 
 acquitted or escape being found guilty, because of the natural 
 aversion in the natural human being to the taking of the life of a 
 fellow man. 
 
 It is because of these facts that I have reached the conclusion 
 that it has ceased to be a deterrent in civilized society, and that 
 it should be abolished, and in reaching this conclusion, I am glad 
 to say that I do not find myself alone. I find in my company such 
 men as Dr. Hirsch, Bishop Samuel Fallows — and let me read you 
 a list of a few of the men in the present day and in the past, who 
 have advocated the abolition of this awful penalty. Sir Edward 
 Coke, Lord Bacon, John Bright, Sr., Samuel Romilly, the Marquis 
 Becarris of Milan, Sir William Meredith, Sir James Mcintosh, 
 Basil Montag, Jeremy Bentham, Edward Livingston, Robert Ran- 
 toul, Jr., Sir Thomas More, Rev. William Turner, Lord Byron, 
 the Duke of Sussex, Earl Gray, Dymond, Chief Justice Denman, 
 Thomas Barret Lennard, M. P., Joseph Hume, M. P., Daniel 
 O'Connell, M. P., J. Sidney Taylor, Lord Brougham, Lord Gran- 
 ville, Lord Hobart, Earl Russell, Thomas Jevons, Pastoret, La- 
 fayette, Montaige, Victor Hugo, Vattel, Oscar of Sweden, Benja- 
 min Franklin, William Bradford, John Quincy Adams, Governor 
 Edward Everett, Vice President Richard M. Johnson, Elisha Wil- 
 liams, Vice President Dallis, Father Mathews, Voltaire, Bishop 
 Matthew B. Sampson, Robert G. Ingersoll, Rev. James Murphy, 
 Professor T. C. Upham, Governor George Clinton, Governor Sew- 
 ard, Cassius M. Clay, Theodore Parker, Judge Benjamin F. Porter, 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 713 
 
 Charles Sumner, John A. Andrew, Thomas B. Reed, William Dean 
 Howells, and a host of other broad-minded men, humanitarians 
 and believers in the preservation of society, and it is because of 
 these objections to the law that I felt it my duty, as I have done, 
 to advise this Legislature to abolish that dread penalty and 
 replace it with imprisonment. 
 
 1 thank you, gentlemen, for the opportunity of presenting my 
 views. 
 
714 ' DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 ON THE SINKING OF THE LUSITANIA. 
 
 Statement to the Public, May 8, 1915. 
 
 In the matter of sinking of the Lusitania, 1 am of the opinion 
 that American citizens generally, and particularly those in public 
 office, outside of the office of the Secretary of State, should not 
 in this grave crisis forestall or embarrass the President and the 
 Department of State by giving utterance to their personal view? 
 in relation to this grave calamity. 
 
 I have implicit confidence in the wisdom, patriotism, diplo- 
 macy, and tact of the responsible authorities at Washington, and 
 believe that the action that will finally be taken in Washington 
 vrill meet with the approval of the American public and avert 
 the awful calamity of war, with honor and credit to the American 
 Republic. 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 715 
 
 THE EFFECT OF THE OPENING OF THE 
 PANAMA CANAL. 
 
 Statement to the Public, May 11, 1915. 
 
 To show liow the openiug of the Panama Canal has disturbed 
 manufacturing and producing interests of the State of Illinois, 
 and of the Mississippi valley, to the advantage of the manufac- 
 turers and producers on the eastern seaboard, Governor Dunne 
 today called attention to a circular issued May 3, 1915, by the 
 Upper Mississippi River Improvement Association, calling a con- 
 vention to discuss the subject on June 9th, at Dubuque, Iowa, 
 vention to discuss the subject on June 9, at Dubuque, Iowa. 
 
 ''Owing to the disturbed transportation conditions arising 
 from the new rates via the Panama Canal, whereby nearly all 
 benefits of the canal are accruing to seaboard, or near seaboard 
 points, to the detriment of interior sections of the country, the 
 dangers menacing its commercial and manufacturing interests 
 thereby, are so grave as to demand immediate and serious con- 
 sideration by the shipping public of the Mississippi valley. 
 
 "As the only available and the obvious protection against these 
 dangers is the use of the Mississippi River and its tributaries for 
 freight transportation, in through bills of lading, without break 
 of bulk, we feel fully justified in calling a conference of shippers 
 to consider this important matter." 
 
716 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 U. S. DIPLOMATIC COMMUNICATION 
 TO GERMANY. 
 
 Statement to the Public, May 14, 1915. 
 
 The diplomatic communication forwarded by Secretary of 
 State Bryan after a conference with President Wilson and his 
 cabinet has been formulated with the utmost caution, circum- 
 spection and deliberation. Before forwarding this official docu- 
 ment to the German Empire, the President and his cabinet per- 
 mitted sufficient time to elapse after the shock occasioned by the 
 destruction of so many American noncombatant lives on the 
 Lusitania to let reason, law and justice control their official 
 deliberations. 
 
 Now the Nation has spoken through its President and Secre- 
 tary^ of State, and the patriotic citizens of the Republic will stand 
 loyally behind the President and his advisers and continue to give 
 their loyal support to the President to the end of the chapter. 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 717 
 
 ON THE OPPRESSION OF THE POLES. 
 
 Address to Chicago Polish Society, May 20, 1915. 
 
 Mr. Chairman and Ge^itlemen: 
 
 Most of the great nations of the earth have had their tragedies 
 as well as their triumphs. 
 
 Rome, once ruler of the world, lived to see the day when 
 Attila and his Huns ravaged her temples and desecrated her 
 sanctuaries. Carthage, proud mistress of the Mediterranean, 
 had her palaces razed and her peoples destroyed by the Roman 
 legions. France, after dictating terms of submission to most of 
 the nations of Europe, was compelled to sign humiliating terms of 
 surrender in her own capital. 
 
 So Poland has had her days of triumph and her days of 
 disaster. She triumphed at Tannenberg over the Teutonic knights 
 and again at Vienna when brave John Sobieski saved Europe 
 and western civilization from destruction at the hands of the 
 Ottoman horde. But she has also had her days of tragedy when 
 the glorious kingdom which stretched from the Baltic almost to 
 the Black Sea, and from the Oder to the Dnieper, was blotted from 
 the face of the earth by the Austro-Prussian-Russian coalition. 
 
 Since that awful tragedy, when over twelve million of the 
 bravest people of Europe lost their right of nationhood, the story 
 of Poland has been one of sorrow, tribulation and disaster. In 
 nearly every war that has convulsed central Europe, the com- 
 batants have made the soil of Poland the chosen battlefield. The 
 tide of battle has surged to and fro across her ravaged field and 
 plundered cities. She has become the Niobe among the nations, 
 helpless, almost hopeless, in her sorrows, but commanding the 
 sympathy of the world. 
 
 We are here today not to right her political wrongs, not to 
 restore her independence, not to place her again among the 
 nations of the earth, but to sympathize with her in her agony and 
 to devise means to relieve the terrible distress of her noncom- 
 batant women and children. 
 
 Much as her heroic past and distressful present may appeal 
 to our sense of chivalry, we cannot at this critical time, when 
 most of the civilized nations of Europe are engaged in the most 
 widespread and disastrous war in all history, do aught but pre- 
 
718 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 serve the strictest neutrality in word and action. We must, as 
 loyal sons of this great Republic, remember this country must not 
 by any act or speech of its sons, either in public or private life, 
 in any way involve this Nation in the war madness of Europe. 
 
 That men and women in America, of German, French, British, 
 Russian, Polish, Belgian and Italian blood should sympathize with 
 men and women of the same races in Europe is natural and in- 
 evitable, but the impropriety of expressing such sympathies at 
 this time in this great cosmopolitan country, is manifest. 
 
 No matter to what race we belong, no matter whether we our- 
 selves or our fathers or grandsires came from one of these 
 warring countries, we, all of us, are and must now and hereafter, 
 first, last, and at all times be American citizens. We owe alle- 
 giance to but one country, we salute but one flag, we uncover 
 to but one anthem, and we must live and die but for one land, 
 the land we love and live in, the greatest and freest republic on 
 the face of the earth, America. 
 
 This land, this Nation, must be kept out of this awful conflict. 
 In the mad fury of the conflict the warring nations of Europe are 
 on both sides trampling upon the rights of neutrals and may — 
 though God forbid — drag us into the maelstrom of war. Let 
 every citizen of the Republic, then — native and foreign-born — 
 be circumspect in every act and deed during the continuance of 
 this awful conflict. Deep down in your hearts you may have your 
 racial sympathies burning hot and constant, but as loyal Ameri- 
 cans, bank the fires within you and by neither word nor act 
 provoke racial discussion or controversy. 
 
 As there was but one God, Jehovah, in the Jewish testament, 
 let there be but one Goddess in American political testament, 
 Columbia. 
 
 We cannot and will not participate in any way in the politi- 
 cal struggles of Europe at this critical time, but we can and will 
 sympathize with the distressed and starving women and children 
 noncombatants in the terrible conflict and make every possible 
 effort to give them succor and relief. The cry of the Avomen and 
 children of Poland should be heard and answered throughout the 
 land. Some method must be devised of getting to them and 
 saving them from the most awful of deaths, starvation. 
 
 Poland in her agony calls to the world for succor. That cry 
 will not fall on deaf ears in this great and prosperous land. I 
 sympathize with the mothers, wives and children of the brave 
 German, French, British, Russian, Italian, Austrian, Servian and 
 Belgian soldiers who are risking and giving their blood and lives 
 in their countries' cause, but above all I sympathize with the 
 
DUNNE^JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 719 
 
 starving women and children of Poland, because I believe from 
 all I hear, that their pitiable plight is the most terrible of all 
 in Europe. 
 
 May God pity and relieve these helpless people in their ex- 
 tremity and may the charity of the world make speedy answer to 
 her wail of anguish and despair. 
 
720 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 GRATIFIED AT VOTE ON THE WATER- 
 WAY BILL. 
 
 Statement by Governor to Chicago Tribune, May 25, 1915. 
 
 I am naturally much gratified over the splendid vote that the 
 waterway bill received in the lower House today. I am particularly 
 gratified to know that so many Republicans placed the interest of 
 their State above partisan politics. The proposition from the start 
 was a pure, clean business proposition without an element of poli- 
 tics in it. 
 
 Since the opening of the Panama Canal, I, in common with 
 many of the citizens of the State of Illinois, have been of the opinion 
 that unless this waterway were opened the opening of the Panama 
 Canal would prove a disaster rather than a benefit to the State of 
 Illinois. The members of the Legislature acted in accordance with 
 their honest convictions, and I believe even those who opposed the 
 bill will be of the opinion before many months have passed that 
 the measure just passed by the lower House is for the best interests 
 of the State of Illinois. 
 
 I feel grateful to all who have supported this measure. The 
 business interests of the State showed splendid vigor and intelli- 
 gence in favoring its passage. In the great number of persons who 
 have given valuable assistance to the passage of this bill it would 
 be invidious to single out the names of any individuals. 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 721 
 
 UPON THE PASSAGE OF THE WATER-. 
 
 WAY BILL. 
 
 Statement to the Public, May 27, 1915. 
 
 In the passage of the waterway bill by both Houses of the Legis- 
 lature this week, the State of Illinois is to be congratulated upon 
 the fact that the members of those bodies, irrespective of politics, 
 put the interest of the State of Illinois ahead of political considera- 
 tions, and looked to the interest of the State rather than to political 
 advantage. 
 
 A navigable watei*way from the Lakes to the Gulf has been the 
 prophecy and recommendation of the statesmen of Illinois since 
 before its admission to the Union of States. That prophecy and 
 recommendation has finally blossomed into a reality in so far as the 
 Legislature is concerned. 
 
 The law just passed will enable the State of Illinois, unless 
 some unforeseen and unrecognized legal difficulties intervene, to 
 open up to the commerce of the Lakes an unobstructed passage from 
 the Great Lakes to the Gulf and thus take advantage of the revolu- 
 tion in commerce which has resulted from the opening of the 
 Panama Canal. 
 
 The law will go into effect on July 1, this year, and I hope 
 to have the commission provided by law organized for effective 
 work at that time. The work should be constructed promptly, effi- 
 ciently and economically, and devoid of all selfish interest of any 
 character. 
 
 When this waterway is opened to public navigation I predict 
 that it will be recognized of as State-wide importance and not in 
 the interest of any particular locality or class of citizens and that 
 a tremendous commerce will develop between the Great Lakes and 
 the Gulf. 
 
722 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 ILLINOIS WATERWAYS. 
 
 Address before Western Economic Society, Chicago, June 1, 
 
 1915. 
 
 Mr. Chair man and Gentlemen: 
 
 The bill just passed by the Legislature known as the Illinois 
 Waterway Bill, and which is now pending before the Governor for 
 his approval, provides for the issuance of not to exceed $5,000,000 
 worth of bonds for the construction of a waterway at least eight 
 feet in depth between Lockport and Utica. 
 
 For a proper understanding of the merits of the project the 
 public should be informed of the physical surroundings of the same, 
 which are as follows : 
 
 From the Chicago River southerly to Lockport in the Sanitary 
 District canal there is a channel about twenty miles long, twenty- 
 four feet in depth, and 160 feet wide in rock sections. From Lock- 
 port southerly to Joliet for about three miles there is a channel of 
 from ten to twenty feet in depth. From Joliet to Starved Rock 
 Park, which is located just above Utica, there is a stretch of water- 
 way for sixty-five miles, in which there is no navigable channel, 
 alongside of which lies the old Illinois and Michigan canal, origin- 
 ally constructed thirty feet wide at bottom and six feet deep, now 
 scarcely four feet in depth. 
 
 Over this stretch of sixty -five miles the Des Plaines River and 
 its continuation, the Illinois River, flows over a ledge of rocks with 
 a declivity of about 100 feet in the sixty-five miles. About nineteen 
 miles southeasterly from Joliet, across the Des Plaines River, is the 
 projected dam of the Economy Light & Power Company, now under 
 suspended construction. The rights of that company to this dam 
 were acquired under a questionable lease obtained by that company 
 about ten years ago from the then trustees of the Illinois and 
 Michigan Canal. 
 
 Both Governor Deneen and myself have been endeavoring for 
 years in the courts to invalidate this lease, but so far the State has 
 been unsuccessful in every decision rendered. Southeasterly from 
 Utica to Grafton, where the Illinois River empties into the Missis- 
 sippi River, there is a God-created channel in the Illinois River seven 
 feet in depth, which by dredging can be increased to a depth of 
 eight feet at small cost. Thence from Grafton in the Mississippi 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 723 
 
 River to Cairo we have a channel of eight feet in depth without any 
 prospect in a generation at least of securing a greater depth. 
 United States engineers have advised the Federal War Department 
 that the expense of securing a greater depth in the Mississippi River 
 between Grafton and Cairo would be so costly as to make it a com- 
 mercial absurdity at this time, and these engineers have in the past 
 recommended an eight to nine-foot channel from Joliet to Utica. 
 
 With this statement of the physical situation, let us now con- 
 sider what is proposed in the bill just passed by the Legislature. It 
 provides in the law for the deepening and using of the old Illinois 
 and Michigan canal for twenty miles between Joliet and Dresden 
 Heights, Dresden Heights being just south of the Economy Light 
 & Power Company's dam hereinbefore mentioned, thence deepening 
 the channel to at least an eight-foot depth, and 150-foot width in the 
 Illinois River and its use as a waterway for forty-five miles from 
 Dresden Heights to Starved Rock, which is located just above Utica, 
 except for about two miles at Marseilles, where the waterway chan- 
 nel is diverted from the river to a by-pass along the south side of 
 the river and thence back to the river after passing the private dam 
 and water power of the Marseilles Water and Power Company, this 
 diversion being made for the purpose of avoiding any legal delays 
 or complications with that company, which now maintains a dam 
 and electric light plant at Marseilles. If this project, as above out- 
 lined, be carried out it will be seen that it would afford the people 
 of Illinois a continued waterway eight feet in depth from Lake 
 Michigan to Cairo, and thence by the Mississippi River to New 
 Orleans and the Gulf of Mexico. 
 
 Heretofore there has been a wide divergence of opinion be- 
 tween engineers as to the depth of the proposed waterway. Some 
 have advocated twenty-four feet, some fourteen feet, some eight 
 feet and some even the rehabilitation of the old canal at a depth 
 of six feet. In view of the fact that the Federal Government 
 maintains a channel of only eight feet in the Mississippi River 
 between Grafton and Cairo, and in view of the further fact that 
 there is no probability of a greater depth being attained in the 
 Mississippi River between the said points for a generation at least, 
 it occurred to me after reading the report of the Federal 
 engineers as to the condition of the Mississippi River and its depth 
 of eight feet that it would be a great mistake, now that the Pan- 
 ama canal is open to commerce, to attempt the construction of any 
 waterway at present in the Illinois and Des Plaines Rivers be- 
 tween Lockport and Utica at a greater depth than the channel 
 in the Mississippi River. 
 
 I have been and am still of the opinion that it will not do for 
 the State of Illinois to delay the construction of an eight-foot 
 
724 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 channel if such a depth can be secured at the present time with- 
 out jeoparding the future depth of the Illinois River in the event 
 that a greater depth could hereafter be obtained in the Missis- 
 sippi River. I, therefore, conferred with civil engineers, Cooley, 
 Kell}', Shaw and Sherman, and asked them if they could not de- 
 vise some engineering plan under which we could acquire, at 
 once, the same depth in the Illinois River that we now have in the 
 Mississippi River, and thus open the Illinois River to commerce 
 without prejudicing the further depth of the river in the event 
 that at some time in the future engineering science could bring 
 about a greater depth in the Mississippi. These engineers after 
 carefully examining the subject matter made a unanimous report, 
 in which report was developed a scheme for the construction of 
 an eight-foot waterway between Lockport and Utica. That 
 scheme with some amendments demanded by local conditions at 
 Dresden Heights, Marseilles and Ottawa, has after the fullest dis- 
 cussion in the press and before committees of the Legislature, 
 been tinally adopted and crystallized into the law. 
 
 The project will cost the State of Illinois not to exceed 
 $5,000,000, which is to be paid for by the issuance of bonds not to 
 exceed that amount. The waterway power to be developed at 
 Starved Rock and at Joliet at the present time will, it is estimated 
 by these engineers, not only pay the interest upon those bonds but 
 will pay a large amount every year into the sinking fund to retire 
 these bonds at maturity. Further water power to be developed 
 hereafter at Brandon road in the Des Plaines River a few miles 
 south of Joliet, Avill develop much greater water power, suffi- 
 cient in amount to retire all bonds which may be issued for the 
 construction of the same, before maturity. 
 
 The plan contemplates the using of the Illinois and Des 
 Plaines rivers for forty-five miles at the present time, and the use 
 temporarily of about twenty miles of the old Illinois and Michi- 
 gan canal between Joliet and Dresden Heights. The temporary 
 use of the canal for this twenty miles at the present time is neces- 
 sitated by the fact that the Economy Light and Power Com- 
 pany's lease prevents our utilization of the river at the present 
 time between Dresden Heights and Joliet without paying this 
 company a very large amount of money to cancel their lease. It 
 is our intention to proceed promptlj^ with the construction of the 
 waterway between Dresden Heights and Starved Rock over the 
 forty-five miles in which the river channel is used, and to en- 
 deavor in some way to procure a surrender, or cancellation, or 
 make some arrangement with the Economy Light and Power Com- 
 pany under which we can utilize the river between Dresden 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 725 
 
 Heights and Joliet. Failing so to do, we will use temporarily the 
 old canal between these points, enlarging the locks and deepening 
 the old canal to an eight-foot depth. A very valuable water 
 power plant exists at Brandon Road a few miles south of Joliet 
 in the Des Plaines River, which if developed will produce an enor- 
 mous water power for the beiiefit of the State. 
 
 A navigable commercial waterway between the Great Lakes 
 and the Mississippi River has been the prophecy and recommenda- 
 tion of every great statesman in Illinois from the day of Pere 
 Marquette in 1763, when he crossed the portage between the 
 Des Plaines and Chicago Rivers, dowai to the present day. That 
 prophecy and recommendation seems to be realized so far as leg- 
 islative action is concerned, by the law just passed. I believe 
 a tremendous commerce wall be developed over this waterway as 
 soon as it is opened to the public. 
 
 The city of New Orleans has already spent $9,000,000 in 
 the construction of its municipal docks and wharves, preparing 
 for a trade that must inevitably come down the Mississippi valley 
 en route to the Pacific coast. New Orleans is '900 miles nearer 
 the Panama canal than the ports of New York, Boston and Phil- 
 adelphia. By reason of the revolution in commerce resulting from 
 the opening of the Panama canal, Illinois manufacturers have 
 found it cheaper to ship by rail to New York and thence by ocean 
 steamer to the Pacific coast, than to ship direct to the Pacific 
 coast by rail, thus entailing a great handicap on Illinois pro- 
 ducers in competition with producers on the eastern seaboard. 
 This handicap will be removed as soon as the waterway is opened 
 between the Great Lakes and the Gulf. 
 
 This project is of enormous value to the whole State of Illi- 
 nois. It will cheapen freight rates between the Gulf of Mexico, 
 which must redound to the benefit of this great manufacturing 
 and agricultural State. 
 
 To let the waterway proposition linger along as it has done 
 for the last quarter of a century with nothing done in the way 
 of opening up a practical channel would be a commercial, finan- 
 cial and political blunder. The State has awakened to the neces- 
 sity of a commercial waterway, and has provided for the opening 
 of an eight-foot waterway, and I believe the results will be of 
 enormous value to the whole State of Illinois. 
 
726 DUXXE JUDGE. MAYOR. GOVERNOR 
 
 NATURALIZED CITIZENS. 
 
 Address at Sprixgfield, Illinois, July 4. 1915. 
 
 jlr. Chairman, Ladies and Gentlemen: 
 
 It is appropriate that on the anniversary of the birthday of 
 the Nation that this meeting should have been arranged for the 
 purpose of enabling the native born citizenship of the community 
 to extend the right hand of fellowship to the newly naturalized 
 citizens who have within recent years taken the oath of allegiance 
 to this Republic and severed the ties which bound them politically 
 to the land of their nati^dty. The native born citizen has become 
 by this voluntary act of the naturalized citizen a brother to the 
 foreign born, who has become entitled to all of the rights and privi- 
 leges of the native born citizen save and except eligibility for two 
 offices, namely, the Presidency and the Vice Presidency. 
 
 In every other respect he stands under the law of this Republic 
 on equal terms with the native born citizen. In return for these 
 tremendous advantages, given so generously by the fundamental 
 law of this Republic, he should and will give to this country, as he 
 has always done in the past, his full loyalty and devotion. It is not 
 in the nature of things that he can forget the land of his nativity ; 
 its history, its traditions, its language, its folklore, its music or its 
 pastimes. Such is not demanded of him by the law of this land. 
 But while he cannot in the nature of things forget, nor should he 
 forget, his old associations in his native land, he must remember 
 at all times that his first loyalty and love is to the country of his 
 adoption. 
 
 At the present time when most of the great nations of Europe 
 are embroiled in a tremendous and deplorable war it is possible that 
 the naturalized citizen, whose kith and kin may be found on the red 
 line of battle, will s^nnpathize with his kindred and in his inner soul, 
 may wish and hope for the success of his native land, but expression 
 of these sjonpathies at the present time where men of different 
 strains may be congregated is apt to lead to controversies and dis- 
 agreements and might tend to involve this peace loving Republic 
 in this awful warfare. It is the part, therefore, of wisdom and dis- 
 cretion, no matter how we may feel or how strongly we may s\Tnpa- 
 thize in secret with one or other of the contending nations, to avoid 
 
DUXXE JUDGE, MAYOR, GO\'ERXOR 727 
 
 as American citizens, the utterance of auj- views v.-hicli might 
 embarrass this country in maintaining the strict neutrality which 
 must and should be preserved during the whole of this warfare. 
 
 The paramount duty of this Nation at the present time is to 
 observe and enforce the strictest neutrality, and every citizen of 
 this country, whether he be native born or naturalized, should do 
 everything in his power to uphold our officials in Washington in 
 carrying out such neutrality. 
 
 In the War of the Kebelliou. the naturalized citizen proved 
 .his devotion to this country, whether he came from the banks of 
 the Elbe, the Ehine, the Loire or the Shannon. They shed their 
 blood and gave up their lives to maintain the integrity of this 
 country, and if a juncture should ever arise in the future when 
 this Nation would become embroiled with any other nation. I know 
 that the same reliance can be placed upon the naturalized citizen 
 to do his full duty towards his adopted country. 
 
 The naturalized citizen sliould know but one flag, and but one 
 Nation, and give his unquestioned loyalty to that flag and that 
 Nation, the Nation in which he lives and to which his first and last 
 devotion is due. In return for this allegiance and loyalty the 
 American Nation has given and will give to the naturalized citizen 
 the full panoply of its protection both from oppression abroad and 
 violence within. 
 
 America welcomes you with open arms and generous heart and 
 in return for that welcome I am confident that the naturalized citi- 
 zen will give to his adopted country loyalty, even unto death. In 
 peace and in war you should participate in all that concerns the 
 weU-being of your adopted land. Every right of citizen is at your 
 disposal. In times of peace by your ballot exercise your franchise 
 for the enactment of good laws and the selection of good men. and 
 in time of war. if called upon, ally yourselves under your country's 
 flag no matter what flag may fly above its enemies. 
 
728 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 ON RAISING LEGISLATORS' SALARIES. 
 
 Statement to the Public, July 4, 1915. 
 
 I have approved House bill, No. 386, being an act which raises 
 the compensation of the members of the General Assembly to be 
 elected in the year 1916 and thereafter, from $2,000 to $3,500 for 
 the term for which they are elected, to-wit: for the term of two 
 years. 
 
 In signing this bill I believe that I am actuated solely in so 
 doing by the public interest, and that the law will redound to the 
 public benefit. At the present time the salary of the members of 
 the Legislature is $2,000 for the term for which they were elected, 
 or $1,000 per year. 
 
 I am reliably informed that since the enactment of the direct 
 primary it costs members of the Legislature from $500 to $1,500 
 and sometimes more, in all contested candidacies. Most of these 
 expenses are incurred for advertising, printing, lithographs, hiring 
 of halls, music, etc., which are entirely legitimate expenses in 
 exploiting the candidate's claim for popular support. 
 
 In some few cases where candidates are unopposed the expenses 
 of election may not be to exceed $500, but these cases are the excep- 
 tions. I think that I am safe in declaring that the average legiti- 
 mate expenses of a candidate for member of the Legislature is 
 $750. After the election he is compelled to attend at least one 
 session of the Legislature, which, judging by the last three sessions 
 of the Legislature, lasts close on to six months. The member is also 
 compelled at times to attend special sessions of the Legislature out- 
 side of the regular session. 
 
 In attendance at these sessions of the Legislature the member 
 is compelled to live in Springfield at least four days out of every 
 week. Five days a week he must spend away from home, either in 
 Springfield, or in going from or coming to Springfield. The cost 
 of living in Springfield to the ordinary legislator must average at 
 least five dollars a day. His living expenses in Springfield, and his 
 railroad fare to Springfield and return must cost him on the average 
 about $30.00 a week. An attendance of twenty-four weeks such as 
 occurred during the sessions of 1913 and 1915, at $30.00 a week 
 would amount to $720.00. Adding this $720.00 to $750.00 average 
 expense of election, would make each member of the Legislature 
 expend legitimately and fairly in securing his election and living 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 729 
 
 in Springfield, in the neighborhood of $1,500, leaving to the legis- 
 lator as his compensation for the two-year term a bare $500 or $250 
 a year. This is the situation at the present time. 
 
 It leaves the legislator vs^ith such spare compensation a prey 
 to the wiles and artifices of the professional lobbyist, ever at hand 
 to cajole and corrupt the weak and unwary representative of the 
 people. Such inadequate compensation in the past has been con- 
 ducive to weakness on the part of the legislator, if not to corruption. 
 Men in public life should not be exposed to the temptations pro- 
 duced by such a situation. 
 
 The member of the Legislature is charged with the performance 
 of one of the most responsible duties of public life, to-wit: the 
 making of the laws of a great State, which affect the lives, liberty, 
 welfare and happiness of the whole community. 
 
 The compensation paid to the men who are called upon to 
 perform these tremendous duties should be commensurate with the 
 importance of these duties. The raising of the compensation of the 
 members of the General Assembly to a decent figure, in my judg- 
 ment, will inevitably result in enabling the members of the Legis- 
 lature to resist the wiles of the tempter and to induce men of 
 character, who must and can live upon a decent wage, to become 
 candidates for these important offices. 
 
 Years ago the members of the city council of Chicago were paid 
 grossly inadequate salaries with the result that franchises of enor- 
 mous value to the city were handed over to corporations under 
 ordinances which manifested a reckless disregard of the rights of 
 the community. In recent years that city has changed its policy 
 and now pays its aldermen $3,000 a year, with the result that the 
 character of the council and its personnel has been elevated and 
 strengthened to a remarkable degree. A Chicago alderman attends 
 one meeting a week for ten months in the year or not to exceed 
 forty-four meetings. In two years his duties require his attendance 
 at eighty-eight meetings, for which he is paid $6,000. It is true 
 that he frequently attends committee meetings during the week. 
 
 A member of the Legislature during the twenty-four weeks of 
 the session that he spends in Springfield is also expected to attend 
 committee meetings, some of which meetings last far into the night. 
 Some of the legislators remain over and spend seven days a week 
 in Springfield. On the whole a member of the Legislature spends 
 more time in Springfield during the two years he is a member than 
 does the Chicago alderman in the city council. Moreover the Chi- 
 cago alderman is not compelled to leave his home or neglect his 
 private business as is the legislator. His expenses of living are, 
 therefore, much less than the expenses of the legislator and his 
 private business does not suffer by his absence from home. 
 
730 DUNNE JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 I am convinced that the raising of the salaries of the members 
 of the Legislature will be conducive towards the selection of good 
 legislators and the enactment of good laws. 
 
 The laborer is worthy of his hire. The labor of a legislator is 
 of tremendous importance and if decent legislation is expected of 
 decent men these decent men should be paid a decent wage. I am 
 glad to know the views hereinabove expressed are entertained by 
 the Legislative Voters' League, which has concerned itself for 
 years with the character of the men in the General Assembly and 
 the character of the laws of the State of Illinois. That organization 
 has lately publicly announced that in the opinion of the League a 
 salary of $3,500 for a member of the Legislature is reasonable and 
 that the members of the Legislature were justified in voting therefor. 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 731 
 
 GOVERNOR VETOES MOTION PICTURE 
 CENSORSHIP. 
 
 To the Hon. Lewis G. Stevenson, Secretary of State. 
 
 I hereby veto and return without my approval S. B. 382. 
 
 If this bill became a law, it would mean double taxation upon 
 those engaged in the motion picture business in the city of 
 Chicago. 
 
 Further, I can find no genuine demand for such a law in the 
 State. 
 
 In my opinion such a law is unwise and unnecessary and I 
 accordingly veto same. 
 
 Respectfully submitted, 
 
 E. F. Dunne, Governor. 
 
 July 12, 1915. 
 
732 DUNNE JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 EMANCIPATION EXPOSITION. 
 
 Address on Its Opening, Chicago, August 22, 1915. 
 
 Mr. Chairman, Ladies and Gentlemen: 
 
 We meet today to demonstrate in the most conclusive manner 
 the effect of freedom on the human race. We meet to prove the 
 worthiness of the black man for equality under the law. Fifty 
 years ago, within the personal memory of many of us here today, 
 the black man, before the law, was a thing and not a man ; a chattel 
 and not a human being. That such could have been the law in any 
 civilized country within the last half century seems incredible, yet 
 it took a mighty war and the sacrifice of millions of human beings 
 to wipe out this awful anomaly. What has been the result? Four 
 million human chattels as the result of that war and the declaration 
 of emancipation that resulted therefrom have developed into ten 
 millions intelligent and peaceful, productive citizens of this Repub- 
 lic; four million illiterate, uneducated, propertyless human beings 
 have developed into ten millions fairly well educated, property- 
 owning citizens. I doubt if, in the history of the world, such 
 tremendous progress has been made in so short a time. 
 
 ''De profundis ad astra. " From the depths of poverty and 
 slavery, a race has arisen into the starlit heaven of prosperity and 
 liberty. 
 
 In 1865, 90 per cent of the black race of America was wholly 
 illiterate; today 70 per cent of the same race can read and write, 
 and possess the education given by the grammar schools. The 
 aggregate wealth of the four million black slaves in 1865 did not 
 exceed a million and a quarter of dollars ; today these black men 
 and their descendants own a billion dollars worth of property. In 
 1863 there was but one college open to the black man in the United 
 States ; today he maintains successfully four hundred. In '63 there 
 was not a black physician, lawyer or banker in the United States; 
 today there are over five thousand. In '63 the black man had but 
 one newspaper ; today he has four hundred. In '63 he had but four 
 hundred churches ; today he worships God in over thirty thousand. 
 
 Within fifty years the black man has been developing skilled 
 and scholarly men in all the professions. lie has enriched literature 
 by nearly six thousand books and periodicals, and given seven thou- 
 sand compositions to the music of the world. Above all, and beyond 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR ISS 
 
 all, in so far as the rank and file of the colored race is concerned, he 
 has been developing an aptitnde for the tilling of the soil and the 
 acquisition of the same. There, in the cultivation of his own soil, 
 he becomes, in truth, his own master. The percentage of black farm 
 owners and farm workers within the last decade has been enor- 
 mously increased. The percentage of increase among the black men, 
 strange to say, is nearly double the increase among the white men 
 in the acquisition and development of the farm. All this develop- 
 ment has gone on in spite of race prejudice, race hatred and, in 
 many cases, in spite of unjust laws. 
 
 Let us then do honor where honor is due ; let us congratulate 
 our black fellow citizen upon the splendid progress he has made 
 politically, religiously and economically. Let us extend to him the 
 hand of encouragement and sympathy, and let us hope that the 
 progress that he has made within the last half century, wonderful 
 as it is, will be but the forerunner of the greater progress yet to be 
 made in the years to come. 
 
 The wisdom, justice and humanity of the Great Emancipator, 
 the martyred Lincoln, has been amply vindicated by the history 
 of the black man during the last half century and will continue to 
 be vindicated by the further progress of the race in the ages yet to 
 come. 
 
734 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 THE ABOLITION OF CAPITAL 
 PUNISHMENT. 
 
 Address to Governors' Conference, Boston, August 25, 1915. 
 
 Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen : 
 
 In 1901, there was convicted of mnrder, in the city of Chicago, 
 one Synon; he was condemned to die. 
 
 His case was appealed to the Supreme Court which reversed 
 the lower court, because of objectionable remarks by the trial judge 
 while the accused was on the witness stand. 
 
 Synon 's second trial was held in the court over which I had, 
 at that time, the honor to preside. He was acquitted after many 
 reputable men had testified that he was four miles from the scene 
 of the crime when it was commmitted. 
 
 This man was saved by a few harsh and prejudicial words of 
 the judge, before whom he was first tried ; and thus the errors, upon 
 which he was able to appeal, became the means through which it was 
 possible for him to establish his innocence. Only those words, which 
 the court had committed an error in uttering, stood between him 
 and the death penalty, between justice and the cruel tragedy of 
 which my State would have been guilty. 
 
 Only a year or two ago, Ray Pfanschmidt, a young man living 
 near Quincy, in my State, was accused of murdering his father, 
 mother, and sister and of burning the house over their dead 
 bodies. He was convicted of the murder of his father and sentenced 
 to the gallows. Fortunately, he was able to appeal to the Supreme 
 Court where a new trial was granted. A change of venue was taken 
 and in another county he was acquitted. 
 
 A few days ago one of our most honored judges, a man who 
 has served our judiciary with splendid efficiency, resigned and 
 retired, I am told, a disappointed and broken-hearted man. For 
 nearly twenty years he has carried a growing burden of suspicion 
 that two men he had sentenced to State prison for life were inno- 
 cent. Twenty-two of the judges of Cook County, including this 
 judge, have stated to me, in writing and by word of mouth, their 
 opinion that these two men were not guilty. The records of the 
 case, viewed in the dispassionate light of today, reveal strikingly 
 flimsy evidence on which to convict of murder. 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 735 
 
 Our Legislature this year enacted a law making it possible 
 to parole life men after they have served twenty years; and the 
 first act under this new law was the release of these two men. 
 
 What a tragedy! What a stain upon Illinois' name would 
 have been the execution of these two men if they had been sentenced 
 to death. Even the ages could not have removed it. 
 
 It was such cases as these that have set me to thinking and 
 investigating and my conscience, reinforced by the results of my 
 inquiries, has made me a firm believer that capital punishment is 
 wrong in theory and in act. 
 
 Before our last General Assembly I urged repeatedly the repeal 
 of our capital punishment code, recommending it in my messages, 
 and pleading for it in person before both houses of the Legislature. 
 
 The repeal bills failed, but I am quite sure the agitation they 
 stirred up has had a marked and beneficial effect upon the State's 
 conscience and has aroused and formulated a new public opinion. 
 The press and the leaders among men and women engaged in the 
 great humanitarian enterprises of our State rallied to the measure 
 with a wonderfully inspiring spirit. 
 
 The principal argument advanced in support of capital pun- 
 ishment is that it acts as a deterrent. If I could convince myself 
 that this were true, my views might be dift'erent. If society 
 needed this awful penalty to protect itself, on the theory of self- 
 defense, there might be some force and logic in the argument 
 of those who favor its retention, because society collectively ha? 
 the same right that a man individually has to protect its life. 
 
 I doubt if it ever did deter. I am certain that it does not 
 now deter. On the contrary, all the evidences of history and of 
 statistics are that it never did deter. We find on consulting 
 our history that, in the days when the penalties for crime were 
 the most severe, crimes themselves were the most numerous. 
 
 In England, in 1699, there was an agitation for penal reforms. 
 At the beginning of the eighteenth century. Pope Clement XI 
 established a juvenile prison. Over its doors appeared these 
 words: ''Clement, XI, Supreme Pontiff, reared this prison for 
 the reformation and education of criminal youths and to the end 
 that those who, when idle, had been injurious to the State, might, 
 when better instructed and trained, become useful to society." 
 Inside the prison, printed on a slab, ^vere these words: "It is 
 little use to restrain criminals by punishment unless you reform 
 them by education." 
 
 Reforms lagged until 1728, when they w^ere again urged with 
 force. Chancellor Blackstone, in 1765, published his commen- 
 
736 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 taries and laid before the English people the utter folly of awful 
 and extreme penalties. Penal reform in our English system may 
 be said to have begun then. 
 
 But even at the opening of the nineteenth century, the Eng- 
 lish criminal code was excessively rigid and bloody. 
 
 Parliament, in March, 1816, repealed the death penalty for 
 larceny. At that time George Barnett, a boy of ten years, under 
 conviction of larceny, was in Newgate prison awaiting execution. 
 
 Punishment by death at one time in England could legally 
 be inflicted for more than two hundred different offenses. It 
 was a capital offense to pick a man 's pocket, to steal five shillings 
 from a shop, to catch and steal a fish, to cut down a tree, to harbor 
 an offender against the excise law^s, to steal a sheep, or an ox or 
 a horse, to commit larceny of almost any kind. Seventy-two 
 thousand thieves were hanged at the average rate of 2,000 a year 
 during the reign of Henry VIII. Some offenses at that time were 
 punishable by boiling to death. One morning during the reign of 
 George III, before the rising of the sun, in the city of London, 
 twenty persons were executed for stealing from the person. In the 
 year 1785, ninety-seven persons were executed in London for steal- 
 ing from a shop to the value of five shillings. 
 
 Often the prisons were full of children, many under the age 
 of ten, who had been informed upon for theft. 
 
 Neither the old Mosaic theory of retribution and revenge — 
 an eye for an eye and a tooth for a tooth — neither that, nor 
 degradation, whipping, branding, hanging, maiming, chambers of 
 torture, broken bodies on the wheel, bones fractured on the rack, 
 arms and legs suspended with heavy weights attached, the burn- 
 ing of the flesh and the searing of the skin with white hot iron, 
 roasting the human bodies on slow fires, burial alive, tossing of 
 the culprit into a den of wild beasts, pouring molten lead into the 
 ears, placing men's faces upward to the flaming sun, tying by 
 the seaside, so that drowning would follow the rising tide — all 
 these have been tried and victims to these indescribable horrors 
 have given up their lives by the thousands, and yet criminals did 
 not become extinct, and I believe history will demonstrate that crime 
 increased rather than decreased under these frightful penalties. 
 
 I am not going to attempt to support my arguments by elab- 
 orate quotations from statistics. There are certain figures, how- 
 ever, which are rather significant, if not conclusive. I refer to 
 the statistics of the Federal Census Bureau of 1910, with reference 
 to the effect of the death penalty upon the commission of murder. 
 These statistics show that in twenty-one of the states having the 
 highest number of homicides per capita in the population, there 
 is not a single state that has abolished capital punishment. These 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 737 
 
 twenty-one are those which have enforced the death penalty from 
 the time of their organization. Following these twenty-one states 
 come three states, Illinois, Maryland and Kansas, all having the 
 same number per capita of homicides. Of these states, Kansas 
 has abolished the death penalty; Illinois and Maryland have 
 retained it. 
 
 Let us now consider the twenty states which these statistics 
 show to have the lowest number of homicides per capita. Among 
 these twenty are all the states but one (Kansas) that have abolished 
 capital punishment. The Federal statistics, to my mind, show that 
 capital punishment has failed to act as a deterrent, and that in the 
 states where it has been abolished, there is a less per capita of 
 homicides than in the states where it has been retained. Go into 
 Wisconsin, a state which borders upon ours. We, in Illinois, have 
 had capital punishment since we were admitted to the Union, and, 
 even while it was a territory, capital punishment was inflicted for 
 murder. Wisconsin abolished this penalty years ago. Yet homi- 
 cides per capita are almost twice as many in Illinois as in AVisconsin. 
 
 Up to 1913, six states had abolished capital punishment, 
 Washington followed in that year. The United States statistics 
 of 1910 show that live of these are among the twenty with the 
 lowest per capita of homicides, each with a percentage less than 
 .08 in each 10,000 of population. The other noncapital punish- 
 ment state — Kansas — had the same per capita of homicides as 
 Illinois and Maryland, both capital punishment states. 
 
 Illinois was disgraced by 651 homicides in 1910, after a cen- 
 tury of enforcement of capital punishment, while in Wisconsin, 
 where it had been abolished, the homicides have not been much 
 over fifty per cent per capita, of those committed in Illinois. 
 
 If protection of society, if reformation of the criminal, if 
 segregation of an antisocial element of our population, if either 
 of these is the end or all of them are desired, then the separation 
 from society of our criminals in decent, humane, wholesome, and 
 Christian surroundings will accomplish all that we, as children 
 of one Father, have a right to accomplish. He has not delegated 
 to us further power or right over our fellows. The Holy Scrip- 
 tures, so often quoted in support of retribution, commands the 
 human race not to kill. 
 
 If it is wrong for one man to kill another, if it is a crime for 
 three men to kill one man, or for a dozen men to kill one man, 
 if it is a crime for one man to rape, is it not equally criminal for 
 twenty men to kill one man or to commit this other unmention- 
 able crime. The increase in number of participants and their 
 organized embodiment, do not make it right or a virtue for them 
 to kill or to rape. 
 
 —24 
 
738 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 Christianity long ago revoked the doctrine of a tooth for a 
 tooth, and an eye for an eye. Christ prayed the Father as He 
 saw the thief hanging hy His side: ''Father, forgive them, for 
 they know not what they do. ' ' Christ Himself was suffering the 
 lingering tortures of death at the hands of passion and fury. 
 He did not seek the destruction of those who were murdering 
 Him and the thief by His side, but He prayed that they should 
 see and know God's truth. 
 
 Verily, God Himself has reserved to Himself the final pen- 
 alty for the sins of His children. 
 
 Criminals have been divided into three classes : first, the in- 
 stinctive criminal; second, the habitual criminal; third, the oc- 
 casional or single offender. 
 
 The instinctive criminal cannot adjust himself to orderly and 
 regulated environment. He is antisocial and alien in all his at- 
 tributes, and is incapable, by reason of physical, mental, or moral 
 deficiencies, the nature of which we do not fully understand, of 
 getting out of a bad into a good environment or of improvement 
 by training or education. Such men we have no more right to 
 murder than we have to kill off the insane, the feeble-minded, 
 the tuberculous, and others whose presence among us entails upon 
 us responsibilities and financial burden. 
 
 The habitual criminal — the criminal by acquired habit — has 
 developed out of environment and the social status in which he 
 finds himself. Many of our crimes against both the person and 
 property are the results of social mal-adjustments and conditions 
 for whose existence society itself is solely to blame. Society has 
 no right to the exercise of retribution — to the life of the offender 
 — when it has denied him his natural and inalienable rights and, 
 in fact, has compelled him to exist and develop in the midst of 
 pinching poverty, degrading squalor and degenerating contam- 
 inations. 
 
 Some of the most frightful of the crimes by juveniles in our 
 great cities may be traced directly to an environment which 
 could not be expected to produce anything but the very worst. 
 
 Society itself becomes criminal when it seeks, by violence and 
 the blood of its victims, to right a wrong committed against it by 
 such product of its own neglect. For this class we cannot con- 
 ceive of execution performing any function. The hanging of 
 hundreds or thousands of them, even the massacre of their young, 
 would not decrease the crime that springs from the slums and the 
 tenements, so long as the slums remain under the tolerance of an 
 intelligent society. 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 739 
 
 The third class includes the occasional or single offender — 
 the normal individual, who, through stress of circumstances or 
 force of temptation, or the unreasoning and unthinking pressure 
 of passion, commits an evil deed. For him reformation is prob- 
 able. He may be made a useful citizen, and society benefited 
 by sparing his life. 
 
 Among the first and third classes there is no serious pre- 
 meditation on the outcome of their acts. The first class commit 
 crime because they cannot help it. Frequently they make little 
 or no effort to conceal their tracks. They exhibit a certain form 
 of precaution which is inherent in the instinct of self-preservation 
 and not the intelligent mental systemization of concealment or 
 alibi. The third class commit crime during stress or in passion ; 
 consequently they are not in a frame of mind to apprehend the 
 effects of their conduct. The penalty, no matter how great or how 
 severe, would deter neither of these types. 
 
 The other class — the habitual criminal, has probably tasted 
 punishment, but notwithstanding how much has been inflicted 
 upon him, he continues to return to his old ways, because society 
 affords him no other. Consequently, the penalty has not de- 
 terred him. Punishment will not cure him, nor will it prevent, 
 nor even retard others of his type from entering upon a like 
 career. 
 
 So we are thrown back upon our onl}^ right and duty — that 
 of protecting ourselves and society by a process of segregation, 
 both of those who commit crime and of those who, under our 
 modern scientific light, we are able to predict almost to a cer- 
 tainty will commit crime. 
 
 Another evidence that execution is not effective is atforded 
 in the records of lynehings and mob violence. Whether these 
 have occurred in the North or in the South, they have not had any 
 appreciable influence in reducing crime of the character which 
 aroused public fury. Lynehings and burnings at the stake are 
 but too common today. 
 
 What community has proflted by a reduction in crime fol- 
 lowing a lynching? 
 
 Punishment for political or religious belief has never hin- 
 dered its progress. Christianity did not cease its remarkable 
 strides because its early believers were thrown to the lions or 
 were made torches to illuminate a Xero's festival; nor has po- 
 litical liberty been throttled by the execution of reformers. Fear 
 of death has not halted the plans or dimmed the faith of good 
 men who understood the consequences of their course. Why, 
 then, should it affect men of evil minds who know nothing but 
 evil and do it as naturally as good men do good 1 
 
740 DUXXE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 My point is simply this, that in no age and among no people 
 does history record that threat or danger of death have stopped 
 men or women, bent on the accomplishment of some purpose; 
 whether it has been good or bad, the conservation of human hap- 
 piness and life or its wanton destruction. They have assumed 
 all the chances and when they have failed, they have gone to 
 their execution unflinching. This has been as true of the mur- 
 vderer as of the martyr. 
 
 Psychologists are trying to unfold to us the mysteries of 
 wliat they call the subconsciousness. The operations of our 
 imitative and imaginative spheres, we now fall back upon to ex- 
 plain, in a way, many things which heretofore have baffled solu- 
 tion. We frequently remark that crime goes in waves and suicides 
 by epidemics. Even epilepsy is said to contain an element of imita- 
 tion and habit ; for in a class of these unfortunates, seizure, in one, 
 will often be followed by seizures in many or all of them. There 
 is a contagion of noise, of restlessness and disturbance, just as there 
 is contagion of disease. It sweeps from individual to individual 
 and soon sways a mob. 
 
 Who can say that an exhibition of mob passion and violence, 
 in which property has been destroyed and life has been taken, 
 has not irreparably damaged the whole community. Those of 
 us who have studied a mob have been struck by its personal ap- 
 peal, and we have seen one after another drawn into the vortex 
 and taking part in the destruction without cause or reason. We 
 have seen the mob spirit intensified and inflamed beyond expec- 
 tation of control by the first deed of murder. Like the animal 
 who becomes ferocious when he tastes blood, so the human, when 
 aroused, becomes an unrestrained brute at the sight of blood. 
 Men who watched the riots of a few years ago in the capital of 
 our State have told me that not until the first life had been sacri- 
 ficed, did the mob lose all restraint and enter upon a wholesale, 
 extended and unreasoning debauch of fire and murder, which 
 could not be stopped, except by great show of military power. 
 
 Of a similar type — perhaps invisible — are the effects of a 
 legal execution upon the community. Its first and most debas- 
 ing influence is upon those who witness it. The crowd about the 
 scaffold is more fearful to contemplate than the struggles of the 
 human wretch dangling to the rope. The morbid crowds, that 
 stand without, compensate the absence of vision bv stimulated 
 mental pictures and imaginings which are equally degrading. The 
 whole city for weeks feels a depression that is, in the last analysis, 
 humiliation and remorse. 
 
 Too much importance cannot be attached to the argument 
 that the capital punishment law operates against justice. How 
 
DUXXE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 741 
 
 many murderers go free because juries will not inflict the death 
 penalty, though they have sworn to follow the evidence and the 
 law and have declared themselves not to be opposed to it. 
 
 While it is true that the accused is entitled to his libertj^ if 
 there is doubt as to his guilt, it is equally true that many a jury is 
 certain of his guilt, but lacks that degree of conviction which 
 will support a decree of death. 
 
 Thus the tendency is always towards leniency and th'^ num- 
 ber of judgments of deaths falls to an almost negligible quantity. 
 What better evidence could we have of the presence of a wide- 
 spread and deeply rooted conviction that the death penalty is 
 wrong. Men say they believe in it, but they are exceedingly slow 
 to apply it when they have the opportunity. Conscience— that 
 still small voice that controls the human mainspring — rebels and 
 they refuse to go counter to its admonitions. 
 
 Here occurs another argument against this penalty. After 
 a period of leniencj^ in a community, some atrocious deed is 
 done or there is a wave of crime, so-called. The populace be- 
 comes excited and demands the rigid enforcement of the law to 
 the very letter; for recent events it calls for blood. The news- 
 papers and the demagogue grow vociferous and mass meetings 
 pass resolutions. The wheels of the law are speeded up and the 
 first one or two accused of murder are sacrificed, after which 
 affairs assume their old ways. Such instances are of common 
 knowledge. They demonstrate very clearly that jurors trying 
 men for their liberties and lives are not always dominated solely 
 by their own conscience, the testimony and the law, but are in- 
 fluenced by extraneous forces, however unconscious they may be 
 of it or careful they may be to act honestly. 
 
 Concluding, I want to call 3'our attention to the attitude of 
 those great spirits and hearts of our American leaders of human- 
 ity. Our literature, our science, our art, our religion, teem with 
 righteous protest against the so-called legal execution of our 
 fellow men. Those who have led us into the clearer lights of 
 duty and responsibility have, without exception,, plead for the 
 abolition of this hideous disgrace and bloody inheritance from a 
 brutal age. 
 
 Lincoln wrote : ' ' God helping me, I will never sign the death 
 warrant of any man so long as I live": Bryant, "I am heartily 
 with you in your warfare against the barbarous practice cP pun- 
 ishment by death": Whittier, "I do not regard the death penalty 
 essential to the security and well being of society. Its total 
 abolition and the greater certainty of conviction which would 
 follow would tend to diminish rather than increase the crimes 
 it is intended to prevent": Longfellow. "I am and have been for 
 
742 DUXXE — JUDGE. MAYOR. GOVERNOR 
 
 many years an opponent of capital punishment"": Horatio Sey- 
 mour, *'I am deeidely in favor of the softening of the criminal 
 code'"; Dr. Benjamin Rush. "The power over human life is the 
 sole prerogative of Him who gave it. Human laws, therefore, 
 are in rebellion against this prerogative when they transmit it to 
 human hands ' ' ; Father Matthew. ' * I have been thirty years in the 
 ministry and I have never yet discovered that the founder of 
 Christianity has delegated to man any right to take away the 
 life of his fellow man"'; Henry ^Vard Beeeher. ''In our age there 
 is no need of a death penalty, and everj' consideration of reason 
 and humanity pleads for its abolition"; "Wendell Phillips. "The 
 gallows should be abolished altogether." 
 
 I might continue to quote for a day. but leave these thoughts 
 with you as examples of the aspirations of the leaders of 
 humanity. 
 
 The cold-blooded enforcement of this awful penalty, under 
 the forms of law. is brutal and abhorrent and wrenches the decent 
 sensibilities of everA' public official who. by an act or omission, 
 is required to participate in it, including the jurjTnen who im- 
 posed the penalty, the judge who directs its execution, the Gov- 
 ernor who refrains from clemency, the sheriff who superintends 
 the hanging, and the miserable unknown human tool who cuts 
 the rope. It degrades and demoralizes, depresses with remorse 
 and humiliation the community in which it takes place. It lowers 
 the level of the finer instincts and is fraught with the ever present 
 danger that a life is being sacrificed to the fallibilities of the 
 human mind and conscience. 
 
 As the Executive of a great commonwealth. I come before 
 you today, the governors of sister states, to plead with you to 
 give this subject your honest thought and faithful consideration. 
 
 The tendency of modern government in highly ci^^lized com- 
 munities is slowly and surely toward the abolition of capital 
 punishment. Italy. Holland. Switzerland. Belgium. Portugal and 
 Roumania have abolished it. In the United States it has been 
 abolished in Kansas, Maine. Michigan. Minnesota, Oregon, Rhode 
 Island, South Dakota, Washington and AViseonsin. 
 
 Ought we have still upon our statute books the penalty that 
 takes human life under the forms of law, or keep pace with the 
 progress of events, particularly as the records show that it has 
 ceased to act. if it ever did. as a deterrent of grievous offenses ? 
 
DUXNZ JUDGE. MAYOR. GOVEBXOB 743 
 
 OX PREPAREDNESS FOR WAR. 
 
 Address at Governors' Coxferexce, Boston. August 27. 1915. 
 
 Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen: 
 
 Since the commencement of the tremendous war now waging 
 in Europe, and the danger of our country being embroiled therein, 
 all classes of people in the R-epublic have been seriously consider- 
 ing the unpreparedness for war which seems to exist in our 
 country. 
 
 From the bellicose jingo who would involve this country in 
 a foreign war upon slight provocation to the peace-at-any-price 
 citizen, all of us have been seriously considering the question as to 
 whether our military and naval armament ought not be increased 
 at least for defensive purposes. That we have in the Unit^ States 
 at the present time, in comparison with the great nations of Europe, 
 but a meager force of soldiers and sailors cannot be denied. 
 
 The Army of the United States consists of but one man in each 
 one thousand inhabitants, while in the British army there are 
 seventeen soldiers to each one thousand inhabitants; in Russia 
 twenty-eight to each one thousand inhabitants, in France thirty- 
 four to each one thousand inhabitants, in Germany fifty-one to each 
 one thousand inhabitants, and in Italy fifty-seven to each one thou- 
 sand inhabitants. 
 
 As to whether our Army should be increased at least for de- 
 fensive purposes there does not seem to be much doubt among 
 thoughtful men. Whether the increase must be in the nature of a 
 standing armv or an increase in citizen-soldiery is a question about 
 which there is room for legitimate debate. 
 
 The advocates of a large standing army in the United States 
 in the past have been few and far between. The isolation of our 
 Republic from the great warlite nations of the earth, its separation 
 from them by thousands of miles of ocean, and its location on a 
 different hemisphere has given us in the past a feeling of security 
 and a confidence in immunity from attack, but the tremendous 
 progress in military and naval armament as disclosed by the present 
 European war proves that this feeling of security cannot be much 
 longer entertained. Steam and electricity and the marvelous de- 
 velopment of modem men-of-war. cruisers and submarines hare 
 
744 DUNNE— JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 produced such a revolution in the intercourse between nations that 
 the isolation which we have enjoyed in the past under obsolete 
 conditions no longer prevails. 
 
 If war were to be declared against this country by one of the 
 six greatest nations of Europe it must be conceded that the United 
 States in its present condition of land and naval forces would be 
 in a sorry predicament. For offensive warfare our land forces are 
 so small as to be regarded with ridicule. Our naval armament 
 might succeed for a time in damaging cities and fortifications upon 
 the sea coast of a possible enemy in Europe, but separated so far 
 as we would be from the base of supplies such offensive naval 
 warfare could not be of lasting duration. 
 
 In defensive naval warfare, we might for a time make a credit- 
 able showing upon our own coasts ; but if any of these great nations 
 should effect a landing of any considerable army, for weeks at least 
 such an invasion would be practically unopposed. This serious situ- 
 ation of affairs has given even the most ardent advocate of peace 
 between the nations grave concern. 
 
 While we in the United States are honestly and ardently sin- 
 cere advocates of peace between the nations and while we have no 
 lust of conquest and no desire to be -involved with any other nation, 
 we must conclude that we are sadly and grossly unprepared even 
 for a defensive war. For the protection of the autonomy of the 
 Nation Ave ought then to be in a better state of preparedness and 
 ought to have a larger force of men trained for military purposes. 
 Must this force necessarily be a large standing army thus imposing 
 burdens of taxation upon the Nation that it has hitherto been 
 unaccustomed to? I do not think an enormous standing army is 
 essential for the protection of the Nation and the preservation of 
 its autonomy. A citizen-soldiery brought this Republic into being, 
 a citizen-soldiery in the main has carried on three wars success- 
 fully with other nations, and a citiz6n-soldiery in the main saved 
 this Republic from dissolution in one of the greatest revolutions in 
 history, and I know of no reason why with an adequate navy, super 
 and submarine, that a citizen-soldiery of land forces cannot bo the 
 main reliance of this Republic at the present. 
 
 A large standing army has been and always will be an enor- 
 mous expense to any nation. I think I am within the bounds of 
 truth when I claim that it costs this Nation at least six hundred 
 dollars a year to feed, clothe, equip and pay each enlisted soldier. 
 The wages in the United States Army vary from fifteen to ninety- 
 nine dollars per month, outside of clothing, food and equipment. 
 If we were to increase our standing Army from one hundred thou- 
 sand men to one million men, it would, therefore, cost us six hun- 
 dred millions of dollars a year to pay these soldiers their wages, 
 
DUNNE JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 745 
 
 and feed and equip them. If we were to maintain a standing army 
 in proportion to population such as Great Britain maintained before 
 the outbreak of hostilities, it would cost us nearly one billion two 
 hundred millions of dollars a year. Such a frightful increase ai 
 the burdens of taxation which would be occasioned by the mainte- 
 nance of such an army in the United States must give serious 
 concern to all citizens contemplating such a prospect. 
 
 There is another alternative. It is the citizen-soldiery of the 
 Nation. Not such a citizen-soldiery, however, as is now maintained 
 in the National Guards of the different States. The present militia 
 of all of the different states of the United States is wholly inade- 
 quate for the defense of the' Nation. In 1913, the total militia of 
 the National Guards of all the States aggregated approximately 
 one hundred and twenty thousand men. Such a number of men 
 would be wholly inadequate for the defense of the Nation in case 
 of war with any first-class power. 
 
 To rely upon the Regular Army of one hundred thousand men, 
 and a militia of one hundred and twenty thousand men in case of 
 war with a first-class power would be an act of supreme folly. 
 The citizen-soldiery of the Republic must be reorganized, regener- 
 ated and enormously increased. There should be at least a body 
 of citizen-soldiery trained to the use of arms, organized and main- 
 tained throughout the different states of the United States in the 
 aggregate of at least two million men. How can this be accom- 
 plished without imposing too great a hardship upon its members 
 and upon the taxpayers of the Nation? It can be accomplished 
 by the adoption of two measures. 
 
 First. By requiring every college and university in the 
 United States which receives from any State or from the Federal 
 Government any support or appropriation of money, to give a 
 military training to its students during the four years of the uni- 
 versity or college course. As part of the physical and mental 
 education of the student, he should be compelled, if in such an 
 institution, as part of his curriculum, to devote sufficient time 
 to enable him to become a well-informed soldier in time of war. 
 That this can easily be accomplished is proven by what has al- 
 ready been accomplished in some of the universities. 
 
 Years ago the Federal Government made land-grants to the 
 University of Illinois, requiring as one of the considerations there- 
 for a regular military drill among its students. Today at TJrbana, 
 Illinois, the seat of this university, there are among its five thou- 
 sand students eighteen hundred fairly well drilled young men 
 who have received a military training under the supervision of the 
 Federal officer detailed for that purpose. Next year there will 
 be about two thousand of these young men who will be receiving 
 
746 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 such a training. I am informed that there are sixty land -grant 
 colleges and universities in the United States where doubtless such 
 provisions are being, or should be, enforced. 
 
 I'he military training given these young men, however, at the 
 l)resent time is meager and inadequate. It is difficult to secure 
 from the Federal Government sufficient trained officers to give 
 them the thorough military training that they might receive if 
 properly officered. Only one trained Federal officer is detailed to 
 the great University of Illinois to give military training to nearly 
 two thousand young men. The system should be changed. At 
 least one officer, a West Point graduate with years of training, 
 should be detailed to every five hundred men in such colleges aud 
 universities. The Federal Government, moreover, should provide 
 I'unds and scholarships for the training of young men to become 
 military officers in these institutions. 
 
 1 am assured by President Edmund J. James of the University 
 of Illinois "that if the Federal Government would provide funds 
 and grant scholarships to the amount of say one hundred and fifty 
 dollars a year or two hundred dollars a year for every student in 
 one of these institutions who would take the regular four-year 
 course of military instruction and drill, which could be taken 
 right along with the other course in the University by extending 
 the course say from four years to five, it would be possible to 
 graduate from the University of Illinois, for instance, anywhere 
 from one hundred to two hundred men who would compare very 
 favorably in their general education and specific training witli 
 the graduates at West Point." 
 
 One of the greatest needs of the British and Russian armies 
 at the present time is their need of trained officers to take charge 
 of the enlisted men. We should profit by the examples furnished 
 in this aA\ful war now prevailing in Europe. For defensive pur- 
 poses at least we should have an adequate number of well-drilled 
 men, graduates of our educational institutions who could in case 
 of war take charge of and whip into shape the soldiers who would 
 fly to the defense of their country's integrity. 
 
 Another method of increasing the numbers and ei^ciency of 
 our State militia would be for the Federal Government to make 
 more liberal appropriations for the maintenance of the same. 
 Under the present Federal law, each state receives from the Fed- 
 eral Government the tents, uniforms, arms and equipment used by 
 its militia. No wage is paid the militiamen by the Federal 
 Government. The only wage or compensation that the militiamen 
 in the State of Illinois receive is one dollar a day wdiile actively 
 engaged in maneuvers or when called out for public duty in ease 
 
DUNNE JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 747 
 
 of a riot or other eniergeucies. Oil the average the militiaman in 
 the State of Illinois does not receive to exceed fifteen dollars a 
 year, and that only when he is in active service. 
 
 This beggarly allowance is not attractive to the ordinary 
 farmer, mechanic or clerk. If he joins the militia he is expected 
 to give at least one night a week for drilling purposes in his 
 armory. This continues throughout the entiie year, and for this 
 one night a week he receives not one cent of compensation. Tlie 
 young men who join the National Guard are those who do so for 
 patriotism or love of military association. The surprise is that 
 there are sufficient young men throughout the different states who 
 are willing to give so much of their timt-. without compensation 
 
 All of this should be changed. I believe that any young man 
 who is willing to join the National Guard and become a citizen- 
 soldier should be reasonably compensated for the time that he 
 spends in fitting himself to become a soldier as he would in any 
 other occupation. If a militiaman were paid one dollar for every 
 night that he spent in military training in his drill hall or arsenal 
 with a provision that he would receive no compensation unless 
 he attended at least forty nights during the year, I believe that 
 the National Guard in the State of Illinois, upon such a basis of 
 remuneration, would be increased within one year from the eight 
 thousand militiamen that we now have to one hundred thousand, 
 and I believe that this is true of all of the other states in the 
 Union. Instead of a National Guard of one hundred and twenty 
 thousand men throughout all of the states of the Union I believe 
 that we could easily secure men at such compensation to the num- 
 ber of from one aud a half million to two million men throughout 
 the United States. If this could be accomplished let us compare 
 the burdejis that it would impose upon the public with the bur- 
 dens that w^ould be imposed by maintaining a standing army of 
 the same number. 
 
 If each militiaman w^ere paid at the rate of one dollar a night 
 and the National Guard should be increased to the number of one 
 million men, at forty dollars per year, the aggregate cost w^ould be 
 forty million dollars per annum. If a million men in a standing 
 army were maintained by the United States it would cost six 
 hundred dollars per year per man, the cost in the aggregate being 
 six hundred million dollars. In other words, the Federal Govern- 
 ment under such a plan could maintain a militia of one million 
 men ready to respond to the country's call in time of war for five 
 hundred and sixty million dollars less than it would cost to main- 
 tain a standing army of the same amount of men. 
 
 I am not, and never have been, an advocate of a large stand- 
 ing army in this Republic, but I do believe that the time has come 
 
748 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 ill the history of this Nation when it must be prepared for de- 
 fensive purposes, and to have at least one million men within its 
 borders with military training so they can become the Nation's 
 defenders if the life of the countiy is assailed. 
 
 When I was in Switzerland fifteen years ago I marvelled at 
 the number of trained soldiers that I saw in the little republic, 
 and I asked a native why it was necessary in such a peaceful re- 
 public to maintain so formidable a force of men, to which he re- 
 plied: "These men and our mountains are our only safeguards 
 against aggression. We can only maintain our independence by 
 having these men in readiness against possible invasion." 
 
 Let us be prepared to protect the life of the Nation from 
 aggression from abroad, not by a standing army, at least at 
 present, but by a trained citizen-soldiery that can be maintained 
 without imposing unduly onerous burdens upon the taxpayers of 
 the Nation. As between the Chinese republic with its four hun- 
 dred million inhabitants, without any efficient army, cowering 
 before the militant empire of Japan with its seventy millions 
 population, but with an efficient army, and the little republic of 
 Switzerland standing among the warring nations of Europe and 
 protecting its independence by a trained soldiery, let us rather 
 incline to the fortunate situation of Switzerland that can assert 
 its independence and neutrality in the midst of its warring 
 neighbors. 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 749 
 
 THE HONOR SYSTEM IN ILLINOIS 
 PRISONS. 
 
 Correspondence and Eecommendations, August, 1915. 
 
 In Governor Dunne's inaugural address February 3, 191?, 
 before the Forty-eighth General Assembly of the State of Illinois, 
 he said : 
 
 "Provisions also should be made for the employment of the 
 inmates of our penitentiaries in road work. Primarily, convicts 
 should be used for the preparation of material, either at the peni-^ 
 tentiaries, or at camps, established near natural deposits of stone^ 
 gravel or other material. In the actual construction of highways,, 
 when it becomes necessary, short term prisoners should be 
 employed on an honor system, such as prevails in Colorado. 
 Humanitarian reasons underlie the employment of convicts in the 
 open air work of this sort. The problem of what is going to 
 become of the paroled or discharged convict is largely solved if 
 he is released, healthy in body and in mind, and not debased 
 by associations formed in the debilitating environment of cells 
 and prison workshops. 
 
 "Psychological and physiological considerations enter into 
 the employment of men, on an honor system, in ,the fresh air and 
 sunshine, wherein and whereby they are restored to society with 
 their manhood quickened instead of deadened, or destroyed." 
 
 ADVISES WARDEN ALLEN TO STUDY HONOR SYSTEM 
 
 IN COLORADO. 
 
 In a letter dated August 6, 1913, Governor Dunne directed 
 Warden Edmund M. Allen to investigate the Honor System in 
 Colorado, which letter is as follows: 
 
 "Your letter of recent date to hand. I wish to put in action 
 at the earliest possible moment that scheme of placing convicts 
 on the roads for road making. If you deem it necessary to go to 
 Colorado, do it at once so we can get to work on the matter. 
 
 LAW ENACTED ON RECOMMENDATION OF GOVERNOR 
 
 DUNNE. 
 
 The original law passed by the Forty-eighth General Assem- 
 bly permitting convicts to be employed on the highways, was 
 
750 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 introduced at the Governor's suggestion and passed through the 
 efforts of his friends, v\^hich lav^^ was amended in the Forty-ninth 
 General Assembly, again by the efforts of Governor Dunne's 
 friends — the essential features of which law and amendment are 
 as follows : 
 
 "Be it enacted by the People of the State of Illinois, repre- 
 sented in the General Assembly: That the commissioners of the 
 Northern Illinois Penitentiary, commissioners of the Southern 
 Illinois Penitentiary and the Board of Managers of the Pontiac 
 Beformatory of the State of Illinois are hereby authorized and 
 ■empowered to employ convicts and prisoners in the penal and 
 •reformatory institutions of this State who are sentenced for terms 
 of not more than five years, or who have not more than five years 
 to serve to complete their sentence in working on the public roads 
 or in crushing stones or preparuig other road building materials 
 at points outside the walls of the penal or reformatory institu- 
 tions." 
 
 The amendment of the above law went into effect July 1, 1915, 
 and allows prisoners to be employed as above regardless of the 
 time to be served in prison, and reads as follows : 
 
 "That the commissioners of the Northern Illinois Peniten- 
 tiary, the commissioners of the Southern Illinois Penitentiary, 
 and the Board of Managers of the Pontiac Reformatory of the 
 State of Illinois are hereby authorized and empowered to employ 
 convicts and prisoners in the penal and reformatory institutions 
 of this State in working on the public roads or in crushing stones 
 or preparing other road building materials at points outside the 
 walls of the penal or reformatory institutions. Upon the written 
 request of the commissioners of the highways of anv township 
 in counties under township organization or the commissioners of 
 highways or boards of county commissioners in counties not under 
 township organization, said penitentiary commissioners, and 
 Board of Managers of the Pontiac Reformatory shall detail such 
 convicts or prisoners as in its judgment shall seem proper, not 
 exceeding the number specified in said written request, for em- 
 ployment on the public roads or in the preparation of road build- 
 ing material in the township, road district, or county requesting 
 the same on such terms and conditions as may be described by 
 said penitentiary commissioners or the Board of Managers of the 
 Pontiac Reformatory." 
 
 LETTER GIVING EXTRA TIME FOR LABOR UNDER 
 HONOR SYSTEM. 
 
 On August 22, 1918, the first law for convict labor having 
 gone into eft'ect on July 1, of that year. Governor Dunne, by letter. 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 751 
 
 directed Warden Alien to announce to prisoners under the system 
 the plan by which they were to get one day in three. This letter, 
 which was read at Chester and Joliet, is as follows : 
 
 "Pursuant to my inaugural message, the Legislature has 
 wisely passed a law permitting the utilization of convicts whose 
 unexpired term of imprisonment does not exceed five years, upon 
 the public roads of the State of Illinois, in the way of improving 
 the public higliAvays. 
 
 "This humane measure, in my judgment, will permit many 
 convicts to be engaged in healthful occupation, which will work 
 to the material betterment of these convicts. 
 
 ' ' The law does not provide specifically for any reward to con- 
 victs employed in this manner, but in my discretion as the pos- 
 sessor of the power of pardon and commutation, I have reached 
 the conclusion that all convicts so employed should receive in ad- 
 dition to the good time now allowed them by law a further reward 
 for honest and industrious work thus performed upon the public 
 roads of the State. 
 
 "You can announce to the inmates of your institution that I 
 shall commute the sentence of all employes engaged in this work 
 whom you report to me have honestly and efficiently worked upon 
 the public roads of this State on the following basis: For every 
 three days work honestly and efficiently performed on the roads in 
 the State, I shall commute the sentence of the convict so perform- 
 ing such work to the extent of one day. 
 
 "In other words, for every three days work performed the 
 convict shall receive by executive clemency a reward of one day. 
 The convict so employed for three months shall receive a commu- 
 tation of one month. The convict so employed for three years 
 shall receive a commutation of one year. 
 
 "You are hereby directed to read this letter to the convicts 
 of your institution at your early convenience." 
 
 ON LETTER AVRITING IN PRISONS. 
 
 On October 17, 1913, Governor Dunne addressed the following 
 communication to Warden Allen relative to the letter writing 
 privileges, which reads as follows: 
 
 "A printed pamphlet purporting to be a report of the Super- 
 intendent of the Arizona State prison, of February 1, 1913, has 
 been forwarded to me, in which a comparative statement is made 
 of the privileges given to convicts in the different penitentiaries 
 of the different states, in relation to receiving and writing letters. 
 
 "From this pamphlet it would appear that the rule in Illinois 
 permits the convicts to write one letter every five weeks, and 
 
752 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 that they are allowed to receive all the letters sent them. One 
 daily newspaper is allowed them, also the current magazines and 
 periodicals. 
 
 "This regulation with reference to the writing of letters by 
 the prisoners seems to be much more stringent in Illinois than 
 in almost any other state in the Union. Virginia seems to be the 
 only state that has a more stringent rule, and there they permit 
 Ibe prisoners to write one letter only every two months. 
 
 "I am enclosing herewith a summary of the regulations made 
 in the different states. 
 
 "Would it not be wise in your institution to establish a rule 
 permitting the convicts with good records to write a letter once 
 a week? The convicts with records not perfect one letter in 
 two weeks, and the convicts that have black marks should be only 
 permitted to write one letter a month. 
 
 "I submit the matter for your consideration and advice. 
 Please let me have your views thereon." 
 
 WARDEN ALLEN'S REPLY. 
 
 The following reply from Warden Allen was received Decem- 
 ber 11, 1913 : 
 
 "Replying to your inquiry of yesterday, as to whether there 
 is any limit upon the number of letters that inmates may write 
 when they are permitted to write, 1 will say; that our rules per- 
 mit inmates in the first grade to wi'ite one letter each week. 
 Those in the second grade once in two weeks, while those in the 
 third grade write once in five weeks. 
 
 "If there are any special reasons for writing more than one 
 letter in any of the grades permission is always given the inmate 
 to write as many as the situation may call for. 
 
 "Trusting this will give you the information desired, I am." 
 
 WARDEN ALLEN'S REPORT ON WORKINGS OF HONOR 
 
 CAMP. 
 
 On August 29, 1913, Warden Allen reported to Governor 
 Dunne concerning the workings of the honor system for the first 
 honor camp which had been sent out as follows : 
 
 "I beg to advise that pursuant to your wishes, the men for 
 our first road camp have been selected, and will leave for Dixon, 
 Lee County, early Wednesday morning, September 3. 
 
 "I am absolutely confident of the outcome of this grand 
 policy of yours, and beg to assure you that in my judgment it is 
 the greatest step in the right direction ever taken in Illinois 
 toward solving the great question of convict labor." 
 
DUNNE JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 753 
 
 WARDEN ALLEN'S REPORT ON ALL HONOR CAMPS. 
 
 On December 19, 1914:, AVarden A.llen made the following re- 
 port to Governor Dunne : 
 
 "Tlie first road camp was established at Grand DeTour, a 
 village near Dixon, Illinois, and was called Camp Hope. AVork 
 was commenced September 3, 1913, and fifty-one honor men were 
 sent from the penitentiary to this camp. A road was cut through 
 a hill three-fourths of a mile long, and one mile of grading was 
 completed. No stone was used. This work was finished Febru- 
 ary 10, 1914. The honor men endured the rigors of a severe 
 winter housed in tents furnished by the Adjutant General's de- 
 partment. Immediately after the work was completed, camp 
 was broken and the men proceeded to the Joliet honor farm 
 where they spent the balance of the winter and spring in regu- 
 lating and grading the roads in and about this farm. Of these 
 fifty-one honor men, fifteen have had their sentence commuted; 
 four were paroled; seven returned to the penitentiary; twenty- 
 five were scattered among subsequent road camps and not one 
 escaped. I did not receive from the superintendent of this camp 
 a single complaint against one of these men. There were no 
 punishments; no deprivation of privileges and not one censured. 
 No compensation was received for this work on account of there 
 being no appropriation to meet the expense. 
 
 "The next road camp was established at Starved Rock, near 
 Ottawa, Illinois, and was called Camp Dunne. AVork was com- 
 menced April 27, 1914. In all, seventy-two honor men were as- 
 signed to this camp. A deep cut was made through earth and 
 rock, and one mile of grading was completed. From Starved 
 Rock this camp was moved August 20, 1914, to Mokena, AVill 
 County, Illinois, where one and one-half mile of macadam road- 
 way was completed in twenty-six working days at a cost of $3,000. 
 This work consisted of regulating and grading the existing road- 
 bed, and the laying of an eight-inch base of crushed rock twelve 
 feet in width topped with a three-inch dressing of fine stone 
 thoroughly compressed with road rollers. From Mokena, the 
 camp was moved to Frankfort, AVill County, Illinois, where the 
 men are employed constructing a roadway similar to that built at 
 Mokena, two miles in length and will finish this work on or about 
 December 22, 1914. Of the seventy-two honor men assigned to 
 this camp, twenty-four have had their sentence connnuted ; four 
 returned to the prison; three escaped, one of whom was recap- 
 tured, leaving forty-one men still at work at Camp Diinne. This 
 work cost approximately $3,500 per mile, or about .$500 per mile 
 
754 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 less than at Beecher. This is accounted for by the difference 
 in the length of haul for stone, and I might add that the cost of 
 haul enters largely into the cost of construction. 
 
 ''The next camp was established at Beecher, Illinois, and was 
 called Camp Allen. AVork was commenced June 15, 1914. Sixty- 
 five honor men were assigned to this camp. In all, fourteen miles 
 of macadam roadway was built. This work was finished Novem- 
 ber 24, 1914. The work consisted of regulating and grading the 
 existing roadbed and the laying of an eight-inch base of crushed 
 stone varying in width from ten to twelve feet with a top dressing 
 of fine crushed stone thoroughly compressed by road rollers. Of 
 these sixty-five honor men sent to this camp, thirteen have had 
 their sentences commuted ; one paroled ; two returned to prison, 
 and the balance — forty-nine — transferred to work upon the 
 switch grade at the honor farm during the winter. There was 
 not an escape from this camp. No punishments, no complaints 
 nor deprivations of privileges. I have been unable to obtain 
 any definite figures as to the cost of this work, but am of the 
 opinion from what information I could gather that the road cost 
 approximately $4,000 per mile. 
 
 "February 27, 1914, the Joliet honor farm was opened up. 
 This is the land which was purchased by the new prison com- 
 mission for a site upon which to erect a new prison to supersede 
 the one now in use, and to be constructed along the same lines, 
 with the exception that it was to be larger, more sanitary and 
 l)uilt in such a manner that escapes would be reduced to a mini- 
 mum. The Board of Commissioners took over one thousand 
 acres of this property for the purpose of cultivation and to give 
 outdoor employment to our honor men. In all, 125 men have 
 been transferred to this farm, of whom twenty-four have had 
 their sentences commuted ; nine returned to the prison ; two 
 paroled and nine transferred to the road camps, leaving sixty-one 
 of the original number still at the farm for operating purposes. 
 This number is exclusive of the road men that have been trans- 
 ferred to work there. Two hundred and fifty acres were sown 
 wdth oats, and two hundred acres were seeded at the same time 
 with timothy and clover. Forty acres were seeded with alfalfa, 
 making the largest field of alfalfa in the county." 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 755 
 
 THE LIFE OF JOHN PETER ALTGELD. 
 
 Address, Unveiling His Monument at Chicago, September 6, 
 
 1915. 
 
 Mr. Chairman, Ladies and Gentlemen: 
 
 Robert Emmet said : "A man dies, but his memory lives. ' ' 
 This is intensely true of the man whose statue the State of Illinois 
 unveils today. The man Altgeld is dead, but his memory lives and 
 will continue to live for generations yet to come. 
 
 It was my proud privilege to have known him personally and 
 to have been counted among his friends, and in speaking of him I 
 know whereof I speak. 
 
 He was ever a friend of the common people and his heart was 
 ever full of sympathy for the poor, the lowly and the oppressed. 
 His vigorous voice and powerful pen were ever at the disposal of this 
 class of his fellow citizens. He was the enemy at all times of bood- 
 lers and corruptionists. He fought them in his own party and 
 outside of his own party. He never hesitated to denounce a cor- 
 rupt man in politics, no matter what label he bore or what ticket 
 he voted. 
 
 Preeminently he had the courage of his convictions. He 
 upheld the right and denounced the wrong at all times, under all 
 circumstances and in every place. I know of no man who occupied 
 a position in the public life of this State who had greater moral 
 courage. 
 
 He believed the conviction of the anarchists was the result 
 of a mob's demand, although the mob was clothed in purple and 
 fine linen. When he was elected Governor of this State he had the 
 courage to do what was a most unpopular thing at the time — to 
 pardon the anarchists then confined in Joliet. In so doing he was 
 not content to perform the official act, but went further and gave 
 his reasons in a public declaration which, because of its courage 
 and force, startled the whole community. 
 
 Ilis moral courage was again displayed at the time when Presi- 
 dent Cleveland, without a request from the Governor or Legisla- 
 ture of this State, or the mayor of this city, sent Federal troops into 
 the city of Chicago for the purpose of suppressing riot. Governor 
 Altgeld believed that this act of the President was a violation of 
 the Constitution of the United States and the State of Illinois, and 
 
756 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 holding that belief, he courageously and vigorously protested 
 against what he believed to be an unwarranted act, even though 
 it were committed b}' the President of the United States. 
 
 He was absolutely incorruptible and vigorously honest. When 
 elected Governor of this State he was reputed to be and was a very 
 wealthy man. But his devotion to public interests compelled him 
 to neglect his private business and during his term of office he 
 became seriously embarrassed financially. Yet in spite of his finan- 
 cial embarrassment, this man had the resolute honesty and ironlike 
 integrity which impelled him to refuse a bribe of half a million 
 dollars. 
 
 I know of no man in public life who was so thoroughly devoted 
 tQ the cause of human liberty, whether it was in his own land or 
 in the land of strangers. 
 
 He volunteered as a private soldier in defense of liberty during 
 the Civil War. He fought through that war for the country of his 
 adoption. His voice was often heard in sympathy with the strug- 
 gling people of Ireland and Poland. During the Boer war thou- 
 sands heard his powerful and eloquent pleas in behalf of the strug- 
 gling people of South Africa. Indeed, it might be said that he gave 
 up his life in behalf of the struggling Boers, for on the night of 
 his death and just before he collapsed he delivered one of his most 
 eloquent speeches in behalf of the struggling burghers of South 
 Africa. 
 
 Of him it might well be said : 
 
 "Whether on the scaffold high, 
 
 Or in the hattle's van, 
 The fittest place where man can die. 
 
 Is where he dies for man." 
 
 And yet, this man whose heart went out to the suffering, 
 the Aveak, and the oppressed, this man who fought to preserve 
 the liberty of his own country and who spoke for the liberties of 
 other peoples, this man who during his whole life was honest and 
 incorruptible, this man who advocated naught but justice and 
 truth and equality and liberty for all men, was probably more 
 maligned, misrepresented and vilified than any man that ever 
 appeared in the history of this State. 
 
 Because he stood for the common people in their struggle 
 to maintain human rights as against capitalized privilege, he 
 became the target of a scandalous and mendacious press, and 
 against him was directed all the calumny and invective of which 
 it was capable. These indecent and unjust attacks upon him 
 made the people cling to him during his life and make them now 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 757 
 
 revere and honor his memory. The sovereign people of the great 
 State of Illinois, in the erection and dedication of this monument, 
 now make reparation and do honor to his memory. 
 
 Men have risen to prominence and achieved distinction dur- 
 ing the thirty years that I have lived in this city. Great mer- 
 chants have amassed their millions and passed away to the great 
 beyond. Eminent lawyers have risen to high rank in their pro- 
 fession and left their impress in the courts. Skilful surgeons 
 have occupied the public attention, achieved distinction and gone 
 their way. But I know of no man, who has lived and worked and 
 died in the city of Chicago, that has left such a powerful impress 
 upon its history and the history of Illinois, or whose memory is 
 now and will continue to be more revered than John Peter 
 Altgeld, to whose honor the State of Illinois unveils this statue 
 here today. 
 
 But he has left behind him a monument greater than this 
 monument of stone and bronze. As the years roll by and the 
 physical shape of Altgeld is falling into dust and fading from 
 the memory of those who knew it, the historical figure of Altgeld 
 looms, through the vanishing fog of misrepresentation, larger, 
 clearer and grander. His works and words are preserved in 
 history and make for him a monuuient in the hearts of all men 
 and women who love truth, justice, humanity and courage. 
 
 "Well may it be said of this great friend of the weak and 
 lowly, who offered his life for his country at 16 and sacrificed it 
 for humanity at 55, in the words of the poet Pope : 
 
 "Statesman, yet friend to truth, of soul sincere. 
 In action faithful and in honor clear." 
 
758 DUNNE JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 DEFENDS CONVICTS WORKING ON 
 ROADS. 
 
 To THE Manufacturers News, Chicago, September 13, 1915. 
 
 A. clipping from your paper contains a flippant editorial in 
 which yoLi say "We should like to ask Governor Dunne under 
 what statute the men (convicts working the roads) are taken 
 from the penitentiary, given the rights of citizenship and the 
 practical liberty of the prodigal son?" 
 
 For your information the Governor will state that they have 
 not heeii given the rights of citizenship, nor the practical liberty 
 of the prodigal son. They are still unpardoned convicts, denied the 
 ordinary rights of citizenship, but permitted under a humane law, 
 prepared by myself and recommended for passage to the Legis- 
 lature, and passed by that Legislature June 28, 1913, to do honest 
 and healthy work for the State. (Page 581, session laws of 
 Illinois, 1913.) 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 759 
 
 ON THE OPENING OF THE DIXIE 
 HIGHWAY. 
 
 Address by Governor Dunne at Danville, III., October 9, 1915. 
 
 Mr. CJmirman and Gentlemen: 
 
 The two main essentials for the future development of the 
 State of Illinois are the development of its highways and water- 
 ways. Although this State is the first in agricultural develop- 
 ment, first in railway development, second in the production of 
 all wealth among the states of the United States, third in popu- 
 lation and commercial and political importance, and third in 
 nearly everything in which she is not first or second, there is one 
 notable exception. 
 
 Among the states of the United States, Illinois is twenty- 
 third in the development of her highways. This is not only a 
 disgrace to the State, but a limitation upon its future develop- 
 ment of a serious character. 
 
 Even without decent highways the land of the State of 
 Illinois, per acre, is worth nearly three times the average of the 
 land of the United States. "What would be its value if its road- 
 waj^s were developed? Probably four or five times the average 
 value of the land of the United States. It is time, therefore, 
 that the State of ' Illinois should arouse itself from its lethargy 
 in the way of road building. It is the duty of every citizen to 
 become interested in the road development of our State. 
 
 Within the last two years, however, I am glad to say that 
 lethargy is disappearing. Men who two years ago in the State 
 of Illinois opposed the levying of taxation for the improvement 
 of highways today have become warm converts to road develop- 
 ment and favor the issuance of bonds and liberal taxation for 
 road development. 
 
 Every prosperous farmer in the State now owns his auto- 
 mobile and is contemplating the use of tractor plows and tractor 
 machinery. The improvement of the roads will enable the 
 farmers to market the products of their farms cheaper and more 
 quickly and will lessen the cost of hauling the same to the rail- 
 roads. This cheapening of cost in getting his products to the 
 markets naturally increases the value of the farmer's land. 
 
760 DUNNE JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 For every dollar that he pays in the way of taxation for 
 the improvement of roads in his county, in my judgment, it w^ill 
 be returned to the farmer ten-fold in the enhanced value of his 
 farm. 
 
 Let us then all participate in the movement for the develop- 
 ment of good roads in our State and for connecting our State 
 with the other states of the Union. The Dixie Highway is a 
 movement in this direction and a sane and sensible one, and I am 
 here today to indicate that the administration of the State of 
 Illinois is in favor of the Dixie Highway and all movements 
 looking towards the speedy and sensible development of the 
 highways of our State. 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 761 
 
 ON A CITIZEN SOLDIERY. 
 
 Address Dedicating New Armory, Quincy, Illinois, October 12, 
 
 1915. 
 
 3Ir. Chairman, Ladies and Gentlemen: 
 
 It gives me pleasure, as Chief Executive of this State, to be 
 present aud participate with you in the dedication of the new 
 armory erected for the purpose of housing the National Guard 
 in your city. 
 
 At no time in the histor}^ of this country has there been 
 greater necessity of liberality of treatment of the citizen-soldiery 
 of the Republic. For over a century it has been the policy of this 
 Republic to discountenance the creation of a large standing army. 
 Isolated, as this Nation has been by two oceans from the great 
 military nations of the world, we have been developing the arts 
 of peace and not the science of war. 
 
 We have rested secure in the belief that, because we had no 
 national lust of territory or conquest upon this continent, no 
 quarrels with the other nations of the world and no occasion to 
 build up a formidable military armament, Ave could proceed along 
 the even tenor of our way, developing the industries of the coun- 
 try and relying upon immiuiity from assault by reason of our 
 isolation. 
 
 During the progress, however, of the great conflict now 
 raging in Europe, it has been brought home to us that the tre- 
 mendous development of naval armaments, particularly has placed 
 this country in a position where it can be assaulted from abroad 
 probably within two weeks after a declaration of war. That our 
 isolation has become a thing of the past, and that in the event 
 of a declaration of war upon us by any of the first-class powers 
 of the world we would be in a lamentable state of unprepared- 
 ness for defense, is not doubted by many. 
 
 The enormous wealth of the country and it<=' military un- 
 preparedness in themselves create a temptation for any first-class 
 power to act with insolence and aggression towards this country 
 in the event of diplomatic misunderstanding. This situation is 
 being brought home upon the minds of the American people with 
 tremendous force as the European war progresses and Ave Avatch 
 the great strides made in the science of modern Avarfare. 
 
762 DUNNE— JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 Our country is rich with factories in which the modern im- 
 plements of war can be turned out with great rapidity, but all of 
 these factories are located within a radius of one hundred and 
 fifty miles of New York City, and upon the eastern seaboard. 
 With the tremendous naval equipment now possessed by some of 
 the first-class powers of the world and with the tremendous stand- 
 ing armies that they now have, fully equij^ped for modern war- 
 fare, in case of difficulty between this country and any of these 
 great nations, it is claimed by some military experts that a mod- 
 ern, well equipped army of two or three hundred thousand men 
 could be landed upon our eastern seaboard within thirty days 
 after a declaration of war. 
 
 The gravity of the situation has forced upon the American 
 people the contemplation of wdiat steps should be taken to place 
 this Nation in a state of reasonable defense against possible in- 
 vasion. But few of us believe that even in this situation there 
 is any justification for the creation and maintenance of a large 
 standing army. Its cost would be intolerable and its advocacy 
 unpopular to the American mind, but that our present state of 
 unpreparedness must be altered I think cannot be doubted by 
 any thoughtful person. 
 
 From the bellicose jingo who would involve this country in a 
 foreign war upon slight provocation to the peace-at-any-price 
 citizen, all of us have been seriously considering the question as 
 to whether our military and naval armament ought not be in- 
 creased, at least for defensive purposes. That we have in the 
 United States at the present time, in comparison with the great 
 nations of Europe, but a meager force of soldiers and sailors 
 cannot be denied. 
 
 The Army of the United States consists of but one man in each 
 one thousand inhabitants, while in the British army there are 
 seventeen soldiers to each one thousand inhabitants ; in Russia 
 twenty-eight to each one thousand inhabitants, in France thirty- 
 four to each one thousand inhabitants, in Germany fifty-one to 
 each one thousand inhabitants, and in Itah'- fifty-seven to each 
 one thousand inhabitants. 
 
 As to whether our soldiery should be increased, at least for 
 defensive purposes, there does not seem to be muen doubt among 
 thoughtful men. Whether the increase must be in the nature 
 of a standing army or an increase in citizen-soldiery is a question 
 about which there is room for legitimate debate. 
 
 If war were to be declared against this country by one of the 
 six greatest nations of Europe it must be conceded that the 
 United States in its present condition of land and naval forces 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 763 
 
 would be in a sorry predicament. For offensive warfare our land 
 forces are so small as to be regarded with ridicule. 
 
 We are sadly and grossly unprepared even for a defensive 
 war. For the protection of the autonomy of the Nation we ought 
 then to be in a better state of preparedness and ought to have a 
 larger force of men trained for military purposes. Must this 
 force necessarily be a large standing army, thus imposing burdens 
 of taxation upon the Nation that it has hitherto been unaccus- 
 tomed to? I do not think a large standing army is essential for 
 the protection of the Nation. A citizen-soldiery brought this Re- 
 public into being, a citizen-soldiery in the main has carried on 
 three wars successfully with other nations, and a citizen-soldiery 
 in the main saved this Republic from dissolution in one of the 
 greatest rebellions in history. I know of no reason why with an 
 adequate navy, super and submarine, that a citizen-soldiery of 
 land forces cannot be the main reliance of this Republic in the 
 future. 
 
 A large standing army has been, and always will be, an enor- 
 mous expense to any nation. I think I am within the bounds 
 of truth when I claim that it costs this Nation at least $600 a year 
 to feed, clothe and pay each enlisted soldier. The wages in the 
 United States Army vary from fifteen to ninety-nine dollars per 
 month, outside of clothing, food and equipment. If we were to 
 increase our standing army from 100,000 men to 1,000,000, it 
 would, therefore, cost us $600,000,000 a year to pay these soldiers 
 their wages, and feed and clothe them, aside from military equip- 
 ment. If we were to maintain a standing army in proportion 
 to population such as Great Britain maintained before the out- 
 break of hostilities, it Avould cost us nearly $1,200,000,000 a year. 
 Such a frightful increase in the burdens of taxation which would 
 be occasioned by the maintenance of such an army in the United 
 States must give serious concern to all citizens contemplating 
 such a prospect. 
 
 There is another alternative. It is the citizen-soldiery of the 
 Nation. Not such a citizen-soldiery, however, as is now main- 
 tained in the National Guards of the different states. The pres- 
 ent militia of all of the different states of the United States is 
 wholly inadequate for the defense of the Nation. In 1913, the 
 total militia of the National Guards of all the states aggregated 
 approximately 120,000 men. Such a number of men would be 
 wholly inadequate for the defense of the Nation in ease of war 
 with any first-class power. 
 
 To rely upon the regular army of 100,000 men and a militia of 
 120,000 men which. we now maintain would be an act of supreme 
 folly. The citizen-soldiery of the Republic must be reorganized. 
 
764 DUNNE JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 regenerated and enormously increased. There should be a body of 
 citizen-soldiery trained to the use of arms, organized and main- 
 tained throughout the different states of the United States in the 
 aggregate of at least 1.000,000 men. How can this be accomplished 
 without imposing too great a hardship upon its members and upon 
 the taxpayers of the Nation? It can be accomplished by the 
 adoption of two measures. 
 
 First. By requiring every college and university in the United 
 States which receives from any state or from the Federal Govern- 
 ment any support or appropriation of money, to give a military 
 training to its students during the four years of the university or 
 college course. As part of the physical and mental education of 
 the student, he should be compelled, as part of his curriculum, 
 to devote sufficient time to enable him to become a well-informed 
 soldier in time of war. That this can easily be accomplished is 
 proven by what has already been accomplished in some of the 
 universities. 
 
 Years ago the Federal Government made land grants to the 
 University of Illinois, requiring, as one of the considerations 
 therefor, a regular military drill among its students. Today at 
 Urbana, Illinois, the seat of this university, there are among its 
 5,000 students, 1,800 fairly well drilled young men who have re- 
 ceived a military training under the supervision of the Federal 
 officer detailed for that purpose. Next year there will be about 
 2,000 of these young men who will be receiving such a training. 
 I am informed that there are sixty land grant colleges and univer- 
 sities in the United States where doubtless such provisions are 
 being, or should ])e, enforced. 
 
 The military training given these young men, however, at the 
 present time is meager and inadequate. It is difficult to secure 
 from the Federal Government sufficient trained officers to give 
 them the thorough military training that they might receive, if 
 properly officered. Only one trained Federal officer is detailed to 
 the great University of Illinois to give military training to nearly 
 2,000 young men. The system should be changed. At least one 
 officer, a West Point graduate with years of training, should be 
 detailed to every 500 men in such colleges and universities. The 
 Federal Government, moreover, should provide funds and scholar- 
 ships for the training of young men to become military officers in 
 these institutions. 
 
 One of the greatest needs of the British and Russian armies 
 at the present time is trained officers to take charge of enlisted 
 men. We should profit by the examples furnished in this awful 
 war now prevailing in Europe. For defensive purposes, at least, 
 we should have an adequate number of well drilled men, grad- 
 
DUNNE JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 765 
 
 uates of our educational institutions who could, in case of war, 
 take charge of and whip into shape the soldiers who would fly to 
 the defense of tlieir country's integrity. 
 
 Another method of increasing the numbers and efficiency of 
 our state militia would be for the Federal Government to make 
 more liberal appropriations for the maintenance of the same. 
 Under Ihe present Federal law, each state receives from the 
 Federal Government the tents, uniforms, arms and equipment used 
 by its militia. No wage is paid the militiamen by the Federal 
 Government. The only wage or compensation that the militiamen 
 in the State of Illinois receives is one dollar a day while actively 
 engaged in maneuvers or when called out for public duty in case 
 of riot or other emergencies. On the average the militiamen in 
 the State of Illinois do not receive to exceed fifteen dollars a 
 year, and that only when he is in active service. 
 
 This beggarly allowance is not attractive to the ordinary 
 farmer, mechanic or clerk. If he joins the militia he is expected to 
 give at least one night a week for drilling purposes in his armory. 
 This continues throughout the entire year, and for this one night a 
 week he receives not one cent of compensation. The young men 
 who join the National Guard are those who do so for patriotism or 
 love of military association. The surprise is that there are sufficient 
 young men throughout the different states who are willing to give 
 so much of their time without compensation. 
 
 All of this should be changed. I believe that any young man 
 who is willing to join the National Guard and become a citizen- 
 soldier should be reasonably compensated for the time that he 
 spends in fitting himself to become a soldier as he would in any 
 other occupation. If a militiaman were paid one dollar for every 
 night that he spent in military training in his drill hall or arsenal 
 with a provision that he would receive no compensation unless he 
 attended at least forty nights during the year, I believe that the 
 National Guard in the State of Illinois, upon such a basis of remun- 
 eration," would be increased within one year from the 8,000 militia- 
 men that we now have to 100,000, and I believe that this is true of 
 all of the other states in the Union. Instead of a National Guard 
 of 120,000 throughout all of the states of the Union, I believe that 
 we could easily secure men, at such compensation, to the number 
 of from 1,500,000 to 2,000,000 men throughout the United States. 
 If this could be accomplished, let us compare the burdens that it 
 would impose upon the public with the burdens that would be im- 
 posed by maintaining a standing army of the same number. 
 
 If each militiaman were paid at the rate of one dollar a night 
 and the National Guard should be increased to the number of 
 1,000,000, at forty dollars per year, the aggregate cost would be 
 
766 DUNNE— JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 $40,000,000 per auninu. If 1,000,000 men in a standing army were 
 maintained by the United States, it would cost $600 per year per 
 man, the cost in the aggregate being $600,000,000. In other words 
 the Federal Government, under such a plan, could maintain a 
 militia of 1,000,000 men ready to respond to the country's call in 
 time of war for $560,000,000 less than it would cost to maintain 
 a standing army of the same amount of men. 
 
 I am not, and never have been, an advocate of a large standing 
 army in this Republic, but I do believe that the time has come in 
 the history of this Nation, when it must be prepared for defensive 
 purposes, and to have at least 1,000,000 men within its borders 
 with military training, so they can become the Nation's defenders, 
 if the life of the country is assailed. This is the reason why the 
 State of Illinois, during the last three years, has been liberal in 
 its appropriations for the maintenance of armories throughout the 
 State. The following statement shows where armories were 
 erected during the last three years and the cost of the same : 
 
 Chicago, Second Infantry $470,825.00 
 
 Chicago, Eighth Infantry 194,424.66 
 
 Chicago, First Cavalry (appropriated for, 
 
 plans drawn and ready for construction) 225,000.00 
 
 Aurora 47,000.00 
 
 Galesburg 50,000.00 
 
 Kewanee 20,000.00 
 
 • Ottawa 44,600.00 
 
 Quincy 65,000.00 
 
 Woodstock 28,000.00 
 
 Kankakee 75,000.00 
 
 Monmouth 50,000.00 
 
 Peoria 50,000.00 
 
 $1,319,849.66 
 
 The last three named were appropriated for and plans and 
 building are in process of consummation. 
 
 The appropriations made by the Forty-seventh and Forty- 
 eighth and Forty-ninth General Assemblies of the state of Illinois 
 for housing the National Guard amount to the sum of $1,319,849.66. 
 
 Another suggestion which I deem of importance is the location 
 of arsenals and ammunition factories in the heart of the Mississippi 
 valley. 
 
 I was surprised upon visiting the United States arsenal at Rock 
 Island sometime ago, to discover that no munitions, guns, rifles and 
 other arms were being manufactured there, and that the only things 
 manufactured were blankets, harness, saddles and other equipment 
 of this character. 
 
DUNNE JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 767 
 
 In the event of invasion and the capture of our ammunition 
 factories along the eastern seaboard, it would require a great deal 
 of valuable time to build up and equip factories for the manufacture 
 of firearms and ammunition within the heart of the Nation. 
 
 I, therefore, favor the building and equipment of armories and 
 ammunition factories in the Mississippi valley and I know of no 
 place in the valley, better suited for this purpose than the State of 
 Illinois, which is the railway center of the United States, and which 
 has waterway transportation by the lake on one side and by the 
 Mississippi River to the south on the other side. Why should not 
 a second West Point be located near Chicago on the lake, or upon 
 the Mississippi River? 
 
 When I was in Switzerland fifteen years ago I marvelled at 
 the number of trained soldiers that I saw in the little republic, and 
 I asked a native why it was necessary in such a peaceful republic 
 to maintain so formidable a force of men, to which he replied: 
 "These men and our mountains are our only safeguards against 
 aggression. We can only maintain our independence by having 
 these men in readiness against possible invasion. ' ' 
 
 Let us be prepared to protect the life of the Nation from aggres- 
 sion from abroad, not by a large standing army, at least at present, 
 but by a trained citizen-soldiery that can be maintained without 
 imposing unduly onerous burdens upon the taxpayers of the Nation. 
 As between the Chinese republic with its 400.000,000 inhabitants, 
 without any efficient army, cowering before the militant empire of 
 Japan with its 70,000,000 population, but with an efficient army, 
 and the little republic of Switzerland, standing among the warring 
 nations of Europe and protecting its independence by a trained 
 soldiery, let us rather incline to the fortunate situation of Switzer- 
 land tliat can assert its independence and neutrality in the midst of 
 its warring neighbors. 
 
768 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 ANSWERS AN ATTACK ON DR. O. E. 
 
 DYSON. 
 
 Statement to the Public, October 24, 1915. 
 
 I am today in receipt of a letter from Dr. 0. E. Dyson, State 
 Veterinarian, and believe that the statements therein contained 
 are correct in every particular. 
 
 If Congressman Eainey or any one else has any proof that 
 any of his statements are false, I would be glad to have him pro- 
 duce the proof and give same to the public. 
 
 Congressman Rainey gives six reasons, in a letter he is sup- 
 posed to have sent to me, but which I have not received up to the 
 present time, and M'hich is printed in the Chicago Tribune of 
 Friday, October 22, 1915, why Dr. Dyson should be removed 
 from office, and which are as follows : 
 
 First. "Dr. Dyson, before you appointed him, was in the 
 employ of the Chicago packers." Dr. Dyson before his appoint- 
 ment had been in the employ of the Chicago packers but he had 
 also been in the employ of the Federal Bureau of Animal Indus- 
 try for nearly twice as long, and at the time of his appointment 
 was not in the employ and had not been in the employ of the 
 packers or the Federal Government for about ten months. 
 
 Second. "The Chicago packers have made some millions of 
 dollars out of his administration of the Illinois quarantine." I 
 am not informed as to the profits of the packers, but if they have 
 made any money out of the administration of the Illinois quaran- 
 tine, that quarantine has been conducted along the lines laid 
 down by the Federal Bureau of Animal Industry, excepting dur- 
 ing the months of November and December of 1914, and January 
 of 1915, when Dr. Dyson opened up to the stock raisers of the 
 State of Illinois a market for their cattle without producing a 
 single case of infection at the markets and at a saving for the 
 live stock producers of the State in the quarantined area of 
 millions of dollars, which otherwise they would have lost. 
 
 Third. "Although he has been a trusted employe of the pack- 
 ers in Chicago, working for them and their interests for a long 
 time prior to your appointment of him to his present position, he 
 filed with you not a single endorsement from any of them ; a fact 
 in itself most suspicious." I did not request endorsements from 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 769 
 
 the packers. Congressman Rainey in a letter to me dated Oc- 
 tober 8 complained "Yon did not send me a complete list, how- 
 ever, of his endorsers. What I am anxious to have is the names 
 of the Chicago packers who endorsed Dr. Dyson. I understand 
 that he was unanimously endorsed by the Chicago packers. In 
 one breath Congressman Rainey criticizes me for having endorse- 
 ment of Chicago packers, which I did not have, and in the next 
 breath criticizes me for not having endorsements from these same 
 packers. 
 
 Fourth. "His management of the Illinois quarantine has cost 
 the State and Nation over $4,000,000. As many cases have de- 
 veloped in Illinois remote from the point of original infection 
 as have developed in all other states." This is a mere assertion 
 of Mr. Rainey 's and is not backed up by any proof, and I do 
 not, with all deference to Mr. Rainey, believe that it is true. 
 
 Fifth. "He has cost the State and Nation more than any other 
 citizen wdio ever lived in Illinois." This is another mere asser- 
 tion of Mr. Rainey 's and is not backed up by any proof, and I do 
 not believe, with all deference to Mr. Rainey, that it is worthy 
 of credence. 
 
 Sixth. "His regulation of the Illinois quarantine has been so 
 bad and so incompetent that it has been frequently criticized and 
 condemned to me and to others by the officials of the Bureau of 
 Animal Industry here in Washington." I call upon Congress- 
 man Rainey to give me the name or names of the gentleman or 
 gentlemen who have made this criticism, and the criticism, and 
 the date thereof. 
 
 -25 
 
770 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 DEFENDS INTEGRITY OF WATERWAY 
 LEGISLATION. 
 
 In REPLY TO Attack by Congressman Rainey, October 24, 1915. 
 
 In relation to the statement of Congressman Rainey in to- 
 day's papers, Governor Dunne issued a statement: "It is diffi- 
 cult for me," said the Governor, "fittingly to characterize the 
 extraordinary statements made by Congressman Rainey concern- 
 ing the Illinois Waterway, or answer him dispassionately. But I 
 shall endeavor so to do. His statements concerning the waterway 
 are full of assertions which are reckless of facts. 
 
 "That part of the Congressman's statement regarding graft 
 in the waterway law is so wildly absurd as to be grotesque. The 
 Congressman states his greatest objection to the w^aterway is 
 that it contains $700,000 in graft. This is most assuredly news 
 to me. The Congressman states that there will be paid out in 
 salaries, for fees to experts and officials, $700,000. Where the 
 Congressman gets that information I am at a loss to understand. 
 The salaries of four commissioners are $5,000 a year and that of 
 the president $6,000. The law also provides necessarily for the 
 employment of a secretary, attorneys and engineers and their 
 assistants. Certainly the law provides for nothing that could 
 be tortured into graft. He further says: 'This enormous sum 
 of money (referring to the $700,000 so-called graft) will make it 
 possible for every member of the Legislature to obtain four or 
 five good positions on the waterway project for his constituents.' 
 As a matter of fact most of the work on the proposed waterway 
 will be done by dredging machines and members of the Dredging 
 Machine Union. I am told that there is not a closer union in the 
 world and that the blue card of the union is more potent to secure 
 that kind of employment than a bushel of political endorsements. 
 
 "He says the law is 'rotten all the way through.' It is so 
 'rotten' as to have received overwhelming approval from such 
 organizations as the Chicago Association of Commerce, the Rivers 
 and Lakes Commission of this State, and the Peoria Association 
 of Commerce, the Joliet Association of Commerce, the LaSalle 
 Association of Commerce, the Peru Association of Commerce, the 
 Cairo Association of Commerce, the Chicago Federation of Labor, 
 the Chicago Real Estate Board, the Illinois Society of Engineers 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 771 
 
 and Surveyors, the River Terminal Conference of eight Mississippi 
 valley states, held in St. Louis, February 19, 1915 ; the National 
 Rivers and Harbors Congress, Illinois delegation. 
 
 ''It also received the endorsement of the Illinois Press Asso- 
 ciation, the Chicago Tribune, Chicago Daily News, Chicago Jour- 
 nal, Chicago Examiner, Chicago Herald, the Springfield Register, 
 the Springfield Journal, the Springfield News-Record, Bushnell 
 Record, Belleville News, Aurora Beacon-News, Rockford Star, 
 Bloomington Pantagraph, the Bloomington Bulletin, and most of 
 the other important and influential newspapers of Illinois. The 
 Davenport Press of Davenport, Iowa, and the St. Louis Globe- 
 Democrat, of Missouri, have likewise endorsed it. 
 
 ''In fact I have not heard of a commercial association, labor 
 organization, engineering body or influential newspaper that op- 
 posed the project. 
 
 "United States Senators James Hamilton Lewis and Lawrence 
 Y. Sherman both addressed a joint session of the Legislature in 
 favor of the enactment of the project into law. Carter H. Har- 
 rison, former mayor of Chicago, and William Hale Thompson, 
 present mayor of Chicago, have also endorsed it. 
 
 "Although there was a considerable Republican majority in 
 the House of Representatives and the project was recommended 
 by a Democratic Governor, yet the bill passed that body by a 
 vote of 107 to 4:1. 
 
 "When the bill came up for hearing in the Senate, Congress- 
 man Rainey, at his request, was given an opportunity to express 
 his views before the Senate body concerning the bill. He op- 
 posed it as bitterly and as recklessly and offensively as he does 
 now. Samuel Alschuler, lately appointed to the Federal bench 
 by President Wilson, spoke at the same hearing in favor of the 
 bill. There was full and complete discussion and although the 
 Senate, too, was Republican, the bill likewise passed the Senate 
 by a vote of 33 to 9. 
 
 "It would be hard to believe that the associations, the news- 
 papers and the individuals that endorsed the waterway project 
 would have done so if there had been any suspicion of graft or 
 rottenness in connection with it. 
 
 "The Congressman has always demanded and now demands a 
 fourteen-foot channel in the waterway. This demand, in view of 
 the fact that there is only eight foot in the Mississippi into which 
 the Illinois empties, has retarded the construction of the water- 
 way for years. A fourteen-foot channel now when the Mississippi 
 has only eight foot Avould be immensely more costly and plainly 
 impracticable at the present time. 
 
772 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 ' ' The proposed waterway follows the Illinois River for forty- 
 five miles and the old canal for about twenty. The principal 
 water power developed will be at Starved Rock, a public park 
 owned by the State. 
 
 ' ' So long as I am Governor there will be no graft in connection 
 with the construction of the Illinois waterway. Congressman 
 Rainey's assertions to the contrary notwithstanding. 
 
 "The advantages that will accrue to the State from the con- 
 struction of the Illinois waterway are tremendous and I trust 
 that the commencement of the work on this immense project will 
 be but little longer delayed. ' ' 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 773 
 
 DEFENDS HIS VETO OF APPROPRIA- 
 TIONS. 
 
 Statement Upon the Decision of the Supreme Court in the 
 Fergus Case, November 10, 1915. 
 
 In disposing of the Fergus case, the Supreme Court declares 
 that in "drawing a strict line betv^^een an officer and an employe 
 and holding that the pay of no officer can be provided for in any 
 other appropriation bill than one for the pay of members and 
 officers of the General Assembly and officers of the State govern- 
 ment, a difficult task is set for the Legislature to determine who 
 are and who are not officers." This difficult task, however, must 
 be faced by every Legislature in the future with the possibility of 
 the same mistakes being made that have been made by Legis- 
 latures in the past. 
 
 The Fergus decision will have the effect of comDcUing the 
 greatest care and caution in the enactment of appropriation bills. 
 The net financial results of the Fergus suit, however, in so far 
 as they have been disposed of by the Supreme Court, are not 
 advantageous to the taxpayers of the State of Illinois. 
 
 The total amount of appropriations vetoed by the Governor 
 aggregate $2,270,045. Of this aggregate, $1,743,038 were vetoes 
 vetoing single appropriations or single items of an appropriation 
 which were not disturbed by the Supreme Court's decision. The 
 remaining vetoes held to be invalid aggregate $527,007, being 
 vetoes sought to be exercised by the Governor by reducing 
 amounts in items of appropriations. As the result of the argu- 
 ments in the Fergus case, these attempted reductions have been 
 held to be invalid, and the appropriations sought to be reduced 
 are permitted to stand in full as passed by the General Assembly, 
 thus adding to the expenses of the State and a consequent loss 
 to the taxpayers. The foregoing figures have been carefully 
 compiled and reported to me by the Legislative Reference Bureau. 
 
 To this increase of appropriations must be added the cost of 
 a special session necessitated by the fact that the Legislature, in 
 making appropriations in the State Officers' Bill and in the Omni- 
 bus Bill, classed some of the employes of the State as State officers 
 and some of the State officers as employes. This latter mistake 
 
774 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 arose from the fact that the members of the Legislature were 
 unable to determine whether certain positions were, according to 
 law% State offices or positions of employment, as has been the 
 case with members of the Legislature for many years past. 
 
 I fear that future Legislatures will find themselves in the 
 same predicament and that these mistakes are liable to occur 
 even when great care is taken. 
 
 In the effort to hold the appropriations within reasonable 
 bounds, I used the veto power quite vigorously, and this year the 
 vetoes of appropriations exceeded, so far as I can ascertain from 
 the Legislative Reference Bureau, any vetoes ever exercised by 
 any former Governor of the State. I can find no vetoes of ap- 
 propriations for the Forty-fourth General Assembly. Vetoes of 
 succeeding Assemblies w^ere as f ollow^s : 
 
 45th, 1907-8 $ 647,500 
 
 46th, 1909-10 52.500 
 
 47th, 1911-12 _ 10,000 
 
 48th, 1913-14 1,130,000 
 
 49th (last Assembly) 2,270,045 
 
 The only apparent saving accomplished by the Fergus litiga- 
 tion, as against the enormous losses heretofore referred to, are the 
 amounts held by the Supreme Court to be invalid, which were 
 appropriated for legislative committees, the aggregate appro- 
 priations for such committees being only $43,422.11. 
 
 A special session of the Legislature, under the circumstances, 
 is absolutely imperative at an early date for the following 
 reasons : 
 
 First. The tax rate levy of the State must be fixed in the 
 month of December. 
 
 Second. A large number of officers and employes of the State 
 have been working without compensation for some time past and 
 have been living from hand to mouth with the assistance of 
 money loaners, Avho have, I fear, taken advantage of their neces- 
 sities. 
 
 The members of the Legislature had better, therefore, hold 
 themselves in readiness for an early session, not later than Mon- 
 da}', the 22d instant. 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 775 
 
 ILLINOIS' PLANS FOR WATERWAYS. 
 
 Address at Davenport, Iowa, No\t:mber 11, 1915. 
 
 Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen : 
 
 It gives me great pleasure to be present today in a community 
 that has always shown such an active and intelligent interest in 
 the development of waterway transportation upon the Mississippi 
 River and its tributaries. 
 
 I recognize the fact that the people of Davenport, Rock 
 Island and Moline are firmly of the opinion that waterway trans- 
 portation should be developed in the interests of the whole com- 
 munity. That it was largely through your efforts that the Henne- 
 pin canal connecting the Mississippi River with the Illinois River 
 was constructed by the Federal Government, and that you are 
 alive to the necessity of having that canal connected not only with 
 the Illinois River, but with Lake Michigan by the construction 
 of a waterway which will enable you to transact commercial 
 business not only down the IMississippi River, but with the Great 
 Lakes. I have been reliably informed that you have in the city 
 of Davenport a publicly owned waterway terminal which is among 
 the best and most modern of its kind. It was largely for the 
 purpose of visiting and becoming acquainted with this terminal 
 that I determined to accept the kind invitation of your committee 
 and be present with you today. 
 
 Waterway transportation has been largely retarded in the 
 past by the opposition of the railroad interests and by these in- 
 terests acquiring and monopolizing the most suitable waterway 
 terminals. A time has come in the transportation problem of the 
 Nation when, in my judgment, the opposition of the railroads is 
 being weakened or is withdrawn. The railroads, I believe, even 
 in the judgment of their owners, are not adequate to cope with 
 the full transportation of all commodities. The more bulky and 
 cheaper commodities cannot be handled by the railroads to their 
 entire satisfaction nor to the satisfaction of the public. There is 
 room for waterway transportation without cutting into the most 
 profitable railway transportation. This situation, I believe, is 
 accentuated and intensified in the IMississippi valley, particularly, 
 by the opening of the Panama canal. 
 
776 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 The opening of the Panama canal is revolutionizing the com- 
 merce of the western world. Since its opening it has been found 
 by manufacturers in the State of Illinois and surrounding states 
 that it is cheaper and more satisfactory to ship certain classes 
 of merchandise from the State of Illinois to the eastern seaboard 
 and thence by ocean steamers to the Pacific coast, than to ship 
 it direct by rail from these same states to the Pacific coast. This 
 situation creates a serious handicap for the manufacturers in the 
 northern section of the Mississippi valley. In other words, eastern 
 manufacturers wdio compete ^^•ith the manufacturers in the Mis- 
 sissippi valley have an advantage in shipping to the Pacific coast 
 of the difference in the cost of transportation between the Mis- 
 sissippi valley and New York. The only way to eliminate this 
 handicap is to develop the waterway transportation of the Mis- 
 sissippi valley down the valley to New Orleans. That city is 
 nearly nine hundred miles nearer the Pacific coast than the city 
 of New York, and shipments from New Orleans through the 
 Panama canal will be necessarily cheaper than tlie same ship- 
 ments from the eastern seaboard. 
 
 The manufacturers of the Mississippi valley are alive to the 
 importance of the situation, and 1 am pleased to say that it was 
 largely through the ardent and intelligent support that they 
 gave to the Governor and Legislature of my State that the last 
 Legislature of Illinois voted for the issuance of five million dol- 
 lars worth of bonds for the construction of a waterway between 
 Lockport and Utica in the Illinois River. The importance of the 
 opening of this waterway to the State of Illinois and to the cities 
 on the Mississippi river is almost incalculable. 
 
 From the city of Chicago to the city of New Orleans there 
 exists today a navigable seven-foot waterway of 1,500 miles, 
 save and except for the stretch of sixty-five miles between the. 
 cities of Lockport and Utica, Illinois. Over that sixty-five miles 
 the Illinois River and its tributary, the Des Plaines River (which 
 runs through Lockport and Joliet) there is a rocky ledge with a 
 declivity of one hundred forty-four feet which makes it impassa- 
 ble, even for rowboats. 
 
 For years the construction of a navigable waterway through 
 this gap of sixty-five miles has been earnestly advocated in the 
 State of Illinois. Eight years ago the people of the State of 
 Illinois, by popular vote, authorized the issuance of twenty mil- 
 lion dollars worth of bonds for the creation of this waterway. 
 Subsequent to this authorization, discussion arose between those 
 who advocated the canal or waterway as to the dimensions of the 
 same. Some advocated a twenty-two foot depth, the same depth 
 as the Sanitary District canal between Chicago and Lockport; 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 777 
 
 Others advocated a fourteen-foot depth and still others advocated 
 simply the rehabilitation of the old Illinois and Michigan canal, 
 which was constructed three-quarters of a century ago with a 
 depth of six feet, with locks of a capacity suited for commercial 
 boats of that remote time propelled by horses and mules. In the 
 midst of this controversy the people became confused and no prog- 
 ress was made in the way of actual construction. The engineers 
 of the Federal Government were called upon by the Secretary of 
 "War to make an investigation into the subject and to report to the 
 Secretary of War. In 1911 these engineers reported to the Secre- 
 tary of War, who transmitted this report to the next session of 
 Congress. In substance this report calls attention to the fact 
 that there is only an eight-foot depth in the Mississippi River 
 between St. Louis and Cairo, with no likelihood of securing a 
 greater depth in the near future. They also suggested that a 
 waterway in the Illinois River between Lockport and Utica 
 should be constructed with a depth of eight feet. That the State 
 of Illinois should be encouraged to build a waterway between 
 these points of such a depth and that the Federal Government 
 should dredge the Illinois River from its present depth of seven 
 feet between Utica and the Mississippi River to a further depth 
 of eight feet. 
 
 In view of this report and these recommendations by these 
 eminent engineers of the Federal Government, I reached the con- 
 clusion, as Governor of the State of Illinois, that the time had 
 come when the State of Illinois should do something practical iu 
 the way of creating an eight-foot channel from Chicago to New 
 Orleans by the construction of a waterway of this depth between 
 Lockport and Utica. I called several engineers together and with 
 them made a physical examination of the old Illinois and Michi- 
 gan canal between Lockport and Utica and the route of the pro- 
 posed waterway in the Illinois and Des Plaines Rivers. 
 
 I suggested to these engineers, in view of the fact that there 
 was biit eight feet of water iii the Mississippi River, that it would 
 be wise for the state to immediately develop a waterway of the 
 same depth over this sixty-five miles between Lockport and 
 Utica in such a way so as not to prevent a greater depth from 
 being obtained in the event that a greater depth may hereafter 
 be obtained in the Mississippi River. These engineers reported to 
 me in writing within a short time thereafter stating that if a dam 
 were erected at Starved Rock, near Utica, where the State of 
 Illinois maintains a publieily owned park, that such a depth could 
 be obtained in a waterway between Lockport and Utica Avithin 
 two vears after the commencement of the work. 
 
778 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 I submitted this report to oui; last Legislature with the rec- 
 ommendation that a Materway of such a depth be constructed 
 immediately and the Legislature, though differing from me in my 
 political views, was patriotic enough to treat the matter as a pure 
 business proposition and by an overwhelming vote passed a law 
 authorizing the construction of such a waterway between these 
 points at a cost to the state of Illinois of $5,000,000, which was 
 to be obtained by the issuance of bonds. Application was 
 promptly made to the Secretary of War for the granting of a 
 permit to do this work, and I am pleased to say that all legal 
 difficulties have been overcome and that a final hearing upon the 
 plans and profiles of the scheme is now under way before the 
 Federal engineers under the direction of the Department of War. 
 
 The opening of this waterway will be of incalculable value 
 to the State of Illinois and to all the states bordering upon the 
 Mississippi River. It will be of particular value to the people of 
 Davenport, Rock Island and Moline. The Hennepin canal from 
 the Mississippi to the Illinois River has been practically unused 
 because of the fact that it ends in the Illinois River just a few 
 miles south of Utica and that from the east there is no opening 
 that Avould enable boats from the Mississippi River to enter 
 Chicago and tap the commerce of the Great Lakes. Once this 
 waterway is open, river commerce between Chicago and New 
 Orleans will develop enormously and commerce from the Missis- 
 sippi River through the Hennepin and Illinois waterways to the 
 Great Lakes will be tremendously accelerated. 
 
 I know of no project of such tremendous importance to the 
 people of this section as the building of this waterway, and I 
 hope to see, within the next two or three years, a commerce de- 
 velop between your cities and Chicago and between Chicago and 
 New Orleans along these heretofore sparsely used waterways that 
 will redound to the wealth and prosperity of Illinois and sur- 
 rounding states. 
 
 1 congratulate the city of Davenport upon being so fore- 
 handed as to provide such an excellent waterway terminal, and I 
 hope that the other cities along the Mississippi River and Illinois 
 River, and their tributaries, will be equally wise and provide 
 uniform terminals, publicly owned, where all persons can have 
 access to their use upon equal terms and conditions. AVhen this 
 time arrives a commerce is bound to develop along these water- 
 Avays that will redound to the prosperity, not only of this gen- 
 eration, but of generations yet to come. 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MxVYOR, GOVERNOR 779 
 
 APPROPRIATIONS BY FORTY-EIGHTH 
 GENERAL ASSEMBLY. 
 
 Statement to the Public in Reply to Medill McCormick, 
 November 17, 1915. 
 
 Governor Dunne today made the following statement : 
 In reference to the statement of Hon. Medill McCormick in 
 the public press, would state that I also deplore the increase in the 
 appropriations made necessary for the proper conduct of the State 
 government. 
 
 To keep those appropriations down, the Governor did every- 
 thing within his power and was assisted therein by both of the 
 Chairmen of the Committees on Appropriations. 
 
 The Legislative Reference Bureau, as required by law, re- 
 quested all departments of the State government to present esti- 
 mates. I personally went over many of the estimates presented by 
 these departments, and in every case where it was possible, I had 
 the Reference Bureau wa^ite to the departments directing them to 
 reduce their estimates. 
 
 I had a meeting with the Board of Administration and had 
 that body present estimates for all the charitable institutions, which 
 were a million eight hundred and fifty thousand dollars less than 
 the appropriations requested by the individual institutions, and 
 therefore requested the Chairmen of the Appropriations Commit- 
 tees to take, and they did take, the figures of the Board of Admin- 
 istration rather than the figures of the Reference Bureau as obtained 
 from the different charitable institutions. The Board of Adminis- 
 tration, after conference with me, further instructed the heads of 
 the different charitable institutions to remain at their work and 
 to refrain from lobbying and log-rolling in the Legislature. 
 
 In the Governor's department a reduction of $53,000 was made 
 from that appropriated by the Forty-eighth General Assembly. 
 
 In my message to the Legislature, I stated: "I earnestly re- 
 quest your cooperation in pruning and cutting down the appro- 
 priations, where possible, to the actual needs and necessities of 
 efficient administration. ' ' 
 
 At the time the Appropriations Committee was considering 
 the budget, the members of the Legislative Reference Bureau con- 
 
780 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 sisted of four Republicans and one Democrat, and not of a majority 
 of Democrats, as claimed by Mr. McCormick. 
 
 The appropriations made by the Forty-ninth General Assembly 
 were $48,671,422.59. These figures included the appropriations for 
 the foot-and-mouth disease. Of these appropriations I vetoed $2,- 
 322,096.42, which is the largest amount of appropriations vetoed 
 by any Governor in the history of the State. 
 
 Something like $830,000 will have to be added to the appro- 
 priations on account of the decision of the Supreme Court in the 
 Fergus suits which became validated because of the fact that the 
 court held that the Governor cannot reduce items. 
 
 I note, too, Mr. McCormick 's statement concerning the Effi- 
 ciency and Economy Committee. 
 
 In my Inaugural Address to the Forty-eighth General Assem- 
 bly, I suggested to that body the creation of an efficiency and 
 economy committee. The Forty-eighth General Assembly created 
 such a committee and appropriated $40,000 for its work. 
 
 That committee industriously made a full, complete and valu- 
 able study of all departments of the State government, which I 
 commended to the Legislature's consideration in my biennial mes- 
 sage. It presented to the Forty-ninth General Assembly a report 
 of 1,051 pages. This report went into every phase of the State 
 government and it recommended the consolidation of various boards 
 and the abolishment of many offices. 
 
 Special committees were appointed in each House of the Gen- 
 eral Assembly to consider the bills prepared by the Efficiency and 
 Economy Committee. Many bills were introduced by the Efficiency 
 and Economy Committee, but only two of said bills were passed by 
 the Legislature. One provided for a State Superintendent of 
 Printing and the other provided for a system of uniform reports. 
 Mr. McCormick was a member of the Efficiency and Economy 
 Committee in the House. The other bills introduced along the lines 
 of the report of the committee failed of enactment. 
 
 The same Legislature that is now about to be called in special 
 session had the report and bills of this commission before it for 
 several months. The regular session of the Forty-ninth General 
 Assembly took up nearly six months' time and failed to enact into 
 law the recommendations of the Efficiency and Economy Commit- 
 tee. Of what practical use would it be then to incorporate in the 
 call for the special session a provision for the continuation of such 
 a committee by this same Legislature? 
 
 The report of the Efficiency and Economy Committee, as I 
 stated before, consisting of 1.051 pages, is printed and every mem- 
 ber received a copy of it, and future General Assemblies can well 
 consider the recommendations made by the Efficiency and Econ- 
 omy Committee of the Forty-eighth General Assembly. 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 781 
 
 At the special session the Legislators will be serving practi- 
 cally without compensation and will be in no mood to have heaped 
 upon them labors which they declined at the regular session. 
 
 I do not know where Mr. McCormick got his information that 
 the Illinois Centennial Commission, which has already expended 
 money for a laudable purpose and whose labors are still incomplete, 
 was not going to be included in the special call. 
 
 The same applies to the Hull Pension Commission. This, too, 
 is a most important matter and should, by all means, be included in 
 the special call. 
 
 The Governor did everything within his power to keep the 
 appropriations down to the minimum for efficient State government. 
 
782 DUNNE — JUDGE, MxiYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 ON THE OPPRESSION OF POLAND. 
 
 Address to Polish Citizens, Chicago, November 28, 1915. 
 
 Mr. Chairman, Ladies and Gentlemen: 
 
 A century ago Thomas Campbell aroused the English- 
 speaking world to the tragedies of Poland in a poem of wondrous 
 beauty. 
 
 Today in the depth of her woe, Campbell's lines with a 
 change of one word apply to the Poland of the twentieth century : 
 
 "O bloodiest picture in the book of Time, 
 Samartia bleeds unwept without a crime, 
 Finds not a generous friend, a pitying foe, 
 Strength in her arms, nor mercy in her woe." 
 
 Today we are presented again with a spectacle &t a great, 
 valiant and vigorous race, guiltless before the nations of any 
 crime, being overrun by the warring legions of Germany, Austro- 
 Hungary and Eussia, her fields devastated, her cities destroyed, 
 her temples desecrated and her children being steadily starved and 
 slaughtered in the deadly struggle now raging in Europe. Worse 
 than all, her valiant sons are being conscripted and forced into 
 the armies of the warring nations and compelled agamst their 
 wills to take each others lives without any heart or interest in 
 the conflict. 
 
 I know of no nation which has done so much for civilization 
 and Christianity and has suffered so much from Christian na- 
 tions. For four centuries the Polish nation stood in the words 
 of Victor Hugo: "As a knight among the nations," defending 
 western civilization and Christianity from the onslaught of ]\Io- 
 liammedism and barbarism. Under Sobieski the Polish nation 
 hurled back the Ottoman hordes from the walls of Vienna. She 
 furnished a Poniatowski to France and a Kosciusko and Pulaski 
 to America. In her prime she possessed a territory as great as 
 that now occupied by the German empire, and with a population 
 of thirty millions. She furnished a refuge to the oppressed of 
 all lands. She guaranteed civil liberty and the exercise of 
 religious freedom. The persecuted Jew found in Poland a rest- 
 ing place and a home, and yet today she stands in Europe as the 
 Niobe among the nations, Aveeping over the loss of her children 
 that are not. 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 783 
 
 To and fro across her fertile fields the Slav and the Teuton 
 armies have waged their awful battles, leaving in their wake 
 starvation and disaster. 
 
 I am here today to express my profound sympathy with the 
 Polish people. One hundred and fifty years of oppression, war 
 and massacre, of depopulation and disaster have not broken the 
 proud spirit of that liberty-loving race. Still the love of liberty 
 prevails. Still the aspiration for nationality endures. It has 
 not been beaten down by cannon or destroyed by fire. The 
 spirit of the Polish people is irrepressible. With such a tenacious 
 love of liberty and Christianity, I believe it is impossible to ex- 
 terminate or repress the aspirations for Polish nationhood. 
 
 Today she is again going through the travails and trials to 
 which she has been subjected in the past and I believe she will 
 emerge therefrom with the same irrepressible and inextinguish- 
 able love of liberty and nationhood. Who knows but that in the 
 outcome of this terrific conflict that some means may be found 
 to again re-create the Polish nation to stand as a wall between the 
 Slav and Teuton and thus enable her to resume her place among 
 the nations of the world. 
 
 But whatever the outcome the cry of Poland in her agony 
 should ring round the world. She is not responsible in any way 
 for the conflict now raging. Her children are guiltless of wrong 
 and her sufferings are beyond the power of language to describe. 
 I know of no cry for relief that ought to more readily be re- 
 sponded to than the cry of the impoverished women and children 
 of unhappy Poland, nor one that should receive a more ready 
 response from the people of America and of the world. 
 
 God grant that an early dawn may soon banish her black 
 night of sorrow and distress. 
 
784 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 EXPLAINS THE STATE TAX RATE FOR 
 
 1915. 
 
 Statement to the Public, December 4, 1915. 
 
 Governor Dunne last evening, after a meeting of the State 
 Tax Commission, made the following statement: 
 
 The State Tax Commission, at its meeting today, fixed the 
 tax rate of the State of Illinois for the ensuing year at 55c, an 
 increase of 7 cents over the 48-cent rate fixed in the year 1914. 
 
 The increase in the State tax rate is made necessary by the 
 following extraordinary items of expenditure: 
 
 For foot and mouth disease $1,430,600 
 
 Increased appropriation for State School fund 1,000,000 
 
 Increased appropriation for State University 500,000 
 
 Increases in appropriations made at the special session of 
 the Legislature, which special session was made neces- 
 sary by the Supreme Court decision in the Fergus case 175,000 
 Items vetoed in part and restored to their full amounts 
 by the decision of the Supreme Court in the suit of 
 Fergus et al. vs. Russel et al. (This includes items 
 vetoed in part by the Governor, which vetoes were 
 
 held by the Supreme Court to be unconstitutional) 455,000 
 
 Increased appropriations for State Normal Schools 310,000 
 
 Increased appropriations for good roads „... 888,790 
 
 $4,769,390 
 
 In fixing the tax rate at 55c, the State Tax Commission took 
 into consideration that there will probably be an additional Ap- 
 propriation of $250,000 made by another special session, for the 
 foot and mouth disease. Every increase in the appropriation 
 of $250,000 makes necessary an addition of one cent to the tax 
 rate. 
 
 Were it not for the extraordinary expenses noted above, the tax 
 rate this year would have been reduced to 36c. a reduction of 12c 
 from the tax rate which was fixed in the year 1914. 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 785 
 
 ON THE HANGING OF JOSEPH DeBERRY 
 
 AND PROPOSED EXECUTION OF 
 
 ELSTON SCOTT. 
 
 Statement to the Public, December 14, 1915. 
 
 On the night of October 15 my attention was called to the 
 fact that the execution of Joseph DeBerry was about to take 
 place on the following day in Murphy sboro, Illinois. 
 
 My informants stated that about two thousand people were 
 to be invited by the sheriff to witness the execution. I had my 
 secretary telephone the sheriff and inform him of the information 
 that had come to me. The sheriff stated to my secretary that 
 the accounts Avere exaggerated and promised that the execution 
 would be conducted in accordance with the law of the State. 
 Resting upon this assurance I permitted the execution to take 
 place, in the confident belief that it would be conducted with 
 decent privacy. 
 
 On October 16 the execution took place under circum- 
 stances which gave it the character of a public execution, the 
 •deputies and invited witnesses aggregating all the way from one 
 thousand to two thousand persons inside the stockade. 
 
 Photographs were permitted to be taken of the scenes sur- 
 rounding the execution. These photographs have been, since the 
 execution took place, exhibited in many theaters ; being widely 
 advertised on large posters and on small hand bills, copies of 
 which are at present in my possession. 
 
 I am credibly informed by reliable citizens of Murphysboro 
 that the invitation tickets to the execution were hawked about 
 and sold upon the streets of Murphysboro prior to the execution. 
 In view of these distressing circumstances which surrounded the 
 DeBerry execution I believe it my duty to communicate with 
 Sheriff White of Jackson County, in which is situated IMurphys- 
 boro, in reference to another execution which was scheduled to 
 take place on October 22. On October 18 I wired the sheriff 
 as follows, and received the following reply: 
 
786 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 "October 18, 1915. 
 Hon. James A. White, Sheriff, Jackson County, Murphysboro, 
 Illinois. 
 
 I am informed that it will be j'Our duty, unless a reprieve is 
 granted, to execute a man next Friday. I, therefore, wire you 
 in reference to the arrangements that you may make for carrying 
 out the process of the law. Last Saturday an execution took 
 place in Murphysboro, surrounded by circumstances which, if 
 they existed as described in the newspapers, is a scandal and 
 disgrace to this State. The papers say that two thousand men 
 w^ere Avithin the enclosure witnessing the execution, and I am 
 informed that the sheriff admits that there were at least one 
 thousand people present, claimed to be deputy sheriffs. Such 
 tragedies, Avhen required by law, should be carried out w4th 
 decorum and decency and in the presence of as few witnesses as 
 possible, to-wit : the jury, physicians, clergymen and the neces- 
 sarj" deputy sheriffs. I enjoin upon a'ou the necessity of con- 
 ducting this execution with decorum, decency and privacy. 
 Please wire me what arrangements you have made and how many 
 people you have invited or deputized to be present at the execu- 
 tion next Friday. 
 
 E. F. Dunne, Governor." 
 
 "Murphysboro, III., October IS, 1915. 
 Hon. E. F. Dunne, Governor, Springfiehl, III. 
 
 In reply to your wire will say that the execution which took 
 place here last Saturday was conducted with solemnity and decency 
 and with as much privacy as any other legal execution which ever 
 took place in southern Illinois. The press reports were greatly 
 exaggerated, and I am in no way responsible for their misrepre- 
 sentations. I have not brought disgrace or scandal on the State, or 
 my county, and regret that certain things were reported by the 
 press as being true, which, in fact, never occurred. The execution 
 Avhich is to take place here next Friday, unless prevented by j^our 
 action, Mall be conducted in accordance with the law and the sen- 
 tence of the court. 
 
 James A. "White, 
 Sheriff, Jackson County." 
 
 Whereupon I again wired the sheriff as follows and received 
 the following reply: 
 
 ''October 19, 1915. 
 Hon. James A. White, Sheriff, Murphysboro, HI. 
 
 You have not answered my inquiry 'How many people have 
 you invited or deputized to be present at execution next Friday?' 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 787 
 
 Please answer definitely today how many have been or will be 
 invited or deputized. 
 
 E. F. Dunne, Governor." 
 
 " MuRPHYSBORO, III., Octoher 19, 1915. 
 Hon. E. F. Dunne, Governor, Springfield, III. 
 
 In reply to your wire just received, beg to advise that it is 
 my intention to invite the presence of the judges, prosecuting attor- 
 ney and clerks of the courts of this county, together with two 
 physicians and twelve reputable citizens to be selected by me. Also 
 such ministers of the gospel, not exceeding three, as the prisoner 
 shall name, and the immediate relatives of said prisoner. Also such 
 officers of the prison, deputies and constables as I shall deem 
 expedient to have present at the execution, which is to take place 
 here Friday of this week, in accordance with section 3 of division 
 14 of the criminal code of this State. 
 
 James A. "White, 
 Sheriff of Jackson County." 
 
 In view of the outrageous circumstances surrounding the first 
 execution, and in view of the further fact that I could not receive 
 assurances from Sheriff Wliite as to the number of people that 
 would be invited or deputized to be present at the second execution, 
 I reprieved the prisoner, Elston Scott, thirty days, in order to avoid 
 a repetition in the State of Illinois of an execution surrounded by 
 such circumstances as in the DeBerry case. 
 
 On November 10 I again wrote Sheriff' White the following 
 letter and received the following reply: 
 
 "November 10, 1915. 
 Hon. James A. White, Sheriff of Jackson County, Murphyshoro, 
 niinois. 
 
 Sir : Kindly inform me what arrangements have been made 
 by you for carrying out the execution of Elston Scott on Friday, 
 November 19. 
 
 State particularh' the number of persons to be deputized or 
 invited to be present at the execution. I desire this information 
 with much definiteness so as to determine my future action in refer- 
 ence to this case. , 
 Yours truly, 
 
 (Signed) E. F. Dunne." 
 
/Ob DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 " MuRPHYSBORO, III., Novemlter 11, 1915. 
 Hon. Edward F. Dunne, Governor, Springfield, III. 
 
 Sir : Yoiir letter of the 10th instant requesting me to advise 
 you what arrangements have been made by me for carrying out 
 the execution of Elston Scott on Friday, November 19, and also 
 requesting me to state particularly the number of persons to be 
 deputized or invited to be present at the execution, just received. 
 Replying thereto, will say that as yet I have made no arrangements 
 for the execution of Scott, but unless prevented by your action, he 
 will be executed on November 19, 1915, in accordance with section 3, 
 of division 14, of the criminal code of Illinois. Or, in other words, 
 the witnesses and officials required by law will be invited, and as 
 many deputies as I may deem expedient. 
 Respectfully, 
 
 James A. White, Sheriff." 
 
 "Whereupon I again wrote the sheriff a letter as follows and 
 received the following reply: 
 
 ''November 12, 1915. 
 Hon. James A. White, Sheriff of Jackson County, Murphy store, 
 niinois. 
 
 Sir : Your letter of the 11th instant is before me. 
 You do not answer the request in mine of the 10th instant, in 
 which I ask you to 'state particularly the number of persons to be 
 deputized or invited to be present at the execution. ' 
 
 Please let me have this information by return mail. In other 
 words, please state the number of witnesses you intend to invite 
 and the number of deputies you intend to deputize. 
 Respectfully, 
 
 E. F. Dunne, Governor." 
 
 " MuRPHYSBORO, III., Novemter 13, 1915. 
 Hon. E. F. Dunne, Governor, Springfield, III. 
 
 Sir : Replying to your letter of the 12th instant will say that 
 I have repeatedly advised you of my intentions regarding the execu- 
 tion of Elston Scott, and have nothing to add. 
 Respectfully, 
 
 James A. White, Sheriff." 
 
 In view of the refusal of the sheriff to indicate the number 
 of deputies and witnesses that were to be invited or deputized, I 
 again reprieved the prisoner, Elston Scott, until December 17, 1915. 
 
 On December 10 I again wrote the sheriff as follows and 
 received the following reply: 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 789 
 
 "December 10, 1915. 
 Hon. James A. White, Sheriff of Jackson Comity, Murphyshoro, 
 Illinois. 
 
 Sir : Kindly inform me what arrangements have been made 
 by you for carrying out the execution of Elston Scott on next 
 Friday. 
 
 State particularly the number of persons to be deputized or 
 invited to be present at the execution. I desire this information 
 with much definiteness so as to determine my future action in refer- 
 ence to this case. 
 
 Yours truly, 
 
 E. F. Dunne." 
 
 " Murphysboro, III., December 11, 1915. 
 Hon. E. F. Dunne, Governor, Spring field, HI. 
 
 Sir: Your letter of the 10th instant requiring information as 
 to my arrangements for carrying out the execution of Elston Scott 
 on next Friday received at five o'clock p. m. today. However, I 
 noticed by press reports of yesterday that you had, or intended 
 writing me again, but as it is an exact copy of your inquiry of 
 November 10, except as to dates, beg to advise that I have nothing 
 to add to my reply of November 11. 
 Respectfully, 
 
 James A. White, Sheriff." 
 
 In view of the repeated refusals of Sheriff White to disclose 
 the number of deputies and witnesses he intends to invite to the 
 execution of Elston Scott, and in view of the shameful surroundings 
 of the DeBerry execution conducted by Sheriff White, I have again 
 determined to reprieve the prisoner, Elston Scott, lest such another 
 disgraceful spectacle as was presented at the DeBerry hanging take 
 place in the State of Illinois. 
 
790 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 ILLINOIS SENATE ENDORSES GOV. 
 
 DUNNE FOR U. S. SUPREME 
 
 COURT. 
 
 Senate Resolution No, 16, Unanimously Adopted 
 January 20, 1916. 
 
 Whereas, through the death of the late Associate Justice 
 Lamar a vacancy now exists upon the bench of the Supreme Court 
 of the United States; and 
 
 Whereas, President Woodrow Wilson, upon whom the duty 
 no"\v falls of naming a successor to the late Justice Lamar, is now 
 carefully considering the merits and qualifications of numerous 
 distinguished jurists and Americans for such vacancy; therefore, 
 be it 
 
 Resolved, That the Senate of the State of Illinois, in special 
 session herewith assembled, hereby respectfully presents to the 
 distinguished consideration of the President, the name of a man, 
 already publicly mentioned in connection with the vacancy with 
 its sincere and unanimous endorsement, the name of Governor 
 Edward F. Dunne of Illinois; be it further 
 
 Resoh'ed, That President Wilson be respectfully asked to 
 consider the long and distinguished service of Governor Dunne 
 as a judge on the bench, in Avhich position he distinguished him- 
 self for tine legal ability, broad human sympathy, a progressive 
 view of law in keeping with the spirit of the times. His honesty 
 was, and is, proverbial, his fair dealing unquestioned, and his 
 open, appealing democracy such as to make him a real friend of 
 men; in other words a man of true judicial temperament, well 
 fitted to grace the bench of the Supreme Court of this country; 
 be it further 
 
 Resolved, That the Senate of the State of Illinois hereby 
 gives its unanimous endorsement to the report that President 
 Wilson is considering the qualifications of Governor Dunne and 
 earnestly requests him to give due and careful consideration to 
 his qualifications before making a final decision; and, also be 
 it further 
 
 Resolved, That an engrossed copy of tliese resolutions, duly 
 authorized by the President and Secretary of the Senate be for- 
 warded at once to His Excellency, Woodrow Wilson, President 
 of the United States. 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 791 
 
 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 
 
 Address before the Annunciation Club, Buffalo, New York, 
 February 15, 1916. 
 
 Mr. Chainimn and Gentlemen: 
 
 At your kind invitation I come to participate with you in the 
 celebration of the anniversary of the birth of a great American 
 President and statesman, Abraham Lincohi. 
 
 I come from a State which is proud of its history and achieve- 
 ments; from a State wliich although not yet a century old, has 
 advanced into the front rank of the States of the Union. 
 
 We are proud in Illinois of the fact that that comparatively 
 young State has distanced her sister States, excepting two, in popu- 
 lation, wealth, manufacturing and political importance; that she 
 stands first in agricultural wealth, fertility of soil and railway 
 development. But proud as we are of her material prosperity, we 
 are prouder still of her history and the part she has plaj^ed in the 
 history of the Nation. 
 
 "We are proud that it was on the soil of Illinois that the gentle 
 Pere Marquette made most of his important discoveries and planted 
 the cross of Christianity in 1673, his mission being one for the 
 salvation of souls and not the subjugation of the bodies of men. 
 
 We are proud of the achievements which La Salle and Joliet, 
 Tonti and Hennepin accomplished on Illinois soil. 
 
 We are proud of the fact that the hardy pioneers who dwelt 
 in the wilderness around Kaskaskia in what is now the State of 
 Illinois, anticipated, in 1771, the demands of the colonists in Massa- 
 chusetts, New York, Virginia and the rest of the thirteen colonies 
 when they repudiated Lord Dartsmouth's "Sketch of Government 
 for Illinois," as "oppressive and absurd," and declared "should a 
 government so evidently tyrannical be established, it could be of 
 no duration. There would exist the necessity of its being abol- 
 ished." This declaration of independence antedates that of 1776 
 in Philadelphia by five years. 
 
 We are proud of the fact that on Illinois soil took place, on 
 July 4, 1778, the struggle resulting in the capture from the English 
 by George Rogers Clark of the Fort of Kaskaskia, which wrested 
 forever from the British crown all of the territory west of Penn- 
 sylvania lying between the Ohio and Mississippi Rivers. 
 
792 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 We are proud of the fact that it was on the soil of Illinois that 
 its two intellectually gifted sons argued out before the people sit- 
 ting as a jury the greatest moral issue that this country has ever 
 faced — the issue as to whether this country could long endure as a 
 republic with human slavery legally enforced in one part of it, and 
 legally prohibited in another. 
 
 We are proud of the fact that that great issue, as the result of 
 that great debate, was finally settled right in the awful arbitrament 
 of war under the leadership of the great soldier furnished by 
 Illinois in the Nation's crisis, backed by the valor of 125,000 sons 
 of Illinois upon the battlefield. 
 
 We are proud of the fact that Illinois produced in the Nation 's 
 crisis a U. S. Grant to lead her soldiers to final victory, and that 
 in that great war for the preservation of the life of the Nation she 
 produced such brilliant generals as Logan, Shields, McClernand, 
 Oglesby, Mulligan and Lawler and others who have shed illustrious 
 honor upon the State, but above and beyond all, Illinois is proud of 
 the fact that she gave to the Nation and to the world in 1861 the 
 greatest humanitarian and statesman of the nineteenth century, one 
 of the most wonderful men in history in the person of Abraham 
 Lincoln. 
 
 We are celebrating tonight the natal anniversary of this great 
 man and I am called upon to speak appropriately to the theme. I 
 fear that in calling upon me for this purpose you have over-rated 
 my powers. Since the death of Lincoln, his name has been upon 
 the tongues and pens of most of the great orators and writers of 
 the world. With the single exception probably of Napoleon, no 
 name has so engrossed the attention of the civilized world in the 
 last century as has that of Lincoln. Orators, poets and historians 
 have vied with each other in doing honor to that illustrious name 
 and yet the theme has not become threadbare or exhausted. 
 
 Four men who have reached the Presidency of this great Re- 
 public stand out among their fellow Presidents as Titanic figures 
 in American history — Washington, the ideal patriot; Jefferson, the 
 ideal statesman ; Jackson, the ideal citizen-soldier, and Lincoln, 
 the ideal humanitarian. 
 
 We are gathered tonight to honor the last but not the least of 
 these great men. 
 
 Lincoln's character is remarkable in that it seems to grow 
 and increase in public estimation as the years go by. I doubt that 
 his contemporaries appreciated in his lifetime the wonderful char- 
 acter of the man. When one stands alongside of some great archi- 
 tectural triumph with his hand upon its base he fails to drink in 
 the symmetry and grandeur of the structure. It is only when he 
 stands awav from the base of the monument that he begins to 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 793 
 
 appreciate its dignity and symmetry, and so it is with the charac- 
 ter of Lincoln. Those who lived and worked with him. it seems 
 to me, never appreciated at its full worth the marvelous charac- 
 ter of the man. It is only as the years roll by and as we get the 
 perspective of time that we recognize the simplicity and nobility 
 of his character, 
 
 Lincoln's personal history is one of the saddest and strangest 
 in all history. Born in a miserable log hut, in the direst poverty, 
 without the education of schools, without influential friends, Avith- 
 out physical attraction, without money or property and without 
 antecedents, by virtue of his innate moral rectitude and intel- 
 lectual ability alone, he struggled upward and onward until he 
 died in the White House, President Chief Executive of the great- 
 est Republic on the face of the earth. 
 
 Thomas a'Kempis in his beautiful work, the "Imitation of 
 Christ," has pointed out in the choicest language how to become 
 a follower of the Christian Redeemer. It is a work that is written 
 for and appeals to Christians. Lincoln Avas not a Christian. I 
 doubt if he was ever affiliated with any church. Indeed, his 
 biographers show that in the early days of his manhood he read 
 much of Thomas Paine and Voltaire. He was probably a deist, 
 a believer in the existence of an all-wise Providence, but a dis- 
 believer in miracles, revelation, the atonement, and punishment 
 after death. 
 
 He probably never read or heard of the "Imitation of 
 Christ," and yet fate or destiny made him unconsciously a man 
 who was surrounded all his life by many circumstances such 
 as we read of in the life of Christ. He was born in a lowly cabin 
 in the outskirts of ciA'ilization. He was the son of a rude and 
 unlettered carpenter. He lived in the direst poverty. He 
 preached the doctrines of human equality. He Avas filled Avitli 
 sympathy for the poor and distressed. He demanded equality 
 before the law, and died a martyr to the cause of humanity. 
 
 1 Avill discuss his character tonight from three standpoints. 
 First, from the standpoint of his profession as a laAvyer ; second, 
 from the standpoint of statesmanship, and third, as a man of 
 many sorroAvs. 
 
 For tAventy-three years of his life Abraham Lincoln practiced 
 laAV for a living in the Springfield district of Illinois. It was 
 knoAvn as the eighth judicial circuit and comprised one-seA^enth 
 of the Avhole State. Without scholastic education, or in fact any 
 education except that AAdiich Avas acquired through his oavh 
 efforts, and Avithout even examination as to his legal attainments, 
 he Avas early admitted to the bar. Prior to that admission his 
 whole lifa had been that of a manual laborer. Despite his early 
 
794 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 handicaps he soon discovered in himself that strength of character 
 and mental force which makes men great. Imbued Avith a nat- 
 ural facility of speech and a lucidity of thought which found ex- 
 pression in the simplest of language, he felt himself qualified to 
 become a pleader of the rights and demands of others. His con- 
 fidence in himself was well-founded. After receiving his license 
 to practice he commenced a professional career as a lawyer which 
 rapidly developed into a successful practice. 
 
 No man in the profession in this time worked so tirelessly 
 and incessantly. Astride a powerful horse, with his sa(l(llel)ags 
 containing his briefs and pleadings, or, in a wobbling, dilapidated 
 buggy he followed the Circuit Judge from county seat to county 
 seat through fourteen counties, over almost impassal)le roads, 
 sleeping in impossible taverns, often sharing a bed with fellow 
 lawyers, or sometimes with the Circuit Judge himself. For 
 weeks at a time he was away from his home and office, constantly 
 trying cases in the then obscure and widely separated county 
 seats of eastern central Illinois. No farmer or mechanic of to- 
 day did half of the physical labor performed by Lincoln in mak- 
 ing these fearful pilgrimages. The remarkal)le feature of these 
 laborious trips is the fact that thronghout them all he preserved 
 his health and good temper. The physical hardships of his early 
 life seemed to have inured him to all kinds of harrassing wear 
 and tear, his temperate habits preserved his extraordinai'v physi- 
 cal strength, and the unfailing good humor and lightheartedness 
 with which liis Maker endowed him, enabled him after a hard 
 day's work to cast off his cares as easily as he discarded his 
 overcoat. 
 
 No laAvyer in the circuit tried as many nisi prius cases as did 
 Lincoln. For a time in his career on the circuit he was almost 
 incessantly in court, being retained on either side of nearly every 
 case on trial. 
 
 Nor were his labors confined to the Circuit Court. The labor 
 performed by him on briefs filed in the Supreme Court was 
 prodigious. In the first twenty-five volumes of the Supreme Court 
 reports his name appears as counsel 173 times. In some of these 
 cases doubtless the briefs may have been prepared by associate 
 counsel, but no lawj'er could have had 173 cases in the Supreme 
 Court within twenty-three years without having done an enor- 
 mous amount of work on the same, both in the Circuit and Su- 
 preme Courts. The wonder of the thing grows upon us when we 
 reflect that for many years he prepared his OAvn pleadings in 
 long hand ; that his brief book was kept in his pocket and some- 
 times in his hat, and that in his early days in the profession, he 
 was very careless and unmethodical. 
 
DUXXE — JUDGE, MAYOR, G0\T:RX0R 795 
 
 His industry, however, marvelous as it was, never equaled 
 his modesty. Lincoln was not a commercial lawyer. He knew not 
 how to capitalize anything: least of all did 'he know how to 
 capitalize his own wonderful genius. The possessor of rude but 
 convincing eloquence that persuaded juries and convinced courts, 
 endowed by God with a nobility of character and a love of truth 
 which shone through his every act and work and brought success 
 to nearly every cause he championed, this great man and this 
 great lawyer was possessed of an instinctive modesty that refused 
 to rate his own worth in mercenary cash. 
 
 The man who within a few years afterward gave utterance 
 to that immortal classic at Gettysburg and penned the likewise 
 immortal Emancipation Proclamation, in his own estimation, as a 
 lawyer was not worth $25.00 a day. On one of his circuits^ it is 
 said, Lincoln only collected $5.00 in cash. On many of them, 
 most of his fees were $5.00 a trial, and in but very few cases did 
 he receive $50.00. 
 
 Ills guileless and uncommercial character as a laAvyer is but 
 illustrated by his notes made preparatory to a law lecture. 
 
 "The matter of fees is important," he wrote, "far beyond 
 the mere question of bread and butter involved. Properly at- 
 tended to, fuller justice is done to both lawyer and client. An 
 exorbitant fee should never be charged. As a general rule, never 
 take your whole fee in advance, nor any more than a small re- 
 tainer. AVhen fully paid ])efore hand, y6u are more than mortal 
 if you can feel the same interest in the case as if something was 
 still in prospect." 
 
 On one occasion when he learned that an attorney who had 
 retained him had charged $250.00 for their joint services, he 
 refused to take any share of the money until the fee had been 
 reduced to what he deemed a reasonable amount. 
 
 For this and other outrages of this character upon the legal 
 profession, he was denounced by Judge David Davis, who said: 
 "Lincoln, you are impoverishing the bar by your picayune 
 charges," and he was tried by his brother lawyers in a mock 
 court, condemned, found guilty, and paid his fine Avith the utmost 
 good nature. 
 
 The lack of financial acquisitiveness, amounting at times to 
 self -deprivation, characterized his every station in life from grocery 
 clerk to the Presidency and impelled him at all times to side Avith 
 the under dog and to champion the cause of the poor, the lowly and 
 the oppressed. 
 
 But Lincoln, the lawyer, was not only industrious and modest, 
 he was incorrnptibly honest. He could not and would not lie, dis- 
 semble, pettifog or corrupt. Lincoln fought his legal battles in the 
 
796 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 open. Although a power in politics, he never maneuvered and 
 intrigued to get a man on the bench that he could own. Although 
 a member of the Legislature and of Congress, he never was a lobby- 
 ist, either during his term of office or afterwards. He never joined 
 swell clubs or fawned upon the wealthy. He never invited judges 
 on the bench to stretch their legs and consciences at private dinner 
 parties. He never dosed them with Ruinart and Cliquot or fur- 
 nished them with private cars and free transportation. He had no 
 systematized departments in his law office called "Tax Depart- 
 ment, ' ' wherein the duties of the tax lawyer was to fix the assessor ; 
 "Legislative Department," wherein the legislative lawyer was 
 detailed to see the councilman and assemblyman; "Publicity De- 
 partment," wherein the publicity lawyer was employed to fix the 
 newspapers ; ' ' Claim Department, ' ' wherein the claim lawyer was 
 detailed to get to the hospital with a re'ceipt in full before the 
 injured claimant was operated upon; "Coroner's Department," 
 wherein the deputy lawyer arranged to draft the verdict for the 
 accommodation of the coroner's jury; nor a "Settlement Depart- 
 ment," whose duty it was to settle cases with litigants behind the 
 backs of the lawyers who had brought suits and got them in readi- 
 ness for trial. Lincoln would have scorned to preside over, or be 
 found in, such a law office. 
 
 Lincoln tried some important lawsuits for corporations, but 
 his ability could be hired and not his conscience. He could never 
 be hired to advise a client, no matter how wealthy, how to violate 
 the law, how to cajole or corrupt a court or jury, how to fix an 
 assessor, or debauch a councilman or legislator. 
 
 Even when retained in a case where he owed the duty of giving 
 his best efi^orts to his client, he insisted that the client must act with 
 honor. 
 
 It is said that during the trial of one of his cases he detected 
 his client acting dishonorably, whereupon he walked out of the 
 courtroom, and refused to proceed with the trial. Upon the judge 
 sending a messenger after him, directing him to return, he posi- 
 tively declined, saying, "Tell the judge my hands are dirty and 
 I 've gone away to wash them. ' ' 
 
 Nor would he accept a retainer in a case which was legally 
 right, but morally wrong. 
 
 To a prospective client, seeking his services, he once said : 
 
 "We can doubtless win your case, set a whole neighborhood 
 at loggerheads, distress a widow and six fatherless children, and 
 thereby get you six hundred dollars, to which you have a legal 
 claim, but which rightfully belongs to the widow and her children. 
 Some things that are legally right are not morally right. "We would 
 advise you to try your hand at making $600 some other way. ' ' 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 797 
 
 Such were the principles that actuated and governed Lincoln 
 in the practice of his profession. A remunerative practice in any 
 profession is a laudable ambition, but too often that ambition is 
 tainted with the "get-rich-at-any-cost" spirit of the age. 
 
 Judged by the test of the accumulation of money, Lincoln was 
 not a great lawyer, but judged by the test of probity, integrity, 
 loyalty to clients and adherence to the right, Lincoln was among 
 the greatest lawyers of his day. 
 
 Let us now turn to the career of Lincoln as a statesman and a 
 leader of men. 
 
 When he first appeared in public life he had many drawbacks 
 and disadvantages to contend with. He had neither a good educa- 
 tion nor a good personal appearance. Truth compels us to admit 
 that Lincoln was homely in face and ungainly in figure. Both his 
 portraits and the pen descriptions of him by his contemporaries 
 unite in picturing him as a very homely-faced man with a singu- 
 larly awkward and ungraceful carriage. Six feet four 'inches in 
 height, Avith long arms and long legs, when seated he did not seem 
 to be larger than the ordinary man. His vocabulary was rude, 
 simple and at times coarse, the natural result of his early environ- 
 ment. 
 
 Notwithstanding these drawbacks, his clear, lucid mind, backed 
 by his facility of speech, early enabled him to discover the vital 
 point in the discussion of any great issue as it enabled him to dis- 
 cover the vital point in the trial of a lawsuit. While still a young 
 man as the central figure of a combination of nine energetic men 
 in the Legislature, he succeeded in transferring the capital of the 
 State from Vandalia to his home city, Springfield. To accomplish 
 this required tact, diplomacy, industry and compelling ability, the 
 same quality that brought about his election as captain of his com- 
 pany in the Black Hawk War. 
 
 Upon turning his attention to the general national issues of the 
 country he early discovered the moral weakness and untenability 
 of human slavery as being a part of the institutions of the Republic. 
 He early recognized the fact that the American Nation was born 
 with a disfiguring birthmark upon his brow and that that birth- 
 mark must eventually be effaced before the Nation could stand per- 
 fect among the other nations of the world, and yet with the full 
 consciousness that slavery must be ultimately abolished in the 
 United States, he was practical enough to know that the time for 
 bringing about this great change must be selected under propitious 
 and favorable surroundings, and that a premature attempt to 
 abolish slavery, particularly by confiscation, would be apt to be 
 ruinous to its advocates. Therefore, while determined to abolish 
 slavery, he refused to join the abolitionists. 
 
798 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 Lincoln preferred to bide his time and let the leaven of anti- 
 slavery sentiment do its work in its own good time. He knew 
 that under the Constitution of the United States slavery was rec- 
 ognized and tolerated, but also that under the same Constitution 
 the confiscation of property rights was illegal. He. therefore, 
 favored a moderate policy in the firm belief that a time would 
 come in the history of the country when slavery could be abol- 
 ished by compensation. None the less, he had no patience with the 
 devious and shifting devices resorted to by statesmen of his day 
 for the further extension of slavery into free territory. 
 
 If the abolition of slavery must await until a propitious time, 
 nevertheless its extension to free territory, he insisted, should 
 not be tolerated. The attempted extension of slavery to free ter- 
 ritory he knew would be the rock upon which the party in power 
 must be shipwrecked. There he took his stand and there he re 
 mained in the advocacy of the opposition to such extension unti) 
 he found himself the leader in the Nation of those who opposed 
 slavery. Fortunate for Lincoln was it that the great leader of 
 the opposite doctrines of compromise and extension lived in his 
 own State and city, where Lincoln could watch his career, analyze 
 his mistakes and note his errors. 
 
 Douglas at heart was not a believer in slavery, but his long 
 career in public life, particularly in the Senate of the LTnited 
 States, brought him in contact with all the leaders of the pro- 
 slavery forces. He knew their strength, power, and ability. He 
 knew the tenacity with which the slave-holders of the South had 
 labored to preserve the institution of slavery. He w^as a patriot 
 and lover of his country and he feared the power and strength of 
 the proslavery people and feared that that strength and power 
 would be utilized to rend in twain the Nation if the abolition of 
 slavery by confiscation were attempted. Douglas believed he was 
 struggling for the preservation of the integrity of the Union, and 
 all his policies and all his speeches were designed and delivered 
 with the purpose of preventing that calamity. 
 
 He was possessed of the idea that the slave-holding element 
 had strength and power enough to bring about a severance be- 
 tween the states and a division of the Republic. He submerged 
 the great moral issue in the interest of the integrity of the Nation. 
 Lincoln took higher and loftier ground. He believed the time 
 must come when slavery must be abolished and that when that 
 time came no attempt to sever the Republic upon such an issue 
 could prevail with the American people. 
 
 But until the time became ripe for the enunciation of the 
 doctrine of abolition he was content to stand and fight along 
 the line of opposing the extension of slavery to the territories 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 799 
 
 of the West. He determined that the citadel of slavery must 
 eventually be stormed, impregnable as it seemed to be at the time. 
 Outside of that citadel and in front of the citadel the friends of 
 slavery had advanced their troops and erected entrenchments 
 for the extension of slavery to the free territories. The citadel 
 could not be captured until these entrenchments were stormed. 
 
 When Douglas maintained under the specious doctrine of 
 state sovereignty that each state and territory had the inherent 
 right to determine for itself within its own boundaries whether 
 slavery should exist, and thus aligned himself with the slave- 
 holders of the South in endeavoring to extend slavery into the 
 free territories of the West in defiance of the Missouri compro- 
 mise, Lincoln was the first of American statesmen to see that a 
 breach could be made in these entrenchments. He challenged 
 Douglas to an open debate on the prairies of Illinois on his views 
 of State sovereignty and in that debate it is conceded by all his- 
 torians that he unhorsed his great opponent. 
 
 When he compelled Douglas to answer his adroit question in 
 this memorable debate the answer to which necessarily would and 
 did commend him to the Democrats of the North but incensed 
 against him the Democrats of the South, he destroyed forever 
 Douglas' prospect for the Presidency. When Lincoln's friends 
 and adherents advised him against putting the question, pointing 
 out that Douglas might and probalily would answer in such a way 
 as to strengthen his hold upon the Democrats of Illinois for the 
 United States Senate, the answer of Lincoln was, "I am gunning 
 for bigger game," and his prediction proved true. Douglas' 
 answer to that celebrated question propounded by Lincoln saved 
 him in his candidacy for the United States Senate but lost him 
 the Presidency of the United States, and eventually made Lincoln 
 that President. His conduct in that marvelous joint debate be- 
 tween Douglas and Lincoln so enhanced Lincoln's reputation that 
 his name was upon the tongues of most of the antislavery people 
 of the United States. 
 
 Up to that time Senator Seward of New York and Mr. Chase 
 of Ohio were the leaders of antislavery sentiment. Both of them 
 were men of superior education, of the highest culture and of the 
 most powerful intellect. Both of them for years were in official 
 positions, trained in public office, far excelling Lincoln in the 
 usual qualities which go to make up the ordinary statesman, and 
 yet so powerful was Lincoln's rude but convincing logic in this 
 memorable debate that it impelled the rank and file of the Re- 
 publican party to choose him as their candidate for the Presi- 
 dencv in the convention of 1860. Lincoln had. by his merciless 
 
800 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 logic, carried the State sovereignty entrenchments which Douglas 
 had so cunningly constructed in front of the citadel of slavery. 
 
 Once installed in these entrenchments by his election to the 
 Presidency he proceeded to construct in and upon them a fortress 
 from which he could afterwards batter down and storm the citadel 
 of slavery. 
 
 In the selection of his Cabinet Lincoln displayed extraor- 
 dinary sagacity and acumen. To the position of Secretary of State 
 he invited the cultured and seasoned statesman, Senator Seward, 
 who was the best known and ablest opponent of slavery outside of 
 himself in the United States. That great man, disappointed in 
 his ambition for the Presidency, was reluctant to accept, but 
 Lincoln appealed to his patriotism and his humanity and Avould 
 not take "no" for an answer. When he finally did accept it was 
 upon condition that Lincoln must disclose the names of the other 
 members of his Cabinet. 
 
 Among these was Senator Chase of Ohio, another ardent 
 Free Soil Republican, between whom and Seward there was a 
 violent personal antipathy. Seward refused to sit in the Cabinet 
 with Chase, and again Lincoln's wonderful sagacity and diplo- 
 macy was put to the test. How he accomplished the bringing 
 together of these men w^ill never be fully known but they finally 
 yielded to Lincoln's firm demands and both were appointed. 
 
 To the great astonishment of the country, two Union Demo- 
 crats were appointed, presumably for the purpose of assuring the 
 South that it was not his design to commit an injustice or take 
 from them their property without due process of law and just 
 compensation. From thence on Lincoln's career in the White House 
 was a marvel of ingenuity and statesmanship. Confronted with 
 rebellion on the part of the southern States and with constant fric- 
 tion in his cabinet ; with threats of resignation constantly renewed 
 on the part of Chase; with insubordination and brutal opposition 
 on the part of Stanton ; with contempt and insolence on the part of 
 Seward ; assailed by an unfair and vituperative press ; afflicted with 
 incompetence among his generals in the field, he nevertheless piloted 
 the ship of State through the most perilous period in American 
 history when the very life of the Nation was at stake. 
 
 Men at his elbow in the cabinet intrigued against him, aspired 
 to the position he held ; obstructed his orders and nursed their own 
 political ambitions and enmities in a way and to a degree that would 
 have made the ordinary man lose heart and abandon the contest. 
 Yet with a constancy, patriotism and ability but seldom if ever 
 equalled in history, the dominant will of Lincoln prevailed. Finally, 
 when he found himself strong enough and when the situation was 
 opportune he prepared and submitted to his cabinet the immortal 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 801 
 
 Emancipation Proclamation, and despite the opposition of many 
 of his most inflnential friends and sagest advisers, he gave the 
 Proclamation to the world and fired the final batteries which in 
 the end dismantled and destroyed the citadel of slavery. Nor was 
 this done without an exhibition of remarkable sagacity and exalted 
 statesmanship. It was promulgated to the world as a war measure. 
 It announced to the people of the South that those in rebellion 
 against the Union must suffer the loss of their human chattels if 
 they persisted in their treason, and that that property must be 
 utilized against them on the battlefield. He was prudent enough, 
 however, not to have the emancipation of the slaves of those in 
 rebellion against the Nation to take effect immediately. Pie fixed a 
 time in the proclamation in the future when the emancipation would 
 go into effect unless those who were in rebellion laid down their 
 arms and ceased their war of treason, and it contained the proviso 
 that if those in resistance to the Nation would cease their rebellion 
 that they would be compensated for their property. 
 
 The time and the circumstances for the abolition of slavery 
 had arrived. The hour had struck upon the dial of time. Without 
 violating law or the Constitution and in furtherance of the preserva- 
 tion of the integrity of the Union he at last succeeded in effacing 
 the birthmark of slavery from the fair face of the American Re- 
 public. No statesman was ever so tried and so beset under trial or 
 so triumphant in a great crisis as was Abraham Lincoln in the 
 Presidency of the United States in the greatest crisis of its history. 
 
 And now let us consider the man as the man of sorrow. 
 
 His whole career from cradle to the grave was pathetic with 
 its burdens, its humiliations, its privations and its sorrows. His 
 Ijirth was sorrowful. His boyhood days were sorrowful. His youth, 
 his manhood, his public career and private career all through his 
 life was filled with the strain of unending sorrow. 
 
 His infancy was barefooted and ragged. He was forced to 
 work at the coarsest manual labor from the time he was six years 
 of age. When a mere lad he led the horses while his brother held 
 the plow. 
 
 His father was a shiftless, unskilled carpenter, incapable of 
 saving, or acquiring property. As soon as he was able to earn a 
 wage Lincoln was hired out by his father to neighboring farmers 
 and woodsmen for the most exacting physical labor, doing chores, 
 chopping wood, splitting rails, acting as a flatboat man on the 
 rivers, as general choreman around country stores. A more cheer- 
 less boyhood is not disclosed in history. 
 
 In his young manhood Lincoln appears as an awkward, angu- 
 lar, gawkisli youth, ugly in face and ungainly in carriage, unlettered 
 and untaught. He went to school but one year in all his life and 
 the marvel is that he acquired a vocabulary and a diction such as is 
 
 —26 
 
802 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 disclosed in some of his speeches and State papers. His love affairs 
 were unfortunate. Spurned by most young girls of his age, he had 
 the misfortune to lose by death his first sweetheart, which affected 
 him so keenly that his friends despaired of his reason. After her 
 death his despondency was so acute and pathetic as to develop 
 eccentricity, from which he slowly recovered. 
 
 His married life was unhappy almost from its inception. So 
 doubtful was he of the prospect of married felicity that h§ failed 
 and refused to be present on the appointed day for the marriage. 
 Later on his courtship of his future wife was renewed and he 
 finally consummated the marriage, only to have his most gloomy 
 fears verified by many years of acute and constant married infelic- 
 ity. So unhappy was his married life that his most reliable biog- 
 raphers state that while on the circuit when other lawyers went 
 home of a Saturday to spend their time with their wives and 
 children that he (Lincoln) remained in some obscure hotel rather 
 than return to his own fireside. . 
 
 The most pathetic picture drawn of Lincoln's unhappinessis 
 that given by his law partner who states that during the lunch 
 hour, in Springfield, Lincoln, instead of walking four or five blocks 
 to his home for the midday meal, would go down to the grocery 
 store underneath his law office and buy a few cents worth of cheese 
 and crackers and munch them in his oifice to satisfy his hunger. 
 Nor was his domestic infelicity alone filled with sorrow. His finan- 
 cial affairs were never prosperous. Scrupulously honest and desir- 
 ous of paying his debts he was for years at a time constantly in 
 debt and in order to pay these debts he was depriving himself of 
 the necessities of life. It is said that when he was elected to the 
 Legislature he had to borrow money to go to Vandalia, and when 
 elected to the Presidency he was so short of ready cash, although 
 he owned his home in Springfield and a small farm, that he was 
 compelled again to borrow money to pay the expenses of the trip 
 to Washington. 
 
 His public life, while glorious in its results, was everywhere 
 bestrewn with vexations and annoyances. A considerable portion 
 of the press was vituperative and abusive towards him. Members 
 of his Cabinet were obstinate and irascible and, at times, insult- 
 ing; all these things leading up to the final tragedy when he fell 
 a victim to the bullet of an assassin. Such was the life of Lincoln, 
 the man of sorrows. 
 
 His whole life and his death was a martyrdom. 
 
 If the spirits of the dead can, as we believe, look down and 
 become conscious of the affairs of this world, what a glorious con- 
 solation must the spirit of Abraham Lincoln now be receiving 
 beyond the grave. The burdens and sorrows of his life have been 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 803 
 
 glorified to him, to his children and to his country by the incompar- 
 able, magnificent name and fame that he has left in history. 
 
 No agonies that a human being could endure in this world 
 could or would be shrunk from by any man who values fame if they 
 could acquire such a fame and such a name as has been left by 
 this incomparable American, the greatest humanitarian of his age 
 and country. 
 
 I know of no man in profane history who has so endeared 
 himself to men of all races, nationalities, religions or color as has 
 the great American statesman and beloved son of Illinois, Abraham 
 Lincoln. 
 
804 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 PREPAREDNESS. 
 
 Address before National Security League, Chicago, February 
 
 22, 1916. 
 
 Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen: 
 
 For over a century the Republic in wliich we live has been 
 singularly blessed by Providence. For over a century the foot of 
 no invader has been planted upon its shores. For over a century 
 we have had no wars with other nations that were formidable 
 in their strength. For over a century we have been engaged 
 in no serious conflict with any flrst-class power. 
 
 Vet during all this time the American Republic has remained 
 unequipped for aggressive warfare and but poorly equipped for 
 defensive warfare with any first-class power, and has thus among 
 all the great nations of the earth escaped the burdens of taxation 
 entailed by the maintenance of a large standing army and a large 
 navy. 
 
 Our good fortune in the past is attributable, first to the fact 
 that we have been isolated from the great warlike nations of the 
 world by reason of the expanse of water between this country and 
 these nations, and secondly, by reason of the fact that this Nation 
 has not been lustful of the acquisition of territory beyond the 
 temperate zone of the North American continent, and, therefore, 
 has not incurred the enmity or ill will of any great warlike nation. 
 Because of our isolation during the past century and the peace- 
 ful and harmonious relations existing between the United States 
 and the great world-powers, we have not maintained a large 
 standing army nor created a formidable navy. 
 
 Up to two years ago the sentiment of this country was almost 
 unanimous in favor of a small standing army and a moderately 
 sized navy, because the people felt safe and secure of the im- 
 munity of the country from foreign attack. To have injected 
 militarism into the American system with its necessary burdens 
 of taxation Avould have ocasioned a revolt among the American 
 people. Is this the situation today? Much as I favor peace 
 among the nations, much as I favor the arbitrament of all disputes 
 between nations, and much as I am opposed to militarism. I, 
 with many hundreds of thousands of my fellow citizens, have 
 reached the conclusion that the times and situations have changed. 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 805 
 
 and that this country is not now safe in assuming that it is 
 immune or invulnerable from attack from abroad. 
 
 The greatest war in history has been raging for over eighteen 
 months, during which the diplomacy of this country has been 
 taxed to the limit to avoid being involved therein. A peace- 
 loving President and administration have succeeded in keeping us 
 out of a war in which all of the great manufacturing and com- 
 mercial nations of the earth are now involved. To remain abso- 
 lutely and thoroughly neutral without sacrificing the honor of 
 the Nation has been the aim of the United States, and that aim, 
 up to the present time, has been successfully maintained. But in 
 maintaining that neutrality the citizens of this country have not 
 been debarred by international law and comity from exercising 
 the undoubted rights of neutrals, among which is to furnish con- 
 trabands of war manufactured in this country to the belligerents 
 subject to the right of capture and confiscation upon the high 
 seas. Many citizens of this country have been profiting by this 
 right given to them by international law but, unfortunately, these 
 sales have been made not to all belligerents, but to the belliger- 
 ents on one side of the great war; this resulting from the fact 
 that the allies have control of the seas, which has prevented the 
 furnishing of such contraband of war to the German-Austro- 
 Hungary powers. 
 
 All of the warring powers have endeavored to secure the 
 sympathy and assistance of the American Nation, without avail 
 The Nation has remained rigidly neutral and has thus disap- 
 pointed all of the powers engaged in this frightful warfare. We 
 are the oidy great commercial and manufacturing country in the 
 world not involved and because of that fact our citizens have been 
 coining money out of the woes and misfortunes of these belliger- 
 ents. This frightful war has enriched the manufacturers of this 
 country enormously and the cessation of the industries in Europe 
 has feverishly developed all of our manufacturing interests to 
 our great monetary gain. 
 
 By force of circumstances this country is being enormously 
 enriched at the expense of all the warring powers. Because of 
 this fact, a feeling of jealousy and dislike toward this country has 
 developed in all the nations at war. Read the magazines and 
 speak with those who have been in Europe and you will be con- 
 vinced that the kindly and friendly feeling for America which 
 existed among the nations of Europe up to the outbreak of the 
 present war has changed. T believe today from what I have read 
 and heard that the United States has not a friend in Europe. 
 
 The British empire believes we should sympathize and as- 
 sist it because of the fact that we speak their language and have 
 
806 DUNNE JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 adopted most of their civil institutions. The French republic 
 believes Ave should have sympathized with it, remembering the 
 fact that it was with the assistance of France that the independ- 
 ence of this country was secured. The German-Austro-Hungary 
 powers believe we should sympathize with them because of the 
 uninterrupted friendship that has existed between this country 
 and those great nations during all of our past history, and be- 
 cause so many of their flesh and blood have contributed to the 
 building up of this Republic and have become citizens thereof. 
 We have disappointed all of them in taking no stand other than a 
 neutral one during the present war, and all of them recognize 
 that Ave are growing rich out of their misfortunes. 
 
 The situation then today is different than it was during the 
 last century. First, we are not isolated as in the past because of 
 the tremendous improvements made in modern warfare. Steam, 
 electricity and the development of modern naval architecture have 
 made it possible for any warlike country of Europe with a large 
 army at its disposal to land that army upon our shores, if un- 
 opposed, within thirty days after a declaration of war. 
 
 XcAv York and Philadelphia are nearer to London and Paris 
 than are the Dardanelles, and yet, within the last few months, 
 hundreds of thousands of troops ha^-e been landed from London 
 and Paris upon the Dardanelles by naval transports within a 
 very brief time. We are faced then with this situation today, differ- 
 ing with the situation that existed for a century. Instead of 
 friendship with the great European powers we have jealousy and 
 ill-feeling among all of them towards us, and secondly, under 
 the present condition of modern warfare we are not isolated by 
 the Atlantic Ocean. Can we then safely pursue the policy of 
 the past century and remain an unarmed nation, unprepared for 
 attack from abroad? I believe and it is my judgment that the 
 overwhelming sentiment of America is that we cannot pursue our 
 policy of unpreparedness that has prevailed in the past. 
 
 Today aac have onh^ about one hundred and tAventy thousand 
 troops in the Federal Standing Army, only about thirty thousand 
 of Avhich can be mobilized in ease of Avar. The militia of all of 
 our states aggregates about the same number of men. Our Navy, 
 while efficient in its Avay, ranks only fourth in strength among 
 the powers of the Avorld. After this aAA'ful Avar is over, AA^hich CA^er 
 side is victorious and AvhateA-er the result, Ave Avill be faced Avith 
 the facts, first, that all of these powers are unfriendly, secondly, 
 that they Avill have formidable armies of veteran troops, and 
 thirdly, that we are enormously wealthy and that, therefore, the 
 temptation to attack us will be great. 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 807 
 
 At the opening of hostilities the total national indebtedness 
 of the European nations and their colonies did not exceed thirty 
 billion dollars. During this awful war they have already in- 
 creased that indebtedness to the extent of forty billions more. 
 The total indebtedness of the United States does not exceed much 
 more than one billion dollars, while the wealth of the United 
 States will probably be equal to the total wealth of any two of 
 these great powers. What a temptation to provoke a controversy. 
 
 China is a peace-loving nation, having over four hundred 
 millions of population, and yet this peaceful nation with its 
 enormous population and great wealth, is being overawed and 
 intimidated by its warlike neighbor, Japan, which has a popula- 
 tion of only seventy-five millions. The British empire, including 
 its colonies, has over four hundred million subjects. Russia has 
 one hundred and sixty-four million, Germany and Austro-Hun- 
 gary one hundred and fifteen millions, France and its colonies 
 sixty-four millions, Italy thirty-five millions, and Japan seventy- 
 five millions. All of them will be, after this war, in possession of 
 a trained, seasoned, soldiery, but hopelessly in debt. In view of 
 this situation it vrill not do for us to cry peace, peace, and remain 
 unprepared to resist aggression. No American wants an offensive 
 war. Every American believes in defending his country against 
 foreign aggression. The possibilities are so fearful to contemplate 
 that we must change our policy so as to prepare a reasonable 
 defense against foreign aggression. 
 
 Our National Army should be increased by an addition of at 
 least fifty thousand more regulars. Our citizen-soldiery must be 
 further cultivated and developed. We should have at least a 
 half-million men in our citizen-soldiery drilled and prepared for 
 war. Our Navy must be materially increased by the addition of 
 men-of-war containing the most powerful modern guns and the 
 Nation itself should undertake the establishment of a factory for 
 the manufacture of the most modem instruments of warfare. 
 
 The young men of the country who join our National Guards 
 should be compensated for the time they spend in becoming 
 trained soldiers fit for the defense of the Nation. Today they 
 practically receive no compensation. I believe every National 
 Guardsman should be paid one dollar for every day or night that 
 he spends in drill, provided he spends at least forty of these days 
 or nights each year in actual attendance at drill. The students in 
 the different colleges of the country receiving maintenance from 
 the Federal Government should also be required to take a military 
 course as part of the curriculum. There are over fifty of such 
 colleges and today the State of Illinois has at its university at 
 Urbana two thousand young men receiving military drill. 
 
808 DUNNE JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 The Federal Government should be more liberal, both in its 
 appropriations for the maintenance of the National Guards of the 
 ditferent states, and in furnishing trained soldiers to educate 
 these young men in the methods of modern warfare. I hope the 
 time may come in the history of the world as the result of the 
 awful consequences of the present war that the nations of the 
 world will enter into compacts to settle all disputes by arbi- 
 tration and provide means for enforcing and keeping these agree- 
 ments, but until that time comes the American Republic should 
 put itself on guard against invasion from abroad and provide to a 
 reasonable degree for the creation of a military force, both on 
 land and at sea that can protect this country against the machina- 
 tions and aggression of any nation or nations upon the earth. 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 809 
 
 ILLINOIS' NEEDS FOR GOOD ROADS. 
 
 Address Delivered at Jacksonville, Illinois, March 7, 1916. 
 
 Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen : 
 
 For the greater part of my life a resident of our metropolis, 
 and during many years more or less a part of its public service, 
 1 Avas no)ie the less uninformed as to rural highway conditions 
 in our Scale of Illinois. 
 
 I knew from my early years what the roads of Illinois were. 
 My travels, my reading and my contact with men from the 
 counties outside of Cook, kept me well informed, especially as I 
 had always been intensely interested in the problem of highways 
 and had made it a point to keep posted. As mayor of Chicago 
 and as judge of the courts of Cook County, 1 gained practical 
 knowledge of the progress of street building, and after all, the 
 problem in the city or country presents many similar phases. 
 
 I could well remember the remonstrances that accompanied 
 the agitation for improved streets in our cities. We were told by 
 honest, sincere people, that our streets could not be paved: that 
 paving meant personal and corporate bankruptcy ; that the bene- 
 fits pictured l»y good street advocates were irridescent dreams. 
 We can all recall those things, for we have only started to pull 
 our cities out of the mud during the last twenty years. 
 
 We all know what has happened. Opposition to good streets 
 has passed. It has been transformed into demand for the best 
 streets. We know how the cost of such improvement has de- 
 creased and the quality has risen. There are scores of the villages 
 of our State which boast the best pavements, and our larger 
 cities are paved to the extent of from 50 to 75 per cent of their 
 street mileage. 
 
 I was not surprised when I made my campaign for Governor, 
 nearly four years ago, to find our public highways in such a dis- 
 reputable condition, little better, in fact, than I had known as 
 
 a boy. 
 
 T realized from a new experience how perfectly humiliating 
 was our place as twenty-third among the states in the area of 
 permanently improved rural highways. 
 
 Here Avas my State, the State Avhose public interests* T Avas 
 anxious to be elected to serve as Governor, the richest in agrieul- 
 
810 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 tural products and land values, its soil on the average three times 
 as valuable as the soil of the United States in general, yet its rural 
 life embargoed and isolated by the most primitive means of com- 
 munication, its markets, its centers of business and its gathering 
 places of men and women separated from community life by im- 
 passable barriers. 
 
 The Federal reports told me that only ten per cent of the 
 95,000 miles of road in Illinois were improved in a permanent 
 manner, against thirty-eight per cent in Indiana, twenty per cent 
 in Wisconsin and Kentucky, twenty-eight per cent in Ohio and 
 fifty per cent in Massachusetts, 
 
 On every hand I thought I saw the time was ripe for a great 
 forward movement in this matter. The agitation for better roads 
 which had been more or less active for a number of years had 
 begun to assume a determination to do something concrete. 
 Property owners, land owners, city and country people alike were 
 coming to see and to understand what a tremendous, economic 
 and social loss was entailed by our poor roads. 
 
 In my inaugural message in January, 1913, I devoted space 
 to as strong a presentation of this subject as was within my 
 power. This message contained the following passage: "The 
 loss to farmers because of inaccessible primary markets, and the 
 abnormal expense of transportation due to bad roads, must be 
 considered as a contributing cause of the high cost of living, 
 * * * Bad roads not only hinder crop production and market- 
 ing, but they keep the rural consumer away from the store of the 
 merchant for weeks at a time. They keep the pupils from the 
 schools and voters from political gatherings and from participat- 
 ing in elections. They impair the efficiency of churches, and 
 social, fraternal and other organizations. Bad roads contribute 
 to the unattractiveness, the isolation and the monotony of country 
 life that are responsible for the desertion of rural precincts, es- 
 pecially by the young. Experts in mental ailments agree that 
 women in remote sections are the chief sufferers from the re- 
 strictions of communication and social intercourse which bad 
 roads impose." 
 
 THE TICE ROAD LAW. 
 
 The recommendation of the message touched the legislative 
 heart and the Tice good roads law was the result. You are all 
 familiar with its salient features. No subject has been so much 
 discussed or is better understood. The last General Assembly 
 remedied defects which a little experience had uncovered in the 
 original, and amplified its terms to make it more elastic to meet 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 81l' 
 
 the varying conditions and ideas prevailing in different sections 
 of our State. 
 
 We are now at work under this law. The courts have passed 
 upon its validity. Organization, State, county and township, has 
 been perfected and excellent progress has been made and the 
 future is very bright. 
 
 The most important new power granted to counties by amend- 
 ments to the Tice law is the right to issue bonds for construction 
 of State aid roads, these bonds to be redeemed annually from the 
 State allotments and the county equivalence. The advantage of 
 this act is that the people get the benefit of a system of good 
 roads at once, rather than by piecemeal, and the difference in cost 
 is the interest on the bonds. 
 
 For instance, this county, let me say, has 100 miles of desig- 
 nated State aid road, the total cost of construction of which would 
 be one million dollars. 
 
 Your annual allowance from the State distributable fund is, 
 we will say, $20,000, to which you add, under the provisions of 
 the law, a like amount, giving you $-10,000. At ten thousand dol- 
 lars a mile you could therefore build four miles of road in a year, 
 or the full one hundred miles in twenty-five years. 
 
 The bond plan permits you, by approval of the people, to 
 issue one million dollars of bonds with which to construct the 
 100 miles of State aid roads at once. It's all done and finished in 
 one job and you will be able to enjoy and get the benefit of the 
 whole system. Each year thereafter you will get your share 
 of the State funds, or $20,000. You add $20,000 to it and apply 
 $40,000 to the debt. In twenty-five years the entire issue will 
 have been cancelled. During that time you will have enjoyed and 
 profited by the 100 miles of road. 
 
 The difference in cost between the two methods, as I have 
 stated, is the interest charge, which will be more than counter- 
 balanced by the returns from the investment, such as better prices 
 for products and a more satisfactory social, religious and political 
 life. 
 
 To find out just what this interest charge will be, suppose 
 that a county decides to issue one million dollars in bonds for 
 the purpose of improving their designated State aid routes, and 
 that they propose to take three years' time to complete the work. 
 Let us suppose that the first year they will need $300,000 for the 
 work, the second year $350,000 and the third year $350,000. The 
 county decides that they must extinguish this debt in 20 years, 
 or in other words that the bonds must all be retired 20 years 
 from the date of the first issue. Let us say that these bonds, 
 which will bear interest at 4 per cent, will bfe issued as follows: 
 
812 
 
 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 $300,000— first year ; 
 350,000 — second year ; 
 350,000— third year ; 
 and that $50,000 worth of these shall be retired- each year. 
 
 From the following table you can tell jnst how much money 
 will have to be raised each year to take care of the maturing 
 bonds and the interest. 
 
 
 Amount of bonds 
 
 Amount of bonds 
 
 Interest on 
 
 Total 
 
 
 that will be 
 
 that will 
 
 outstanding 
 
 amt. to 
 
 ear. 
 
 ■ outstanding. 
 
 mature. 
 
 bonds at 4 /o. 
 
 be raised. 
 
 1 
 
 $300,000 
 
 $50,000 
 
 $12,000 
 
 §62,000 
 
 2 
 
 600,000 
 
 50,000 
 
 24,000 
 
 74,000 
 
 3 
 
 900,000 
 
 50,000 
 
 36,000 
 
 86.000 
 
 4 
 
 850,000 
 
 50,000 
 
 34,000 
 
 ,84,000 
 
 5 
 
 800,000 
 
 50,000 
 
 32,000 
 
 82,000 
 
 6 
 
 750,000 
 
 50,000 
 
 30,000 
 
 80,000 
 
 7 
 
 700,000 
 
 50,000 
 
 28,000 
 
 78,000 
 
 8 
 
 650,000 
 
 50,000 
 
 26,000 
 
 76.000 
 
 9 
 
 600,000 
 
 50,000 
 
 24,000 
 
 74,000 
 
 10 
 
 550,000 
 
 50,000 
 
 22,000 
 
 72,000 
 
 11 
 
 500,000 
 
 50,000 
 
 20,000 
 
 70,000 
 
 12 
 
 450,000 
 
 50,000 
 
 18,000 
 
 68,000 
 
 13 
 
 400,000 
 
 50,000 
 
 16,000 
 
 66,000 
 
 14 
 
 350,000 
 
 50,000 
 
 14,000 
 
 64,000 
 
 15 
 
 300,000 
 
 50,000 
 
 12,000 
 
 62,000 
 
 16 
 
 250,000 
 
 50,000 
 
 10,000 
 
 60,000 
 
 17 
 
 200,000 
 
 50,000 
 
 8,000 
 
 58,000 
 
 18 
 
 150,000 
 
 50,000 
 
 6,000 
 
 56,000 
 
 19 
 
 100,000 
 
 50,000 
 
 4,000 
 
 54,000 
 
 20 
 
 50,000 
 
 50,000 
 
 2,000 
 
 52,000 
 
 
 $1,000,000 
 
 $378,000 
 
 $1,378,000 
 
 The interest on the million dollar l)ond issue for the period 
 of 20 years will be $378,000. 
 
 By issuing the bonds in three years and in amounts just suf- 
 ficient for the work, there is secured a saving in interest for the 
 first year of 4 per cent of $700,000. or $28,000, and for the second 
 year a saving of 4 per cent of $350,000, or $14,000, making a 
 total of $42,000 saved in interest if we issue the bonds according 
 to the above plan instead of issuing the full amount the first 
 year. 
 
 A bond issue, by a provision of the Constitution must not ex- 
 ceed 5 per cent of the assessed valuation of the county, so the 
 county Avhich we suppose to issue this amount of bonds must 
 have an assessed valuation of $20,000,000. 
 
 The average annual interest on our proposed bond issue is 
 three hundred and seventy-eight thousand twentieths, or $18,900. 
 This means that a county having an assessed valuation of 
 $20,000,000 must levy a tax of Qi/o cents on each hundred dollars 
 of assessed valuation. The average equalized assessed valuation 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 813 
 
 of the farm land in Illinois is $20.19 per acre. This means that 
 the interest cost will be less than 2 cents per acre per year. 
 
 ADVANTAGES OF BOND ISSUES. 
 
 There are hve good substantial advantages to be gained from 
 impi'oving tjie roads with funds realized from bond issues : First, 
 the eonnnunity has the use of a considerable mileage of improved 
 roads much sooner than they would have under the system of 
 building each year only the amount possible with their State aid 
 allotment, together with the money put up by the county. 
 Secor.d, the cost of construction is lowered considerably, as a large 
 mileage can be constructed all at once much more economically 
 and efficiently than by building short stretches each year. Third, 
 the maintenance charge is taken off the county and paid by the 
 State on State aid roads if brick or concrete, and the maintenance 
 of gravel and macadam State aid roads is divided equally between 
 State and county. Furthermore, the maintenance charge per mile 
 on a connected system of improved roads will be much less than 
 if there are several isolated sections to be kept up ; and on gravel 
 and macadam roads, one-half the maintenance of which is paid 
 by the county, such maintenance charge, if these roads are a part 
 of a system, will be much less than if such sections are separated 
 from each other by stretches of unimproved roads, which means 
 that the county which builds the roads all at one time will have 
 the maintenance charge lessened considerably on those roads 
 which must be kept up by the State and county together. Fourth, 
 financing road improvement by bond issues places the cost of the 
 improvement on those who share the lienefits. Fifth, a system 
 of good roads will increase materially and substantially the value 
 of surrounding property much quicker than their value can be 
 increased by spref^ding out the road improvement over a period 
 of 20 years. It seems that the advantages gained from such a 
 method are worth immeasurably more than the interest charge of 
 9i/i cents on the hundred dollars assessed valuation. 
 
 Vermilion County has voted $1,500,000 for 175 miles of road. 
 Cook County has voted two million. Thirty counties are either 
 ready to vote upon bond issues or are seriously agitating it, the 
 proposed aggregate being twenty million dollars. 
 
 Since the Tice law became effective on July 1, 1913, the General 
 Assembly has appropriated a total of $3,100,000. The counties will 
 have matched this amount, making a total of $6,200,000 available 
 for State aid roads up to June 20, 1917. 
 
 Happily, the fear that hard roads are going to bankrupt us is 
 fast disappearing, because we have been able to demonstrate by 
 
814 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 practical experience and by undeniable statistics that such a dis- 
 aster is impossible. 
 
 The Illinois system of State aid roads comprises 16,000 miles 
 or about seventeen per cent of the total 94,000 miles of highway. 
 Of these 94,000, about 9,000 miles are improved. If we assume that 
 3,000 of these 9,000 miles of improved roads are included in the 
 16,000 miles of State aid system, we have left 13,000 of the system 
 yet to be constructed. 
 
 COST OF STATE AID SYSTEM. 
 
 The State Highway Commission estimates the cost of this con- 
 struction to be $129,000,000. Spread over twenty years, this sum 
 will require $6,450,000 annually. Estimating the assessed value of 
 the State for the next twenty years at an average of three billion 
 dollars per year, the $6,450,000 annual requirement for State aid 
 roads will cost the taxpayer $0,215 per $100 of assessed valuation. 
 A man owning a $1,500 piece of property, assessed at a third or 
 $500, would pay $1.07 per year. 
 
 Under the State aid system, it is estimated that the farms will 
 pay forty per cent of road improvement, the other sixty per cent 
 coming from personal property, cities, villages and corporations. 
 The farm's proportion of the $6,450,000 annual expenditure on 
 State aid roads would be $2,580,000. Divide this by the acres in 
 the- State and we have a tax of .07 per acre per year for twenty 
 years to improve these 13,000 miles of State aid road. 
 
 Our system provides for improving only twenty per cent of 
 the total road mileage, but this twenty per cent carries eighty 
 per cent of the traffic. But our townships are now levying $7,000,- 
 000 annually for roads and bridges and this sum will be expended 
 upon the eighty per cent of mileage outside the State aid system. 
 
 The system of State aid roads, as laid out by the counties and 
 finally approved by the State, will connect the cities and villages of 
 each county and the cities and villages of all other counties. Study 
 has shown us that from sixty-five to seventy-five per cent of all 
 farms within a county will either front directly on a State aid road 
 or on a road only one mile distant and that very few, if any, of 
 the remaining farms will be more than three miles distant. 
 
 In the three years of operation under the Tice law, a splendid 
 start has been made. The perfecting of the organization and ma- 
 chinery required much time. Few enterprises of such magnitude, 
 involving the cooperation and coordination of State, county and 
 town organizations, having so much of detail to work out have 
 gotten on their feet so quickly as has our State aid system of good 
 roads. The greatest achievement has been the preparation of road 
 maps by 102 counties and their revision by the State Commission 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 815 
 
 SO that all State roads unite at the county lines and we have a 
 comprehensive, connected, continuous, practical network of 16,000 
 miles of public highway, uniting the Wisconsin border with Cairo 
 and the Indiana line with the Mississippi. 
 
 PROGRESS MADE IN WORK. 
 
 At the close of the year 1915 there had been completed 90.5 
 miles of concrete, 22.4 miles of brick, 1.2 miles of gravel and 1 
 mile of macadam road, a total of 115 miles. Eighty-one bridges 
 had likewise been built. In addition to these 115 miles, the State 
 Highway Commission supervised the construction of eighty-two 
 miles of township road in 1915. 
 
 During 1916 we expect that 470 miles of State aid road will be 
 built. Many counties are going to try oil. The commission will 
 permit the use of State aid funds for oiling under certain restric- 
 tions, though it does not recommend this method and many road 
 students are skeptical of its economic value. The 470 miles men- 
 tioned will be made up of 11 miles of brick, 58 miles of concrete, 
 22 miles of gravel, 5 miles of waterbound macadam, 6 miles of 
 bituminous macadam, 250 miles of oiled road and 120 miles of plain 
 earth. 
 
 Consequently, gentlemen of Jacksonville, I believe that Illinois 
 is fairly started upon one of its very greatest and most important 
 enterprises, one that will benefit the business and social interests 
 of its people far beyond our fondest dreams. 
 
 The pioneering has been done. Opposition based on fear and 
 ignorance has given place to satisfaction and interest. We have 
 a law that is elastic and comprehensive. Our theory of State aid 
 is correct in principle and workable in practice. In ten years our 
 position in the matter of public highways will be of fame rather 
 than of notoriety. 
 
816 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 ILLINOIS' CONTRIBUTION TO PRE- 
 PAREDNESS. 
 
 Address, dedicating Second Regiment Armory, April 26, 1916. 
 
 Mr. Chairman, Ladies and Gentlemen: 
 
 The dedication of a regimental arnioiy, erected by our State 
 at a cost of half a million dollars of taxes, cannot fail to move our 
 people not only by the impressiveness of a duty well performed, 
 but also to a concentration of our thoughts again upon the great 
 topic of national discussion — military preparedness. 
 
 From the records of the Adjutant General's ofhce we find 
 that this magnificent structure which we dedicate today, was 
 begun in 1911, when the Forty-seventh General Assembly made 
 the initial appropriation of $200,000. 
 
 The next General. Assembly furnished $100,000 plus the pro- 
 ceeds of the sale of the old armory, $45,825, and the last Legis- 
 lature provided $125,000. making a total of $470,825. 
 
 During the last three years Illinois has made more ample pro- 
 vision for the upbuilding of its citizen soldiery than in any other 
 three years of recent times. 
 
 The last two General Asseml)lies, lioth sitting during my term 
 as Governor, made approprations for new armories and military 
 buildings amounting to $1,666,281. 
 
 The same two Assemblies appropriated for the ordinary and 
 contingent expenses of the National Guard, and Naval Reserve, 
 the maintenance of the Adjutant General's office, etc., a total 
 of $1,937,915. 
 
 Adding this expenditure to that authorized for new struc- 
 tures, we have an aggregate of $3,604,197 provided by the tax- 
 payers of our own State as their contribution to the maintenance 
 and development of a national defense system. 
 
 The State noAV owns and occupies military buildings worth, 
 at conservative estimate, $1,407,846, the oldest of which was 
 erected in 1902. And there are in course of erection now mili- 
 tary building costing $410,000. It has leases upon fortA^-nine 
 buildings used for armory purposes. 
 
 The State, in addition to these buildings, owns and operates 
 two rifle ranges worth $220,000, and leases and operates fourteen 
 other ranges. 
 
DUNNE JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 817 
 
 Military buildings are now open or in process of construction 
 as follows: Chicago, four; Aurora, Galesburg, Ottawa, Kewanee, 
 Quiucy, Woodstock, Springfield, Camp Logan, Camp Lincoln, 
 Kankakee, Monmouth and Peoria, one each. 
 
 Our military organization consists of the Governor as Com- 
 mander in Chief, one administration staff, two brigades of three 
 infantry regiments each, and one additional infantry regiment 
 attached to each, with fully authorized sanitary attachments ; 
 one regiment of cavalry, six batteries of field artillery, two field 
 hospital companies, one engineer company, one signal company 
 The total land strength organized and equipped for active field 
 service approximates 7,000. The Naval Reserves consist of SCO 
 men. 
 
 Military men, both those belonging to our guard and those 
 detailed by the U. S. Army to stud^^ and train our organization, 
 freely tell me that our militia has made splendid progress during 
 the last three years. 
 
 In proof of their assertion they point to conditions which 
 existed prior to the rehabilitation which is the rtsult of National 
 and State cooperation under rceent wholesome laws of Congress 
 and of our Legislature. Schools for officers, correspondence 
 schools for the enlisted man and the noncommissioned officer, 
 continuous and searching inspection, instruction by U. S. Army 
 officers and the liberal allowance of money have put a new life 
 and spirit into our military system. 
 
 For the last two years in public addresses I have favored the 
 idea embodied in what is known as the "pay bill'', which pro- 
 vides a fixed sum for each private and officer for each regular 
 drill of his organization which he attends, provided such privates 
 and officers attend at least forty drills a year. 
 
 In 1913, at the first encampment of the Illinois National 
 Guard in my administration, I advocated this plan in my address 
 to our troops. I favored it before officers and civilians who 
 called at the commander's headquarters during the encampment. 
 
 I believe it is equitable and just. 
 
 Under the new requirements, I am told, that it is necessary 
 for officers to spend several evenings a week at headquarters and 
 the enlisted man must give up time and priviliges to meet his 
 military obligations. In addition to this there are certain cash 
 outlays by both officers and men which a great nation should 
 be asiiamed to require of those who are to form the nucleus of its 
 defense in time of need. 
 
 It has been my pleasure to favor and approve liberal and 
 reasonable appropriations for the development of our National 
 Guard. 
 
818 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 I have insisted upon another thing. I have refused to permit 
 politics of any kind to be introduced into our National Guard. 
 Its officers have continued to serve vrithout change except as pro- 
 motion came their v^^ay through merit or they voluntarily retired. 
 I set my hand and heart against political interference with our 
 military establishment and am glad to be able to say I have main- 
 tained this ideal. The military department of the State must 
 be kept free from politics. 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 819 
 
 IRELAND IN AMERICA. 
 
 Address before the Friendly Sons of St. Patrick, Philadelphlv, 
 Pennsylvania, March 17, 1916. 
 
 Mr. Toastmaster and Gentlemen : 
 
 It is with much pleasure that, at your kind invitation, I 
 address your influential organization upon the subject, "Ireland 
 in America," 
 
 I recognize the fact that this organization is probably the 
 oldest of its character in the United States, and that it had the 
 distinguished honor of having upon its first roll of membership 
 not only many of the men who contributed to the success of the 
 American forces in the War of the Revolution, but that the great 
 Washington himself accepted honorary membership therein. 
 From the time of your organization, in the Revolutionary War, 
 I am informed that without a break you have been celebratmg, 
 annually, the Irish National Holiday on the 17th of March, and 
 I regard it as a distinguished honor to be invited to follow the 
 many great men who have addressed your organization upon such 
 
 occasions. . , , ^ • » 
 
 The first commemoration of St. Patrick's Day m America 
 was inaugurated by George AVashington at Boston, with a pro- 
 cession and celebration that is historic. On March 1/, 177b, 
 Washington issued the following order of the day while m camp 
 outside of the city of Boston: "Parole, Boston; Countersign, 
 St. Partick; Brigadier General of the Day, John Sullivan 
 Under the marshalship of the Irish-American, John Sullivan, the 
 first St. Patrick's Day procession in America started to the music 
 of the "Wearing of the Green," the British troops m front filing 
 out of Boston, and the ragged troops of the young Republic be- 
 hind them filing into Boston. 
 
 Who can criticise your organization or any other organiza- 
 tion for keeping up a celebration so gloriously ^7"5<^"«;f . . , 
 Let us not forget that Irish valor, Irish blood and Irish 
 brawn had much to do with bringing about the situation which 
 culminated in the evacuation of Boston, and the final triumph 
 of The American arms. Colonel James Barrett was one of the 
 commanding ofBcers at Lexington. The register of the New 
 E~Mre regiment that fought at Bunker Hill contained 71 
 
820 DUNNE^JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 Irish names, and was commanded by an Irish-American, Colonel 
 John Stark. Mad Anthony Wayne was of Irish birth or 
 parentage. 
 
 Richard iVfontsromery, who yielded np his life in the hour of 
 victory before Quebec, was of the same fighting race. The same 
 Montgomery of whom Lord North savagely declared: "He was 
 brave, he was able, humane and generous, but a rebel. A curse 
 upon his virtues! They have undone his country." 
 
 Colonel McClure, who fell at the head of his troops at "Wax- 
 haw, was an Irishman. General Stephen Moylan, on Washing- 
 ton's staff, was an Irishman. Both the Sullivans, James and John, 
 were the sons of Irish fathers. 
 
 The Irish John Glenn presided at the meeting of the Sons 
 of Liberty in Savannah on July 14, 1774, and at the same meeting 
 were the Iri.sh Farley, Bryan, Gibbons and Butler. 
 
 From the Irish-founded city of Belfa^st, Maine, to Savannah, 
 Georgia, where the Irish Sergeant Jasper gave up his life in the 
 cause of American liberty, every colony gave its quota of Irish- 
 men to fill the rank of the American Revolutionary Army. 
 
 The records of the War of the Revolution show that four 
 Irish-American Major-Geuerals served in that war. The.y are as 
 follows: Richard Montgomery, Thomas Conway, John Sullivan 
 and Henry Knox. The same roster shows that twelve Brigadier- 
 Generals were Irish-Americans, and they are as follows: John 
 Armstrong, William Thompson, Andrew Lewis, Wm. Maxwell, 
 Anthony Wayne, James Clinton, James Moore, Joseph Reed, John 
 Nixon, AVilliam Irvine, Edward Hand and Richard Butler. 
 
 ]\[ost of these men were actually born in Ireland or were the 
 sons of men born in Ireland. 
 
 Among the men who served in the French army which was 
 cooperating with the American Army, were Captain Jacques 
 Philippe D'Arcy, who died at Savannah, Captain Commandant 
 O'Neill, who was* wounded at Savannah, Arthur Dillon (Count 
 de Dillon), Lieutenant Colonel Barthelemy Dillon, Captain Denis 
 d'Hubart du Barry, Count de Dune (name also given as O'Dunn), 
 Captain Mullens, Captain Isidore Lynch, Captain MacDonnal, 
 Lieutenant de la Roche Negley, Lieutenant O'Farrell, Major 
 Jacques O'Moran, Captain Jacques Shee, Lieutenant George 
 Taafe and Captain Ferdinand O'Neill. 
 
 The Irish brigade in the French army under command of 
 Count Dillon numbered twenty-three hundred men. Parke Cus- 
 tis, Washington's adopted son, wrote: "Inscribe upon the tablets 
 of American remembrance eternal gratitude to Irishmen." 
 
 In the Pennsylvania regiments were hundreds of Irishmen, 
 many of Avhom came from the Irish townships of Tyrone, Raphoe, 
 
DUNNE— JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 821 
 
 Derry, Coleraine and Mount joy. Not only were the French and 
 American armies tilled with men of Irish blood and lineage, but 
 the Irishmen wearing red coats in the English army were so 
 strongly in sympathy with the American cause that they retused 
 to fight the American troops. Lord Howe wrote to tlie English 
 War Department: "Send me troops from England. In a war 
 against America I cannot depend upon the Irish. They have 
 too much sj^mpathy for the American people." 
 
 The Irish-American won his right to claim American citizen- 
 ship in every battle fought in the American Revolution from the 
 initial fight at Lexington to the final surrender of the British 
 troops at Yorktown. And the right he earned in the War of the 
 Revolution, he gloriously maintained in every war that followed 
 in American history. Andrew Jackson, afterwards President of 
 the LTnitcd States, commanded at New Orlean>5 and drove the 
 last of the red coats forever from American soil. And Andrew 
 Jackson boasted that he was born "somewhere between Carrig- 
 fergus and the LTnited States." 
 
 Jack Barry, the father of the American Navy, had good warm 
 Irish blood coursing through his veins. 
 
 In the Mexican War, General Shields and thousands of other 
 Irishmen spilled their blood upon Mexican battlefields in the fur- 
 therance of the American cause. 
 
 In the War of the Rebellion, upon the roll of honor, will be 
 found the names of Mulligan, Corcoran, Meagher, Smith, Kearney, 
 Sweeney and Sheridan. 
 
 No finer tribute to the valor of the Irish race in defense of the 
 integrity of the American Nation can be found than that of the 
 English correspondent of the London Times, who, in describing 
 the conduct of the Irish Brigade at Fredericksburg, under General 
 Meagher, wrote : "They best bespoke the valor of a race which has 
 found glory upon a thousand battlefields and disgrace upon none ; 
 for never at Fontenoy, Albuera or Waterloo was more heroic cour- 
 age displayed than by the Sons of Erin at the foot of bloody Mary's 
 Heights." 
 
 And no man throughout that great death struggle for the 
 maintenance of American autonomy, excepting Grant and Sher- 
 man, contributed more to final success of the Union Armies than 
 did the thunderbolt of the Shenandoah Valley and the hero of 
 Winchester, Philip Sheridan. 
 
 But why prolong the story of Irish-American courage and devo- 
 tion? The first and among the last of American Presidents, and 
 these ; two of the five American Presidents who have become titanic 
 in American history, have publicly attested their appreciation of 
 
822 DUNNE JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 the noble part that Irish-Americans have played in the history of 
 this great Republic. 
 
 Washington, in his day, declared: "I hope to see America 
 ranked among the foremost nations of the world, and I presume the 
 Irish will not forget the patriotic part which they took in the 
 accomplishment of our rebellion and the establishment of our gov- 
 ernment. ' ' 
 
 And Roosevelt, in this day, has written: "The Irish in the 
 West were almost what the Puritans were in the North and more 
 than the Cavaliers were in the South. The West was won by these 
 same men who he fore any others declared for American Independ- 
 ence. That these Irish were a bold and hardy race is proved by 
 their at once pushing past the settled regions and plunging into the 
 wilderness. ' ' 
 
 The Irish- American citizen has distinguished himself in peace 
 as well as in war ; in the council chamber as well as upon the battle- 
 field ; in the Presidency, in the Senate chamber, in the lower House 
 in our Legislature and in our courts, on the bench, at the bar and 
 in all the professional and mercantile pursuits. 
 
 Presidents Jackson, Buchanan and Arthur were all of Irish 
 blood. Calhoun, Butler, Shields, Fitzpatrick, Jones, James G. 
 Fair, James Phelan, Thomas J. Walsh, William Joyce Sewell, 
 'Gorman, Shields of Illinois, Missouri and Minnesota, and Shields 
 of Tennessee, have given luster to the Irish name in the American 
 Senate. McAdoo and Hynes, Foran and Finnerty, McCann and 
 Cochrane, with hdsts of others, have left their impress upon Ameri- 
 can history as members of the lower House. Among the governors 
 of our States we have had a Bryan in Pennsylvania, a Burke in 
 North Carolina, a McGill in Minnesota, a Patterson in New Jersey, 
 a Sullivan, Talbott and Walsh in Massachusetts, a Fitzpatrick, a 
 Moore and a Murphy in Alabama, a Burke in North Dakota, a 
 McKinley in Delaware, a Young in Ohio, a Byrne in South Dakota, 
 a Glynn in New York, an O'Neal in Alabama and a Boyle in 
 Nevada. 
 
 Gaynor, Moran, Ryan, McKenna and a host of other great 
 Irish- American judges have left imperishable names as jurists upon 
 the records of our courts. Among our prominent mayors of great 
 cities we have had Duane, Brady, Grace and Gaynor in New York, 
 O'Brien, Collins and Fitzgerald in Boston, Doyle and McGinniss 
 in Providence, Dempsey in Cincinnati, O'Neill in Milwaukee, Fitz- 
 patrick in New Orleans and Phelan in San Francisco. 
 
 Charles O'Connor was for years the leader of the American 
 bar, and Dr. Agnew, ttie leader of the medical profession, and today. 
 Dr. John B. Murphy is the leader in American surgery. A Ryan 
 is among the leaders of American finance. John C. Calhoun, the 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 823 
 
 oratorical rival of Daniel Webster, was of Celtic blood and Daniel 
 Dougherty, Burke Cochrane and William J. Bryan, whose father 
 proudly owned he was of Irish origin, can well be ranked with 
 Webster, Clay and Ingersoll as the leaders of American oratory. 
 
 The Irishman, A. T. Stewart, was in his day the prince of 
 American merchants, and, today, the Cudahys are among the great 
 packers and provision dealers of the world. A Healy founded the 
 greatest emporium for musical instruments in the world. 
 
 Among the most brilliant of American artists were George 
 Barrett, George P. A. Healy and Thomas Moran. 
 
 Among American sculptors we find Andrew O'Connor, Mulli- 
 gan, John Henry Foley, John Hogan and St. Gaudins. Among its 
 actors we find Boucicault, Tyrone Power, John McCullough, John 
 Brougham and Sheridan Knowles, and among its poets we find 
 Charles G. Halpin, John Boyle O'Reilly, James Jeffrey Roche and 
 Mayne Reid. 
 
 The vigor and intellect of the race which gave from its native 
 heath to history such men as Swift, Sheridan, Curran, Grattan, 
 Burke, Goldsmith, O'Connell, Moore and Wellington, has not been 
 impaired by having its sons and their descendants transplanted to 
 American soil. 
 
 In this country, as in every other country to which the mem- 
 bers of the Irish race have been transplanted, it has retained its 
 vigor and virility. 
 
 "Here and hereafter the Celtic race will hold its own!" 
 
 "Oh, the fighting races don't die out, 
 
 If they seldom die in bed, 
 For love is first in their hearts, no doubt," 
 
 Said Burke; then Kelly said: 
 "When Michael, the Irish Archangel, stands. 
 
 The angel with the sword. 
 And the battle-dead from a hundred lands 
 
 Are ranged in one big horde. 
 Our line, that for Gabriel's trumpet waits. 
 
 Will stretch three deep that day. 
 From Jehoshaphat to the Golden Gates — 
 Kelly and Burke and Shea." 
 "Well, here's thank God for the race and the sod!" 
 Said Kelly and Burke and Shea. 
 
 The Irish-American citizen may well be proud of the part that 
 men of his race have played in the history of America. They have 
 been loyal to their adopted country in her every hour of trial, and 
 in the years to come they will continue to be as loyal and patriotic. 
 
 Whether the attack upon the Republic be from without or 
 from within, he will rally to his country's caU, and whenever the 
 bugle call of patriotism is heard upon the blast, I predict that the 
 Irish- American will cheerfully and promptly respond to that call. 
 
824 DUNNE— JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 While we love and revere the land of our fathers, our first love 
 and loj^alty is due to the land we live in. That land has extended 
 to us her open arms and welcoming heart. She has given us a home 
 and a country where we can raise our children in the love of God 
 and country with liberty secured and justice enforced. We have 
 proved our gratitude, patriotism and loyalty in the past, and will 
 continue to do so in the future. 
 
 At no time in history ought the naturalized citizen of this 
 nation be more careful in placing the interests of this Republic 
 above all other interests. In the awful war now prevailing in 
 Europe it would be less than human if the naturalized citizens of 
 the Republic, no matter from what country they may have come, 
 did not, deep down in their hearts sympathize with their kith and 
 kill beyond the sea in the struggle now devastating Europe, but, 
 as American citizens, it should be their duty, at the present time, 
 in view of the many complications arising in the diplomatic rela- 
 tions between this Republic and each and all of the warring powers, 
 to restrain the expression of these sympathies and keep this country 
 free from envolvement in that awful conflict. 
 
 Fortunately, the American Nation has not become involved, 
 and it should be the hope and prayer of every American citizen, 
 whether native born, or naturalized, that this country shall not 
 become involved in that conflict. 
 
 Nothing is more likely to embarrass the Government of this 
 country in its efforts to preserve strict neutrality than the doing 
 of acts and the expression of sentiments which are unneutral. Na- 
 tion after nation, not originally involved in the conflict, have been 
 dragged into it against the consent and approval of its citizens.- 
 This Nation must not be so involved, and the surest way to keep 
 from being so involved is to refrain from doing any act or express- 
 ing any sentiment that is unneutral. 
 
 God grant that this war may soon be over without the envolve- 
 ment of the American Nation, but until that happy event shall 
 come, let us by word and act uphold the policy of the Nation to 
 preserve peace with honor. 
 
 In American politics we belong, and I hope will continue to 
 belong, to different political parties, but in exercising our fran- 
 chises, let us always put patriotism before party, principles before 
 men. and man before mammon. Let us so guide our conduct in 
 American life as to vote and act for the best interests of our coun- 
 try. Place not expediency or personal profit before principle. 
 
 Vote for no party that advocates that which you deem detri- 
 mental to best interests of the general public. Vote for no man 
 whose character is not clean, or whose motives are not pure. 
 
DUNNE JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 825 
 
 111 times of war you need not be admonished as to your duty. 
 You have shown it on a hundred battlefields. The splendid heritage 
 that has descended to us from our fathers in war and peace we will 
 preserve and transmit to your children, to whom we will ever teach 
 loyalty to and love for the Constitution and laws of the great 
 Republic. 
 
 Let us leave these children a heritage far more valuable than 
 power or wealth, the heritage of patriotism and love for the greatest 
 and grandest Nation upon the earth, the United States of America. 
 
826 DUNNE JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 THE FUNCTION OF THE MODERN 
 HOSPITAL. 
 
 Address at Pana, Illinois, April 24, 1916. 
 
 Mr. Chairm\an, Ladies and Gentlemen: 
 
 During the past forty years the State has taken an active in- 
 terest in two matters which have much to do with the medical pro- 
 fession. One of these is the protection of the people from contagious 
 and pestilential disease and the other is the protection of the public 
 from unqualified or unscrupulous physicians or other practitioners. 
 
 "Within that forty years the attitude of the public mind 
 toward subjects of this kind has very materially changed. The 
 institution for the insane was formerly an asyhim in which the 
 insane person was confined more for the protection of the public 
 than for the welfare of the patient himself. In the samo way 
 the warfare against contagious disease was looked upon as merely 
 a process of isolating the patient for the protection of the public 
 rather than that of considering the welfare of the patient and 
 preventing his afiiiction. The policy pursued in regulating the 
 incompetent practitioner consisted chiefly of restraining the unfit 
 practitioner rather than elevating the educational standards of 
 all practitioners. 
 
 Within recent years the State has assumed a very different 
 policy in securing its ends. While the isolation of the sufferer 
 from contagious disease is not ignored, the prevention of con- 
 tagious disease has become an infinitely more important matter, 
 and the State at the present time, operating through the State 
 Board of Health, is much more constantly engaged in educating 
 the people so that contagious diseases may not occur than in 
 dealing with the victim of the disease. 
 
 While the unfit physician is prohibited from practice, much 
 more is being accomplished by raising the standards of medical 
 education and in training the people to impose their confidence 
 only in physicians of proper intellectual, scientific, and moral 
 qualifications. 
 
 In the performance of these definite functions by the State 
 great assistance is rendered by the modern and well-equipped 
 hospitals which are being established in the more progressive com- 
 munities. I am advised that the day is soon coming when a com- 
 munity will not feel satisfied in merely isolating the sufferers from 
 
DUNNE JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 827 
 
 contagious disease, but when it will be accepted that there should 
 be provision in the general hospitals for suitable wards for the 
 humane and scientific care and treatment of sufferers from these 
 diseases. 
 
 The well-equipped hospital is the center in which the physi- 
 cians of a community come together for the interchange of ideas 
 and where there is developed a special skill in particular lines of 
 work by the individual members of the medical profession, and 
 so the community which centers its medical work about a general 
 hospital is doing far more to elevate the standards of the medical 
 profession than that community in which the iviedical men are 
 working separately and alone. 
 
 So it is believed that the establishment of an excellent hos- 
 pital, such as the one here in Pana, is of material assistance to the 
 State in those functions which it performs in connection with the 
 medical profession. 
 
 As I have intimated, the time was when the State of Illinois 
 was satisfied in maintaining asylums for the safe housing of the 
 insane, the feeble-minded, and the otherwise aifiicted. That day 
 is past. Even the term ''asylum" has been dropped by the 
 State government and the institutions for the insane and for the 
 feeble-minded are now designated as hospitals, and they are 
 hospitals in every sense of the word. In these institutions at 
 the present time the mental conditions are accurately diagnosed 
 by the best means known to science and each patient is given the 
 benefit of individual scientific treatment. The State has come to 
 know that the employment of the best scientific equipment and the 
 employment of the best hospital facilities is splendid economy 
 in the long run in dealing with its charges, and the people of 
 Christian County will find that this hospital with its excellent 
 facilities will prove a means of real economy in caring for the 
 destitute sick who must be cured of their afflictions or who would 
 remain permanent charges upon the public purse. 
 
 The aim of the State hospitals is to cure or care for those who 
 have become permanently disabled or are threatened with per- 
 manent disability. The aim of the local hospitals should be 
 to cure and care for those who are temporarily disabled. The 
 State acts gratuitously in caring for the former class and the local 
 institutions should extend its benevolent objects gratuitously 
 for those who are, unfortunately, unable to pay for the same. 
 Those who can pay should pay but there is, unfortunately, a class 
 in all communities who are unable so to do, and local communi- 
 ties should endeavor to care for the wants of such destitute sick 
 as are not able to care for themselves. 
 
 I congratulate the citizens of Pana upon the splendid work 
 they are doing in organizing and sustaining their present hospital. 
 
828 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 THE FUNCTION AND WORK OF PUBLIC 
 UTILITIES COMMISSION. 
 
 Address to Employes of Central Union Telephone Company, 
 Springfield, III., April 13, 1916. 
 
 Mr. Chairman, Ladies and Gentlemen: 
 
 I have accepted, with much pleasure, the invitation to be pres- 
 ent at this meeting, especially because of the fact that I have always 
 been deeply interested in the instrumentalities through which public 
 service is given the people. I am particularly pleased to be 
 amongst the men here present, as I am thereby assured of a special 
 interest in the subject of public utilities. 
 
 At the time the people of the State honored me by my selec- 
 tion as State Executive, and for some years prior thereto, public 
 service in the State was in a very unsatisfactory condition, due 
 largely to a lack of system or of coordination and effective reg- 
 ulation, and so deeply impressed was I with those facts that I 
 sought to impress the necessity of improvement in the public 
 service upon the very first session of the Legislature to convene 
 after my election. 
 
 In my first message to the General Assembly I recommended 
 the creation of a Public Utilities Commission and gave the fol- 
 lowing reasons for such recommendation : 
 
 The day of competition in the supply of gas, electric light 
 and power, street railways, and some other public utilities has 
 passed. Monopoly in these matters has come to stay. 
 
 In these modern days no municipality can tolerate the tear- 
 ing up of its streets,. every few months or years, by rival water, 
 gas, electric light, heating, or telephone companies in the laying 
 of pipes, wires, and conduits. 
 
 Only one utilit}^ producing concern should be allowed that 
 piivilege for each utility in each city. 
 
 That concern must be either the municipal corporation itself 
 or a private corporation. 
 
 The sole aim of a public corporation is to operate to the 
 satisfaction of the community, which is always assured by giving 
 the best service at the lowest rate. 
 
DUNNE JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 829 
 
 The sole aim of all private corporations, unregulated hy law, 
 is to make mouej^ for their stockholders, and the most money can 
 be made by poor service at a high rate to the consumer. 
 
 The only question, then, is whether the public shall own and 
 operate thru State or local agencies, or whether it shall allow 
 these utilities to remain in the ownership and control of private 
 corporations and regulate them by law. 
 
 Important as it is to give cities the right to manage their own 
 public utilities, it is also important to give to State and local 
 bodies large powers of regulation of the public utilities that re- 
 main in private hands. 
 
 These utilities may be broadly classed as "intraurban" and 
 "interurban". In other words, they are either local in char- 
 acter, confined to a city and its suburbs, or they run thru country 
 districts and connect one place with another. 
 
 In the latter class are included interurl)an electric railways, 
 natural gas mains, electric transmission lines, and a considerable 
 portion of the telephone systems of the State. 
 
 In the other class are included city gas, electric light and 
 power, heating, and street railway companies, and such parts 
 of the telephone system as are operated within cities by virtue 
 of franchises granted by such cities. Waterworks in private 
 hands, and, doubtless, some other public utilities could be included 
 in this class. 
 
 The interurban utilities can only be regulated by the State. 
 For that purpose a well equipped public utilities commission 
 should lie created with large powers. It should control the issue 
 of securities, the character of service, the rate of charge, etc. It 
 should be appointed by the Executive with the approval of the 
 Senate. 
 
 With respect to intraurban, or strictly city utilities, it might 
 be well, at the start, to give to the proposed State commission 
 control of the city utilities when requested by any of the several 
 cities of the State. The commission, however, should be em- 
 powered to secure uniformity of accounting and full publicity 
 with respect even to the city utilities and should be prepared to 
 furnish this information in tabulated form in its annual reports, 
 and in further detail to public oificials. 
 
 The commission should also be equipped with funds and 
 authority so that it can employ and furnish competent expert 
 help to cities seeking advice and assistance from this State com- 
 mission. 
 
 When requested to do so by any municipality the commission 
 should also supervise the service of these city utilities. 
 
830 DUNNE JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 It would also be well to give the State commission full con- 
 trol of all new issues of stocks, bonds and notes, and other evi- 
 dences of indebtedness of all the public utilities of the State, 
 including those within the cities. If this were done, the com- 
 mission should be equipped with resources and power to make a 
 physical valuation of such properties. No additional securities 
 should be permitted to be issued save for additional physical 
 property and legitimate brokerage. It should be distinctly pro- 
 vided that future issues of securities, when approved by the com- 
 mission, should be clearly separated by serial numbers, or other- 
 wise, from existing securities, to the end that purchasers might 
 always know whether they were buying new securities, approved 
 by the State and issued for an increase of physical investment, 
 or, whether they were buying securities issued prior to the enact- 
 ment of the law and that had not in any way passed under the 
 scrutiny of the State. 
 
 The Forty-eighth General Assembly took a similar view of 
 the situation and passed the Public Utilities Act to take effect 
 January 1, 1914. 
 
 When the Legislature again convened, in 1915, we had a 
 short period of experience with the Public Utilities Commission 
 and I was able, in my biennial message, to give the following 
 estimate of its work : 
 
 The State Public Utilities Commission closed the first eleven 
 months of its administration on November 30, 1914. During that 
 time the commission was organized, its work systematized, and 
 the administrative, engineering, accounting, rate, and service de- 
 partments were built up to such a state of efficiency as the lim- 
 ited time and the means at the disposal of the commission would 
 allow. The present working force of the commission, attorneys, 
 engineers, accountants, statisticians, experts, inspectors, clerks, 
 stenographers, etc., numbers seventy-three persons. The Illinois 
 Public Utilities Law is probably the most comprehensive measure 
 of its kind ever enacted and the duties and powers of the Illinois 
 Commission are probably more numerous and greater than those 
 of any similar commission. The multiplicity, variety, and im- 
 portance of matters coming before it during this period of organi- 
 zation have been so great as to tax to the utmost its ability to 
 investigate, hear, and dispose of the cases. 
 
 During the eleven months there were filed 1,278 formal com- 
 plaints and petitions, all of which call for investigation and public 
 hearings and a finding by the commission. In 924 of these cases 
 formal orders were entered. There were also brought to the at- 
 tention of the commission during this same time about 500 in- 
 formal complaints, covering almost every conceivable matter 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 831 
 
 about which complaint could be made, some 400 of which have 
 been investigated and disposed of informally by correspondence 
 or conference. In addition to the above, the commission has 
 approved 1,160 leases made by utility corporations. Orders were 
 issued in sixty-five stock and bond cases, authorizing the issue 
 of $176,917,304, par value, of stocks, bonds, and notes. On De- 
 cember 1, 1914, there were pending applications for authority 
 to issue securities of the par value of $262,485,258. On December 
 22 a majority of the pending applications for authority to issue 
 securities had been heard. The amount of fees paid into the 
 State Treasury for authorities granted up to this time was 
 $505,202.78. The total receipts of the commission at this time 
 was $510,173.89. The total amount of appropriation expended to 
 maintain the commission was $118,548.14. 
 
 The beneficent effects of the operation of the Utilities law 
 are already apparent on every hand. 
 
 Discriminations in rates and service have been eliminated and 
 it may now be said that strict rate uniformity prevails among all 
 the utilities of the State. The question of rates has probably 
 been most often brought to the attention of the commission, for 
 while rates and service are fundamentally joined in almost every 
 case, the majority of complaints coming to the commission thus 
 far have found their expression in terms of rates. In a number 
 of smaller communities settlements have resulted in substantial 
 reductions in rates. In some of the more important cases the de- 
 termination of reasonable rates has necessitated the making of 
 property valuations, which requires much time and labor. 
 
 Standards of service to govern gas and electric utilities have 
 been established by the commission, and service inspectors are 
 now at work inspecting the quality of service furnished by the 
 various utilities of the State. 
 
 One of the main objects sought by the Legislature in the 
 establishment of the Utilities Commission was to secure to the 
 people of the State adequate service at reasonable rates, and the 
 commission in all its acts has ever kept before it this condition, 
 and has sought to accomplish and is accomplishing this great pur- 
 pose for which it was created. 
 
 With respect to the telephone situation, as it now exists in 
 this State, I am informed by the State Public Utilities Commission 
 that there are 796 new telephone companies reporting to the com- 
 mission and under its supervision. These companies operate a 
 total of 1,306 exchanges. The telephone has become practically 
 indispensable to the business and social life of the day. As com- 
 pared with the number of telephone companies reporting to the 
 commission, there are 174 electric light and power companies 
 
832 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 serving a total of 650 cities and villages ; there are 71 gas com- 
 panies serving 216 cities and villages, and there are 53 railway 
 companies serving 72 localities. 
 
 One of the first acts of the commission after its organization 
 was to require all telephone companies, as well as other public 
 utilities, to file with the commission complete schedules showing 
 the rates and charges of such public utilities. From the sched- 
 ules thus filed it appeared that many telephone companies, as 
 well as other utilities, were furnishing free or at reduced rates, 
 service not only to municipalities, counties, and other political 
 units, but also to railroads, express, and telegraph companies, 
 public halls, lodge rooms, and in many instances to individuals. 
 It also appeared that many telephone companies made it a prac- 
 tice to furnish telephone service free or at reduced rates to their 
 stockholders and directors. This practice was carried on to such 
 extent in some cases that only a comparatively few subscribers 
 were paying the regular scheduled rate. The commission at 
 once set about taking the necessary steps to eliminate all discrim- 
 ination in the rates, charges, and practices of such companies, and 
 thru a series of conference rulings, with which I presume most 
 of you are familiar, it directed that all service at free or reduced 
 rates should cease, except that where by the terms of a fran- 
 chise ordinance granted by a municipality a public utility had 
 agreed to furnish service to such municipality at free or reduced 
 rates, the terms of such franchise should be observed until other- 
 wise ordered by the commission. The result has been not only 
 to simplify the rate schedules of the telephone companies, but 
 also to equalize the burdens among the various subscribers and 
 place all users of the same class of service on an equal basis. It 
 has also resulted in assuring to the telephone companies com- 
 pensation for all services performed bj^ them to which they are 
 entitled. 
 
 The commission also was called upon shortly after its crea- 
 tion to construe Section 55 of the Commission Act and to outline 
 its policy with respect thereto. This section avithorizes the com- 
 mission, under certain conditions, to issue a Certificate of Con- 
 venience and Necessity to a public utility that may apply there- 
 for, and prevents public utilities from erecting any new plant or 
 system without such a certificate. After mature deliberation, 
 the commission adopted a general rule with respect to telephone 
 companies making application under this section, which reads as 
 follows : 
 
 "This commission holds that applications for Certificates of 
 Convenience and Necessity will be denied all telephone companies 
 wdiere the application is for the establishing of an additional tele- 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 833 
 
 phone system in a city or village where a telephone system is 
 already in operation and is furnishing adequate service at reason- 
 able rates." 
 
 This ruling has been generally adhered to by the commission, 
 and the result has been to relieve many communities of a dupli- 
 cation of telephone systems in their midst, together with th'^ bur- 
 dens incident to the support of such duplicate plants, as well as 
 relief from the inconvenience and annoyance of a divided tele- 
 phone service. 
 
 One of the most perplexing problems with which the com- 
 mission has had to deal is that of determining whether telephone 
 companies operating upon the so-called mutual plan are public 
 utilities within the definition set forth in the Commission Act. 
 One of the first cases to come before the commission involving 
 this question, and one that fairly illustrates the principles in- 
 volved, was that of the Noble Telephone Company vs. the Noble 
 Mutual Telephone Company. In this case an attempt was made 
 by the Mutual Company, without applying to the commission for 
 a Certificate of Convenience and Necessity, to install and operate 
 a telephone system in a village that was already being adequately 
 served by another telephone company. It appeared that the 
 Mutual Company, which claimed exemption from the jurisdiction 
 of this commission, had accepted a franchise ordinance from the 
 village, which provided in substance that no person, firm, or cor- 
 poration who should desire to become a member of said mutual 
 company, should be barred from the service of the company. Ihe 
 commission, after hearing the evidence and considenng all ot the 
 facts, decided that this mutual company was holding itseit out 
 to serve the public, and therefore was a public utility and within 
 the jurisdiction of the commission; that it could not lawtuUy 
 construct its telephone system in the village in question without 
 first securing a Certificate of Convenience and Necessity. 
 
 This case was appealed and both the Circuit Court of Sanga- 
 mon County and the Supreme Court of this State affirmed the 
 order of the commission. (268 111., 411.) . -p 
 
 The commission has also prescribed a uniform system ot 
 accounts for all telephone companies operating m this btate 
 While some of the smaller companies were somewhat reluctant at 
 first to the keeping of their accounts as prescribed by the com- 
 mission, yet after having once adapted themselves to he require- 
 ments of the commission in that respect and giving the matter a 
 fair trial, they now appear to be enthusiastic m their expressions 
 as to the benefits derived therefrom. 
 
 —27 
 
834 DUNNE JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 The commission has also, by conference ruling, established 
 standards of service for telephone companies. These standards, as 
 you probably know, limit the number of subscribers that may be 
 connected on a local exchange line and also on a rural line ; 
 they require telephone utilities to make tests and inspections of 
 their lines and equipment, so that efficient service may be pro- 
 vided ; they require traffic studies to be made at regular intervals 
 and records kept showing the result ; they prescribe the periods 
 at which telephone directories shall be revised, printed, and dis- 
 tributed, and in general aim to provide for adequate and efficient 
 service to telephone patrons at all times. 
 
 The commission has been called upon, also, to deal with prob- 
 lems connected with gas and electric service. 
 
 Conspicuous gas and electric cases have concerned the cities 
 of Belleville, Springfield, and Jacksonville. 
 
 Final decisions have been entered in the Belleville and Spring- 
 field cases, the rate for gas in Belleville being reduced from $1.15 
 to $1.00 net per 1,000 feet and in Springfield from $1.00 to 80c net. 
 The commission has announced a reduction from $1.15 to 95c net 
 in Jacksonville, but no final order has yet been entered in this 
 ease. 
 
 The advantages of the Public Utilities Commission are per- 
 haps better illustrated in the proceedings for determining reason- 
 able rates for public service than in any other of its valuable work. 
 
 It is much better adapted to making investigations and se- 
 curing all the facts necessary to arrive at a correct conclusion as 
 to what rate is fair both to the producer and consumer than a 
 law court. The commission may sit at a point of greatest con- 
 venience. It may send engineers and investigators to examine 
 into conditions. It can, and does, require actual valuations of 
 physical property, and can accurately value securities and in- 
 tangibles. 
 
 In this respect the Public Utilities Commission bears much 
 the same relation to our law courts that the administrative courts 
 of France and Germany bear to the regular courts there. There 
 is this difference, however, that the administrative questions there 
 are tried and finally determined in such courts only. 
 
 The Public Utilities Commission of Illinois, however, has 
 nothing to complain of with respect to appeals from its decisions 
 to the law courts. The findings of the commission have so far, 
 when questioned, been invariably sustained in the courts. 
 
 In the cases involving the rates in, Belleville and Springfield 
 the commission, after the most complete and exhaustive examina- 
 tion, entered orders reducing the rates. The evidence seems 
 
DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 835 
 
 to fully sustain the decisions and indicates that the public service 
 companies involved will make a fair and just profit on the rates 
 fixed by the commission. 
 
 Public service rates bear some analogy to tax rates. If every- 
 body is taxed justly and in proportion to the kind and value of 
 his property the burden will fall more lightly upon all than is 
 the case where some escape taxation and others are loaded with 
 the burdens which they evade. So it is with public service rates. 
 It has been habitual with some companies to grant a great deal 
 of service free or at greatly reduced rates to big concerns, friends, 
 favorites, or associates ; for railroad companies to grant free passes 
 and other concessions. Under such circumstances the service 
 must be paid for and in practice payment is exacted from other 
 consumers, whereby such other consumers are required not only 
 to pay full value for the service obtained by them, but as well to 
 contribute for those who are escaping payment. Invariably this 
 injustice is greatest upon the small consumer. 
 
 Under the law the Public Utilities Commission has, in every 
 case where discrimination of this character has been foand to 
 exist, abolished the practice. That railroads may be able to 
 carry passengers at a rate of 2c per mile instead of 3c, as was 
 formerly the practice, the Commission adopted the regulations of 
 the Inter-State Commerce Commission, practically abolishing all 
 free passes upon railroads. By conference rulings, the com- 
 mission directed that all public service companies should abolish 
 discriminations as to rates and service, to the end that every 
 customer should receive the same treatment. 
 
 Under such a system, the poor can ride upon the railroads 
 at what it is reasonably worth to carry them and are not obliged 
 to help pay for carrying the opulent or well to do. The house- 
 wife in her humble establishment will get gas, water, electric 
 light, and such other utilities as enter into the daily needs, for 
 what they are worth and willnot be compelled to pay an inflated 
 rate because more fortunate or more favored consumers get their 
 service free or at a reduced rate. 
 
 Because the Public Utilities Commission has had to maintain 
 a large organization and because substantial salaries had to be 
 paid members and employes of the commission, and seemingly 
 large appropriations have been made by the Legislature, it might 
 be thought that the commission was a burden upon the State's 
 finances and tended to aid to the tax burden. Such, however, 
 is not the case. Since its organization the commission has been 
 a source of net revenue to the State. 
 
836 DUNNE — JUDGE, MAYOR, GOVERNOR 
 
 The receipts of the State Public Utilities Commission of Illi- 
 nois from January 1, 1914, the date of its beginning, to February 
 29, 1916, a period of twenty-six months, amounted to $835,690.69. 
 The grand total of expenditures for the same period amounted to 
 $514,133.82. This leaves $321,556.87 which has been paid into the 
 State Treasury through the commission over and above all 
 expenses. 
 
 For the year covered by the second annual report of the com- 
 mission, dating from December 1, 1914, to November 30, 1915, the 
 receipts were $634,789.21, and the expenditures $265,366.05. leav- 
 ing a balance of $369,423.16 for the twelve months. 
 
 In establishing practical control over public service corpora- 
 tions Illinois has won a strong position. 
 
 "We now have the machinery to insure reasonable rates for 
 public service and reasonable returns upon investments in public 
 service properties. 
 
 The benefits now being actually enjoyed and to accrue enure 
 not to the consumer alone, altho such are substantial and most 
 welcome, but to the utilities properties as well. 
 
 Under the law not only fair charges for public service can 
 be obtained and enforced, but fair valuations for investments as 
 well. "We have gone far in the direction of squeezing the water 
 out of corporate stock and preventing its future dilution. 
 
 We have established a tribunal where the humblest citizen, 
 without cost and without price, can have his complaint heard and 
 be assured of the same quality of justice as the most affluent. 
 
 To maintain this highly prized accomplishment and to perfect 
 in every detail the workings of the commission organized under 
 the Public Utilities act is a task worth the efforts of all forward- 
 looking citizens of this State. 
 
INDEX 
 
 Page 
 
 Absent voting 551 
 
 acquisition of territory by United States 96 
 
 addresses 
 Chicago, 
 
 Association of Commerce, "Waterway" 592 
 
 Auditorium, "England in the Transvaal" 118 
 
 Charter Convention, "Initiative and Referendum" 141 
 
 City Council, "Inaugural address" 196 
 
 Commercial Club, "Chicago Charter" 150 
 
 Cook County, "Court House corner stone laying" 300 
 
 death of 
 
 General Wm. Booth 263 
 
 Judge Murray F. Tuley 324 
 
 Democratic Convention, accepts nomination for maj^or 177 
 
 Illinois Building Association League, 
 
 "Value of Building and Loan Idea" 472 
 
 Irish Fellowship Club, "St. Patrick's Day" 283 
 
 Iroquois Club, 
 
 "Annexation of Philippines" 95 
 
 "A reunited Democracy" • 116 
 
 "Monopoly grips the Nation" 133 
 
 Jackson Day Banquet, 
 
 "Has Democracy departed from first principles" 125 
 
 Jefferson Club, , 
 
 Bryan banquet -^^ 
 
 Jefferson Day banquet ^"^ 
 
 "Municipal campaign of 1D07" "»'^*J 
 
 Monticello Club, "The crisis of the day" 9- 
 
 National Security League, "Preparedness" 8^4 
 
 Party Ward Officers, "Municipal ownership" i»^ 
 
 Second Regiment Armory, "Preparedness" 8i*> 
 
 Single Tax Club, „„„ 
 
 Chicago Polish Americans ''^ 
 
 Crimes of Violence j^:^ 
 
 Manchester martyrs f^J 
 
 Spanish-American Treaty ^"• 
 
 Tax assessments u-',;.'. 77V 
 
 Western Economic Society, "Waterway Bill ' '-^ 
 
 Belleville, rq9 
 
 "Belleville's Centenary" ii^ 
 
 "Dangers of Monopoly" 
 
 Buffalo, ^ . , ,, 7Q1 
 
 Annunciation Club. "Abraham Lmcoln 
 
 Denver, 302 
 
 "Private Monopoly" 
 
 Freeport, . „ ' qkq 
 
 "Republican party and the panic 
 
 Galesburg, , ,, 358 
 
 Bar Association, "Lincoln, the lawyer 
 
 Jacksonville, g03 
 
 "Good Roads" 
 
 Mattoon, 556 
 
 "G. A. R." 
 
 New York. 
 
 New "Vork Municinal League. 197 
 
 "Chicago's fight for municipal ownership 
 
 Ottawa. ^ ^, ,^ ., 384 
 
 "The Economic Problems of the day 
 
 Pana. , .^ ,.. 826 
 
 "Functions of a modern hospital 
 
 Peoria, „ , . ^ .. 413 
 
 Creve Coeur Club, "Washington 
 
 Philadelphia. . , ,,t 1 „^ ;., Amorir-n" 819 
 
 Friendly Sons of St. Patrick, "Ireland m America 
 
 ^^Farmers National Congress. "The soil we till" 
 
838 INDEX 
 
 Put in Bay, 
 
 "isattie of Lake Erie" 452 
 
 Quincy, 
 
 "Dedication of Armory" 761 
 
 Springtleld, 
 
 C. U. T. Co. employes, "Public Utility regulation" 828 
 
 Democratic State Convention, 
 
 "Democratic accomplishments" 489 
 
 State Fair, Farmer boys, 
 
 '•Mailing two buslieis grow where one grew before" 418 
 
 Game and Fish Conervation Commission, 
 
 "Duties of the Commission" 442 
 
 "Publication Lincoln's Gettysburg address" 474 
 
 Urbana, 
 
 LTniversity of Illinois, "Dedication of Lincoln Hall" 411 
 
 Woodstock, 
 
 Decoration Day 375 
 
 agriculture, 
 
 advantages of agricultural life 420 
 
 community centers .' 467 
 
 distribution of agricultural data 467 
 
 farm loans 467 
 
 Germany, productivity of 460 
 
 Illinois ranks first in agricultural wealth 499 
 
 improving farm life 467 
 
 increased production 419 
 
 making rural communities attractive 460 
 
 neglected opporunities in the country 419 
 
 school houses as social centers 460 
 
 soil, the foundation of national wealth 459 
 
 suggests thesis on practical farming 462 
 
 University of Illinois, 
 
 greatest agricultural college 459 
 
 lecture courses 467 
 
 Alaska, nationally owned railroads 587 
 
 "Allen bill' 93 
 
 Allen, E. N., Warden, 
 
 honor sytem 749 
 
 Altgeld, John P. 
 
 father of workmen's compensation 372 
 
 in memoriam 370 
 
 pictured as an anarchist 372 
 
 practiced poor man's gospel 370 
 
 standing army a inenace to liberty 373 
 
 statesman of loftv character and sublime courage 373 
 
 tax-dodgers 372 
 
 unveiling of monument 755 
 
 appropriations, 
 
 armories 816 
 
 "Fergus suit" 773 
 
 Forty-eighth General Assembly 773 
 
 apportionment 408, 664 
 
 armories, appropriation for 816 
 
 Association of Commerce, Chicago, address "Waterways" 592 . 
 
 asylum, term dropped by State 827 
 
 Battle of Lake Erie, address, "Put in Bay" 452 
 
 Belleville, address, "Belleville centennial" 532 
 
 "Dangers of Monopoly" 379 
 
 Biological laboratory 706 
 
 Bissell, W. H., governor 533 
 
 Board of education. Chicago, 
 
 leases of school property 339 
 
 Board of Equalization 177, 395, 524 
 
 Boers, 
 
 appeal on behalf of. address, Chicago 118, 124 
 
 justice, on their side 119 
 
 Booth. General William, death of 26.'? 
 
 bovs. human interest sketch 148 
 
 Brvan. W. .7. 
 
 .Teff erson Club guest 243 
 
 Buffalo, address, "Abraham Lincoln" 791 
 
 Building and loan associations, 
 
 benefit of 473 
 
 benignity of Illinois laws 473 
 
 incentive to thrift 473 
 
 value of 472 
 
 Bureau of Labor Statistics 87, 684 
 
INDEX 839 
 
 Page 
 
 Cairo, flood prevention o 
 
 capital punishment, 
 
 abolition of 162. 712, 734 
 
 address to General Assembly 708 
 
 address, Boston, Governors' conference 734 
 
 in foreign countries 710 
 
 in other states ..!!!!!!!!!!.!!!!!! 711 
 
 message to General Asembly ".."!.'.'!.*.'.'.'!!.".'!!!! 702 
 
 not a deterrent to crime !'.'.'.'.!'.!!'.'.!!' 709 
 
 Capital of United States, summer capital .'.'.*.'.'.*.'.'.".'."."!.'.'.' .' .' .' .' .' .' 450 
 
 charities, 
 
 address, LaSalle, Illinois 615 
 
 Commission '.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'. 680 
 
 corporal punishment abolished , 496 
 
 State institutions, humanitarian progress in 615 
 
 chauffeurs, 
 
 protection of 575 
 
 Chicago, 
 
 addreses, 
 
 Asociation of Commerce, "Waterway' 592 
 
 Charter convention, "Initiative and Referendum" 141 
 
 Chicago Bar Asociation, "General Assembly" 524 
 
 Chicago Commercial Association, "Civic Progress" 315 
 
 Commercial Club, "Chicago Charter" 150 
 
 City council, "Inaugural Address" 196 
 
 Cook County, "Court House corner stone laying" 300 
 
 Democratic convention, 
 
 "Accepts Nomination for Mayor" 177 
 
 Illinois Building association league, 
 
 "Value of Building and Loan Idea" 472 
 
 Irish Fellowship Club, "St. Patrick' Day" 283 
 
 Iroquois Club, "Annexation of Philippines" 95 
 
 "A Reunited Democracy" 116 
 
 Jefferson club, 
 
 "Municipal campaign of 1907" 336 
 
 Bryan banquet 243 
 
 Jefferson day banquet 204 
 
 Monticello Club, 
 
 "The serious crisis of the day" 92 
 
 National Security League, "Preparednes" 804 
 
 Party Ward Officers, "Municipal Ownership" 186 
 
 Second Regiment Armory, "Preparedness" 816 
 
 Single Tax Club, 
 
 "Spanish-American Treaty" 109 
 
 "Chicago Polish Americans" 782 
 
 "Crimes of Violence" 162 
 
 "England in the Transvaal" 118 
 
 "Manchester Martyrs" Ill 
 
 "Tax Assessments" 85 
 
 Chicago Chronicle, on 
 
 "Monticello club address" 94 
 
 destitution of 134 
 
 departmental expenditures 2 
 
 fire protection 247 
 
 destiny and greatness 245 
 
 destitution of City of Chicago 134 
 
 gas rates reduced 2 
 
 general property tax compared with other cities 247 
 
 municipal water system commended 2 
 
 new city hall advocated 322 
 
 park consolidation recommended 679 
 
 police force 247 
 
 revenue 246, 275 
 
 rights and privileges, voted away 86 
 
 sanitary department 247 
 
 subways 540 
 
 tax dodging 136 
 
 Chicago Law Journal 68, 73 
 
 Chicago Tribune. 
 
 "Tardy Justice to ex-mayor Dunne" 537 
 
 child placing 435 
 
 Children, 
 
 dependency of 406 
 
 parents fund 435 
 
 rights of parents to 72 
 
 two-cent fare law 403 
 
 citizen soldiery 761 
 
 city court, recommends establishment of 83 
 
 civil service, 
 
 attitude of mayor 464 
 
 city and county compared 340 
 
 law upheld °2 
 
840 INDEX 
 
 Page 
 
 municipal ownersliip under 213 
 
 not an untried principle 401 
 
 compensation for overtime 2 
 
 concealed weapons 163 
 
 amending, manner of 394 
 
 constitution, , 
 
 amendments to 393 
 
 efforts to amend 524 
 
 message to General Assembly 663 
 
 amendment favored 150 
 
 Initiative and Referendum 154 
 
 constitutional guarantees 24, 154 
 
 contempt of court, 
 
 appointment of Judge Shope illegal 21 
 
 consolidation of gas companies, decision 13 
 
 freedom of the press 13 
 
 convict labor, 
 
 commutation of sentence for road work 446 
 
 defends working on roads 758 
 
 honor system ; 547 
 
 law providing for road work 575 
 
 convicts, 
 
 exploitation of 456 
 
 employment on roads 404, 495, 526, 678 
 
 on pardoning 463 
 
 Cook County court house, 
 
 built without graft 300 
 
 corrupt practices 400 
 
 corruption 85, 365 
 
 cost of living 381, 386 
 
 Craig, Hon. C. C 466 
 
 crimes, cause of 163 
 
 criticism of public officials 38 
 
 CuUom, Shelby M., memorial address 497 
 
 currency law, provision of 488, 587 
 
 DeBerry, Joseph, 
 
 hanging of 785 
 
 decisions, 
 
 corporations. State control 49 
 
 employees' contracts 57 
 
 Interstate Commerce, affected by State decision 40 
 
 order of Judge Goggin 48 
 
 rights of parents to children 72 
 
 Sunday closing 43 
 
 unlawful trade combinations 64 
 
 users of sidewalks 71 
 
 wages, 
 
 assignment of 61 
 
 payment for overtime 54 
 
 teacher's salary 56 
 
 "Decoration Day address", Woodstock 375 
 
 Democratic, 
 
 accomplishments 490, 494, 585 
 
 idealism 546 
 
 principles, 
 
 address Jefferson Day banquet, Chiacgo 204 
 
 adherence to 125 
 
 enumerated 128 
 
 State convention 490 
 
 plea for a united democracy 580 
 
 Democracy, a reunited, 
 
 address, Iroquois Club, Chicago 116 
 
 Deneen, Charles S., Governor, 
 
 fiscal condition of State 483 
 
 Denver, 
 
 address "Private Monopoly" 302 
 
 Department of Electricity, City of Chicago 340 
 
 Deportation, Dept. Work of 684 
 
 destitution, 
 
 of City of Chicago 134 
 
 Dickinson, Judge, 
 
 reception of Iroquois Club, protested 363 
 
 "Dixie Highway" 759 
 
 "Dollar diplomacy" 587 
 
 Dougherty. N. C. pardon of 690 
 
 Douglas, Stephen A., 
 
 anniversary of 426 
 
 drug venders 692 
 
 Dyson, O. E., Dr., 
 
 position upheld , 768 
 
INDEX 841 
 
 Page 
 
 "Economic problem (the)", 
 
 address, Ottawa 384 
 
 education, scliool building encouraged .\.. .................. . 322 
 
 Edwards, Ninian, territorial Governor [].[....[[....[[.... 532 
 
 Efficiency and Economy Committee 495, 526, 677 
 
 eight hour day, established in State institutions .' ' 647 
 
 elections, 
 
 message recommending passage of laws in regard to 665 
 
 of United States Senator 416 
 
 Primary 526 
 
 refusal to issue certificates of. in certain cases 642 
 
 registration of women 530 
 
 rotation of names on ballot 402, 495, 52fi 
 
 short ballot '. . . . 401 
 
 statement of re.issuing of election certificate 642 
 
 electricity, rates in Chicago 297 
 
 Emancipation Exposition, address, Chicago 732 
 
 employment agencies 661 
 
 England, 
 
 address, Chicago, "On Behalf of Boers" 118 
 
 denounced in the Transvaal 1J8 
 
 press and literature 119 
 
 wars of 105 
 
 Epileptic Colony, Dixon, establishment of 403, 495, 526, 670 
 
 Equalization, Board of > 177, 395, 524 
 
 "Europe, not England, is the mother country of America" 104, 477 
 
 European War 587 
 
 express rates 587 
 
 extradition, law and practice 632 
 
 factories, sanitation and ventilation '. 529, 575, 612 
 
 factory inspection 621, 685 
 
 fees, 
 
 filching 87 
 
 letter to Supreme Court S3 
 
 system a damper on justice 83, 90 
 
 finance. 
 
 Budget — Biennial message 687 
 
 Legislative Reference Bureau 687 
 
 Finerty, John F., address monument unveiling 600 
 
 flre department, 
 
 hazards 451, 576 
 
 hours of firemen 451, 576 
 
 insurance rates 661 
 
 legislation on 624 
 
 message to General Assembly 661 
 
 prevention day, 
 
 statement to public 465 
 
 "Two platoon system" 272, 451 
 
 fish and game, 
 
 address, Springfield, State Game and Fish Conservation Commission.... 442 
 
 birds 443 
 
 commercial fishing 423 
 
 consolidation recommended 421 
 
 investigation of departments 442 
 
 message to forty-eighth General Assembly 421 
 
 sportsmans interest 423 
 
 valuation of fish industry '. 443 
 
 wardens 444 
 
 flag, state 637 
 
 floods, 
 
 appropriation 428 
 
 message to forty-eighth General Assembly 427 
 
 food inspection 673 
 
 food stuffs, condemned or destroyed 316 
 
 foot and mouth disease, 
 
 Dyson, Dr. O. E., upheld 768 
 
 legisla tion for 679 
 
 spread of disease 619 
 
 freedom of the press 13 
 
 Freeport, address — "Republican party and the panic" 350 
 
 Galesburg, 
 
 address, "Lincoln the Lawyer". 358 
 
 gambling 271. 321 
 
 Game and Fish Conservation Commission 495, 528, 671 
 
 garnishment exemption 92 
 
 gas consolidation act 93 
 
 gas rates 277, 280 
 
 General Assembly, 
 
 Chicago Bar Association address 524 
 
 Legislators' salaries ""8 
 
842 INDEX 
 
 Page 
 
 Germany, 
 
 U. S. Diplomatic communication 716 
 
 Germans in Illinois, 
 
 address at unveiling of Goethe's monument 563 
 
 Gladstone, W. E., 
 
 England's greatest statesman 113 
 
 Goethe, 
 
 address, unveiling of Goethe's monument 563 
 
 good roads, 
 
 address, Jacksonville (See also Roads and Bridges) 809 
 
 government, mal-administration of 94 
 
 Governor (See Addresses, Letters, Messages, and Statements) 
 Governors' conferences, 
 
 Boston "Preparedness" 743 
 
 "Capital punishment" 734 
 
 Madison "Uniformity of Labor Laws" 620 
 
 value of 449 
 
 grade crossings 567 
 
 graft in Chicago City Council 92 
 
 Grain Inspection Department 685 
 
 Grand Army of the Republic, address, Mattoon 556 
 
 hack-stands 80 
 
 "Harlan plan" 188 
 
 Harrison, Carter H., Mayor, 
 
 commended for street car stand 92 
 
 Health, State Board 501, 683 
 
 Highway Commission 501 
 
 hog serum, free distribution condemned 706 
 
 Home finding Commission 686 
 
 home rule, 
 advocacy of, for cities 170, 400, 438 
 
 proposes a constitutional amendment to provide for 132 
 
 honor system .• 749 
 
 hospital, functions of a modern 826 
 
 hours of labor 623 
 
 Housing Commission 681 
 
 "Humphrey bill" 93 
 
 Illinois, 
 
 admission to the union 631 
 
 conservation, "Leslie's Weekly" 499 
 
 past and future of 637 
 
 progress during 1914 647 
 
 Illinois State Teachers' Association 
 
 address, Springfield, "Sex Hygiene" 485 
 
 income tax 587 
 
 independence, 
 
 day, address, "Naturalized citizens", Springfield 726 
 
 of Philippines and Porto Rico 110 
 
 industrial accidents 621 
 
 Industrial Board 613, 677 
 
 initiative and referendum, 
 
 address, Chicago Charter Convention 141 
 
 constitutional amendment 392 
 
 failed to pass 524 
 
 message to Forty-eighth General Assembly 429 
 
 passed, urged 548 
 
 progress of 424 
 
 injunction, foot and mouth disease 651 
 
 "International morality" 160, 161 
 
 Industrial Board 575 
 
 Ireland, 
 
 address, Irish Fellowship Club. Chicago 145 
 
 home rule 560 
 
 in America, address 
 
 Friendly sons of St. Patrick, Philadelphia 819 
 
 soil, must belong to the people 145 
 
 Irish. 
 
 Address, LTnveiling of Finerty monument, Chicago 600 
 
 affection for Ireland ?84 
 
 love of liberty never extinguished 283 
 
 love of new land 284 
 
 patriotism before party 824 
 
 patriots 284 
 
 preserved teachings for Christendom 283 
 
 Iroquois Club, Chicaeo. 
 
 address, monopoly 133 
 
 annexation of Philippines 95 
 
 a reunited democracy 116 
 
 Dickinson. Judge 363 
 
 withdrawal from 91 
 
INDEX 843 
 
 Page 
 
 Jackpot Government 367 
 
 Jacksonville, address "Good Roads" 809 
 
 James, Dr. Edmund J., letter commending 531 
 
 Judaism, ritualistic observances 469 
 
 Judge (See "Addresses," "letters," "messages," "statements") 
 
 judges, criticism of 38 
 
 juries 406 
 
 jury system, corruption of 92 
 
 justice to ex-mayor Dunne, "Chicago Tribune" 357 
 
 Juul law, provisions of commended 88 
 
 Kenesaw Mountain, 
 
 unveiling of monument 568 
 
 Kimsey , Charles A. , pardon of 544 
 
 "Kleeman bill" 433 
 
 Knights of Columbus, Peoria letter to. 
 
 Bishop John L. Spalding 482 
 
 Labor 239, 240 
 
 Labor Day 573 
 
 labor legislation 586 
 
 laboring man deprived of right of trial by jury 94 
 
 Lawler, Michael Kelly. 
 
 career of, letter to people of Equality 457 
 
 Legislative Reference Bureau, 
 
 message commending work of bureau 495, 667 
 
 legislative session, roll call verification 407 
 
 legislators, 
 
 raising salaries of 728 
 
 Legislature, corruption in 92 
 
 "Leslie's Illustrated Weekly," 
 
 statement, Illinois conservation 499 
 
 letter of, 
 
 Tuley, Judge Murray F., urging Judge Dunne to run for Mayor 170 
 
 letter to, 
 
 Allen, E. M., 
 
 honor prisoners 446 
 
 Boston Magazine (The), regarding resignation rumor 257 
 
 City Council, re telephone and electric rates 313 
 
 Iroquois Clut), 
 
 re Judge Dickinson 363 
 
 re withdrawal 91 
 
 James, Pres. Edmund J., U. of I., 
 
 commending services 531 
 
 practical farming 467 
 
 people of Equality, re Michael Kelly Lawler 457 
 
 Sanitarv District, re power rights at Joliet 475 
 
 Stewart, John A., re celebration of the 100th anniversary of peace among 
 
 English speaking people 477 
 
 Supreme Court, re Justice Court fees 83 
 
 Werno, Alderman Charles, re municipal ownership 286 
 
 levees, 
 
 construction of *'■* ' 
 
 Lewis, James Hamilton, U. S. Senator, 
 
 election of recommended 408 
 
 Lincoln, Abraham. 
 
 address, Annunciation Club. Buffalo 791 
 
 Lincoln Day Banquet 656 
 
 industry' and modesty 359 
 
 Lincoln Hall, dedication of 411 
 
 Lincoln the lawyer 358 
 
 Lincoln's Gettysburg Address, 
 
 publication of urged |^4 
 
 liquor, one o'clock closing ordinance • ■ ■ 32^^ 
 
 Live Stock Commission 6ol, R79 
 
 livestock, foot and mouth disease 651 
 
 loan sharks, 
 
 cause of more misery than highwaymen ^^^ 
 
 cause of suicides |^^ 
 
 no respectable man in the business i|^ 
 
 wage assignment contractual slavery 15'* 
 
 lobbying. 
 
 abolished in congress. 
 
 581 
 
 address to forty-eighth General Assembly ■ • 688 
 
 pernicious influence of ■^-'' 600 
 
 Logan. John A., 
 
 address Murphysboro '^ ' ^ 
 
 low wages, o., 
 
 responsibility for „q^ 
 
 lumny jaw cattle Sn^ 
 
 Lusitania, sinking of '^^ 
 
844 INDEX 
 
 Page 
 
 Manchester martyrs Ill 
 
 Mangier bribery case 70 
 
 Manufacturing interests of Illinois 500 
 
 Mattoon address, G. A. R 556 
 
 Mayor, 
 
 Mayor (See also Addresses, Letters, Messages, Statements) 
 
 accepts nomination on municipal principle 177 
 
 no affiliation with "boodlers" 357 
 
 office not sought for by Judge Dunne 174 
 
 urged to accept nomination by Judge Tuley 170 
 
 McKinley, William, President 93 
 
 mechanics' lien law 495, 528 
 
 Meisenburg, Samuel, 
 
 Chicago memorial 554 
 
 message to City Council, 
 
 re water rates 223 
 
 re Universal Gas Company 261 
 
 Vetoing gas ordinance 277 
 
 vetoing street railway ordinance 329 
 
 message to the General Assembly Inaugural 392 
 
 Biennial 658 
 
 municipal ownership 225 
 
 Mexican situation. 
 
 has been dealt with in a spirit of firmness and justice 586 
 
 mediation plan 552 
 
 no likelihood of war 488 
 
 mines and mining, 
 
 commission to investigate 576 
 
 explosives 576 
 
 fire fighting equipment 576 
 
 inspection of coal mines 576 
 
 mine examining board 575 
 
 Mine rescue stations 528, 576 
 
 shot firers' law 576 
 
 Mitchell, E. E., Treasurer, 
 
 condition of treasury 483 
 
 monopoly, 
 
 address Denver, "Private Monopoly" 302 
 
 evils of 94, 379 
 
 nation in grip of 133 
 
 plutocrats in Cabinet and Senate 133 
 
 private, indefensible and intolerable 351 
 
 Republican Congress, failure to curb 356 
 
 mothers' pension 436 
 
 motion pictures, 
 
 veto of 731 
 
 municipal, 
 
 campaign, nineteen-seven 336 
 
 courts 174, 542 
 
 expenditures, limiting of 85 
 
 ownership, 
 
 address, New York Municipal League 197 
 
 "Allen bill" 178, 216 
 
 city vs. contract plan 226 
 
 civil service efficiency 185 
 
 increase of wages 201 
 
 contract plan 229, 260 
 
 corruption and bribery 201 
 
 civil service 178 
 
 Public Utility corporations 214 
 
 could not increase taxes 195 
 
 demand of people 335 
 
 efficiency in service 201 
 
 fares, reduction of 201 
 
 franchise, 
 
 Chicago Chronicle 191 
 
 Chicago Post 191 
 
 Daily News 192 
 
 Record-Herald 191 
 
 Tribune 192 
 
 extension opposed by people 256, 260 
 
 hours of labor, reduction of 201 
 
 "Humphrey bill" 178 
 
 increase of wages 201 
 
 in Europe 311 
 
 letter to Alderman Charles Werno 28f; 
 
 Morgan Co., .1. P., investments 188 
 
 Mueller law provisions 191. ?27 
 
 municipal problems, solution of 440 
 
 not a political machine 183 
 
 objections to 199 
 
 plans for 225, 227 
 
INDEX 845 
 
 Page 
 
 municipal ownership — contd. 
 
 politicians and private ownership 183 
 
 private operation • 304 
 
 street car certificates 200 
 
 strikes 201 
 
 traction merger 250 
 
 Union Traction Company 216 
 
 water rates 178 
 
 Yerkes, Charles T., influence in Springfield 216 
 
 mutuality, 
 
 "Chicago Law Journal" 73 
 
 Murphysboro address, John A. Logan 571 
 
 National Guard and Naval Reserve 553, 649, 674, 816 
 
 naturalization 122 
 
 necessities of life 106 
 
 negro. 
 New York, 
 
 address. New York Municipal League, "Chicago fight for municipal 
 
 ownership" 197 
 
 address, Chicago, Emancipation Exposition 732 
 
 Officers, 
 
 abuse of authority 67 
 
 Ogden Gas Company 13 
 
 Ottawa, 
 
 Address, The Economic Problem 384 
 
 Packers, water stealing 86 
 
 Pana, address, "Functions of a Modern Hospital" 826 
 
 Panama Canal, 
 
 address, Chicago, Henry George Ass'n, Panama Treaty 65 
 
 consummation of treaty a disgrace 167 
 
 effect on manufacturing interests in Illinois 715 
 
 U. S. authorities assisted in rebellion 167 
 
 Panama- Pacific International Exposition 715 
 
 patriotism 382 
 
 peace °79 
 
 penal institutions, reform of , 64( 
 
 Peoples Gas, Light & Coke Co 13 
 
 petty larceny °4 
 
 Peoria, address, "Creve Coeur Club" 413 
 
 Pharmacy, State Board of 684 
 
 Philadelphia, address. Friendly Sons of St. Patrick 819 
 
 Philippines, 
 
 acquisition of without native consent — a crime 110 
 
 American occupation for benefit of England 105 
 
 annexation of, mo iat 
 
 consent of governed ^"'^' ^^' 
 
 denounced i nn i nR 
 
 forced submission i no 
 
 McKinlev's "benevolent assimilation of" 10^ 
 
 forcible annexation not to be thought of • • ■ jO^ 
 
 means increased army and navy 103, 104 
 
 means liability to embroilment in foreign wars 104 
 
 not wished by people ^^J 
 
 politics discarded 
 
 97 
 
 violating spirit of constitution 101 
 
 right to select their own government ^^ 
 
 United States needs no foreign alliances l^!* 
 
 Piano, address, Farmers National Congress 4oS 
 
 pledge, .„„ 
 
 breaking of, by public officials ^"^ 
 
 refuses to accept assistance from street railway company u^ 
 
 statement as candidate for Mayor l '° 
 
 Police, City of Chicago •,:•••; Te5 
 
 abolition of tax-dodging would provide adequate pohce force ib-i 
 
 no right to shoot fleeing fugitives '^ 
 
 who exceed authority "^ 
 
 Polish people, ,.^- 
 
 address. Chicago Polish Society ' ^ ' 
 
 poor, oppression of 
 
 Porto Rico, -,„, 
 
 possible excuse for annexing 
 
 poverty, City of Chicago o- 
 
 menace to health 
 
 preparedness, ^,o 
 
 address, Boston Governors conference ' ^^ 
 
 address, Chicago National Security League ^ '^ 
 
 appropriation for armories ^|^ 
 
 Illinois' contribution to. 
 military training 
 militia "Pay bill" 
 
 807 
 817 
 
846 INDEX 
 
 Page 
 
 preparedness — contd. 
 
 National Guard compensation 807 
 
 National Guard free from politics 818 
 
 rehabilitation, National Guard 817 
 
 sentiment of America 806 
 
 state owned buildings 816 
 
 United States enriched by force of circumstances 805 
 
 press, 
 
 freedom of 13 
 
 hostility of in traction fight 257 
 
 prison reform 548, 668 
 
 prisons, 
 
 honor system 749 
 
 letter writing in 751 
 
 protective tariff, 
 
 wages under 386 
 
 Psychopathic institute 501 
 
 public expenditure, 
 
 reduction encouraged 403 
 
 public ownership law 526 
 
 public utilities, 
 
 abolition of passes 835 
 
 address, Englewood, "Ownership of Public Utilities" 502 
 
 advantages of 137 
 
 certificates of convenience and necessity 832 
 
 corruption by corporate interests 137 
 
 effects of utilities law 831 
 
 function of Public Utilities Commission 828 
 
 gas and electric service 824 
 
 improved service under Public Utilities Commission 137 
 
 law desired by people 440 
 
 low cost of operation 137 
 
 Municipal government in England, free from politics 512 
 
 Mueller bill -. 516 
 
 municipal ownership 137 
 
 political interference 516 
 
 private operation of 202 
 
 placed under control 647 
 
 receipts of and expenditures of commission 836 
 
 regulation of 398 
 
 statement of Governor regarding 437 
 
 telephone companies 831 
 
 public Utilities Commission, 
 
 Chicago home rule 667 
 
 decisions sustained by courts. 824 
 
 law 495, 525 
 
 message, Chicago home rule 667 
 
 now exercises great power 501 
 
 Putin-Bay, 
 
 address, Battle of Lake Erie 452 
 
 Quincy, armory dedication 761 
 
 Race Prejudice 143 
 
 railroads, 
 
 employes, address (Chic.) Switchmen's Union 610 
 
 headlights 576, 612 
 
 safety appliance 528, 576 
 
 safety inspectors 612 
 
 trespassing 667 
 
 two-cent fare 567 
 
 Rainey, Hon. Henry T., 
 
 objections to waterway bill 770 
 
 reformatory inmates 522 
 
 Republican party, 
 
 controlled by monopoly 356 
 
 in the panic 350 
 
 revenue, 
 
 constitutional amendment 394 
 
 Reynolds, John, 
 
 Governor of Illinois 532 
 
 Rivers and Lakes Commission 672 
 
 roads and bridges, 
 
 address, Chicago, Chicago Association of Commerce 604 
 
 address, Springfield, State Highway Commission 447 
 
 appropriations 814 
 
 bond issues 813 
 
 cost of state aid system 814 
 
 "Dixie Highway" 759 
 
 extent of state aid system 814 
 
 improvement in state aid roads 647 
 
 improvement of highways 404. 447, 527 
 
 laws 810 
 
 proclamation for "road day" 538 
 
 progress in road building 815 
 
 Tice road law 495, 535, 647 
 
INDEX 847 
 
 Page 
 
 Roosevelt, Theodore, President, commends Judge Dunne 147 
 
 Ryan, Wm. J., 
 
 State Treasurer, condition of treasury 483 
 
 Safety appliances 576 
 
 .Salvation Army 164 
 
 Sanitary district of Chicago, 
 
 condemnation suit re power rights 475 
 
 power cost to Cliicago 221 
 
 taxation '['\ 433 
 
 Scotchman in America, 
 
 address, Chicago, St. Andrew's Society 634 
 
 Scott, Elston, execution of 785 
 
 Seattle, municipal ownership 282 
 
 semi-monthly pay .495, 576 
 
 sentencing a chicken thief 75 
 
 sex hygiene, 
 
 address, Springfield, Illinois State Teachers' Association 485 
 
 in schools 470 
 
 short ballot • 401 
 
 Sherman, Lawrence Y., U. S. Senator, 
 
 election recommended 488 
 
 sidewalks 71 
 
 simplified spelling, 
 
 address, Springfield, Illinois State Teachers' Association 645 
 
 Sisters of Good Shepherd 164 
 
 Shield, James, 
 
 statesman, jurist and soldier 533 
 
 Spalding, Bishop John L., 
 
 letter to Peoria Knights of Columbus 482 
 
 Spanish-American War 109 
 
 Springfield, 
 
 address, "Lincoln's Gettysburg Address" 474 
 
 Democratic State Convention 490 
 
 Employees C. U. T. Co 828 
 
 State Fair "Farmer Boys" 418 
 
 State Game and Fish Con. Com 442 
 
 statement, 
 
 appropriations 779 
 
 announcing candidacy for Governor 366 
 
 attitude to University of Illinois 430 
 
 "boys" 148 
 
 Chicago's destitution 134 
 
 Chicago, progress of 265 
 
 civil service law 464 
 
 execution of Elston Scott V85 
 
 fire prevention 465 
 
 good housekeeping 435 
 
 Governors' conferences 449 
 
 Harlan Plan 188, 221 
 
 Initiative and Referendum 424 
 
 loan sharks 391 
 
 Mangier case 70 
 
 public utilities 137 
 
 right of policeman to shoot fugitive 79 
 
 street railway system 233 
 
 traction merger, objection 250 
 
 vetoing street railway, franchise 244 
 
 water power 221 
 
 State Tax Commission 483 
 
 street, 
 
 car situation in Chicago 206 
 
 railway franchise, promise to veto ordinance 244 
 
 railway ordinance, veto 329 
 
 rental of streets by car company 558 
 
 strikes, 
 
 anthracite coal strike 209 
 
 compulsory board of investigation 219 
 
 contracts 219 
 
 legality of 209 
 
 Montgomery "^''ard and Co 209 
 
 publicity 40 
 
 state arbitration board 219 
 
 teamsters 121 
 
 "St. Louis Post-Dispatch" 206 
 
 subways, 
 
 Chicago should provide for building 540 
 
 Sullivan, Roger C 496 
 
 Supreme Court of United States. 
 
 Governor recommended for appointment • • ■ 501 
 
 tariff, revision of 488. 587 
 
848 INDEX 
 
 taxation, Page 
 
 abolition, city and township assessors 87 
 
 assessments of real and personal property 85, 87 
 
 Board of Equalization 177, 395, 445, 524 
 
 constitutional amendment 393 
 
 corporations 366 
 
 exemptions 87 
 
 favoritism in assessing 87 
 
 Tax Commission 415 
 
 tax dodging 92, 415 
 
 telephone and electric rates 313 
 
 traction, 
 
 merger 250 
 
 slush fund 365 
 
 Treasury, condition of 483 
 
 Trumbull, Lyman, Secretary of State 533 
 
 tuberculin test 549 
 
 Tuley, Judge Murray F., 
 
 death of 324 
 
 urges Judge Dunne to run for Mayor 170, 174 
 
 Unconscionableness, "Chicago Law Journal" 73 
 
 unemployment, 
 
 commission established 528 
 
 unemployed on Illinois highways 653 
 
 uniform labor legislation 626 
 
 uniformity of legislation 624 
 
 Urbana, address, "Dedication of Lincoln Hall" 411 
 
 Universal Gas Company 262 
 
 University of Illinois, 
 
 attitude of Governor 430 
 
 divorce of university from politics 430 
 
 expenditures of 430 
 
 head educational system 500 
 
 letter commending services of Pres. James 531 
 
 voucher, responsibility 430 
 
 United States Senators, 
 
 election of 396, 493, 525, 547, 587 
 
 primary vote repudiated by General Assembly 367 
 
 Vaccination 76 
 
 Veterinarian, State 768 
 
 veto of electricity rate ordinance 295 
 
 motion pictures bill 731 
 
 vice, in Chicago 322 
 
 wages, 
 
 assignment 83, 495, 528, 612 
 
 income of working men 387 
 
 in state institutions 617 
 
 labor organizations 388 
 
 protective tariff of no benefit to working men 387 
 
 public sentiment 388 
 
 semi-monthly payment 576, 612, 677 
 
 wage loan corporations 575 
 
 "Washington, George, President 413 
 
 wash rooms 495 
 
 water rates, message City Council 223 
 
 water power, Joliet 475 
 
 water survey 500 
 
 waterways, 
 
 address, Chicago Association of Commerce 592 
 
 Western Economic Society 772 
 
 Davenport 775 
 
 answer to objections of Congressman Rainey 770 
 
 bill free from politics 778 
 
 construction of 776 
 
 eight foot depth in Mississippi River 592, 777 
 
 message, forty-ninth General Assembly 658 
 
 Panama Canal effect of commerce 776 
 
 report of Secretary of ^V'ar 777 
 
 statement to Chicago Tribune 720 
 
 vote of legislature 721 
 
 statement to public waterway transportation 603 
 
 transportation retarded by railroads 775 
 
 wealth, unequal distribution of 351 
 
 wisdom of Judge Dunne 
 
 Chicago Journal of Law 68 
 
 woman's suffrage, 
 
 franchise rights 528 
 
 woman's rights 471 
 
 registration 530 
 
 Workmen's compensation 389, 575, 613 
 
 Altgeld, father of 373 
 
 Woodstock, address "Decoration Day" 375 
 
 Yerkes, Charles T., 
 
 purchase of Legislature 214 
 

 O * o « o •■ ^O 
 
 
 ^^ 
 
 A 
 
 o V