Ill;) 
 
 11 
 
i 
 
 NEW-ENGLAND'S 
 
 JONAS 
 
 Caft up at Canban. 
 
 1647. 
 
 By Major JOHN CHILD. 
 
 WITH AN INTRODUCTION AND NOTES. 
 BY W. T. R. MARVIN. 
 
 Boston: 
 
 WM. PARSONS LUNT. 
 1869. 
 
TWENTY COPIES LARGE PAPER. 
 ONE HUNDRED AND FIFTY COPIES SMALL PAPER. 
 
 No. 
 
 A. 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 MONG the many affaults which the leaders 
 of the Colonics of Plymouth and Maffa- 
 chufetts Bay were obliged to endure, the 
 publications of their adverfaries were not 
 the leaft annoying. Appearing at a great 
 diflance from the fcene of the events which 
 they profeffed to defcribe, and affailing the honefty as well 
 as the policy of the leaders here, their effe6l was felt, and 
 their flatements believed by many who never faw the contra- 
 didion. A complete catalogue of the various pamphlets 
 iffued on both fides, would be an interefling contribution to 
 New England Bibliography. Thomas Morton's "New Eng- 
 lifli Canaan," publiflied in Amfterdam in 1636, was one of 
 the firfl; unfavorable accounts, and Samuel Gorton's " Sim- 
 plicity's Defence againfl Seven-headed Policy," iffued in 
 1646, the moft recent attack, at the time when " New 
 England's Jonas " appeared. 
 
 The 
 
vi Introduction. 
 
 The Tra6l which is reprinted in the following pages, is an 
 evidence of the difcontent which exifted among certain 
 claffes of the people in New England, who were excluded 
 from a fhare in the government: and the circumftances it 
 defcribes, which took place in 1644-6, were the caufe of 
 great difturbance among the fettlers around Maffachufetts 
 Bay. It was printed in London, in 1647, appearing, as we 
 learn from Savage's New-England Gleanings,' on or before 
 the 15th of April, claiming on the title page to be written by 
 Major John Childe,^ a brother of Dr. Robert Childe, one of 
 the figners to the petition it contains. It elicited an imme- 
 diate reply from Winflow, the agent of New England, who 
 was then in London, which was called " New-England's Sala- 
 mander Difcovered," ^ and in the title of which " New- 
 England's Jonas" is ftyled "an irreligious and fcornful pam- 
 phlet," and elfewhere " a two-penny jeering Gigge, penned 
 rather to pleafe the fancy of common underflandings, than 
 to fatisfie any folid judgments.""* 
 
 The title, " New-England's Jonas," was given to the Trad 
 in confequence of a remark by Mr. Cotton, in a Thurfday 
 
 Ledlure, 
 
 ' 3d Mafs. Hift. Soc. Coll. viii. 287. » Publiflied, as we are informed by 
 
 * Hubbard fays, Hift. N. E. p. 517, Savage's Gleanings, juft quoted, May 
 
 that it was from the pen of Mr. ValTal, 29, of the fame year. 
 
 " affifted as was faid, by a relation of Dr. •» New England's Salamander is re- 
 
 Childe," and Winflow makes Vaffal the printed in full in 3d Mafs. Hift. Soc. 
 
 author of all but the Preface. Coll. ii. 1 14. 
 
httroduction, vii 
 
 Le6lure, preached November 5, 1646, juft previous to the 
 departure of the veffel which conveyed to England fome of 
 the figners to the petition, with copies of that paper, a 
 petition to Parhament, and other documents. His text was 
 from Canticles, ii: 15, "Take us the foxes, the little foxes, 
 which deftroy the vines." It was confidered by fome to have 
 a perfonal application to certain members of the party about 
 to fail, though Winflow flates ^ that " this text fell in his 
 ordinary courfe of le6lures in going through that book, and 
 not taken on purpofe on that particular occafion." However 
 this may have been, Cotton doubtlefs knew that the intention 
 of Vaffal and his affociates was to publifli fome account of 
 their movements and treatment here, upon their arrival in 
 England. 
 
 Winflow gives a brief analyfis of the difcourfe, and repre- 
 fents the preacher as faying : — " When the terrors of the 
 Almightie fliall befet the veffell wherein they are, the heavens 
 fliall frowne upon them, the billowes of the fea fliall fwell 
 above them, and dangers fliall threaten them, (as I perfwade 
 my felfe they will,) ... I will not give the counfell was taken 
 concerning Jonah, to take fuch a perfon and caft him into 
 the fea : God forbid : but I would advife fuch to come to a 
 refolution In themfelves to defift from fuch enterprifes, never 
 further to engage in them, and to cafl fuch a petition into 
 
 the 
 
 *3d Mafs. Hift. Soc. Coll. ii. 126. 
 
viil Iiitroditdion. 
 
 the fea, that may occafion fo much trouble and difturbance." ^ 
 The predidion of a florm might with fafety be made, for it 
 was early in the winter that the veffel, which was called the 
 Supply, departed : ^ and Winflow tells us flie " rode out many 
 feareful ftreffes in the harbour, after they were ready, before 
 they could goe to faile, the wind being faire, but overblowing." 
 
 Thefe words of warning feem to have produced a very 
 marked efifed upon fome of the hearers, for we are told that 
 " Mr. Thomas Peters had his goods and bedding on board 
 to go, but hearing Mr. Cotton's ledure he took them out, 
 and went in another fliip by way of Spain." ^ " After they 
 came to fea," fays Winflow, they " had the terribleft paffage 
 that ever I heard on, for extremitie of weather ; the marri- 
 ners not able to take an obfervation of funne or ftar in feven 
 hundred leagues fayling or thereabouts."^ 
 
 When they had proceeded fome diftance on their voyage, 
 in which they doubtlefs experienced unufually fevere weather, 
 they encountered a ftorm more violent than anything that 
 had preceded, and many of the paffengers '° were greatly 
 
 alarmed. 
 
 «Ibid, p. 129. Yet Winflow fays, p. s Drake's Hillory of Bofton, 298, 
 
 133, that ''Jonas was but once acciden- note: 3d Mafs. Hift. Soc. Coll. ii. 131. 
 
 tally named, and that by way of dired; » 3d Mafs. Hift. Soc. Coll. ii. 131. 
 
 oppofition to fuch counfell." '" Befide Mr. Vaffal, and Mr. Fowle, 
 
 ■^ Felt Eccl. Hift. i. 592, gives the the names of the following perfons are 
 
 date of failing as about December 15. given by Winflow as paffengers on the 
 
 veffel. 
 
Introdicction. 
 
 IX 
 
 alarmed. The tempeft continued fo long, that their fears 
 increafed ; and " certain well difpofed Chriftians called to 
 mind the things delivered by Mr. Cotton." " A woman on 
 board, in particular, feems to have been more terrified than 
 the reft, running about the fhip after midnight in confterna- 
 tion and infifting that if a Jonas was on board, it fhould be 
 produced and the " fliip delivered of it." '" She firft called 
 on Mr. Vaffal,'^ who afked her why fhe came to him, and was 
 anfwered, " Becaufe it was thous^ht he had fome writino-s 
 againft the people of God." He replied that he had only a 
 
 petition 
 
 cabbin, and addrefTed her fpeech in fo- 
 brietie and much modefty to them." 3d 
 Mafs. Hift. Soc. Coll. ii. 131. The fears 
 produced by the llorm, however, and 
 the remembrance of the fermon, which 
 the dangers they were in led many of the 
 palTengers to feel had been prophetic, 
 would afford a fufficient apology for her 
 excited ftate, and thefe fads, in connec- 
 tion with her fubfequent condudl, ap- 
 pear to corroborate Childe's account. 
 
 " Winflow fays, ibid. p. 133, that there 
 was " no fpeech between the woman and 
 Mr. Vaffall that I can learne, but be- 
 tweene Mr. Fowle and her, ihee under 
 no diftemper of paffion, but modeft, dif- 
 creet and fober in her carriage thorow 
 out the whole." Yet as he fpeaks of 
 feveral as being in the cabin, the ac- 
 count of Childe is not difproved. He 
 alfo fays that Fowle acknowledged the 
 ftatements in " New England's Jonas " 
 to be falfe, before feveral witneffes, 
 whom he names. 
 
 veffel. Mr. William Golding, teacher 
 of a Church in the Bermudas, and who 
 preached a fermon of thankfgiving for 
 their fafe arrival in England, Captain 
 William Sayles, late Governor of Ber- 
 mudas, Mr. Richard Sadler, Captain 
 Leveret, and Captain Harding. Her- 
 bert Pelham was prefent at the Le(5lure, 
 had arrived in England, and feen the 
 MS. of the " Salamander " previous to 
 its publication; and though Winflow 
 does not name him as a paffenger, he 
 was probably on board. Dr. Childe, 
 John Dand, and John Smith, (figners of 
 the Petition,) had arranged to go, but 
 were arrefled and held till after the 
 veffel had failed. 
 
 " 3d Mafs. Hift. Soc. Coll. ii. 131. 
 
 " This account is that given by Childe. 
 Winflow denies many of his ftatements, 
 and fays " the woman was not in a dif- 
 trafled paffion as they reported." His 
 verfion is that " a godly and difcreet 
 woman after midnight went to the great 
 
X I7^trod^lctio1^. 
 
 petition to Parliament, praying for the liberty of Englifli 
 fubjeds. That certainly could be no Jonas. She next 
 vifited Mr. Fowle,''* " in a like diftraded manner," who, flie 
 found had a copy of a petition, which he and others had 
 prefented to the General Court at Boflon. To her anxious 
 inquiries, we learn from Winflow,'^ that Fowle replied " in 
 thefe words, or to this purpofe, ' Sifter, I fliall be loath to 
 grieve you, or any other of God's people with any thing I 
 fliall doe ; ' and immediately went to his cheft or trunke, and 
 took out a paper, and gave it to her, and referred it to the 
 difcretion of others to doe withall as they fliould fee good." 
 
 She took the document to her companions, — Mr. Richard 
 Sadler and others, — who after confulting about it, determined 
 to difpofe of it, as the mariners difpofed of Jonah on his 
 voyage to Tarfliifli ; " Although," fays Winflow,'^ " they knew 
 it was not the right Petition but that they were deluded, yet 
 becaufe they judged it alfo to bee very bad, having often 
 feene it in New England, but never liked the fame, cut it in 
 peeces, as they thought it deferved, and gave the faid peeces 
 to a feaman, who caft them into the fea." '^ The tempeft did 
 
 not 
 
 '■' Fowle feems to have regretted his '^3d Mafs. Hift. Soc. Coll. ii. 131. 
 
 connection with the affair, if we may '" Ibid. j). 132. 
 
 judge from Winflow's account of his "■ There is an apparent contradi6lion 
 
 condu6l at this time, and later. See alfo in this remark. Perhaps Winflow ufes 
 
 Hubbard's Hiftory, p. 518. Neal, Hift. the word debided here, in the fenfe of 
 
 N. E. i. 238, fays Fowle preferved the trifled ivith, for by his own account 
 
 originals, and gave her copies only. there feems to have been no attempt at 
 
 deception ; 
 
Introduction. xi 
 
 not abate its violence at once, however, and a fortnight after, 
 they encountered another, near the coaft of Scilly, where as 
 Window remarks with an unufual flroke of humor, " they 
 found themfelves involved as it were between Scylla and 
 Carybdis," and where they experienced a deliverance from 
 fliipwreck which his account defcribes as almoft miraculous, 
 fully offsetting the "fained miracle " to which Childe alludes 
 in his title. The real " Jonas " remained in the fliip through 
 all its perils, and was " cafl up at London " in fafety, with all 
 the paffengers and crew. 
 
 Their fafe arrival was attributed by fome to the deftrucftion 
 of the Petition to Parliament which had not been thrown 
 over; the paper which met that fate being, as we have feen, 
 
 and 
 
 deception ; yet in the fame connexion, larize, feem to lead us to the conclufion 
 a page or two beyond, he ufes the word that Winflow's zeal in defending his 
 again as fynonymous with deceived, party rendered him incautious in fome 
 They could hardly be deceived with of his ftatements, and too ready to con- 
 what they themfelves knew to be a tradift his opponent's ftory. As his 
 fraud, if it was fuch, as he feems to im- reply was evidently haflily written, ap- 
 ply. If they faid nothing to Vaffal, as pearing, as we have feen, only fix weeks 
 Winflow afferts, (Note 13,) they might after "Jonas" was " Caft up," and as 
 well have regarded this petition as that the leading points in his narrative were 
 which Cotton had advifed them to throw drawn from the teftimony of others, we 
 into the fea, fhould a ftorm arife. Their can readily account for the apparent 
 condu6l during the florm, ftrengthens inconfiftencies of his ftory, without in 
 this view ; for at Scilly, a fortnight the leaft reflefting on his general accu- 
 later, when they were in greater peril, racy. It is amufing to notice his care 
 no fearch for documents was made, to mention that it was not one of the 
 Thefe fa6ls, and the popular accounts anxious and frightened paffengers, but 
 of the affair, as well as other circum- one of the failors, who caft it into the 
 ftances not neceffary further to particu- fea. 
 
xii Introdtcction. 
 
 and as Major Childe remarks, only a ' copy of their petition 
 to their own Court at Bofton.' Some of the paffengers held 
 a fpecial fervice of thankfgiving for the happy termination 
 of their voyage, and Mr. William Golding, one of their 
 number, preached a fermon on the occafion. Vaffal and 
 his affociates, on the other hand, prepared their verfion of 
 the fhory, and a few weeks after publiflied it, with the 
 documents accompanying. Remembering the experience 
 of Jonah, to whom thefe papers had been compared, they 
 carried the allufion flill farther, and gave it the title it 
 bears, to the difguft of Winflow, and the amufement of his 
 opponents. 
 
 A party in favor of allowing thofe who were not church- 
 members a larger influence in public affairs had been grad- 
 ually gaining ftrength in New England, as they had in the 
 mother country, and were only waiting for a favorable oppor- 
 tunity to make themfelves felt. But a fliort time before the 
 occurrences detailed in " New-England's Jonas," Roger Wil- 
 liams had been baniflied for afferting the principles of 
 toleration, and the leaven of the ideas which he maintained 
 was flill at work. The policy of the Government was reflric- 
 tive. " Their fundamental error," fays Judge Story,'^ " was 
 a do6lrine which has fuice been happily exploded. I mean 
 
 the neceffity of a union between Church and State 
 
 They 
 
 "* Difcourfe in Commemoration of the Firft Settlement of Salem, p. 55. 
 
Introduction. xiii 
 
 They not only tolerated the civil power in the fuppreffion of 
 herefy, but they demanded and enjoined it." Toleration of 
 anything but an orthodox belief they could not allow. " As 
 for fuch a toleration as our brethren defire," faid the Prefby- 
 terians, in a paper prefented December 25, 1645, during their 
 difcuffion with the Independents in Weftminfter Affembly, 
 " we apprehend it will open a door to all fe6ts ; and though 
 the Independents now plead for it, their brethren in New 
 England do not allow it."'^ In the pocket of Governor 
 Dudley, who died July 13, 1653, were found fome lines, 
 which it is faid he compofed, and of which the following is 
 a fpecimen: — 
 
 " Let men of God in Courts and Churches watch 
 O'er fuch as do a toleration hatch ; 
 Left that ill egg bring forth a cockatrice, 
 To poifon all, with herefies and vice."^° 
 
 The whole fpirit of the Colony being thus oppofed to 
 toleration, the fafeft courfe to guard againft it feemed to be 
 to reflri6l the legiflative power and the eledlive franchife to 
 Church members. Yet, as has been remarked, a party in 
 the State had begun to refift this policy, and its exiflence 
 caufed fome uneafmefs. About the time of the movement 
 by Vaffal and Childe, fays Felt, " a law was ready to pafs 
 here, allowing men who had joined no Congregational 
 
 Church, 
 
 '' Neal, Hifl. Puritans, ii. 17. '"Publications Narraganfet Club, ii. 63. 
 
 c 
 
XIV Introdtictio7i. 
 
 Church, equal privileges with thofe who had, in all town 
 concerns, but its enadment was poflponed, becaufe it had a 
 bearing on the application of Childe and his affociates."" 
 
 The fa6t that fuch a law was contemplated here, with the 
 courfe of the Independents in England, fliows an increafing 
 defire for the removal of legal reftri6lions on ecclefiaflical 
 matters. " The Commiffioners had ordered the Weft India 
 plantations, and Somers Iflands, under their fupervifion, to 
 allow ' liberty of confcience,' and ' had by letters intimated 
 the fame to the New England Colonies.' " " Of this ftate 
 of things, Vaffal and his party were not flow to take advan- 
 tage, and their movements foon created trouble. 
 
 Among the earlieft allufions to thefe difturbances is the 
 brief comment of Bradford, who writing under the date of 
 1646, remarks: — " This year .... fome difcontented perfons, 
 under the government of the Maffachufets, fought to trouble 
 their peace, and difturb, if not innovate their governmente, 
 by laying many fcandals upon them, and intended to profe- 
 cute againft them in England, by petitioning and complain- 
 inof to the Parlemente." ^"^ 
 
 '& 
 
 The moving fpirit, from all accounts,^^ was William Vaffal, 
 who, although defcribed as a gentleman of affable and agree- 
 able 
 
 »' Ecclefiaflical Hiftory, i. 576. ^^ See Savage's Winthrop, ii. 319 : 
 
 *' Ibid. i. 577. See Winthrop, ii. 321. Hubbard, 500 : Hutchinfon, i. 137 : Ban- 
 ** 4th Mafs. Hid. Soc. Coll. iii. 442. croft, i. 438 : Palfrey, ii. 167. 
 
Introduction. 
 
 XV 
 
 able manners, was " always oppofed to the Government, both 
 in Maffachufetts and Plymouth." ^^ His influence was con- 
 fiderable, in both the Colonies. He had been one of the 
 Affiftants in the Maffachufetts Company, and at this time 
 his brother Samuel, who had alfo been an Affiflant in the 
 fame Company, was a member of the Long Parliament, and 
 alfo one of the Parliament's Commiffioners for the Govern- 
 ment 
 
 25 Vaffal took the oath of fidelity at 
 Scituate, February i, 1638. He refided 
 there on his eftate, which he called the 
 " Weft Newland," until he returned 
 to England in 1646. From England he 
 went to the Barbadoes, having come 
 into the poffeffion of valuable property 
 there, and refided in St. Michael's par- 
 ifh until his death, in 1655. He was 
 probably the wealthieft perfon in Ply- 
 mouth Colony before acquiring his 
 eftates in the Weft Indies. In 2d Mafs. 
 Hift. Soc. Coll. iv. 244, from which moft 
 of the preceding information was ob- 
 tained, we find the following account of 
 Vaflal, which is more favorable than 
 that of moft of his contemporaries : — 
 " As he was of the Church of England, 
 and adhered to its ceremonies, we do 
 not meet with him in civil office ; but 
 the immediate government of Plymouth 
 Colony evidently held him in juft and 
 deferved eftimation, and on emergent 
 occafions his worthy name occurs, as of 
 the Council of War. He was clearly 
 a public fpirited man, liberal in his 
 opinions and views, though fomewhat 
 reftlefs." 
 
 Winthrop fpeaks of him as "a man 
 never at reft, but when in the fires of 
 contention." Winflow is extremely fe- 
 vere on him, faying, he " labored two 
 years to draw me to his party, and find- 
 ing hee could no way prevaile, he then 
 cafts off all his pretended love, and 
 made it a part of his worke to make 
 mee of all men moft odious, &c." 3d 
 Mafs. Hift. Soc. Coll. ii. 137 ; and page 
 1 1 1, he charges him with being " never 
 willing to beare any part of the charge 
 in fupporting the [commonwealth,] as 
 appeared by his conftant cavilling there- 
 at, whenever any rates came upon the 
 country, though never fo eafy and juft." 
 Hubbard defcribes him as " a man of 
 pleafant and facetious wit, and in that 
 refpe(5l complacent in company, but for 
 his aflings and defigns of a bufy and 
 fadlious fpirit, and indeed a meer Sala- 
 mander by his difpofition, that could 
 take content in no element, but that of 
 the fire." And Palfrey fays, ii. 167, that 
 " the records of Mr. Lothrop's church 
 at Scituate, as early as the year 1637, 
 prefent fome confirmation of Vaflal's 
 perverfe and uneafy difpofition." 
 
xvi hitrodttdion. 
 
 ment of Foreign Plantations. He was flrongly in favor of 
 toleration, and " had laid a fcheme for the petitions of fuch 
 as were non-refidents, to the Courts of both Colonies, and 
 upon the Petitions being refufed, to apply to the Parliament, 
 pretending they were fubjecfted to an arbitrary power, extra- 
 judicial proceedings, &c." "^ He defired "that the diflinc- 
 tions which were maintained here, both in civil and church 
 eftate, might be taken away, and that we might be wholly 
 governed by the laws of England." ^^ 
 
 Before his fchemes were matured, an occurrence took 
 place which gave him the defired opportunity. Some of 
 the Colonial leaders had objeded to affigning a fpecific 
 penalty to every offence againfl the laws, believing that the 
 varying circumftances of individual cafes of crime fliould 
 in fome degree regulate the punifliment ; and this fa6l had 
 excited the feeling among certain parties, that there was too 
 great an opportunity for the exercife of arbitrary power, by 
 the magiftrates. The firft appearance of difcontent mani- 
 fefled itfelf at Hingham, not far from Scituate, where Vaffal 
 refided, and many, both in Plymouth and Maffachufetts 
 Bay, attributed to him a controlling influence in the diffi- 
 culties which followed. His name was not attached to the 
 petitions which were fo obnoxious to the Government, but 
 he doubtlefs aided in their preparation. A partial account 
 
 of 
 
 '^ Hutchinfon's Hift. Mafs. i. 137. "" Winthrop, ii. 319. 
 
Introdtidion, xvii 
 
 of this affair is contained in the firfl part of " New England's 
 Jonas," and the whole circumftances are detailed at length in 
 Winthrop, volume fecond, pages 271 to 286. They were 
 briefly thefe : — 
 
 The town of Hingham having had a lieutenant, Anthony 
 Ernes, for feven or eight years, in 1645 chofe him to be 
 their captain ; but before he had been confirmed by the 
 ftanding council, offence was taken at fome a(ft of his, and a 
 majority of the citizens chofe Bozoun Allen in his place. 
 The magiftrates refufed to " allow of Allen," and ordered 
 both fides to return home and await further orders. A 
 confli6l of military authority foon took place, and as the 
 majority fupported Allen, trouble at once enfued, and many 
 of the people of Hingham complained that the courfe of 
 the magiftrates was arbitrary and unjuft. The affair was 
 brought before the church, and the minifter, Peter Hubbert, 
 or Hobart, " was very forward to have excommunicated the 
 Lieutenant." In the mean time, Emes and fome of his 
 friends inform the magiftrates, who arreft the principal offen- 
 ders, and Hobart, whofe condu6l feems to have been very 
 provoking to the authorities, is informed that ** were it not 
 for refpe6l to his miniftry, they would commit him alfo." 
 The parties who were arrefted, were bound over for trial, 
 and at the next General Court, they, with other citizens of 
 Hingham, to the number of about ninety, complained of the 
 magiftrates, and petitioned to be heard. ^, . 
 
xviii Introdttctio7t. 
 
 Their petition was prefented to the deputies, who fent it 
 to the magiflrates for their concurrence, who, " marvelhng 
 that they [the deputies,] would grant fuch a petition without 
 defirins: conference firft with themfelves whom it fo much 
 concerned," affented, only requiring that fpecific charges 
 fhould be made, and the particular magiflrates by whom the 
 petitioners were aggrieved, fliould be named. The Deputy 
 Governor, Winthrop, was fmgled out, and the profecution, 
 after fome delay, was commenced. The refult was a divifion 
 of opinion. " Two of the magiflrates,^^ and many of the 
 deputies were of opinion that the magiftrates exercifed too 
 much power, and that the people's liberty was thereby in 
 danger ; and other of the deputies, (being about half,) and 
 all the reft of the magiflrates were of a different judgment, 
 and that authority was overmuch flighted, which if not 
 timely remedied, would endanger the commonwealth, and 
 bring us to a mere democracy." ""^ 
 
 The difcuffion continued feven weeks, with but one week's 
 intermiffion. Not being able to agree, arbitration was pro- 
 pofed by the magiflrates, but rejedled by the deputies, and 
 the affair was finally fettled through a committee of con- 
 ference. The refult was that Hobart and the petitioners 
 
 were 
 
 '8 Thefe were Bellingham and Salton- tonftall, too, was his [Bellingham's] inti- 
 
 ftall. Palfrey, in a note, ii. 175, fa3-s mate friend." See alfo Mafs. Col. Rec. 
 
 that "Bellingham was always, in thefe ii. 125. 
 
 times, oppofed to Winthrop Sal- *® Winthrop, ii. 277. 
 
httroduction. xix 
 
 were fined about one hundred pounds,^" the acftion of the 
 magistrates fuflained, and the Deputy Governor honorably 
 acquitted. 
 
 Savage fays that Winthrop's narrative, from which our 
 account is condenfed, is " as nearly impartial as can ever be 
 expedled from the mofl: honefl and enlightened contemporary, 
 were he an obferver only, inftead of a mover of the occur- 
 rences." ^' Winllow, in his Salamander, remarks that Win- 
 throp, " as on all other occafions, fo in this particular, much 
 honored himfelfe by leaving his place upon the Bench, and 
 going to the Bar, and would not be perfwaded to cover his 
 head, or take his place till the cafe was heard and ended." ^^ 
 He further charges Vaffal with being an inftigator of the 
 whole trouble, faying " our Salamander [Vaffal] living too 
 neere them, and being too well acquainted with them, blew 
 up this to fuch a height, by his continuall counfell and 
 advife, which the major part of the Towne followed to their 
 own fmart." " Bancroft fays that " the root of the difturb- 
 ance at Hingham exifted in a ' prefbyterial fpirit,' ^^^ which 
 oppofed the government of the colonial commonwealth," 
 
 and 
 
 30 See Winthrop, ii. 286-7, for extrafls ^s 3^ Mafs. Hill. Soc. Coll. ii. 115. 
 
 from the records of the deputies' pro- ^^ Ibid. p. 1 14. 
 
 ceedings, where the names of many of ^^ Doubtlefs referring to Hobart, who 
 
 the parties in this affair, and the amounts is defcribed by Winthrop as "of a 
 
 they were fined are alfo given. Presbyterial fpirit, did manage all affairs 
 
 " See alfo Mather's Magnalia, Book 2, without the Church's advice." ii. 235-6. 
 pp. 12, 13. 
 
XX Introduction. 
 
 and all authorities appear to condemn the courfe of 
 Hobart.^5 
 
 The excitement which thefe events produced was very 
 great, and though Vaffal was defeated in thefe plans to 
 fubvert the authority and influence of the magifl:rates of 
 Maffachufetts Bay, he was not diflieartened by his failure. 
 The next movement of the party was made in Plymouth 
 Colony, at a General Court held in the middle of Odober, 
 
 1645, when a written propofition was offered; "the fume 
 of it was, To allow and maintaine full and free toleration 
 of religion to all men that would preferve the civill peace, 
 and fubmit unto government ; and there was no limita- 
 tion againft Turke, Jew, Papift, Arian, Socinian, Nicho- 
 laytan, Familift, or any other." ^^ To this, fays Winflow in 
 his letter to Governor Winthrop,^^ " the deputies were moft 
 made beforehand, and the other three affifl:ants,^^ who ap- 
 plauded 
 
 3»Hobart refifted the MarOial who 'Mbid. 
 went to Hingham, March 18, 1645, ^'^^ ^s -phe Affiftants for this year were, 
 queftioned the authority of the warrant, Edward Winflow, WilHam Collier, (who 
 ufing language which the authorities was abfent when the fcheme was pro- 
 deemed contemptuous and feditious, pofed, but would feem to have been 
 and he was again fined, the 2d of June, oppofed to it,) Miles ' Standifli, John 
 
 1646, twenty pounds, and placed under Brown, Timothy Hatherly and Edmund 
 bonds of forty pounds for his good be- Freeman. We infer from Winflow's 
 havior. See alfo Johnfon's Wonder- letter in Hutch. Coll. that the fuggeflion 
 working Providence, p. 85. Winthrop, was favored by the lafl four named, and 
 ii. 235, 235. Palfrey, ii. 258. was brought forward by one of their 
 
 '6 Hutchinfon Coll. i. 173-4, Prince number. 
 Society's edition. 
 
Introductio7i, xxi 
 
 plauded it as their Diana." He further remarks in the fame 
 letter, " You would have admired to have feen how fweet 
 this carrion reliflied to the palate of mcft of the Deputies." 
 
 The tranfadlion does not appear upon the records, perhaps 
 for the reafon given by Winllow, that " the Governor, 
 [Prence,] would not fuffer it to come to vote, as being that 
 indeed would eate out the power of godlines," and the matter 
 feems to have fubfided here, fo far as Plymouth was con- 
 cerned. 
 
 The movers being thus again thwarted by the delay of 
 the General Court of Plymouth, prepared a petition to the 
 General Court of the Maffachufetts Bay, which they ftyled a 
 " Remonflrance and humble Petition, &c." and which as it 
 is printed in full in the following Tra6l, it is unneceffary 
 here to defcribe, except in the briefeft manner.^' 
 
 It begins with thankfully acknowledging the pains, care 
 and vigilance, which, by the bleffmg of God, had procured 
 peace and plenty for New England, while the mother country 
 was fuffering from the devouring fword and inteftine wars. 
 Yet, while thofe at the helm could bell forefee the clouds, 
 Itorms and tempefls which were threatening the poor handful 
 
 planted 
 
 33 The Petition, with the Reply of the the Hutchinfon Papers, Vol. i, pp. 214 
 Government, is alfo printed in full, in et feq.. Prince Society's edition. 
 
XXll 
 
 IntrodMctio7t. 
 
 planted here, thofe under decks may befl; perceive the " leaks 
 which will inevitably fink the weake and ill-compaded 
 veffell," if not prevented. The petitioners then go on to fay 
 that the hand of God feems now to .be againft the Colony — 
 ' blafting all our defigns," " taking many away to himfelfe," 
 fending unwonted malignant fickneffes, fliameful difeafes, 
 &c., fo that they apprehended final ruin. 
 
 They then give what they regarded as the caufes of the 
 prefent calamities : firll;, that the government was arbitrary, 
 and not according to the laws of England: fecond, that 
 many thoufands, " freeborne, quiet and peaceable men, 
 righteous in their dealings," were debarred from civil em- 
 ployment, and from any voice in the government: and 
 thirdly, that " diverfe fober, righteous and godly men, .... 
 members of the Church of England,^" .... not diffenting 
 
 from 
 
 ^° Maverick, and probably Childe, 
 were Epifcopalians ; and Drake, in his 
 Hlftory of Bofton, p. 292, confiders this 
 movement to have been diftinftively an 
 Epifcopal one, mentioning Vaffal, Mav- 
 erick and Childe as the " leaders of the 
 Churchmen." Johnfon, (Wonder-work- 
 ing Providence, p. 202,) fays of the 
 figners, that " they were of a Linfiwolfie 
 difpofition, fome for Prelacy, fome for 
 Presbytery, and fome for Plebsbytery, 
 but all joyned together in the thing 
 they would, &c." The opponents of 
 King Charles, in order to Hrengthen 
 
 their caufe, had fought aid from Scot- 
 land, but " the Presbyterians would 
 confent to no terms, without the altera- 
 tion of the Church government, and 
 the neceffities of the Parliament induced 
 them to confent to this unreafonable 
 propofal." (Short, Hiftory of the Church 
 of England, §578.) The Houfe of 
 Commons adopted Presbyterianifm as 
 the national form of religion, March 
 14, and the Houfe of Lords, June 6, 
 1646. The tendency of feeling muft 
 have been known to thefe petitioners, 
 as vv'ell as the people of New England 
 
 eenerallv 
 
Introdtcdion, 
 
 XXIU 
 
 from the latefl and beft reformation of England, Scotland, 
 &c.," were deprived of religious privileges, and were like 
 
 The 
 
 generally, and as they propofed to ap- 
 peal to Parliament, we incline to con- 
 fider the Presbyterian influence that on 
 which they relied. Johnfon's comment, 
 (Wonder-working Providence, p. 202,) 
 ftrengthens this belief; "the matter 
 they petitioned for, was a bottom to 
 build their quarrel upon, under the 
 name of a Presbyterian Government, 
 and this they fuppofed would fuit well 
 with their Bill of complaint, which they 
 intended for England, not that they 
 cared for a Presbyterian Church, for 
 had they fo done, they might have 
 found out one in the country before 
 they petitioned, but becaufe they fup- 
 pofed that the Parliament in England 
 would eflablifh that way only, and 
 therefore bore themfelves bold upon 
 it, that although their feditious and 
 fcandalous words and praclifes fhould 
 incur a penalty, (as none could deem 
 any other, unlefs it be fuch as are all 
 for liberty, and nothing for Govern- 
 ment,) yet they might bear men in hand, 
 it was for petitioning for a Presbyterian 
 Church-Government, according to this 
 tenor." Hobart, the Hingham preacher, 
 a man of a " Presbyterial fpirit," if not 
 dire(5lly concerned in drafting this peti- 
 tion, with Vaflal, was fo ftrongly fuf- 
 pefted of having a hand in the other 
 petition which Vaflal carried with him 
 to England, that he was virtually ex- 
 cluded from the Court which confidered 
 Childe's petition, and the relation the 
 
 Colonies flood in to England, which 
 was involved in the threatened appeal. 
 Felt, Ecclefiaflical Hiftory, i. 498-9, 
 gives extrafts from a communication 
 addrefled to the Rev. John Wilfon, June 
 7, 1643, in which Vaflal and others, who 
 had a fliort time before declared them- 
 felves to be the Firft Church in Scituate, 
 fay : — " Thofe that know us beft, fear 
 not our inclining to Bifliops ; " and in 
 April, 1644, he wrote to Cotton, that 
 the brethren with him intended to call 
 Mr. Witherell, a member of Duxbury 
 church, as their paftor. Vaflal has been 
 called an Epifcopalian, perhaps from 
 the fatl; that Winthrop fays he was 
 " always oppofed to the way of our 
 churches ; " but the paflages quoted by 
 Felt, his memberfliip in the Scituate 
 church, and his intimacy with Hobart, 
 would feem to fhow his preferences 
 were rather for Presbyterianifm, if not 
 for Independency. Winflow fays he 
 heard the petitioners demand the Pres- 
 byterian government in Court. (2d 
 Mafs. Hift. Soc. Coll. iii. 112 ; fee alfo 
 pp. 141-2.) Palfrey thinks " the rela- 
 tion of the fubje6l to Presbyterian poli- 
 tics, leaks out, even in " the Declara- 
 tion of the General Court in reply to 
 their petition, " when there were mo- 
 tives for forbearing to call attention to 
 it," (ii. 174, note,) and calls the parties 
 " Presbyterian malecontents." From 
 all thefe circumftances, we think it can 
 not be called an Epifcopal movement. 
 
XXIV 
 
 hitroditction. 
 
 flieep fcattered in the wildernefs, in a forlorn condition. 
 They defired, therefore, fettled laws in accordance with thofe 
 of England, civil liberty and freedom for all who are truly 
 Englifli, and religious liberty, that they might join the 
 churches here without neceffarily entering into their cove- 
 nants, (which they fpeak of in a difparaging manner,) and be 
 allowed to enjoy Chriflian ordinances, — or elfe permitted 
 " to fettle themfelves here in a Church-way, according to the 
 beft reformations of England and Scotland." If thefe privi- 
 leges were refufed, they threatened an appeal to Parliament. 
 
 The paper bore the fignatures of Robert Childe, Thomas 
 Fowle, Samuel Maverick, Thomas Burton, John Smith, 
 David Yale, and John Dand,-*' and profeffed to be in the 
 
 name 
 
 *' Robert Childe, the firft of the peti- 
 tioners, had vifited New England before 
 thefe troubles, and returned. Previous 
 to that time he had travelled on the 
 continent, efpecially in Italy, and as 
 Winflow fays, " confelTeth hee was twice 
 at Rome, fpeaketh fometimes highly as 
 I have heard reported in favour of the 
 Jefuites,"— which, with other circum- 
 ftances, led to fome fufpicions that he 
 was a ' Jefuit fpy,' — " and however he 
 took the degree of Do6lor of Phyfick 
 at Padua, yet doth not at all praftife." 
 On his former vifit he brought commen- 
 datory letters, and " found good accept- 
 ance thereof with the beft." While 
 
 here he thoroughly acquainted himfelf 
 with the country and its refources. On 
 his fecond vifit heprefentedfome books 
 to Harvard College, and brought more 
 letters of introdu6lion, which fecured 
 him a favorable reception. He had 
 taken fome flock in an enterprife " for 
 the advancement of iron works in the 
 country," (See 2d Mafs. Hift. Soc. Coll. 
 iv. 198,) but had little if anything to do 
 with the management of them. It ap- 
 pears that in 1644 he petitioned with 
 Nathaniel Norcrofs and others, for a 
 plantation at " Nafliawake," and the 
 requeft was granted. The favorable 
 impreffions he had made were difpelled 
 
 by 
 
Introdicction, 
 
 XXV 
 
 name of many others. It was prefented at the General 
 Court, May 19, 1646, but as the feffion was near its clofe, its 
 confideration was deferred till their next meeting. Before 
 
 by his conneflion with Vaflal's party, 
 and he was ready, fays Winflow, not 
 only " to clofe with fuch as are difcon- 
 tented, but to bee a leader of fuch 
 againft the government, affront the au- 
 thoritie God hath hitherto honored with 
 his bleffing, appeale from their juftice, 
 and thereby feeke to evade any cenfure." 
 (2d Mafs. Hifl. Soc. Coll. ii. 118.) 
 
 Thomas Fowle, before this petition 
 was prefented, had united with Robert 
 Sedgwick and others, in afking for the 
 abrogation of the laws againft the ana- 
 baptifts, and another law which required 
 fpecial allowance for new comers refid- 
 ing here, but the requeft was refufed. 
 (Mafs. Col. Rec. iii. 50.) He was ad- 
 mitted an inhabitant, September 30, 
 1639. January 27, the following year, 
 he received a grant of fix hundred 
 acres of land, and in 1645 he was one 
 of the feledlmen of Bofton. He was 
 engaged in mercantile purfuits. We 
 find the location of a houfe and garden 
 of a Thomas Fowle, whom we fuppofe 
 to be the fame individual, in the Book 
 of Poffeffions of the Inhabitants of 
 Bofton, (See Drake's Hift. Bofton, p. 
 786.) In the Declaration of the Gene- 
 ral Court in reply to their petition, 
 (printed in Hutchinfon Papers, pp. 223 
 et feq. Prince Society's edition,) he is 
 faid, p. 239, to have been " a church- 
 member, but will be no freeman ; he 
 likes better to be excufed of that trouble 
 
 any 
 
 and charge." He feems to have been 
 drawn into this affair, juft as he was 
 about leaving the country, and as has 
 been remarked, apparently regretted his 
 connexion with it, afterwards. 
 
 Samuel Maverick was a merchant, 
 and probably in the country previous 
 to 1629. He refided on Noddle's Ifland, 
 which was granted to him, April i, 
 1633, (Mafs. Col. Records, i. 96.) In 
 1635-6 he fpent nearly a year in Vir- 
 ginia, returning to Bofton, Auguft 3, 
 1636. Joflelyn, who vifited him in July, 
 1638, fays (Account of Two Voyages, 
 p. 12,) he was " the only hofpitable man 
 in all the Countrey, giving entertain- 
 ment to all Comers gratis." He re- 
 ceived a grant of fix hundred acres 
 from Bofton, on the fame day with 
 Fowle. He had built a fmall fort on 
 Noddle's Iftand, "with the helpeof one 
 Mr. David Tomp/on, placing therein 
 foure Murtherers, to protefl him from 
 the India7ts^" (Johnfon, Wonder-work- 
 ing Providence, p. yj,) and he alfo con- 
 tributed to the ereftion of a fort on 
 Caftle Ifland. Johnfon calls him "a man 
 of a very loving and curteous behaviour, 
 very ready to entertaine ftrangers, yet 
 an enemy to the Reformation in hand, 
 being ftrong for the Lordly Prelaticall 
 power." He was " a freeman, but no 
 member of any church, and the reafon 
 hath beene, his profeffed affedlion to 
 the hierarchic." (Hutch. Papers, i. 239.) 
 
 The 
 
XXVI 
 
 Introdttdion. 
 
 any a6lion could be taken upon it, copies were extenfively 
 difperfed, not only in the neighboring Colonies of Plymouth 
 and Connedticut, but alfo to the New Netherlands, Virginia, 
 
 and 
 
 The date of his death is given by Sav- 
 age, as March lo, 1664. 
 
 Of Thomas Burton, we have been 
 able to find but little mention. He 
 appears to have married Margaret, 
 daughter of John Otis, of Hingham, 
 (N. E. Hift. Gen. Reg. ii. 283-4,) and 
 he may have been one of the inhabit- 
 ants of Hingham, who were concerned 
 in the Petition from that town. The 
 Declaration above quoted, fays he was 
 a " clarke of the prothonotaries office, a 
 fojourner alfo, and of no vifible eftate 
 in the country." 
 
 John Smith, fays Winflow, " formerly 
 lived about two or three yeeres in 
 Bofton, but before this remonfirance, 
 himfelfe and wife were removed to Road 
 Hand, but never had any perfonall in- 
 heritance in the countrey, and was now 
 at the Mafiachufets but as a ftranger." 
 Savage thinks he was probably the 
 perfon who was chief magiftrate of the 
 Colony of Rhode Ifland under its firft 
 charter in 1649. 
 
 David Yale " came to New England 
 in 1637, fettled in New Haven ; in 1645 
 he fettled in Bofton, as a merchant. 
 He bought a houfe and garden of Ed- 
 ward Bendall, 23 Auguft, 1645. Owing 
 probably to the rigorous government 
 here, he returned to England, and did 
 not refide permanently again in this 
 country. On leaving Bofton, he gave 
 Capt. Thomas Clark and Captain Tho- 
 
 mas Lake a power of attorney, dated 
 
 8 Oftober, 1651 His eftate in 
 
 Bofton was on what is now Pemberton 
 Square." (Drake, Hiftory of Bofton, 
 294; Winthrop, ii. 320.) The Declara- 
 tion calls Yale "a young merchant, little 
 acquainted with Commonwealth affairs." 
 Palfrey remarks, (ii. 169, note,) that he 
 " was of fome perfonal confideration. 
 His fifter was the wife of Gov. Hopkins, 
 of Connecticut." 
 
 Of John Dand we can learn but little. 
 Savage prefumes him to have been " a 
 gentleman of fome education, both from 
 his alTociation with thefe petitioners 
 and from the fearching of his Jltidy, in 
 the violent proceedings againft him. 
 Farmer fays he was, eight years after, 
 at Dover." (Winthrop, ii. 321.) We 
 learn from th'e Declaration, that he was 
 " an ould grocer of London, whofe for- 
 getfulnes of the lawes and cuftomes of 
 that citty, and unmindfulnes of his dutie 
 to the government under which he now 
 lives and profpers, we may impute to 
 his age and fome other infirmities." 
 
 In this connection we notice a fingu- 
 lar error of Neale, in his Hiftory of 
 New England. He has confounded the 
 petition of the town of Hingham with 
 that of Childe ; in fpeaking of the for- 
 mer's requeft for a hearing, he gives, 
 (pp. 223-5,) ^" abftraft of Childe's peti- 
 tion, as that of Hingham, and appends 
 the fignatures of Childe and the reft. 
 
Iiitroditction. xxvli 
 
 and the Bermudas, wherever perfons who were " ill-afife6led '» 
 to the government of Maffachufetts could be found/^ 
 
 The courfe of the petitioners excited great feeling, and 
 not a little anxiety among the Colonial leaders. Should the 
 appeal be carried to Parliament, they had reafon to fear that 
 that body might liften to thefe charges, inafmuch as it had 
 already fhown a difpofition to favor Prefbyterianifm, and 
 fliortly after, made it the eflabliflied order. This might lead 
 to placing the control of the civil authorities of the Colonies 
 in the hands of the Prefbyterians, and the injury, if not the 
 deftrudlion of the Independent or Congregational mode of 
 Church government, which they confidered more Scriptural, 
 as well as more confonant to the inftitutions under which 
 they had been accuftomed to a6l, and to which they were 
 ftrongly attached. They regarded the petition as feditious 
 and infulting. It revealed to them, however, that there were 
 weak points in their ecclefiaflical fyflem, and after fome 
 confultation, in which no reference appears to have been 
 made to the petition, they decide to call a Synod, to eflablifli 
 and fettle " a right form of government and difcipline, by 
 
 the 
 
 *' Even after the departure of Vaflal it, and are apt to wonder why fuch men 
 
 and his companions, Samuel Symonds, fhould be troubled that fpeake as they 
 
 of Ipfwich, wrote to Winthrop, " I am doe ; not being able fuddenly to dif- 
 
 informed that coppies of the petition cerne the poyfon in the fweet wine, nor 
 
 are fpreading here, and divers, (fpecially the fire wrapped up in the draw." Felt, 
 
 young men and women,) are taken with Eccl. Hift. i. 593. 
 
xxvlil Introdtiction\ 
 
 the joint and public agreement and confent of churches, 
 and by the fandlion of civil authority." 
 
 All but four of the Maffachufetts churches refponded to 
 the call. One of thefe was the Hingham church ; the 
 reprefentative of another, that of Concord, was unable to 
 come. Bofton and Salem churches were difpleafed with the 
 order of the Court, confidering it an improper affumption of 
 power, but the church of Bofton were at length induced to 
 fend a meffenger, and that of Salem fubfequently came to 
 the fame decifion, but not till after the feffion had com- 
 menced. The Synod had hardly ended the difcuffions 
 which arofe from the obje6lions made by thefe churches to 
 participate in their deliberations, when they found it necef- 
 fary to adjourn, and, fliortly after, the General Court again 
 affembled. 
 
 Though the petition of Childe and his companions did 
 not at once receive formal notice from the General Court, 
 yet neither fide was inadlive in the mean time. Copies 
 of the petition had been extenfively circulated, as we have 
 feen, and " it had given great offence to many godly in the 
 country, both elders and others."'*^ Some of the minifters 
 condemned it in their fermons as " full of malignancie ;" 
 others compared the authors to fons of Belial, and indulged 
 
 "in 
 
 "^Winthrop, ii. 346. 
 
Introductio7t, xxix 
 
 " in large and defamatory declamations" againft them. The 
 magiflrates took a fimilar view; and we are told by the 
 writer of ' New England's Jonas,' that one of them charged 
 a jury to notice it, as it tended to fubvert " the very founda- 
 tions both of church and commonwealth." 
 
 The excitement was great, and " fome anfwers had been 
 made to it, and prefented to the Court." ^^ A committee, 
 confiding of the Governor, Winthrop, Deputy Governor 
 Dudley, Richard Bellingham, and the Auditor General, 
 (Lieut. Nathaniel Duncan,) was appointed " to perufe and 
 examine all the anfwers that are brought into the Court, to 
 the petition of Dr. Childe and Mr. Fowle, &c. and out of 
 all to draw up fuch an anfwer thereto as they thinke mofl 
 meete, and prefent the fame to this Court, &c."'*5 This duty 
 was fpeedily performed, and early in November a Declara- 
 tion in reply was prepared and adopted. 
 
 This Declaration was drawn with ability, and at confider- 
 able length.''^ It was evidently the work of feveral hands. 
 It denies the jurtice of the charges againft the Government, 
 and attempts, in the outfet, to fhow that the petitioners 
 contradi6l themfelves ; it condemns their a6lion as " deeply 
 blamable," and vindicates the policy of the colonial leaders; it 
 inftitutes a comparifon between the laws and " Fundamen- 
 
 talls " 
 
 *^ Winthrop, ii. 346. ■** It occupies twenty-four pages in the 
 
 ** Mafs. Col. Rec. ii. 162. Hutch. Papers, i. 223-47, Prince Soc. Ed. 
 
 £ 
 
XXX Introdttction, 
 
 tails " of the Maffachufetts on the one hand, and Magna 
 Charta, and the common law of England on the other, 
 Ihowing that the laws of the Colony were not repugnant to 
 thofe of the Mother country, "for then they muft be contrary 
 to the law of God, and of right reafon; " and " if anything 
 hath been otherwife eftabliflied, it was an error, and not a 
 law, being againfl the intent of the law-makers, however it 
 may bear the form of a law, until it be revoked."'*^ It clofes 
 with an endeavor to fliow the fallacy of the petitioners' 
 reafoning in ecclefiaftical matters, and that they had no 
 perfonal ground of complaint. 
 
 As Childe and his advifers threatened an appeal to Par- 
 liament, the relation in which the Colony flood to England 
 came up for confideration, and the elders were requefted to 
 advife the magiftrates on that point, and alfo whether the 
 government was founded upon the Charter, or not ; if it 
 was, then what fubje6lion was due to England. " The 
 magiftrates delivered their minds firft, that the elders might 
 have the better light for their advice." "-^ They decided that 
 the Colony was dependent on England for prote6tion and 
 the immunities of Engliflimen, and owed allegiance and 
 fidelity to that realm, having received the power of gov- 
 ernment thence by charter ; but that by the patent full 
 and ample power was granted to make laws and adminifter 
 
 juflice, 
 
 " Winthrop, ii. 352. . '•'* Ibid, ii. 341. 
 
Introduction. xxxi 
 
 juftice, and no appeals or other modes of interruption could 
 lie ; neither was it in accordance with their privilege or 
 dignity to plead their right and power, " further than in a 
 way of j unification." " If the Parliament fliould be lefs 
 inclinable to us, we muft wait upon Providence for the 
 prefervation of our juft liberties." '^^ 
 
 The Supply was preparing to fail for England, and the 
 Court, finding that Fowle was intending to go in it, called 
 him before them, with Smith, who was then in town, and 
 required them to find fureties for their appearance when the 
 Court fliould be ready to confider their application. This 
 they were not prepared to do, defiring " they might anfwer 
 prefently," as they were ready to depart. They alfo obje(5led 
 to the proceedings on the ground that the other petitioners 
 had not been called with them. Accordingly, the reft were 
 fummoned, and all appeared, with the exception of Maverick. 
 
 Dr. Childe, who was " the chief fpeaker, demanded what 
 fhould be laid to their charge, feeing it was no offence to 
 prefer a petition." ^^ The Court replied that they did not 
 queftion them for that, " but for fuch mifcarriages as appeared 
 in their petition." Childe then defired to know what charge 
 was made againft them, and was anfwered that it was not 
 then ready, and the petitioners would not have been called 
 
 upon, 
 
 « Winthrop, ii. 345. . '" Ibid, ii. 347. 
 
xxxii Introdtidion, 
 
 upon, had it not been that fome of them were upon the 
 point of departure, and therefore the Court required fureties 
 for their appearance. " The Do6lor, etc., ftill demanded 
 what offence they had committed for which they fliould find 
 fureties. Upon this preffmg, one claufe in their petition 
 was read to them, which was this, our brethren of England's 
 jufl; indignation againft us, fo as they fly from us as from a 
 peft, etc., whereby they lay a great fcandal upon the country, 
 etc. This was fo clear as they could not evade it, but 
 quarrelled with the Court, with high terms. The Do6lor 
 faid they did beneath themfelves in petitioning to us, etc. 
 and in conclufion appealed to the Commiffioners in Eng- 
 land."^' 
 
 The Governor would not allow their appeal, and " The 
 Court let them know that they did take notice of their 
 contemptuous fpeeches and behaviour, as fliould further 
 appear in due time. In conclufion, Mr. Fowle and Mr. 
 Smith were committed to the marflial for want of fureties, 
 and the reft were enjoined to attend the Court when they 
 fliould be cafled. So they were difmiffed, and Mr. Fowle, 
 etc. found fureties before night, and were fet at liberty." ^^ 
 Winflow fays that " they withftood for an houre or there- 
 abouts " the order of the Court, "and were that time under 
 
 the 
 
 *' Winthrop, ii. 347. The account is bafed on Winthrop, whofe language 
 which Hubbard gives, p. 514-5, not only he has ufed with fcarcely any alteration. 
 of this fcene, but of the whole affair, »« Ibid, 
 
Introdtictio7i. xxxiil 
 
 the marfliall's cuflody, but no fooner advifed they with our 
 Salamander their Counfell, but hee advifed them to give 
 fecurity, which they accordingly did, and fo were difmiffed ; 
 now this I fuppofe was becaufe hee was to goe to Tea with 
 them immediately, which they accordingly did." " 
 
 A committee was then appointed to examine the petition, 
 and draft charges againft Childe and the other figners. 
 They reported a lift of twelve charges, declaring the petition 
 contained " divers falfe and fcandalous paffages ; " that it 
 defamed the rulers and the wifdom of the Court: that 
 it opened the afflicftions God had been pleafed to exercife 
 them with, and imputed them to the evil of the government: 
 that it charged them with injury to a great part of the people, 
 perfuading them that their liberties and privileges belong to 
 all, whereas they belonged only to thofe the Governor and 
 Company thought fit to receive into that fellowfliip : that it 
 infinuated an intention, on the part of thofe in authority, to 
 exercife an unwarranted dominion, telling the people of an 
 intolerable bondage that would enfue : that it attempted to 
 weaken the authority of the laws, by perfuading the people 
 that they could expe(5l no fure enjoyment of life and liberty 
 under them : that it falfely charged the Colony with 
 denying non-freemen the liberty of votes in certain matters, 
 when in fa(5l they were allowed that privilege : that it tended 
 
 to 
 
 M 3d Mafs. Hift. Soc. Coll. ii. 124. 
 
xxxiv Introdtidion, 
 
 to feditlon by Infmuating that many thoufands were fecretly 
 difcontented : that it ilandered the difclpline of the churches 
 and civil government, by affirming that the frame and dif- 
 penfation thereof were fuch, that godly, fober and peaceable 
 men could not live here like Chriftians : that it charged the 
 rulers with tyranny, in preffmg men, and laying illegal 
 rates : that it affirmed Chriftian vigilance was not exercifed 
 towards thofe not in church-fellowfliip, when they knew the 
 contrary was true : that " having throwne all this fliame and 
 dirte upon our churches and government, they endevor to 
 fett it on, that it might fllcke fail, fo as all men maight 
 undoubtedly be perfwaded of the reallity thereof, by pro- 
 claiming it in their conclufion that our owne brethren in 
 England have full indignation againfl us for the fame : and 
 that refufmg to anfwer and appealing from this government, 
 they difclaimed its jurifdi6lion before they knew whether 
 the Court would give any fentence againft them or not." ^^ 
 
 The petitioners were then fummoned before the Court, 
 and heard their petition read, which the record flates the 
 Court confidered " derrogating from the honnor and author- 
 ity of the fame, and tending to fedition." " The charges 
 were made " in the open Court, before a great affembly," and 
 time was given them to prepare their reply. " Giving the 
 
 Court 
 
 " Mafs. Col. Records, iii. 90, 91. " Mafs. Col. Records, iii. 90. 
 Winthrop, ii. 348-35°- 
 
Introdttctio7t, xxxv 
 
 Court notice that their anfwer was ready, they affembled 
 again, and before all the people caufed their anfwer to be 
 read, which was large, and to little purpofe, and the Court 
 replied to the particulars, extempore^ as they were read." ^^ 
 
 The anfwer of the petitioners ftates the grounds on which 
 their complaints were bafed, juftifies their affertions, and 
 denies both the imputed fedition and the juftice of the 
 charges ; while the reply of the Court declares their com- 
 plaints are not warranted by the fa(fts, that their reafoning 
 is fallacious and contradictory, and that their petition was 
 fcornful, and flighting to the authority of the government. 
 As might be imagined, neither party was convinced by the 
 arguments that they were in the wrong, and the " petitioners 
 perfifling thus obflinately and proudly in their evil pra6lice," 
 the Court proceeded to enforce their views by fining Dr. 
 Childe, for the reafon that he had " no caufe to complain, 
 and yet was a leader to the reft, and had carried himfelf 
 proudly in the Court," fifty pounds. " Mr. Smith (being alfo 
 a flranger) forty pounds, Mr. Maverick (becaufe he had not 
 as yet appealed) ten pounds, and the other four, thirty pounds 
 each." 57 
 
 When 
 
 **Winthrop, ii. 350, where the fub; " Ibid, p. 355, where Savage remarks 
 fiance both of the anfwer and the reply on this judgment: " Surprife almoft 
 is given at confiderable length, occupy- equals our indignation at this exorbi- 
 ing upwards of five pages. tant impofition, for in this very year 
 
 Fowie 
 
XXXVl 
 
 hitroduction. 
 
 When they were called before the Court to hear their 
 fentence, " they were exhorted to confider better of their 
 proceedings, and take knowledge of their mifcarriage which 
 
 was great They were offered alfo, if they would 
 
 ingenuoufly acknowledge their mifcarriage, it fliould be 
 freely remitted." This they refufed to do, and they were 
 accordingly fined. " Upon which they all appealed to the 
 Parliament, and tendered their appeal in writing. The Court 
 received the paper, but refufed to accept it, or to read it in 
 the Court." ^^ All however did not fuftain thefe proceedings ; 
 Bellingham, Saltonflall, and Bradftreet "diffented, anddefired 
 to be entered cojitradicentes, . . . Two or three ^^ of the 
 deputies did the like." 
 
 Maverick does not appear in the matter after this, and 
 either becaufe of his fervices to the Colony, or his quiet 
 
 fubmiffion 
 
 Fowle was aflbciated with Winthrop as 
 one of the feleftmen of Bofton, and 
 Maverick was fo much interefted in the 
 great work of fortifying Caftle Ifland, 
 that he advanced a large part of the 
 outlay, and the metropoHs engaged to 
 fave him harmlefs to a certain extent." 
 We find the following comments in 
 Chalmers, Pol. Annals, pp. 179, 180. 
 " A petition which would now appear 
 fo humble and fo reafonable, we ought 
 naturally to infer, met with the moft 
 gracious attention. But no conclufion, 
 however, would be more erroneous." 
 . . . . " The circumflances of that 
 
 fignal tranfaflion exhibit the truefl 
 pi(5lure of the ancient government of 
 MafTachufetts, and difplay thofe princi- 
 ples of aggrandifement which it feenis 
 to have had conftantly in view, as the 
 only rules of its condu6l." . . . . " The 
 Parliament, probably influenced by the 
 intrigues of the agents, or too much 
 engaged in their own important affairs, 
 took no cognizance of this extraordinary 
 tranfadlion. And the petitioners never 
 received any redrefs." 
 
 *nVinthrop, ii. 356. 
 
 *3 Palfrey fays, " Foiir Deputies op- 
 pofed the fentence." ii. 175. 
 
Introduction, xxxvii 
 
 fubmiffion to a fuperior power, received a lighter punifliment 
 than otherwife he might have anticipated. The Court did 
 not confider him " blame worthy in the matter of appeale,'"^ 
 and his fine was the lightefl of thofe firfl levied. Not long 
 after, however, he incurred the difpleafure of the Court, and 
 was charged with aiding to procure fignatures to a petition 
 to the Commiffioners, with " Mr. Clerk of Salem, the keeper 
 of the ordinary there, and a church member,"^' and was with 
 him " bound over to anfwer it at the next general court ; " 
 and his name was found attached to the Remonllrance 
 addreffed to Parliament. In May, 1647, he was further 
 fined, for " being party to the confpiracy," and for "breaking 
 his oath and appealing," ^^ one hundred and fifty pounds, 
 and to be imprifoned till paid " or fecurity given for it." 
 Two years after, in May, 1649, a review of his cafe was 
 granted ; the i6th of that month, his petition for the remif- 
 fion of the fine received the favorable confideration of the 
 Deputies, who voted to remit one hundred pounds, but the 
 Magiflrates refufed to concur.^^ In June, 1650, however, 
 by confent of the Court, one half of his fine was remitted.'^'* 
 
 Vaffal was in Bofton, when the petitioners were arraigned, 
 and was confulted by them, but as his name was not attached 
 to the document, the government were unable to include 
 
 him 
 
 ®" Mafs. Col. Rec. iii. 94. *Mbid, 167. His petition may be 
 
 ^' Winthrop, ii. 367. found on p. 166. 
 
 "* Mafs. Col. Rec. iii. 1 13. «^ Ibid, 200. 
 
 F 
 
XXX vi i i Introduction. 
 
 him in the punifliment which was inflicted on the reft, and 
 he efcaped their diredl cenfure, and failed for England. 
 Yale, though he probably continued to refide in Bofton 
 until near the clofe of 1651, when he is fuppofed to have 
 returned to England, did not unite openly in the fubfequent 
 proceedings of Childe, and was not again molefted. 
 
 Dr. Childe, with Smith and Dand, was indifpofed to fubmit 
 quietly to the fentence of the General Court. Immediately 
 after prefenting their petition, copies of it were extenfively 
 circulated in the neighboring Colonies, and Virginia and 
 the Bermuda Iflands were not too diftant to feel an intereft 
 in their labors.^^ With thefe copies another petition was 
 circulated, addreffed to Parliament, purporting "to be in the 
 name and on the fighs and tears of many thoufands " of non- 
 freemen. After declaring that they were driven from their 
 native country by the tyranny of the bifliops, it went on to 
 pray for liberty of confcience, a general governor, &c. " The 
 thing they would have," fays Winflow,^^ "is that any Englifli- 
 man may, nolens volens, take his habitation in any govern- 
 ment, bee as free as the beft, &c. thus breaking all order, 
 charters, and peace of focieties : for if he be Englifli borne, 
 (by their principles,) no governmente may refufe him, be he 
 never fo peflilent, whether Jefuite or worfe." Agents were 
 employed to procure fignatures, but, fays Winthrop,^^ of the 
 
 many 
 
 «* Winflow, 3d Mafs. Hift. Soc. Coll. *« Ibid, p. 122. 
 ii. 116. *' Wintbrop, ii. 358. 
 
httroduction, xxxix 
 
 many thoufands in whofe name it was pretended to be made, 
 only twenty.five were found to fign it, " and thofe were, (for 
 the moil part) either young men who came over fervants, 
 and never had any fhow of religion in them, or fifliermen of 
 Marblehead, profane perfons, divers of them brought the 
 laft year from Newfoundland to fifli a feafon, and fo to return 
 again ; others were fuch as were drawn in by their relations, 
 men of no reafon neither, as a barber of Bofton, who being 
 demanded by the governour, what moved him to fet his 
 hand, made anfwer that the gentlemen were his cuflomers, 
 etc. and thefe are the men, who muft be held forth to the 
 parliament as driven out of England by the Bifliops, etc. 
 and whofe fighs and tears mufl move compaffion." 
 
 While documents like thefe were circulating through the 
 Colonies, Dr. Childe was haftily preparing to return to Eng- 
 land, with Vaffal and Fowle ; and expelling foon to fail, 
 " many high and menacing words were given forth " againft 
 the authorities. The Governor and thofe who fympathifed 
 with him, now confidered what courfe to take againft Childe 
 and his companions, and concealing their plans from thofe 
 of the magiftrates who had differed with them in the previous 
 votes, they agreed to detain him, nominally to fecure the 
 payment of the fine, until the veffel had departed. At firft 
 they intended to defer the arreft of Dr. Childe until after he 
 had embarked, but the previous evening their plan was 
 
 difcovered 
 
xl Introduction, 
 
 difcovered, and it became neceffary to put it in execution at 
 
 once. 
 
 Officers were accordingly fent to arreft Childe and Dand 
 at the fame moment, and to fearch them. Childe's trunk, 
 which he had ready to take on board with him, was exam- 
 ined, but nothing objedionable was found. At Dand s they 
 were more fuccefsful. Here they found " Mr. Smith, who 
 catched up fome papers, and when the officer took them from 
 him, he brake out into thefe fpeeches, viz. we hope fliortly 
 we fhall have commiffion to fearch the governour's clofet."^ 
 
 The papers feized were the petition from non-freemen, 
 already defcribed ; another, figned by Childe and his affo- 
 ciates, addreffed to the Commiffioners for Plantations, def- 
 cribing in ftrong terms the treatment they had received, 
 mentioning that a day of humiliation had been appointed, 
 " wherein they were to pray againft them,"^' ^nd then afking 
 
 fubflantially 
 
 «* Winthrop, ii. p. 357. within fight of their deflination, a ftorm 
 
 •' Though a general Fafi: had been ap- arofe which carried away their raft, and 
 
 pointed by the Court, yet the paftor of endangered their lives. Some of their 
 
 the Hingham church, (Hobart,) and mafts and planks were recovered, but 
 
 others there "made light of it, and on arriving at Caftle Ifland they were 
 
 fome faid they would not fafl againft forced back again, and were fo detained 
 
 Dr. Childe and themfelves." Two men by contrary winds, that it was a month 
 
 from Hingham, named Pitt and John- before they could bring all the remain- 
 
 fon, ftarted for Bofton the day previous, der to Bofton. This was confidered as 
 
 knowing they could not arrive there a fpecial providence, and an evidence 
 
 before the Faft, but when they were of the Divine difpleafure at their courfe. 
 
 It 
 
Introduction, xli 
 
 fubflantially the fame things as the Petition already prefented 
 to the General Court, with fome additional requefls. Befide 
 thefe documents was a paper of twenty-three queries, in 
 reference to the validity of the patent, and how it might be 
 forfeited, and whether certain a(5ls and fpeeches from promi- 
 nent men were not high treafon, with others of a kindred 
 nature. Thefe papers were in the handwriting of Dr. 
 Childe. 
 
 Having thus fecured evidence upon which to bafe their 
 a(5lion, the Governor and Council ordered the prifoners to 
 be brought before them. Winthrop remarks that when 
 Childe was arrefted, he " fell into a great paffion, and gave 
 big words, but being told that they confidered he was a 
 perfon of quality, and therefore he fliould be ufed with fuch 
 refpecfl as was meet to be fliowed to a gentleman and a 
 fcholar, but if he would behave himfelf no better, he fhould 
 be committed to the common prifon^° and clapped in irons. 
 
 Upon 
 
 It is interefling to notice, however, that and minifter matter of infulting to the 
 
 not long before, when the elders were adverfe party," is evidenced by the vote, 
 
 returning from Hingham, after vainly May 26, 1647, when the keeper and 
 
 attemptingtofettle the differences there, conftables were authorized to " huire 
 
 they encountered a tempeftin the night, two able men fuch as may be trufted," 
 
 which kept them twenty-four hours in or to imprefs them, if they could not be 
 
 their boat, and put their lives in danger, hired, that the prifoners might be 
 
 but no fuch evidence was then difcov- guarded day and night, and when they 
 
 ered. See Winthrop, ii. 373, and 288. went to "the publike meetings." Thefe 
 
 '" The condition of the prifon, and affiftants were to be paid three fliillings 
 
 the apprehenfions of the Government a day, out of the fines of the prifoners. 
 
 left the prifoners fhould efcape, and thus See Mafs. Col. Records, ii. 196. 
 *' reflect much diflionor upon the Courte, 
 
xlii 
 
 Introduction, 
 
 Upon this he grew more calm ; fo he was committed to the 
 marfhal, with Smith and Dand, for two or three days, till 
 the fliips were gone." ^' He was greatly troubled at the delay, 
 and offered to pay his fine, but this was not accepted by the 
 government. " His confinement he took grievoufly," fays 
 Winthrop, " but he could not help iC After the departure 
 of the Supply, however, he was admitted to bail, in the fum 
 of ;^8oo, though confined to his houfe, or as New England's 
 Jonas fays, to the house of Mr. Leder.^^ 
 
 Smith and Dand^^ were committed to prifon, but lodged 
 in the keeper's houfe, having " what diet they pleafed," and 
 
 their 
 
 " Winthrop, ii. 358. 
 
 '* We fuppofe this Mr. Leder to have 
 been the agent of the " iron works," in 
 which Childe was interefted. 
 
 " When Band's rtudy was fearched, a 
 young man named Thomas Joy, a car- 
 penter, was found " to be very bufy." 
 He had been employed to get fignatures 
 to the petition among non-freemen, and 
 he inquired if the warrant was in the 
 King's name. For this impertinent 
 queflion, the marflial arrefled him, and 
 he was kept in irons four or five days. 
 This unexpected treatment humbled 
 him to fuch a degree, that he " blamed 
 himfelf for meddling in matters belong- 
 ing not to him," confefled what he knew, 
 and " bleffed God for thefe irons upon 
 his legs, hoping they fhould do him 
 good while he lived." Upon this repen- 
 tance he was " let out upon reafonable 
 bail." (Winthrop, ii. 359.) In the Inter- 
 charter papers in the MafTachufetts Ar- 
 
 chives, quoted by Mr. W. H. Whitmore 
 in the Firft Volume of the Andros 
 Trads, (Prince Society's Publications, 
 p. 1 ,6 ) is a long lift of charges againft 
 Sir Edmond Andros and his "arbitrary 
 government," forty years later than 
 thefe proceedings of the MafTachufetts 
 Colony. Among thefe charges, one of 
 the graveft in the eyes of his accufers, 
 was that certain warrants, iflued by his 
 direction, did not tun in the King's 
 name, — efpecially one for railing taxes 
 in Ipfwich ; and on this ground the 
 people there defended themfelves for 
 refufing to pay them. The paper bears 
 this endorfement : — '■'■Nota. There was 
 formerly orders from England that all 
 warrants fhould runn in his Majefties 
 name, «&; oh the very great damage the 
 omiffion of this hath done." 
 
 The lapfe of forty years had evidently 
 affeded the views of the Colonifts on 
 the fubjedl of Royal warrants. 
 
Introduction. xHii 
 
 their friends were allowed to vifit them. They refufed to 
 be examined, and therefore were not bailed, and the govern- 
 ment juftified its courfe toward them on the ground that 
 their offence was " in nature capital." 
 
 May 26, 1647, the fentence of the Court was pronounced, 
 and Childe and Dand were each fined two hundred pounds, 
 Smith and Burton, one hundred pounds each, and Maverick, 
 as has been mentioned above, one hundred and fifty pounds. 
 Not long after, Smith and Dand gave fecurity to pay their 
 fines, and " were bailed to the general court." ^'^ Dr. Childe 
 was offered his liberty on the fame terms, but declined, and 
 " chofe rather to go to prifon, and fo he was committed," and 
 the Court ordered that " if all the prifoners of Dr. Childe's 
 confpiracy flialbe once difcharged out of prifon except one 
 or two, the keeper fliall keepe fuch one or two of them in 
 irons, except they will be at charge of fuch guarde as the 
 magiftrates of Bofton fhall appoint over them."" 
 
 In the following Ocftober, it would feem by the Colonial 
 Records, (ii, 199,) Dr. Childe had obtained his freedom, and 
 had returned to Europe, leaving the fine of fifty pounds, 
 adjudged againft him in the previous November, fiill unpaid. 
 He owned flock in the iron works to the value of ^450, 
 and the auditor general was authorized to fell enough of it 
 to meet that fum. 06lober 19, 1650, " Mr. John Winthrop " 
 
 was 
 
 ^* Winthrop, ii. 367. " Mafs. Col. Rec. ii. 196. 
 
xHv Introduction, 
 
 was confidered liable for " a part of Dodor Childs fine," 
 amounting to ^40/^ and Odober 14, 1 65 1 , being ftill a debtor 
 for that amount, it was " given him, in confideration of 
 fervice done for this country in England."^' 
 
 John Dand petitioned to have his fine remitted, and, 
 November 11, 1647, the Court voted "that if he fliall tender 
 fuch acknowledgement before or at the Quarter Court as 
 the faid Court, with a committee of the deputies .... or the 
 greater part of them fliall approve, and give fufficient fecurity 
 to the auditor generall for /50 to be paid into the Treafurer 
 within fix months now next coming, he fhall then be dif- 
 charged."^^ May 10, 1648, he was, by vote of the Court, 
 freed from his imprifonment, and his fine " readily remitted 
 him," he having made fatisfadory acknowledgment of his 
 errors.^^ 
 
 Burton was not only fined, but while on his way to confult 
 with Dr. Childe, fell, and was obliged to lie in the cold a 
 half hour, till he could be carried home, where "he continued 
 in great pain, and lame divers months." This was regarded 
 as a fpecial providence by Winthrop, who fays Burton him- 
 felf had gathered fome providences about thofe who were 
 againft the petitioners, and was troubled " leaft this provi- 
 dence 
 
 7«Mafs. Col. Rec. iii. 219. "^^ Mafs. Col. Rec. ii. 204. 
 
 "Ibid, p. 256. ^'Ibid, p. 241. 
 
Introduction. xlv 
 
 dence which now befel him, fhould be imputed to their 
 
 caufe."^° 
 
 After Childe returned to England, he flill endeavored to 
 carry out his plans, but met with no fuccefs. Of his move- 
 ments there, we find the following account in Hubbard, 
 (p. 518,) which is taken, with but flight alteration, from 
 Winthrop, (ii. 342.) " Dr. Childe alfo preferred a petition 
 to the Committee on Plantations againfl New-England, and 
 put in Mr. Thomas Fowle his name among others, but he 
 hearing of it, protefled againft it, for (as he faid) God had 
 brought him very low, both in his eftate and reputation fmce 
 he joined in the firft petition. But it miffed the mark, how 
 diredlly foever it was levelled againft the country, and not 
 being able to effe61: his defign that way, he attempted 
 another fort of revenge, by reproaching the place and the 
 fautors thereof. For falling in talk with Mr. Willoughby 
 upon the Exchange, (who not long before belonged to Charlef" 
 town of New-England) he flew out in fcurrilous language 
 againft the people of New-England, faying they were a 
 company of rogues and knaves. Mr. Willoughby anfwered 
 that he who fpake fo was a knave, whereupon the Dod^or 
 gave him a box on the ear. Mr. Willoughby was ready to 
 have clofed with him, &c. but being upon the Royal Exchange 
 was ftayed, but prefently arrefted him. When the Do6lor 
 
 faw 
 
 ^ Winthrop, ii. 367-8. 
 
xlvi Introduction. 
 
 faw the danger he was in, he employed fome friends to make 
 his peace ; by whom he was perfuaded to give five pounds 
 to the poor of New-England, and to give Mr. Willoughby 
 open fatisfadion in the full Exchange, and to give it under 
 his hand never to fpeak evil of New-England men after, nor 
 to occafion any trouble to the country, or to any of the 
 people, all of which he gladly performed." We are further 
 informed by Winthrop, that " God had fo blafted his eftate, 
 as he was quite broken." Vaffal, finding no encouragement 
 to remain in England, and that his petitions were not 
 noticed, " went to Barbados." 
 
 The excitements incident upon the trial and execution of 
 King Charles, the civil war, and the acceffion of Cromwell, 
 with the confequent diflurbances in England, diverted public 
 attention from thefe affairs in a diftant Colony, and the 
 efforts of the petitioners failed to produce any immediate 
 change in ^Maffachufetts policy. Governor Winthrop re- 
 ceived a letter from Fenwick,^' in the fpring following Childe's 
 arrefl, in which he advifed the grant of certain privileges to 
 non-freemen ; and the General Court were fomewhat influ- 
 enced by the advice of an affiflant who was eledted from 
 
 Lynn, 
 
 " Col. George Fenwick, Winthrop's ticularly in the Conneflicut patent, he 
 
 advifer, was a warm friend of the rulers was chofen one of the magiftrates of 
 
 of New England. He held his com- that Colony in 1648. He died in Eng- 
 
 miffion under Cromwell, by whom he land early in 1657. 
 was highly efteemed. Interefted par- 
 
Introduction, xlvii 
 
 Lynn,^^ and whofe fympathies were to fome extent with the 
 petitioners; but afide from this, nothing but difafler and 
 trouble were the apparent refults, fo far as Childe and his 
 companions were concerned. 
 
 In confequence of the advice of Fenwick, and the labors 
 of Bridges, non-freemen, who fhould take the oath of fidel- 
 ity, were to be allowed to ferve as jurymen, to have a vote 
 in the choice of feledmen, the affeffment of taxes, and 
 '* other prudentialls, proper to the fele6lmen of the feveral 
 towns ; " but the government continued to require that ' the 
 major part of all companies of feled men ' fliould be free- 
 men, in order to render any a(5l of theirs valid. 
 
 The courfe purfued by the government in the treatment 
 of the petitioners, and the arrefl of Childe on the eve of his 
 departure, has been generally confide red arbitrary and intol- 
 erant.^^ They feem to have regarded Childe as the moft to 
 be feared of any of the malcontents, and they accordingly 
 decided to detain him, at all events. Whether their motive 
 fhould be fought in their fufpicions of his character, — for 
 many regarded him as fecretly a Jefuit fpy,^* — in a miftaken 
 
 eflimate 
 
 8J Robert Bridges. See Felt, Eccle- «* Felt, Eccl. Hiftory, i. 597 : Win- 
 
 fiaftical Hiftory, i. 596. flow,»N. E. Salamander, 2d Mafs. Hift. 
 
 "See note by Savage in Winthrop, Soc. Coll.ii. in. The poffible grounds 
 
 ii. 355 : Chalmers, Political Annals, pp. for this fufpicion are referred to in note 
 
 179, 180; Drake, Hiftory of Bofton, p. 41. 
 297 ; et cet. 
 
xl vl i i Introd2iction, 
 
 eftimate of his influence in England ; in their fear left, as a 
 refult of the threatened appeal, the Prefbyterian form of 
 church government might be impofed upon the New Eng- 
 land churches by a Parliament who had already made it the 
 flanding order in the mother country ; in their anxiety to 
 enable their own agent to foreflall any movements their 
 adverfaries might propofe in England ; or in a fcarce con- 
 cealed determination to maintain their independence of 
 parliamentary control, even at the rifk of lofmg all their 
 chartered privileges ; — whether any or all of thefe motives 
 had an influence over their refolution to prevent his return, 
 it would be difficult now to determine. If the lafl: be the 
 true motive, and Childe was regarded as the means which 
 might involve the Colony in a confli(5l with a power which 
 it was not yet flrong enough to hope to refifl;, there was a 
 far deeper fatire in the title *' New England's Jonas," than 
 any its authors fufpe6led. 
 
 The times were critical. The refult of the conteft in 
 England was uncertain ; but the temper of the General 
 Court could not be miftaken. The fpirit of independence, 
 which finally produced the war of the Revolution, manifefls 
 itfelf with no doubtful utterances in the declaration, " If 
 Parliament fhould be lefs inclinable to us, we mufl; wait upon 
 Providence for the prefervation of our jufl liberties." We 
 find another evidence of their feeling in Winflow's denial of 
 
 the 
 
Introduction. xlix 
 
 the right of Parh'ament to legiflate for the Colonies who 
 were not reprefented there: — " If the ParHament of Eng- 
 land," faid he,^5 " fhould impofe lawes upon us, having no 
 Burgeffes in the houfe of Commons, nor capable of a fum- 
 mons by reafon of the vafl diftance of the ocean, being 
 three thoufand miles from London, then wee (hould lofe the 
 libertie and freedome I conceived, of Englifh indeed, where 
 every fhire and corporation, by. their Knights and Burgeffes, 
 make and confent to their laws, and fo oppofe whatfoever 
 they conceive may be hurtfull to them." 
 
 While people and rulers were fo determined to maintain 
 what they believed to be their charter privileges, they had 
 not arrived at the point from which they could take an 
 enlarged and liberal view of religious freedom. Some 
 among them, like Sir Richard Saltonftall,^^ Roger Williams 
 and others, were ready and defirous that civil rulers fhould 
 refrain from attempting to control the confcience of private 
 citizens, but their ideas were unpopular, and met with 
 determined oppofition. The plant of religious freedom had 
 but flow growth under the chilly fkies of Maffachufetts. In 
 Rhode Ifland it was nurtured with care, and liberty of con- 
 fcience became one of the mofl valued privileges ; Connecfti- 
 cut followed with more tardy fleps, and, in the year 1669, 
 
 for 
 
 8» N. E. Salamander, 2d Mafs. Hift. ^* See his letter as quoted in Felt, 
 Soc. Coll. ii. 138-9. Ecclefiallical Hiftory, ii. 60-1. 
 
1 Introduction, 
 
 for the firfl time, other denominations befide the Congrega- 
 tlonallfts ^^ were tolerated by law. 
 
 In the Eledllon fermon of Thomas Shepard, 1672, he 
 remarked : " To tolerate all things, and to tolerate nothing, 
 (Its an old and true maxim,) both are intolerable." The 
 next year, on the fame occafion, Urian Oakes followed in a 
 fimilar ftrain : " I profefs I am heartily for all due modera- 
 tion. Neverthelefs I muft add, that I look upon an un- 
 bounded toleration as the firft born of all abominations." 
 That any toleration was allowable, was a conceffion on 
 the part of the clergy ; but the idea had taken root, and we 
 find the Rev. William Hubbard, in 1676, pleading for the 
 Baptifts, who, lefs than a generation before, had been obliged 
 to feek another home to efcape perfecutlon. 
 
 It would be foreign to our purpofe to trace the later 
 growth of this principle in Maffachufetts, and its final adop- 
 tion by the government ; but we think the firft organized 
 movement in its behalf, will be found in the efforts of Vaffal 
 and Childe. The feed they planted, at laft ripened and bore 
 fruit, though they reaped not the increafe, and were regarded 
 as malignant difturbers of the public peace. 
 
 It only remains to fay, that in the following reprint we 
 
 have 
 
 '"'Ibid, p. 471. The General Affem- orthodox and found in the fundamen- 
 bly granted this privilege, May 13, 1669, tails of the Chriftian religion." 
 to thofe " approved according to law as 
 
Introduction. li 
 
 have followed the copy in the Boflon Athenasum, In fpelling, 
 pun6lu^ion, &c., with the greatefl care, and the pages of the 
 original are marked by figures in brackets. As the Tra6l 
 is of confiderable rarity, a defcription of the original may 
 not be uninterefting. The fize of the page is about feven 
 by five and one-fourth inches. Around the title page is a 
 "metal border "compofed of four different kinds of "flowers," 
 as they are technically termed. On the top is the fleur-de- 
 lis ; on the right hand fide of the page, they reprefent pine- 
 apples ; on the left, heraldic rofes ; and on the bottom is a 
 row of fmaller ornaments, fomewhat refembling thofe on the 
 top, but much reduced. With the exception of the border, 
 our Title page is as exa(5l a copy, line for line, as modern- 
 antique types will allow. 
 
 The original copy of the Tradl is paged in the mofl; eccen- 
 tric manner, as will be feen by the following collation. 
 The Title and verfo are not reckoned in the paging. The 
 fecond leaf, on which the Preface begins, has folio i, and the 
 fignature is A 2 ; the paging then runs forward regularly as 
 far as page 14. Page 7, (which is really the ninth page of 
 the Trad,) has fignature B, and page 9, fignature B 2. The 
 next folio to 14 is 9, which is fignatured C.^^ The verfo of 
 
 this 
 
 *8 The copy in the Athenaeum has the land's Jonas in the Library of Mr. John 
 
 remaining fignature and the laft hne of Carter Brown correfponds exadly with 
 
 the laft page trimmed off. We are the above. His " copy is quite perfe<5l, 
 
 informed by Hon. J. Ruffell Bartlett, of and has all the fignatures properly 
 
 Providence, that the copy of New Eng- marked." 
 
lii Introduction. 
 
 this page has folio 8 ; the next page has folio 9 again, and 
 the verfo is paged as 1 2 ; the next folio is 1 3, and the verfo 
 12; the next, 13 again, and the verfo is printed in fmaller 
 type, and wider meafure, without a folio or running title, in 
 order to bring the whole Trad into twenty-four pages. It 
 will thus be feen that there are three pages of each of the 
 following folios, — 9,*! 2, and 13. To prevent confufion, we 
 have noted the beginning of each page of the original by its 
 true number, except that we have followed the original in 
 calling the firft page of the Preface page i, inftead of the 
 Title. 
 
 So far as we have been able to difcover, no complete 
 reprint of New England's Jonas has been made, with the 
 exception of that in Force's Trads, (where it forms the 
 third document in the fourth volume, making twenty-four 
 pages,) though a portion has been reprinted in the Collec- 
 tions of the Maffachufetts Hiftorical Society. 
 
i NEW-ENGLANDS t 
 
 IJONASI 
 
 t Caft up at I 
 
 LONDON: 
 
 I LONDON: | 
 
 ^ OR -f 
 
 t^A Relation of the Proceeding's oi% 
 
 ^ the Court at Bojlon in New-England againfl di- ^ 
 
 «^ vers honeft and godly perfons, for Petitioning for Go- -^ 
 
 *^ vernment in the Common-wealth, according to the Lawes of *^ 
 
 *^ England, and for admittance of themfelves and children *§* 
 
 ■^ to the Sacrament in their Churches ; and in cafe *^ 
 
 ^ that fhould not be granted, for leave to *J* 
 
 *£* have Miniflers and Church-govern- ]X 
 
 ^ ment according to the beft ^ 
 
 ^ Reformation of ^«- ^ 
 
 ^ gland and Scotland. ^ 
 
 *^ Together with a Confutation of fome Reports •«* 
 
 .^ of a fained Miracle upon the forefaid Petition, being ^ 
 
 ^ thrown over-board at Sea ; As alfo a brief Anfwer to fome *|* 
 
 X paffages in a late Book (entituled Hypocrifie umtiajked) ^ 
 
 ^ fet out by Mr. Winjlowe, concerning the Inde- ^ 
 
 ^ pendent Churches holding communion ^ 
 
 ^ with the Reformed Churches. «^ 
 
 ^ ♦€* 
 
 I By Major John Child. | 
 
 ^ ^-^ ^ 
 
 ^ London. Printed for T, R. and E. M. 1647. !^ 
 
 ^ it 
 
 •■[v <^ (4^ ^ <^ ^ (4^ (^ <^ (^ ^ (^ <^ 
 
The Preface. 
 
 Courteous Reader^ 
 
 HE occafion of Printing this following 
 Relation, are the fufferings that not only 
 my Brother Robert Child Do6tor of Phy- 
 fick, with fome Gentlemen and others have 
 fuffered in Neiv-England in their perfons 
 and eflates by Fines and imprifonments 
 there, but here in Englmtd in their repute by falfe reports 
 and fained Miracles invented and fpread on purpofe by 
 fome lately come from thence, and fomented by fome others 
 here to colour their unjuft proceedings. 
 
 Firft, they give out of my Brother and others, that they 
 defire a Toleration of all Relisrions. 
 
 Secondly, that they are troublefome perfons, and againfl; 
 all government both in Church and Commonwealth. 
 
 Thirdly, 
 
The Preface to the Reader. 
 
 Thirdly, that fome of them are come from thence to 
 Petition the Parliament for that purpofe. 
 
 4ly. that their Petition brought from thence to be pre- 
 fented to the Parliam. (which they had named Jonas) in a 
 [2] Ship called the Supply, being in a florme neer Silly, out 
 of horror of confcience, the Petition was torne and thrown 
 over-board, and that then the florm immediatly ceafed, and 
 they miraculoufly faved. 
 
 Now for fatisfa6tion, I prefent to the Reader thefe follow- 
 ing particulars. 
 
 Firfl, the Petition of the greater part of the Inhabitants 
 of Hingham and the proceedings therein. 
 
 Secondly, a Petition of Do6lor Child and others delivered 
 to the generall Court at Bq/lon with fome paffages thereupon, 
 
 Thirdly, the Capital Laws of the Maffachufets Bay, with 
 the Free-mans Oath as they are printed there by themfelves. 
 
 Fourthly, a Relation of that flory oi Jonas verbatim, as it 
 was delivered to me in writing by a Gentleman that was 
 then a paffenger in the Ship. 
 
 The 
 
The Petition of the greater part of the Inha- 
 bitants of Hinghani, as it was taken out of 
 the Records of the Court at Bojion. 
 
 To the Honoured, the Generall Court, confijling of the Mag- 
 ijiratcs and Dep2ttics of the Country nozv affembled in Cotirt 
 at Bofton : The humble Petition of the greater part of the 
 Inhabitants of the TownfJiip of Hingham. 
 
 Hereas there hath fallen out fome agitations 
 amon^ft us concerning the choice of our chief 
 Military Officers, which by Order of the Court 
 we have power to choofe (as we conceive) So it 
 is that we did ele6l, and prefent to the Generall 
 Court for their confirmation, Mr. Bozotme Allin for our 
 Chieftain: but the Court not having time to finifli that 
 bufmes at that time, fome other things and overtures have 
 happened fmce, whereby it hath fo fallen out that fome of 
 us have been compelled to appeare before fome of the 
 Magiftrates, and to give Bonds for appearance at a Quarter- 
 Court which is to be holden after this Generall Court; and 
 
 fome 
 
4 New-Englands Jonas cajl tip at London. 
 
 fome for not giving Bond to anfvver there, are committed to 
 prifon, and remain there at prefent ; the matters of accufa- 
 tion (as we conceive) is for certain words fpoken by fome, 
 concerning the liberty and power of the Generall Court, and 
 our own liberty granted to us by the faid Courts, and to the 
 Country in generall ; and alfo it doth concern the Liberty 
 of an Englifli free-borne Member of that State, and further 
 it hath occafioned fuch difturbance and fchifme in our 
 Church, and trouble to fome of our Members for witneffmg 
 againfl; a Delinquent: whereby the power of the Ordinances 
 of Jefus Chrift in his Church is flighted, and the free paffage 
 thereof flopped, to the endangering of the liberty of the 
 Churches a- [4] mongft us, if timely remedy be not by your 
 Wifdoms provided. Now feeing the matters in hand doth 
 concern the generall liberty of the whole Country, and the 
 peace of the Churches, and glory of God, as we are ready 
 upon the hearing of the Court to make it appeare ; We 
 humbly fue to this honoured Court to be pleafed to grant 
 us an honourable and free hearing, and that we may have 
 liberty to plead our common Liberties in this Court, together 
 with the liberties of the Churches of Chrift maintained. 
 And we JJiall ever pray for your peace and profperiiy long 
 to contimie. 
 
 For which Petition being fined 100. 1. and the Marfhal 
 fent to Hingham to levy the faid Fine : Mr. Hubbard the 
 Minifler of that town being one of them that was fined, the 
 Marflial coming to his houfe to levy part thereof, produced 
 this effe(fl: as followeth taken out of their Records. 
 
 THE 
 
New-Englands Jonas cajl top at London. 5 
 
 THE RELA TION. 
 
 |He 18. of the firft Monetb, 1645. the Marfliall 
 going to gather 100. I in Fines of divers Inhab- 
 itants of Hingham, as they were fet by the 
 Generall Court, in the 3. or 4. moneth paft; 
 came to Mr. Peter HiLbbard, who defiring to fee his War- 
 rant, which the Marfliall fliewing him, upon a fight of it Mr. 
 HtLbbard faid the Warrant was infufficient, being not fent 
 out in his Majefties name, he being fworne to the Crown of 
 England ; and faid that they had fent into England unto his 
 Friends the bufmes, and expe6led fliortly an anfwer and 
 advice from thence : And that our Government here was 
 not more then a Corporation in England, and that we had 
 not power to put men to death by vertue of the Patent, nor 
 to do fome other things we did ; and that for himfelf, he 
 had neither horn nor hoofe of his own, nor any thing 
 wherewith to buy his children cloaths, And he wiflied that 
 the Magiftrates would take fome courfe that the Miniflers 
 might be better provided for, and he wondered by what 
 order or rule the Miniflers were deprived of their Tythes : 
 but if he mufl pay it, he would pay it in Books, but that he 
 knew not for [5] what they were fined, unleffe it were for 
 Petitioning ; and if they v/ere fo wafpifli they might not be 
 Petitioned, then he could not tell what to fay, (about thirty 
 or forty being prefent) And further, that he had ferioufly 
 confidered what they had done, and he could not fee any 
 thing that they had done amiffe, for which they fliould be 
 Fined. 
 
 Increafe Nowel, Secret. 
 
 THE 
 
6 New-Englands Jonas cajl up at London. 
 
 THE TRIAL BY THE COVRT. 
 
 THe names of the Jury-men at the Quarter-Court, the 
 2. of the 4. Moneth, 1646. 
 
 Tho, MarJJial Tho. Bartlet Charles Chedwick 
 
 Tho. Boutle Edward Pa/on Richard Goode 
 
 jfohn Clough Edward Breckl Era. Smith 
 
 Edward Dykes John Button Edward Clapp. 
 
 The Returne of this Jury. 
 
 WE do find, that Mr. Peter Hubbard of Hingham, 
 being a Free-man of this Jurifdi(ftion, and having 
 taken the Oath of fidelity thereunto : feeming notwith- 
 ftanding to be evil-affe61ed to the Government here eftab- 
 lifhed; In and upon the 18. day of the firfl Moneth lafl 
 pad, at Hingham aforefaid, in the prefence of about thirty 
 perfons, did utter divers fpeeches which are upon record, 
 tending to fedition and contemjDt of the faid Government, 
 contrary to the law of God, and peace and welfare of the 
 Country. 
 
 Upon which Return of the Jury, the Court fined him 
 Twenty pounds, and bound him in Forty pounds to be of 
 good behaviour and to appeare at next Quarter-Court ; and 
 Mr. Peck bound himfelf in twenty pounds, for the good 
 behaviour and appearance of Mr. Peter Hubbard at the next 
 Quarter-Court 
 
 Increafe Now el, Secret. 
 
 The 
 
New-Englands Jonas cajl up at London. 
 
 [6] The Court at this Triall was kept by thefe perfons 
 
 Mr. Wi?ithrop Governour, Mr. Dudley Deputy-governour, 
 Mr. Pelhmn, Mr. Flmt, Mr. Hibbins, Mr. Nowel, Mr. Bel- 
 Ii7igha7n, Mr. Broadjlreet. Only Mr. Bellingham and Mr. 
 Broadjlrect required their Diffent to be recorded. 
 
To the Worfhipful, the Governour, 
 
 the Deputy-governour, and the reft of the Affiftants 
 of the Alajfachufctts Bay in Neiv-England, to- 
 gether with the Deputies of the generall 
 Court now affembled in Bojion. 
 
 The Remonjlrance and humble Petition of us whofe Names 
 are here u^zder-written, in the behalf of our felves and 
 divers luithin this furifdin^ion. 
 
 Umbly flieweth, That we cannot but with all 
 thankfulneffe acknowledge your indefatigable 
 pains, continuall care, and conftant vigilancie, 
 which (by the bleffing of the Almighty) hath 
 procured unto this Wilderneffe the much defired fruits of 
 Peace and Plenty; while our native Land, yea the Chrlftian 
 world is fliarply afflicled with the devouring Sword, and the 
 fad confequents of Inteftine wars. And further, That you 
 whom the Lord hath placed at the helm of thefe Planta- 
 tions, and endowed with eminent gifts fit for fuch honourable 
 callings, are beft able to forefee the clouds which hang over 
 our heads, the ftorms and tempefts which threaten this poor 
 
 Handful] 
 
New-Englands Jonas cajl up at London. 9 
 
 Handfull here planted ; and timoufly to amend them. 
 Notwithftanding, thofe who are under decks, being at 
 prefent unfit for higher imployments, may perceive thofe 
 Leaks which will inevitably fink this weak and ill com- 
 pa6led Veffell, if not by your Wifdoms opportunely pre- 
 vented. 
 
 [7] We therefore in the behalf of our felves and divers of our 
 Countrymen, laying our hands on our breafls, and ferioufly 
 confidering, That the hand of our good God who through 
 his goodneffe hath fafely brought us and ours through the 
 great Ocean, and planted us here, feems not now to be with 
 us, nay rather againfi; us, blafiing all our defigns, though 
 contrived with much deliberation, undertaken with great 
 care, and proceeding with more then ordinary probability of 
 fuccesfull events ; by which many of good eftates are 
 brought to the brinks of extreme poverty; yea, at this time 
 laying His juft hand upon our families, taking many away 
 to himfelf, fi:riking others with unwonted malignant fickneffes 
 and noyfome fliamefull difeafes: Have thought it convenient, 
 with all refpe6liveneffe, to prefent thefe our fincere requefts 
 and Remonftrance to this honoured Court, hoping we have 
 found out the fpeciall Leaks, which concurring with the 
 many and great Sins of this place, (which our Confciences 
 know, and our Brethren of England are not ignorant of) are 
 the fpeciall caufes of the Lords turning his face from us, 
 leaving us to our felves, and confequendy to fl;rife, conten- 
 tion, unfaithfulneffe, idleneffe, and other lamentable failings, 
 not bleffing us in any of our endeavours, fo as to give us 
 any great hopes of Staple-commodities, and confequently of 
 
 comfortable 
 
lo New-Englands Jonas cajl np at London. 
 
 comfortable fubfiflence ; though we to the utmofl of our 
 powers thefe many years, even to the exhaufting of our 
 eftates and fpirits, have endeavoured the fame: but contrari- 
 wife all things grow worfe and worfe, even to the threatning 
 (in our apprehenfions) of no leffe than finall ruine. Not 
 doubting but you will receive thefe our Requefts and Re- 
 monftrance with the fame candor of mind, which we, not 
 aiming at novelty and difturbance, but at the glory of God, 
 our allegiance to the State of England, and good of thefe 
 poor Plantations, (if our hearts deceive us not) prefent them 
 unto you ; though for want of fl<:ill and other neceffary helps 
 roughly drawn up; and hope that you will be more diligent 
 in amending, then we in the fearching out the caufes of 
 thefe our prefent calamities, &c. Not to trouble you (who 
 are imployed in the moft ferious affaires of thefe Planta- 
 tions) with many words, wee fliall briefly referre them to 
 
 thefe Heads [8] 
 
 I. Whereas this place hath been planted by the inconr- 
 agements (next under God) of Letters Patents given and 
 granted by His Majefty of England to the Inhabitants 
 hereof, with many priviledges and immunities, viz. Incorpo- 
 ration into a Company, liberty of choofing Governours, 
 fetling Government, making Laws not repugnant to the 
 Laws of England, power of adminiftring the Oath of Alle- 
 giance to all, &c. as 'by the faid Letters Patents more largely 
 appeareth. Notwithftanding we cannot according to our 
 judgements cleerly difcern a fetled form of Government 
 according to the Fundamentall lawes of Englajid ; which 
 may feem flrange to our Country-men, yea to the whole 
 
 World, 
 
New-Englands Jonas caji up at London. 1 1 
 
 World, efpecially confidering we are all Englifli. Neither 
 do we fo underftand or perceive our own Lawes or Liberties, 
 or any Body of Lawes here fo eftablifhed, as that thereby 
 there may be a fure and comfortable enjoyment of our Lives, 
 Liberties and Eftates, according to our due Naturall rights, 
 as Free-born fubjedls of the Englifh nation. By which 
 many inconveniences flow into thefe Plantations, viz. Jeal- 
 oufies of introducing Arbitrary Government, (which many 
 are prone to believe) conftruing the procraftination of fuch 
 fetled Lawes, to proceed from an over-greedy fpirit of Arbi- 
 trary power (which it may be is their weakneffe) fuch 
 proceedings being mofl deteftable to our Englifli Nation, 
 and to all good men, and at prefent a chief caufe of the 
 inteftine War in our dear Country. Further it gives caufe 
 to many, to think themfelves hardly dealt with, others too 
 much favoured, and the fcale of Juftice too much bowed and 
 unequally ballanced : From whence alfo proceedeth feares 
 and jealoufies of illegall Commitments, unjuft Imprifon- 
 ments, Taxes, Rates, Cuftomes, Levies, of ungrounded and 
 undoing Affefments, unjuftifiable Preffes, undue Fines, 
 unmeafurable Expences and Charges, of unconceivable dan- 
 gers through a Negative or deftru6live Vote unduly placed, 
 or not well regulated ; in a word, of a Non-certainty of all 
 things we enjoy, whether lives, liberties or eftates ; as alfo of 
 undue Oaths, being fubjedl to expofition according to the 
 will of him or them that gives them, and not according to a 
 due and unbowed rule of Law, which is the true Interpreter 
 of all Oaths to all men, whether Judge, or Judged. 
 [9] Wherefore our humble defire and requeft is, That you 
 
 would 
 3 
 
12 New-Englands Jonas cajl up at London. 
 
 would be pleafed to confider of our prefent condition, and 
 upon what foundation we ftand ; and unanimoufly concurre 
 to eflablifh the Fundamental! and wholfome Lawes of our 
 native Country, and fuch others as are no way repugnant to 
 them, unto which all of us are mod accuflomed, and we 
 fuppofe them beft agreeable to our Englifh tempers, and 
 your felves obliged thereunto by the Generall Charter, and 
 your Oaths of Allegiance : neither can we tell whether the 
 Lord hath blefl many in thefe Parts with fuch eminent 
 Politicall gifts, fo as to contrive better Lawes and Cuftomes, 
 than the Wifeft of our Nation have with great confideration 
 compofed, and by many hundred years experience have 
 found mod equall and juft ; which have procured to the 
 Nation much honour and renown amonglt flrangers, and 
 long peace and tranquility amongft themfelves. And for 
 the more fl;ri6l and due obfervation and execution of the 
 faid Lawes by all Miniflers of Juflice, that there may be a 
 fetled Rule for them to walk by in cafes of Judicature, from 
 which if they fwerve, there may be fome Power fetled, 
 according to the Lawes of England, that may call them to 
 account for their Delinquencie, which may be a good means 
 to prevent divers unneceffary Appeals into E7igland. 
 
 2. Whereas there are many thoufands in thefe Plantations 
 of the Englifh Nation free-born, quiet peaceable men, right- 
 eous in their dealings forward with hand, heart and purfe 
 to advance the publike good, known friends to the honour- 
 able and vi61;orious Houfes of Parliament, lovers of the 
 Nation, &c. Who are debarred from all Civil imployment 
 
 (without 
 
New-Englands Jonas caft up at London. 1 3 
 
 (without any juft caufe that we know) not being permitted 
 to beare the leafl; office (though it cannot be denied but 
 fome are well qualified) No not fo much as to have any 
 Vote in choofing Magiftrates, Captains, or other Civil or 
 Military Officers ; notwithftanding they have here expended 
 their youth, born the burthen of the day, wafted much of 
 their eflates for the fubfiftence of thefe poor Plantations, 
 paid all affefments, taxes, rates, at leafi: equal, if not exceed- 
 ing others : Yea, when the late War was denounced againfl; 
 the Naraganfet Indians, without their confent ; their goods 
 were feifed on for the fervice, themfelves and fervants efpe- 
 cially forced and im- [10] preft to ferve in that war, to the 
 hazarding of all things mod neer and dear unto them. 
 Whence iffue forth many great inconveniences, fecret difcon- 
 tents, murmurings, rents in the Plantations, difcouragements 
 in their callings, unfetledneffe of minde, flrife, contention, 
 (and the Lord only knows to what a flame in time it may 
 kindle,) alfo jealoufies of too much unwarranted power and 
 dominion on the one fide, and of perpetuall flavery and 
 bondage to them and their pofi:erity on the other, and which 
 is intolerable, even by them who ought to love and refpe(5l 
 them as brethren, &c. 
 
 We therefore defire, that Civil liberty and freedome be 
 forthwith granted to all truly Engli/Ji, equall to the reft of 
 their Country-men, as in all Plantations is accuftomed to be 
 done, and as all Free-borne enjoy in our native Country ; 
 we hoping here in fome things to enjoy greater liberties 
 then elfwhere, counting it no fmall loffe of liberty to be as it 
 were banifhed from our native home, and enforced to lay 
 
 our 
 
14 New-Englands Jonas cajl up at London. 
 
 our bones in a ftrange wilderneffe. Without impofing any 
 Oaths or Covenants on them, which we fuppofe cannot be 
 warranted by the Letters Patents, and feem not to concurre 
 with the Oath of Allegiance formerly enforced on all, and 
 later Covenants lately impofed on many here prefent by the 
 honourable Houfes of Parliament; or at lead to detradl from 
 our native Country, and Laws, (which by fome are fliled 
 Foraign, and this Place termed rather a Free State, then a 
 Colony or Corporation of England) All of us being very 
 willing to take fuch Oaths and Covenants, as are expreffions 
 of our defires of advancing the glory of God and good of 
 this place, of our duties to the State of England and love to 
 our Nation, being compofed according to the laws and 
 cuftomes of other Corporations of England. But all of us 
 are exceedingly unwilling, by any policies whatfoever, to be 
 rent from our Native country, though far diftant from it; 
 valuing our free Denizations, the Immunities and Priviledges 
 which we and our pofterity do, and we hope fliall alwayes 
 enjoy, above the greateft Honours of this Country not 
 cemented to the State of England \ and glory to be ac- 
 counted though but as Ruflies of that Land, and yet that we 
 may continue to write, that we and ours are EngliJJi. Or at 
 leaft we intreat, that the Bodies of us and [i i] ours (Englifh 
 fubje6ls poffeffmg here no priviledges) may not be imprefl, 
 nor Goods forcibly taken away; left we not knowing the 
 juftneffe of the war, may be ignorantly and unwillingly 
 inforced upon our own deftru6lions. And that all Affef- 
 ments. Taxes, Impofitions, (which are many and grievous 
 if Civil liberty be not granted) may be taken off, that in all 
 
 things 
 
New-Englands Jonas cafi up at London. 15 
 
 things we may be Strangers : otherwife we fuppofe our 
 felves in a worfe cafe here, and leffe free, then the Natives 
 amongft whom we live, or any Aliens. Further, that none 
 of the Englifh nation (who at this time are too forward to be 
 gone, and very backward to come hither) be baniflied, unleffe 
 they break the known Lawes of E^igland in fo high a 
 manner, as to deferve fo high a punifliment. And that 
 thofe few that come over, may fettle here without having 
 two Magiftrates hands, which fometime not being poffible to 
 obtain, hath procured a kind of banifhment to fome, who 
 might have been ferviceable to this place, as they have been 
 to the State of England, &c. 
 
 3. Whereas there are divers fober, righteous, and godly 
 men, eminent for knowledge, and other gracious gifts of the 
 Holy Spirit, no ways fcandalous in their lives and converfa- 
 tions, Members of the Churches of England (in all Ages 
 famous for piety and learning) not diffenting from the late 
 and befl Reformation of England, Scotland, &c. Yet they 
 and their pofterity are detained from the Seals of the Cove- 
 nant of Free-grace, becaufe (as it is fuppofed) they will not 
 take thefe Churches Covenants, for which as yet they fee no 
 light in Gods word, neither can they cleerly perceive what 
 they are, every Church having their Covenant differing from 
 anothers, at leaft in words, yea fome Churches fometime 
 adding, fometimes detradling, calling it fometime the Cove- 
 nant of Grace, fometime a Branch of it, fometime a Profeffion 
 of the Free-Covenant, &c. Notwithftanding they are com- 
 pelled, under a fevere Fine, every Lords day to appeare at 
 
 the 
 
1 6 New-Englands Jonas ca/l up at London. 
 
 the Congregation, and notice is taken of fuch who ftay not 
 till Baptifme be adminiftred to other mens children, though 
 denied to their own ; And in fome places forced to contribute 
 to the maintenance of thofe Minifters, who vouchfafe not to 
 take them into their Flock, though defirous of the [12] Or- 
 dinances of God, &c. yet they are not accounted fo much as 
 Brethren, nor publikely fo called ; nor is Chriftian vigilancie 
 (commanded to all) any way exercifed to them. Whence (as 
 we conceive) abound an ocean of inconveniences; Difhonour 
 to God and his Ordinances, little profit by the Miniftery, 
 increafe of Anabaptifm, and of thofe that totally contemn all 
 Ordinances as vain, fading of Chriflian graces, decreafe of 
 Brotherly love, Herefies, Schifms, &c. The whole body of 
 the Members of the Churches of England, like flieep fcat- 
 tered in the wilderneffe without a fliepherd, in a forlorne 
 fad condition. We therfore humbly intreat you, in whofe 
 hands it is to help, and whofe judicious eyes difcern thefe 
 great inconveniences ; for the glory of God, and the comfort 
 of your Brethren and Country-men, to give liberty to the 
 Members of the Churches of Englaiid not fcandalous in 
 their lives and converfations (as Members of thofe Churches) 
 to be taken into your Congregations, and to enjoy with you 
 all thofe liberties and ordinances Chrift hath purchafed for 
 them, and into whofe Name they are baptized ; That the 
 Lord may be one, and his Name one amongfl us in this 
 place ; That the Seals of the Covenant may be applied to 
 them and their pofterity, as we conceive they ought to be, 
 till inconveniences hereby be found prejudicial! to the 
 Churches, or Colonic (which we hope fhall never be.) Not 
 
 doubting 
 
New-Englands Jonas caji up at London. 1 7 
 
 doubting but the fame Chriflian favour will be fhewed to all 
 the Members of thefe Churches, when they fhall retire to 
 our deare native Country, (if their converfations be righteous 
 and holy) ; Or otherwife to grant liberty to fettle themfelves 
 here in a Church-way according to the beft Reformations of 
 Efigland diVid Scotland. If not, we and they fliall be neceffi- 
 tated to apply our humble defires to the Honourable Houfes 
 of Parliament, who we hope will take our fad conditions 
 into their ferious confiderations, to provide able Minifters 
 for us, (this place being not fo well provided as to fpare 
 any) ; Or elfe out of their charity (many eftates being wafted) 
 to tranfport us to fome other place, where we may live like 
 Chriftians, and not be accounted burthens, but ferviceable 
 both to Church and State. 
 
 Thefe things granted, by the bleffmg of God to us in 
 Chrift, we hope to fee the now contemned Ordinances of God, 
 highly [13] prized; the Gofpel much darkned, break forth 
 as the fun at noon-day ; Chriftian charity & brotherly love 
 almoft frozen, wax warm ; Zeal and holy emulation, more 
 fervent; Jealoufies of Arbitrary Government, the bane of 
 all Commonwealths, quite baniflied ; The wicked, if any 
 fuch be found, in their courfes diflieartned ; The righteous 
 adlors, in their wayes, encouraged ; Secret difcontents fret- 
 ting like cankers, remedied ; Merchandizing, fliipping, by 
 fpeciall Providence wafted, fpeedily increafed ; Mines under- 
 taken with more cheerfulneffe, Fifliing with more forward- 
 neffe ; Hufbandry, now withering, forthwith flourifliing ; 
 Villages and Plantations, much deferted, prefently more 
 populous; All mechanicall Trades, the great enrichers of 
 
 all 
 
1 8 New-Englands Jonas cajl up at London. 
 
 all Commonwealths, bravely going on ; Staple-commodities, 
 the life of States, prefently raifed ; Our almoft loft credit 
 regained ; Our brethren of England's juft indignation, and 
 therefore as from a pefl flying from us, turned to imbraces ; 
 The honourable Houfes of Parliament, Patrons of Piety, 
 under their wings, in thefe dangerous times, with all alacrity 
 fhrowding us ; The Priviledges and Immunities which we 
 and ours enjoy in our native Land, more firmly fetled ; 
 Foraign enemies daily threatning, totally difcouraged ; Un- 
 fetled men now abounding, firmely planted, that the prof- 
 perity of England may not be the ruine of this Plantation, 
 but the contrary; Hands, hearts, and purfes now flraightned, 
 freely opened for publick and honorable fervices; Strife 
 and contention now rife, abated; Taxes and feffes, lightned; 
 The burthens of the State, but pleafure. To conclude, all 
 bufineffes in Church and Common wealth which for many 
 years have feemed to goe backward, beyond our defert, yea 
 expe6lation, the good hand of our God going along with us, 
 fuccesfully thriving. 
 
 And fliall alwayes pray the Almighty the only wife God, 
 to guide you with his wifedome, flrengthen you with his 
 power, in all your undertakings, that all may be to his glory, 
 and good of his people ; and that he would bleffe your 
 Wifdomes with the bleffmgs of peace, plenty, and long 
 dayes, &c. 
 
 Robert Child, Tho. Fowle, Samuel Maverick, Thomas 
 Burton^ David Yale, JoJui Smith, John Dand. 
 
 This Petition was prefented to the Generall Court held at Bojlon, 
 May 19, 1646. 
 
New-Englands Jonas caft up at London. 19 
 
 [14] y^ Relation of the effen:s this Petition produced. 
 
 Hough this Petition of Dr. Child was in a peace- 
 able way prefented, only by two of the Subfcrib- 
 ers ; yet it produced thefe effe6ls, and thus it 
 
 wrought 
 
 Firft, the Elders, (not all, fome few being filent) in their 
 Congregations, publikely ufing feverall Expreffions, but to 
 one and the felf-fame end ; as. That it was a feditious Peti- 
 tion full of malignancie, fubvertive both to Church and 
 Commonwealth in their foundations ; Some calling thefe 
 that fo Petitioned, or comparing them to Sons of Belial^ 
 yudajfes, Sons of Corah with fundry appellations of that 
 nature, with fome fuch applications, which feemed not to 
 arife from a Gofpel fpirit ; ufually ekeing out their Sermons 
 in large and defamatory declamations both againfl their 
 Perfons and Petition, yea fometimes a whole Sermon, and 
 that not very fliort neither, being fpent in enlarged fentences 
 to denote the deftru61;iveneffe thereof to Church and Com- 
 monwealth ; yea publikely exhorting Authority to lay hold 
 upon thofe Petitioners, which the fame night they did.^^ 
 
 Nor were the Magiftrates in the mean feafon altogether 
 filent, but fpake in the fame key; yea. One publikely in open 
 Court gave charge to the Jury to take notice of fuch a 
 Petition, and of fuch as were that way affected, for they were 
 
 both 
 
 ®The petition was prefented at the vember. The allufion in the Text 
 May feffion of the General Court, but probably refers to fome difcourfe at the 
 we do not find that any of the figners latter date, 
 were arrefted until the following No- 
 4 
 
20 New-Englands Jonas cajl up at London. 
 
 both Prefentable and punifliable by their Law ; for he faid 
 it was a wicked Petition, full of malignancie, fubverting the 
 very foundations both of Church and Commonwealth, or 
 words to that effedl ; And how far it reached, he knew not, 
 pointing (as was apprehended) at a Capital Law there made, 
 here reprinted. 
 
 Now at the next fitting of the General Court, flx^" of the 
 feven that Petitioned, were fent for by the Marfhall to come 
 to the Court, where they were charged ore tenus, with great 
 offences contained in their Petition and Remonftrance, 
 againft the Court and Government ; and that fuch of them 
 as were bound out of the Jurifdicftion, fhould enter into Bond 
 with fecurity, to ftand and abide the Judgement of the 
 Court, and the reft were confined, and charged to attend the 
 Court to the fame end. The [15] Petitioners defired to have 
 their Charge in writing, which was then denied ; and fome 
 added. That was but a trick of them that they might carry 
 it and fhew it in England : They replied, If the offences 
 were contained in the Petition, they then mufl needs be 
 fuch as concerned Government ; and that the Parliament, 
 now fitting in Engla^id, were competent Judges, and could 
 beft difcern fuch errors ; and therefore they did appeal to 
 that High Court, and did tender fufficient Securitie there- 
 fore. For which two^' of them were prefently committed, 
 and forced thereby to give Bond to fland to the Order of 
 that Court therein. And the Caufe afterwards came to 
 Hearing, notwithflanding they did appeal to the high Court 
 
 of 
 
 "" The feventh was doubtlefs Mave- ®' Thefe two were Thomas Fowle and 
 rick : why he was not fummoned does John Smith, 
 not appear. 
 
New-Englands Jonas cajl up at London. 
 
 21 
 
 of Parliament, and would have given Security ; they were 
 Fined, as appears by this their cenfure. And fince, two of 
 them, Dr. Child and another,^' had their Trunks and Studies 
 broke up, and their Papers taken away, and imprifoned 
 clofe prifoners, and are in danger of their lives by reafon of 
 that Capitall Law here recited. 
 
 " The other was John Dand. {See p. xl.) 
 
22 
 
 BY THE COURT; 
 
 In the Yeares 1641. 1642. 
 Capital Lawes, ejlablijlied within the yiiri/diflio7t of 
 
 Massachusets. 
 
 F any man, after legall convidlion, fliall have or 
 worfliip any other god, but the Lord God, he 
 fliall be put to death. Dent. 13. 6, &c. and 17. 2, 
 &c. Exod. 22. 20. 
 
 2. T F any man or woman be a Witch, (that is) hath, or 
 X confulteth with a Familiar fpirit, they (liall be put to 
 
 death. Exod. 22. 18. Lev. 20. 27. Dc2it. 18. 10, 11. [16] 
 
 3. T F any perfon fliall blafpheme the Name of God the 
 X Father, Son, or Holy Ghoft, with direct, expreffe, 
 
 prefumptuous, or high-handed blafphemy, or fliall curfe God 
 in the like manner, he fliall be put to death. Lev. 24. 15, 16. 
 
 4. T F any perfon fliall commit any wilfull murther, which 
 X is Man-flaughter, committed upon premeditate malice, 
 
 hatred or cruelty, not in a mans neceffary and juft defence, 
 
 nor 
 
Nevv-Englands Jonas cajl tip at London. 23 
 
 nor by meer cafualty againft his will, he fhall be put to death. 
 Exod. 21. 12, 13, 14. N7im. 35. 30, 31. 
 
 5. T F any perfon flayeth another fuddenly in his anger, or 
 X cruelty of paffion, he fhall be put to death. Num. 35. 
 
 20, 21. Lev. 24. 17. 
 
 6. T F any perfon fhall flay another through guile, either 
 X by poyfonings, or other fuch devilifh pradlice, he fhall 
 
 be put to death. Exod. 21. 14. 
 
 7. T F a man or woman fliall lie with any beaft or bruit 
 X creature, by carnall copulation, they fliall furely be 
 
 put to death, and the beaft fliall be flain and buried. Lev. 20. 
 
 15, 16. ... . ' 
 
 8. T F a man lieth with mankinde, as he lieth with a wo- 
 X man, both of them have committed abomination, they 
 
 both fliall furely be put to death. Lev. 20. 1 3. 
 
 9. y F any perfon committeth adultery with a married or 
 efpoufed wife, the Adulterer and Adultereffe fliall 
 furely be put to death. Lev. 20. 10. & 18. 20. Deut. 
 
 22. 23, 24. 
 
 10. T F any man fliall unlawfully have carnall copulation 
 with any woman child under ten years old, either 
 with or without her confent, he fliall be put to death. 
 
 11. T F" any man fliall forcibly and without confent ravifh 
 any maid, or woman that is lawfully married or 
 contra6ted, he fliall be put to death. Deut. 22. 
 
 25, &c. 
 
 12. yF any man fliall ravifli any maid or Angle woman, 
 (committing carnall copulation with her by force, 
 againft her will) that is above the age of ten years ; 
 
 he 
 
 J 
 
 J 
 J 
 
 &c. 
 
 J 
 
J 
 J 
 
 J 
 
 24 New-Englands Jonas cajl up at London. 
 
 he fhall be either punifhed with death, or with fome other 
 grievous punifhment, according to circumftances, at the 
 difcretion of the Jvdges : and this Law to continue till the 
 Court take further order, 
 
 13. yp any man ftealeth a man, or man-kinde, he fliall 
 furely be put to death. Exod. 21. 16. [17] 
 
 14. 1" F any man rife up by falfe witneffe, wittingly, and of 
 purpofe to take away any mans life, he fhall be put 
 to death. Deut. 19. 16, 18, 19. 
 
 15. yF any man fhall confpire or attempt any invafion, 
 infurre6lion, or publike rebellion againft our Com- 
 mon-wealth, or fhall endeavour to furprife any Town 
 
 or Towns, Fort or Forts therein ; or fhall treacheroufly or 
 perfidioufly attempt the alteration and fubverfion of our 
 frame of Polity or Government fundamentally, he fhall be 
 put to death. Num. 16. 2 Sam, 3. & 18. & 20. 
 
 Per exemplar. Incre. Nowel, Secret. 
 
 THE OATH OF A FREE-MAN. 
 
 I {A. B.) being by Gods providence, an Inhabitant, and 
 Freeman, within the Jurifdi(5lion of this Common- 
 wealth ; do freely acknowledge my felf to be fubje(5l to the 
 Government thereof: And therefore do here fwear by the 
 great and dreadful Name of the Ever-living God, that / will 
 be true and faithfull to the fame, and will accordingly yield 
 affiflance & fupport thereunto, with my perfon and eftate, as 
 in equity / am bound; and will alfo truly endeavour to 
 
 maintain 
 
New-Englands Jonas ca/l up at London. 25 
 
 maintain and preferve all the liberties and priviledges thereof, 
 fubmitting my felf to the wholefome Lawes & Orders made 
 and eflabliflied by the fame. And further, that / will not 
 plot or pradice any evill againft it, or confent to any that 
 fliall fo do ; but will timely difcover and reveal the fame to 
 lawfull Authority now here eflabliflied, for the fpeedy pre- 
 venting thereof. 
 
 Moreover, / doe folemnly bind my felf in the fight of God, 
 that when / fhal be called to give my voyce touching any 
 fuch matter of this State, in which Freemen are to deal, / 
 will give my vote and fuffrage as /fliall judge in mine own 
 confcience may befl; conduce and tend to the publike weal 
 of the body, without refpedl of perfons, or favour of any man. 
 So help me God in the Lord Jefus Chrifl;. 
 
26 
 
 [i8] Concerning the throwing the Petition 
 over-board as a Jonas, it was as 
 followeth. 
 
 Hen the firft fhip that came this Year 1646. from 
 New-E7igland^ was almoft ready to come from 
 thence ; Mr. Cotton, in his Thurfday-Le6lure at 
 Bojlon, preached out of that Scripture, Cant. 2. 
 15. Take us the little Foxes^ &c. In his Ufes 
 took occafion to fay, That if any JJiall carry ajty Writings^ 
 Complaints againjl the people of GO D in that Country, it 
 would be as Jonas in the fJiip, with many words to perfwade 
 from fuch Complaints in England, faying that they fliould 
 feek for remedy of thofe things that were amiffe, in that 
 place, & tell it not in Oath, 7ior ptiblifli it in Afkelon. He 
 alfo advifed the Ship-Mafter, that if ftorms did arife, to 
 fearch if they had not in any cheft or Trunk any fuch Jo^ias 
 aboard, which if you find (faid he) I do not advife you to 
 throw the Perfons over-board, but the Writings ; or words 
 to that effea. 
 
 Whereupon 
 
New-Englands Jonas cajl tip at London. 27 
 
 Whereupon, having great * florms (as could not be other-* /„ thewmtcK. 
 wife expecfted) fome of the Paffensfers remembrino: MrJ^^^" /rom^"^'. 
 
 ^ ' . «=* O Euglatid are 
 
 Cottons Sermon, it feems were much affe(fted with what he '''''"^^-^'"'"^• 
 had faid; and a woman amongft them came up from between 
 the Decks about midnight, or after, in a diftraded paffionate 
 manner, to Mr. William Vaffall who lay in the great Cabin, 
 but for the prefent was in the Sterage-door-way looking 
 abroad : flie earneflly defired him, if there were any Jonas 
 in the fliip, that as Mr. Cotton had dire6led, it might be 
 thrown over-board, with many broken expreffions to that 
 purpofe. He afked her why flie came to him ? and flie faid, 
 becaufe it was thoua^ht that he had fome Writinors asfainft 
 the people of God : but he anfwered her. He had nothing 
 but a Petition to the Parliament that they might enjoy the 
 liberty of Englifh fubjeds, and that could be no Jonas ; and 
 that if the beft of New-Englands friends could fliew him any 
 evil in that, he would not prefer it. After this flie went 
 into the great Cabin to Mr. Tho. Fowle in like diftra6led 
 manner ; who told her he had nothing but the Copy of the 
 Petition which himfelf and others had prefented to the Court 
 at BoJlo7i; and flie wed, and read it to her, and then told her. 
 That if flie and others thought that to be the Caufe of the 
 ftorm, fhe and they might do what they would with it ; but 
 he profeffed that he faw no evil in it, neither was his Con- 
 fcience troubled with it. So flie took it and [19] carried it 
 between Decks to them from whom flie came, and they 
 agreed to throw it over-board, and it was thrown over-board: 
 but the florm did not leave us upon the throwing of this 
 Paper over-board, as it is reported; for they had many great 
 
 florms 
 5 
 
28 
 
 New-Englands Jonas cajl up at London. 
 
 ftorms after that ; much lelTe was the great and wonderfull 
 dehverance which by Gods mercy he gave unto them from 
 fliipwrack and drowning at the Ifles of Silly, upon the throw- 
 ing of that Writing over-board ; for that was thrown over 
 long before, at leaft 14 dayes. Alfo the error is the more in 
 this, That the report is that it was the petition to the Par- 
 liamenl that was thrown over-board ; and it was only a Copy 
 of a Petition to their own Court at Bojlon, and the Petition 
 to the Parliament was ftill in the fliip, together with another 
 Copy of that which was thrown over-board, and other Writ- 
 ings of that nature, fome of which are printed in this book, 
 and were as well faved as their lives and other goods, and 
 are here in London to be feen and made ufe of in convenient 
 time. 
 
29 
 
 POST-SCRIPT. 
 
 Here is a book lately fet forth by Mr Edward 
 Win/low of New-England^ againft Samuel Gor- 
 tott, intituled \HypocriJie unmajked~\ in which 
 there is a deep and fubtle Plot againft the Lawes 
 of England, and Liberties of Englifli Subjecfts, and the 
 Gentlemen that are now fuffering in New-England. This 
 man being a principall oppofer of the Lawes of England, in 
 N ew- England ; One who is ufually in place of Government 
 in New-Plimoiith there. Now in N. Englaiid there are 
 many feveral Governments diftin^t and independent one 
 from and on the other, and none of them have, ever fince 
 they came into that Country, governed by the Lawes of 
 Eiigland, but by an Arbitrary government of their own, nor 
 indeed can they endure the Laws of Eng. This Nezv Pli- 
 moutli, where M. Win/low is a Magiftrate, was the firffc 
 Plantation in New-Engla7id ; and as the reft that came after 
 them thither, followed them in their Church-ways, fo they 
 follow them in their Arbitrary government. And now he is 
 come over hither, being fent as an Agent for the reft, 
 that he may get ftrength from [20] the Parliament here, to 
 
 maintain 
 
]o New-Englands Jonas caji up at London. 
 
 maintain what they have begun, & made fo great a progreffe 
 in. They have made a Law, that it fliall be death for any 
 there to attempt the alteration and fubverfion of their Frame 
 of PoHty or Government, as it is apparent by thofe Lawes in 
 Print fet forth by themfelves, the Copy whereof is \xi pag. 15. 
 of this Book fet forth; and alfo proceeded to the Fining and 
 Imprifoning of fome well-affeded EngHfli, whom they fear 
 will complain of this their Arbitrary government, that fo 
 none may dare to feek for a remedy from the Parliament. 
 We have caufe heartily to pray, That (as Mr. Baily''^ fets 
 forth in his book o( Difwa/ive from the Errors of the times) 
 as from Neiv-Eitgiand came Independencie of Churches 
 hither, which hath fpread over all parts here ; that from 
 thence alfo (in time) Arbitrary Government in the Common- 
 wealth may not come hither. 
 
 Now if any man afk how 'tis evident there is fuch a Plot 
 laid down in that Book } I anfwer, (to be very briefe) I 
 fliall give the Reader this light into this defigne. In his 
 Epiftle before the book which he dedicates to the Honour- 
 able Commiffioners for Forraign Plantations, he makes five 
 Requefts to them, the fourth of which is, That they will take 
 into con/ideration, how dcjlrnflive it will be to their Planta- 
 tions, and proceedings there, (which faith he are growino- into 
 a Nation) to anfiuer to complaints here. See and obferve 
 
 (Reader) 
 
 93 Robert Baily, born at Glaigow, ets of the principall Sefts, efpecially of • 
 
 Scotland, 1599, died in 1662. (Poole's the Independents, are drawn together 
 
 edition of Wondcr-workiiig Providence, in one Map. ... By Robert Baylie. 
 
 XX.) We find in Sabin's Bibliotheca London, Samuel Gellibrand, 1645.' 4to. 
 
 Ainericana the full title of the book as 12 p. 1., 252." He was prominent in 
 
 follows: "'A Diffvafive from the Er- the Presbyterian controverfy, and Sabin 
 
 rours Of the Time : Wherein the Ten- fays, was a friend of Roger Williams. 
 
New-Englands Jonas cafi up at London. 31 
 
 (Reader) how he feeks to flop all Appeals from all their 
 unjuft Sentences, whatfoever they ma}^ be contrary to the 
 Lawes of E^tgland, Secondly, he would make their Honours 
 to be the Inftruments to flop the Currant of the greateffc 
 Liberty of Englifli fubjedls there ; he would engage the 
 Parliament in it ; and wdiat a defperate bufineffe this would 
 prove, every wife man may eafily fee : For being begun at 
 this Plantation, by the fame rule others might feek it fliould 
 extend to all other Plantations, and then why not to Ireland? 
 and why fliall not example, cuftome, and fair pretences bring 
 it into Wales and Cornwall fo over England! And by the 
 way (Reader) mark his great boafting that they 2i\-& grozving 
 into a Nation ; high conceits of a Nation breeds high 
 thoughts of themfelves, which makes them ufually term 
 themfelves a State, cal the people there Subjects, unite four 
 Governments together without any authority from the King 
 and Parliament, and then term themfelves the United Colo- 
 nies, are publikely prayed for by that title ; not giving forth 
 their [21] Warrants in his Majeflies name, no not in time of 
 his moft peaceable government, neither taking the Oath of 
 Allegiance before they take upon them their Government, 
 nor ever giving it to any of his Majeflies fubjecfts, &c. Now 
 (Reader) obferve their policie, they take the advantage of 
 promoting this defigne, by beginning to write againfl Gorton, 
 a man whom they know is notorious for herefie, that fo 
 behind him they may creep and get a fliot at a better game, 
 may beget a good opinion in the Honorable Commiffioners 
 by writing againft fuch a evill man ; as alfo that they may 
 wafli away the opinion that good men heretofore have had 
 
 of 
 
32 New-Englands Jonas cajl up at London. 
 
 of them, that they are Separatifts and Schifmaticks, Mr. 
 Wmjlozu their Agent infinuates feverall things of the good 
 agreement & communion that the Independents in New- 
 England hold with Prefbyterians and the Reformed Churches, 
 of which he had difcourfed with fome godly PreflDyterians 
 fmce his comming over into England, and faith he was 
 earneftly requefted by fome of the Prelbyterian party to 
 publifli to the world as much, pag. 97. and thereupon tells a 
 long ftory of the Church oi New-Plymouth belonging to Mr. 
 Robin/on of Leyden, holding communion with French and 
 Dutch churches, yea tendring it to the Scots ; as alfo {pag. 
 93.) how the reft of the Churches in New-England do fuffer 
 Prefbyterians, and have offered all liberty and priviledges to 
 Prefbyterians, /. 99. 100. But for anfwer, I fay there is a 
 great deal of fallacie in this difcourfe, and the contrary is too 
 well known and daily pradifed among the Independents 
 both there and here, not admitting the mofl godly men into 
 communion among them, not to the ads wherein they hold 
 communion Hands properly; keeping Communion with them 
 in Word and Prayer, which they admit to their India^is too. 
 And let them inflance, if they can, among many hundreds, 
 yea fome thoufands of Independents that have come from' 
 New-England and Holland, that have come to the Lords 
 fupper in our Churches, or done any ad among us, in which 
 they hold Church-communion properly ftands ? 2. Rather 
 then Mr. Win/low will fail of his purpofe, he will make the 
 world believe that the Reformed Churches are as much 
 Separatirts as themfelves are, by defcribing them with the 
 fame dcfcription that the Separatifts defcribe themfelves, /. 
 
 96. 
 
New-Englands Jonas cajl tip at London. 33 
 
 96. That they are a People dijlin6l fro7n the World, and 
 gathej'ed into a holy Communion (he fliould have faid Cove- 
 nant, which is his fenfe) [22] and not National churches, and 
 that the Jixth per/on is not of the Church (meaning amongft 
 them) which falfliood of his he boldly affirms, thinking that 
 many will believe becaufe he faith it, but the contrary is well 
 known to thofe that know them ; for in Holland they refufe 
 not to baptize any of their Country-mens children who bring 
 them to be baptized, elfe would their unbaptized be feen 
 amongft them as well as they are to be feen in N ew- England ; 
 befides tis well known the Church of Scotland holds them- 
 felves a National church, and hath a National Affembly, and 
 fo theChurch of /z''^//*^;/^^^ and /t-^^;/^^ hold themfelves National 
 churches againft the Independents. 3. As to the great love 
 he infmuates they of New-England bear to Prefbyterian 
 churches, by the example of profering certain Scots a Plan- 
 tation amongjl them, where they JJiould JJiare with thern iii 
 their lands, and ejijoy their liberty of Prejbyterial government, 
 p. 100. I anfwer, that paffage is ftrange, and I can hardly 
 believe it, that they who denied fo many godly Minilters 
 well known to them, Mr. Ball^^ Mr. Rathband, &c. Englifh- 
 
 men, 
 
 ^^ Rev. John Ball, of Whitmore, co. Prov. 104, mentions him asaPresbyte- 
 Stafford, England, whofeP^w^r^T/'G^^^/- rian, and Poole gives the date of his 
 linefs was edited by Rev. Simon Afhe ; birth as 1585, and of his death as 1640. 
 (fee note by W. H. Whitmore, in Prince Rev. William Rathband is alfo men- 
 Society's edition, Hutchinfon Papers, tioned by Johnfon, (ibid.) under the 
 i. 65.) He replied to Mather's "Church- name of Rathbone, as a prominent 
 Government," quoted below, in a work Presbyterian, and the author of a " book 
 entitled " A Tryall of the New Church- concerning the Churches of N. E." He 
 way in New-England, and in Old; wrote feveral works relating to the con - 
 1644." 4to. Johnfon, Wonder-working troverfy between the Independents and 
 
 the 
 
Nevv-Englands Jonas caji up at London. 
 
 men, the liberty of enjoying Prefbyteriall government, fliould 
 grant it to ftrangers of the Scotifli nation. Now that they 
 denied them, is apparent ; befides Mr. Raihband and other 
 Minifters teftimonies (now with God) and Mr. A/Ii"^^ of the 
 Affembly and others teflifying fo much, themfelves in Print, 
 in the book intituled Clmrch-government and ChiLrch covenant 
 di/cuj/ed,'^^ in .ans. to the 31 queft. p. 83, 84. confeffe it, and 
 give reafon of their denial. But if it be true there were any 
 fuch promife to the Scots (which I much queftion) I am 
 confident they had fome defign of their own in it, fome 
 
 worldly 
 
 the Presbyterians ; — one called a Con- 
 futation of the Errors of the Setl called 
 Brovvnifts, or Separatiil;s ; London, 
 1644; etc. In the Declaration of the 
 General Court, in reply to the Remon- 
 ftrance of Childe, "Mr. Rathbeard" 
 is fpoken of, as one of " the chiefe 
 patrons of the Presbyterian way," 
 who was doubtlefs the fame perfon. 
 He was a member of the Weftminn.er 
 Affembly. 
 
 *'" The Weftminfler Confeffion of 
 Faith, (Edition of Glafgow, 1756,) gives 
 the name of ' Rev. Simon Aflie, of St. 
 Bridges,' among the members ; Calamy's 
 A'on-Confortni/ls 3Ie}noi'ial, i. 85, has a 
 long account of him. His name is 
 there given as Simeon. He was of 
 Emmanuel College, Oxford, and the 
 minifter of St. Auftin's, London. His 
 ejection had been determined upon, but 
 he died on the eve of St. Bartholomew's, 
 before it had been carried into effeft. 
 Several of his works are in the library 
 of the Maffachufetts Hiftorical Society. 
 
 ®* The full title we have copied from 
 the original in the American portion of 
 the Prince Library, in the Public Li- 
 brary, Bolton. It is as follows : — 
 " Church-Government and Church-Cov- 
 enant Difcvffed, In an Anfwer of the 
 Elders of the feverall Churches in 
 NEW ENGLAND To two and thirty 
 Oueftions, fent over to them by divers 
 Minifters in England, to declare their 
 judgments therein. Together with an 
 Apologie of the faid Elders in New- 
 England for Church-Covenant, fent 
 over in Anfwer to Matter Bernard in 
 the yeare 1639. As alio in an Anfwer 
 to nine Politions about Church-Govern- 
 ment. And now publiflied for the fatis- 
 faction of all who defire refolution in 
 thofe points. LONDON, Printed by 
 R. O. and G. D. for Benjamin Allen, 
 Anno Doin. 1643." It is a fmall quarto, 
 and on the Title page is a memorandum 
 in the writing of Prince, that the author 
 was " Mr. Mader," (i. e. Richard Ma- 
 ther.) 
 
New-Englands Jonas caft up at London. 35 
 
 worldly end or other ; as namely, That in thofe dangerous 
 times, when it was likely that the times in England would 
 foon be fo bad that they could not be fupplied of neceffaries 
 from E7igla7id, they might then be fupplied from Scotland 
 with clothes, leather, & other commodities; which Plot a 
 very dull States-man might eafily have contrived. 4. As for 
 that he fays, that Mr. Noyce, Mr. Parker,^^ and Mr. Hubard, 
 have their liberties in Neiv-E^iglaiid, who yet are Prefbyte- 
 rian; I anfwer, the Church of the two firft was founded in the 
 Church way of the Independent manner, which is not anew 
 conftituted, though they in their judgments are fomewhat 
 different, and ftill they hold many Independent principles, 
 as may be feen by Mr. Noyfes Book lately printed, though 
 fome Prefbyterian principles. 5. For Mr. Hubard, dares 
 Mr. Winjlow fays that Mr. Hubard was not puniflied neither 
 diredlly nor indire6lly, for baptizing fome children whofe 
 parents were not members of their Churches, and that his 
 (harp fines & difgracefull being bound to the good behaviour, 
 had no influence from the baptifm of thofe children } 6. 
 Can any man think that the defpitefull paffages vented in 
 Pulpits againfl the Church of England there, by fome of 
 their chief Elders, calling England Egypt & Babylo7t, and 
 
 faying 
 
 " Rev. James Noyes, born 1608, died nence of their Presbytery." See alfo 
 
 1656, and Rev. Thomas Parker, born Magnalia, b. iii. pt. 2, c. 25 : Lechford's 
 
 1595, died 1677, were of Newbury, and Plain Dealing, (Wiggin & Lunt's ed.) 
 
 are faid to have been coufms. Johnfon's pp. 56, and 85: V^Six^y, Hijloiy of New 
 
 Wonder-working Providence, p. 68, England, ii. 17 1-2. 
 
 mentions them as coming to Newbury Hubard is the Peter Hobart, of Hing- 
 
 in the latter part of 1634, where they ham, ah-eady mentioned ; whofe memoir 
 
 " began to build the Tenth Church of can be found in the Magnalia, b. iii. 
 
 Chrift," and as noted for " the prehemi- pt. 4, c. i. 
 6 
 
36 New-Englands Jonas caji up at London. 
 
 faying, that out of their Church-waies we cannot go to 
 Heaven, denying the Seales of the Covenant to fome, be- 
 caufe they would not confeffe that there was no way of God 
 lawfull to govern the Church by, but the Independent way ; 
 and for no other caufe as it is ready to be proved, when ever 
 Mr. Win/low or any other Independents will defire a vci^^i- 
 ing, in London^ before indifferent Judges; and much more 
 then I will here relate) is a fign of love to the Prefbyterian 
 brethren, and of keeping communion with them. 7. Con- 
 cerning the offer that Mr. VVinJlow faith was made not 
 long before he came away, by the Court, to certain difcon- 
 tented perfons demanding liberty for Prefbyterial government, 
 that it was freely & openly tendred to them ; this is ftrange 
 news to us here, for we hear not one word of that offer from 
 thofe Petitioners, although here are letters from fome of 
 them dated fmce M. Win/lows comming from thence, that 
 relates that Dr. Child & others of them remained ftill in 
 prifon, fave that D. Child hath the liberty to be confined to 
 M. Leders houfe upon fecurity of 800.I. bond being given 
 for his abiding there. For a conclufion of this Poftcript, I 
 fliall defire the Reader by all that hath been faid, to obferve 
 how Independents are all of a peece, for fubtilitie, defigns, 
 fallacies, both in New-Engla7id and in Old. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 Allen, Benjamin, 34. 
 
 Allen, Bozoun, xvii, 3. 
 
 Andros, Sir Edmund, xliii. 
 
 Afh, 33, 34. 
 
 Athenaeum, Bofton, li. 
 
 Baily, Robert, 30. 
 
 Ball, John, 33. 
 
 Baptifts, 1. 
 
 Barbadoes, xv. 
 
 Barber, a Bofton, xxxix. 
 
 Bartlet, Tho., 6. 
 
 Bartlett, J. R., li. 
 
 Bellingham, xviii, xxix, xxxvi, 7. 
 
 Bendall, Edward, xxvi. 
 
 Bermudas, ix. 1 
 
 Bofton, xxviii, xxxvii. 
 
 Boutle, Tho., 6. 
 
 Bradftreet, Gov., xxxvi, 7. 
 
 Breckl, Edward, 6. 
 
 Bridges, Robert, xlvii. 
 
 Brown, J. Carter, li. 
 
 Brown, John, xx. 
 
 Brownifts, 34. 
 
 Burton, Thomas, petitions the General 
 Court, xxiv, 18 ; fummoned before it, 
 xxxiv ; fined, xxxv ; accident to, xliv. 
 
 Button, John, 6. 
 
 Capital Lawes, 22-24. 
 
 Cartle Ifland, xxv, xxxvi, xl. 
 
 Chalmers's comments on the Childe 
 affair, xxxvi. 
 
 Chedwick, Charles, 6. 
 
 Childe, Major John, vi, xii. 
 
 Childe, Robert, vi, ix, xxii, 18, 21, 36 ; 
 vifits New England, xxiv ; petitions 
 the General Court, xxiv ; reputed 
 Jeftait fpy, xxiv, xlvii ; his petition 
 ftigmatized, xxviii, 19 ; anfwers pre- 
 pared, xxix ; threatens an appeal to 
 Parliament, xxx ; fummoned before 
 the General Court, xxxi, xxxiv ; his 
 condu(5l, xxxi ; appeals to Parliament, 
 xxxii, xxxvi ; appeal denied, xxxii ; 
 charges againft, xxxiii ; anfwers to 
 them, xxxv ; fined, xxxv, xxxvi ; cir- 
 culates another petition, xxxviii ; pre- 
 pares to fail to England, xxxix ; 
 arrefted, xxxix, 21 ; his petitions 
 feized, xl, 21 ; his conduct afterwards, 
 xlii ; imprifoned and again fined, xliii ; 
 returns to Europe, xliii ; his ftock 
 fold, xliii ; his later a6ts, xlv ; labors 
 for toleration, 1 ; his fufferings, 1, 36. 
 
 Clapp, Edward, 6. 
 
 Clark, Thomas, xxvi. 
 
 Clerk, xxxvii. 
 
 Clough, John, 6. 
 
 Collier, William, xx. 
 
38 
 
 Index. 
 
 Concord, xxviii. 
 
 Connefticut, xxvi, xlix. 
 
 Cornwal, 31. 
 
 Cotton, John, vi, vii, xxiii ; his Thurf- 
 day lefture, vii, viii, ix, 26, 27. 
 
 Cromwell, xlvi. 
 
 Dand, John, ix, xxxviii ; petitions the 
 General Court, xxiv, 18; an "ould 
 grocer," xxvi ; fummoned before the 
 General Court, xxxiv ; fined, xxxv ; 
 arrefted and fearched, xl, 21 ; imprif- 
 oned, xlii ; again fined, xliii ; penalty 
 remitted, xliv. 
 
 Declaration of the General Court, xxix, 
 
 34- 
 
 Dover, xxvi. 
 
 Drake, viii, xxii, xxv, xxvi, xlvii. 
 
 Dudley, Gov., xiii, xxix, 7. 
 
 Duncan, Nathaniel, xxix. 
 
 Duxbury, xxiii. 
 
 Dykes, Edward, 6. 
 
 EfFefts of Childe's Petition, 19. 
 
 Ernes, Anthony, xvii. 
 
 Epifcopacy, relation of VaflTal's move- 
 ments to, xxii, xxiii. 
 
 Faft appointed, xl ; ' made light of ' at 
 Hingham, xl. 
 
 Felt, xiii, xxiii, xlvii, xlix. 
 
 Fenwick, George, xlvi, xlvii. 
 
 Flint, 7. 
 
 Force's Trafls, Hi. 
 
 Fowle, Thomas, viii, ix, xxv, xxix, 
 20 ; petitions the General Court, 
 xxiv, 18 ; fummoned before it, xxxi ; 
 committed, finds fureties and releafed, 
 xxxii ; conduct on the voyage, x, 27 ; 
 withdraws from the Petitioners, xlv. 
 
 Freeman, Edmund, xx. 
 
 Freeman's Oath, 24. 
 
 Gellibrand, Samuel, 30. 
 
 Gelding, Wm., ix, xii. 
 
 Goode, Richard, 6. 
 
 Gorton, Samuel, v, 29, 31. 
 
 Harding, Captain, ix. 
 
 Harvard College, xxiv. 
 
 Hatherly, Timothy, xx. 
 
 Hibbins, 7. 
 
 Hingham, xvi, xxiii, xli, 2 ; petition 
 from, xvii, xviii, xxvi, 3, 4 ; trouble 
 at, xvii, xviii, xix, 5, 6 ; refufe to keep 
 faft-day, xl. 
 
 Hingham Church dechnes to attend the 
 Synod, xxviii. 
 
 Hobart, Peter, xvii, xix, xx, xxiii, xl, 4, 
 5, 6, 35. 
 
 Holland, 33. 
 
 Hopkins, Gov., xxvi. 
 
 Hubbard, Peter, fee Hobart. 
 
 Hubbard, Wm., vi, x, xiv, xxxii ; his 
 opinion of Vaffal, xv ; pleads for tol- 
 eration, 1. 
 
 Hutchinfon Papers, xx, xxi, xxix, 33. 
 
 Hypocrifie unmafked, 29. 
 
 Ipfwich, xxvii. 
 
 Iron Works, xxiv. 
 
 Johnfon, Edward, xx, xxiii, xxv ; his 
 opinion of the Petitioners, xxii. 
 
 Johnfon, xl. 
 
 Joy, Thomas, xliii. 
 
 Lake, Thomas, xxvi. 
 
 Leder, Mr., xliii, 36. 
 
 Leveret, Captain, ix. 
 
 Leyden, 32. 
 
 Liberty of Confcience, xiv, 1. 
 
 Lothrop, XX. 
 
 Marblehead, xxxix. 
 
 Marflial, Tho., 6. 
 
 Maverick, Samuel, xxii, xxxi, 20; peti- 
 tions the General Court, xxiv, 18; his 
 refidence, xxv ; fined, xxxv ; portion 
 of his fine remitted, xxxvii. 
 Morton, Thomas, v. 
 
Index. 
 
 39 
 
 Narraganfet Indians, 13. 
 
 Nafhawake, xxiv. 
 
 Neale, x, xiii ; erroneous flatement by, 
 
 xxvi. 
 New-England Gleanings, vi. 
 New England's Jonas, author of, vi ; 
 
 date of publication, vi ; replied to by 
 
 Winflow, vi ; reafon for its title, vi, 
 
 xi, 26 ; bibliography, li, lii. 
 New England's Salamander, vi, ix, xix, 
 
 xlvii, xlix. 
 New-Englifli Canaan, v. 
 Newfoundland, xxxix. 
 Noddle's Ifland, xxv. 
 Norcrofs, Nathaniel, xxiv. 
 Nowel, Increafe, 5, 6, 7, 24. 
 Noyes, James, 34. 
 Oakes, Urian, 1. 
 Otis, John, xxvi. 
 Pafon, Edward, 6. 
 
 Palfrey, xv, xviii, xxiii, xxvi, xxxvi, 35. 
 Parker, Thomas, 34. 
 Peck, 6. 
 
 Pelham, Herbert, ix, 7. 
 Pemberton Square, xxvi. 
 Peters, Thomas, viii. 
 Petition from Hingham, 3, 4 ; from 
 
 Childe, 8-18 ; thrown overboard, x, 
 
 27, 28. 
 Pitt, xl. 
 
 Poole, W. F., 30, 33. 
 Presbyterianifm, 32-36 ; relation of 
 
 VaflTal to, xxii, xxiii ; Hobart favors 
 
 it, xxii ; favored by Parliament, xxii, 
 
 xxvii, xlviii ; oppofed in Maflachu- 
 
 fetts, 32-36. 
 Prifon in Bofton, xli. 
 Rathband, William, 33, 34. 
 Religious freedom, xlix. 
 Rhode Ifland, xlix. 
 Robinfon, John, 31. 
 
 Sabin, 30. 
 
 Sadler, Richard, ix, x. 
 
 Salem, xxxvii. 
 
 Saltonftall, Richard, xlix. 
 
 Savage, vi, xix, xxvi, xxxv, xlvii. 
 
 Sayles, William, ix. 
 
 Scilly, xi, 2, 28. 
 
 Scituate, xv, xvi. 
 
 Scotland, Church of, 32, 33, 34. 
 
 Sedgwick, Robert, xxv. 
 
 Shepard, Thomas, 1. 
 
 Simplicity's Defence, v. 
 
 Smith, Fra., 6. 
 
 Smith, John, ix, xxxviii, xl, 20 ; peti- 
 tions the General Court, xxiv, 18; 
 removes to Rhode Ifland, xxvi ; fum- 
 moned before the General Court, 
 xxxi ; committed, xxxii ; fined, xxxv ; 
 again imprifoned, xlii. 
 
 Somers Iflands, xiv. 
 
 Standifh, Miles, xx. 
 
 Story, Judge, xii. 
 
 Supply, viii, xxxi, xliii, 2 ; its tempeftu- 
 ous paffage, ix, x, xi, 27. 
 
 Symonds, Samuel, xxvii. 
 
 Synod, affembled by General Court, 
 xxvii. 
 
 Toleration, xiii ; favored by Vaffal, xvi, 
 1 ; oppofed by the Government, xiii ; 
 petition for, to Plymouth, xx ; another 
 to Maffachufetts, xxi ; in Maflachu- 
 fetts, xlix ; Rhode Ifland, xlix; Con- 
 nefticut, xlix. 
 
 Tompfon, David, xxv. 
 
 Vaffal, Samuel, xv. 
 
 Vaffal, William, vi, ix, xxiii ; reputed 
 author of New England's Jonas, vi ; 
 fails for England, vii, viii, xxxviii ; 
 condufl on the voyage, ix, 27 ; his 
 charafter, xiv, xv ; his refidence, xv, 
 xvi ; incites trouble, xiv, xix ; his 
 
40 
 
 Index. 
 
 3 
 
 religious views, xv, xxii ; letter to 
 Cotton, xxiii ; to Wilfon, xxiii ; his 
 fchemes, xvi ; defeated, xx ; confulted 
 by petitioners, xxxvii ; goes to Bar- 
 badoes, xlvi ; labors for toleration, 1. 
 
 Virginia, xxxviii. 
 
 Wales, 31. 
 
 Weft Indies, xiv, xv. 
 
 Whitmore, W. H., xliii, 33. 
 
 Williams, Roger, xii, xlix, 30. 
 
 Willoughby, Mr., xlv, xlvi. 
 
 Wilfon, John, xxiii. 
 
 Winflow, replies to Childe, vi ; his ac- 
 count of the voyage, viii, ix, x ; denies 
 Childe's ftatements, ix, x ; defcribes 
 Vaffal, XV ; accufes him, xix ; letter 
 to Winthrop, xx ; his verfion of 
 Childe's views, xxxviii ; denies the 
 
 f 
 
 right of Parliament to legiflate for the 
 Colonies, xlix ; reply to Gorton criti- 
 cized, 29-36. 
 
 Winthrop, 7 ; defcribes Vaffal, xv ; ac- 
 count of the Childe affair, xxix-xxxii, 
 xxxviii ; account of the Hingham af- 
 fair, xvii ; charafter attacked, xviii ; 
 vindicated, xix ; prepares an anfwer 
 to Childe, xxix ; liable for Childe's 
 fine, xliv ; releafed from its payment, 
 xliv. 
 
 Witherell, xxiii. 
 
 Yale, David, xxiv ; petitions the Gene- 
 ral Court, xxiv, 18 ; fummoned be- 
 fore them, xxxiv ; fined, xxxv ; re- 
 turns to England, xxvi ; his refidence 
 in Bofton, xxvi. 
 
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