E 713 .P51 Copy 1 7 ANNEXATION OF THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. SPEECH HON. RICHARD R PETTIGREW, OK SOUTH D^IvOT^, SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES, JUNE 22 AND 23, 1898. ^V A S 1 1 1 N G T O M. 1898. 'K d ^ ^ *' A" E^ 1:5 ^8552 SPEECH HON. RICHAllD r. PETTIGHEW. The Senate having under consideration the joint resohit ion ( H. Ros. 259) to provide for annexing the Hawaiian Islands to the United States — Mr. PETTIGREW said: Mr. PitEsiDEXT: I hadhopeil thatthecontroversy with regard to the ac(iuisition of new territory, that the contest over changing the policy of this country as it has existed for a century, that the ques- tion whether we ought to adopt an imperial policy and acrjuiro distant colonies to be ruled by us against their consent, would, in view of existing circumstances, have been delayed until this war was over, until the whole question could be considered, ixntil the American people could have thought upon the subject, until we could have decided upon a policy as to whether we would revolu- tionize the purposes of this Government, and that next winter we would take up this question, when we would have time to deliber- ately act upon the proposition to formulate a colonial policy. No one for one moment pretends that we intend to admit the Asiatic people of Hawaii or of the Philippines into full citizenship under the Goverament of this country; but, instead of that, pro- jielled by an interest which has gathered around this Capitol for the past several months or years, an interest in the production of sugar by Hawaiian labor, certain gentlemen, having less of pa- triotism than I hoped they might possess, bring this question here now and undertake to force it through Congress as a war measure. I contend that the area of this country is great enough, if we would maintain free institutions under a republican form of gov- ernment. For in a republic, founded upon the principles of equal- ity and universal suffrage, it is essential that the individual voter shall have a knowledge of, and be familiar with, the methods of government; and if the country is so vast and the problems of government are so complicated that it is impossible for the voter to have or acquire this familiar knowledge, how is it possible for him to act intelligently? Htnvis it possible for him to know that by his vote he is sustaining free institutions? PAST UKPL'ULKS Of SMAI.F. AltEA. In the past republics liave been of small area— a single city per- haps—with a comparatively small population. Tlio founders of this Government, recognizing the difficulty of maintaining as a unit a republic of exten.sive proportions, inaugurated the Federal system, a union of sovereign States, hoping thereby to extend self- government over vast areas and to maintain therein the jiurityof republican principles, each State lieing in itself a repul)lic. each State of necessity containing a population indigenous to its climate 3-33 3 and possessing a soil that would bountifully respond to the ener- fjizing touch of men capable of governing themselves. There! ore the founders of our Government made it an unwritten law that no area should be brought within the bounds of the Republic which did not and could not sustain a race equipped in all essen- tials for the maintenance of free civilization and capable of uphold- ing within its boundaries a republican form of government. For the purpose of unifying a vast area within the bounds of the Republic it was enacted that the central Government, the Government of the United States, should be a government of lim- ited powers, a government possessing only such powers as were conferred upon it by the Constitution, all other sovereign rights, all other powers common to a sovereign, being retained by the States themselves, retained by the people themselves as inhabi- tants of the States. Therefore, if we adopt a policy of acquiring tropical countries, where republics can not live, and where free, self-governing people have never lived since the world had a his- tory, we overturn the theory npon which this Government is established and we do violence to our Constitution. T.MPEKIALISM AND CONQUEST. The whole theory of our Government precludes centralization of power; the wliole theory of our Government sustains the idea that the United States as a government shall do only those things delegated to it in the Constitution. But, Mr. President, our Federal system has not accomplished the purpose for which it was created; it has not fultilled the ex- pectation of its authors. Before we acquire more territory, before we start upon a policy of imperiali-sm and of conquest, "it is our duty to inipiire whether our area and population are not already too great. Centralization has gone on so rapidly since the war of the rebellion that already our people are looking to the Govern- ment of the United States as the source of all power through which all relief must come. Mr. President, the concentration of power in the hands of the Federal Government has been followed by encroachments by the Federal courts upon the sovereignty of the States and upon the legis- lative and executive branches of the Government itself, and it has made tlie courts almost supreme in oiir afifairs. Within the past thirty years the wealth of the United States, which was once fairly distributed, has been accumulated in the hands of a few: so that, according to the last census, 2.JU.000 men own $il,000,OOO.OUO, or over three-fourths of the wealth of this country, while 52 per cent of our population practically have no property at all and do not own their homes. It would naturally be supposed that the 4S per cent of the people who still have an interest in the propertj' of the nation would be the governing classes. Recent events, however, point unmistakably to the fact that the 2")0.000 people who own nearly all the wealth have com- bined with the 'yi per cent of our population who have no prop- erty, and by gaining control of a great patriotic political organ- ization have usurped the functions of government and established a plutocracy. Among all plutocracies of the past, as well as among all mon- archies of the past, whenever all power and all property have been gatliered into the hands of the few and discontent appears among tlie masses, it has been the policy to acquire foreign po.s- B'jssions, to enlarge the army and the navy, to employ discon- tout ami distract its attention. The recent attempt on the part of the United States to acquire foreign territorj', coming as it does along with an ever-increasing clamor for the enlargement of the Army and for the creation of a great navy, is snflicient to alarm patriotic citizens and lead to an anxious inquiry as to whither Ave are drifting. ROME RUINED BY COXQrEST. Rome was organized as a Republic, and for the first six hundred years of her history had the best government then existing on the globe. To be a Roman citizen was greater than to be a king. She consolidated her power until she ruled all Italy. She began to spread out along the northern coast of the Mediterranean; but when the policy of acquiring and governing a people who could have no part iu her republican form of government began, Rome ceased to exist as a Republic and became an Empire. The misery and ruin of her people began. When she conquered Egypt and Asia, having populations the same as those countries possess to- day, of low consuming power and great tenacity of life, the Roman found he was no competitor in the growing of crops and in other industrial enterprises. The Roman of those days was as the Anglo-Saxon of to-daj- — a man of great vitality, requiring excellent nurture, the best of food, and plenty of it. When lie came into competition with, when he conquered and undertook to govern, when he absorbed the Asiatic races, people with a low vitality and great tenacity of life, human machines who could subsist upon the least of food and perform the most of work, the Roman farmer was destroyed and the Roman Empire passed away. James Bryce, in speaking of this period of Roman history, says: The ostentation of humility which the subtle policy of Augustus had con- ceived and the jealous hypocrisy of Tiberius maintained w.is gradually dropped by their successors, imtil despotism became at last recognized in jirinciple as the government of the Roman Emi)ire. With an aristoiTa<-y do- cayed, a populace degraded, an army no longer recruited from Italy, the .'semblance of liljerty that yet survived might be swept away with impunity. Republican forms had never been known in the provinces at all- Will they be with ours?— and the aspect which the imperial administration had orig:inally assumed there soon reacted on its position in the capital. ♦ * » This increased con- centration of power was mainly required Ijy the necessities of frontier de- fense. For within there wiis more decay than disaffection. The fact of the matter is that when the Roman Republic was founded most of its people were farmers. Their farms did not exceed 12 acres in area, indicating a dense rural population. No foreign foe could march through that compact rural i)opulafion of landowners to the wall of Rome. They were successful farmers and prosperous, and they made mighty soldiers. Cincinnatus left the plow and led legions on to victory. But during the first cen- tury of the Christian era centralization had done its work. The lands had been absorbed by the usurer and gathered into vast es- tates, cultivated by tenants and often by slaves; the mines of gold and silver in Spain and Greece had been worked out. The price of farm products had fallen, as they were cnmpelled to compete with the rich graiiaries of Egypt. Roman legions were no longer recruited among the farmers who tilled the soil. The soldiers were foreign mercenaries. Roman institiitions faded away under the influences which gradually took possession of that empire and destroyed its vitality; and the same story can be told of every nation throngb all history from the very moment it de- parted from its i)olicy of peace, its internal policy, and entered nj)on a career of conqnest. One of the oldest nations in the world to-day is Japan. She has had a succession of rulers for two thousand seven hundred years. For two hundred and fifty years previous to 1809 no foreigner was allowed to set foot upon the soil of Japan. She lived witliin her- self. There was no desire for conquest, and no foreign debt. The result is that, in iny opinion, to-day she possesses the most civilized people upon the globe, adopting everything that is good and rejecting everything that is bad in modern civilization. Ja- pan holds everytliing within her own Governinent. There is no foreign debt. No foreigner is allowed to own stock in any of her companies or to own her soil. There is that peace and satisfac- tion, that comfort and contentment among the masses of her peo- ple that no other nation I know of possesses. But if she starts upon a career of conciuest, if she allows the best blood of her peo- ple to depart to foreign lands to conquer and make serfs of an in- ferior i)eople, from that day will date the ruin and decline of Japan. ecu PAST POLICY IS OUR STRENGTH. I bfelieve these problems, as they have been wrought in the crucible of the past, are the ones that should absorb the thought- ful consideration of our people. 1 believe attention should not be taken from those great questions of economics and government, from the great questions now revitalized in gigantic trusts and corporations, and should not be distracted by a career of conquest. I believe it is my duty, under these circumstances, to resist on all occasions the acquisition of any territory beyond our borders not contiguous to our present territory and peopled by an unwill- ing and an inferior race. To-day we have no territory that it requires a navy to defend. The United States is so situated that she can say whether she will have peace or war. We possess no territory that can be acquired or held by a foreign foe, even if we owned not one single ship; and no nation, however great or strong, can gain any advantage by a war with us. But the moment we acquire distant posses- sions, we must build a navy to defend them, for in case of war these possessions would l)e first attacked and taken from us. France, England, and Germany have possessions scattered all over the world, and are consequently compelled to maintain immense navies to defend them. The.se possessions, in case of war, furnish so many points of attack, so many embarrassments, so many op- portunities for national humiliation, that the strife is to see who can maintain tlie greatest fleet upon the sea. Shall we enter the arena of this contest? From our earliest history we have insisted that we would en- gage in no entangling alliances, that we would acquire no territory that required a navy to defend. We have said that we would at- tend to our own affairs, and that our interests demanded that no European country should gain further foothold upon the Western Hemisphere; and so strong has been our moral position that with- out a navy we have been able to enforce this doctrine. When the French entered Mexico, we had but to indicate our displeasure and they departed; but the very moment we adopt the policy of acquiiing distant territories, the very moment we enter upon a policy of acquisition and annexation, upon a colonial system of government, the moral force of our position is ^one. I apprehend that, instead of being opposed, Franco and England would be glad if we would acciuire distant islands and thereby place ourselves in the position they occupy in relation to the bal- ance of the world. The following from Henry Clews's "Weekly Financial Review of June, 18lt8, is in point: The following is an cxtrar^t from a letter wbich I recently received from an influential nieniber of Parlianieiit representing one of "Great Britain's largest cities, which speaks for itself: "Just a lino to say that I do not a£jree with vour circular letter, which I have just read, whore you suggest tli:it the Philippines should bo given back to Si>ain for Cuba. I hope you will kfcp the iMiiliiipines. It is time your people began to do some work in the world outside vour own country. You will have to do it eventually, and you may as well begin now a.s wait. 1 am afraid it will not be many years until we have to do some joint account fight- ing with continental countries for possession of the parts of the world which are misgoverned at present." They know too well that colonial acquisition would be an ele- ment of weakness: that distant possessions would be hostages for the safety of which we would yield points of right and surrender questions of princii)le. THE MONROE DOCTKIXE AND A COLONIAL POLICY. How could we invoke the Monroe doctrine and insist that for- eign countries should not acquire territory in North and South America if, after our repeated declarations" that we had no inten- tion to annex Hawaii, wo should proceed to annex it? Would they not jtistly claim that we would pursue the same course in regard to the republics of North and South America, with the purpose of ultimately acquiring them ourselves? How could we longer argue that we only seek to do right; that we only seek to furnish an example to the world of man's capacity for self- government, the golden rule of doing to others as yoii would be done by? What limit can be set to our future acquisition if we once com- mence a colonial policy and actiitire territory in the Tropics, where self-government is impossible? Mr. President, I contend that it has been the tradition and policy of the people of the United States to acquire no territory that would require a navy to defend. Mr. Jefferson, in writing to President Madison April 27, 1803, said: It will be objected to our receiving Cuba that no limit can then be drawn to our future .icriui.sitions. Cuba can bedefonded by us without a navv; and this develops the principle which ought to limit our vicw.i. Nothing .should ever be accepted which would require a navy to defend it.— 5 Jefferson't ^^'orks, 44;i. Secretary Frelinghuy.sen, in a note to Mr. Langston dated Juno 20, 1883, .says: The policy of this Government, as declared on many occasions in the iia??*, has tended toward avoidance of pos.sessions disconnected from thj maiu continent. In 1884 he said to the same minister: A conviction that a fixed policy, dating ba^-k to the origin of our constitu- tional Government, was considered to make it inexpedient to attemi)t terri- torial aggrandizement which would rofpiirc maintenan<-e by a navnl force in ex2J United States lias never deemed it needful to their national life to maintain impretrnable fortresses along tbo world's hijj^hways of commerce. I wish to state distinctly, on tlie general question of annexation of outlying islands or territory— except in the North, and I make an exception there— that I trust we have seen the last of annexation, and in this remark I include the whole group of the West India Islands and the whole of the Mexican territory contiguous to the United States, inliabited as it is by a portion of the Latin races, strangely mixed and deg.-ii'Mated bv their mixture with native races; a population and a territory tliat naturally enfeebles man— a popuhition and a territory that I earnestly hope may never bo made an integral part of the people and a territory of the United States. We oc- cupy a portion of that great northern zone which girdles the world and which has been the theater of the greatest achievements of civilization, especially in the history of the Anglo-Saxon races; but should we extend our possessions into the tropical (.Ilawaiiau; belt, we would weaken the power of our people and Government. Althougli the treaty is not now hefore us, fn view of tlie fact that we are considering a subject kindred to the treaty made by Mr. Sherman for the annexation of Hawaii, I will read what Mr. Sherman had to say upon the subject: The events of the future are beyond the vision of mankind, but I hope that our people will be content with internal growth and avoid the complications of foreign acquisitions. Our family of States is already large enough to cre- ate embarrassment in the Senate, and a republic should not hold dependent provinces or possessions. Everynewacquisition will create embarrassments. The Union already embraces discordant elements enough without adding others. If my life is prolonged I will do all I can to add to the strength and prosperity of the United States, but nothing to extend its limits or to add new dangers by acquisition of foreign territory. I hope those sentiments were largely held by all prominent members of the Republican party. I am sorry to know that the great Secretary of State, through the exigencies of politics, felt that he was compelled to place himself in sympathy with an Ad- ministration which held a contrary view upon so great and im- portant a question. Mr. Bayard, during Cleveland's first Administration, made the following announcement, and I take this from page 580 of Whar- ton's Digest of International Law: The policy of the United States declared and pursued for more than a century discountenances and in practice forbids distant colonial acquisitions. Our action in the past touching the acquisition of territory by purchase and cession and our recorded disinclination to avail ourselves of voluntarv prof- fers made by other powers to place territories under the sovereignty or pro- tection of the United States are matters of historical prominence. For the purpose of showing the unvarying policy of this coun- try up to the Administration of President Harrison, indorsed by Democrats and Repulilicans alike, I will read from the first mes- sage of Grover Cleveland in 18s,3. Grover Cleveland had then just come from the people; he had not been contaminated and cor- rupted by association with the busness men who afterwards dis- graced the Republic by their influence over its President. He tlien spoke the real sentiments, in my opinion, of an honest man. He said: Maintaining as I do the tenet of a line of precedents from "Washington's day, whiih proscribe entangling alliances with foreign states, I do not favor a policy of acquisition of new and distant territory or the incorporation of roinoto interests with our own. It has been said on this floor that ISIr. Cleveland, up to the time he appointed Mr. Blount to go to Hawaii, was in favor of the an- nexatiun of those islands. This message, sent to Congress in 18S5, certainly tends not only to disprove that statement, but to refute it altogether, without some positive contrary dsclaration on the part of Mr. Cleveland himself. lii^:::] PAST TEintIT<1I{IAL At'o tributary with- out receiving corresponding benefits, and then will bo seen the folly of our 10 ro.jectiiiK so great a j)rize. The Government of San Domingo has voluntarily sought this aiim-xiitiDn. It is a weak i)owor, numbering probably less than IriO.iKNl sDuls, and yet jiossessing one of the richest territories under the sun, capable of supiiorting a population of 10,0(J(),iH)(iof people in luxury. The peo- ple of San Domingo are nf)t capable of maintaining themselves in their pres- ent condition, and must look for outside support. They yearn for the pro- tection of our free institutions and laws— our progress and civilization. Shall we refuse them'/— Exactly the same argument, a threat of injury, the promise of a prize, together with a proposition to furnish a worthless people with a decent government. There is the very argtiment pre- sented by the advocates of the annexation of Hawaii; first, the danger to our Pacific coast if we do not accept these islands; second, a prize in tlie great richness of tropical products; third, that we shall furnish these people a share of the Government we possess and protection against incursions which they imagine may arise from foreign foes — The acquisition of San Domingo is desirable because of its geographical position. It commands the entrance to the Caribbean Sea and the Isthmus transit of commerce. It posse.sses the richest soil, best iind most capacious harbors, most salubrious climate, and the most valuable products of the fore.st, mine, and soil of any of the West India I.slands. Its possession by us will in a few years build up a coastwise commeicc of immen.se magnitude, which will go far toward restoring to us our lost merchant marine. The same argument exactly. We have been told about the vast commercial relations with Hawaii and the number of ships that come and go bearing the American flag. It will give to us those articles which we consume so largely and do not produce, thus equalizing our exports and imports. In ca.se of foreign w.ir it will give us command of all the islands referred to, and thus prevent au enemy from ever again possessing himself of rendezvous upon our very coast. At present our coast trade between thft States bordering on the At- lantic and those bordering on the Gulf of Mexico is cut into by the Bahamas and the Antilles. Twice we must, as it were, pass through foreign countries to get by sea from (Georgia to the west coast of Florida. San Domingo, with a staljle government under which her immense re- sources can be developed, will give remunerative wages to tens of thousands of laborers not now upon the island. ANNEXATION AND AMERICAN LABOR. The same argument exactly— annex Hawaii and the American laborer will go there. "Annex Santo Domingo," Grant said, "and American laborers will go there." Then, as now, we were invit- ing laborers from other lands to come here, our own country being undeveloped, with vast resources tin touched. This labor will take advantage of every available means of transportation to abandon the ad.jacent islands and seek the blessings of freedom and its sequence- each inhabitant receiving the reward of liis own labor. Porto Kico and Ouba will have toabolish slaverj-, as a measure of self -preservation, to retain their laborers. San Domingo will li('<'ome a large consumer of the products of Northern farms and iiianiifaitorio.s. The cheap rate at which her citizens can be fur- nished with food, tools, and machinery will make it necessary that contigu- ous islanils should have the same advantages in order to compete in the pro- duction of sugar, coffee, tobacco, tropical fruits, etc. This will open to us a still wider market for our products. The production of our own supply of these articles will cut oil moi'e than one hundred millions of our annual im- ports, besides largely increasing our exports. With such a picture it is easy to see liow our laige debt abroad is ultimately to bo extinguished. With a balance of ti-ade against us (including interest on bonds held by foreigners and money spent by our citizens traveling in foreign lands) equal to the en- tire yield of tlie precir>us metals in this country, it is not so easy to see bow this resiilt is to bo otherwise accomiilished. Theac(|uisition of San Domingo is an adherence to the "Monroe doctrine:" it is a measure of national protection; it is asserting our just claim to a con- trolling influence over the great commercial traffic soon to flow from west to 35:M 11 east by way of tho Isthinns of Darion; it is to hiiild up our merchant marine; it is to furuLsU uew markets for thu products of our farms, shops, and mauu- factoriea. * * « « # « * In view of tho importance of this question, I earnestly urfre upon Connress early action expressive of its views as to tho best means of aciiuiriiij; San Do- mingo. Mv sutrirestion is that, by joint resolution of the two Houses of Con- gross, tho txecutivo be authorized to a]>poiiit a conmiissioii to ncgotiab' a treaty witlithe aiithurities ol San l)oniin>,'o fur tlie anjuisition of that i--lanii, and tliat au appropriation be made to defray tho expenses of such commis- sion. Sucli a joint resolution was introduced; it passed the Senate, went to the House, and tliey refused to concur in it. With this fclowin.i; picture, with the great power G-rant possessed — however, 1 understand there is no record that ( irant exerted tliat jiower in an unconstitutional manner — but witli tlio great power Grant jjo.ssessed, lie was unable to secure from Congress one step in the direction of the acipiisition of Santo Domingo. So firmly in the minds of our i^eoi)le at that time was the determination that our area was large enough, and that only people coukl be admitted to the privileges of citizenship within this Republic who were capable of self-government, that even the great power and influence of Grant were unable to overturn the practice, precedent, policy, and jirinciple upon which this Government was founded and which up to that time had maintained itself. There is no record, however, that Grant used unfairly, unjustly, unconstitutionally, the power of his position. I believe that Grant was too patriotic to have done such a thing. But rumors come to our ears that in this contest Senators and iMembers are called to the White House and told that this is the Administration i5ol- icy and that they must support it, and intimations of favors, not direct, for that is unnecessarj', are used to force the Senate of the United States to break down the century-old policy of this coun- try and compel the acquisition of territory within the Tropics and beyond our O'mi borders. Mr. Blaiue says in his book, speaking of Santo Domingo: The territory included in tho Dominican Republic is tho eastern portion of the island of San Doinin^^o, originally known as Ilispauiola. It embraces perhaps two-thirds of tho whole. Tho western jiart forms the Republic of Haiti. With tho exception of Cuba, tho island is the largest of tho West India group. Tho total area is about ;^'S.(i'H) sciuare miles — equivalent to Mas- s.achusett3. New Hampshire, Vermont, and Rhode Island combined. Presi- dent Grant placed extravagant estimates upon tho value of tho territory which ho supposed w;is now ac(iuired under tho Babcock treaties. In his mcss.ago o Congi-ess he expre.s.sed tho belief that tho island would yield to tho United .States all the sugar, colfeo. tobarco. and other tropi<-al products which the country would consume. " The production of cuir suiiply of these articles," said theProsident. " will cut olT m,(MI,U(K) gold for the three islands to be; delivered, witli all fixed jniblic ]n'operty therein, with- outconditionsoi' incumbrances. ( Jeiieral RausioH' having shortly afterwards returned to Denmark to accept the ministry of war. the negotiations were transferred to Copenhagen, where they were'ecinducted by Mr. Yeaman, our minister there, on our part, and for the Danish (iMvecnment by fount Frijs, minister of foreign affairs, and (ieneral Kaashitf. No counter ]iro])osal was made until May 17, ]Htl7, by the Danish (iov.'rnment. Then Count Frijs told Mr. Yeaman that Denmark exj)ected S15,()iKi,0(iU gold for the three islanitauts to be inserted in the convention; tliat permis.sion would Ix? granted them to leave tho island atany time within two years after the United States took possession of it, if they preferred their original allegiance io that of the United States; and that tho convention mu.st be ratified on or before August 4. 1807. These terms not proving accejitable to Denmark, the negotiations were pro- limged until finally Mr. Seward gave up the attemT)t to fix the date of ratifi- cation, concurred in a sti]iulation in tho convention for the consent of tho inhabitants, and oflereil j;7,r)iKM)()0 for St. Thomas and St. John. On this biisis a treaty was concluded on October ;io, 1S()7. This was promptly ratified by Denmark, but the United States Senate delayed action on it, and finally rejected it in the session of 1808, as appears by the records of the De- partment of Slate. * * * ♦ * * * Denmark had no particular desire to sell to the United States, but was persuaded to do so. The inhabitants of the islands had already voted to accept tlie United States as their sovereign. Tho late Mr. Charles Sumner, then chairman of the Committee on Foreign Relations of the Senate, who was engaged in a personal quarrel with tho Administration, simi)lv refu.'ad to renort b.ack tho treaty to the Senate, and ho was suiijiorted by a sufliciont number of his c.onnnittoe and of Senators to enabli> the matter to be left in this position. It required now negotiations to prolong the terra of ratifica- tion, and it was with groat difficulty that in a subsequent session Ihe treaty was finally brought before the Senate and rejected. As may be imagined, our friendly relations with Denmark were considerably impaired by this method of doing business. So we have refused on all occasions to acquire territory in the Tropics, where the population is not capable of self-government. I At this point, without having concluded his speech, Mr. Pktti- OUKW yielded for a motion to proceed to the consideration of executive business.] • * ♦ » • * * 3533 13 Th ursdinj, June ;?J, ISDS. 'Mr. PETTIGREW. Mr. President, I undertook to show yes- terday that it was contrary to our theory of government, contrary to our customs and precedents as a people, to acquire territory not conti,L;nous to our own, and inhabited by an inferior race of people. Those wlio favor a different policy now and who favor a departure from those customs and practices that have created the proudest pages of our history say it is manifest destinj-. Throughout all recorded time manifest destiny has been the mur- derer of men. It has committed more crimes, done more to op- ])rcss and wrong the inhabitants of the world than any other at- tiibute to whicii mankind has fallen heir. THE ACMir.VKMKNTS (IF MAMl'KST DESTINY. Manifest destiny has caused the strong to rob the weak and has reduced the weak to slavery. Manifest destiny built the feudal castle and supplied the castle with its serfs. Manifest destiny impelled republics that have heretofore existed and perished to go forth and conquer weaker races and to subject their people to slavery, to impose taxation against their Avill, and to inflict gov- ernments odious to them. Manifest destiny is simply the cry of the strong in justification of their plunder of the weak. This cry sent forth the nations of Europe to divide among them the weaker nations of Asia and of Africa. This cry has allowed Great Britain t) gather the harvests on the banks of the Nile, to lay burdens upon the people of Egypt unusual, intolerable, worse than that of individual slavery. It is this cry of manifest destiny which causes the guns of Great Britain to echo daily around the world and excuses the massacre and assassination of the weaker people of the earth. Her opera- tions in Africa she justifies by this specious plea. During the last seven years she has killed twenty or thirty thousand of the people of Africa, bombarded towns filled with women and children, and herself has lost in this unecjual contest but seven men— all this in the name of manifest destiny. So colonies have been planted by the nations of Europe. They have gone forth to conquer the weaker nations of the world. But the result upon themselves has not been such as to induce us to emulate their example. Great Britain to-day, with all her mighty power and her vast possessions, has not conferred upon the people of England the comfort and satisfaction and happine.-s which should come with a proper and honest national policy. One- tenth of her people are paupers. Two out of three of her laborers who reach the age of ()0 years either are or have been paupers. Two hundred and twentv-two thousand of her people own all the property. More than two-thirds of the people of Great Britain have no property at all. This is a result of her course in working out to its legiti- mate conclusion the theorj' of manifest destiny. If wo pursue it, if we annex the weaker nations of the world and undertake to govern them, such will be the result with us. If we annex nations to whicli we can not apply our system of gov- ernment, if we acquire territory in the Tropics where men can not live who are capable of self-goveniment, then republican forms can not exist in those distant possessions. Tlio vigorous blooil, the best blood, the young men of our land, will be drawn away to mix with inferior races .ind to hold them in subjection. Gradu- ally the reflex action of the contjucst and government of these in- ferior races by tyranny, by a new form of government unknown 3i23 14 to ns. will work its effect npon oiir own people, and free institutions will disappear from this land as well as from the land we conquer and undertake to hold in subjection. Why should we change our policy as a people? Why should we go back upon our history and our past? What argument can be presented in behalf of an abandonment of the principles and policies that liave made us a great nation? THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. Is there an exception in the case of these islands in the Pacific? I will not go into their history, but I will allude briefly to their locality, to their population, and their climate. The Hawaiian Islands are fifteen in number. Five of them are inhabited. They lie between longitude 154 and 1(50' west, and between latitude 18' and 22 north. The island of Neehau contains 97 square miles and a population of fourteen families. It has an area of 02,000 acres. It is the first of the group to the westward that has any popula- tion. It is owned by a citizen of Great Britain, a New Zealander, who bought it from the King many years ago and uses it for grazing purposes. Upon it are raised from thirty to forty thou- sand sheep, and their wool is admitted to the United States free of duty, although we impose a high duty upon wool from every other country in the world. Certainly no American interest is promoted by our method of dealing with the island of Neehau. Kauai, the next island, has 590 square miles, and contains 377,000 acres of land, and a population of 15,392. It is owned almost ex- clusively by German planters, who are raising sugar by the em- ployment of Asiatic labor, and their products are imported to the United States free of duty. There is no American plantation upon this island. Some of the stock in the German companies is owned by the so-called American citizens of Hawaii, but no American citizen owns any property on this island whatever. Yet the people of the United States are taxed to sustain the re- mission of duties to the extent of millions of dollars, and the only purpose served through this favoritism is that their products come in free and they profit enormously on the one side through an abatement of duty on our part and through the medium of contract or slave labor on the part of the planters, Oahu is an island of 600 square miles, containing 384,000 acres, and it has a population of 40,205 people. On this island is situated the city of Honolulu, containing about 30,000 people. The island also contains many sugar plantations, owned almost entirely by natives of the Hawaiian Islands, men whose fathers or grand- fathers were citizens of the United States, who were born on the island, whose ancestors went there to confer upon those people the blessings of civilization, and whose sons have beaten them out of their property and out of their Government. Molokai is an island of 270 sciuare miles, containing 172,800 acres, with a population of 2,307, 1,200 of whom are lepers. This island is a leper colony. On one side it is fertile. There are one or two sugar plantations, but the island is given up almost en- tirely to the custody and care of lepers. They are isolated, and have been placed upon this island because the disease is con- tagious. I notice, as one of the assets paraded by the advocates of annexa- tion, the cost of this leper plant. It is given as one reason why we should annex the island that this is a part of the property we will acquire if the Government takes Hawaii. It is a wonderful, 55.'J3 15 a most (lesirablo, asset! There are 1,000 lepers, and as an indnce- nieut lor iis to ac<:ept the island these enterpiisinp: sons of mis- sionaries throw in among the assets the value of this leper colony plant. Maui is an island of 760 square miles, containing 467,000 acres, with a po]mlation of 17.72(5, engaged in the production of sugar.- This island is exceedingl}- fertile, and there are vast areas yet un- cultivated and capable of producing sugar, and upon it there is considerable in the way of American interests. Upon this island are the plantations of Spreckels and his boy, and the stock in tho.'se conii)anits is quite largely held in this country. Laiiai is an island of loO square miles, containing 9C.0O0 acres and has a population of lOo people. There is no American inter- est there. It is a grazing island. Hawaii, which is the jirincipal island of the group, has an area of 4. ','10 square miles, or 2. Oil), 000 acres. Its population is ;j;j.'J.s.j. This island, like all the others, is a product of volcanic action. They were thrown up from the bed of the Pacific. The island of Hawaii is 14,000 feet in height, and has upon it one of the greatest volcanoes in the world. The crater upon the sujnmit, which is 13,(500 feet above the sea, and Kilauea, the crater upon its side, being 4,000 feet above the sea, are always active. This island is exceedingly rich. There are vast areas of tropical vegetation capable of producing great quantities of the products of tropical lands. The total area of all these islands is 6,677 square miles, or 4.20S,000 acres. The Hawaiian Islands are within the Tropics. They are capable of producing only the products of the Tropics. They are susceptible of great development beyond that which has already occurred. They are capable of maintaining, in my opin- ion, three or four times the population that they now possess. It was argued by the friends of annexation when the debate opened upon the treaty presented for the annexation of these islands that they were enormously rich; that they would produce a valuable trade, and would therefore confer a great benefit upon the people of the United States. I am willing to accept that state- ment. Now it is argued that we only need a coaling station and that' the islands are barren, volcanic rocks, not caiiable of population, and therefore that question is unimportant, hardly worthy of cou- eideration. We will, however, go into that subject farther along. If these islands contained a population as dense as that of Iowa to-day. they would be occupied by 240. (mjO people: if a population as dense as that of Illinois, they would have 400,000 people. TROPICAL rOrUr.ATION UNDESIRABLE. But, Mr. President, tropical countries produce and maintain populations much more dense than countries in the temperate zjil2 a month, and the American who was being paid s,")0 and $7r) was dismissed. So even in Hawaii, since IHO"), every Amer- ican employed as a laborer on these plantations has been dis- missed and his place filled by an Asiatic. It is argued by the friends of annexation that the.se islands, although in the Tropics, have a veiy salul)rious climate and that Americans flourish and grow and reproducf their kind and are wonderfully happy. Witiiout investigation they give the climate .'l5»-:i 18 of these islands an average temperature and say that the trade winds have modified it so that it is an exception to the rule of countries within the Tropics. This subject will bear investiga- tion on the part of those who oppose annexation, and I propose to show the tcmperatiires of various tropical countries in comparison with Hawaii to see whether the claim is well founded. I quote from the Hawaiian Annual, by Thrum, a book issued in the inter- ests of annexation, containing many falsehoods in furtherance of the designs of the gang of sugar planters who own that country. Therefore statements upon subjects which are against them can at least be supposed not to contain untruths which are to their disadvantage, it is the only possible indorsement the book is entitled to from anybody, and, with this apology, I quote from it: For seven years the average temperature of Honolulu, which is one of the most northern points in these islands, was 74' 82 (for the whole seven years, taking them alltogether) and the thermom- eter ranged from 5-4 to 88 . I have not the observations from the other portions. The main portion of these islands is embraced in the Island of Hawaii, which is very much nearer the equator and, along the coast, undoubtedly very much hotter. Honolulu being on the southwest sitle of a range of mountains, the trade winds blowing from the northeast lose their moisture against the face of these mountains. Consequently the climate of that locality is dry for the Tropics, but its temperature ranges about the same as that of tropical countries generally. The range is from ~A to 88 and the average is 7-4' 32 . We will take Havana, Cuba. For ten years the mean tempera- ture was 7().8 ; the range was from 49' to 100\ It gets slightly colder and slightly hotter in Havana. That is no indication of un- healthiness, but the contrary, for in Dakota it ranges between 40' below and 110 above. It is the even temperature, the continuing temperature at the same range that makes these countries un- healthy and xmfit for the habitation of the white race. At San Fernando. Cuba, the average is 75'; the highest range was 87% and the lowest 51 . In Hawaii the highest range was 88', the lowest 54 , average 74.32 ; while at San Fernando. Cuba, the range was from 51 to 87 , and the average was 75 '. The range in Kingston, Jamaica, was, lowest GG, highest 89 ; there being only r of differ- ence between that and Hawaii, and the average was 78'. San Juan. Puerto Rico, another tropical country, and almost the same distance from the equator as the Hawaiian Islands, the average was 78.9 . HAWAIIAN CLIMATE NOT PECULIAR. The climate, then, of Hawaii is not different from the climate of every tropical country. The climate of tropical countries is pretty even throughout the year. The thermometer ranges but little. There is scarcely a tropical country on the globe where the ther- mometer ranges above 88', but the continuous heat, the perpetual heat, the average heat from one year's end to the other, of 73' or 75' or 7G, which is about the average of every tropical country on the globe, is what tells upon the people who are born in the noi-th. Therefore our aggressive, energetic, active, dominating race will never inhabit those islands. If they would, why have they not gone there? In 1875 we made a treaty with these people by which we stimu- lated an industry in such a manner and to such an extent as no lit other industry was over stimulated in the worhl. We admitted their suf?ar free of dutv. We remitted in duties more than it cost to produce the su.t,'ar. " It is chiimed that we did it in tlie intirest of the missionavit's who had pone there to convert the pcojjle to Cliristianitv and. havini^c abandoned their job, liad proceeded to steal their hind and steal their (iovernment. Did more Americans go? The climate had no attractions for them. The population of Americans in the islands has not increased materially under this wonderful stimulus. Let us see what is tlie nationality of the inhabitants of the islands. Is it desirable; does manifest destiny compel us to take in such people? In Hawaii in ISSIO there were ;5-l,4:?6 natives; in 1S9G there were ol.om. Of part Hawaiians in l^iiO there were 6,18G; in is'jo there were 8.48."). Of Americans in 1890 there were 1,928; in 18% there were 3,08G. Now. let me explain these figures. That shows a great increase. The fellows who are running that Government are the shrewd- est lot I ever knew. Their fathers had no communion with the devil, and their sons have to have enough of that sort of fellow- ship to make up for the whole family. They have taken in the census of 1800 onlv those Americans who they claimed were American born, and have left out the S-20 of American blood who were Hawaiian l)orn and Hawaiian citizens. Then they made an extra class in 1n9 ). and they said Hawaiian- born foreigners, but in 1S9!J they took all the Hawaiian-born Amer- icans and put them into the class of Americans. So it was with the British, the Germans, French, and Norwegian^. The scheme was to make it appear that there had been a wonderful increase in the population of Europeans from 1890 to 1890, when in reality there has been no increase in the population of Americans in those islands, except what was furnished by the fellows they took there from San Francisco to arm in order that they might maintain their tvrannv after they overthrew the Government in 189:3. They say "in 1S90 there were 1.344 British; in 189(>. 2,-2.")0: of Germans in 18'.;0 there were 1,034; in 189 J, 1,432: of French in 1890 there were 70; in 1890, 101; of Norwegians in 1890 there were 227; in 1890, 378. So, much less than 3 per cent of the population is of American descent. About 4 i)er cent of the population is British, German, French, and Norwegian. Of Portuguese in 1890 there were8,G02; in 189G, 15,191. But that apparent increase of Portuguese is fictitious. The real facts of the matter are that in 1890 the Portuguese- born in the islands under the head of Hawaiian they classed at 7,49.""), while in 189G they classed all the Portuguese-born in the island the same as they did the Americans, under the head of Portuguese, making an apparent large increase, although there was no immigration of Portuguese to the islands during that time any more than there was of Americans. There were of Japanese in 1X90, 12,300; in 1^90, 24,4ii7; there were of Chinese, in 1890, 15.301; in 189G, 21, GIG; of Polynesians there were 58^^ in 1890 and 4.55 in'l89G; of other nationalities there were 419 in 1890 and (500 in 1896; of Hawaiian-born foreigners, none in 1890 and 7.495 in 1890. IXCltKASi: IN ASIATIC rol'CI.ATIOV. It will be noticed that there is an enormous increase of the Asiatic population. If you look at their commerce, you will find 20 that there has been an enormoiis increase of commerce between these islands and Asia and a decrease of commerce between these ishuids and the United States since 1890. Wliy? Because the poimlation is As^iatic and they want nothini? that we prodiice. They live upon rice and they wear different clothes from what we wear. There is nothing that the United States produces that the laborers of those islands want. They are the dominant popula- tion, and therefore the dream of enormous commerce fritters away. But what kind of people are they? The same kind of peo- ple you would expect in the Troi)ics. What is the difference be- tween the number of males and females? That is iuteresting. Is a population where there is a disparity between the sexes desir- able? Here are the figures: Table of sex, by nalionctlitij. [From latest census returns, 1890.] j Hawaiian-l)orn of for- eign parents. Nationality. Male^-'mSes. Tot^^- Whole population. M^l^«;m^ts.|Total. Hawaiian Part Hawaiian. American British German French Norwegian 401 353 •£,2 10 71 419 360 268 16 91 820 712 5;J0 26 163 16,399 4,249 1,975 1,406 866 56 216 14,620 4,236 1,111 844 563 45 162 31,019 8.485 o.(l8G 2,25.') 1,4:33 101 378 Here you notice a wonderful disparity between the males and females, Americans, British, Norwegians, French, and Germans; and if you look over the population of every tropical country in the world, you will find the same disparity: you will find a pre- ponderance of males among the whites. In other words, our race does not live in that climate; it can not. I have investigated a large number of tropical countries, and find as to the character and sexes of the population of Europeans, as a rule, there are from one-fourth to two-thirds more males than females. It seems to me that that is comment enough. But let us see what is ■worse. Hawaiian-horn of for- eign parents. Whole population. Nationality. Males. Fe- males. Total. Males, ^^e^-3. Total. 3,C06 1,054 1,204 21 87 3.a-.3 1:024 1,030 89 6,959 2.078 46 176 8.203 19,213 19, 167 321 418 6,989 5, 195 2,449 i:« 152 15.191 .lapiineso Cliiiii'so So\ith Sea Islanders 24,407 21,616 4.">5 600 Total 7,058 6,675 13,r33 72,517 ! 36,503 109,020 This shows a preponderance of two to one; twice as many males as females. That is the kind of a population you propose to ad- mit in this Union on an equal footing with the rest of us. 1 will 21 inint with my lenuivks the next table, which shows the difference in population iuul its nationalities since IS,");}. The disparity, so far as tlie Europeans are concerned, is the same. The table referred to is as follows: Nationality. If53. 1866.* 1873. 40. (U4 1878. 1884. 1890. 1890. Xativps 70.036 57. 125 +4.088 40.014 .34.4:b! 31.019 I'lirt Hiiwaiians 9K5 1.610 1.1.S7 3.420 4,21S l.4:u 8.2:J3 I*'rench uo 88 81 192 70 216 .laiumese Norwegian other foreigners 116 12.3i;0 19.;{83 H ;J62 22,329 80 ; 364 666 416 419 409 Polynesian 4 1 956 588 434 1 Total 73,138 62,959 56,897 57,985 80,578 89,990 109,030 * There was no complete; division of nationalities noted in the census of 1S66. Mr. PETTIGREW. In 1897 the estimated population of the Hawaiian Islands had increased from 109,020 to 115,97s, as will be seen from the following table: Estimated population of Ilarraiian Inlands July 1, 1S07. Na- tives. Chi- nese. Japa- nese. Portu- guese. All other ' for- Total eign- ors. Population as per census, Sep- temljer. l.S9() 39,504 31,616 1,377 2,908 24,407 1.673 396 15,191 8,303 109,030 Excess of pa.sseiit?er arrivals over departures: Fourth quarter. 1896 Six months, to July 1, 1897. 3.39 3.389 207 3,569 Total 39,504 25,901 26,476 15,349 8,848 115, 9;8 * Less 3, excess of departures in 189). Over 0,000 people were added to the population of those islands iu 1897. Did they come from the United States, hoping to be annexed? Not at all, Mr. President. They came from Japan; they came as Klave laborers, contract laborers. The percentage of Americans downtherois lessnowthan it was last year: andwhiletheir nnmlier has not increa.sed at all, the Asiatics have increased li,()00. I went to these islands last summer, and on the boat on which I traveled there were ."jDU Japanese, b'O of whom were women and I'iO men; and they were contract laborers. Now, let us see who toils upon the )ilantatioiis. Here is tlio iKitionality of males by the census of LSOO and the number of labor- ers on the sugar estates iu IW'J.j and IH'Jd. I append a table givmjf the figures. 3a2:j 22 Nationality of males, by census of ISOC, and number of laborers on sugar estates in IS'j'i. Nationality. Males, by census. Males on estates. 1895. 1896. 20.r48 i,!»r5 l,4l« 8C(i 8,20:.> 19, Hi7 321 720 ].:-84 84 ].-)2 14(1 2,499 11,584 3,847 1*5 97 1,-584 None. British None. None. 2.2153 JaiKiiK'se 12,893 6,289 115 COO Total 72,517 20,120 23, 749 CHEAP JAPANESE I.ABOU. Wliy is it that there were employed 8i Americans on sngar es- tates in 189.1, and Vhat none were so employed in 189G? Why is it they were dischart^cd? Because the Japs do the work for $12.50 a month, and the Anaericans get from is.lO to s?.") a month. Ho the American was not wanted. The men who talk so much of their love of country and the prospect of American laborers being im- ])orted to Hawaii di.':;charged their American employees and tilled their places with Asiatics. I will show further that it appears that they discharged the Ger- man and British laborers, as well as the American laborers, and for the same reason; and yet they tell us an American community is going to grow up on tho.se islands and American labor is going there to find employment! It appears from the table that in 189.5 there were 2.499 Portu- gurse employed upon the sngar plantations, and in 189G, one year after, 2,2(58 were employed upon the sugar plantations. Yv"hy? They were discharged and their places were filled by Asiatic la- borers, coming in under contract; and before I get through I will show what that contract is. Of the Japanese there were 19,212 males in all the islands. In 1896, 11,584 were employed upon the sugar plantations, and in 1896, 12,893. That shows who took the places of the Europeans who had been previously employed. Of the Chinese there were 19,167 males upon the islands; and in 1895 there were emploj-ed of this number upon the sugar plantations 3,847; and the next year there were 6,289 Chinamen employed upon the sugar estates; and j'ct we arc told about American people and American interests and American labor; and that is one of the arguments set forth by those advocating the acquisition of this "jiaradise of the Pa- cific,'' inhabited by the males of the human race! Of South Sea Islanders there were, as will be seen by the table, 321, according to the census of 1896, upon all the islands. Of tlioso 133 were employed upon the sugar estates in 1895 and 115 in 1896; of other nationalities 720 were by the census upon all the islands, and in 1895 there were 97 employed, and in 1896 600 were employed — an increase of laborers employed upon sugar planta- tions from 1895 to 1896 of 3,660. This is a comment made by Mr. Joseph O. Carter; and I quote the figures from this same book, the Hawaiian Annual, that the American, British, and German people do not find estate work 85;;a desirable, ext ept as skilled laborers. The Ainerieaii farm liaml WduUl find estate work most uninviting. The figures also prove that the sugar planters find it more l)rotitHble to import new laViorers on tlnee-years' contracts tlian to engage labor already on the ground, the reason being that tho newc-omer works for $1.?.00 per month, while the old baud demands a higher wage. Tlie smaller percentage of Chinese laborers on estates is due to the fact that tho Japanese is the cheajier man. Japaiie.se are com- ing in by every steamer from the Orient, and must continue to come or higher wages must prevail. The number of laborers on .sugar estates in 1890 (the year of the census) could not be procured at the Immigration Bureau, pre- sumably because the figures would make a worse showing. I subsequently procured the figures from Thrums Annual, which came out after that letter was written. I have here a table showing the percentages: In 187S c-ach thousanfl of the population w.os composed of tlio following ele- monts: Xativcs, s;i.'>; Chinese, h^~: Amerioans, 22; EnKlish, 15; Ciermaiis. 5, and other nationalities, ~'l. According to the census of this year the propor- . tions are as lollows— This was in 189G— The natives have decreased to ;>>3; the Japanese, who did not appear sepa- rately in the earlier census, are now represented by '~Si— The reason the Japanese do not appear in the census previous to 1878 was because they were not there when we made the recii)roc- ity treaty with Hawaii and agi-eed to admit her sugar free in 1876, ■which stimulated the industry which has peopled those islands with Asiatics and not with Americans — the Chinese have increased to 198; the Portuguese, anotlier new element, have i:J!i; tho Americans have 28; the English, 2lanter«un i)ay and take it out of his nay, or else ho is jiut on tho road to work. I'nr tin- third offou.se ho is likely to get three months imprisoumeut. 3:^23 And that is a law of this so-called mlssionar.v Republic, and that will be one of the laws after otir Hawaiian neighbors come into the United States, because we provide that their laws shall continue in force until we enact new laws. Ho we adopt slavery and all; and yet Senators are crazy to press this question in the midst of war,' to take advantage of the patriotic sentiments of our people and restore slavery to this country. These contracts provide for compelling the laborer to work faithfully by fines and damage suits brought by the planters against them, -with the right on the part of the planter to deduct the diimages and cast of suit out of the laborers wages. They also provide for comi)elling the laborer to remain with the planter during the contra;:t term. They are santioned by law and enforced uy civil remedies and penal litws.— Blount's report. Then this question is asked, and this is also a pai-t of the tes- timony in Blounfs report, which he took in investigating this subject: Q. Those sugar planters who are declaring themselves in favor of " an- nexation," how do they look at the labor question in connection with "an- nexation"? A. They think the United States will make a different law for the islands. If they C(niid not get [cheap 1 labor, they don't want aimexation. Q. But they ai'e satisticd they will get such legislation? The proposition is to appoint a commission: and the same in-' terest which was able to accomplish this reciprocity- treaty, which has cost us $72,000,000, has also been able to perpetiiate and con- tinue that treaty, thus plundering the taxpayers of our country of §10.000,000 per annum, will be pretty nearly able to secure what they want. THE SUGAR TITTST A>rD AX^TEXATTOX. Someone has said that the sugar trust is opposed to annexation. So far as I am concerned 1 should think there need be no fear of the opponents of annexation acting with the sugar trust, when the chief champions of the sugar trust in this body array them- selves on that side of the question; and so long as they continue the fierce advocates of annexation I shall conclude that there is no possible danger of my acting with the sngar trust. Here is more of this evidence: Q. Is it your impression that the calculation of all Hawaiian sugar plant- ers, who are in favor of "annexation," believe the United States will modify their laws against "contract" labor, so that thoy can maintain a system of '"contract" labor in the Hawaiian Islands? A. I would not say contract labor. They say we may have to give up " contract "" labor, but we can get all the labor we want from Japan. Q. How? A. They say we can send an agent there and send money, and he can send "labor " to Hawaii, and when it is here then they can make a "contract." (^. Thoy think in that way the planters can evade the labor laws of the United States? A. Yes; they think they can get around it. * * * President Dole said to me: "I have a belief that the United States will give us a separate law, so that we can get laborers hei'e." Tliat is in the testimony taken by Itfr. Blount, on page 975; and it will be found in House Executive Document No. 1, part 3, Fifty- third Congress, third session. Labor Commissioner Fifzgerald. of California, who was down there last year, came back and made a report showing that Amer- ican laborers could live there. Here is a part of his statement: I have seen ;)0,(KTO barefooted laborers, half of whom work under a penal contract; I have seen rewards offered for their arrest when they violated their contract and desertetl the plantation, with their number printed across their photograiJh in convict style. 25 These are the people we propose to mliuit to this Republic, and the men who enacted those laws, tlie sons of the missionaries, who are the cjoverument down tiiere to-day, are the men wlio are landlii'f according to all fair- minded men with experience of plantation life and methfxls. As stated, a Japanese laborer shipped by the Ewa plantation claims that ha was assaulted by an overseer, who fractured his arm. The Jap. who has ar- rived recently and does not understand Ens:lish, was advised by his more experienced countrymen to call upon the district judge and ap!)eal to the strong hand of the Hawaiian law. The poor devil was. of course, prohibited from leavinp the i)lantation by his white "bosses.'' Then ho got angry, and, after a palaver with his "gansi,"' all decided to quit work and go to Honolulu to see the representative of their Government. Eighty Japanese set out for Honolulu, but were stopped at Pearl City by employees of the plantation, who • started to reason with the men. In the meantime the agents of the Kvra. Sugar t'ompany. Messrs. Castle & Cooke, had ber^n api)ris -d of the trouble, and at their retiuest Mr. Chester Doyle, the official court interpreter of the Jai>anese language, proceeded to Ewa to investigate and, if possible, prevent further disturbances. Mr. Doyle has had great experience in dealing with Japanese laborers " on strike." and at Pearl City ho called the men together and explained to them that they were committing an unlawful act by leaving work to follow their injured comrade, and that they ought to return to the plantation at unco, while the man who claimed to have been as.saulted could proceed to the proper authorities with his three witnesses and there enter his complaint. After considerable talk the men adoi)tod Mr. Doyle's proposition and re- turned to Ewa. There a conferen<'e w.xs held, aiid it w.is suggested— and agreed upon by the Japanese— that all would return to work, but tliat their wages should not be docked and that the injured man .should have medii:al attendance at the expense of the plantation and his wages to go on during his illness. The nifiuager. we are told, could not .approve of this reasonable proposi- tion, and insisted in being present, having had translated the conversation between Mr. Doyh-and thomen. Heeventuallv insisted in having the eiglity- ono Japaui-se jaili'd and fined, and, the strict letter of the law being with him, he curried his jioiiit. Ewa jail Is a small buildingcontaining two or three cells suitable to accom- modate two or thri-e p<>rsons each. The police force of Ewa is composed of two policemen and a daft native deputy sheriff. The manager evidently con- sidering the force insuHlcient to arrest eighty-one men, telephoned to the police dejiartment in M'Uiolulu asking for help or for permission to swear iu men as special constabU-s. These re tried before the Ha- waiian magLstratc of the i)lantation district They huvc no attorncvs, no Interpreter, and no knowledge of our laws. The magistrate will prdljubly 0023 26 order thorn to return to wr)rk and to pay costs, which means that $3 will Ije deducted from th? $1^ which each of them receives per month. This is only one instance in hundreds showintj the slavery in Hawaii. It may be of interest to Senator Meratioiis; tliey were forbidden to leave the waters of the United States, from which a vessel of war, privateer, or merchant vessel of tho other belligerent had sailed, until after the expira- tion of twenty-four hours from its dei>arture. Belligerent ve.ssels were not to U.SO the Dorts of the United States except in case of necessity, and they were to leiivc port twenty-four Iiours after i)rovisions had been ."-ccured or the necessarv reiiairs effected. No supplies other than those necessary for the subsistence of the persons on board were to bo taken, and only suflicient coal to take tho vessel to the nearest European port of her own country, and until her return to such port no coal was to be supplied oftener than ones in three months. That has become the established law of nations. Efiglnnd has already adopted it. A vessel of a belligerent may enter the port 29 of a neutral for the purpose of getting c'«ial ancl provisions while on its way to another point, and it may get co:il cnougli so that it may ri-turn to its nearest home port. Grant declared that (Ger- man or French ve.ssels could visit onr coast, remaining twoutj-- fonr hours, not leaving witliin twenty-tour hours after another UUigerent .«hip had lett; that tliey might take coal enough to re- turn to tlieir ne:irest home port, and that they could not return until they had been to a homo port or else had been absent three months. ' In other words, they could sail at once to the coast of the Athmtic, go to a port in France, and come back again and get coal once more. Let us see what England has done ou the same subject. This is what she has done: la order to (ru.inl atrainst a roiiotition of such acts tho British authorities directed that in the future duriiiK tho war any vessel of either hellitierent entering au English port should "bo required to depart and put to sea withiu twenty-four hours after her entrance into such jiort, exco)it in case of stress of weather or of her requiring provisions or things necessary for the sul> sistence of her crew or repairs." In such case the local authorities were to "require her to jnit to sea as soon as possible after the expiration of such period of twenty lour hours." This rule is virtually the same as that incor- porated in the proclamation of President Grant in ISTO. I think it can be fairly stated that that is the settled law. The Geneva award, and that was cited by the Senator from New Hampshire the other day, was made under cci'tain rules which were laid down, and among those rules it is provided that the port of a neutral can not be used as a base. No one pretends that it can. But there is no doubt that our ships crossing the Pa- cific can stop at a neutral port to secure coal with which to go on their way. and there is no possible question but that they can se- cure coal enough to reach the nearest home port. Speaking of coal as contraband of war, Russia and France have refused torecognize it as contraband, because they have little of it. England has recognized it as contraband of war under certain conditions, because she has it all over the world and will have the advantage of an enemy if she can establish that doctrine. We have recognized the English rule. England, during the Franco-Prussian war, judged of coal in this way: She refused to consider it as unconditionally contraljand, but vessels were pro- hibited from sailing directly from English ports with coal for tho French fleet in the North Sea. It is probable that nations having a limited coivl sup- plv will strive to keep coal from tho list of contraband articles. France and Russia are at the present time the leading opponents among nations to de- claring coal as contraband of war. Therefore the port to which anything is to be shipped, the des- tination of the ship, is taken into consideration in determining whether it is contraband of war or not. That is true of coal jvud many classes of provisions. If a ship has taken out a bill of lading to a naval station pure and simple, the supposition is that the freight is contraband of war; but she may have the same freight for another port in a belligerent country and yet not be contraband of war. It is governed by the circumstances. It follows, then, that tho Unit^^d States at present hold defined and limited ftgre<'monts as to contraband with Hf)livia. (Colombia, Santo Domingo, Ecua- dor, France, Guatemala, IWiti, tho Netherlands, Italy, Mexico, Prussia, Sal- vador, Spain, Swollen and Norway, and Venezuela. And in every treaty we say what shall be contraband of wai', and coal is not included. With other nations than those named above the United States h.as no agreement as to contralKind goods, and the i)rizo courts would determine aciording to public law tho character of morchaudiso shipped to encmy'a ports. 3523 30 Wharton, in his Digest of International Law, in thethir J volume, speaking of coal, says: It is a product of nature with which some regions are bountifully supplied while others are destitute of it, and its transportation, instead of ineeting witli imiicdiincnts, should be aided and encouraged. Tlie atti^mpt to enable bellitiertut nations to prevent all trade in this most valuable accessory to niechaiiical power has no just claim for support in the law of nations: and the United States avow their determination to oppose it so far as their ves.sels are concerned. This was Mr. Cass, Secretary of State, in a letter to Mr. Mason, dated June 27. 1859. However, since then we have adopted the policy which I think is clearly outlined in President Grant's proc- himation of 1870, in relation to the Franco-Prussian war. Again Wharton says: It is certainly no breach of neutrality to sell coal for use on a belligerent steamer visiting the port of sale casually under stress of weather. But it would plainly bo a breach of neutrality to establish a coaling depot to supply all steamers of any particular belligerent.— ir/iarfo)i"s Commentaries on American Law, section '^'M. Again: The question how far it is a breach of neutrality to supply coal to a bellig- erent has been already incidentally considered isupra. section 3tJiM. It may be here stated, in connection with the present head, that it is not a breach of neutrality for a neutral state to permit the coaling of belligerent steamers in its ports to the same extent as it permits the coaling of other foreign steam- ers resorting to its ports casually and without settled stations established for them. Nor is It a broach of neutrality for a neutral state to permit the sale of coal to any extent to a belligerent. It would, however, be a breach of neutrality for a neutral to permit a permanent depot or magazine to bo 0])ened on its shores, on which a particular belligerent could depend for constant sii])plies. To re([uire a neutral to shut up its ports so as to exclude from coaling all belligerents would expose a nation with ports as numerous as those of the IJnited States to an expense as great as would be imposed by actual belliger- ency. It is on the belligerent, who goes to war, not on the neutral, who de- sires to keep out of it, that should be thrown expenses so enormous, and constitutional strains so severe as those thus required. On the other hand, the breaking u)> of central depots or magazines for the constant suyiply of ])articulav belligerents would be within easy range of ordinary national police. Nor can there be any charge of partiality made in allowing coaling with the limitation above stated, when the same iirivilege is granted to both belligerents. Therefore, if Hawaii had declared herself a neutral, and allowed our ships and Spanish ships, if they came, to coal, there would have been no breach of neutrality. But it has been argued on this floor that it is a matter of great consideration and to be pointed to with pride that Hawaii has not declared herself a neu- tral. Let us s(!e. Was it because she wanted to furnish us coal? Not at all. She had no such idea. She cared nothing about it. But the Government in Hawaii, the revolutionary government, the usurping missionary government, was set up in 18'j:5 by the landing of the marines of the United States, by the overturning of the monarchy of Queen Liliuokalani, by the guns and arms of the United States, tinder the American flag; and from that day to tliis there never has been a minute that a war ship of tlie United States lias not been in the harbor with shotted guns bearing di- rectly upon the Government buildings and the Government offices, and within half a mile. If Hawaii had declared her.self a neuti'al, our ship of war. which sup])orts and sustains and makes possible this usurjiing Govern- ment, would have to leave the port, and they did not dare to have it leave: and so they did not declare themselves neutral. That is all there is to it. It is a matter of self-preservation. They had 31 to keep mir ship of war there, or else their ship of stat.' woiikl have i^oiie down. Yet it is said that great credit is due to theiu. Senators parade it here as a matter of sublime credit to thoso fellows who have established a (.Tovernmi'nt not sustained by the prople of Hawaii, a revolutionary Government, set up by the (lovernnient of the United States, a Government that does not exist by the consent of the governed, a Government that would be overturned (if those people had a vote) by a vote of 9 to 1: and that Govern- ment, in order to preserve itself , could not declare neutrality in this war and have our ships leave the harbor for fear the out- raged and indignant inhabitants of that country would overturn their despotism. Wharton goes on fiu'ther to say— quoting from Wiiartons Crmii- ual Law: But the mere ooca'^ionfil supplv of coal to a belliLjorcnt rruisor. not from a constant roalin;,' Kiso. or in such quantities as to Rreatly enhance the cruiser's capacity for destruction, is not of itself a breach of neutrality. I have been unal)le to find any authority to the contrary. Wharton then cites President Grant's proclamation on this sub- ject, extracts from which I have read, which seems to have be- cdUio the settled law upon the question. Of course that law is known to the Navy Department and known to this Government, and therefore when they started their ships for Manila, why did thev not start them over the shortest route? Four days longer they must travel and sail if they go by Hawaii than if they went from San Francisco straight across the Pacific. Why did they not do it? Simply because they wanted to find another argument to bolster up this Hawaiian sugar-planters" scheme of getting into the Union. If that is not true, if it is not a fair and just criticism of their acts, let the advocates of annexation give a better reason. They sit here silent. They offer to the American people nothing as a justification for their course. I warn them that the American people will study this question. I believe they are opposed to im- perialism and to conquest and to the acquisition of undesirable populations, incapable of self-government. You assume that, backed bv the Administration, you have the brute force to put through this unconstitutional measure. It seems to me the Amer- ican public are entitled to your reasons. THE SHOUT houtf: to the ai.ei'ttan isi-am>s. Here is a map of the northern Pacific, drawn as near as possible like a globe, showing the exact location of islands and countries and their relation to each other. IMost maps we look at are drawn upon a plane, and parallels of longitude are the same at the equator as at the poles, giving a deceptive idea as to the location of coun- tries upon the globe and their relation to each other. It will bo seen by this map that leaving San Francisco a ship would never be nearer the Hawaiian Islands than it was when it started. If it went the shortest route it would go by the Aleutian chain, and would reach Manila, sailing over 500 miles shorter distance thau if it went by Honolulu. It would have to caiTy coal enough to sail, if it went to Yoko- hama, Japan, 4,oOi) miles. The distance from San Francisco to Y'okohama is less by several hundred miles than the distance from Honolulu to Manila. If a vessel could not carry coal enough to go across from San Francisco to Y'okohama, then it could not carry 32 coal enough to go from Honolulu to Manila. Therefore, the claim that theyliad to send their boats there to coal falls to the ground, and its dishonesty is obvious to everyone. If a vessel wanted to re ich Hongkong, tlien it coiald save 9U9 miles if it went straight to Hongkong rather than by way of Honolulu, If it wanted to reach Yokohama, it could save 900 miles if it went direct to Yokohama, rather than going byway of Honolulu, It would come within sight of the Aleutian Islands, islands which we already own. If we must have a coaling station in the Pacific, we already have it if we will only use it. The Island of Kiska — here is a map of it — is owned by the United States. It is So miles in length. It has one of the grandest bays in any ocean— a bay that will hold all the ships in our Navy. Here are the soundings of this bay and its size: It is 30 feet deep up within a hundred feet of .sliore: it is GO to 100 feet all the way out. It is absolutely landlocked. Tiiere are no islands and no shoals on this side of that island out to the open Pacific. It can bo entered, no matter how hard the wind blows, no matter what the storm is. at any time of the year. That island is located at this point on the map. [Indicating.] TU!': H.VH150K OF KISKA. Kiska is 2,028 miles from San Francisco. It is 3,700 miles from Manila. Honolulu is 4,800 miles from Manila. Our own land, our own port, our own harbor, is 3,700 miles from Manila. Why do we not occupythis port of our own to command the coast of Asia? It is only 1,904 miles from Yokohama. It is only 3,400 miles from Hongkong. We own it; it is ours; it comiuands the coast of Asia. If we want a port to command the coast of Asia or to protect Alaska, why do we not occupy our own port? I should like to have the advocates of annexation answer that ques- tion. Why do we not use our own port instead of going 1,000 miles out of the way to use somebody's else? From Vancouver, from Port Townsend, from Puget Sound, which we also own, the distance is 300 miles shorter than from San Francisco. A vessel can go from Vancouver to Yokohama by sailing 4,202 miles, and from Yokohama to Manila by sailing 1,753 miles, making 0,000 miles; while to go by way of San Fran- cisco and the Hawaiian Islands it must sail 7,000 miles. Kiska. this harbor, unsurpassed in the world, is within 3,700 miles of Manila. A vessel leaving this harbor for Manila can sail much faster than a vessel that has to sail 5,000 miles. As we all understand, there is great economy in the use of coal bj- sail- ing slow, if a vessel has to go 5,000 miles she must go very slow and economize coal, but if she has to go 3,700 miles she can make much greater speed. She can make more miles in a day if she has a shorter distance to sail than if she has a long distance to sail. So where is there sense or reason in this argument that we must have a coaling station? What is there that justifies taking this measure up in time of war and dividing our people over a collat- eral contest? Why do we not finish the war? We are all iinited upon that question. Why do we not finish the war instead of bringing in this question that divides us? When we have fought the war out, let us fight out this great question of acquisition of empire. It seems to me that that is the patriotic duty of the Ad- ministration instead of bringing in questions of this sort that are 33 nnnecosparj' and tryinp: to crowd them on onr people when we are eiiKa,i;eil in a contest witli a foreign foe, 1 should like to know how tliey answer this contention. Here is a harbor of our own tliat caji bo entered at any time, no matter what the weather may be, and can be departed from without one particle of ditticulty. ISir. BATE. Of what harbor is the Senator speaking? :Mv. PETTIGREW. The harbor of Kiska. It is argued, and that is the only argument, that this northern route, this straight line, this shortest tlistance, runs through an undesirable sea; that it is foggy; that it is full of rocks; that it is full of storms; that it is imi)assable. Melville says that the harbors are shoal, full of ice. I will read from Finh\y's North Pacific Ocean and Japan Directory with regard to the harbor of Kiska; Kisk.i Island— A hilly islaml, I'xcoptinp its eastern part, which is low. Its lentrth, NE. by E.aiitl SW. by W.. is I.';") miles. , The harbor of Kiska is a noblo bay, perfectly protected from all winds, with gootl holding ground and a niodorato depth of water. The entrance is wide enough to ou.-iblc a sailing vessel to beat in or out at any time. Tliero are no hidden dangers, and the depth of water is sufficient for any vessel. KISKA nAUliOn FRKE FUO^r ICE. As an additional recommendation, Kiska Harbor never has any ice in it. It is in tlic same latitude as the city of London. It is in the Japan current. It never freezes. No ice ever forms. There is a lake of fresh water right on the shore. Why do we not take our own harbors? Oh, you say, there was no coal there when the M'ar broke out. It has been fifty days since the war broke out. We could have got coal there. By sailing 2,(}28 miles from San Fran- cisco or 2,y00 from Seattle we could have put coal there, plenty of it. Now, let us see what the conditions are concerning the climate. I asked the Weather Bureau with regard to the harbor of Una- laska, which is east of Kiska and on the .same line, right on the route to the Orient. This is their reply: U.NiTED States Depart.mext of Aoriculture, Weather Bureau, }\'(ishiniiton, I). C, June 10, 1S93. Dear Sir: In reply to yonr letter of the 9th instant, I beg to inclose here- with a manuscript copy of the monthly mean temperatures for each year during which obsorvutions were made, at St. Paul Island, Bering Sea, and Uualaska. Unala.ska is 2 north of Kiska. and the Pribilof Islands are 4° farther north. Our reports indicate that the harbor of Unalaska is, on rare occasions, covered by floating ice, whicli in an unusually cold season may freeze over and become a i)ermanent sheet. Ordinarily, however, the harbor would seem to ho free trom ice. Very respectfully, WILLIS L. MOORE, Chief of Bureaxi. Hon. R. F. Pettic.rew, Unilcd States .Senate, Washinfjlun, D. C. The fact of the matter is that I talked on this subject with the Senator from California [Mr. Pkukins] . He says that there never has been ice known in the harbor but once, and his ships havo gone there for the last quarter of a century. That once was suffi- cient. I have seen New York Harbor full of ice, when it was not unnavigablo or unusable. But the harbor of Kiska, which is 2" farther south than Unalaska, is in the Japan current, and from all the information I can secure there ia never any ice within it. 34 Now, let us see about Unalaska. The Pribilof Islands are di- rectly north of Unalaska. Here is their temperature during the winter, and we can judge for ourselves whether there is ice or not: Treasury Department, Ofb'ice of the Coast anu Gf;ouetic Survey, Washinoton, D. €., June 10, 1S9S. Sir: In reply to your letter of June 9, 1 beg leave to forward the follow-ing: 2'cmperature {Fahrenheit) at St. Paul, Pribilof Islands. Date. 1873, 1874, mean. mean. o 1.5.7 SO.P 18.0 33.5 13.0 33 2i.9 34.5 3(15 39 37.0 44.4 43 49.1 40.5 50.8 43 47.3 37.8 4. the only time during which observations were mado at this place I also inclose a tabular statement of the lowest teuincratures ever recorded at Unalaska during.' a period of seven years. At the latter point the lowest temperature ever recorded was 11° above zero. \N estward tho weather is not nuite so cold. Just as I said, Unalaska is 450 miles east of Kiska. Kiska is in the .Japan current, which flows up between Kiska and the peniu- .snla of Kamchatka into Bering Sea and through Bering Strait into the Arctic Ocean. "Wo have little data as regards tho freedom of the harbor from ice. At Unalaska moving ice obstructed the harbor during a short period in the win- ter of 187:2. We should say that interruptions to navigation dtie to ice at Kiska, to the westward, are not serious. It is very serious that there was a little ice once, in 1872. at Una- laska. That condemns that as a harbor, I suppose. No ice since, according to this statement, for our ships visit Unalaska Harbor every month in the year. The mean winter temperature at Atka Island, longitude I.**.")" 45' "W. from Greenwich, is :»=>. The sea temperature is, of course, a few degi-ces higher. Very respectfully. ^^^^^^ ^ ^^^^^^ Chief of Hurccnt. Mr. Hron A. Dinsmore, United States House of Representatives, Washin(jtou, D. C. Then here are the tables of the temperatures at Kiska, given each day from January, ISbO. On the 1st dav of January, 188G, the maximum temperature was 37', the minimum 'dV above zero: on the LM, the maximum was 37 , the minimum 30 ; on the 6th, the maximum was 30' , and the minimum 20' above zero; on the 11th of January the maxi- mum was 37 and the minimum 23"; on the 12th the maximum was 30 and the minimum 20'. I am giving the last stages, when it was the coldest, selecting those, but will publish all the tables as a part of my remarks. On the 21st of January the maximum was 36% the minimum 29 ; on the 27th the maximum was 37", and the minimum 32"; on the 31st the maximum was 39', and the minimum 33 ; on the 1st day of Februarv, 188f>, the maximum was 38' above zero and tho minimum 33 , only a difference of 5' night and day, and no freez- ing, of course; and on February 28, tho last day of observation, the maximum was 30', and the minimum 27'. In 188.") it runs just about the same. It never freezes. Therefore there is never ice, and the consequence is that here is one of tho best harbors in tho world, free from ice, and we own it, and it is only 3,700 miles from Manila: but Honolulu, that we are making such a fuss about, is -1,800 miles from Manila. Why do wo not go up to our own harbor, the shortest way, and save the time and resciio our sailors in tho Bay of Manila sooner than wo can do it by this aii:^^ ' 3G tropical foreij^n missionary port? I should like to have the friends of annexation answer that. I will publish all these other tables with regard to temperature, without stopping to read them. The tables referred to are as follows: Daily maximum and minimum temperatures at Kiska, Alaska. Jan., 1886. Feb. 1866. Nov. 1885. Dec, 1885. Day. Maxi- mum. Mini- mum. Maxi- mum. Mini- mum. Maxi- mum. Mini- mirm. Maxi- mum. Mini- mum. 1 37 37 37 36 a5 36 36 35 36 37 37 36 38 36 36 36 37 40 39 4i ;« 39 39 38 40 39 37 37 39 39 39 31 30 33 31 32 29 26 17 2:$ 20 23 20 30 25 32 25 24 34 33 32 29 3:1 31 3L 32 33 32 33 33 34 35 38 37 36 37 33 34 34 3S 33 35 41 37 31 33 3!} 31 33 35 36' 36 38 36 3t 38 44 36 43 36 33 33 30 28 20 23 23 15 20 2.S 33 28 26 26 27 Zi 2:5 28 28 28 23 26 20 28 28 23 20 37 40 38 38 43 44 47 46 44 40 43 43 45 46 40 38 38 36 4;i 45 88 43 3t) 43- 38 3;j 37 35 34 34 39 37 33 28 33 34 38 40 36 34 33 34 35 36 ;jo 28 30 25 37 36 29 33 28 ■Si 28 2i 25 35 28 27 18 41 3r 36 39 39 38 S> 38 39 34 •sr, 36 3". 3:^ 36 38 43 41 37 30 34 3n 3(3 34 36 36 37 40 39 36 32 2 31 3 SO 4 30 5 29 6 29 7 ;::::::::.:.- 21 8 24 9 23 10 29 11 24 u 20 13 23 14 27 15 23 16 24 17 30 18 30 19 33 20 27 gl 25 23 *... 23 18 31 24 31 25 28 26 26 27 30 28 30 29 30 30 33 31 31 1 Minimum temperature of Unalaska, Alaska. Year. a si P. 1 -> t-3 P < P. t5 Q 1873 37 43 1878 30 37 30 24 31 34 19 1879 20 19 27 15 24 21 35 ?3 1880 39 1881 37 36 34 ;50 34 37 40 40 41 40 43 36 38 41 40 43 37 3:3 36 34 36 26 30 26 30 28 Zi 19 2;} 23 18 1883 19 16 &l 18 14 13 34 9 9 20 5 16 13 14 31 13 15 20 36 if 31 31 33 l'^ 1883 U 1884 78 1885 •^ 1886 Mean temperature of Atlu Island, Alaska; latitude, C2° CS' north; longitude, 117° ilt' tvest. Degrees. January, ia'^1 31.3 F<>ljrinuy, 1881 33.1 Marcili. IHSI 29.3 35:iJ 37 CLIMATE OF ALASKA. [By A. J. Henry, Chief of Division of Records and Meteorological Data.] Tho statistics of temperature of central and interior Alaska ^iven below are of especial interest at the present time. The climate of tho coast is com- paratively well knovn. cliieHy thron^h the compilation of Dr. William H. ball, jint.lishod in the Pacific Coast Pilot, Alaska, Appendix I, Meteorology ami Hil>lioi,'ra)>hv, Wa.shin^'ton, lf the Yukon in tho fall of l.><.s;.', and a lew fragmentary series of nu-ti-oroloj,'ical observations were maintained at the trading posts of the Ahiska Commercial Company during the closed sea- son. As soon as the ii-e went out of tho river observatiims were dJscontiii- ned, not to be resumed until tho end of tho onen season, about the middle of Soi)tomber. The observing stations, with their geographical coordinates, are given below. The names of the .stations are those now in use, with the following excei)tions: Nuklukayot is given on the most recent Coast Survey mail of Alaska as "Tuklukyet." The post is but a few mile.s b?low tho .lunction of the Yukon and Tanana rivers; indeed, it is not certain but that observations were made at tho mouth of the Tanana for a portion of the time. Tchatowklin was known in 18K1 as Johnny's Village or Klat-ol-Klin (Sch\vatka>. Tho t'o.-vst Survey map gives tho name as "Belle Isle.'' Camp ( 'olonna, the station ou the PorL-ujiino River at its intersection with the one hundred and fortylirst meridian, was oc<-apied by tho boundary survey party scut out by the United States Coast and Geodetic Survey, under the leadership of Mr. .1. II. Turner. Camj) Davidson is the station at tho intersection of the one hundred and forty-first meridian and tho Yukon. It was occupied by a Coa.st Survey party under the charge of Mr. J. E. McGrath. 3o;3 38 ■smnorc oc'M'wiow-i'^TOeio .-I (^ -* -r -r o : rH r-lIlTSOTlMi-lrH CC CI C! t-l r-< •SJBOj^ -* i.O lO --< ffj X «C N --I CO '^'-''S , o OD -o o ra C5 :^ 3C -/ri -'!' cr. 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Your letter of January 5, 1898, addrossod to the Secretary of the Nayy, requesting certain information as to the coal capacity and steaming radnis of first-class battle ships and cruisers of the lirst rate, has been referred to this Bureau. ■ 3. In reply the Bureau transmits the following table, which contains the information dosirod : Name. Type. Coal- bunker capacity. Steaming: ra- dius on tills coal at most economic rate. Steaming ra- dius on this coal at maxi- mum speed ^Yith forced draft. First-class battle ship .... do - Tons. Knots. 1,790 *6,000 1,550 4,805 Knots. + 2,355 + 2,671 Massachusetts.. do .. do 1,560 1,540 l.:!00 1,200 1,(KX) 1,520 1,100 4;*97 5,205 4,343 4,486 *7,000 0,834 0,105 + 2,285 + 2,448 Brooklyn Armored cruiser . . do + 1,404 + 1,344 Columbia Minneapolis Protected cruiser do ....do + 1,840 + 1,565 tl,408 * Estimated. , , + From official trial on basis of 3.4 pounds of coal per 1 hor.5epower. i From official trial, actual figures. Yery respectfully, ^^^^ ^ MELVILLE, Engineer in Chief, United States y'avy, Chief of Bureau, Hon. R. P. Pettigrew, United States ISenate, Washington, B. C. coaling ships for MANILA. Now we will tate the Massachusetts. The H[assachi(seits, Bteaming at tho most economical rate, can sail 4,71)7 miles. She can just get from Honolulu, by the shortest route, to Manila if nothing happens, and this distance that she can travel is from the official trial. She can not d& it in practice. Everybody knows that the officiaitrial is in excess of what these ships can accom- plish at sea. And so that vessel, which can only carry coal enough to get 4,797 miles, according to the test at her official trial, cannot carry coal enough to get quite to Manila. She would be 3 miles short with every favorcable circumstance, with no adverse winds or storms. Yet that is a coaling station for Manila, and we are going to annex this undesirable people and their possessions for tiie purpose of getting a place where we can coal ships that can not carry coal enough to get to the place we want to get to, when we have a coaling station at our own harbor in tho Aleutian Islands on the shortest route, within 3,700 miles of where we want to go. There is not a vessel in the Navy that can not coal at Kiska and get to Manila. There is not a single vessel in the Navy but what £523 it from Kl^W:l 1 .. \fn!i;';i I TiiPr« ' r»vel frt': '•^ - in th- V- .:« 41 could carry c. mored crnis^r, if .'• sail 4,;!JJ mih'9, n;. , when shit ran out oi coal if lo coaled at Kiska sho could re. !■ .<•• k'Tt ill her bunkers. And yet this Administration is bound to Bend them bv this for- oiirn island t - '-'o the int. r • - ' •' - ■ '-■ • — If this ship, tin the arm : lO can sail, she > y cover 1. . <«d draft the consumption of coal ia Hirai>iy enormoua. iiut, sniluifj by the most economical use of coal, hailintj slowly, al>out !S knots an hour, she ran get within WH) miles of Alanila. And yt t you waut Honolulu to coal ships for Manila, and so you force this thin^ hero as a war measure. The Aint» York\ another cruiser, can sail J, l>>r> miles, and then Fhe is out of coal, and she is lUO mik-u from Manila if she coals at Honolulu. If you are going to make the American people believe that this is a war measure and is noce.-^ary in order to rescue Dewey, an- swer these things; do not sit silent and refuse to debate this rk\ shoifld sail as fast as she is able to sail uuder forced draft, she would only go 1,344 miles. We have other vessels. The Joiwr, a first-class battle ship, ac- cording to these figures, could sail 0,000 miles, but there is not a ship in the whole list that can travel under forced draft frstroy- ing" wliich first formed a factor of naval war during the reii,'n of Elizabeth of Entrlaud, which was followed with such di/adly elTect by the Alabama and her consorts, and which has at this time many strong advocates, notably in the United States and Prance. HAWAII COMMANDS ALASKAN ROUTE. Now, Hawaii commands fully this ocean route, at adist.nnco from it of less than ^,5011 miles— not five days' steaming for the cruiser Columbia. If the Columbia covered the distance in five days, she would not have a pound of coal, because she would have to sail at her great- est speed, and her coal would be exhausted. What could she do in the way of attacking commerce after sailing a distance of 2,.'500 30:.'3 4. J luiles at tho ruU> of TiOO miles a day? She couKI only ru 1 .soo milef at •*■ • - ■' • • ctnl wild! slio wmild bo cot of mal, and yet tho (■"'■ tho Navy st-ntls to tls<« c'onnnittoe on Foreign K' ; t of stuff, and thoy retail it to us. Tlitju ho tt'lis us what u lar^^o coiuuuTi-o we will have witli Alaska— how tho ships will sjM»ed hark and forth loaded with K»'Id and ni>-n. How thoy would Im» iirotoited from Honolulu I ran not nndorstand. Here is Honolulu lindi(\'itinR on the map], hero is yan I^.incisco limliratiii;;!, and liero is Ali^ska (indicating,'). Ac- cording; to Mr. >l.Ivilli\ wht-n wo want to prott-ct Alaska and tho Aleutian chain wt- •.luiU have our lleet at this pioint iSan Fran- ciso) anil run down here to Honolulu, 'J, KXJ miles directly away from Alaska. What is his opinion worth under these circum- stam-es? Who cares anytliing abont tho testimony of exports when they tell us snch stuff as that? How will we protect tho Aleutian chain, fortify I'naliiska, fortify tii'« harbors of the Aleutian chain, fortify the s[)l«'ndid ports that wo have all alon^; this chain? 1 do not think we out;ht to fortify tliem; I do not think it is necessary; but if we must have fortified places and i>orts in tho Pacific, thoso are the ones to fortify. [Indicating.] Prot.rt Ahiska from liere, from Kiska and Unalaska; and yet tliat is Melvilles proposition. Here is Unalaska Bay [indicat'in.!::|; here is Kiska (iiidicatin;;!, and here is Alaska (indicating], and ho is going to i)rotect it from this point. He starts from Honolulu, from two to three thonsand miles from Alaska— farther from Alaska by a thousand miles tlian Seattle— gix?s down to within :.'0' of the e Aiif^. «' . .! t of tho Norlll i .l.lli ■ < .•■.-.III. ;.ili.ii-:.. .1 i'\ !:.■• ii \ .i i ■ >;r.i ; ;.. • • 'i.: ••. .■> •• 1 1"! . nrtj f'ja:iibl)' ihu wcstwar . ' Ua. DIFFKItCXT UOl°TE:i FROM .SAM lUA.M. l.-vi. vJ lu MA.Sll.A. Great cirrlo rotitc B, 0.2M milos. Advantam*. ahortoat dlat4inc«. DituMlran- ta(^, rouKh weather; vuriablo \viud.t'; udvorau eurreiitit oX about 1 uiilu aa hour; foM. lihumu lino E. usual r'^t'«. n..V« m-If^si Advantat{e3, generally favorable weather; fuvi.rablo \ ; '■-' • Southern route v. w^o, 0,900 inile^. DLKadvantaKO, longest route. Adv:.. fair winds; f(»riin«i'I'« ■••irrent of nearly 1 milo an li' 11. « nil ..;■" •! ii.u ...r for rt>(o:i' — ■ ' - ' rat about one-third tho rtest routo is tho only practical rnute. a.H vou nju.st hava a route which i.s theouicKest going and cowing by w.av of the Aleutian Inlands and KLslcv. Going and_coining either way a 8hii> could, and they do, save several days' time either from San Franoisco or I'ugct Sound. Mr. PETTIGRE W. O? conrso Kiska is south of tho shortest line. The great circle route, the route ships sail. iias.scd about 70 miles south of this island, instead of ;300 miles. iShips take this route be- cause they do not wish to pa.ss in and out bet\\"''en the island^s, and therefore it is a slight modification of the great circle route. Let us see if what he says about currents, etc., is justifieil. If yo}i have an adverse current going one way, you will have it in yotir favor going the other way; and tho Ganadiau Pacific ships follow the route the year around both ways. As I say. Mr. President, tho route which we took in cro.*;sing from Vancouver to Yokohama, in Japan, went within 70 miles of the harbor of Kiska. We went within DO niiles of tho Aleutian Islands. Ordinarily in winter vessels go within 4 or .T miles of the Aleutian Islands. It is the route to the Orit-nt and is along tho shore of our own country to within ;5,70i) miles of Mauila and to a point within JOO miles of the coast of ^Vbia. 3aS3 LibKHKY Uh CUNUKti>b 013 717 888 6