u 
 
 (TV^ IA\SL 
 
 A)Attfl^<j OiA.\ycL cL/Jiu^juJiylxxry^ 
 
 H 
 
 4 
 
 njL<^ULA^ 
 
 •UL^ixX/0 
 
 Cdjuuo m. s' 
 
 xex^n/. 
 
 ia6a-. 
 
Qass F 5^^ 
 
 BookiM_QLl 
 
(^ Of 
 
 LETTERS AND DISCUSSIONS 
 
 0i?t»ati0M 0f TOkt'i^tl Htgimnrb, 
 
 DUTY OF THE COLORED PEOPLE 
 
 IN ItKCAKI) T(i TIIK 
 
 GREAT SLAVEHOLDERS' KEBELLION, 
 
 UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 
 
 ^ 
 
 By ALFKED M. GKEEN. 
 
 PHILADELPHIA: 
 
 RING WALT & BROWN, STEAM TOWER PRINTERS, 
 111 SOUTH FOURTH STREET, 
 
 1862. 
 
^3^^ 
 
 Qi T the beginning of the great struggle between the Grovernment of 
 (^ the United States and the traitors who lifted their hands against it, 
 I sought the oracles of history for a precedent ; and, having easily found it, 
 before uttering a single sentence as to its influence or results upon the 
 great question of slavery in America, I carefully scanned and surveyed the 
 whole question or ground upon which the issue rested. By the fairest 
 rules of comparison and analogy, I found it impossible to separate slavery 
 extension, or the nationalization of this vilest of evils, from the purpose of 
 the arch traitors as their avowed object, and the determination on the part of 
 slaveholders to exercise unlimited power over their dejected victims of the 
 African race as their leading object and the mainspring of the rebellion. 
 Then, having followed history by the same rules of comparison and analogy, 
 it was not very difficult for me to decide as to our duty. Nor have I ever 
 seen anything written, spoken, or performed by the government — its 
 agents — by my abolition friends and associates — or by the conservative 
 Democracy of our land — which has given me occasion to change my opinion, 
 
 I have not a doubt at this hour, but that my hopes on the one hand, and 
 my fears on the other, may both yet be realized. A careful reading of the 
 following pages will clearly develop in what these hopes and fears consist. 
 My friends, who ask me from time to time what I think of the present 
 aspect of affairs, may learn from these pages that I am still sanguine of the 
 success of our cause as the result. Still, much depends upon our own 
 exertions as to the character and quality of freedom, suffrage or the enfran- 
 chisement that we may enjoy. 
 
 Having written much upon the subject, I have been induced to throw 
 together some scraps of arguments offered in reply to the opposition I have 
 met in regard to my opinions, &c. 
 
 The first two articles in this pamphlet may be justly styled the founda- 
 tion of all discussion upon the questions presented. They were met and 
 opposed by white and colored men, while many others of all parties gave my 
 views support. After discussing the question through the columns of the 
 Fine and Falm with my anti-slavery coadjutors, I met and discussed it 
 before the Church x\nti- Slavery Society of this city on the second Tuesday 
 in September, 1861. A short report of said debate appearing in the Anglo- 
 African, drew forth the vigorous discussion through the columns of that 
 journal from which the body of this pamphlet is made up. 
 
 I have several lectures and a poem on this same subject, entering more 
 minutely upon the details of the war and its results, which I have delivered 
 with great success and which I now propose, at the suggestion of friends, 
 to lay before the public for perusal at their leisure 
 
 A. M. GREEN. 
 
 (oST^ 
 
^(r 
 
 / 
 
 THE COLORED 
 
 PHILADBLPHIANS FOEMIKG REGIMENTS. 
 
 i'roiu the Waladelphia Press, of April 22, 1S61. 
 
 A NUMBER of prominent colored men are now raising two regi- 
 ments at the Masonic Hall, in South Eleventh street, and hundreds 
 of brawny ebony men are ready to fill up the ranks if the State 
 will accept their services. Peril and war blot out all distinction 
 of race and rank. These colored soldiers should be attached to 
 the Home Guard. They will make Herculean defenders. Colored 
 men, it will be remembered, fought the glorious battle of Red 
 Bank, when the city was in peril in 1777. The following is the 
 address : 
 
 The time has arrived in the history of the great Republic when 
 we may again give evidence to the world of the bravery and 
 patriotism of a race, in whose hearts burns the love of country, of 
 freedom, and of civil and religious toleration. It is these grand 
 principles that enable men, hovrever proscribed, when possessed of 
 true patriotism, to say: '*My country, right or wrong, I love thee 
 still!" 
 
 It is true, the brave deeds of our fathers, sworn and subscribed 
 to by the immortal Washington of the Revolution of 1776, and of 
 Jackson and others, in the War of 1812, have failed to bring us 
 into recognition as citizens, enjoying those rights so dearly bought 
 by those noble and patriotic sires. 
 
 It is true, that our injuries in many respects are great ; fugitive- 
 slave laws, Dred Scott decisions, indictments for treason, and long 
 and dreary months of imprisonment. The result of the most 
 unfair rules of judicial investigation has been the pay we have 
 received for our solicitude, sympathy, and aid in the dangers and 
 difiiculties of those '' days that tried men's souls." 
 
 Our duty, brethren, is not to cavil over past grievances. Let us 
 not be derelict to duty in the time of need. While we remember 
 the past, and regret that our present position in the country is not 
 
 (3) 
 
such as to create within us that burning zeal and enthusiasm for 
 the field of battle, which inspires other men in the full enjoyment 
 of every civil and religious emolument, yet let us endeavor to hope 
 for the future, and improve the present auspicious moment for 
 creating anew our claims upon the justice and honor of the 
 Republic ; and, above all, let not the honor and glory achieved by 
 our fathers be blasted or sullied by a want of true heroism among 
 their sons. Let us, then, take up the sword, trusting in God, who 
 will defend the right, remembering that these are other days than 
 those of yore — that the world to-day is on the side of freedom and 
 universal political equality. 
 
 That the war-cry of the howling leaders of Secession and trea- 
 son is, let us drive back the advance guard of civil and religious 
 freedom ; let us have more slave territory ; let us build stronger 
 the tyrant system of slavery in the great American Republic. 
 Remember, too, that your very presence among the troops of the 
 North would inspire your oppressed brethren of the South with 
 zeal for the overthrow of the tyrant system, and confidence in the 
 armies of the living God — the God of truth, justice, and equality 
 to all men. 
 
 With a knowledge of your zeal and patriotism, and a hope of 
 its early development, I am yours, for God and humanity, 
 
 A. M. GREEN. 
 
 Philadelphia, April 20, 1861. 
 
 NBGEOES IN THE SEEVICB 
 
 From the Philadelphia Sunday Transcript, May, 18G1. 
 
 The colored portion of our population are anxious to do the 
 State some service. Already they have organized one or more 
 regiments, and are perfecting themselves in the drill. Among the 
 documents which have already emanated from this branch of our 
 population, as to the propriety of their engaging in such service, is 
 the following from the pen of " Hamilcar," a negro of more than 
 
ordinary ability. Without endorsing his communication we give it 
 place, so that all sides may be heard : 
 
 " While many persons in the North — perhaps strong friends of 
 the Union — are not prepared to endorse the idea of admittiri^ 
 colored regiments into its service, it might be well for us to remem- 
 ber that every effort is being made by the South to make their 
 black population efficient aids in defending their soil against our 
 army. The State of Louisiana, for more than three months, has 
 had colored regiments in the home guard service, under the most 
 efficient drill and pay. Vice President Stephens recommended 
 this course to all the States. Tennessee, in pursuance of "this 
 recommendation, has passed an act to employ all the available 
 muscle of her free black population. There are four colored regi- 
 ments now in Virginia, in the service of the rebel government. It 
 is said, on perfectly reliable authority, that black troops shot down 
 Union men at the late battle at Manassas Gap. 
 
 '' Where, then, is the consistency, or expediency, of fruitlessly 
 wasting so much time at the North, in discussing the propriety of 
 adopting such a measure, with reference to preparing our colored 
 population for an emergency, such as may be thrust upon us by 
 the introduction of 50,000 or 100,000 Indians and negroes brought 
 into the field against us, and they having all the advantage of the 
 most efficient drill and endurance, by long months of preparation 
 and practice, that we have hopelessly wasted in discussing ques- 
 tions of propriety, &c., &c. 
 
 "Are we to be duped and forestalled in this last hope, so much 
 relied upon as a means of bringing rebels to terms, as we have 
 been in almost every other available means of speedy and honorable 
 settlement? Should the South generally adopt the idea of their 
 dictators, Davis and Stephens, to place in the field 50,000 free 
 blacks, at $12 per month, (term of enlistment for three years,) 
 will they not soon discover that the same amount of money would 
 emancipate and place in the field 125,000 men, paying their 
 masters liberally — settling also the question of servile rebellion 
 among themselves, the question of contraband emancipation, and the 
 general insecurity of that species of property during the rebellion ? 
 
 " Would any offer of our government induce those people 
 to desert or fight against their former masters and emancipators 
 
in such an event ? Does not our own wars, and the French and 
 Spanish wars in Hayti, sufficiently develop the fact that the 
 slaves will defend the soil of their birth, even on the most super- 
 ficial promise of those who are their superiors. Would not the 
 South, by such an act, draw largely upon the moral sentiment of 
 Europe, (that must in no small degree operate for or against their 
 recognition,) by such an act in advance of the North ? 
 
 " Could we draw more largely on that sentiment at home or 
 abroad by adopting such a measure, by mere necessity, than would 
 the South by the same principle ? And especially, Avhen we had to 
 throw into the field raw and undisciplined recruits against the most 
 able and efficiently drilled regiments ? 
 
 " To me it seems that reason, prudence, and judgment, aided by 
 the present signs of the times, would indicate that the available 
 muscle, the bone and sinew of our 30,000 colored inhabitants of 
 the city and county of Philadelphia should be encouraged in their 
 (already manifest) patriotic efi"orts in preparing to sustain and 
 defend the soil and interests of their native State." 
 
 HAMILCAR. 
 
 From the Piuc ami ralni, June 22, 1861. 
 
 Mr. Editor: 
 
 Since I last wrote you, on the subject of American revolution, 
 and the manifest interest we have in the great issue now before 
 the country, I have been incessantly laboring, with might and 
 main, to carry out, or to propagate, by all practicable means, the 
 policy therein indicated. Of course, I have not closed my eyes to 
 the various objections raised by learned and tried friends of the 
 enslaved and disfranchised colored Americans of these United 
 States. Nay, on the contrary, I have read and pondered them all 
 over and over again, and I think I gave them the consideration 
 they merit. I do not advance these suggestions I am now about 
 to make, (in continuation of the position I have maintained in my 
 
^ 
 
 previous letter,) wij^li any direct reference to any one of the opinions I 
 have met differing from my own ; but merely for the purpose of indi- 
 cating to those who have been long acquainted -with me and my most 
 implacable hostility to the slave power, and all who could in any 
 way sympathize with or apologize for the cruel system of tyranny 
 in this country : and to let those of our rulers who expect our 
 c'doperation know, and know in time, that while I am largely filled 
 with patriotism and sympathy for the government, yet that govern- 
 ment must be magnanimously generous to the poor and oppressed 
 of this land, ere it can have my hearty and willing support ; 
 and until it can have it thus, it cannot have it at all, by no princi- 
 ple, nor by any rule of coercion or impressment that it might 
 adopt in this direction. I think, indeed I know, I have made my- 
 self more thoroughly understood on this point by those in authority, 
 both of the State and of the United States, than among our own 
 people. Many of our people would be willing, after an act was 
 passed, by which they w^ere to be forced into the field, to do the 
 work white men would have them do, i. e. — shoot down the slaves 
 and free colored population of the South, who might have no pos- 
 sible means of escaping the necessity of going into the service of 
 the Southern Confederacy. As I remarked to a gentleman, a few 
 days ago, it would take a degree of patriotism that I do not possess, 
 to go South for such a purpose. I would readily go to shoot the 
 enemies of the government; but until it was made manifest to me 
 that these men were possessed of discretionary powder, of their own 
 W'ill to act in the case as they felt disposed, I should not be willing 
 to shoot them ; nor would I do it, whatever the consequences of a 
 refusal might involve in such a case. 
 
 As I before stated, I have a motive, and an honorable and just 
 policy to be effected by the position I have assumed on this ques- 
 tion, and that policy must be accomplished through the issues 
 arising out of this great revolution, or rebellion, as you may choose 
 to style it. I can realize the necessity of a brother even shooting 
 a brother, or of a father shooting a son, in behalf of the govern- 
 ment, among the whites — for with them it is like Absalom's rebel- 
 lion against the house of King David. The South, and all who aid 
 them, are fighting for a principle that anticipates the subversion 
 of every principle of justice, and the overthrow of the best and 
 
8 
 
 most liberal government the sun ever shone upon. It is the right, 
 therefore, of all white men who love government and the blessings 
 guaranteed to them by the government of the United States, and 
 who believe that "a house divided against itself cannot stand," to 
 defend it even with the shedding of their own kindred blood, to 
 put down treason and rebellion, and maintain the Constitution and 
 the laws. With us it is different — it is different with the slaves 
 and free people of the South — and it is equally so with us. There 
 can be no comparison of the patriotism required to produce such 
 a feeling in us, and that which actuates white men in the same 
 direction. Finding myself greatly deficient when measured by such 
 a standard, and learning that this was the one by which white men 
 measured for us, I have chosen to make known my devotion to the 
 government, and my willingness to serve it in any just and honor- 
 able way. But to set myself boldly in the way of any principle or 
 theory, originating from whence it may, that might serve to decoy 
 my brethren, and lead them indiscriminately into the field, with no 
 other motive or purpose than to serve the doubly rapacious desire 
 of unworthy and unjust, hatefully prejudiced men against ourselves, 
 as well as those poor, friendless men they would have us fight, and 
 who, by a proper appreciation of the government paid to their 
 defenceless and unhappy condition, would settle half the bill with 
 their masters, and leave them an easy prey to the popular govern- 
 ment, instead of being compelled by the menacing attitude of both 
 North and South, to take sides against the former, even though 
 they should have to settle with masters whom they well understand 
 afterwards — in such an event, I will never, nor will a single man 
 of the hundreds of myacquaintances, take sides with the milk-and- 
 water policy now manifested by the leaders of the United States 
 forces, though it is evident that they neither reflect the popular 
 sentiment of the people, or the policy of the Administration, only 
 so far as that policy is modulated by circumstances brought about 
 by the long reign of Hunker Democracy, whose demagogues early 
 sought for place and position in the army, since they could not 
 get them by the voice of the people at the last election ; but who now 
 for a time are allowed to put in their last pleading, in behalf of 
 their miserably deluded and tyrannical brethren of the South, the 
 
slaveholders, whose days of glory and profit, like their own, " are 
 dwindled to the shortest span." 
 
 In my last, I left oflf by introducing an anology between our con- 
 dition and that of four persons living as neighbors in the same 
 vicinity. A, who hates me always, is a slaveholder. B, who is 
 influenced so much by A, is the government. C, who I repre- 
 sented as our friend, is the liberal, true-hearted anti-slavery man 
 of the country, who seeks by any and every means, to emancipate 
 the slaves and enfranchise the already freed man. D, is the 
 colored people. North and South ; of course, we've all but one 
 interest in this matter, at least. A and B. are already in deadly 
 combat. C has a manifest disposition to lend B a hand, for he 
 has often expostulated with B about his allowing A so -much 
 influence and power in controlling his afi"airs, especially on this very 
 subject which has created the quarrel. Of course, if they are not 
 enough for A, D can do nothing less than come in for his share 
 of the responsibility. In a word, if the government and the 
 straight-out anti-slavery men of the North cannot settle satisfac- 
 torily with the slaveholders, we are ready to give them such a 
 helping hand as will be felt by Southern chivalry to their heart's 
 content. If the government is not willing to endorse our project 
 till it is reduced to an extremity, it may by such a course advance 
 our interests the more. At all events, hundreds of the noble sons 
 of the old Keystone State are coming into the ranks of our regi- 
 ments now being organized, and going through with the regular 
 drill and school of the soldier, knowing that the day is not far 
 distant when duty will demand efficient service at their hands, in 
 behalf of the slave. Whether government sanctions it or not, 
 God will. 
 
 Respectfully, yours, 
 
 A. M. GBEEN. 
 
MEETING OF THE 
 
 CHURCH ANTI-SLAVERY SOCIETY. 
 
 From the Anglo- African, September, 1861. 
 
 The regular monthly meeting of the Church Anti-Slavery Society 
 was held on Tuesday evening, September 10th, at the Reformed 
 Presbyterian .Church, Cherry street, east of Eleventh. The meeting 
 was considerably larger than usual, which, of course, during these 
 times, is ominous of good to our cause. Another very important 
 item is the fact that the meeting was largely interspersed with the 
 leading and representative families of color belonging to this city. 
 Our people have long been derelict to duty and interest in this 
 direction, but it is hoped that war — this great purifier and refiner's 
 fire of this as well as every other age — will eventually bring us up 
 to the standard of true elevation. 
 
 Wm. S. Young, Esq., was called to the chair, by the temporary 
 absence of the Rev. Dr. Church, the regular chairman. The Rev. 
 Mr. Johnston, of the Old School Presbyterian Church, as I was 
 informed, opened the meeting with prayer. 
 
 A note was then read from the Chairman (Rev. Dr. Church,) 
 expressive of his regret for unavoidable absence, and expressing 
 the desire that the meeting might be favored with the best conse- 
 quences, &c. 
 
 By reading the minutes of the last meeting it occurred that, 
 agreeably to announcement. Prof, A. M. Green had been invited 
 to address the meeting on the Duty of the Colored People of the 
 North in Relation to the Great Rebellion. At eight o'clock Mr. 
 Green was introduced, and proceeded with great ability to reason 
 not only the propriety but the practical necessity of colored men 
 taking an active part in this war, against the aggressive power of 
 tlic mighty dragon of the nineteenth century, American slavery. 
 Mr. Green argued that, viewed from wliatever stand-point, every 
 
 (10) 
 
11 
 
 honest man must conclude that this war is one that has been inau- 
 gurated bj the labors of abolitionists and anti-slavery men, in a 
 moral contest against this great evil ; men have aA^owed it to be 
 their purpose to bring the two elements to a hand-to-hand struggle ; 
 the efforts of our party for thirty years have been to array the 
 North against the South on this question of slavery. And though 
 the government denies the responsibility to be incurred by acknowl- 
 edging the true issue, yet it also denies that it had any thing to 
 do with inaugurating it. It is just as emphatically true that the 
 government cannot control the issue involved in this war, as it is 
 true that it could not for thirty years control the moral conflict 
 kept up on this same question. It was our duty from very many 
 considerations, elaborately presented by Mr. Green, to bear an 
 honorable part in the great contest. 
 
 When Mr. Green closed, an opportunity was afforded for any 
 remarks that might be offered on the question of the evening. 
 A white gentleman present, w^hose name I learned at the time, but 
 have since forgotten, took the floor, and strongly opposed Mr. 
 Green's position. He claimed that the government was even worse, 
 if possible, than ever it was, for now that it could justly, by availing 
 itself of the war power, emancipate every slave in the South, yet 
 instead of doing so, it fled from it as a man would flee from deadly 
 poison. He said he had neither sympathy nor faith in the govern- 
 ment ; and until the w^ar-making power became honest enough to 
 emancipate, enfranchise, and wash its hands of the injustice done 
 to black men in the country, it was not fit for Christian men, white 
 or colored, but more especially the latter, to touch, taste or handle. 
 The gentleman argued in this strain at some length. Mr. Isaiah 
 C. Wears was called on, and in his usual very forcible manner 
 dissented from Mr. Green. He made many allusions to the mean 
 ness of the government, and thought men would fall like sheep ; 
 that colored men could not be spared at such a time, and in such 
 a cause. He said the South were more practically a fighting people 
 than the North ; that they were undoubtedly the superiors of 
 the Northern whites in this respect, and the Northern whites were 
 our superiors as much as the South was theirs ; it could readily be 
 perceived that we were, therefore, of all people the least prepared to 
 go into this great slaughter-house of the government. lie agreed, 
 
12 
 
 however, with many points Mr. Green had raised, and was pleased 
 with his treatment of the subject ; he believed this would be a long 
 war, and that no doubt thousands of colored men would see service 
 in this war before rebellion was put down. Several other gentle- 
 men, white and colored, participated on both sides of the question, 
 which kept up quite a friendly and spirited meeting till a late hour 
 of the evening. Just before adjournment, Mr. Green arose and 
 said, he had taken the main points suggested by those who expressed 
 themselves as opposed to his position, and he was willing to give 
 them the consideration they deserved. But he said his opponents 
 admitted too much that was argument for him ; he said : 
 
 1. They had admitted it was a war between North and South. 
 
 2. That these two sections were naturally at war on the slavery 
 question. 
 
 3. That the South openly admitted that she was fighting for the 
 uninterrupted extension of the slavery power. 
 
 4. That they (the South) were the best fighters. 
 
 5. That we, the colored people, vfere the poorest fighters of either 
 of the disputants. 
 
 6. That it would probably be a long war, and we would be called 
 into it after a while. 
 
 He said he would ask those gentlemen whether it was not our 
 duty, in view of the first four admissions, to enlist with the North, 
 if honest in our ancient doctrines on the slavery question ? And 
 whether, in view of their tAvo last admissions, it was not a positive 
 necessity to counsel strenuous preparatory eiForts among our 
 people? 
 
 The subject was continued till the next meeting, on the second 
 Tuesday in November. 
 
FOEMATION OF COLORED REGIMENTS. 
 
 From the Anglo-African, September 28, 1861. 
 
 Mr. Editor: 
 
 The duty of the black man at this critical epoch is a question of 
 much importance, deeply interesting the friends of liberty, both 
 white and black. The most imposing feature of this duty, I am told, 
 is in relation to military organizations. This question, I am told, 
 is forced upon us by; our eminent, educated, far-sighted leaders, who, 
 anxious for our elevation and zealous for our reputation, in connec- 
 tion with our white brothers would have us write our names side by 
 side with them upon the immortal book of fame, won by well-con- 
 tested and desperate encounters upon the battle-field. Claiming 
 that any omission on our part to exhibit that patriotism so notice- 
 able in the whites, will, when history shall record the doings of this 
 memorable country, leave our names without one deed of patriotism 
 or expressed desire for the success of the cause of liberty ; not one 
 laurel to entwine the brows of those whose valor like blazing stars 
 npon the battle-field would, no doubt, have eclipsed those wliom we 
 now a>re satisfied to acknowledge as superiors and protectors. Is this 
 all wisdom, this mode of reasoning ; or is it a mistaken idea, called 
 into existence by a desire for fame ? Is it a demanding necessity 
 that the world will decide belongs to us to meet, thus to prove our 
 manhood and love of liberty ? Have not two centuries of cruel 
 and unrequited servitude in this country, alone entitled the children 
 of this generation to the rights of men and citizens ? Have we 
 not done our share towards creating a national existence for those 
 who now enjoy it to our degredation, ever devising evil for our 
 sufiering, heart-crushed race ? 
 
 Who that will carefully note the many historical reminiscences, 
 made mention of by those who are ready to do justice to us, can 
 doubt our bravery ? Who that has heard of the many privations, 
 
 (18) 
 
14 
 
 hair-breadth escapes, and the unflinching determination of our 
 enslaved brethren seeking the free shores of Canada, can doubt our 
 love of liberty ? True patriotism does not consist in words alone, 
 neither do patriotic demonstrations always contribute to the end 
 alone, independent of material aid. I do not suppose any people 
 have been taxed heavier or more than the poor colored people 
 for the cause of liberty, with such small results to themselves. Now, 
 if we have contributed our share to support and establish a govern- 
 ment, that we are not entitled to a share in the benefits thereof, 
 what becomes our duty Avhen that government is menaced by those 
 they have cherished at the expense of our blood, toil and degrada- 
 tion ? 
 
 Let your own heart answer this question, and no regiments of 
 black troops will leave their bodies to rot upon the battle-field be- 
 neath a Southern sun — to conquer a peace based upon the perpe- 
 tuity of human bondage — stimulating and encouraging the invete- 
 rate prejudice that now bars our progress in the scale of eleva- 
 tion and education. 
 
 I claim that the raising of black regiments for the war would be 
 highly impolitic and uncalled for under the present state of affairs, 
 knowing, as we do, the policy of the Government in relation to 
 colored men. It would show our incompetency to comprehend the 
 nature of the differences existing between the two sections now at 
 variance, by lending our aid to either party. By taking such 
 measures we invite injustice at the hands of those Ave prefer to 
 serve ; we would contribute to the African colonization scheme, pro- 
 jected a half century ago, by ridding the country of that element 
 so dangerous to the charming institution of negro slavery. 
 
 Entertaining the sentiment and determination that they do, 
 would it not be unjust in them to accept our service ? Would we 
 still invite them to cap the climax by forcing us to the cannon's 
 mouth to save the destruction of those whose whole existence should 
 be merged in with their country's weal and woe ? That death 
 should be the readiest sacrifice patriotic citizens could offer to up- 
 hold the people's hope, the people's palladium, no one should deny. 
 But what do we enjoy, that should inspire us Avith those feelings 
 towards a government that Avould sooner consign five millions of 
 human beings to never-ending slavery than wrong one slave master of 
 
15 
 
 his human property ? Does not the contemplation of so flagrant 
 a wrong cause your blood to boil with Christian indignation, 
 or bring tears to the eyes of your broken-hearted old men, whose 
 heads, now silvered by time or bleached by sorrow, can no longer 
 shoulder the weightier responsibilities of a young man's calling? 
 
 Not only that. Any public demonstration (for this could not 
 well be done in a corner) would only embarrass the present admin- 
 istration, by stirring up old party prejudices which would cause 
 the loss of both sympathy and treasure, w^hich the government 
 cannot well aiford to lose at present. By weakening the arm of the 
 government, we strengthen that of the slave power, who would soon 
 march through these States v/ithout fear of forcible resistance. 
 
 It would be contrary to Christian humanity to permit so flagrant 
 an outrage in silence to be perpetrated upon any people, especially 
 a class who have known naught else but wrong at their hands, whom 
 they would so gloriously serve in time of danger to their own 
 liberties and sacred rights, preferring now their services to uphold 
 a Government leagued with perdition, upon which the doom of death 
 is written, unless they repent, in letters so plain that he who runs 
 may read. Let us weigh well this thing before taking steps which 
 will not only prove disastrous to the cause w^e would help, but bring 
 suffering and sorrows upon those left to mourn unavailingly our loss. 
 
 I maintain that the principle of neutrality is the only safe one 
 to govern us at this time. When men's lives are in their hands, 
 and so little inducement as there is for us to cast ourselves into 
 the breach, our work for the present lies in quite a different chan- 
 nel from assuming war responsibilities uninvited, with no promised 
 future in store for us — a dilemma inviting enmity and destruction 
 to the few, both North and South, among our people, enjoying par- 
 tial freedom. 
 
 The slave's only hope — his only help — is his suffering brother 
 at the North. When we are removed, the beacon light which 
 directs and assists the panting fugitive is darkened and obscured — 
 his once bright hope, that gave comfort to him as he pressed on to 
 liberty's goal, is shadovfed o'er forever. Our own precipitous, 
 unwise zeal must never be the cause to stay the car of freedom, but 
 ever let it roll onward and upward until earth and heaven united 
 shall become one garden of paradisal freedom, knowing no color. 
 
16 
 
 no clime, but all one people, one language, one Father, Almighty 
 God. 
 
 Once under army discipline, subject to the control of government 
 officers or military leaders, could we dictate when and where the 
 blow should be struck ? Could we enter upon Quixotic crusades 
 of our own projecting, independent of the constituted authorities, or 
 these military chiefs ? Will the satisfaction of again hearing a 
 casual mention of our heroic deeds upon the field of battle, by our 
 own children, doomed for all that we know to the same inveterate, 
 heart-crushing prejudice that we have come u-p under, and die 
 leaving as a legacy unto our issue — all from those for whom you 
 would so unwittingly face the cannon's mouth to secure to them a 
 heritage denied you and jours ? 
 
 Is this country ready and anxious to initiate a new era for down- 
 trodden humanity, that you now so eagerly propose to make the 
 sacrifice of thousands of our ablest men to encourage and facilitate 
 the great work of regeneration ? No ! no ! ! Your answer must 
 be : No ! ! ! No black regiments, unless by circumstances over 
 which we have no option, no control ; no initiatory war measures, to 
 be adopted or encouraged by us. Our policy must be neutral, ever 
 praying for the success of that party determined to initiate first 
 the policy of justice and equal rights. 
 
 Who can say that in another twelve months' time the policy of 
 the South will not change in our favor, if the assistance of England 
 or France will by it be gained, rather than submit to northern dic- 
 tation or subjugation ? Did that idea ever suggest itself to your 
 mind ? Strange things happen all the while. Look back for the 
 last twenty-four months, and ask yourself if you could have fore- 
 told what to-day you are so well informed has actually transpired 
 when coming events cast their shadows before ? 
 
 In these days, principle is supplanted by policy, and interest 
 shapes policy, I find by daily observation, both in high and low 
 places. Although to man}^ the above idea ma}^ seem idle and 
 delusory, inconsistent witli the present spirit and suicidal policy of 
 the South, yet I for one would feel justified in entertaining it 
 equally with the idea that the North would proclaim a general 
 emancipation so long as she supposed it a possibility to reclaim the 
 disaffected States of the Southern Confederacy. 
 
/ 
 
 17 
 
 And, if an impossibility, wliat would all proclamations to that 
 effect avail? 
 
 I believe with the act of emancipation adopted and proclaimed 
 by the South, both England and France, (and in fact I might safely 
 say all Europe,) would not only recognize their independence, but 
 would render them indirectly material aid and sympathy. 
 
 To get the start of the northern slave-worshippers, as they are 
 sometimes termed, who can say that, as a last resort, these rebel 
 leaders have not had that long in contemplation, knowing that 
 should they succumb to this government through force of circum- 
 stances, or the uncertain chances of war, their lives would be value- 
 less only as a warning to future generations. 
 
 Then, Avhy may we not hope that such is their ultimatum in case 
 of a series of defeats — the liberation of four millions of our poor, 
 heart-crushed, enslaved race. One or two large battles will decide 
 the future policy of both the contending parties — the sooner it 
 comes the sooner we will know our fate. It is in that scale it hangs. 
 
 Then let us do our duty to each other — use care in all our pub- 
 lic measures — be not too precipitous, but in prayer wait and watch 
 the salvation of God. R. H. Y. 
 
 II. 
 
 REPLY 
 
 From the Anglo- African, October 19, 1861. 
 
 Mr. Editor : 
 
 In your issue of September 28th, appears an able and elaborate 
 article on the "Formation of Colored Regiments." I have no 
 desire for contention at a time like this with those who differ 
 honorably from me in opinion; but I think it just, once in a 
 while, to speak out and let the world know where we stand on the 
 great issues of the day, for it is only by this means that we can 
 succeed in arousing our people from a mistaken policy of inactivity, 
 
18 
 
 at a time when the world is rushing like a wild tornado in the 
 r direction of universal emancipation. The inactivity that is advo- 
 
 ( cated is the principle that has ever had us left behind, and will 
 
 leave us again, unless we arouse from lethargy and arm ourselves 
 c as men and patriots against the common enemy of God and man. 
 
 1; For six months I have labored to arouse our people to the necessity 
 
 c of action, and I have the satisfaction to say not without success, 
 
 t I have seen companies organized and under the most proficient 
 
 ( modern drill in that time. I have seen men drilled among our 
 
 c sturdy-going colored men of the rural districts of Pennsylvania 
 
 1 and New Jersey, in the regular African Zouave drill, that would 
 
 1 make the hearts of secession traitors or prejudiced northern Yan- 
 
 ^ kees quake and tremble for fear. 
 
 1 Now I maintain that for all practical purposes, whatever be the 
 
 turn of the war, preparation on our part, by the most efficient 
 1 knowledge of the military art and discipline, is one of the most 
 
 i positive demands of the times. No nation ever has or ever will be 
 
 1 emancipated from slavery, and the result of such a prejudice as we 
 
 1 are undergoing in this country, but by the sword, wielded too by 
 
 their own strong arms. It is a foolish idea for us to still be nursing 
 our past grievances to our own detriment, when we should as 
 one man grasp the sword — grasp this most favorable opportunity 
 of becoming inured to that service that must burst the fetters of 
 the enslaved and enfranchise the nominally free of the North. We 
 admit all that has been or can be said about the meanness of this gov- 
 ernment towards us — we are fully aware that there is no more soul 
 in the present administration on the great moral issues involved in 
 the slavery question and the present war, than has characterized 
 previous administrations ; but, what of that ; it all teaches the 
 necessity of our making ourselves felt as a people, at this extremity 
 of our national government, worthy of consideration, and of being 
 recognized as a part of its own strength. Had every State in the 
 Union taken active steps in the direction of forming regiments of 
 color, we should now, instead of numbering eight regiments or 
 about eight thousand five hundred men, have numbered seventy-five 
 thousand — besides awakening an interest at home and abroad, that 
 no vacillating policy of the half-hearted semi-secessionists of the 
 North could have suppressed. 
 
/^ 
 
 19 
 
 It would have relieved the administration of so much room for 
 cavil on the slavery question and colored men's right to bear arms, 
 &c. It is a strange fact that now, when we should be the most 
 united and decided as to our future destiny ; when we should all 
 have our shoulders to the wheel in order to enforce the doctrine we 
 have ever taught of self-reliance, and ourselves striking blows for 
 freedom ; that we are most divided, most inactive, and in many 
 respects most despondent of any other period of our history. Some 
 are wasting thought and labor, physical and intellectual, in counsel- 
 ing emigration, (which I have nothing against when done with proper 
 motives) ; others are more foolishly wasting time and means in an 
 unsuccessful war against it ; while a third class, and the most un- 
 fortunate of the three, counsel sitting still to see the salvation of 
 God. Oh, that we could see that God will help no one that refuses 
 to help himself; that God will not even help a sinner that will not 
 first help himself. Stretch forth thy hand, said the Saviour to the 
 man with a withered hand. He did so and was healed. Take up 
 thy bed and walk, said he, and the man arose ; go and wash, said 
 he to the blind man, and he did it. How many are the evidences 
 of this kind. God is saying to us to-day, as. plainly as events can 
 be pointed out, stretch forth thy hand ; but we sit idly, with our 
 hands folded, while the whole world, even nations thousands of 
 miles distant across the ocean, are maddened by the fierceness of 
 this American strife, which after all is nothing less than God's 
 means of opening the way for us to free ourselves by the assistance 
 of our own enslavers, if we will do it. 
 
 Can we be still or idle under such circumstances. If ever colored 
 men plead for rights or fight for liberty, now of all others is the time. 
 The prejudiced white men. North or South, never will respect us 
 until they are forced to do it by deeds of our own. Let us draw 
 upon European sentiment as well as unbiased minds in our own 
 country, by presenting an undaunted front on the side of freedom 
 and equal rights ; but we are blindly mistaken if we think to draw 
 influence from any quarter by sitting still at a time like this. The 
 world must know we are here, and that we have aims, objects and 
 interests in the present great struggle. 
 
 Without this we will be left a hundred years behind this gigantic 
 age of human progress and development. I never care to reply 
 
20 
 
 to such views as those which set up the plea of previous injustice 
 or even of present injustice done to us, as a reason why we should 
 stand still at such a time as this. I have lived long enough to 
 know that men situated like ourselves must accept the least of a 
 combination of difficulties ; if, therefore, there is a chance for us 
 to get armed and equipped for active military service, that is one 
 point gained which never could be gained in a time of peace and 
 prosperity in this country; and that could have been done months 
 ago, and can now be done in a few weeks, if we adopt the measure 
 of united eifort for its accomplishment. 
 
 Does any one doubt the expediency of our being armed and 
 under military discipline, even if we have always been sufferers at 
 the hands of those claiming superiority ? But enough of this. As 
 to public demonstrations of this kind weakening the arm of the 
 Federal Government, I must say that I was prepared to hear that 
 remark among Democratic Union-savers, but I am startled to hear 
 it from among our own ranks of unflinching abolitionists. 
 
 Indeed, sir, the longer the government shirks the responsibility 
 of such a measure, the longer time she gives the rebel government 
 to tamper with the free colored people of the South, and prompt 
 and prepare their slaves for shifting the horrors of Saint Domingo 
 from the South to the North; and, in such an event, could we rid 
 ourselves from the responsibility of entering the field, more than 
 any other Northern men whom the government chose to call into 
 active service ? 
 
 Could we more effectually exercise proper discretion, without 
 arms, without drill, without union, than by availing ourselves of 
 all these at the present time, looking boldly forward to that auspi- 
 cious moment? 
 
 The South (as I have said in an article written for the Philadel- 
 phia "Press," and copied into several popular journals) can mean 
 nothing less than emancipation, by the act of her having thousands 
 of free colored men, as well as slaves, even now under the best 
 military discipline. England and France of course would favor 
 such a project, should the South thus snatch the key to a termina- 
 tion of this rebellion from the hands of the Federal Government. 
 But how much better off would we be, sitting here like Egyptian 
 mummies, till all this was done, and then drafted and driven off, 
 
^7(^ 
 
 21 
 
 undisciplined, to meet well-disciplined troops, who will then truly be 
 fighting for freedom ; and while we could have no other motive 
 than to help conquer a peace for the " Union stilV in its perfidious 
 unregenerate state ? Tell me not that it will be optional with us, 
 in the event of emancipation by the South, whether we fight or 
 not. On the contrary, there is no possible way to escape it but to 
 either commit suicide or run away to Africa, for even the climate of 
 Canada, in such an event, would not be cool enough to check the 
 ardor of fighting abolitionists against the hell-born prejudice of 
 the North, and the cowardly black man, would sit here quietly 
 with his arms folded, instead of taking advantage of the times, till 
 even the emancipated slaves of the South, rigorous in their majesty, 
 force him to rise and fle^ to Canada to save his unsavory bacon. 
 Let us then, sir, hear no more of these measures of actual necessity 
 inaugurating a " dilemma, inviting emnity, and destruction to the 
 few, both North and South, among our people enjoying partial 
 freedom." That is a work that cannot be accomplished by loyal 
 patriotic efforts to prepare a hundred thousand men to do service 
 for God, for freedom, for themselves. Sitting still, shirking the 
 responsibility Cod has thrown upon our shoulders, alone can engen- 
 der such a dilemma. 
 
 Your correspondent also asks whether: " Once under army disci- 
 pline, subject to the control of the government officers or military 
 orders, we could dictate when and where the blow should be 
 struck. Could we enter upon Quixotic crusades of our own pro- 
 jecting, independent of the constituted authorities or these military 
 chiefs ?" Sir, it appears to me that, under whatever changes of gov- 
 ermental policy, our favor would be courted more under such cir- 
 cumstances, and our dictation received with more favor and regard, 
 both by the authorities, chiefs, and the people at large, than by 
 our weak, efieminate pleadings for favor on the merits of our noble 
 ancestry, rather than nerving our own arms and hearts for a com- 
 bat that we have long half-heartedly invited by our much groanings 
 and pleadings at a throne of grace. 
 
 The issue is here; let us prepare to meet it with manly spirit; 
 let us say to the demagogues of the North who would prevent us 
 now from proving our manhood and foresight in the midst of all 
 these complicated difficulties, that we will be armed, we will be 
 
22 
 
 schooled in militarj service, and if our fathers were cheated and 
 disfranchised after noblj defending the country, we, their sons, 
 have the manhood to defend the right and the sagacity to detect 
 the wrong ; time enough to secure to ourselves the primary interest 
 we have in the great and moving cause of the great American 
 rebellion. I am, as ever, yours, for truth and justice, 
 
 ALFRED M. GREEN. 
 
 III. 
 
 REJOINDER. 
 
 From the Anglo- African, October 26, 1861. 
 
 Mr. Editor: 
 
 That it is the duty of every one advancing propositions for pub- 
 lic adoption, inviting scrutiny and analysis, counseling a policy, to 
 assign competent reasons, I am sensibly convinced ; and that Mr. 
 A. M. Green, in your issue of the 12th, was disposed to combat 
 my ideas — I could only accept as a compliment — differing, no 
 doubt, from what it was intended. It raises me in my own estimation 
 to think that one like myself, of so feeble an intellect, of so little 
 cultivation, should have provoked the notice of so able a man as 
 my literary opponent. I therefore bow to it, and for the last time 
 upon this subject, proceed to reiterate in substance my former sen- 
 timents, while I attempt to reply to my worthy antagonist, though 
 co-worker, who has the advantage of me in assuming the leadership 
 or acting the spokesman for our race in this country. 
 
 Mr. Green says : — 
 
 '' But I think it just, once in a while, to speak out and let the 
 world know where we stand on the great issues of the day, for it is 
 only by this means that we can succeed in arousing our people from 
 a mistaken policy of inactivity," &c., &c. 
 
A/y 
 
 28 
 
 The policy which he recommends, is certainly one which, if fol- 
 lowed, must destroy every vestige of that power which by our united 
 influence has so long troubled the plotters of our ruin and extinc- 
 tion to the detriment of their wily schemes. 
 
 If his sentiments are those of our people generally, I am heartily 
 sorry, and must differ with them, though I stand alone, as the only 
 advocate of the policy of peace measures or neutral action in the 
 great struggle. 
 
 He also says, that " this inactivity that is advocated, is the prin- 
 ciple that has ever had us left behind and will leave us again, 
 unless we arouse from our lethargy and arm ourselves as men and 
 patriots against the common enemy of God and man." 
 
 I admit that there is less activity in the right direction than 
 advisable or beneficial to our cause, but never have our people dis- 
 played more wisdom than the present in refraining from initiating 
 or making demonstrations of war measures. In that particular, 
 discretion has marked their action~I, for one, must give them 
 credit. That grasping the sword will emancipate us from preju- 
 dice, from slavery, may be well enough to declaim, but will it bear 
 questioning? He intimates that it will emancipate us from our 
 now unhappy and heart-crushing disabilities, will take the mana- 
 cles from our limbs, remove the obstacles that debar our elevation 
 to the equality to which we aspire. 
 
 I have yet to learn that these are practical established facts ; it 
 may be clear to the mind of Mr. G., but he must make it appear 
 so by something more than simple declamation. 
 
 Who accuses us of cowardice ? No one, unless it be my honora- 
 ble opponent. Can we purchase freedom and independence by the 
 sacrifice of thousands of our unfortunate people, in belligerent 
 opposition to those who have the preeminence in position, power 
 and influence ; whose numerical strength is ten times that of our 
 own ? We may sell our lives dearly, carry havoc and destruction 
 into the ranks of our enemies, but the numerical preponderance, 
 the unlimited means at their control, must force us to succumb or 
 cease to exist on this continent as a race. All reason and experi- 
 ence will decide that— look at it as you may. The history of the 
 Aborigines of this country must satisfy you of the force of this 
 mode of reasoning. 
 
24 
 
 To contend against tlie government then with any hope of suc- 
 cess, is vain and not worthy of the time we spend in discussing it. 
 
 Admitting, for mere argument, that the government would ac- 
 cept our services, how could we, more than the commander of the 
 West, General Fremont, influence the policy of the administration 
 to our liberation or emancipation from prejudice and slavery ? No, 
 my friends, your reason must answer, no ! — no fighting will eman- 
 cipate you from prejudice. Will any one tell me that to,-day a 
 poor man, of little or no intellectual cultivation, from the Indepen- 
 dent Government of Haytl, will be more respected in this or any 
 country than one of the native born of this country, of our color ? 
 Did they not wield both fire and sword fiercely, to desperation, for 
 the liberties they now enjoy ? But to command respect, wealth 
 and education must do it — they will do more towards destroying 
 that prejudice which darkens our existence than all the fighting 
 we can effect under the most favorable circumstances. 
 
 Mr. G. tells us that we should make ourselves felt. In that I 
 agree with him; but may we not question the manner in which we 
 can do it the more effectually. 
 
 I am told the object of the exhibitors at the Great Exhibition in 
 London, the World's Fair, in 1851, was to make themselves felt by 
 the exhibition of their great advancement in Art and Science ; 
 the object of those nations contributing their quota by invitation, 
 was the same. The Fair was, we are told, a complete success. 
 That should satisfy us, that the cultivation of peace, of arts and 
 science, will go equally as far as an unsuccessful war, to produce 
 that high respect we are advised to fight for. I, for one, am satis- 
 fied that other means of making ourselves felt, at less sacrifice of 
 existence and more beneficial to the desired end, than wielding the 
 sword, can be found. That impression that awards us credit, and 
 challenges not only competition as equals, but commands that 
 respect which an array or force of arms, situated as we are, can 
 never force upon this or any nation whose interests are immedi- 
 ately identified with the institution of slavery — and the safety of 
 that depending to an extent upon the crushing despotism and 
 deprivations visited upon those dangerous to its progress or stability 
 — is what we want to make ourselves felt. No unarmed, ununi- 
 
^7 
 
 25 
 
 formed masses of colored men, parading through the streets, will 
 ever produce or tend to produce such impression. 
 
 Mr. G. takes this stand : (I give his own language, word for 
 word, as follows :) ''Now I maintain that, for all practical purposes, 
 whatever be the turn of the war, preparation on our part, hj the 
 most efficient knowledge of military art and discipline, is one of the 
 most positive demands of the times." 
 
 As an off-set to that position, I here take my stand : That the 
 encouragement of every pursuit of industry and education, aside 
 from war matters, are deserving and should (more especially at 
 this time while the usurpers of our rights and liberties are engaged 
 in desperate conflict) meet our most vigorous and undivided coope- 
 ration ! That that policy, adopted, realized, and perfected, alone 
 can produce the requisite means to establish our claim to the re- 
 spect we need ; to open the many avenues of wealth, prominence, 
 political and civil equality, without which, no display of military 
 drill, of hordes of unarmed or armed men, ignorant of every other 
 necessary qualification as servicable citizens, will command. 
 
 Momentary admiration for exhibitions of well drilled men and 
 military tactics, which I believe would follow, would create sensa- 
 tion among the sight-lovers who swarm in all thickly populated 
 districts ; but that indellible impression, mighty to move the hearts 
 of men to action, but when moved, calls forth imperishable convic- 
 tions, lasting as time itself, must emanate from something deeper, 
 more reliable, than brute force or the chance life of military cam- 
 paigning, of soldiers ungarnished by the more essential qualities 
 that make the man the citizen. As to military displays creating 
 respect by efficient drill, especially among us, I have my doubts. 
 The most ignorant, unprincipled desperado, or tyrant, or usurper, 
 that disgraces humanity by his villainy, may be the most perfectly 
 disciplined soldier, may be daring, regardless of danger either to 
 limb or life — his daring may create admiration, but his infamous 
 character, as a man of dishonorable proclivities, dissipation and 
 barbarity, will blast his reputation, however bravely won on the 
 field of battle. 
 
 Mr. G. says: "Had every State in the Union taken active steps 
 in the direction of forming regiments of color, we should now, in- 
 stead of numbering eight regiments, of about eight thousand five 
 
26 
 
 hundred men, have numbered seventy-five thousand, besides 
 awakening an interest, at home and abroad, that no vacillating 
 policy of the half-hearted semi-secessionists of the North could 
 have suppressed. It would have relieved the administration of so 
 much room for cavil on the slavery question, and colored men's 
 right to bear arms," &c., &c. 
 
 Permit me to ask of any candid thinker, who, perhaps, is better 
 informed than myself on this matter, whether the States can inde- 
 pendently force any number of men upon the General Government 
 contrary to the ^Yish or will of the constituted authorities, who I 
 suppose have the power of either accepting or rejecting white or 
 colored men, as prudence, interest, or necessity dictates, or who 
 were disqualified by legal restrictions ? 
 
 If the States cannot constitutionally do this, would not then the 
 encouragement of raising those regiments environ the administra- 
 tion in complications, and force that cavil which friend G. would 
 obviate ? 
 
 Mr. Green also informs us that "the evidences of God's demands 
 upon our patriotism as warriors, are so strong, that none need 
 mistake them." I have yet to see the evidences of God's will or 
 demands upon us in that direction, to take up arms for our own 
 destruction, to destroy our bond brother, or to assist those who 
 are contending in spirit against His righteous mandates, the prin- 
 ciple of which is "Love thy neighbor as thyself." If, then, the 
 result of that policy advocated by Mr. G. cannot effect the desired 
 end he would have, we must, if ever entertaining it, abandon it at 
 once, and pursue that policy which reason teaches is not only the 
 safest but the wisest. 
 
 I am satisfied, that recruiting, drilling or fighting, will never 
 break this innate prejudice imbedded in the hearts of this nation. 
 
 The admiration we might win by bravery, &c., when brought 
 into action as soldiers, might easily be overshadowed by one act or 
 false accusation, brought against us by those jenlous of our gallant 
 exploits when in active service. 
 
 With all respect for Mr. Green's literary accomplishments and 
 scholar-like production, he is still in the dark, and may with pro- 
 priety cry out, as one in times gone by, "Lord ! that I may receive 
 my sight." 
 
X79 
 
 27 
 
 Supposing that we, with one accord, enter upon that fallacious 
 policy of raising regiments for the war, could we do it without it 
 becoming a public feature, noticeable by foes as well as friends ? 
 
 With Southern emissaries thronging our hotels, thoroughfares, 
 stores, &c., would not the Confederates be likely to gain this im- 
 portant information with equal facility as they obtain other news 
 that enables them to counterbalance every move made by the 
 national forces ? If we admit this, why may we not, from the 
 knowledge we have of their (the Southerners') disposition, believe 
 that, as a direful retaliation, they would arm their free and enslaved 
 colored men, and compel them to fight against us on the field of 
 battle, while such patriots as A. M. G., who we could not well 
 afford to lose, would have the unpleasant duty assigned to him 
 and his associates in arms of destroying those whom he might now 
 benefit by adopting a policy contrary to the misguided suicidal 
 course he so eloquently advocates. If I have the honor to be 
 termed "one of those unfortunates v/ho are willing to wait and see 
 •the salvation of God," by Mr. G., I accept the conferred honor 
 with many thanks. 
 
 The wisdom of the course I advocate, and that advocated by A. 
 M. G., time alone will decide. Patiently, however, I abide time, 
 clinging to my avowed polic}^, humbly trusting in Him who I have 
 every reason to think has taken the cause of the oppressed of our 
 people in this land out of our weak hands, and has or is about to 
 answer our many appeals in His own glorious way, while we con- 
 tinue to lift our hearts, our hands, in praise and thanksgiving to 
 His holy name. 
 
 R. H. V. 
 
 IV. 
 
 REPLY. 
 
 From the Anglo^ African, November 9 and l6, l86l. 
 
 Mr. Editor: 
 
 Absence from home has prevented my notice of the rejoinder of 
 your able correspondent, R. H. V., on the War policy. I now 
 avail myself of a leisure hour to reply. I am one of those who 
 
28 
 
 believe that truth loses nothing from investigation, and it is at all 
 times the most pleasant and agreeable feature in the honest inves- 
 tigation of truth to know that your opponent can properly appre- 
 ciate honor, candor and gentlemanly generosity for the views of 
 his antagonist. My friend, your correspondent R. H. Y., seems 
 largely to possess those characteristic traits of a gentleman and 
 scholar. I am pleased to find my antagonist on this question, of 
 that progressive class of minds, who can honorably differ with his 
 fellows, without condescending to that hateful and disgusting viru- 
 lence manifested of late among the ancient leaders of our people, 
 in very high circles. I think among us boys, (as our more ancient 
 leaders are wont to term us,) this practical fact of itself develops 
 progress. My friend thinks that so far as my declamation is con- 
 cerned, my arguments may do very well ; but he wants facts to 
 make it appear that my position is tenable. I am willing to submit 
 our previous articles, respectively, to the arbitration of those who 
 have read them, and abide their decision as to whose arguments 
 are the most self-evident, and whose position is sustained by the 
 greatest number of facts. I think that a careful comparison of 
 the articles and the premises on which they are based, will prove 
 my friend's production quite as liberally bereft of that important 
 auxiliary in debate (proof) as my own iridescent missive. Invidi- 
 ous distinctions among the colored people of this continent have 
 done more to keep us oppressed than all other efforts of white men 
 combined. By this rule we have ever been unable to wring from 
 this government the acknowledgment of black genius, adequate 
 to the successful competition of whites, in governmental power. 
 White men have ever made us believe that the interests of black 
 men in Mexico, Hayti, Jamaica, Canada, and even in Africa, were 
 really as dissimilar to the interests of colored Americans, as is the 
 difference in the respective statures of the giraffe and dormouse. 
 All these countries offered very superior adva;ntages to colored 
 men of genius, long before American diplomacy and American 
 prejudice had the power to influence them against us. But this 
 stand-still policy, and this reasoning upon the false and prejudiced 
 suggestions of our oppressors and misguided friends, has been the 
 successful drawback to every well-directed plan of concentrated effort 
 for our elevation, such as would have been adopted with successful 
 
^y// 
 
 29 
 
 results by any other people similarly situated. Had we obeyed the 
 dictates of reason, and the offer of those people made to us years ago, 
 instead of now going to California to black boots, wait at tables, and 
 wash spittoons, our leading men might have been large contractors, 
 land owners, and citizens to all intents and purposes ; while the 
 secondary class of our people might have filled very enviable 
 positions in contrast to what they now fill in that country ; for, 
 you remember, that the acquisition of territory from Mexico 
 changed none of her laws relating to her resident citizens in any 
 part of the territory ceded to, or purchased by, the United States. 
 What, then, kept us from joining with the English and French 
 emigrants in California before the war ? — becoming citizens under 
 the law of Mexico, and forcing the United States, by the laws of 
 nations, to respect that position to the present day, as she does 
 blacker men and less cultivated than two- thirds of the colored 
 people of the United States — who cannot even enjoy their oath 
 against one of those fellows, black though he be, if he happen to 
 be a Mexican ? The reason is obvious ; white men, seeing the 
 result of such a measure, denied our identity of interest with the 
 colored people favored by the laws of Mexico and California ; and 
 though Mexico entreated us to make our home with them, (as Hayti 
 now entreats us from the same reasons,) we objected. Our leading 
 men, reasoning upon this absurd theory of prejudiced white men, coun- 
 seled us to stand still and see the salvation of God; but instead of the 
 analogy being carried out, and we seeing our oppressors declining 
 in strength, as did Israel, we see them day by day growing stronger ; 
 until they had made that blessed land of Freedom as odious from 
 their accursed prejudice as any other part of the United States, and 
 now these same leaders cease to counsel standing still, but counsel 
 our going to California. In the name of heaven, I ask, for what 
 should we now go there ? They say, to better their condition and 
 make a living ; I say to become worse slaves and menials than us 
 they leave behind. This is the stand-still policy I am at variance 
 with ; standing still till all advantages are lost, and we are left in 
 the same darkness and degradation that a brilliant epoch in the 
 history of our country has found us, and is compelled to leave us, 
 because we refuse to get up and run with the world to the great 
 issue to which she is tending — universal Freedom. There is no 
 
30 
 
 such thing as stand still in this nineteenth century ; you must pro- 
 gress backward or forward ; the world is rushing on ; he or they 
 who will not move with her, must be crushed by her onward march. 
 My friend says he has yet to learn that these are practically 
 established facts ; " that grasping the sword will emancipate us 
 from prejudice and slavery." Indeed, he asks : " Will the propo- 
 sition bear questioning?" I answer, yes, in the most positive 
 sense, because four-fifths of all the emancipations from these evils 
 among men have been brought about by this means. The Israel- 
 ites were carried away captives seven times by Pharoah, Tiglath- 
 Pilaser, Shalmanezer, Nebuchadnezer, and finally, by Titus. These 
 men forced them to serve as slaves and vassals, not only to them- 
 selves, but to their successors in Egypt, Babylon, Assyria, and 
 Persia, over which empires they respectively held dominion. The 
 Israelites groaned and prayed to God, lifting their windows towards 
 the city of the great King^ three times a day — but never were 
 released in five out of seven cases, till they grasped the sword, and 
 like Samson, cried to God for strength to drive it to the hilt. In 
 one of the other cases of the seven, God himself, by the use of ele- 
 ments more destructive and desolating than the sword, eflected the 
 purpose by a national shiughter. My comment on all these Bible 
 transactions may be found in the writings of the Prophets Isaiah, 
 Jeremiah, Ezekiel, Daniel, and Hosea. A careful study of these 
 inspired writers, and the chronological history of the Jews through 
 all those years of their servitude and degradation, develops the fact 
 that the special direction of God, by the mouth of his prophets, is 
 decidedly at variance Avith my friend's peace measures and neutral 
 policy, in a war against the greatest moral, social, and intellectual 
 antagonist to human progress that now curses the civilized world. 
 Turning from sacred history to more recent dates, I am taught by 
 the modern historian that the vassals and slaves of the entire con- 
 tinent of Europe, a few centuries ago, are now its free citizens — 
 made free by the power of their own strength, contending often 
 ao-ainst fearful odds for the advancement of the cause of human 
 suffrage. The once lowest castes of Hindostan are now the free 
 gentoos of that empire. The slaves that built the pyramids of 
 Egypt are now, it is true, the degraded but free Moslem of that 
 land. The Mexicans that Cortez found in that country, working 
 
y^ r> / 
 
 31 
 
 as slaves of the emperors and priesthood, are now the free popu- 
 lation of Mexico. The slaves of England, France, and Spain, in 
 the West Indies, are now the independent Haytians, the citizens 
 of the Dominician Republic, and the British West Indies. Now 
 let me ask bj what special interposition of Providence, aside from 
 the. general rule of grasping the sword, have these changes been 
 brought about ? The answer comes back from the earliest anti- 
 quity, that the universal rule for Emancipation, Equality and En- 
 franchisement, whether it be to the Jewish slaves of antiquity, the 
 Roman slaves, the Grecian helots, the German fuedal vassals, the 
 serfs of Russia, the Indian slaves of Mexico and Central America, 
 or the African slaves of the West India Islands, the one, the ail- 
 prevailing influence for removing these accursed systems of tyranny 
 and oppression is, and ever has been, an appeal to the sword, 
 wielded by strong and energetic arms and minds, aided and guided 
 by that Omnipotence thj^t is ever on the side of justice, and who 
 directs the blow so as to spread terror and dismay among the 
 oppressors of a ci-iished and bleeding race, the outraged struggling 
 victims of injustice and wrong. So will God help us if we conform 
 to this universal rule ; and cease to cling to this abstract rule of 
 ''stand still and see the salvation," etc., which, after all, never 
 can be applie<l to our case at present, for the Israelites had done 
 what we have steadily refused to do, i. e., they had spoiled their 
 oppressors, and were marching out of their land in rank and file. 
 Are we willing to do likewise ? Then, again, it was only when they 
 had gone to the last extremity of human effort, and were about to 
 turn back to slavery, and to be buried in Egypt, that Moses gave the 
 command to stand still, etc. Noav, I am willing to grant my friend 
 the full benefit of this one isolated case in support of his theory, as 
 far as it goes — when w^e have performed our part as faithfully even 
 as those to whom it was addressed. When the slaves have raised the 
 standard of rebellion against their masters, and have broken every 
 yoke, and then, by some great impending danger, are about to yield 
 and go back again to slavery, I, like Moses, rather than retrograde, 
 would readily counsel standing still, at least for a while. When w^e 
 of the North, by indefatigable exertion (and sacrifice, if required) 
 have armed and equipped ourselves, and become proficient in all that 
 pertains to self-defence, as men in our condition should be, and then 
 
32 
 
 find ourselves environed with some of the difficulties that my friend 
 predicts would follow such a significant result, and we, like Israel, 
 ^re about turning back to our present unhappy and insignificant 
 condition, I, for one, should steadfastly counsel standing still with 
 fixed bayonets and torn cartridges, to see the salvation of God; 
 which I verily believe would be seen, if we followed those general 
 rules to which I cling, notwithstanding the enemy's preeminence 
 of position, superior numerical strength, &c. 
 
 I think that I am quite safe in assuming that there is no scrap 
 of history that can be brought by analogy to prove, " that we must 
 either succumb to the numerical preponderance of power, which 
 our enemies may bring to bear against us, or cease to exist on the 
 continent." I think the history of the aborigines of this country 
 goes but a short distance in proof of this mode of reasoning ; they 
 sunk by thousands in the very pursuits under which our race have 
 steadily increased. Besides, there are very many reasons why 
 they have diminished, aside from the aggressive war of extermina- 
 tion forced upon them by the whites ; while the sword among them 
 has slain its thousands, the introduction of rum of the most poison- 
 ous character has slain its tens of thousands. Delirium tremens, 
 mania a potu, and a thousand other hereditary diseases more fruit- 
 ful of death and the entire destruction of the human family than 
 the sword, through the wily craft of white men have been thrust 
 among them — then what has followed ? Internal dissensions among 
 the different tribes, by which means the sword, in the hands of 
 brethren, has done more for their extermination than enemies of 
 the opposite race. But our people usually drink good whiskey, or 
 the best of brandy, and I therefore do not exactly look for the 
 same results to them in this direction ; and, with their knowledge 
 of the deceptive character of our oppressors, I cannot think we 
 will ever be induced by them to slay each other indiscriminately, 
 as the Indians have. My friend speaks of world's fairs, agricultu- 
 ral pursuits, arts and sciences, etc., versus momentary admiration 
 for exhibitions of well disciplined men, well drilled in military 
 tactics, &c. He brings wealth, education, industry, &c., against 
 efficient military drill, well contested battles, bravery and gallant 
 exploits in active service, etc. But he evidently does not draw 
 his conclusions from a very careful study of his subject and the 
 
33 
 
 nations to whom he refers. Great Britian first made herself free, 
 then became the governess of her numerous colonies, then became 
 mistress of the seas, before she turned her attention to these social 
 and civil pursuits that my friend cites us to. France had pillaged 
 the world by her superior perfection in artillery and infantry tac- 
 tics, before she was satisfied to go to work at world's fairs and 
 what not. But the slaves of every nation are those who challenge 
 competition in mechanics, agriculture, and the fine arts. Why 
 then have they not been freed by this means without an appeal to 
 arms ? My friend refers to Hayti, and says, they are not more 
 respected though '' they wielded the sword to desperation, etc." 
 Thank God, they are at least free and independent. Besides this, 
 the colored planters, though they were acknowledged the most 
 wealthy, educated, industrious, and thrifty of the Haytians, chal- 
 lenging competition by their industry and wealth, and commanding 
 respect by their education and refinement, yet they never were 
 recognized or respected at home or abroad until they grasped the 
 sword and taught their oppressors and the world a lesson of African 
 chivalry, versus so much mock morality, peaceful submission, etc., 
 in this stirring age of human progress. By this means the blacks 
 of Hayti are felt in a way that world's fairs, &c., &c., would not 
 have made them felt for centuries yet to come. My friend in- 
 quires how we could influence the administration more than Gen. 
 Fremont; and whether the States could thrust upon the war 
 department persons whom interest or necessity might dictate they 
 should reject; or whether they could accept the services of those 
 who are legally disqualified ? He then says, if this may not be con- 
 stitutionally done, would not my policy environ the administration 
 and force that cavil I would obviate? I think I fairly met these ques- 
 tions in my previous article. I will again, for the esteem I have 
 for my friend, answer him as best I can. First, no one can tell 
 how much Gen. Fremont has or can influence the war department ; 
 the fact that Mr. Cameron visited Fremont in person, and that 
 Fremont has made no public protest against the ruling of the cabi- 
 net, looks very suspicious that they understood each other, and 
 were only acting up to the necessity of keeping their own counsel. 
 Fremont evidently wields an influence that would require but a 
 very few men of his stamp to emancipate the entire South. He 
 
34 
 
 may yet be commander-in-chief under our present administration. 
 Secondly, the States have and are doing every day all that we would 
 require them to do ; i. e., they are raising troops, preparing them by 
 all available means for the time the government will need them ; 
 and may they not as readily prepare colored as white men ? Would 
 this not be a step in the direction of enfranchisment ? And after 
 all, is it not through this medium, the recognition of our rights by 
 the people, that we may ever hope to reach the government ? As to 
 legal disqualification, and constitutional necessity being in our 
 way, I would refer my friend to Mr. Lincoln's speech at Indepen- 
 dence Hall, in this city, when he said that "after all, decisions of 
 the Supreme Court, and our constitutional and compromise obliga- 
 tions are not eternal principles, but must vary with the necessities 
 of the times, etc." A solution of these strange words are given in 
 the Rev. H. H. Garnet's passports by Mr. Seward ; and Mr. 
 Lincoln's answer to the writ of habeas corpus issued by the highest 
 judicial authority in the country. Garnet's passport and the sus- 
 pension of the writ of habeas corpus are the best of arguments 
 against constitutional and legal restrictions, preventing the recogni- 
 tion of a hundred thousand men of the best muscle and determined 
 bravery in the Federal ranks. 
 
 As to what southern emissaries may do, by throwing information 
 into the hands of the Rebels, of our movements, etc., I have only 
 to say that it is an abstract question that should have no weight 
 with men willing to do their duty in a great crisis like the present; 
 follow this rule of reasoning and we should have no army, no 
 President, no freemen, no free-soil, nor aught else to defend. 
 Seven years ago the serfs of Russia were hopeless slaves ; the no- 
 bility had frustrated the efforts of every cabinet for the ameliora- 
 tion of their condition. At length a war broke out between Russia, 
 Turkey, France and England. The Czar, driven to an extremity, 
 proposed to place in the field 250,000 serfs. The nobility pro- 
 tested against it, fearing the result to themselves. The serfs op- 
 posed it because they could see no issue in the war favorable to 
 their interest ; they believed England and France to be far more 
 favorable to their freedom than Russia. The war raged, and finally 
 Alexander, over the heads of nobility and serfs, drafted 75,000 serfs 
 and sent them off to the Crimea, and in less than three years from 
 
35 
 
 that time, nearly thirty millions of slaves are freed by the result of 
 that policy. There was no way to dispossess these people of the 
 influence they swayed by that one stroke of war policy ; but to 
 emancipate them was inevitable. Is not our condition analogous 
 to theirs in many respects, and may we not by the same policy 
 expect a similar result ? I must thank my friend for two consider- 
 ations of kindness toward his old, misguided, suicidal friend ; first, 
 for his anxiety '"that I might receive my sight;" second, for his 
 anxiety lest I should be lost while performing an unpleasant duty« 
 There are two kinds of blindness mentioned in scripture, an unfor- 
 tunate blindness and a wilful one ; as my friend has placed me 
 among the first class, by Moses' law, Leviticus. 19 : 14, I am en- 
 titled to commiseration, and by the same law, Deut, 27 : 18, he 
 should be sorely punished for trying to lead me to wander out of 
 the way, etc. I am somewhat fearful that my friend may be of 
 the opposite class mentioned in the % from the 37th to the 52d 
 verse of the 12th chapter of John. If so, a solution to his unfor- 
 tunate state may be found in Matthew, 15 : 14. 
 
 A. M. GREEN. 
 
POPULAR LECTURES. 
 
 Associations and Lecture Committees will do well, when making engagements 
 for a course, or' for single Lectures, to remember that PROF. A. M. GREEN 
 is prepared to deliver either of the following VERY POPULAR AND INSTRUC- 
 TIVE LECTURES, on the most reasonable terms: 
 
 LECTUIIE I. 
 
 Subject — Lessons in ike School of Mytliology. 
 
 LECTURE II. 
 
 Subject — Slavery, Rebellion, Emancipation. 
 
 LECTURE III. 
 
 Subject — The Terrific Power of Intemperance zvhen it Becomes a 3Iaster Passion. 
 
 LECTURE IV. 
 
 Subject — The Beauty and Poiuer of a Christiaji Education; or. Pagan oMd 
 Christian Literature Contrasted. 
 
 LECTURE V. 
 
 Subject — The Destiny of the Colored People of the American Continent. 
 
 LECTURE VI. 
 
 Subject — The Past, Present, and Future — a Poem on the Great Rebellion. 
 
 LECTURE VII. 
 
 Subject — The World's Reputed Heroes, and tohat We should Learn from Them. 
 
 LECTURE VIII. 
 
 Subject — Captain John Brovm — the Model Hero, and the Noblest Roman of them all. 
 
 PROF. GREEN is also prepared to exhibit his beautiful ETHIOPIAN 
 PAGODA of Astronomy, Natural Science and History, including some of the 
 most interesting scenes of the Rebellion, &c. Having Lectured before several of 
 the most prominent Literary Associations, both white and colored, and having the 
 highest and most satisfactory testimonials of success, wherever heard, he offers 
 these Lectures to the favorable consideration of his friends — willing to serve them 
 at any time when properly notified, and on the most reasonable terms. 
 
 Letters will leceive immediate attention, 
 
 A. xM. GREEN, 
 
 OOG Catharine St., Philadelphia, Fcnn'a. 
 Or they maybe addressed to him, care of Rev. A. R. Gbebn, Box 1608, Detroit, Mich. 
 

 LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 
 
 0137032995 
 
 y^^^ 
 
 ^^ 
 
 In 
 
 \jd