Qass Ezoi BookzjLlT- I -fc A. 'd. ©o WASffi]Ql^(BT®i^ THE TRUE REPUBLICAN: CONTAINING THE INAUGURAL ADDRESSES, TOGETHER WITH THE FIRST ANNUAL ADDRESSES AND MESSAGES OF ALL THE PRESIDENTS OF THE UNITED STATES, FROM 1789 TO 1845; TOGETHER WITH THEIR FAREWELL ADDRESSES, AND ILLUSTRATED WITH THE PORTRAIT OF EACH OF THE PRESIDENTS. TO WHICH IS ANNEXED THE DECLARATION OF INDEPEtJDENCE AND CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES, WITH THE AMENDMENTS AND SIGNERS' NAMES. AliSO, THE CONSTITUTIONS OF MANY OF THE MOST IMPORTANT STATES DI THE UNION, y f>^0 ^ 5 BY JONATHAN FRENCH. LE AR Y & GETZ, 138 NORTH SECOND STREET. 185 3. LEntered according to Act ofCongress, in the year 1841, by D. RicHARiso"iI^ in the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the United States in and forlhe Eastern District of Pennsylvania.] )rw».fiA«^V«-t, Z/^ c<^^^^ /^^ Madison's inaugural address. 61 MADISON'S INAUGURAL ADDRESS, March 4, 1809. Unwilling to depart from examples of the most revered authority, I avail myself of the occasion now presented, to express the profound impression made on me by the call of my country to the station, to the duties of which I am about to pledge myself by the most solemn of sanc- tions. So distinguished a mark of confidence, proceed- ing from the deliberate and tranquil suffrage of a free and virtuous nation, would, under any circumstances, have commanded my gratitude and devotion, as well as filled me with an awful sense of the trust to be assumed. Un- der the various circumstances which give peculiar solem- nity to the existing period, I feel that both the honor and the responsibility allotted to me are inexpressibly en- hanced. The present situation of the world is indeed without a parallel ; and that of our own country full of difficulties. The pressure of these too is the more severely felt, be- cause they have fallen upon us at a moment when the na- tional prosperity being at a height not before attained, the contrast resulting from the chano;e has been rendered the more strikinof. Under the benicrn influence of our republican institutions, and the maintenance of peace with all nations, whilst so many of them were engaged in bloody and wasteful wars, the fiuits of a just policy were enjoyed in an unrivalled growth of our faculties and re- sources. Proofs of this were seen in the improvements of agriculture ; in the successful enterprises of commerce , in the progress of manufactures and useful arts ; in the increase of the public revenue, and the use made of it in reducing the public debt ;' and in the valuable works and establishments every where multiplying over the face of our land. It is a precious reflection that the transition from this prosperous condition of our country,* to the scene which has for some time been distressing us, is not chargeable on any unwarrantable views, nor, as I trust, onanyinvoV G2 THE TRUE REPUBLICAN. untaiy errors in the public councils. Indulging no pas- sions which tresspass on the rights or repose of other na tions, it has been the true glory of the United States to cultivate peace by observing justice ; and to entitle them- selves to the respect of the nations at war, by fulfilling their neutral obligations with the most scrupulous impar- tiality. If there be candor in the world, the truth of these assertions will notbe questioned; posterity, at least, will do justice to them. This unexceptionable course could not avail against the injustice and violence of the belligerent powers. In their rage against each other, or impelled by more direct motives, principles of retaliation have been introduced, equally contrary to universal reason and acknowledged law. How long their arbitrary edicts will be continued, in spite of the demonstrations that not even a pretext for them has been given by the United States, and of the fair and liberal attempt to induce a revocation of them, can- not be anticipated. Assuring myself that, under every vicissitude, the determined spirit and united councils of the nation will be safeguards to its honor and its essential interests, I repair to the post assigned me with no other discouragement than what springs from my own inade- quacy to its high duties. If I do not sink under the weight of this deep conviction, it is because I find some support in a consciousness of the purposes, and a confi- dence in the principles, which I bring with me into this arduous service. To cherish peace and friendly intercourse ^vith all na- tions having corresponding dispositions ; to maintain sin- cere neutrality towards belligerent nations; to prefer in all cases amicable discussion and reasonable accommoda- tion of differences to a decision of them by an appeal to arms ; to exclude foreign intrigues and foreign partiali- ties, so degrading to all countries, and so baneful to free ones; to foster a spirit of independence, too just to in- vade the rights of others, too proud to surrender our own, too liberal to indulge unworthy prejudices ourselves, and too elevated not to look down upon them in others; to hold the union of the states as the basis of their peace and happiness; to support the constitution, v/hich is the MADISON S INAUGURAL ADDRESS. 63 cem(=!nt of the Union, as well in its limitations as in its authorities ; to respect the rights and authorities reservea to the states and to the people, as equally incorporated with, and essential to the success of, the general system; to avoid the slightest interference with the rights of con- science or the functions of religion, so wisely exempted from civil jurisdiction ; to preserve in their full energy, the other salutary provisions in behalf of private and per- sonal rights, and of the freedom of the press; to observe economy in public expenditures ; to liberate the public resources by an honorable discharge of the public debts ; to keep within the requisite limits a standing military force, always remembering that an armed and trained militia is the firmest bulwark of republics — that without standing armies their liberty can never be in danger, nor with large ones safe; to promote, by authorized means, improvements friendly to agriculture, to manufactures, and to external as well as internal commerce ; to favor, in like manner, the advancement of science and the diffu- sion of information as the best aliment to true liberty ; to carry on the benevolent plans which have been so merito- riously applied to the conversion of our aboriginal neigh- bors from the degradation and wretchedness of savage life, to a participation of the improvements of which the human mind and manners are susceptible in a civilized state : as far as sentiments and intentions such as these can aid the fulfilment of my duty, they will be a resource which cannot fail me. It is my good fortune, moreover, to have the path in which I am to tread, lighted by examples of illustrious^ services, successfully rendered in the most trying difficul- ties, by those who have marched before me. Of those of my immediate predecessor it might least become me here to speak. I may, however, be pardoned for not sup- pressing the sympathy with which my heart is full, in the rich reward he enjoys in the benedictions of a beloved country, gratefully bestowed for exalted talents, zealously devoted, through a long career, to the advancement of its highest interest and happiness. But the source to which I look for the aids which alone can supply my deficiencies, is in the well-tried intelligence 64 THE TRUE REPUBLICAiJ. and virtue ot my fellow-citizens, and in the counsels ot those representing them in the best other departments associated in the care of the national interests. In these my confidence will under every difficulty be placed, next to that in which we have all been encouraged to feel in tl)e guardianship and guidance of that Almighty Being whose power regulates the destiny of nations, whose bless ings have been so conspicuously dispensed to this rising republic, and to whom we are bound to address our de vout gratitude for the past, as well as our fervent suppli cations and best hopes for the future. MADISON'S FIRST ANNUAL MESSAGE, November 29, 1809. Fellow-citizens of the Senate^ and House of Representatives: At the period of our last meeting, I had the satisfac- tion of communicating an adjustment with one of the principal belligerent nations, highly important in itself, and still more so, as presaging a more extended accom- modation. It is with deep coiicern I am now to inform you, that the favorable prospect has been overclouded by a refusal of the British government to abide by the act of its minister plenipotentiary, and by its ensuing policy to- wards the United States, as seen through the communica- tions of the minister sent to replace him. Whatever pleas may be urged for a disavowal of en- gagements formed by diplomatic functionaries, in cases where, by the terms of the engagements, a mutual ratifi- cation is reserved ; or where notice at the time may have been given of a departure from instructions ; or in extra- ordinary cases, essentially violating the principles of equi- ty: a disavowal could not have been apprehended in a <»,ase where no such notice or violation existed; where no such ratification was reserved ; and, more especially, Madison's inaugural address. 65 where, as is now in proof, an engagement, to be executed without any such ratification, was contemplated by the instructions given, and where it had, with good faith, been carried into immediate execution on the part of the Uni- ted States. These considerations not having restrained the British government from disavowing the arrangement, by virtue of which its orders in council were to be revoked, and the event authorizing the renewal of commercial inter- (jourse having thus not taken place, it necessarily became a question of equal urgency and importance, whether the act prohibiting that intercourse was not to be considered as remaining in legal force. This question being, after due deliberation, determined in the affirmative, a procla- mation to that effect was issued. It could not but hap- pen, however, that a return to this state of things, from that which had followed an execution of the arrangement by the United States, would involve difficulties. With a view to diminish these as much as possible, the instruc- tions from the Secretary of the Treasury, now laid before you, were transmitted to the collectors of the several ports. If, in permitting British vessels to depart without giving bonds not to proceed to their own ports, it should appear that the tenor of legal authority has not been strictly pursued, it is to be ascribed to the anxious desire which was felt that no individuals should be injured by so unforeseen an occurrence : and I rely on the regard of Congress for the equitable itnerests of our own citizens, to adopt whatever further provisions may be found requi- site for a general remission of penalties involuntarily in- curred. The recall of the disavowed minister having been fol- lowed by the appointment of a successor, hopes were indulged that the new mission would contribute to allevi- ate the disappointment which had been produced, and to remove the causes which had so long embarrassed the good understanding of the two nations. It could not be doubted, that it would at least be charged with concilia- tory explanations of the steps which had been taken, and with proposals to be substituted for the rejected arrange ment. Reasonable and universal as this expectation was, C* 66 THE TRUE REPUBLICAN. it also has not been fulfilled. From the first oflicial dis- closures of the new minister, it was found that he had re- ceived no authority to enter into explanations relative to either branch of the arrangement disavowed, nor any au- thority to substitute proposals, as to that branch whicti concerned the British orders in council. And finally, that his proposals with respect to the other branch, the attack on the frigate Chesapeake, were founded on a pre- sumption, repeatedly declared to be inadmissible by the United States, that the first step towards adjustment was due from them ; the proposals, at the same time, omitting even a reference to the officer answerable for the murder- ous aggression, and asserting a claim not less contrary to the British laws and British practice, than to the princi- ples and obligations of the United States. The correspondence between the Department of State and this minister will show how unessentially the features presented in its commencement have been varied in its progress. It will show, also, that, forgetting the respect due to all governments, he did not refrain from imputa- tions on this, which required that no further communica- tions should be received from him. The necessity of this step will be made known to his Britannic majesty, through the minister plenipotentiary of the United States in Lon- don. And it would indicate a want of the confidence due to a government which so well understands and ex- acts what becomes foreign ministers near it, not (o infer that the misconduct of its own representative will be viewed in the same light in which it has been regarded here. The British government will learn, at the same time, that a ready attention will be given to communica- tions, through any channel which may be substituted. It will be happy, if the change in this respect should be accompanied by a favorable revision of the unfriendly policy which has oeen so long pursued towards the Uni- ted States. AVith France, the otlier belligerent, whose trespasses on our commercial rights have long been the subject of our just remonstrances, the posture of our relations does not correspond with the measures taken on the part of the United States to efll'ect a favorable change. The re- 67 suit of the several communications made to her govern- ment, in pursuance of the authorities vested by Congress in the executive, is contained in the correspondence of our minister at Paris now laid before you. By some of the other belligerents, although professing just and amicable dispositions, injuries materially aflect- ing our commerce have not been duly controlled or re- pressed. In these cases, the interpositions deemed proper on our part have not been omitted. But it well deserves the consideration of the legislature, how far both the safe- ty and honor of the American flag may be consulted, by adequate provision against that co'lusive prostitution of it by individuals, unworthy of the A nerican name, which has so much favored the real or pretended suspicions, un- der which the honest commerce of their fellow-citizens has sufl'ered. In relation to the powers on the coast of Barbary, no- thing has occurred which is not of a nature rather to in- spire confidence than distrust, as to the continuance of the existing amity. With our Indian neighbors, the just and benevolent system continued towards them, has alsc preserved peace, and is more and more advancing habits favorable to their civilization and happiness. From a statement which will be made by the Secretary of War, it will be seen that the fortifications on our mari- time frontier are in many of the ports completed, affording the defence which was contemplated; and that a further time will be required to render complete the works in the harbor of New York, and in some other places. By the enlargement of the works, and theemploymentof a great- er number of hands at the public armories, the supply of small arms, of an improving quality, appears to be annu- ally increasing at a rate that, with those made on private contract, may be expected to go far towards providing for the public exigency. The act of Congress providing for the equipment of our vessels of war having been fully carried into execu- tion, I refer to the statement of the Secretary of the Navy for the information which may be proper on that subject. To that statement is added a view of the trans- fers of appropriations, authorized by the act of the ses- 68 THE TRUE REPUBLICAN. sion preceding the last, and of the grounds on which the transfers were made. Whatever may be the course of your deliberations on the subject of our military establishments, I should fail in my duty in not recommending to your serious atten- tion the importance of giving to our militia, the great bulwark of our security and resource of our power, an organization the best adapted to eventual situations, for which the United States ought to be prepared. The sums which had been previously accumulated in the treasury, together with the receipts during the year ending on the 30th of Septembar last, (and amounting to more than nine millions of dollars,) have enabled us to fulfil all our engagements, and to defray the current ex- penses of government, without recurring to any loan. But the insecurity of our commerce, and the consequent dimi- nution of the public revenue, will probably produce a de- ficiency in the receipts of the ensuing year, for which, and for other details, I refer to the statements which will be transmitted from the treasury. In the state which has been presented of our affairs with the great parties to a disastrous and protracted war, carried on in a mode equally injurious and unjust to the United States as a neutral nation, the wisdom of the na- tional legislature will be again summoned to the impor- tant decision on the alternatives before them. That these will be met in a spirit worthy the councils of a nation conscious both of its rectitude and of its rights, and careful as well of its honor, as of its peace, I have an en- tire confidence. And that the result will be stamped by a unanimity becoming the occasion, and be supported by every portion of our citizens, with a patriotism enlight- ened and invigorated by experience, ought as little to be doubted. In the midst of the wrongs and vexations experienced from external causes, there is much room for congratula tion on the prosperity and happiness flowing from our sit- uation at home. The blessing of health has never bean more universal. The fruits of the seasons, though in particular articles and districts short of their usual redun- dancy, are more than sufficient for our wants and our com- "^1 -r^ m m m u (© [i.< 7^^ y y /'/^ ^-^^^ /^ Monroe's inaugural address. 69 forts. The face of our country every where presents the evidence of laudable enterprise, of extensive capital, and of durable improvement. In the cultivation of the mate- rials, and the extension of useful manufactures, more es- pecially in the general application to household fabrics, we behold a rapid diminution of our dependence on foreign supplies. Nor is it unworthy of reflection, that this re volution in our pursuits and habits is in no slight degree a consequence of those impolitic and arbitrary edicts, by which the contending nations, in endeavoring each of them to obstruct our trade with the other, have so far abridged our means of procuring the productions and manufactures, of which our own are now taking the place. Recollecting always, that, for every advantage which may contribute to distinguish our lot from that to which others are doomed by the unhappy spirit of the times, we are indebted to that Divine Providence whose goodness has been so remarkably extended to this rising nation, it becomes us to cherish a devout gratitude, and to implore from the same Omnipotent Source a blessing on the con- sultations and measures about to be undertaken for the welfare of our beloved country. MONROE'S INAUGURAL ADDRESS, March 5, 1817. I SHOULD be destitute of feeling if I was not deeply af- fected by the strong proof which my fellow-citizens have given me of their confidence, in calling me to the high office, whose functions I am about to assume. As the expression of their good opinion of my conduct in the public service, I derive fr,om it a gratification, which those who are conscious of having done all that they could do to merit it, can alone feel. My sensibility is increased by a just estimate of the importance of the trust, and of the nature and extent of its duties ; with the proper discharge of which the highest interests of a great and free people 70 THE TRUE REPUBLICAN. are intimately connected. Conscious ofmy own deficiency, I cannot enter on these duties without great anxiety for the result. From a just responsibility I will never shrink ; cal^ culating with confidence, that in my best elForts to promote the public welfare, my motives will always be duly appre- ciated, and my conduct be viewed with that candor and indulgence which I have experienced in other stations. In commencing the duties of the chief executive office, it has been the practice of the distinguished men who have gone before me, to explain the principles which would govern them in their respective administrations. In fol- lowing their venerated example, my attention is naturally dravvn to the great causes which have contributed, in a prin- cipal degree, to produce the present happy condition of the United States. They will best explain the nature of our duties, and shed much light on the policy which ought to be pursued in future. From the commencement of our revolution to the pre- sent day, almost forty years have elapsed, and from the establishment of this constitution, twenty-eight. Through this whole term, the government has been what may em- phatically be called, self-government; and what has been the effect? To whatever object we turn our attention, whether it relates to our foreign or domestic concerns, we find abundant cause to felicitate ourselves in the excellence of our institutions. -During a period fraught with difficul- ties, and marked by very extraordinary events, the United States have flourished beyond example. Their citizens, individually, have been happy, and the nation prosperous. Under this constitution our commerce has been wisely regulated with foreign nations, and between the states ; new states have been admitted into our Union ; our terri- tory has been enlarged by fair and honorable treaty, and with great advantage to the original states ; the states re- spectively protected by the national government, under a mild paternal system, against foreign dangers, and enjoy- ing within their separate spheres, by a wise partition of power, a just proportion of the sovereignty, have improv- ed their police, extended their settlements, and attained a strength and maturity which are the best proofs of whole- 8ome laws well administered. A.nd if we look to the condition of individuals, what a proud spectacle does it exhibit ? On whom has oppression fallen in any quarter of our Union ? Who has been deprived of any right of person or property? Who restrained from offering his vows, in the mode which he prefers, to the Divine Author of his beinff? It is well k-nown that all these blessings have been enjoyed in their fullest extent; and I add, with peculiar satisfaction, that there has been no example of a capital punishment being inflicted on any one for the crime of high treason. Some who might admit the competency of our govern ment to these beneficent duties, might doubt it in trials which put to the test its strength and efficiency as a mem- ber of the great community of nations. Here, too, ex- perience has afforded us the most satisfactory proof in its favor. Just as this constitution was put into action, sev- eral of the principal states of Europe had become much agitated, and some of them seriously convulsed. Destruc- tive wars ensued, which have of late only been termina- ted. In the course of these conflicts, the United States received great injury from several of the parties. It was their interest to stand aloof from the contest, to demand justice fPom the party committing the injury, and to cul- tivate by a fair and honorable conduct, the friendship of all. War became at length inevitable, and the result has shown that our government is equal to that, the greatest of trials under the most unfavorable circumstances. Of the virtue of the people, and of the heroic exploits of the army, the navy, and the militia, I need not speak. Such, then, is the happy government under which we live ; a government adequate to every purpose for which the social compact is formed ; a government elective in all its branches, under which every citizen may, by his merit, obtain the highest trust recognized by the con- stitution ; which contains within it no cause of discord ; none to put at variance one portion of the community with another ; a government which protects every citizen in the full enjoyment of his rights, and is able to protect the nation against injustice from foreign powers. Other considerations of the highest importance admo- nish us to cherish our union, and to cling to the govern- 72 THE TRUE REPUBLICAN. • ment which supports it. Fortunate as we are in our po litical institutions, we have not been less so in other cir cumstances on which our prosperity and happiness essen tially depend. Situated within the temperate zone, and extending through many degrees of latitude along the Atlantic, the United States enjoy all the varieties of cli- mate, and every production incident to that portion of the globe. Penetrating, internally, to the great lakes, and be- yond the resources of the great rivers which communicate through our whole interior, no country was ever happier with respect to its domain. Blessed too with a fertile soil, our produce has always been very abundant, leaving even in years the least favorable, a surplus for the wants of our fellow-men in other countries. Such is our peculiar felicity, that there is not a part of our Union that is not particularly interested in preserving it. The great agri- cultural interest of our nation prospers under its protec- tion. Local interests are not less fostered by it. Our fellow-citizens of the north, engaged in navigation, find great encouragement in being made the favored carriers of the vast productions of the other portions of the Uni- ted States, while the inhabitants of these are amply re- compensed, in their turn, by the nursery for se#men and naval force, thus formed and reared up for the support of our common rights. Our manufacturers find a generous encouragement by the policy which patronizes domestic industry ; and the surplus of our produce, a steady and pro- fitable market by local wants in less favored parts at home. Such, then, being the highly favored condition of our country, it is the interest of every citizen to maintain it. What are the dangers which menace us? If any exist, they ought to be ascertained and guarded against. In explaining my sentiments on this subject, it may be asked, what raised us to the present happy state ? How did we accomplish the revolution ? How remedy the defects of the first instrument of our Union, by infusing into the national government sufficient power for national purposes, without ^impairing the just rights of the states, or affecting those of indiviiluals ? How sustain and pass with glory through the late war? The government has been in the hands of the people. To the monroe'.-5 inaugural address. 73 people, therefore, and to the faithful and able depositaries of their trust, is the credit due. Had the people of the United States been educated in different principles, had they been lesp intelligent, less independent, or less virtu- ous, can it be believed that we should have maintained the same steady and consistent career, or been blessed with the same success ? While then the constituent body retains its present sound and healthful state, every thing will be safe. They will choose competent and faithful represen- tatives for every department. It is only when the people become ignorant and corrupt, when they degenerate into a populace, that they are incapable of exercising the sove- reignty. Usurpation is then an easy attainment, and an usurper soon found. The people themselves become the willing instruments of their own debasement and ruin. Let us then look to the great cause, and endeavor to pre- serve it in full force. Let us by all wise and constitu- tional measures, promote intelligence among the people, as the best means of preserving our liberties. Dangers from abroad are not less deserving of atten- tion. Experiencing the fortune of other nations, the United States may again be involved in war, and it may m that event be the object of the adverse party to over- set our government, to break our union, and demolish us as a nation. Our distance from Europe, and the just, moderate, and pacific policy of our government may form some security against these dangers, but they ought to be anticipated and guarded against. Many of our citizens are engaged in commerce and navigation, and all of them are in a certain degree dependent on their prosperous state. Many are engaged in the fisheries. These inte- rests are exposed to invasion in the wars between other powers, and we should disregard the faithful admonitions of experience if we did not expect it. We must support our rights, or lose our character, and with it, perhaps, our liberties. A people who fail to do it, can scarcely be said to hold a place among independent nations. National hon3r is national properly of the highest value. The sentiment in the mind of every citizen, is national strength It ought therefore to be cherislied. To secure us against these dangers, our coast and 7 •71 THE TRUE REFUBLICAN. inland frontiers should be fortified, our army and navy regulated upon just principles as to the force of each, be kept in perfect order, and our militia be placed on the best practicable footing. To put our extensive coast in such a state of defence as to secure our cities and inte- rior from invasion, will be attended with expense, but the work when finished will be permanent, and it is fair to presume that a single campaign of invasion, by a naval force, superior to our own, aided by a few thousand land troops, would expose us to a greater expense, without taking into the estimate the loss of property and distress of our citizens, than would be sufficient for this great work. Our land and naval forces should be moderate, but adequate to the necessary purposes. The former to garrison and preserve our fortifications, and to meet the first invasions of a foreign foe ; and while constituting the elements of a greater force, to preserve the science, as well as all the necessary implements of war, in a state to be brought into activity in the event of war. The lat- ter, retained within the limits proper in state of peace, might aid in maintaining the neutrality of the United States with dignity, in the wars of other powers, and in saving the property of their citizens from spoliation. la time of war, with the enlargement of which the great na« val resources of the country render it susceptible, and which should be duly fostered in time of peace, it would contri- bute essentially, both as an auxiliary of defence and as a powerful engine of annoyance, to diminish the calamities of war, and to bring the war to a speedy and honorable termination. But it ought always to be held prominently in view, that the safety of these states, and of every thing dear to a free people, must depend in an eminent degree on the militia. Invasions may be made too formidable to be re- sisted by any land and naval force, which it would com- port, either with the principles of our government, or the circumstances of the tJnited States to maintain. In such cases, recourse must be had to the great body of the peo- ple, and in a manner to produce the best efi'ect. It is of the highest importance, therefore, that they be so orga- nized and trained as to be prepared for any emergency Monroe's inaugural address. 75 The p.rrang-ement should be such as to put at the com- mand of the g-overnment the ardent patriotism and youth- ful vigor of the country. If formed on equal and just principles, it cannot be oppressive. It is the crisis which makes the pressure, and not the laws which provide a re- medy for it. This arrangement should be formed, too, in time of peace, to be the better prepared for war. With such an organization of such a people, the United States have- nothing to dread from foreign invasion. At its ap- proach, an overwhelming force of gallant men might al- ways be put in motion. Other interests of high importance will claim attention ; among which, the improvement of our country by roads and canals, proceeding always with a constitutional sanc- tion, holds a distinguished place. By thus facilitating the intercourse between the states, we shall add much to the convenience and comfort of our fellow-citizens, much to the ornament of the country, and what is of greater importance, we shall shorten distances, and by making each part more accessible to and dependent on the other, we shall bind the union more closely together. Nature has done so much for us by intersecting the country with so many great rivers, bays, and lakes, approaching from distant points so near to each other, that the inducement to complete the work seems to be peculiarly strong. A more interesting spectacle was perhaps never seen than is exhibited within the limits of the United States — a ter- ritory so vast, and advantageously situated, containing ob- jects so grand, so useful, so happily connected in all their Our manufactures will, likewise, require the systematic and fostering care of the government. Possessing, as we do, all the raw materials, the fruit of our own soil and industry, we ought not to depend in the degree we have done, on supplies from other countries. While we are thus dependent, the sudden event of war, unsought and unexpected, cannot fail to plunge us into the most serious difficulties. It is important, too, that the capital^vhich nourishes our manufactures should be domestic, as its in- fluence in that case, instead of exhausting, as it may do in foreign hands, would be felt advantageously on agri- 76 THE TRUE REPUBLICAN. culture, and every other branch of industry. Equally im portant is it to provide at home a market for our raw ma- terials, as by extending the competition, it will enhance tlie price, and protect the cultivator against the casualties incident to foreign markets. With the Indian tribes it is our duty to cultivate friendly relations, and to act with kindness and liberality in all our transactions. Equally proper is it to persevere in our ef- forts to extend to them the advantages of civilization. The great amount of our revenue, and the fi)urishing state of the treasury are a full proof of the competency of the national resources for any emergency, as they are of the willingness of our fellow-citizens to bear the burdens which the public necessities require. The vast amount of vacant lands, the value of which daily augments, forms an additional resource of great extent and duration. These resources, besides accomplishing every other ne- cessary purpose, puts it completely in the power of the United States to discharge the national debt at an early period. Peace is the best time for improvement and pre- parations of every kind: it is in peace that our commerce flourishes most, that taxes are most easily paid, and that the revenue is most productive. The executive is charged, officially, in the departments under it, with the disbursement of the public money, and is responsible for the faithful application of it to the pur- poses for which it is raised. The legislature is the watch- ful guardian over the public purse. It is its duty to see that the disbursement has been honestly made. To meet the requisite responsibility, every facility should be afford-' ed to the executive, to enable it to bring the public agents intrusted with the public money, strictly and promptly to account. Nothing should be presumed against them : but if, with the requisite facilities, the public money is suffered to lie long and uselessly in their hands, they will not be the only defaulters, nor will the demoralizing ef- fect be confined to them. It will evince a relaxation and want Hf tone in the administration, which will be felt by the whole community. I shall do all that I can to secure economy and fidelity in this important branch of the administration, and I doubt not that the legislature will Monroe's inaugural address. 77 perform its duty with equal zeal. A thorough exaniina- ♦ion should be regularly made, and I will promote it. It is particularly gratifying to me to enter on the dis- char.ge of these duties at a time when the United States are blessed with peace. It is a state most consistent with their prosperity and happiness. It will be my sincere desire to preserve it, so far as depends on the executive, on just principle with all nations, claiming nothing unrea- sonable of any, and rendering to each what is its due. Equally gratifying is it to vvitness the increased harmo- ny of opinion which pervades our Union. Discord does not belong to our system. Union is recommended, as well by the free and benign principles of our governmeivt, extending its blessings to every individual, as by the other eminent advantages attending it. The American people have encountered together great dangers, and sustained severe trials with success. They constitute one great family with a common interest. Experience has enlight- ened us on some questions of essential importance to the country. The progress has been slow, dictated by a just reflection, and a faithful regard to every interest connect- ed with it. To promote this harmony, in accordance with the principles of our republican government, and in a manner to give them the most complete effect, and to advance, in all other respects, the best interests of our country, will be the object of my constant and zealous ex- ertions. Never did a government commence under auspices so favorable, nor ever was success so complete. If we look to the history of other nations, ancient or modern, we find no example of a growth so rapid, so gigantic ; of a people so prosperous and happy. In contemplating what we have still to perform, the heart of every citizen must expand with joy, when he reflects how near our go- vernment has approached to perfection ; that in respect to it we have no essential improvement to make ; that the great object is to preserve it in the essential principles and features which characterize it, and that that is to be done by preserving the virtue and enlightening the minds of the people ; and, as a security against foreign dangers, to adopt such arrangements as are indispensable to th^ 7* 78 THE TRUE REPUBLICAN. support of our independence, our rights and liberties. If we persevere in the career in which we have advanced so far, and in the path already traced, we cannot fail, under the favor of a gracious Providence, to attain the high des- tiny which seems to await us. In the administration of the illustrious men who have preceded me in this high station, with some of whom I have been connected by the closest ties from early life, examples arfc presented which will always be found highly instructive and useful to their successors. From these I shall endeavor to derive all the advantages which they may afford. Of my immediate predecessor, under whom so important a portion of this great and successful expe- riment has been made, I shall be pardoned for expressing my earnest wishes that he may long enjoy in his retire- ment the affections of a grateful country, the best reward of exalted talents and the most faithful and meritorious services. Relying on the aid to be derived from the other departments of government, I enter on the trust to which I have been called by the suffrages of my fellow-citizens, with my fervent prayers to the Almighty that he will be graciously pleased to continue to us that protection which he has already so conspicuously displayed in our favor. MONROE'S FIRST ANNUAL MESSAGE, December 3, 1817. Fellow- Citizens of the Senate and House of Representatives : At no period of our political existence had we so much cause to felicitate ourselves at the prosperous and happy condition of our country. The abundant fruits of the earth have filled it with plenty. An extensive and profit- able commerce has greatly augmented our revenue. The public credit has attained an extraordinary elevation. Our preparations for defence, in case of future wars, from which, by the experience of all nations, we ought not eX' pect to be exempted, are advancing, under a well-digested Monroe's first annual message. 79 system, with all the despatch which so important a work will admit. Our free government, founded on the inte- rests and affections of the people, has gained, and is daily- gaining strength. Local jealousies are rapidly yielding to more generous, enlarged, and enlightened views of na- tional policy. For advantages so numerous and highly important, it is our duty to unite in grateful acknowledg- ments to that Omnipotent Being, from whom they are derived, and in unceasing prayer that he will endow us with virtue and strength to maintain and hand them down, in their utmost purity, to our latest posterity. I have the satisfaction to inform you, that an arrange- ment, which had been commenced by my predecessor, with the British government, for the reduction of the naval force, by Great Britain and the United States, on the lakes, has been concluded; by which it is provided, that neither party shall keep in service on lake Champlain more than one vessel ; on lake Ontario, more than one ; on lake Erie and the upper lakes, more than two ; to be armed, each with one cannon only, and that all the other armed vessels of both parties, of which an exact list is inter- changed, shall be dismantled. It is also agreed, that the force retained shall be restricted in its diity to the inter- nal purposes of each party ; and that the arrangement shall remain in force until six months shall have expired after notice having been given by one of the parties to the other of its desire that it should terminate. By this arrangement, useless expense on both sides, and what is of greater importance, the danger of collision between armed vessels in those inland waters, which was great, is prevented. I have the satisfaction also to state, that the commis- sioners under the fourth article of the treaty of Ghent, to whom it was referred to decide to which party the several islands in the bay of Passamaquoddy belonged, under the treaty of one thousand seven hundred and eighty-three, have agreed in a report, by which all the islands in the pos- session of each party before the late war have been decreed to it. The commissioners acting under the other articles of the treaty of Ghent, for the settlement of the bounda- ries, have also been engaged in the discharge of their 80 THE TRUE REPUBLICAN. respective duties, but have not yet completed them. The ditference which arose between the two governments under the treaty, respecting the right of the United State. to take and cure fish on the coast of the British pro- vinces, north of our limits, which had been secured by the treaty of one thousand seven hundred and eighty-three» !.s still in negotiation. The proposition made by this go- vernment, to extend to the colonies of Great Britain the principle of the convention of London, by which the com- merce between the ports of the United States and British ports of Europe had been placed on a footing of equali- ty, has been declined by the British government. This subject having been thus amicably discussed between the two governments, and it appearing that the British go- vernment is unwilling to depart from its present regula- tions, it remains for Congress to decide whether they will make any other regulations in consequence thereof, for tlie protection and improvement of our navigation. The negotiation with Spain, for spoliations on our com- merce, and the settlement of boundaries, remains essen- tially in the state it held in the communications that were made to Congress by my predecessor. It has been evi- dently the policy of the Spanish government to keep the negotiation suspended, and in this the United States have acquiesced, from an amicable disposition towards Spain, and in the expectation that her government would, from a sense of justice, finally accede to such an arrangement as would be equal between the parties. A disposition has been lately shovvn by the Spanish government to move in the negotiation, which has been met by this govern- ment, and should the conciliatory and friendly policy which has invariably guided our councils, be reciproca- ted, a just and satisfactory arrangement may be expected. It is proper, however, to remark that no proposition has yet been made from which such a result can be presumed. It was anticipated, at an early stage, that the contest between Spain and the colonies would become highly in- teresting to the United States. It was natural that our citizens should sympathize in events which affected their neighbors. It seemed probable, also, that the prosecution of the conflict, along our coast, and in contifljuous coun- Monroe's FiRst annual message. 81 iries, would occasionally interrupt our commerce, and otherwise affect the persons and prope/ty of our citizens, These anticipations have been realized. Such injuries have been received from persons acting under the autho- rity of both the parties, and for which redress has, in some instances, been withheld. Through every stage of the conflict, the United States have maintained an impar- tial neutrality, giving aid to neither of the parties in men, money, ships, or munitions of war. They have regarded the contest not in the light of an ordinary insurrection or rebellion, but as a civil war between parties nearly equal, having, as to neutral powers, equal rights. Our ports have been open to both, and every article the fruit of our soil, or of the industry of our citizens, which ei- ther was permitted to take, has been equally free to the other. Should the colonies establish their independence, it is proper now to state that this government neither seeks nor would accept from them any advantage in commerce or otherwise, which will not be equally open to all other nations. The colonies will in that event become inde- pendent states, free from any obligation to, or connexion with us, which it may not then be their interest to form on a basis of fair reciprocity. la the summer of the present year, an expedition was set on foot against East Florida, by persons claiming to act under authority of some of the colonies, who took possession of Amelia Island, at the mouth of St. Mary's river, near the boundary of the state of Georgia. As the province lies eastward of the Mississippi, and is bounded by the United States and the ocean on every side, and has been a subject of negotiation with the government of Spain, as an indemnity for losses by spoliation, or in exchange of territory of equal value, westward of the Mississippi, a fact well known to the world, it excited surprise that any countenance should be given to this measure by any of the colonies. As it would be difficult to reconcile it with the friendly relations existing between the United States and the colonies, a doubt was enter- tained whether it had been authorized by them, or any of them. This doubt has gained strength, by the cir- cumstances which have unfolded themselves in the prose- 82 THE TRUE REPUBLICAN. cution of the enterprise, which have marked it as a mere private unauthorized adventure. Projected and com- menced with an incompetent force, reliance seems to have been placed on what might be drawn, in defiance of our laws, from within our limits ; and of late, as their resources have failed, it has assumed a more marked cha- racter of unfriendliness to us, the island being made a channel for the illicit introduction of slaves from Africa into the United States, an asylum for fugitive slaves from the neighboring states, and a port for smuggling of every kind. A similar establishment was made, at an earlier period, by persons of the same description in the Gulf of Mexi- co, at a place called Galveston, within the limits of the United States, as we contend, under the cession of Loui- siana. This enterprise has been marked in a more sig- nal manner by all the objectionable circumstances which characterized the other, and more particularly by the equipment of privateers which have annoyed our com- merce, and by smuggling. These establishments, if ever sanctioned by any authority whatever, which is not be- lieved, have abused their trust and forfeited all claim to con- sideration. A just regard for the rights and interests of the United States required that they should be suppressed, and orders have accordingly been issued to that effect. The imperious considerations which produced this mea- sure will be explained to the parties whom it may in any degree concern. To obtain correct information on every subject in which the United States are interested ; to inspire just sentiments in all persons in authority, on either side, of our friendly disposition, so far as it may comport with an impartial neutrality, and to secure proper respect to our commerce in every port, and from every flag, it has been thought proper to send a ship of war, with three distinguished citizens along the southern coast, with instructions to touch at such ports as they may find most expedient for these purposes. With the existing authorities, with those jn the possession of, and exercising the sovereignty, must the communication be held ; from them alone can redress for past injuries, committed by persons acting under them MONROE S FIRST ANNUAL MESSAGE. 83 be obtained ; by them alone can the commission of the like in future be prevented. Our relations with the other powers of Europe have experienced no essential change since the last session. In our intercourse with each, due attention continues to be paid to the protection of our commerce, and to every other object in which the United States are interested. A strong hope is entertained, that by adhering to the maxims of a just, candid, and friendly policy, we may long preserve amicable relations with all the powers of Europe, on conditions advantageous and honorable to our country. With the Barbary states and the Indian tribes, our pa- cific relations have been preserved. In calling your attention to the internal concerns of our country, the view which they exliibit is peculiarly gratifying. The payments which have been made into the treasury show the very productive state of the public revenue. After satisfying the appropriations made by law for the support of the civil government and of the mili- tary and naval establishments, embracing suitable provi- sion for fortification and for the gradual increase of the navy, paying the interest of the public debt, and extin- guishing more than eighteen millions of the principal, within the present year, it is estimated that a balance of more than six millions of dollars will remain in the trea- sury on the first day of January, applicable to the current service of the ensuing year.. The payments into the treasury during the year one thousand eight hundred and seventeen, on account of im- ports and tonnage, resulting principally from duties which have accrued in the present year, may be fairly estimated at twenty millions of dollars ; internal revenues, at two millions five hundred thousand ; public lands, at one mil- lion five hundred thousand ; bank dividends and inciden- tal receipts, at five hundred thousand ; making, in the whole, twenty-four millions and five hundred thousand dollars. The annual permanent expenditure for the support of the civil government, and of the army and navy, as now established by law, amounts to eleven millions eight hun- 84 THE TRUE REPUBLICAN. died thousand dollars ; and for the sinking fund, to ten millions ; making, in the whole, twenty-one millions eight hundred thousand dollars ; leaving an annual excess of revenue, beyond the expenditure, of two millions seven hundred thousand dollars, exclusive of tlie balance esti- mated to be in the treasury on the 1st day of January one thousand eight hundred and eighteen. In the present state of the treasury, the whole of the Louisiana debt may be redeemed in the year 1819 ; after which, if the public debt continues as it now is, above par, there will be annually about five millions of the sink- ing fund unexpended, until the year 1825, when the loan of 1812, and the stock created by funding treasury notes will be redeemable. It is also estimated that the Mississippi stock will be discharged during the year 1819, from the proceeds of the public lands assigned to that object; after which the receipts from those lands will annually add to the public revenue the sum of one million five hundred thousand dollars, making the permanent annual revenue amount to twenty-six millions of dollars, and leaving an annual ex- cess of revenue after the year 1819, beyond the perma- nent authorized expenditure, of more than four millions of dollars. By the last returns to the department of war, the mili- tia force of the several states may be estimated at eight hundred thousand men, infantry, artillery, and cavalry. Great part of this force is armed, and measures are taken to arm the whole. An improvement in the organization and discipline of the militia, is one of the great objects which claim the unremitted attention of Congress. The regular force amounts nearly to the number re- quired by law, and is stationed along the Atlantic and in- land frontiers. Of the naval force, it has been necessary to maintain strong squadrons in the Mediterranean and in the Gulf of Mexico. From several of the Indian tribes, inhabiting the coun- try bordering on Lake Erie, purchases have been made of lands, on conditions very favorable to the United States and, it is presumed, not less so to the tribes themselves Monroe's FIRST ANNUAL MESSAGE. 85 By these purchases the Indian title, with moderate re- servations, has been extinguished to the whole of the land within the state of Ohio, and to a great part of that in Michigan territory, and of the state of Indiana. From the Cherokee tribe a tract has been purchased in the state of Georgia, and an arrangement made, by which, in exchange for lands beyond the Mississippi, a great part, if not the whole of the land belonging to the tribe, eastward of that river, in the states of North Carolina, Georgia, and Ten- nessee, and in the Alabama territory, will soon be ac- quired. By these acquisitions, and others that may rea- sonably be expected soon to follow, we shall be enabled to extend our settlements from the inhabited parts of the state of Ohio, along Lake Erie, into the Michigan terri- tory, and to connect our settlements by degrees, through the state of Indiana and the Illinois territory, to that of Missouri. A similar and equally advantageous effect will soon be produced to the south, through the whole extent of the states and territory which border on the waters emptying into the Mississippi and the Mobile. In this progress, which the rights of nature demand, and nothing can prevent, marking a growth rapid and gigantic, it is our duty to make new efforts for the preservation, im- provement, and civilization of the native inhabitants. The hunter state can exist only in the vast uncultivated desert. It yields to the more dense and compact form and greater force of civilized population ; and of right it ought to yield, for the earth was given to mankind to sup- port the greatest number of which it is capable, and no tribe or people have a right to withhold from the wants of others more than is necessary for their own support and comfort. It is gratifying to know that the reserva- tion of land made by the treaties with the tribes on Lake Erie, were made with a view to individual ownership among them, and to the cultivation of the soil by all, and that an annual stipend has been pledged to supply their other wants. It will merit the consideration of Congress, whether other provisions, not stipulated by the treaty, ought to be made for these tribes, and for the advance- ment of the liberal and humane policy of tfie United States towards all the tribes within our limits, and more 8 S6 THE TRUE REPUBLICAN. particularly for their improvement in the arts of civilized life. Among the advantages incident to these purchases, and to tliose which have preceded the security which may thereby be afforded to our inland frontier is peculiarly important. With a strong barrier, consisting of our own people thus planted on the lakes, the Mississippi and the Mobile, with the protection to be derived from the regu- lar force, Indian hostilities, if they do not altogether cease, will henceforth lose their terror. Fortifications in those quarters to any extent will not be necessary, and the expense attending them may be saved. A people accus- tomed to the use of fire-arms only, as the Indian tribes are, will shun even moderate works which are defended by cannon. Great fortifications will therefore be requi- site only in future along the coast, and at some points in the interior connected with it. On these will the safety of towns and the commerce of our rivers, from the bay of Fundy to the Mississippi, depend. On these, there- fore, should the utmost attention, skill and labor be be- stowed. A considerable and rapid augmentation in the value of all the public lands, proceeding from these and other obvious causes, may henceforward be expected. The dif- ficulties attending early emigrations will be dissipated even in the most remote parts. Several new states have been admitted into our Union to the west and south, and terri- torial governments, happily organized, established over every other portion in which there is vacant land for sale. In terminating Indian hostilities, as must soon be done, in a formidable shape at least, the emigration, which has heretofore been great, will ptobably increase, and the de- mand for land, and the augmentation in its value, be in like proportion. The great increase of our population throughout the Union will alone produce an important effect, and in no quarter will it be so sensibly felt as in those in contemplation. The public lands are a public stock, which ought to be disposed of to the best advan- tage for the nation. The nation should, therefore, derive the profit proceeding from the continual rise in their value. Every encouragement should be given to the emi- Monroe's first annual message. 87 grants, consistent with a fair competition between them ; but that competition should operate in the first sale to the advantage of the nation rather than of individuals. Great capitalists will derive all the benefit incident to their su perior wealth, under any mode of sale which may be adopted. But if, looking forward to the rise in the value of the public lands, they should have the opportunity of amassing, at a low price, vast bodies in their hands, the profit will accrue to them, and not to the public. They would also have the power, in that degree, to control the emigration and settlement in such a manner as their opi- nion of their respective interests might dictate. I submit the subject to the consideration of Congress, that such further provision may be made of the sale of the public lands, with a view to the public interest, should any be deemed expedient, as in their judgment may be best adapt- ed to the object. When we consider the vast extent of territory withm the United States, the great amount and value of its pro- ductions, the connection of its parts, and other circum- stances on which their prosperity and happiness depend, we cannot fail to entertain a high sense of the advantage to be derived from the facility which may be afforded in the intercourse between them, by means of good roads and canals. Never did a country of such vast extent offer equal inducements to improvements of this kind, nor ever were consequences of such magnitude involved in them. As this subject was acted on by Congress at the last session, and there may be a disposition to revive it at present, I have brought it into view for the purpose of communicating my sentiments on a very im.portant cir- cumstance connected with it, with that freedom and can- dor which a regard for the public interest and a proper respect for Congress require. A difference of opinion has existed from the first formation of our constitution to the present time, among our most enlightened and virtu- ous citizens, respecting the right of Congress to establish such a system of improvement. Taking into view the trust with which I am now honored, it would be improper, after what has passed, that this discussion should be re- vived with an uncertainty of my opinion respecting the 88 THE TRUE REPUBLICAN. right. Disregarding early impressions, I have bestowed on the subject all the deliberation which its great impor tance, and a just sense of my duty, required, and the re- sult is a settled conviction in my mind that Congress do not possess the light. It is not contained in any of the specified powers granted to Congress, nor can I consider it incidental to, or a necessary mean, viewed on the most liberal scale, for carrying into effect any of the powers which are specifically granted. In communicating this result, I cannot resist the obligation which I feel, to sug- gest to Congress tbe propriety of recommending to the states an adoption of an amendment to the constitution, which shall give to Congress the right in question. In cases of doubtful construction, especially of such vital interest, it comports with the nature and origin of our re- publican institutions, and will contribute much to pre- serve them, to apply to our constituents for an explicit grant of the power. We may confidently rely, that if it appears to their satisfaction that the power is necessary, it will be granted. In this case, I am happy to observe, that experience has afforded the most ample proof of its utility, and that the benign spirit of conciliation and harmony, which now manifests itself throughout our Union, promises to such a recommendation the most prompt and favorable result. I think proper to suggest, also, in case this measure is adopted, that it be recommended to the states to include in the amendment sought, a right in Congress to insti- tute, likewise, seminaries of learning, for the all-impor- tant purpose of diffusing knowledge among our fellow- citizens throughout the United States. Our manufactures will require the continued atten- tion of Congress. The capital employed in them is con- siderable, and the knowledge required in the machinery and fabric of all the most useful manufactures is of great value. Their preservation, which depends on due en- couragement, is connected with the high interests of the nation. Although the progress of the public buildings has been as favorable as circumstances have permitted, it is to be regretted the capitol is not yet in a state to receive you. MONROE S FIRST ANNUAL MESSAGE. 89 There is good cause to presume that the two wings, the only parts as yet commenced, will be prepared for that purpose the next session. The time seems now to have arrived, when this subject may be deemed worthy of the attention of Congress, on a scale adequate to national purposes. The completion of the middle building will be necessary to the convenient accommodation of Con- gress, of the committees, and various officers belonging to it. It is evident that the other public buildings are altogether insufficient for the accommodation of the seve- ral executive departments ; some of whom are much crowded, and even subject to the necessity of obtaining it in private buildings, at some distance from the head of the department, and with inconvenience to the manage- ment of the public business. Most nations have taken an interest and a pride in the improvement and ornament of their metropolis, and none were more conspicuous in that respect than the ancient republics. The policy which dictated the establishment of a permanent resi- dence for the national government, and the spirit in which it was commenced and has been prosecuted, show that such improvement was thought worthy the attention of this nation. Its central position, between the northern and southern extremes of our Union, and its approach to the west, at the head of a great navigable river, which interlocks with the western waters, prove the wisdom of the councils which established it. Nothing appears to be more reasonable and proper, than that convenient accommodation should be provided, on a well-digested plan, for the heads of the several de- partments, and for the attorney-general; and it is believed that the public ground in the city, applied to these objects, will be found amply sufficient. I submit this subject to the consideration of Congress, that such pro vision may be made in it, as to them may seem proper. In contemplating the happy situation of the United States, our attention is drawn, with peculiar interest, to the surviving officers and soldiers of our revolutionary army, who so eminently contributed, by their services, to lay its foundation. Most of those very meritorious citi- zens have paid the debt of nature and golfte to repose. It 8* 90 THE TRUE REPUBLICAN. is oelieved, that among the survivors there are some not provided for by existing laws, who are reduced to indi- gence, and even to real distress. These men have a claim on the gratitude of their country, and it will do honor to their country to provide for them. The lapse of a few years more, and the opportunity will be forever lost ; indeed, so long already has been the interval, that the number to be benefitted by any provision which may be made, will not be great. It appearing in a satisfactory manner that the revenue arising from imposts and tonnage, and from the sale of public lands, will be fully adequate to the support of the civil government, of the present military and naval esta- blishments, including the annual augmentation of the lat- ter to the extent provided for, to the payment of the in- terests on the public debt, and to the extinguishment of it at the times authorized, without the aid of the internal taxes, I consider it my duty to recommend to Congress their repeal. To impose taxes when the public exigen- cies require them, is an obligation of the most sacred character, especially with a free people. The faithful fulfil- ment of it is among the highest proofs of their virtue and ca- pacity for self-government. To dispense with taxes, when it may be done with perfect safety, is equally the duty of their representatives. In this instance, we have the satis- faction to know that they are imposed when the demand was imperious, and have been sustained with exemplary fidelity. I have to add, that however gratifying it ixiay be to me, regarding the prosperous and happy condinon of our country, to recommend the repeal of these taxes at this time, I shall, nevertheless, be attentive to events, and should any future emergency occur, be not less jprompt to snggest such measures and burdens as may tlu^ h'a requisite and proper. w ^(/^ /i^xiili^pAiri! ^ 5, S.. cAclcurr^J> J. Q. ADAMs' INAUGURAL ADDRESS. 91 J. Q. ADAMS' INAUGURAL ADDRESS March 4, 1825. In compliance with a usage coeval with the existence of our federal constitution, and sanctioned by the exam- ple of my predecessors in the career upon which I am about to enter, I appear, my fellow-citizens, in your pre- sence, and in that of Heaven, to bind myself, by the so- lemnities of a religious obligation, to the faithful perform- ance of the duties allotted to me, in the station to which I have been called. In unfolding to my countrymen the principles by which I shall be governed in the fulfilment of those duties, my first resort will be to that constitution, which I shall swear, to the best of my ability, to preserve, protect, and defend. That revered instrument enumerates the powers and prescribes the duties of the executive magis- trate ; and, in its first words, declares the purposes to which these, and the whole action of the government, in- stituted by it, should be invariably and sacredly devoted — to form a more perfect union, establish justice, insure domestic tranquillity, provide for the common defence, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to the people of this Union, in their successive generations. Since the adoption of this social compact, one of these generations have passed away. It is the work of our forefathers. Administered by some of the most eminent men who contributed to its formation, through a most eventful period in the annals of the world, and through all the vicissitudes of peace and war, incidental to the condition of associated man, it has not disappointed the hopes and aspirations of those illustrious benefactors of their age and nation. It has promoted the lasting welfare of that country, so dear to us all ; it has, to an extent far beyond the ordinary lot of humanity, secured the freedom and happiness of this people We now re- ceive it as a precious inheritance from those to whom we are indebted for its establishment, doubly bound by the examples they have left us, and by the blessings which 92 THE TRUE REPUBLICAN. we have enjoyed, as the fruit of their labors, to transmit the same, unimpaired, to the succeeding generations. In the compass of thirty-six years, since this great na- tional covenant was instituted, a body of laws enacted under its authority, and in conformity with its provisions, has unfolded its powers, and carried into practical opera- tion its etfective energies. Subordinate departments have distributed the executive functions in their various rela- tions tc foreign affairs, to the revenue and expenditures, and to the military force of the Union by land and sea. A co-ordinate department of the judiciary has expoUiided the constitution and the laws ; settling, in harmonious co- incidence with the legislative will, numerous weighty questions of construction which the imperfection of hu- man language had rendered unavoidable. The year of jubilee, since the first formation of our Union has just elapsed ; that of the declaration of independence is at hand. The consummation of both was effected by this constitu- tion. Since that period, a population of four millions has multiplied to twelve. A territory, bounded by the Mis- sissippi, has been extended from sea to sea. New states have been admitted to the Union, in numbers nearly equal to those of the first confederation. Treaties of peace, amity, and commerce, have been concluded with the prin- cipal dominions of the earth. The people of other na- tions, inhabitants of regions acquired, not byconquestbut by compact, have been united with us in the participation of our rights and duties, of our burdens and blessings. The forest has fallen by the axe of our woodsman ; the soil has been made to teem by the tillage of our far- mers ; our commerce has whitened every ocean. The dominion of man over physical nature has been extended by the invention of our artists. Liberty and law have marched hand in hand. All the purposes of Imman asso- ciation have been accomplished as eflfectively as under any other government on the globe ; and at a cost, little exceeding, in a whole generation, the expenditures of other nations in a single year. Such is the unexaggerated picture of our condition under a constitution founded upon the republican princi- ple of equal rights. To admit that this picture has its J a. ADAMS* INAUGURAL ADDRESS. 93 Bhades, is but to say that it is still the condition of men upon earth. From evil, physical, moral and political, it is not our claim to be exempt. We have suffered some- times Dy the visitation of Heaven, through disease ; often by the wrongs and injustices of other nations, even to the extremities of war ; and lastly, by dissensions among our- selves — dissensions, perhaps, inseparable from the enjoy- ment of freedom, but which have more than once appeared to threaten the dissolution of the Union, and, with it the overthrow of all the enjoyments of our present lot, and all our earthly hopes of the future. The causes of these dissensions have been various, founded upon differences of speculation in the theory of republican government ; upon conflicting views of policy, in our relations with foreign nations ; upon jealousies of partial and sectional interests, aggravated by prejudices and prepossessions, which strangers to each other are ever apt to entertain. It is a source of gratification and of encouragement to me, to observe that the great result of this experiment upon the theory of human rights has, at the close of that generation by which it was formed, been crowned with success equal to the most sanguine expectations of its founders. Union, justice, tranquillity, the common de- fence, the general welfare, and the blessings of liberty, all have been promoted by the government under which we have lived. Standing at this point of time ; looking back to that generation which has gone by, and forward to that which is advancing, we may at once indulge in grateful exultation and in cheering hope. From the experience of the past, we derive instructive lessons for the future. Of the two great political parties which have divided the opinions and feelings of our country, the candid and the just will now admit that both have contributed splendid talents, spotless integrity, ardent patriotism and disinte- rested sacrifices, to the formation and administration of this government ; and that both have required a liberal indul- gence for a portion of human infirmity and error. The revolutionary wars of Europe, commencing precisely al the moment when the government of the United States first went into operation under this constitution, excited a collision of sentiments and of sympathies, which kin- 94 THE TRUE REPUBLICAN. died all the passions, and embittered the conflict of par- ties till the nation was involved in war, and the Union was shaken to its cen'.re. This time of trial embraced a period of five-and-twenty years, during which the policy of the Union, in its relations with Europe, constituted the principal basis of our political divisions, and the most arduous part of the action of our federal government. With the catastrophe in which the wars of the French revolution terminated, and our own subsequent peace with Great Britain, this baneful weed of party strife was uprooted. From that time, no difference of principle, connected either with the theory of government, or with our intercourse with foreign nations has existed, or been called forth in force sufficient to sustain a continued com- bination of parties, or give more than wholesome anima- tion to public sentiment or legislative debate. Our po- litical creed is, without a dissenting voice that can be heard, that the will of the people is the source, and the happiness of the people the end, of all legitimate govern- ment upon earth. That the best security for the benefi- cence, and the best guaranty against the abuse of power, consists in the freedom, the purity, and the frequency of popular elections. That the general government of the Union, and the separate governments of the states, are all sovereignties of legitimated powers ; fellow-servants of the same masters, uncontrolled within their respective spheres, uncontrollable by encroachments upon each other. That the firmest security of peace is the pre- paration during peace of the defences of war. That a rigorous economy, and accountability of public expendi- tures, should guard against the aggravation, and alleviate, when possible, the burden of taxation. That the military should be kept in strict subordination to the civil power. That the freedom of the press and of religious opinion should be inviolate. That the policy of our country is peace, and the ark of our salvation, union, are articles of faith upon which we are all agreed. If there have been those who doubted whether a confederated represen- tative democracy were a government competent to the wise and orderly management of the common concerns of a mighty nation, those doubts have been dispelled. If J. Q. ADAMS INAUGURAL ADDRESS. 95 there have been projects of partial confederacies to be erected upon the ruins of the Union, they have been scat- tered to the winds. If there have been dangerous at- tachments to one foreign nation, and antipathies against another, they have been extinguished. Ten years of peace, at home and abroad, have assuaged the animosities of political contention, and blended into harmony the most discordant elements of public opinion. There still re- mains one effort of magnanimity, one sacrifice of prejudice and passion, to be made by the individuals throughout the nation, who have heretofore followed the standard of po- litical party. It is that of discarding every remnant of rancor against each other ; of embracing as countrymen and friends ; and of yielding to talents and virtue alone, that confidence which, in times of contention for principle, was bestowed only upon those who bore the badge of par- ty communion. The collisions of party spirit, which originate in specu- lative opinions, or in different views of administrative poli- cy, are in their nature transitory. Those which are found- ed on geographical divisions, adverse interests of soil, cli- mate, and modes of domestic life, are more permanent, and therefore perhaps more dangerous. It is this which gives inestimable value to the character of our govern- ment, at once federal and national. It holds out to us a perpetual admonition to preserve alike, and with equal anxiety, the rights of each individual state in its own government, and the rights of the whole nation in that of the Union. Whatever is of domestic concealment, un- connected with the other members of the Union, or with foreign lands, belongs exclusively to the administration of the state governments. Whatsoever directly involves the rights and interests of the federative fraternity, or of for- eign powers, is of the resort of this general government. The duties of both are obvious in the general principle, though sometimes perplexed with difficulties in the detail. To respect the rights of the state governments is the in- violable duty of that of the Union ; the government of every state will feel its own obligation to respect and pre- serve the rights of the whole. The prejudices every where too commonly entertained against distant strangers are 96 THE TRUE REPUBLICAN. worn away, and the jealousies of jarring interests are al layed by the composition and functions of the great na- tional councils annually assembled from all quarters of the Union at this place. Here the distinguished men from every section of our country, while meeting to deliberate upon the great interests of those by whom they are depu- ted, learn to estimate the talents, and do justice to the virtues of each other. The harmony of the nation is promoted, and the whole Union is knit together by the sentiments of mutual respect, the habits of social inter- course, and the ties of personal friendship, formed be- tween, the representatives of its several parts, in the per- formance of their service at this metropolis. Passing from this general review of the purposes and injunctions of the federal constitution, and their results, as indicating the first traces of the path of duty in the dis- charge of my public trust, I turn to the administration of my immediate predecessor, as the second. It has passed away in a period of profound peace : how much to the satisfaction of our country, and to the honor of our coun- try's name, is known to you all. The great features of its policy, in general concurrence with the will of the le- gislature, have been — to cherish peace while preparing for defensive war; to yield exact justice to other nations, and maintain the rights of our own ; to cherish the prin- ciples of freedom and of equal rights, wherever they were proclaimed; to discharge with all possible promptitude the national debt ; to reduce within the narrowest limits of efficiency the military force ; to improve the organization and discipline of the army; to provide and sustain a school of military science ; to extend equal protection to all the great interests of the nation ; to promote the civili- zation of the Indian tribes ; and to proceed in the great system of internal improvements within the limits of the constitutional power of the Union. Under the pledge of these promises, made by that eminent citizen, at the time of his first induction to this office, in his career of eight years, the internal taxes have been repealed ; sixty mil- lions of the public debt have been discharged; provision has been made for the comfort and relief of the aged and indigent among the surviving warriors of the revolution; J. Q. ADAMs' INAUGURAL ADDRESS. 97 the regular armed force has been reduced, and its consti- tution revised and perfected ; the accountability for the expenditures of public moneys has been made more effec- tive; the Floridas have been peaceably acquired, and our boundary has been extended to the Pacific ocean ; the in- dependence of the southern nations of this hemisphere has been recognized, and recommended by example and by counsel to the potentates of Europe , progress has been made in the defence of the country by fortifications, and the increase of the navy — towards the effectual suppres- sion of the African traffic in slaves— in alluring the abori- ginal hunters of our land to the cultivation of the soil and of the mind — in exploring the interior regions of the Union,^ and in preparing, by scientific researches and sur- veys, lor the further application of our national resources to the internal improvement of our country. In this brief outline of the promise and performance of my immediate predecessor, the line of duty for his suc- cessor is clearly delineated. To pursue to their consum- mation those purposes of improvement in our common condition, instituted or recommended by him, will embrace the wliole sphere of my obligations. To the topic of in- ternal improvement, emphatically urged by him at his in- auguration, I recur with peculiar satisfaction. It is that from which I am convinced that the unborn millions of our posterity, who are in future ages to people this conti- nent, will derive their most fervent gratitude to the found- ers of the Union ; that in which the beneficent action of its government will be most deeply felt and acknowledged. The magnificence and splendor of their public works°are among the imperishable glories of the ancient republics. The roads and aqueducts of Rome have been the admira- tion of all after-ages, and have survived thousands of years, after all her conquests have been swallowed up in despo- tism, or become the spoil of barbarians. Some diversity of opinion has prevailed with regard to the powers of Congress for legislation upon objects of this nature. The most respectful deference is due to doubts, originating in pure patriotism, and sustained by venerated authority. But nearly twenty years have passed since the construc- tion of the first national road was commenced. The au- 98 THE TRUE REPUBLICAN. thority for its construction was then unquestioned. To how many thousands of our countrymen has it proved a henefit ? To what single individual has it ever proved an injury? Repeated, liberal and candid discussions in the legislature have conciliated the sentiments, and approxi- mated the opinions of enlightened minds, upon the question of constitutional power. I cannot but hope that, by the same process of friendly, patient, and persevering delibe- ration, all constitutional objections will ultimately be re- moved. The extent and limitation of the powers of the general government, in relation to this transcendently im- portant interest, will be settled and acknowledged to the common satisfaction of all ; and every speculative scruple will be solved by a practical public blessing. Fellow-citizens, you are acquainted with the peculiar circumstances of the recent elections, which have result- ed in affording me the opportunity of addressing you at this time. You have heard the exposition of the princi- ples which will direct me in the fuliilment of the high and solemn trust imposed upon me in this station. Less possessed of your confidence in advance than any of my predecessors, I am deeply conscious of the prospect that I shall stand, more and oftener, in need of your indul- gence. Intentions, upright and pure ; a heart devoted to the welfare of our country, and the unceasing applica- tion of the faculties allotted to me to her service, are all the pledges that I can give to the faithful performance of the arduous duties I am to undertake. To the guidance of the legislative councils ; to the assistance of the exe- cutive and subordinate departments ; to the friendly co- operation of the respective state governments; to the can- did and liberal support of the people, so far as it may be de.-»erved by honest industry and zeal, 1 shall look for whatever success may attend my public service : and knowing that, except the Lord keep the city, the watch- man waketh but in vain, with fervent supplications for his favor, to his overruling providence I commit, with hum- ble but fearless confidence, my own fate and the future destinies? of my country. J. Q. ADAMS FIRST ANNUAL MESSAGE. 99 J. Q. ADAMS' FIRST ANNUAL MESSAGE, December 6, 1825 To the Senate, and Hous.e of Representatives of the United States: In taking a general survey of the concerns of our be- loved country, with reference to subjects interesting to the common welfare, the first sentiment which impresses itself upon the mind, is of gratitude to the Omnipotent Disposer of all good, for the continuance of the signal blessings of his providence, and especially for that health, which, to an unusual extent, has prevailed within our bor- ders ; and for that abundance which, in the vicissitudes of the seasons, has been scattered with profusion over our land. Nor ought we less to ascribe to Him the glory, that we are permitted to enjoy the bounties of his hand in peace and tranquillity — in peace with all the other nations of the earth, in tranquillity among ourselves. There has, indeed, rarely been a period in the history of civilized man, in which the general condition of the Christian na- tions has been marked so extensively by peace and pros- perity. Europe, with a few partial and unhappy exceptions, has enjoyed ten years of peace, during which all her go- vernments, whatever the theory of their constitutions may have been, are successively taught to feel that the end of their institutions is the happiness of the people, and that the exercise of power among men can be justified only by the blessings it confers upon those over whom it is extended. During the same period, our intercourse with all those nations has been pacific and friendly; it so continues. Since the close of your late session, no material varia- tion has occurred in our relations with any one of them. In the commercial and navigation system of Great Britain, important changes of municipal regulations have recently been sanctioned by the acts of parliament, the efl'ect of which upon the interests of other nations, and particular- ly upon ours, has not yet been fully developed. In the 100 THE TRUE REPUBLICAN. recent renewal of the diplomatic missions, on both sides, between the two governments, assurances have been given and received of the continuance and increase of the mutual confidence and cordiality by which the adjust- ment of many points of difference has already been effect- ed, and which affords the surest pledge for the ultimate satisfactory adjustment of those which still remain open, or may hereafter arise. The policy of tlie United States, in their commercial intercourse with other nations, has always been of the most liberal character. In the mutual exchange of their respective productions, they have abstained altogether from prohibitions ; they have interdicted themselves the power of laying taxes upon exports, and whenever they have favored their own shipping, by special preferences or exclusive privileges in their own ports, it has been only with a view to countervail similar favors and exclu- sions granted by the nations with whom we have been engaged in traffic, to their own people or shipping, and to the disadvantage of ours. Immediately after the close of the last war, a proposal was fairly made by the act of Con- gress of the 3d March, 1815, to all maratime nations, to lay aside the system of retaliating restrictions and exclu- sions, and to place the shipping of both parties to the common trade on a footing of equality in respect to the duties of tonnage and impost. This offer was partially and successively accepted by Great Britain, Sweden, the Netherlands, the Hanseatic cities, Prussia, Sardinia, the Duke of Oldenburg, and Russia. It was also adopted, under certain modifications, in our late commercial con- vention with France. And by the act of Congress of the 8th of January, 1824, it has received a new confirmation with all the nations who had acceded to it, and has been offered again to all those who are or may hereafter be will- ing to abide in reciprocity by it. But all these regula- tions, whether established by treaty or by municipal enactments, are still subject to one important restriction. The removal of discriminating duties of tonnage and impost, is limited to articles of the growth, produce, or manufacture of the country to which the vessel belongs, or to such articles as are most universally shipped from J. a. adaMs' first annual message. 101 her ports. It will deserve the serious consideration of Congress, whether even this remnant of restriction may not be safely abandoned, and whether the general tender of equal competition, made in the act of 8th January, 1824, may not be extended to include all articles of mer- chandise not prohibited, of what country soever they may be the produce or manufacture. Propositions to this effect have already been made to us by more than one Eu- ropean government, and it is probable that if once esta- blished by legislation or compact with any distinguished maratime state, it would recommend itself, by the experi- ence of its advantages, to the general accession of all. The convention of commerce and navigation between the United States and France, concluded on the 24th of June, 1822, was, in the understanding and intent of both parties, as appears upon its face, only a temporary ar- rangement of the points of difference between them of the most immediate and pressing urgency. It was limit- ed, in the first instance, to two years from the first of October, 1822, but with a proviso, that it should further continue in force till the conclusion of a general and de- finitive treaty of commerce, unless terminated by a notice six months in advance, of either of the parties to the other. Its operation, so far as it extended, has been mu- tually advantageous ; and it still continues in force, by common consent. But it left unadjusted several objects of great interest to the citizens and subjects of both coun- tries, and particularly a mass of claims, to considerable amount, of citizens of the United States upon the govern- ment of France, of indemnity for property taken or de- stroyed, under circumstances of the most aggravated and outrageous character. In the long period during which continued and earnest appeals have been made to the equity and magnanimity of France, in behalf of those claims, their justice has not been, as it could not be, de- nied. It was hoped that the accession of a new sovereign to the throne, would have afforded a favorable opportu- nity for presenting them to the consideration of his go- vernment. They have been presented and urged, hither- to, without effect. The repeated and earnest representa- tions of our minister at the court of France, remains as 9* 102 THE TRUE REPUBLICAN. yet even without nn answer. Were the demands of na- tions upon tlie justice oi each other susceptible of adju- dication by the decision of an impartial tribunal, those to whom I now refer would long since have been settled, and adequate indemnity would have been obtained. There are large amounts of similar claims upon the Nether- lands, Naples, and Denmark. For those upon Spain, prior to 1819, indemnity was, after many years of patient forbearance, obtained, and those of Sweden have been lately compromised by a private settlement, in which tlie claimants themselves have acquiesced. The governments of Denmark and of Naples have been recently reminded of those yet existing against them ; nor will any of them be forgotten while a hope may be indulged of obtaining iustice, by the means within the constitutional power of the executive, and without resorting to those means of self-redress, which, as well as the time, circumstances, and occasion, which may require them, are within the exclusive competency of the legislature. It is with great satisfaction that I am enabled to bear witness to the liberal spirit with which the republic of Colombia has made satisfaction for well-established claims of a similar character. And among the documents now communicated to Congress, will be distinguished a treaty of commerce and navigation with that republic, the rati- fications of which have been exchanged since the last re cess of the legislature. The negotiation of similar trea- ties with all the independent South American states, has been contemplated, and may yet be accomplished. The basis of them all, as proposed by the United States, has been laid in two principles ; the one, of entire and un- qualified reciprocity ; the other, the mutual obligation of the parties to place each other permanently on the footing of the most favored nation. These principles are, indeed, indispensible to the effectual emancipation of the Ameri- can hemisphere from the thraldom of colonizing monopo- lies and exclusions — an event rapidly realizing in the pro- gress of human affairs, and which the resistance still op- posed in certain parts of Europe to the acknowledgment of the Southern American republics as independent states, will, it is believed, contribute more effectually to J. Q. ADAMs' FIRST ANNUAL MESSAGE. 103 accomplish. The time has been, and that not remote when some of these states might, in their anxious desire to obtain a nominal recognition, have accepted of a nomi- nal independence, clogged with burdensome conditions, and exclusive commercial privileges, granted to the nation from which they have separated, to the disadvantage of all others. They now are all aware that such conces- sions to any European nation would be incompatible with that independence which they have declared and main- tained. Among the measures which have been suggested to them by the new relations with one another, resulting from the recent changes in their condition, is that of as- sembling at the Isthmus of Panama, a Congress, at which each of them should be represented, to deliberate upon objects important to the welfare of all. The republics of Colombia, of Mexico, and of Central America, have already deputed plenipotentiaries to such a meeting, and they have invited the United States to be also represented there by their ministers. The invitation has been accept- ed, and ministers on the part of the United States will be commissioned to attend at those deliberations, and to take part in them, so far as it may be compatible with that neutrality from which it is neither our intention nor the desire of the American states that we should depart. The commissioners under the seventh article of the treaty of Ghent have so nearly completed their arduous labors, that, by the report recently received from the agent on the part of the United States, there is reason to ex- pect that the commiision will be closed at their next ses- sion, appointed for the 22d of May, of the ensuing year The other commission appointed to ascertain the in demnities due for slaves carried away from the United States, after the close of the late war, have met with some difficulty which has delayed their progress in the inquiry. A reference has been made to the British government on the subject, which, it may be hoped, will tend to hasten the decision of the commissioners, or serve as a substi- tute for it. Among the powers specifically granted to Congress by the constitution, are those of establishing^ uniform law 104 THE TRUE REPUBLICAN. on the subject of bankruptcies throughout the United States ; and for providing for organizing, arming, and dis- ciplining the militia, and for governing such part of them as may be employed in the service of the United States, The magnitude and complexity of the interests affected by legislation upon these subjects, may account for the fact, that long and often as both of them have occupied the attention, and animated the debates of Congress, no systems have yet been devised for fulfilling, to the satis- faction of the community, the duties prescribed by these grants of power. To conciliate the claim of the indi- vidual citizen to the enjoyment of personal liberty, with the effective obligation of private contracts, is the difficult problem to be solved by a law of bankruptcy. These are objects of the deepest interest to society ; affecting all that is precious in the existence of multitudes of persons, many of them in the classes essentially dependent and helpless ; of the age requiring nurture, and of the sex en- titled to protection from the free agency of the parent and the husband. The organization of the militia is yet more indispensable to the liberties of the country. It is only by an effective militia that we can at once enjoy the re- pose of peace, and bid defiance to foreign aggression ; it is by the militia that we are constituted an armed nation, standing in perpetual panoply of defence, in the presence of all the other nations of the earth. To this end, it would be necessary, if possible, so to shape its organiza- tion, as to give it a more united and active energy. There are laws for establishing a uniform militia throughout the United States, and for arming and equipping its whole body. But it is a body of dislocated members, without the vigor of unity, and having little of uniformity but the name. To infuse into this most important institution the power of which it is susceptible, and to make it available for the defence of the Union, at the shortest notice, and at the smallest expense possible of time, of life, and of treasure, are among the l3enefits to be expected from tha persevering deliberations of Congress. Among the unequivocal indications of our national pros- perity, is the flourishing state of our finances. The reve- nues of the present year, from all their principal sources, 105 will exceed the anticipations of the last. The balance in the treasury on the first of January last, was a little short of two millions of dollars, exclusive (»f two millions and a half, being a moiety of the loan of five millions, authorized by the act of the 26th May, 1824. The re- ceipts into the treasury from the first of January to the 30th of September, exclusive of the other moiety of the same loan, are estimated at sixteen millions five hundred thou- sand dollars ; and it is expected that those of the current quarter will exceed five millions of dollars; forming an aggregate of receipts of nearly twenty-two millions, inde- pendent of the loan. The expenditures of the year will not exceed that sum more than two millions. By those expenditures, nearly eight millions of the principal of the public debt have been discharged. More than a million and a half has been devoted to the debt of gratitude to the warriors of the revolution ; a nearly equal sum to the construction of fortifications and the acquisition of ordnance, and other permanent preparations of national defence ; half a million to the gradual increase of t'he navy ; an equal sum for purchases of territory from the Indians, and payment of annuities to them; and upwards of a million for objects of internal improvement, autho- rized by special acts of the last Congress. If we add to these, four millions of dollars for payment of interest upon the public debt, there remains a sum of about seven mil- lions, which have defrayed the whole expense of the ad- ministration of government, in its legislative, executive, and judiciary departments, including the support of the military and naval establishments, and all the occasional contingencies of a government co-extensive with the Union. The amount of duties secured on merchandise import- ed, since the commencement of the year, is about twenty- five millions and a half; and that which wnll accrue during the current quarter, is estimated at five millions and a half; from these thirty-one millions, deducting the drawbacks, estimated at less than seven millions, a sum exceeding twenty-four millions will constitute the revenue of the year, and will exceed the whole expenditures of the year. The entire amount of the public debt remaining due on 106 THE TRUE REPUBLICAN. ihe first of January next, will be short of eighty-one mil- lions of dollars. By an act of Congress on the 3d of March last, a loan of twelve millions of dollars was authorized at four and a half per cent., or an exchange of stock to that amount, of four and a half per cent., for a stock of six per cent., to create a fund fo- extinguishing an equal amount of the public debt, bearing an interest of six per cent., redeema- ble in 1826. An account of the measures taken to give effect to this act will be laid before you by the Secretary of the Treasury. As the object which it had in view has been but partially accomplished, it will be for the consi- deration of Congress, whether the power with which it clothed tlie executive should not be renewed at an early day of the present session, and under what modifications. The act of Congress of the 3d of March last, directing the Secretary of the Treasury to subscribe, in the name and for the use of the United States, for one tliousand five hundred shares of the capital stock of the Chesapeake and Delaware Canal company, has been executed by the ac- tual subscription for the amount specified ; and such other measures have been adopted by that officer, under the act, as the fulfilment of its intentions requires. The latest accounts received of this important undertaking, au- thorize the belief that it is in successful progress. The payments into the treasury from proceeds of the sales of the public lands, during the present year, were estimated at one million of dollars. The actual receipts of the first two quarters have fallen very little short of that sum : it is not expected that the second half of the year will be equally productive ; but the income of the year, from that source, may now be safely estimated at a million and a half. The act of Congress of the 18th of May, 1824, to provide for the extinguishment of the debt due to the United States by the purchasers of publiclands, was limited, in its operation of relief to the purchaser, to the 10th of April last. Its effect at the end of the quar- ter during which it expired, was to reduce that debt from ten to seven millions. By the operation of ^iimilar prior laws of relief, from and since that of 2d March, 1821, the debt had been reduced from upwards of twenty-two J. Q. ADAMs' FIRST ANNUAL MESSAGE. 107 millions to ten. It is exceedingly desirable that it should be extinguished altogether; and to facilitate that consum- mation, 1 recommend to Congress the revival, for one year more, of the act of 18th of May, 1824, with such provisional modification as may be necessary to guard the public interests against fraudulent practices in the re-sale of relinquished land. The purchasers of public lands are among the most useful of our fellow-citizens ; and, since the system of sales for cash alone has been introduced, great indulgence has been justly extended to those who had previously purchased upon credit. Tlie debt which had been contracted under the credit sales had become un- wieldly, and its extinction was alike advantageous to the purchaser and the public. Under the system of sales, ma- tured as it has been by experience, and adapted to the exigencies of the times, the lands will continue, as they have become, an abundant source of revenue ; and when the pledge of them to the public creditor shall have been redeemed, by the entire discharge of the national debt, the swelling tide of wealth with which they replenish the com- mon treasury, may be made to reflow in unfailing streams of improvement, from the Atlantic to the Pacific ocean. The condition of the various branches of the public service resorting from the Department of War, and their administration during the current year, will be exhibited m the report of the Secretary of War, and the accompa- nying documents, herewith communicated. The organi- zation and discipline of the army are erfective and satis- factory. To counteract the prevalence of desertion among the troops, it has been suggested to withhold from the men a small portion of their monthly pay, until the period of their discharge ; and some expedient appears to be necessary, to preserve and maintain among the officers so much of the art of horsemanship as could scarcely fail to be found wanting on the possibly sudden eruption of a war, which should overtake us unprovided with a single corps of cavalry. The Military Academy at West Point, under the restrictions of a severe but paternal superinten- dence, recommends itself more and more to the patron- •age of the nation ; and the number of meritorious offi- cers which it forms and introduces to the public ser- 108 THE TRUE UEPUBLICAN. vice, furnishes the means of multiplying the undertaking of public improvements, to which their acquirements at that institution are peculiarly adapted. The school of artillery practice, established at Fortress Monroe, is well suited to the same purpose, and may need the aid of fur- ther legislative provision to the same end. The reports of the various officers at the head of the administrative branches of the military service, connected with the quar- tering, clothing, subsistence, health and pay of the army, exhibit the assiduous vigilance of those officers in the per- formance of their respective duties, and the faithful ac- countability which has pervaded every part of the system. Our relations with the numerous tribes of aboriginal natives of this country, scattered over its extensive sur- face, and so dependent, even for their existence, upon our power, have been during the present year highly interest- ing. An act of Congress of the 25th of May, 1824, made an appropriation to defray the expenses of making treaties of trade and friendship with the Indian tribes be- yond the Mississippi. An act of the 3d of March, 1825, authorized treaties to be made with the Indians for their consent to the making of a road from the frontier of Mis- souri to that of New Mexico. And another act, of the same date, provided for defraying the expenses of hold- ing treaties with the Sioux, Chippewas, Menomonees, Sacs, Foxes, &c., for the purpose of establishing boun- daries and promoting peace between said tribes. The first and the last objects of these acts have been accom- plished ; and the second is yet in a process of execution. The treaties which, since the last session of Congress, have been concluded with the several tribes, will be laid before the Senate for their consideration, conformably to the constitution. They comprise large and valuable acquisitions of territory; and they secure an adjustment of boundaries, and give pledges of permanent peace be- tween several tribes which had been long waging bloody wars against each other. On tlie 12th of February last, a treaty was signed at the Indian Springs, between commissioners appointed on the part of the United States, and certain chiefs and indi- 1 J. Q. ADAMs' FIRST ANNUAL MESSAGE. 109 viduals of the Creek n,ation of Indians, which was re- ceived at the seat of government only a very few days be- fore the close of the last session of Congress and of the late administration. The advice and consent of the Sen- ate was given to it on the third of March, too late for it to receive the ratification of the thenPresident of the United States : it was ratified on the 7th of March, under the unsuspecting impression that it had been negotiated in good faith and in the confidence inspired by the recom- mendation of the Senate. The subsequent transactions in relation to this treaty will form the subject of a separate communication. The appropriations made by Congress for public works, as well in the construction of fortifications, as for pur- poses of internal improvement, so far as they have been expended, have been faithfully applied. Their progress has been delayed by the want of suitable offiicers for su- perintending them. An increase of both the corps of engineers, military and topographical, was recommended by my predecessor at the last session of Congress. Tlie reasons upon which that recommendation was founded, subsist in all their force, and have acquired additional urgency since that time. It may also be expedient to organize the topographical engineers into a corps similar to the present establishment of the corps of engineers. The Military Academy at West Point will furnish, from the cadets annually graduated there, officers well quali- fied for carrying this measure into effect. The board of engineers for internal improvement, ap- pointed for carrying into execution the act of Congress of 30th April, 1824, " to procure the necessary surveys, plans and estimates, on the subject of roads and canals," have been actively engaged in that service from the close of the last session of Congress. They have completed the surveys necessary for ascertaining the practicability of a canal from the Chesapeake bay to the Ohio river, and are preparing a full report on that subject, which when completed, will be laid before you. The same ob- servation is to be made with regard to the two other ob jects of national importance, upon which the board have been occupied ; namely, the accomplishment of a nation- 10 no THE TRUE RKPUBLICAN. al road from this city to New Orleans, and the practica- bility of uniting- the waters of Lake Memphremagog with Connecticut river, and the improvement of the naviga- tion of that river. The surveys have been made, and are nearly completed. The report may be expected at an early period during the present session of Congress. The acts of Congress of the last session, relative to the surveying, marking, or laying out roads in the territory of Florida, Arkansas, and Michigan, from Missouri to Mexico, and for the continuation of the Cumberland road, are, some of them, fully executed, and others in the pro- cess of execution. Those for completing or commencing fortifications, have been delayed only so far as the corps of engineers have been inadequate to furnish officers for the necessary superintendence of the works. Under the act confirming the statutes of Virginia and Maryland, in- corporating the Chesapeake and Ohio Canal Company, tliree commissioners on the part of the United States have been appointed for opening books and receiving subscrip- tions, in concert with alike number of commissioners appointed on the part of each of those stales. A meet- ing of the commissioners has been postponed, to await the definitive report of the board of engineers. The light- houses and monuments for the safety of our commerce and mariners ; the works for the security of Plymouth Beach, and for the preservation of the islands in Boston harbor, have received the attention required by the laws relating to those objects, respectively. The continuation of the Cumberland road, the most important of them all, after surmounting no inconsiderable difficulty in fixing upon the direction of the road, has commenced under the most promising auspices, with the improvements of recent invention in the mode of construction, and with the advantage of a great reduction in the comparative cost of the work. The operation of the laws relating to the revolutionary pensioners may deserve the renewed consideration of Congress. The act of the 18th March, 1818, while it made provision for many meritorious and indigent citi- zens who had served in the war of independence, opened a door to numerous abuses and impositions. To remedv J. Q. ADAMs' FIRST ANNUAL MESSAGE. Ill this, the act of 1st May, 1820, exacted proofs of absolute indigence, which many really in want were unable, and all, susceptible of that delicacy which is allied to many virtues, must be deeply reluctant to give. The result has been, that some amongf the least deserving' have been re- tained, and some in whom the requisites both of worth and want were combined, have been stricken from the list. As the numbers of these venerable relics of an age gone by, di- minish; as the decays of body, mind and estate, of those that survive, must, in the common course of nature, in- crease ; should not a more liberal portion of indulgence be dealt out to them ? May not the want in most instances be inferred from the demand, when the service can be duly proved ; and may not the last days of human infirmity be spared the mortification of purchasing a pittance of re- lief, only by the exposure of its own necessities ? I sub- mit to Congress the expediency of providing for individu- al cases of this description, by special enactment, or of revising the act of the 1st of May, 1820, with a view to mitigate the rigor of its exclusions, in favor of persons to whom cliarity, now bestowed, can scarcely discharge the debt of justice. The portion of the naval force of the Union, in actual service, has been chiefly employed on three stations : the Mediterranean, the coasts of South America bordering on the Pacific ocean, and the West Indies. An occasion- al cruiser has been sent to range along the African shores most polluted by the traffic of slaves ; one armed vessel has been stationed on the coast of our eastern boundary, to cruise along the fishing grounds in Hudson's Bay, and on the coast of Labrador ; and the first service of a new frigate has been performed, in restoring to his native soil and domestic enjoyments, the veteran hero whose youth- ful blood and treasure had freely flowed in the cause of our country's independence, and whose whole life has been a series of services and sacrifices to the improve- ment of his fellow-men. The visit of General Lafayette, alike honorable to himself and to our country, closed, as it had commenced, with the most affecting testimonials of devoted attachment on his part, and of unbounded gratitude of this people to him in return. It will form, 112 THE TRUE REPUBLICAN. hereafter, a pleasing incident in the annals of our Union, giving to real history the intense interest of romance, and signally marking the unpurchasable tribute of a great nation's social affections to the disinterested champion of the liberties of human kind. The constant maintenance of a small squadron in the Mediterranean, is a necessary substitute for the humilia- ting alternative of paying tribute for the security of our commerce in that sea, and for a precarious peace, at the mercy of every caprice of four Barbary states, by whom it was liable to be violated. An additional motive for keeping a respectable force stationed there at this time, is found in the maritime war raging between the Greeks and the Turks ; and in which the neutral navigation of this Union is always in danger of outrage and depreda- tion. A few instances have occurred of such depreda- tions upon our merchant vessels by privateers or pirates wearing the Grecian flag, but without real authority from the Greek or any other government. The heroic strug- gles of the Greeks themselves, in which our warmest sym- pathies as freemen and Christians have been engaged, have continued to be maintained with vicissitudes of success adverse and favorable. Similar motives have rendered expedient the keep- ing of a like force on the coasts of Peru and Chili, ob the Pacific. The irregular and convulsive character of the war upon the shores, has been extended to the con- flicts upon the ocean. An active warfare has been kept up for years, with alternate success, though generally to the advantage of the American patriots. But their naval forces have not always been under the control of their own governments. Blockades, unjustifiable under any ac- knowledged principles of international law, have been proclaimed by officers in command ; and though disavow- ed by the supreme authorities, the protection of our own commerce against them has been made a cause of com- plaint and erroneous imputations against some of the most gallant ofliicers of our navy. Complaints equally ground- less have been made by the commanders of the Spanish royal forces in those seas ; but the most effective protec- tion to our commerce has been the flaor and the firmness J. Q. ADAMS* FIRST ANNUAL MESSAGE. 113 of our own commanding officers. The cessation of the war, by the complete triumph of the patriot cause, has removed, it is hoped, all cause of dissention with one party, and all vestige of force of the other. But an un- settled coast of many degrees of latitude, forming a part of our own territory, and a flourishing commerce and fish- ery, extending to the islands of the Pacific and to China, still require that the protecting power of the Union should be displayed under its flag, as well upon the ocean as upon the land. The objects of the West Indies squadron have been, to carry into execution the laws for the suppression of the African slave trade ; for the protection of our commerce against vessels of piratical character, though bearing commissions from either of the belligerent parties ; for its protection against open and unequivocal pirates. These objects, during the present year, have been ac- complished more efl'ectually than at any former period. The African slave trade has long been excluded from the use of our flag; and if some few citizens of our country have continued to set the laws of the Union, as well as those of nature and humanity, at defiance, by persevering in that abominable traffic, it has been only by sheltering themselves under the banners of other nations, less earn- est for the total extinction of the trade than ours. The irregular privateers have, within the last year, been in a great measure banished from those seas ; and the pirates, for months past, appear to have been almost entirely swept away from the borders and the shores of the two Spanish islands in +hose regions. The active, perseve- ring, and unremitted energy of Captain Warrington, and of the officers and men under his command, on that trying and perilous service, have been crowned with sig- nal success, and are entitled to the approbation of their country. But experience has shown that not even a temporary suspension or relaxation from assiduity can be indulged on that station without reproducing piracy and murder in all their horrors ; nor is it probable that, for years to come, our immensely valuable commerce in those seas can navigate in security, without the steady contin- uanue of an armed force devoted to its protection. 10* 114 THE TRUE REPUBLICAN. It were indeed a vain and dangerous illusion to believe that in the present or probable condition of human socie- ty, a commerce so extensive and so rich ab ours could exist and be pursued in safety, without the continual sup- port of a military marine — the only arm by which the power of this confederacy can be estimated or felt by foreign nations, and the only standing militaiy force which can never be dangerous to our own liberties at home. A permanent naval peace establishment, therefore, adapted to our present condition, and adaptable to that gigantic growth with which the nation is advancing in its career, is among the subjects which have already occupied the foresight of the last Congress, and which will deserve your serious deliberations. Our navy, commenced at an early period of our present political organization, upon a scale commensurate with the incipient energies, the scan- ty resources, and the comparative indigence of our infan- cy, was even then found adequate to cope with all tlie powers of Barbary, save the first, and with one of the principal maritime powers of Europe. At a period of further advancement, but with little ac- cession of strength, it not only sustained with honor the most unequal of conflicts, but covered itself and our coun- try with unfading glory. But it is only since the close of the late war that, by the numbers and force of the ships of which it was composed, it could deserve the name of a navy. Yet it retains nearly the same organi- zation as when it consisted of only five frigates. The rules and regulations by which it is governed earnestly call for revision ; and the want of a naval school of in- struction, corresponding with the Military Academy at West Point, for the formation of scientific and accom- plished officers, is felt with daily increasing aggravation. The act of Congress of 26th of May, 1824, authori- zing an examination and survey of the harbor of Charles- ton, in South Carolina, of St. Mary's, in Georgia, and of the coast of Florida, and for other purposes, has been executed so far as the appropriation would admit. Those of the third of March last, authorizing the establish- ment of a navy yard and depot on the coast of Florida, in the Gulf of Mexico, and authorizing the building of J. Q. ADAMS' FIRST ANNUAL MESSAGE. 115 ten sloops of war, and for other purposes, are in the course of execution : for the particulars of which and other objects connected with this department, I refer to the report of the Secretary of the Navy herewith commu- nicated. A report from the Postmaster-general is also submit- ted, exhibiting the present flourishing condition of that department. For the first time for many years, the re- ceipts for the year ending on the first of July last, ex- ceeded the expenditures during the same period, to the amount of more than forty-five thousand dollars. Other facts, equally creditable to the administration of this de- partment, are, that in two years from the first of July, 1823, an improvement of more than one hundred and eighty-five thousand dollars, in its pecuniary affairs, has been realized ; that, in the same interval, the increase of the transportation of the mail has exceeded one million five hundred thousand miles annually ; and that one thou- sand and forty new post-offices have been established. It hence appears, that under judicious management, tlie income from this establishment may be relied on as fully adequate to defray its expenses ; and that, by the discon- tinuance of post roads, altogether unproductive, others of more useful character may be opened, till the circulation of the mail shall keep pace with the spread of our popu- lation, and the comforts of friendly correspondence, the exchanges of internal traffic, and the lights of the period- ical press, shall be distributed to the remotest corners of the Union, at a charge scarcely perceptible to any indi- vidual, and without the cost of a dollar to the public trea- sury. Upon this first occasion of addressing the legislature of the Union, with which I have been honored, in pre- senting to their view the execution, so far as it has been effected, of the measures sanctioned by them, for promo- ting the internal improvement of our country, I cannot close the communication without recommending to their calm and persevering consideration the general prin- ciple in a more enlarged extent. The great object of the institution of civil government is the improvement *>f the condition of those who are parties to the social 116 THE TRUE REPUBLICAN compact. And no government, in whatever form con- stituted, can accomplish the lawful ends of its mstitution, but in proportion as it improves the condition of those over whom it is established. Roads and canals, by mul- tiplying and facilitating the communications and inter- course between distant regions and multitudes of men, are among the most important means of improvement. But moral, political and intellectual improvement, are duties assigned by the Author of our existence, to social, no less than to individual man. For the fulfilment of those duties, governments are invested with power; and, to the attainment of the end, the progressive improve- ment of the condition of the governed, the exercise of delegated powers is a duty as sacred and indispensable, as the usurpation of powers not granted is criminal and odious. Among the first, perhaps the very first instru- ment for the improvement of the condition of men, is knowledge ; and to the acquisition of much of the know- ledge adapted to the wants, the comforts, and enjoyments of human life, public institutions and seminaries of learning are essential. So convinced of this was the first of my predecessors in this office, now first in the memory as, living, he was first in the hearts of our coun- try, that once and again, in his addresses to the Con- gresses with whom he co-operated in the public service, he earnestly recommended the establishment of seminaries of learning, to prepare for all the emergencies of peace and war — a national university, and a military academy. With respect to the latter, had he lived to the present day, in turning his eyes to the institution at West Point, he would have enjoyed the gratification of his most ear- nest wishes. But, in surveying the city which has been honored with his name, he would have seen the spot of earth which he had destined and bequeathed to the use and benefit of his country as the site for a university, still bare and barren. In assuming her station among the civilized nations of the earth, it would seem that our country had contracted the engagement to contribute her share of mind, of labor, and of expense, to the improvement of those parts of knowledge which lie beyond the reach of individual J. Q. ADAMs' FIRST ANNUAL MESSAGE. 117 acquisition; and particularly to geographical and astro- nomical science. Looking back to the history only of half the century since the declaration of our indepen- dence, and observing the generous emulation with which the governments of France, Great Britain, and Russia, have devoted the genius, the intelligence, the treasures of their respective nations, to the common improvement of the species in these branches of science, is it not in- cumbent upon us to inquire whether we are not bound by obligations of a high and honorable character to con- tribute our portion of energy and exertion to the common stock? The voyages of discovery prosecuted in the course of that time at the expense of those nations, have not only redounded to their glory, but to the improvement of human knowledge. We have been partakers of that improvement, and owe for it a sacred debt, not only of gratitude, but of equal and proportional exertiori in the same common cause. Of the cost of these undertakings, if the mere expenditures of outfit, equipment, and com- pletion of the expeditions, were to be considered the only charges, it would be unworthy of a great and gene- rous nation to take a second thought. One hundred expeditions of circumnavigation, like those of Cook and La Perouse, would not burden the exchequer of the na- tion fitting them out, so much as the ways and means of defraying a single campaign in war. But if we take into the account the lives of those benefactors of man- kind, of which their services in the cause of their species were the purchase, how shall the cost of those heroic enterprises be estimated ? And what compensation can be made to them, or to their countries for them ? Is it not by bearing them in affectionate remembrance ? Is it not still more by imitating their example? by enabling countrymen of our own to pursue the same career, and to hazard their lives in the same cause ? On inviting the attention of Congress on the subject of internal improvements, upon a view thus enlarged, it is not my design to recommend the equipment of an expe- dition for circumnavigating the globe for purposes of scientific research and inquiry. We have objects of useful investigation nearer home, and to which our cares 118 THE TRUE REPUBLICAN. may be more beneficially applied. The in\«triOr of our own territories has yet been very imperfectiy explored. Our coasts, along many degrees of latitude upon tho shores of the Pacific ocean, though much irequented by our spirited commercial navigators, have been barely visited by our public ships. The river of the west, first fully discovered and navigated by a countryman of our own, still bears the name of the ship in which he as- cended its waters, and claims the protection of our armed national flag at its mouth. With the establishment of a military post there, or at some other point of that coast, recommended by my predecessor, and already matured in the deliberations of the last Congress, I would suggest the expediency of connecting the equipment of a public ship for the exploration of the whole north-west coast of this continent. The establishment of a uniform standard of weights and measures, was one of the specific objects contem- plated in the formation of our constitution ; and to fix that standard was one of the powers delegated by express terms, in that instrument, to Congress. The governments of Great Britain and France have scarcely ceased to be occupied wdth inquiries and speculations on the same subject, since the existence of our constitution ; and with them it has expanded into profound, laborious, and expensive researches into the figure of the earth, and the comparative length of the pendulum vibrating seconds in various latitudes, from the equator to. the pole. These researches have resulted in the composition and publica- tion of several works highly interesting to the cause of science. The experiments are yet in the process of per- formance. Some of them have recently been made on our own shores, within the walls of one of our own col- leges, and partly by one of our own fellow-citizens. It would be honorable to our country if the sequel of the same experiments should be countenanced by the patron- age of our government, as they have hitherto been by those of France and Great Britain. Connected with the establishment of a university, or separate from it, might be undertaken the erection g. an astronomical observatory, with provision for the support J. d. ADAMs' FIRST ANNUAL MESSAGE. 119 of an astronomer, to be in constant attendance of ob- servation upon the phenomena of the heavens ; and fo*" the periodical publication of his observations. It is with no feeling of pride, as an American, that the remark may be made, that, on the comparatively small territorial surface of Europe, there are existing upwards of one hundred and thirty of these light-houses of the skies ; while through- out the whole American hemisphere there is not one. If we reflect a moment upon the discoveries which, in the last four centuries, have been made in the physical constitution of the universe, by the means of these build- ings, and of observers stationed in them, shall we doubt of their usefulness to every nation ? And while scarcely a year passes over our heads without bringing some new astronomical discovery to light, which we must fain re- ceive at second hand from Europe, are we not cutting ourselves off from the means of returning light for light, while we have neither observatory nor observer upon our half of the globe, and the earth revolves in perpetual darkness to our unsearching eyes? When, on the 25th of October, 1791, the first Presi- dent of the United States announced to Congress the re- sult of the first enumeration of the inhabitants of this Union, he informed them that the returns gave the plea- sing assurance that the population of the United States bordered on four millions of persons. At the distance of thirty years from that time, the last enumeration, five years since completed, presented a population bordering on ten millions. Perhaps of ail the evidences of a pros- perous and happy condition of human society, the rapid- ity of the increase ot population is the most unequivo- cal. But the demonstration of our prosperity rests not alone upon this indication. Our commerce, our wealth, and the extent of our territories have increased in corres- ponding proportions ; and the number of independent communities, associated in our federal Union, has, since that time, nearly doubled. The legislative representation of the states and people, in the two houses of Congress, has grown with the growth of their constituent bodies. The House, which then consisted of sixty-five members, now numbers upwards of two hundred. The Senate, 120 THE TRUE REPUBLICAN. which consisted of twenty-six members, has now forty- eight. But the executive, and still more the judiciary departments, are yet in a great measure confined to theii primitive organization, and are now not adequate to the urgent wants of a still growing community. The naval armaments, which at an early period forced themselves upon the necessities of the Union, soon led to the establishment of a department of the navy. But the departments of foreign affairs and of the interior, which, early after the formation of the government, had been united in one, continue so united to this time to the unquestionable detriment of the public service. The multiplication of our relations with the nations and go vernments of the old world, has kept pace with that of our population and commerce, while, within the last ten years, a new family of nations, in our own hemisphere, has arisen among the inhabitants of the earth, with whom our intercourse, commercial and political, would, of it- self, furnish occupation to an active and industrious de- partment. The constitution of the judiciary, experimen- tal and imperfect as it was, even in the infancy of our existing government, is yet more inadequate to the admin- istration of national justice at our present maturity. Nine years have elapsed since a predecessor in this office, now not the last, the citizen who perhaps of all others through- out the Union, contributed most to the formation and establishment of our constitution, in his valedictory ad- dress to Congress, immediately preceding his retirement from public life, urgently recommended the revision of the judiciary, and the establishment of an additional exe- cutive department. The exigencies of the public service and its unavoidable deficiencies, as now in exercise, have added yearly cumulative weight to the considerations pre- sented by him as persuasive to the measure ; and in re- commending it to your deliberations, I am happy to have the influence of his high authority in aid of the undoubt- ing convictions of my own experience. The laws relating to the administration of the Patent Office are deserving of much consideration, and perhaps susceptible of some improvement. The grant of power to regulate the action of Congress on this subject, has J. Q. ADAMS FIRST ANNUAL MESSAGE, 121 specified both the end to be obtained and the means by which it is to be effected, " to promote the progress of science and the useful arts, by securing, for limited times, to authors and inventors the exclusive right to their re- spective writings and discoveries." If an honest pride might be indulged in the reflection, that on the records of that office are already found inventions, the usefulness of which has scarcely been transcended in the annals of human ingenuity, would not its exultation be allayed by the inquiry, whether the laws have effectively insured to the inventors the reward destined to them by the consti- tution — even a limited term of exclusive right to their dis- coveries ? On the 24th of December, 1799, it was resolved by Congress, that a marble monument should be erected by the United States, in the^capitol, at the city of Washing- ton ; that the family of General Washington should be requested to permit his body to be deposited under it; and that the monument be so designed as to commemorate the great events of his military and political life. In re- minding Congress of this resolution, and that the monu- ment contemplated by it remains yet without execution, I shall indulge only the remarks, that the works at the capitol,are approaching to completion ; that the consent of the family, desired by the resolution, was requested and obtained ; that a monument has been recently erected in this city, over the remains of another distinguished patriot of the revolution; and that a spot has been reserved with- in the walls where you are deliberating for the benefit of this and future ages, in which the mortal remains may be deposited of him whose spirit hovers over you, and listens with delight to every act of the representatives of his nation which can tend to exalt and adorn his and their country. The constitution under which you are assembled, is a charter of limited powers. After full and solemn delibe- ration upon all or any of the objects which, urged by an irresistible sense of my own duty, I have recommended to your attention, should you come to the conclusion, that, however desirable in themselves, the enactment of laws for effecting them would transcend the powers committed 122 THB TRUE REPUBLICAR. to you by that venerable instrument which we are all bound to support ; let no consideration induce you to as- sume the exercise of powers not granted to you by the people. But il the power to exercise exclusive legisla- tion in all cases v/hatsoever, over the District of Colum- bia; if the power to lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts, and excises, to pay the debts and provide forthe common defence and general welfare of the United States ; if the power to regulate commerce with foreign nations, and among the several states, and with the Indian tribes ; to fix the standard of weights and measures ; to establish post-ofhces and post-roads ; to declare war ; to raise and support armies ; to provide and maintain a navy ; to dis- pose ot and make all needful rules and regulations re- specting the territory or other property belonging to the United States; and to make all laws which shall be ne- cessary and proper for canying these powers into execu* tion : if these powers, and others enumerated in the con- stitution, may be effectually brouglit into action by laws promoting the improvement of agriculture, commerce, and manufactures, the cultivation and encouragement of the mechanic and of the elegant arts, the advancement of literature, and the progress of the sciences, orna- mental and profound ; to refrain from exercising them forthe benefit of the people themselves, would be to hide in the earth the talent committed to our charge — would be treachery to the most sacred of trusts. The spirit of improvement is abroad upon the earth. It stimulates the hearts and sharpens the faculties, not of our fellow-citizens alone, but of the nations of Europe, and of their rulers. While dwelling with pleasinor satis- faction upon the superior excellence of our political in- stitutions, let us not be unmindful that liberty is power; that the nation blessed with the largest portion of liberty, must, in proportion to its numbers, be the most power- ful nation upon earth ; and that the tenure of power by man is, in the moral purposes of his Creator, upon condition that it shall be exercised to ends of beneficence, to improve the condition of himself and his fellow-men. While foreign nations, less blessed with that freedom which is power than ourselves, are advancing with gigan- J. Q. ADAMs' FIRST ANNUAL MESSAGE, 123 tic strides in the career of public improvement; were wc to slumber in indolence, or fold up our arms and proclaim lo the world that we are palsied by the will of our consti- tuents, would it not be to cast away the bounties of Pro- vidence, and doom ourselves to perpetual inferiority ? In the course of the year now drawing to its close, we have beheld, under the auspices and expense of one state in our Union, a new university unfolding its portals to the sons of science, and holding up the torch of human improve ment to eyes that seek the light. We have seen under the persevering and enlightened enterprise of another state, the waters of our western lakes mingle with those of the ocean. If undertakings like these have been ac- complished in the compass of a few years, by the autho- rity of single members of our confederation, can we, the representative authorities of the whole Union, fall behind our fellow servants in the exercise of the trust committed to us for the benefit of our common sovereign, by the ac- complishment of works important to the whole, and to which neither the authority nor the resources of any one state can be adequate ? Finally, fellow-citizens, I shall /ait, with cheering hope and faithful co-operation, the resultof your delibera- tions ; assured that, without encroaching upon the pow- ers reserved to the authorities of the respective states, or to the people, you will, with a due sense of your obliga- tions to your country, and of the high responsibilities weighing upon yourselves, give efficacy to the means com- mitted to you for the common good. And may He who searches the hearts of the children of men, prosper your exertions to secure the blessings of peace and pronwte the highest welfare of our country. 124 THE TRUE REPUBLICAN. JACKSON'S INAUGURAL ADDRESS, March 4, 1829. Fellow Citizens: About to undertake the arduous duties that I have been appointed to perform, by the choice of a free people, I avail myself of this customary and solemn occasion to ex- press the gratitude which their confidence inspires, and to acknowledge the accountability which my situation en- joins. While the magnitude of their interests convinces me that no thanks can be adequate to the honor they have conferred, it admonishes me that the best return I can make, is the zealous dedication of my humble abili- ties to their service and their good. As the instrument of the federal constitution, it will devolve upon me, for a stated period, to execute the laws of the United States ; to superintend their foreign and confederate relations ; to manage their revenue ; to com- mand their forces ; and, by communications to the legis- lature, to watch over and to promote their interests gene- rally. And the principles of action by which I shall endeavor to accomplish this circle of duties, it is now proper for me briefly to explain. In administering the laws of Congress, I shall keep steadily in view the limitations as well as the extent of the executive power, trusting thereby to discharge the functions of my office, without transcending its authority. AVith foreign nations, it will be my study to preserve peace, and to cultivate friendship on fair and honorable terms ; and in the adjustment of any differences that may exist or arise, to exhibit the forbearance becoming a powerful nation, rather than the sensibility belonging to a gallant people. In such measures as I may be called on to pursue, in regard to the rights of tlie separate states, I liope to be animated by a proper respect for those sovereign members of our Union; taking care not to confound the powers they have reserved to themselves with those they have granted to the confederacy. ^\WE)^iEW J#\(DB^S®N. ^^l^i^/L^^^^' 125 The management of the public revenue — that search- ing operation of all governments — is among the most delicate and important trusts in ours ; and it will, of course, demand no inconsiderable share of my official solicitude. Under every aspect in which it can be con- sidered, it would appear that advantage must result from the observance of a strict and faithful economy. This I shall aim at the more anxiously, both because it will facili- tate the extinguishment of the national debt, the unne- cessary duration of which is incompatible with real inde- pendence, and because it will counteract that tendency to public and private profligacy which a profuse expendi- ture of money by the government is but too apt to en- gender. Powerful auxiliaries to the attainment of this desirable end, are to be found in the regulations provided by the wisdom of Congress for the specific appropriation of public money, and the prompt accountability of pub- lic officers. With regard to a proper selection of the subjects of impost, with a view to revenue, it would seem to me that the spirit of equity, caution, and compromise, in which the constitution was formed, requires that the great interests of agriculture, commerce and manufac- tures, should be equally favored, and that perhaps the only exception to this rule should consist in the peculiar en- couragement of any products of either of them that may be found essential to our national independence. Internal improvement and the diffusion of knowledge, so far as they can be promoted by the constitutional acts of the federal government, are of high importance. Considering standing armies as dangerous to free go- vernments in time of peace, I shall not seek to enlarge our present establishment, nor to disregard that salutary lesson of political experience which teaches that the mili- tary should be held subordinate to the civil power. The gradual increase of our navy, whose flag has displayed, in distant climes, our skill in navigation, and our fame in arms ; the preservation of our forts, arsenals, and dock- yards ; and the introduction of progressive improvements in the discipline and science of both branches of our military service, are so plainly prescribed by piudence that I should be excused for omitting their mention, sooner 11* 126 THE TRUE KEPUBLICAN. than enlarging on their importance. But the bulwark of our defence is the national militia, which, in the pre sent state of our intelligence and population, must render us invincible. As lonor as our crovernment is administered for the good of the people, and is regulated by their will; as long as it secures to us the right of person and pro- perty, liberty of conscience, and of the press, it will be worth defending ; and so long as it is worth defending, a patriotic militia will cover it with an impenetrable cegis. Partial injuries and occasional mortifications we may be subjected to ; but a million of armed freemen, possessed of the means of war, can never be conquered by a fo- reign foe. To any just system, therefore, calculated to strengthen this natural safeguard of the country, I shall cheerfully lend all the aid in my power. It will be my sincere and constant desire to observe towards the Indian tribes within our limits, a just and liberal policy ; and to give that humane and considerate attention to their rights and their wants, which are con- sistent with the habits of our government and the feelings of our people. The recent demonstration of public sentiment inscribes on the list of executive duties, in characters too legible to be overlooked, the task of reform ; which will require, particularly the correction of those abuses that have brought the patronage of the federal government into conflict with the freedom of elections, and the counter- action of those causes which have disturbed the rightful course of appointment, and have placed or continued power in unfaithful or incompetent hands. In the performance of a task thus generally delineated, I shall endeavor to select men whose diligence and talents will insure, in their respective stations, able and faithful co-operation — depending for the advancement of the pub- lic service, more on the integrity and zeal of the public officers, than on their numbers. A diffidence, perhaps too just, in my own qualifications, will teach me to look with reverence to the examples of public virtue left by my illustrious predecessors, and with veneration to the lights that flow from the mind that found- ed and the mind that reformed our system. The same 127 diffidence induces me to hope for instruction and aid from the co-ordinate branches of the government, and for the indulgence and support of my fellow-citizens gene rally. And a firm reliance on the goodness of that Pow- er whose providence mercifully protected our national infancy, and has since upheld our liberties in various vicissitudes, encourages me to ofler up my ardent suppli- cations that He will continue to make our beloved coun- try the object of his divine care and gracious benediction JACKSON'S FIRST ANNUAL MESSAGE, December 8, 1829. Fellow- Citizens of the Senate, and House of Representatives : It aflbrds me pleasure to tender my friendly greetings to you on the occasion of your assembling at the seat of government, to enter upon the important duties to which you have been called by the voice of our countrymen. The task devolves on me, under a provision of the consti- tution, to present to you, as the federal legislature of twenty-four sovereign states, and twelve millions of happy people, a view of our affairs ; and to propose such mea- sures as, in the discharge of my official functions, have suggested themselves as necessary to promote the objects of our Union. In communicating with you for the first time, it is to me a source of unfeigned satisfaction, calling for mutual gratulation and devout thanks to a benign Providence, that we are at peace with all mankind ; and that our country exhibits the most cheering evidence of general welfare and progressive improvement. Turning our eyes to other nations, our great desire is to see our brethren of the human race secured in the blessings tliey enjoy by ourselves, and advancing in knowledge, in freedom, and \n social happiness. 128 THE TRUE REPUBLICAN. Our foreign relations, although in their general cha- racter pacific and friendly, present subjects of difference between us and other powers of deep interest, as well to the country at large as to many of our citizens. To ef- fect an adjustment of these shall continue to be the ob- ject of my earnest endeavors ; and notwithstanding the difficulties of the task, 1 do not allow myself to appre- hend unfavorable results. Blessed as our country is with every thing which constitutes national strength, she is fully adequate to the maintenance of all her interests. In discharging the responsible trust confided to the executive in this respect, it is my settled purpose to ask nothing that is not clearly right, and to submit to nothing that is wrong ; and I flatter myself, that, supported by the other branches of the government, and by the intelligence and patriotism of the people, we shall be able, under the pro tection of Providence, to cause all our just rights to be respected. Of the unsettled matters between the United States and other powers, the most prominent of those which have for years been the subject of negotiation with Eng- land, France, and Spain. The late periods at which our ministers to those governments left the United States, render it impossible, at this early day, to inform you of what has been done on the subjects with which they have been respectively charged. Relying upon the justice of our views in relation to the points committed to negotia- tion, and the reciprocal good feeling which characterizes our intercourse with those nations, we have the best rea- son to hope for a satifactory adjustment of existing dif- ferences. With Great Britain, alike distinguishefl in peace and war, we may look forward to years of peaceful, honora- ble, and elevated competition. Every thing in the condi- tion and history of the two nations is calculated to inspire sentiments of mutual respect, and to carry conviction to the minds of both, that it is their policy to preserve the most cordial relations. Such are my own views ; audit is not to be doubted that such are also tlie prevailing sen- iiments of our constituents. Although neither time nor opportunity has been afforded for a full development of Jackson's first annual message. 12U the policy which the present cabinet of Great Britain de- signs to pursue towards this country, I indulge the hope that it will be of a just and pacific character ; and if this anticipation be realized, we may look with confidence to a speedy and acceptable adjustment of our affairs. Under the convention for regulating the reference to arbitration the disputed points of boundary under the fifth article of the treaty of Ghent, the proceedings have hitherto been conducted in the spirit of candor and libe- lality which ought ever to characterize the acts of sove- reign states, seeking to adjust, by the most unexception- able means, important and delicate subjects of contention. The first statements of the parties have been exchanged, and the final replication on our part is in a course of pre- paration. This subject has received the attention de- manded by its great and peculiar importance to a patriotic member of this confederacy. The exposition of our rights, already made, is such as from the high reputation of the commissioners by whom it has been prepared, we had a right to expect. Our interests at the court of the sovereign who has evinced his friendly disposition, by assuming the delicate task of arbitration, have been com- mitted to a citizen of the state of Maine, whose charac- ter, talents, and intimate acquaintance with the subject, eminently qualify him for so responsible a trust. With full confidence in the justice of our cause, and in the pro- bity, intelligence, and uncompromising independence of the illustrious arbitrator, we can have nothing to appre- hend from the result. From France, our ancient ally, we have a right to ex- pect that justice which becomes the sovereign of a pow- erful, intelligent, and magnanimous people. The benefi- cial effects produced by the commercial convention of 1822^ limited as are its provisions, are too obvious not to make a salutary impression upon the minds of those who are charged with the administration of her government. Should this result induce a disposition to embrace to their full extent the wholesome principles which constitute our commercial policy, our minister to that court will be found instructed to cherish such a disposition, and to aid 130 THE TRUE REPUBLICAN. in conducting it to useful practical conclusions. Th« claims of our citizens for depredations upon tlieir pro- perty, long since committed under the authority, and in many instances, by the express direction, of the then ex- isting government of France, remained unsatisfied; and must, therefore, continue, to furnish a subject of unplea- sant discussion, and possible collision, between the two governments. I cherish, however, a lively hope, founded as well on the validity of those claims, and the established policy of all enlightened governments, as on the known integrity of the French monarch, that the injurious delays of ihe past will find redress in the equity of the future. — Our minister has been instructed to press these demands on the French government with all the earnestness which is called for by their importance and irrefutable justice ; and in a spirit that will evince the respect which is due to the feelinofs of those from whom the satisfaction is re- quired. Our minister recendy appointed to Spain has been authorized to assist in removing evils alike injurious to both countries, either by concluding a commercial con- vention upon liberal and reciprocal terms; or by urging the acceptance, in their full extent, of the mutually bene- ficial provisions of our navigation act. He has also been instructed to make a further appeal to the justice of Spain, in behalf of our citizens, for indemnity for spoliations upon our commerce, committed under her authority — an appeal which the pacific and liberal course observed on our part, and a due confidence in the honor of that go- vernment authorized us to expect will not be made in vain. With other European powers, our intercourse is on the most friendly footing. In Russia, placed by her territo- rial limits, extensive population, and great power, high in the rank of nations, the United States have always found a steadfast friend. Although her recent invasions of Tur- key awakened a lively sympathy for those who were ex- posed to the desolations of war, we cannot but anticipate that the result will prove favorable to the cause of civili- zation, and to the progress of human happiness. The treaty of peace between these powers having been ratified, 131 we cannot be insensible to the great benefit to be derived by the commerce of the United States from unlocking the navigation of the Black Sea— a free passage into which is secured to all merchant vessels bound to ports of Rus sia under a flag at peace with the Porte. This advan- tage, enjoyed upon conditions, by most of the powers ot Europe, has hitherto been withheld from us. During the past summer, an antecedent but unsuccessful attempt to obtain it, was renewed under circumstances which pro- mised the most favorable results. Although these results have fortunately been thus in part attained, further facili- ties to the enjoyment of this new field for the enterprise of our citizens are, in my opinion, sufficiently desirable to insure to them our most zealous attention. Our trade with Austria, although of secondary import ance, has been gradually increasing: and is now so ex- tended as to deserve the fostering care of the government. A negotiation, commenced and nearly completed with that power, by the late administration, has been consum- mated by a treaty of amity, navigation and commerce, which will be laid before the Senate. During the recess of Congress, our diplomatic relations with Portugal have been resumed. The peculiar state of things in that country caused a suspension of the recognition of the representative who presented himself, until an opportunity was had to obtain from our official organ there, information regarding the actual, and, as far as practicable, prospective condition of the authority by which the representative in question was appointed. This information being received, the application of the esta- blished mle of our government, in like cases, was no longer withheld. Considerable advances have been made during the present year in the adjustment of claims of our citizens upon Denmark for spoliations ; but all that we have a right to demand from that government in their behalf has not yet been conceded. From the liberal footing, however, upon which this subject has, with the approbation of the claimants, been placed by the government, together with the uniformly just and friendly disposition which has been evinced by his Danish majesty, there is a reasonable 132 THE TRUE REPUBLICAN. ground to hope that this single subject of difference will speedily be removed. Our relations with the Barbary powers continue, as they have long been, of the most favorable character. The policy O'f keeping an adequate force in the Mediterra- nean, as security for the continuance of this tranquillity will be persevered in ; as well as a similtir one for the protection of our commerce and fisheries in the Pacific. The southern republics of our hemisphere have not yet realized all the advantages for which they have been so long struggling. We trust, however, that the dart of our constitution which relates to the election of President and Vice-President. Our system of govern- ment was, by its framers, deemed an experiment ; and they, therefore, consistently provided a mode of remedy- ing its defects. To the people belongs the right of electing their chief magistrate ; it was never designed that their choice should, in any case, be defeated, either by the intervention of electoral colleges, or by the agency confided, under cer- tain contingencies, to the House of Representatives. Expe- rience proves, that, in proportion as agents to execute the will of the people are multiplied, there is danger of their wishes being frustrated. Some may be unfaithful; all are liable to err. So far, therefore, as tlie people can, with con- venience, speak, it is safer for them to express their own will. The number of aspirants to the presidency, and the diversity of the interests which may influence their claims, leave little reason to expect a choice in the first instance ; and, in that event, the election must devolve on the House of Representatives, where, it is obvious, the will of the people may not be always ascertained; or, if ascertained, may not be regarded. From the mode of voting by states, the choice is to be made by twenty-four votes ; and it may often occur, that one of those will be controlled by an individual representative. Honors and offices are ai the disposal of the successful candidate. Repeated bal- lottings may make it apparent that a single individual Iiolds the cast in liis hand. May he not be tempted to name his reward ? But even without corruption — sup- posing Ihe probity of the representative to be proof against the powerful motives by which it may be assailed — the will of the people is still constantly liable to be misrepre- sented. One may err from ignorance of the wishes of his constituents ; another, from the conviction that it ia Jackson's first annual message. 135 his duty to be governed by his own judgment of the fi'tness of the candidates ; finally, although all were inflexibly honest — all accurately informed of the wishes of their constituents — yet, under the present mode of election, a minority may often elect the President; and when this happens, it may reasonably be expected that efforts will be made on the part of the majority to rectify this injuri- ous operation of their institutions. But although no evil of this character should result from such a perversion of the first principles of our system — that the majority is to govern — it must be very certain that a President elected by a minority cannot enjoy the confidence necessary to the successful discharge of his duties. In this, as in all other matters of public concern, policy requires that as few impediments as possible should exist to the free operation of the public will. Let us then endeavor to so amend our system, that the ofhce of chief magistrate may not be conferred upon any citizen, but in pursuance of a fair expression of the will of the majority. I would therefore recommend such an amendment of the constitution as may remove all intermediate agency in the election of the President and Vice-President. The mode may be so regulated as to preserve to each state its present relative weight in the election ; and a failure in the first attempt may be provided for, by confiding the second to a choice between the two highest candidates. In connection with such an amendment, it would seem advisable to limit the service of the chief magistrate to a single term of either four or six years. If, however, it should not be adopted, it is worthy of consideration whether a provision disqualifying for office, the represen- tatives in Congress on whom such an election may have devolved, would not be proper. While members of Congress can be constitutionally apppointed to offices of trust and profit, it will be the practice, even under the most conscientious adherence to duty, to select them for such stations as they are believed to be better qualified to fill than other citizens ; but the purity of our government would doubtless be promoted by their exclusion from all appointments in the gift of the President, in whose election they may have been offi- 136 THE TRUE REPUBLICAN. cially concerned. The nature of the judicial office, and the necessity of securing in the cabinet and diplomatic stations of the liighest rank, the best talents and political experience, should, perhaps, except these from the ex- clusion. There are perhaps few men who can for any great length of time enjoy office and power, without being more or less under the influence of feelings unfavorable to the faithful discharge of their public duties. Their integrity may be proof against improper considerations immedi- ately addressed to themselves ; but they are apt to acquire a habit of looking with indifference upon the public in- terests, and of tolerating conduct from which an unprac- tised man would revolt. Office is considered as a species of property ; and government rather as a means of pro- moting individual interest, than as an instrument created solely for the service of the people. Corruption in some, and in others a perversion of correct feelings and princi- ples, divert government from its legitimate ends, and make it an engine for the support of the few at the ex- pense of the many. The duties of all public officers are, or at least admit of being made so plain and simple that men of intelligence may readily qualify themselves for tlieir performance ; and I cannot but believe that more is lost by the long continuance of men in office than is generally to be gained by their experience. I submit therefore to your consideration whether the efficiency of the govern- ment would not be promoted, and official industry and integrity better secured by a general extension of the law which limits appointments to four years. In a country where offices are created solely for the benefit of the people, no one man has any more intrinsic right to official station than another. Offices were not established to give support to particular men at the pub- lic expense. No individual wrong is therefore done by removal, since neither appointment to nor continuance in office is matter of right. The incumbent became an offi- cer with a view to the public benefits ; and when these require his removal, they are not to be sacrificed to pri- vate interests. It is the people, and they alone, who have a right to complain, when a bad officer is substituted for Jackson's first annual message. 137 a good one. He who is removed has the same means of obtaining a living that are enjoyed by the millions who never held office. The proposed limitation would destroy the idea of property, now so generally connected with official station ; and although individual distress may be sometimes produced, it would, by promoting that rotation which constitutes a leading pruiciple in the republican creed, give healthful action to the system. No very considerable change has occurred during the recess of Congress, in the condition of either our agri- culture, commerce, or manufactures. The operation of the tariff has not pnved so injurious to the two former, or as beneficial to the latter, as was anticipated. Importa- tions of foreign goods have not been sensibly diminished ; while domestic competition, under an illusive excitement, has increased the production much beyond the demand for home consumption. The consequences have been, low prices, temporary embarrassment, and partial loss. That such of our manufacturing establishments as are based upon capital, and are prudently managed, will sur- vive the shock, and be ultimately profitable, there is no good reason to doubt. To regulate its conduct, so as to promote equally the prosperity of these three cardinal interests, is one of the most difficult tasks of government; and it may be regret- ted that the complicated restrictions which now embarrass the intercourse of nations, could not by common consent be abolished ; and commerce allowed to flow in those channels to which individual enterprise, always its surest guide, might direct it. But we must ever expect selfish legislation in other nations ; and are therefore compelled to adapt our own to their regulations, in the manner best calculated to avoid serious injury, and to harmonize the conflicting interests of our agriculture, our commerce, and our manufactures. Under these impressions, I invite your attention to the existing tariff, believing that some of its provisions require modification. The general rule to be applied in graduating the duties upon the articles of foreign growth or manufacture, is that which will place our own in fair competition with those of other countries : and the inducements to advance 12* 138 THE TRUE REPUBLICAN. even a step beyond this point, are controlling in regard to those articles which are of primary necessity in time of war. When we reflect upon the difficulty and delicacy of this operation, it is important that it should never be attempted but with the utmost caution. Frequent legis- lation in regard to any branch of industry, affecting its value, and by which its capital may be transferred ^onew channels, must always be productive of hazardous specu- lation and loss. In deliberating, therefore, on these interesting subjects, local feelings and prejudices should be merged in the patriotic determination to promote the great interests of the whole. All the attempts to connect them with the party conflicts of the day are necessarily injurious, and should be discountenanced. Our action upon them should be under the control of higher and purer motives. Legislation, subjected to such influence, can never be just ; and will not long retain the sanction of the people, whose active patriotism is not bounded by sectional lim- its, nor insensible to that spirit of concession and for- bearance which gave life to our political compact, and still sustains it. Discarding all calculations of political ascendency, the north, the south, the east, and the west, should unite in diminishing any burden, of which either may justly complain. The agricultural interest of our country is so essen- tially connected with every other, and so superior in im- portance to them all, that it is scarcely necessary to invite to it your particular attention. It is principally as ma- nufactures and commerce tend to increase the value of agricultural productions, and to extend their application to the wants and comforts of society, that they deserve the fostering care of government. Looking forward to the period, not far distant, when a sinking fund will no longer be required, the duties on those articles of importation which cannot come in com- petition with our own productions, are the first that should engage the attention of Congress in the modifica- tion of the tariff. Of these, tea and coffee are the most prominent; they enter largely into the consumption of the country, and have become articles of necessity to all Jackson's first annual message. 139 classes. A reduction, therefore, of the existing duties, will be felt as a common benefit; but, like all other legis- lation connected with commerce, to be efficacious, and not injurious, it should be gradual and certain. The public prosperity is evinced in the increased reve- nue arising from the sales of public lands ; and in the steady maintenance of that produced by imposts and ton- nage, notwithstanding the additional duties imposed by the act of 19th May, 1828, and the unusual importations in the early part of that year. The balance in the treasury on the 1st January, 1829, was $5,972,435 81. The receipts of the current year are estimated at $24,602,230 ; and the expenditures for the same time at $26,164,595. Leaving a balance in the treasury, on the 1st of January next, of $4,410,070 81. There will have been paid on account of the public debt during the present year, the sum of $12,405,005 80 ; reducing the whole debt of the government on the first of Tfanuary next, to $48,565,406 50, including seven millions of five per cent, stock subscribed to the Bank of the United States. The payment on account of the public debt, made on the first of July last, was $8,715,462 87 cents. It was apprehended that the sudden withdrawal of so large a sum from the banks in which it was deposit- ed, at a time of unusual pressure in the money market, might cause much injury to the interests dependent on bank accommodations. But this evil was wholly averted by an early anticipation of it at the treasury, aided by the judicious arrangements of the officers of the Bank of the United States. The state of the tinances exhibits the resources of the nation in an aspect highly flattering to its industry, and auspicious of the ability of the government, in a very short time to extinguish the public debt. When this shall be done, our population will be relieved from a con- siderable portion of its present burdens ; and will find not only new motives to patriotic affection, but additional means for the display of individual enterprise. The fis- cal power of the states will also be increased ; and may be more extensively exerted in favor of education and other public objects ; while ample means will remain 140 THE TRUE REPUBLICAN. in the federal government to promote the general weal, in all the modes permitted to its authority. After the extinction of the public debt, it is not proba- ble that any adjustment of the tariff, upon principles satisfactory to the people of the Union, will, until a re- mote period, if ever, leave the government without a considerable surplus in the treasury, beyond what may be required for its current service. As, then, the period approaches when the application of the revenue to pay- ment of the debt will cease, the disposition of the sui plus will present a subject for the serious deliberation or Congress ; and it may be fortunate for the country that it is yet to be decided. Considered in connection with the difficulties which have heretofore attended appropria- tions for purposes of internal improvement, and with those which this experience tells us will certainly arise, when- ever power over such subjects may be exercised by the general government ; it is hoped that it may lead to the adoption of some plan which will reconcile the divefsi- fied interests of the states, and strengthen the bonds which unite them. Every member of the Union, in peace and in war, will be benefitted by the improvement of inland navigation, and the construction of highways in the seve- ral states. Let us then endeavor to attain this benefit in a mode that will be satisfactory to all. Tliat hitherto adopted has, by many of our fellow-citizens, been depre- cated as an infraction of the constitution ; while by others it has been viewed as inexpedient. All feel that it has been employed at the expense of harmony in the legislative councils. To avoid these evils, it appears to me that the most safe, just, and federal disposition which could be made of this surplus revenue, would be its apportionment among the several states, according to their ratio of re- presentation ; and should this measure not be found war- ranted by the constitution, that it would be expedient to propose to the states an amendment authorizing it. I regard an appeal to the source of power, in all cases of real doubt, and where its exercise is deemed advisable to the general welfare, as among the most sacred of all our obligations. Upon this country, more than any other. Jackson's first annual message. 141 has, in the Providence of God, been cast the special ijLiardianship of the great principle of adherence to writ- ten constitutions. If it fail here, all hope in regard to it will be extinguished. That this was intended to be a government of limited and specific, and not general pow- ers, must be admitted by all ; and it is our duty to pre- serve for it the character intended by its framers. If experience points out the necessity for an enlargement of these powers, let us apply for it to those for whose benefit it is to be exercised ; and not undermine the whole system by a resort to overstrained constructions. The scheme has worked well. It has exceeded the hopes of those who devised it, and become an object of admira- tion to the world. We are responsible to our country and to the glorious cause of self-government, for the preservation of so great a good. The great mass of legis- lation relating to our internal affairs, was intended to be left where the federal convention found it — in the state governments. Nothing is clearer, in my view, than that we are chiefly indebted for the success of the constitution under which we are now acting, to the watchful and aux- iliary operation of the state authorities. This is not the reflection of a day, but belongs to the most deeply rooted convictions of my mind. I cannot, therefore, too strong- ly or too earnestly, for my own sense of its importance, warn you against all encroachment upon the legitimate sphere of state sovereignty. Sustained by its healthful and invigorating influence, the federal system can never fall. In the collection of the revenue, the long credits au- thorized on goods imported from beyond the Cape of Good Hope are the chief cause of the losses at present sustained. If these were shortened to six, nine, and twelve months, and warehouses provided by government, sufficient to receive the goods offered in deposite for se- curity and for debenture ; and if the right of the United States to a priority of payment out of the estates of its insolvent debtors was more effectually secured, this evil would in a great measure be obviated. An authority to construct such houses is, therefore, with the proposed alteration of the credits, recommended to your attention. 142 THE TRUE REPUDLICAN. It is worthy of notice, that the laws for the collection and security of the revenue arising from imposts, were chiefly framed when the rates of duties on imported goods presented much less temptation for illicit trade than at present exists. There is reason to believe that these laws are, in some respects, quite insufficient for the proper security of the revenue, and the protection of the interests of those who are disposed to observe them. The injurious and demoralizing tendency of a successful sys- tem of smuggling is so obvious as not to require com- ment, and cannot be too carefully guarded against. I therefore suggest to Congress the propriety of adopting efficient measures to prevent this evil, avoiding, however, as much as possible, every unnecessary infringement of individual liberty, and embarrassment of fair and lawful business. On an examination of the records of the treasury, I have been forcibly struck with the large amount of pub- lic money which appears to be outstanding. Of this sum thus due from individuals to the government, a conside- rable portion is undoubtedly desperate ; and in many in- stances, has probably been rendered so by remissness in the agents charged with its collection. By proper exer- tions, a great part, however, may yet be recovered ; and whatever may be the portions respectively belonging to these two classes, it behoves the government to ascertain the real state of the fact. This can be done only by the prompt adoption of judicious measures for the collection of such as may be made available. It is believed that a very large amount has been lost through the inadequacy of the means provided for the collection of debts due to the public ; and that this inadequacy lies chiefly in the want of legal skill, habitually and constantly employed in the direction of the agents engaged in the service. It must, I think, be admitted, that the supervisory power over suits brought by the public, which is now vested in an accounting officer of the treasury, not selected with a view to his legal knowledge, and encumbered as he is with numerous other duties, operates unfavorably to the public interest. It is important that this branch of the public service Jackson's first annual message. 143 should be subject to the supervision of such professional skill as will give it efficacy. The expense attendant upon such a modification of the executive department, would be justified by the soundest principles of economy. I would recommend, therefore, that the duties now assigned to the agent of the treasury, so far as they relate to the superintendence and management of legal proceedings on the part of the United States, to be transferred to the attorney-general ; and that this officer be placed on the same footing in all respects, as the heads of the other departments — receiving like compensation, and having such subordinate officers provided for his department, as may be requisite for the discharge of these additional duties. The professional skill of the attorney-general, employed in directing the conduct of marshals and dis- trict attorneys, would hasten the collection of debts now in suit, and hereafter save much to the government. It might be further extended to the superintendence of all criminal proceedings foroffences against the United States. In making this transfer, great care should be taken, how- ever, that the power necessary to the treasury depart- ment be not impaired ; one of its greatest securities con- sisting in a control over all accounts until they are audited or reported for suit. In connexion with the foregoing views, I would sug- gest, also, an inquiry, whether the provisions of the act of Congress, authorizing the discharge of the persons of debtors to the government from imprisonment, may not, consistently with the public interest, be extended to the release of the debt, where the conduct of the debtor is wholly exempt from ihe imputation of fraud. Some more liberal policy than that which now prevails in reference to this unfortunate class of citizens is certainly due to them, and would prove beneficial to the country. The continuance of the liability after the means to discharge it had been exhausted, can only serve to dispirit the debtor ; or where his resources are but partial, the want of power in the government to compromise and release the demand, instigates to fraud, as the only resource for securing a support to his family. He thus sinks into a state of apathy, or becomes a useless drone in society, oi 144 THE TRUE REPUBLICAN. a vicious member of it, if not a feelin/r witness of the ri- gor and inhumanity of his country. All experience proves that an oppressive debt is the bane of enterprise ; and it should be the care of a republic not to exert a grinding power over misfortune and poverty. Since the last session of Congress, numerous frauds en the treasury have been discovered, whieli I thought it my duty to bring under the cognizance of the United States Court, for this district, by a criminal prosecution. It was my opinion, and that of able counsel who were consulted, that the cases came within the penalties of the act of the 17th Congress, approved 3d March, 1823, pro- viding for the punishment of frauds committed on the government of the United States. Either from some de- fect in the law or in its administration, every effort to bring the accused to trial under its provisions proved ineffectu- al, and the government was driven to the necessity of resorting to the vague and inadequate provisions of the common law. It is therefore my duty to call your atten- tion to the laws which have been passed for the protection of the treasury. If, indeed, there is no provision by whicii those who may be unwortliily intrusted with its guardianship, can be punished for the most flagrant vio- lation of duty, extending even to the most fraudulent appropriation of the public funds to their own use, it is time to remedy so dangerous an omission. Or, if the law has been perverted from its original purposes, and criminals deserving to be punished under its provisions, have been rescued by legal subtil ties, it ought to be made so plain, by amendatory provisions, as to baffle the arts of perversion, and accomplish the ends of its original enact- ment. In one of the most flagrant cases, the court decided that the prosecution was barred by the statute which limits prosecutions for fraud to two years. In this case all the evidences of the fraud, and indeed all knowledge that a fraud had been committed, were in the possession of the party accused, until after the two years had elapsed. Surely the statute ought not to run in favor of any man while he retains all the evidences of his crime in his own possession ; add least of all, in favor of a public officer JACKSON S FIRST ANNUAL MESSAGE. 145 who continues to defraud the treasury, and conceal the transaction for the brief term of two years. I would therefore recommend such an alteration of the law as will give the injured party and the government two years after the disclosure of the fraud, or after the accused is out of office, to commence their prosecution. In connection with this subject, I invite the attention of Congress to a general and minute inquiry into the condition of the government; with a view to ascertain what offices can be dispensed with, what expenses re- trenched, and M'hat improvements may be made in the organization of its various parts to secure the proper re- sponsibiHty of public agents, and promote efficiency and justice in all its operations. The report of the Secretary of War will make you acquainted with the condition of ouv army, lortifications, arsenals, and Indian affairs. The pro-'' discipline of the army, the training and equipment c. the militia, the education bestowed at West Point, and the accumulation of the means of defence, applicable to the naval force, will tend to prolong the peace we now enjoy, and which every good citizen, more especially those who have felt the miseries of even a successful warfare, most ardently desire to perpetuate. The returns from the subordinate branches of this service exhibit a regularity and order highly creditable to its character: both officers and soldiers seem imbued with a proper sense of duty, and conform to the restraints of exact discipline with that cheerfulness which becomes tlie profession of arms. There is need, however, of fur- ther legislation to obviate the inconveniences specified in the report under consideration ; to some of which it is proper that I should call your particular attention. The act of Congiess of the 2d March, 1821, to reduce and fix the military establishment, remaining unexecuted as it regards the command of one of the regiments of artillery, cannot now be deemed a guide to the executive in making the proper appointment. An explanatory act, designating the class of officers out of which this grade is to be filled — whether from the military list, as existing prior to the act of 1821, or from it, as it has been fixed 13 146 THE TRUE REPUBLICAN. by that act — would remove this difficulty. It is also irn* portant that the laws regulating the pay and emoluments of the ofhcers generally, should be more specific tlian they now are. Tliose, for example, in relation to the paymaster and surgeon-general, assign to them an annual salary of $2,500 ; but are silent as to allowances which, in certain exigencies of the service, may be deemed in- dispensable to the discharge of their duties. .This cir- cumstance has been the authority for extending to them various allowances at different times under former admi- lustrations ; but no uniform rule has been observed on the subject. Similar inconveniences exist in other cases, in which the construction put upon the laws by the pub- lic accountants may operate unequally, produce confu- jjion, and expose officers to the odium of claiming what is not their due. I recommend to your fostering care, as one of our safest means of national defence, the Military Academy. This institution has already exercised the happiest intlu- ence upon the moral and intellectual character of our army ; and such of the graduates as, from various causes, may not pursue the profession of arms, will be scarcely less useful as citizens. Their knowledge of the mili- tary art will be advantageously employed in the militia service ; and in a measure secure to that class of troops the advantages which in this respect belong to standing armies. I would also suggest a review of the pension law, foi the purpose of extending its benefits to every revolution- ary soldier who aided in establishing our liberties, and who is unable to maintain himself in comfort. Those relics of the war of independence have strong claims upon their country's gratitude and bounty. The law is de- fective in not embracing within its provisions all those who were during the last war disabled from supporting themselves by manual labor. Such an amendment would add but little to the amount of pensions, and is called for by the sympathies of the people, as well as by considera- tions of sound policy. It will be perceived that a large addition to the list of pensioners has been occasioned by an order of the late administration, departing materially j/.<:j:si;.\'H rii:sT annual message. 147 from tlio rules wliicli had previously prevailed. Consider- iijg it an act of legislation, I suspended its operation as soon as I was informed that it had commenced. Before this period, however, applications under the new regula- tion had heen preferred, to the number of one hundred and fifty-four: of which, on the 27th March, the date of its revocation, eighty-seven were admitted. For the amount there was neither estimate nor appropriation ; and besides this deficiency, the regular allowances, ac- cording to the rules which have heretofore governed the department, exceed the estimate of its late secretary, by about fifty thousand dollars, for which an appropriation is asked. Your particular attention is requested to that part of the report of the Secretary of War which relates to the money held in trust for the Seneca tribe of Indians. It will be perceived that, without legislative aid, the execu- tive cannot obviate the embarrassments occasioned by the diminution of the dividends on that fund, which ori- ginally amounted to $100,000, and has recently been vested in the United States three per cent, stock. The condition and ulterior destiny of the Indian tribes within the limits of some of our states, have become ob- jects of much int^st and importance. It has long been the policy of government to introduce among them the arts of civilization, in the hope of gradually reclaiming them from a wandering life. This policy has, however, been coupled with another wholly incompatible with its success. Professing a desire to civilize and settle them, we have at the same time lost no opportunity to purchase their lands, and thrust them further into the wilderness. I3y this means they have not only been kept in a wander- ing state, but been led to look upon us as unjust and in- different to their fate. Thus, though lavish in expendi- tures upon the subject, government has constantly defeat- ed its own policy; and the Indians, in general, rece- ding further and further to the west, have retained their savage habits. A portion, however, of the southern tribes, having mingled much with the whites, and made some progress in the arts of civilized life, have lately at- tempted to erect an independent government within the 148 THE TRUE REPUBLICAN. limits of Georgia and Alabama. These states, claiming to be the only sovereigns within their territories, extend- ed their laws over the Indians ; which induced the latter to call upon the United States for protection. Under these circumstances, the question presented was, whether the general government had a right to sustain those people in their pretensions. The constitution de- clares, that '* no new state shall be formed or erected within the jurisdiction of any other state," without the consent of its legislature. If the general government is not permitted to tolerate the erection of a confederate state within the territory of one of the members of this Union, against her consent, much less could it allow a foreign and independent government to establish itself there. Georgia became a member of the confederacy which eventuated in our federal union, as a sovereign state, always asserting her claim to certain limits ; which having been originally defined in her colonial charter, and subsequently recognized in the treaty of peace, she has ever since continued to enjoy, except as they have been circumscribed by her own voluntary transfer of a portion of her territory to the United States, in the articles of cession of 1802. Alabama was admitted into the Union on the same footing with the original states, with boun- daries which were prescribed by Congress. There is no constitutional, conventional, or legal provision, which allows them less power over the Indians within their bor- ders, than is possessed by Maine or New York. Would the people of Maine permit the Penobscot tribe to erect an independent government within their state? and unless they did, would it not be the duty of the general govern- ment to support them in resisting such a measure? Would the people of New York permit each remnant of ihe Six Nations within her borders, to declare itself an independent people under the protection of the United States? Could the Indians establish a separate republic in each of their reservations in Ohio ? and if they were so disposed, would it be the duty of this government to protect them in the attempt? If the principle involved in the obvious answer to these questions be abandoned, it will follow that the objects of this government are . ^ FIRST AXNUAL MESSAGE. 149 versed; and that it has become a part of its duty to aid in destroying the states which it was established to pro- tect. Actuated by this view of the subject, I informed the Indians inhabiting parts of Georgia and Alabama, that their attempt to establish an independent government would not be countenanced by the executive of the Uni- ted States ; and advised them to emigrate beyond the Mississippi, or submit to the laws of those states. Our conduct towards these people is deeply interesting to our national character. Their present condition, con- trasted with what they once were, makes a most powerful appeal to our sympathies. Our ancestors found them the uncontrolled possessors of these vast regions. By per- suasion and force they have been made to retire from river to river, and from mountain to mountain, until some of the tribes have become extinct, and others have left but remnants, to preserve, for a while, their once terrible names. Surrounded by the whites, with their arts of ci- vilization, which, by destroying the resources of the sa- vage, doom him to weakness and decay ; the fate of the Mohegan, the Narragansett, and the Delaware, is fast overtaking the Choctaw, the Cherokee, and the Creek. That this fate surely awaits them if they remain within the limits of the states, does not admit of a doubt. Hu- manity and national honor demand that every effort should be made to avert so great a calamity. It is too late to inquire whether it was just in the United States to include them and their territory within the bounds of new states whose limits they could control. That step can- not be retraced. A state cannot be dismembered by Congress, or restricted in the exercise of her constitu tional power. But the people of those states, and of every state, actuated by feelings of justice and a regard for our national honor, submit to you the interesting question, whether something cannot be done, consistently with the rights of the states, to preserve this much inju- red race. As a means of effecting this end, I suggest for your consideration the propriety of setting apart an ample dis- trict west of the Mississippi, and without the limits of 13* 150 THE TRUE REPUBLICAN. any state or territory now formed, to be guaranteed to the Indian tribes, as long as tliey shall occupy it; eatih tribe having a distinct control over the portion designated for its use. There they may be secured in the enjoyment of governments of their own choice, subject to no oiJier con- trol from the United States than such as may be neces- sary to preserve peace on the frontier, and between tne several tribes. There the benevolent may endeavor to teach them the arts of civilization; and, by promotmg union Tind harmony among them, to raise up an interest- ing commonwealth, destined to perpetuate the race, and to attest the humanity and justice of this government. This emigration should be voluntary ; for it would be as cruel as unjust to compel the aborigines to abandon the graves of their fathers, and seek a home in a distant land. But they should be distinctly informed that, if they re- main within the limits of the states, they must be subject to their laws. In return for their obedience as indiviciu- als, they will, without doubt, be protected in the enjoy- ment of those possessions which they have improved by their industry. But it seems to me visionary to suppose, that in this state of things, claims can be allowed on tracts of country on which they have neither dwelt nor made improvements, merely because they have seen them from the mountain, or passed them in the chase. Sub- mitting' to the laws of the states, and receiving, like other citizens, protection in their persons, and property, they will ere long become merged in the mass of our population. The accompanying report of the Secretary of the Navy will make you acquainted with the condition and useful employment of that branch of our service during the present year. Constituting, as it does, the best stand- ing security of this country against foreign aggression, it claims the especial attention of government. In this spirit, the measures which, since the termination of the last war, have been in operation for its gradual enlarge- ment were adopted ; and it should continue to be che- rished as the offspring of our national experience. It will be seen, however, that notwithstanding the great so- licitude which has been manifested for the perfect orga- Jackson's first annual message. 151 nization of this arm, and the liberality of the appropria- tions which that solicitude has suggested, this object has in many important respects, not been secured. In time of peace we have need of no more ships of war than aie requisite to the protection of our commerce Those not wanted for this object, must lay in the harbors^ where, without proper covering, they rapidly decay ; and even under the best precautions for their preservation, must soon become useless. SucJi is already the case with many of our finest vessels ; which, though unfinished, will now require immense sums of money to be restored to the condition in which they were when committed to their proper element. On this subject there can be little doubt that our best policy would be to discontinue the building of the first and second class, and look rather to the pos- session of ample materials, prepared for the emergencies of war, than to the number of vessels which we can float in a season of peace, as the index of our naval power. Judicious deposites in the navy-yards, of timber and other materials, fashioned under the hands of skilful workmen, and fitted for prompt application to their various purposes, would enable us, at all times, to construct vessels as fast as they can be manned ; and save the heavy expense of repairs, except to such vessels as must be employed in guarding our commerce. The proper points for the esta- blishments of these yards are indicated with so much force in the report of the Navy Board, that, in recom- mending it to your attention, I deem it unnecessary to do more than express my hearty concurrence in their views. The yard in this district, being already furnished with most of the machinery necessary for ship building, will be competent to the supply of the two selected by the board as the best for the concentration of materials ; and from the facility and certainty of communication between them, it will be useless to incur, at those depots, the ex- pense of similar machinery, especially that used in pre- paring the usual metallic and wooden furniture of vessels. Another improvement would be effected by dispensing altogether with the Navy Board, as now constituted, and substituting in its stead, bureaus similar to those already existing in the War department. Each member of the Ift2 TIIK IIII'K ur.iTr.i.irAN. l)o:ir(l, tran.^frrn'd to iUr luMtl ol" a Hcparalc hmriui chari^i'd Willi sptM-ilic (liilio.M, would ('«m'I, in ilM liiolicMl. drorrc, tlial w lu>l('Hoii)(i rcMpoiiMihilily which raniiot. h(^ (hviih'd wilhoui a far iiioro pro|)ortioi)ai() (htiiiiiiitioii of its loivo. 'I'hcir vahiahlt* scrviccM woidd hcconid hiill moro «o when scpt- lalcly appropriated to (hHtiiiot portions of tho ^rn^at inte- ri'sts of iht» navy ; to llic pro.^pcrity of wliich each wouhl l)p impeded to dovolo hiiuself hy the wtroii^est inoliveH. Unthu- Niieh an arraii|;<'inent, <'very hraiieh of this iiiipor* lani weivi«*e would aMsunie a more Hiiiiph? and prj'eiwo eharaeter: its ellieieney would he inereased, and serupu- lous economy in th(> expenditure ol" puhlie money pro- moted. I would also reeommend that the marine corps ho merged in the artili«"ry, or infantry, as the Ix^st mode of curinn the many defeclM in its or^ani/ation. Hut liltio exceeding in numher any of the re^^imenlM of infantry, that corps has, Ix-sides its lieutenant-colonel commandant, liv(» hrevet lieulenant-cohinels, who receiv(> the fidl pay and emohnnenls of their hrevet rank, witlujul renderinjr ])roportionale service. Details for marines H('rvico could as well h(^ madi* from the artdh'ry or iid'anlry — tluM'O Ixmu^' no peculiar traininji^ recpisite for it. With lhesi> improvenuMilH, and such others as zealous watchfulness ami mature consideration may sufjjrest, there can he little douht that, iiiuler an ener^nMic administration of its all'airs, the navy may soon he made every thiuij; that tlie nation wishes it to be. Its tdliciiMiey in the suppres- sion of piracy in the West India h(nis, and wherever its squadrons have l)t>en emj)loyed in securiufj^ the interests of the country, will appear iVom tlui report of the secre- tary to which 1 refer you, for otlu'r int(>rj'stinfr details. Amon^- these I would hespeaU the attention of I'ont^resH from the views presented in ridation to the ineciuality between the arniy and navy as to the pay of olllcers. l\o such inecjuality should prevail between these; bravo defenders of their country ; aiul where it does t^xist, it is Mubmilted to Congress whether it ou<.'ht not ti) be recti* fied. The report of the I'ostmaster-j^eiuMal is referred to ai* f^xhibiting u highly satisfactory administration of tlia JA(JK«ON H FIUKT ANNf/AL yi EHHAdK. 1 O.'J (lr;parlrnont. AI;tJHr;H liavo f)f;f;n rciornnA ; iiicrcaKorl ox- pedilioii in the trariHportalion oi ifn; mail Kr;ciiro(J ; and itH rovoriur; inucJi improvf^J. In a political [)r)int of vif;\v ihiH (Icparlinfint in chiefly irnjiorlant an aflordinf^ thr; iiur.uiH ol' (JiHusin^ krjowlc( the j-.jdiciary. A. uni(r)rrn oj>eration of the federal go- vernment in the diffrjrent KtatCM \h eertairdy dcKirahle; and exiHting aH lliey do in the Union, on the haniM of per- fect equality, each Htate haH a right to expect that the benefitH conferred on the citizenn of otherH Khould he ex- tended to hern. The judicial 8yKt(;m of the United States exiHtH in all itH efhcifjncy in only i'lllccu meniher* o( the Union : to three otherw, the circuit courtH, whi(di connti- tule an important part of that HyKtem, hav(; been imper- fectly extended; and to the remaining six, altogether de- nied. 'I'he effect haw been to withhold from the inhahi- tantH of the latter, the advantagen afforded fhy the Hupreme courtj to their fellow-citizenn in other Hlates, in the whfde extent of the criminal, and much of the civil authority of tlie federal judiciary. 'I'hat thin Htate of thirigM ought irj he remedied, if it can he done consintently witli the pub- lic welfare, in not to be floubted : neither m it to be dis- guined tliat the organization of our judicial nyHtern i« at once a difficult and deli^-ate tank. To extend the circuit courtH equally throughout the different partM of the Union, and at the name time, to avoid fuch a mul- tiplication of membern aH would encumfjcr thr; Huprerne appellate tribunal, in the object dcHired. PerfiajiH it might be accompliwhed by dividing the circuit jiidgen into two claHHCH, and [)roviding that the supreme court nhould be held by thone cla«8eH alternately — ih'e chief juHtice alwayH prcHiding. If an extension of the circuit court HyKtem to tho«e 154 THE TUUE REPUBLICAN. States which do not now enjoy its benefits should be de- termined upon, it would of course be necessary to revise the present arrangements of the circuits ; and even if that system should not be enlarged, such a revision is recom- mended. A provision for taking the census of the people of the United States will, to insure the completion of that work within a convenient time, claim the early attention of Congress. The great and constant increase of business in the De- partment of State forced itself, at an early period, upon the attention of the executive. Thirteen years a^o, it was in Mr. Madison's last message to Congress maoe the subject of an earnest recommendation, which has bet^n re- peated by both of his successors ; and my comparatively limited experience has satisfied me of its justness. It has arisen from many causes, not the least of w«iich is the large addition that has been made to the family of in- dependent nations, and the proportionate extension of our foreign relations. The remedy proposed was tne esta- blishment of a Home Department — a measure whxch does not appear to have met the views of Congress, on account of its supposed tendency to increase gradually, and im- perceptibly, the already too strong bias of the federal system towards the exercise of authority not delegated to it. I am not, therefore, disposed to revive the recommen- dation ; but am not the less impressed with the impor- tance of so organizing that department, that its secretary may devote more of his time to our foreign lelations. Clearly satisfied that the public good would be promoted by some suitable provision on the subject, I respectfully invite your attention to it. The charter of the Bank of the United States expires in 1836, and its stockholders will most probably apply for a renewal of their privileges. In order to avoid the evils resulting from precipitancy in a measure involving such important principles, and such deep pecuniary interests, I feel that I cannot, in justice to the parties interested, too soon present it to the deliberate consideration of the legislature and the people. Both the constitutionality and the expediency of the law creating this bank are well Jackson's first annual .message. 155 questioned by a large portion of our fellow-citizens ; ana it must be admitted by all, that it has failed in the great end of establishing a uniform and sound currency. Under these circumstances, if such an institution is deemed essential to the fiscal operations of the govern- ment, I submit to the wisdom of the legislature whether a national one, founded upon the credit of the govern- ment and its revenues, might not be devised, which would avoid all constitutional difficulties ; and at the same time, secure all the advantages to the government and country that were expected to result from the present bank. I cannot close this communication without bringing to your view the just claim of the representatives of Com- modore Decatur, his officers and crew, arising from the re-capture of the frigate Philadelphia, under the heavy batteries of Tripoli. Although sensible, as a general rule, of the impropriety of executive interference under a gov- ernment like ours, where every individual enjoys the light of directly petitioning Congress ; yet viewing this case as one of very peculiar character, I deem it my duty to recommend it to your favorable consideration. Be- sides the justice of this claim, as corresponding to those which have been since recognized and satisfied, it is the fruit of a deed of patriotic and chivalrous daring, which infused life and confidence into our infant navy, and con- tributed, as much as any exploit in its history, to elevate our national character. Public gratitude, therefore, stamps her seal upon it; and the meed should not be withheld which may hereafter operate as a stimulus to our gallant tars. I now commend you, fellow-citizens, to the guidance of Almighty Cxod, with a full reliance on his merciful providence for the maintenance of our free institutions ; and with an earnest supplication, that whatever errors it may be my lot to commit, in discharging the arduous du ties which have devolved on me, will find a remedy in the harmony and wisdom of your counsels. 156 THE TRUE REPUBLICAN. JACKSON'S FAREWELL ADDRESS. Fellow Citizens: Being about to retire finally from public life, I beg leave to offer you my grateful thanks for the many proofs of kindness and confidence which I have received at your hands. It has been my fortune, in tlie discharge of public duties, civil and military, frequently to have found myself in difficult and trying situations, where prompt decision and energetic action were necessary, and wliere the inte- rests of the country required that high responsibilities should be fearlessly encountered ; and it is with the deep- est emotions of s^ratitude that I acknowledge the continued and unbroken confidence with which you have sustained me in every trial. My public life has been a long one, and I cannot hope that it has at all times been free from errors. But I have the consolation of knowing that if mistakes have been committed, they have not seriously injured the country I so Anxiously endeavored to serve ; and at the moment when I surrender my last public trust, 1 leave this great people prosperous and happy; in the full enjoyment of liberty and peace ; and honored and respected by every nation of the world. If my humble efforts have, in any degree, contributed to preserve to you these blessings, I have been more than rewarded by tlie honor you have heaped upon me ; and, above all, by the generous confidence with which you have supported me in every peril, and with which you have continued to animate and cheer my path to the closing hour of my political life. The time has now come, when advanced age and a broken frame warn me to re- tire from public concerns ; but the recollection of the many favors you have bestowed upon me is engraven upon my heart, and I have felt that I could not part from your service without making this public acknowledgment of the gratitude I owe you. And if I use tlie occasion to offer to you the counsels of age and experience, you will, I trust, receive them with the same indulgent kindness which you have so often extended to me ; and will, at least, Jackson's farewell address. 157 see in them an earnest desire to perpetuate, in this favor- ed land, the blessings of liberty and equal laws. We have now lived almost fifty years under the consti- tution framed by the sages and patriots of the revolution. The conflicts in which the nations of Europe were en- gaged during a great part of this period ; the spirit in which they waged war with each other; and our intimate commercial connections with every part of the civilized world, rendered it a time of much difficulty for the go- vernment of the United States. We have had our sea- sons of peace and of war, with all the evils which precede or follow a state of hostility with powerful nations. We encountered these trials with our constitution yet in its infancy, and under the disadvantages which a new and untried government must always feel when it is called to put forth its whole strength, without the lights of expe- rience to guide it, or the weight of precedent to justify its measures. But we have passed triumphantly through all these difficulties. Our constitution is no longer a doubtful experiment ; and at the end of nearly half a century, we find that it has preserved unimpaired the liberties of the people, secured the rights of property, and that our coun- try has improved, and is flourishing beyond any former example in the history of nations. In our domestic concerns, there is every thing to en- courage us; and if you are true to yourselves, nothing can impede your march to the highest point of national prosperity. The states which had so long been retarded in their improvement, by the Indian tribes residing in the midst of them, are at length relieved from the evil ; and this unhappy race — the original dwellers in our land — are now placed in a situation where we may well hope that they will share in the blessings of civilization, and be saved from that degradation and destruction to which they were rapidly hastening while they remained in the states ; and while the safety and comfort of -our own citizens have been greatly promoted by their removal, the philan- thropist will rejoice that the remnant of that ill-fated race has been at length placed beyond the reach of injury or oppression, and that the paternal care of the general 14 158 THE TRUE REPUBLICAN. government will hereafter watch over them and protect them. If we turn to our relations with foreign powers, we find our condition equally gratifying. Actuated by the sincere desire to do justice to every nation, and to pre- serve the blessing of peace, our intercourse with them lias been conducted on the part of this government in the spirit of frankness, and I take pleasure in saying that it has generally been met in a corresponding temper. Difficulties of old standing have been surmounted by friendly discussion and the mutual desire to be just; and the claims of our citizens, which had been long withheld, have at length been acknowledged and adjusted, and satis- factory arrangements made for their final payment ; and with a limited, and, 1 trust, a temporary exception, our relations with every foreign power are now of the most friendly character, our commerce continually expanding, and our flag respected in every quarter of the world. These cheering and grateful prospects, and these mul- tiplied favors, we owe, under Providence, to the adoption of the federal constitution. It is no longer a question whether this great country can remain happily united, and flourish under our present form of government. Expe- rience, the unerring test of all human undertakings, has shown the wisdom and foresight of those who framed it ; and has proved, that in the union of these states there is a sure foundation for the brightest hopes of freedom, and for the happiness of the people. At every hazard, and by every sacrifice, this union must be preserved. The necessity of watching with jealous anxiety for the preservation of the union, was earnestly pressed upon his iellow-citizens by the father of his country, in his fare- well address. He has there told us, that " while expe- rience shall not have demonstrated its impracticability, there will always be reason to distrust the patriotism of those who, in any quarter, may endeavor to weaken its bonds;" and he has cautioned us in the strongest terms against the formation of parties, on geographical discri- minations, as one of the means which might disturb our union, and to which designing men would be likely to resort. 159 The lessons contained in this invaluable legacy of Washington to his countrymen, should be cherished in the heart of every citizen to the latest generation ; and, perhaps, at no period of time could they be more usefully remembered than at the present moment. For when we look upon the scenes that are passing around us, and dwell upon the pages of his parting address, his paternal counsels would seem to be not merely the offspring of wisdom and foresight, but the voice of prophecy foretell- ing events, and warning us of the evil lo come. Forty years have passed since this imperishable document was given to his countrymen. The federal constitution was then regarded by him as an experiment, and he so speaks of it in his address ; but an experiment upon the success of which the best hopes of his country depended, and we all know that he was prepared to lay down his life, if necessary, to secure to it a full and fair trial. The trial has been made. It has succeeded beyond the proudest hopes of those who framed it. Every quarter of this widely extended nation has felt its blessings, and shared in the general prosperity produced by its adoption. But amid this general prosperity and splendid success, the dangers of which he warned us are becoming every day more evident, and the signs of evil are sufficiently appa- rent to awaken the deepest anxiety in the bosom of the patriot. We behold systematic efforts publicly made to sow the seeds of discord between different parts of the United States, and to place party divisions directly upon geographical distinctions ; to excite the south against the north, and the north against the south, and to force into the controversy the most delicate and excited topics upon which it is impossible that a large portion of the Union can ever speak without strong emotions. Appeals, too, are constantly made to sectional interests, in order to in- fluence the election of the chief magistrate, as if it were desired that he should favor a particular quarter of the country, instead of fulfilling the duties of his station with impartial justice to all ; and the possible dissolution of the Union has at length become an ordinary and familiar subject of discussion. Has the warning voice of Wash ington been forgotten ? or have designs already beea 160 THE TRUE REPUBLICAN. formed to sever the Union ? Let it not be supposed that I impute to all of those who have taken an active part iu these unwise and unprofitable discussions a want of patri- otism or of public virtue. The honorable feeling of state pride and local attachments, find a place in the bosoms of the most enlightened and pure. But while such men are conscious of iheir own integrity and honesty of pur- pose, they ought never to forget that the citizens of other states are their political brethren ; and that, however mis- taken they may be in their views, the great body of thorn are equally honest and upright with themselves. Mutual suspicions and reproaches may in time create mutual hostility, and artful and designing men will always be found, who are ready to foment these fatal divisions, and to inflame the natural jealousies of different sections of the country. The history of the world is full of such examples, and especially the history of republics. What have you to gain by division and dissention ? Delude not yourselves with the belief that a breach once made may be afterwards repaired. If the Union is once severed, the line of separation will grow wider and wider, and the controversies which are now debated and settled in the halls of legislation, will then be tried in fields of battle, and be determined by the sword. Neither should you deceive yourselves with the hope, that the first line of separation would be the permanent one, and that no- thing but harmony and concord would be found in the new associations, formed upon the dissolution of this Union. Local interests would still be found there, and unchastened ambitiour And if the recollection of com- mon dangers, in which the people of these United States stood side by side against the common foe ; the memory of victories won by their united valor ; the prosperity and happiness they have enjoyed under the present constitu- tion ; the proud name they bear as citizens of this great republic ; if these recollections and proofs of common interest are not strong enough to bind us together as one people, what tie will hold this Union dissevered ? The first line of separation would not last for a single genera- tion ; new fragments would be torn off : new leaders would spring up *, and this great and glorious republic would soon 161 be broken into a multitude of petty states ; armed for mutual aggressions ; loaded with taxes to pay armies and leaders ; seeking aid against each other from foreign pow- ers ; insulted and trampled upon by the nations of Eu- rope, until harassed with conflicts, and humbled and de- based in spirit, they would be ready to submit to the absolute dominion of any military adventurer, and to sur- render their liberty for the sake of repose. It is impossi- ble to look on the consequences that would inevitably follow the destruction of this government, and not feel indignant when we hear cold calculations about the value of the Union, and have so constantly before us a line of conduct so well calculated to weaken its ties. There is too much at stake to allow pride or passion to influence your decision. Never for a moment believe that the great body of the citizens of any state or states can deliberately intend to do wrong. They may, under the influence of temporary excitement or misguided opi- nions, commit mistakes ; they may be misled for a time by the suggestions of self-interest ; but in a community so enlightened and patriotic as the people of the United States, argument will soon make them sensible of their errors ; and when convinced, they will be ready to repair them. If they have no higher or better motives to govern them, they will at least perceive that their own interest requires them to be just to others as they hope to receive justice at their hands. But in order to maintain the Union unimpaired, it is absolutely necessary that the laws passed by the constitu- ted authorities should be faithfully executed in every part of the country, and that every good citizen should, at all times, stand ready to put down, with the combined force of the nation, every attempt at unlawful resistance, under whatever pretext it may be made, or whatever shape it may assume. Unconstitutional or oppressive laws may no doubt be passed by Congress, either from erroneous views or the want of due consideration ; if they are within reach of judicial authority, the remedy is easy and peace- ful ; and if, from the character of the law, it is an abuse of power not within the control of the judiciary, then free discussion and calm appeals to reason and to the justice 14* 162 THE TRUE REPUBLICAN. of the people, will not fail to redress the wrong. But until the law shall be declared void by the courts, or re- pealed by Congress, no individual or combination of indi- viduals, can be justified in forcibly resisting its execution. It is impossible that any government can continue to ex- ist upon any other principles. It would cease to be a government, and be unworthy of the name, if it had not the power to enforce the execution of its own laws within its own sphere of action. It is true that cases may be imagined disclosing such a settled purpose of usurpation and oppression, on the part of the government, as would justify an appeal to arms. These, however, are extreme cases, which we have no reason to apprehend in a government where the power is in the hands of a patriotic people ; and no citizen who loves his country, would in any case whatever resort to forcible resistance, unless he clearly saw that the time had come when a freeman should prefer death to submission; for if such a struggle is once begun, and the citizens of one section of the country, arrayed in arms against those of another, in doubtful conflict, let the battle result as it may, there will be an end of the Union,and withit anend of the hopes of freedom. The victory of the injured would not secure to them the blessings of liberty ; it would avenge their wrongs, but they would themselves share in the common ruin. But the constitution cannot be maintained, nor the Union preserved, in opposition to public feeling, by the mere exertion of the coercive powers confided to the general government. The foundations must be laid in the affections of the people ; in the security it gives to life, liberty, character, and property, in every quarter of the country ; and in the fraternal attachments which the citizens of the several states bear to one another, as mem- bers of one political family, mutually contributing to pro- mote the happiness of each other. Hence the citizens of every state should studiously avoid every thing calculated to wound the sensibility or offend the just pride of the people of other states ; and they should frown upon any proceedings within their own borders likely to disturb the tranquillity of their political brethren in other portions of JACKSON S FAREWELL ADDRESS. 163 the Union. In a country so extensive as the United States, and with pursuits so varied, the internal regula- tions of the several states must frequently differ from one another in important particulars ; and this difference is un- avoidably increased by the varying principles upon which the American colonies were originally planted ; princi- ples which had taken deep root in their social relations before the revolution, and therefore, of necessity, influen- cing their policy since they became free and independent states. But each state has the unquestionable right to regulate its own internal concerns according to its own pleasure; and while it does not interfere with the rights of the people of other states, or the rights of the Union, every state must be the sole judge of that measure proper to secure the safety of its citizens and promote their happiness ; and all efforts on the part of the people of other states to cast odium upon their institutions, and all measures calculated to disturb their rights of property, or to put in jeopardy their peace and internal tranquillity, are in direct opposition to the spirit in which the Union was formed, and must endanger its safety. Motives of philanthropy may be assigned for this unwarrantable in- terference ; and weak men may persuade themselves for a moment that they are laboring in the cause of humanity, and asserting the rights of the human race ; but every one, upon sober reflection, will see that nothing but mis- chief can come from these improper assaults upon the feel- ings and rights of others. Rest assured, that the men found busy in this work of discord are not worthy of your confidence, and deserve your strongest reprobation. In the legislation of Congress, also, and in every mea- sure of the general government, justice to every portion of the United States should be faithfully observed. No free government can stand without virtue in the people, and a lofty spirit of patriotism; and if the sordid feelings of mere selfishness shall usurp the place which ought to be filled by public spirit, the legislation of Congress will soon be converted into a scramble for personal and sec- tional advantages. Under our free institutions the citi- zens in every quarter of our country are capable of attain- ing a high degree of prosperity and happiness, without 164 THE TRUE REPUBLICAN. seeking to profit themselves at the expense of others ; and every such attempt must in the end fail to succeed, for the people in every part of the United States are too en- lightened not to understand their own rights and interests, and to detect and defeat every effort to gain undue advan- tages over them ; and when such designs are discovered it naturally provokes resentments which cannot be always allayed. Justice, full and ample justice, to every portion of the United States, should be the ruling principle of every freeman, and should guide the deliberations of every public body, whether it be state or national. It is well known that there have always been those among us who wish to enlarge the powers of the general government ; and experience would seem to indicate that there is a tendency on the part of this government to overstep the boundaries marked out for it by the consti- tution. Its legitimate authority is abundantly sufficient for all the purposes for which it is created ; and its pow- ers being expressly enumerated, there can be no justifica- tion for claiming any thing beyond them. Every attempt to exercise power beyond these limits should be promptly and firmly opposed. For one evil example will lead to other measures still more mischievous ; and if the prin- ciple of constructive powers, or supposed advantages, or temporary circumstances, shall ever be permitted to jus' tify the assumption of a power not given by the constitu- tion, the general government will before long absorb all the powers of legislation, and you will have in effect, but one consolidated government. From the extent of our coun- try, its diversified interests, different pursuits, and diffe- rent habits, it is too obvious for argument that a single consolidated government would be wholly inadequate to watch over and protect its interests ; and every friend of our free institutions should be always prepared to main- tain unimpaired and in full vigor the rights and sove- reignty of the states, and to confine the action of the general government strictly to the sphere of its appropri ate duties. There is, perhaps, no one of the powers conferred on the federal government so liable to abuse as the taxing power. The most productive and convenient sources of JACKSON S FAREWELL ADDRESS. 165 rcvonae were necessarily given to it, that it might perform the important duties imposed upon it; and the taxes which it lays upon commerce being concealed from the real payer in the price of the article, they do not so rea- dily attract the attention of the people as smaller sums demanded from them directly by the tax-gatherer. But the tax imposed on goods, enhances by so much the price of the commodity to the consumer ; and as many of these duties are imposed on articles of necessity which are daily used by the great body of the people, the money raised by these imposts is drawn from their pockets. Con- gress has no right under the constitution to take money from the people unless it is required to execute some one of the specific powers intrusted to the government : and if they raise more than is necessary for such purposes, it is an abuse of the power of taxation, and unjust and oppressive. It may indeed happen that the revenue will sometimes exceed the amount anticipated when the taxes were laid. When, however, this is ascertained, it is easy to reduce them ; and, in such a case, it is unques- tionably the duty of the government to reduce them, for no circumstances can justify it in assuming a power not given to it by the constitution, nor in taking away the money of the people when it is not needed for the legiti- mate wants of the government. Plain as these principles appear to be, you will find that there is a constant effort to induce the general go- vernment to go beyond the limits of its taxing power, and to impose unnecessary burdens upon the people. Many powerful interests are continually at work to procure heavy duties on commerce, and to swell the revenue beyond the real necessities of the public service; and the country has already felt the injurious effects of their combined in- fluence. They succeeded in obtaining a taritT of duties bearing most oppressively on the agricultural and laboring classes of society, and producing a revenue that could not be usefully employed within the range of the powers conferred upon Congress; and, in order to fasten upon the people this unjust and unequal system of taxation, extravagant schemes of internal improvement were got up, in various quarters, to squander the money and to pur- 166 THE TRUE REPUBLICAN. chase support. Thus, one unconstitutional measure was intended to be upheld by another, and the abuse of the power of taxation was to be maintained by usurping the power of expending the money in internal improvements. You cannot have forgotten the severe and doubtful strug- gle through which we passed, when the executive depart- ment of the government, by its veto, endeavored to arrest this prodigal scheme of injustice, and to bring back the legislation of Congress to the boundaries prescribed by the constitution. The good sense and practical judgment of the people, when the subject was brought before them, sustained the course of the executive ; and this plan of unconstitutional expenditure for the purposes of corrupt influence is, I trust, finally overthrown. The result of this decision has been felt in the rapid extinguishment of the public debt, and the large accumu- lation of a surplus in the treasury, notwithstanding the tariff was reduced, and is now far below the amount ori- ginally contemplated by its advocates. But, rely upon it, the design to collect an extravagant revenue, and to bur- den you with taxes beyond the economical wants of the government is not yet abandoned. The various interests which have combined together to impose a heavy tariff, and to produce an overflowing treasury, are too strong, and have too much at stake, to surrender the contest. The corporations and wealthy individuals who are en- gaged in large manufacturing establishments, desire a high tariff to increase their gains. Designing politicians will support it to conciliate their favor, and to obtain the means of profuse expenditure, for the purpose of purcha- sing influence in other quarters ; and since the people have decided that the federal government cannot be per- mitted to employ its income in internal improvements, efforts will be made to seduce and mislead the citizens of the several states by holding out to them the deceitful prospect of benefits to be derived from a surplus revenue collected by the general government, and annually divi- ded among the states. And if encouraged by these falla- cious hopes, the states should disregard the principles of economy which ought to characterize every republican government, and should indulge in lavish expenditures Jackson's farewell address. 167 exceeding their resources, they will, before long, find themselves oppressed with debts which they are unable to pay, and the temptation will become irresistible to sup- port a high tariff", in order to obtain a surplus distribution Do not allow yourselves, my fellow-citizens, to be mis- led on this subject. The federal government cannot col- lect a surplus for such purposes, without violating the principles of the constitution, and assuming powers which have not been granted. It is, moreover, a system of in- justice, and, if persisted in, will inevitably lead to cor- ruption and must end in ruin. The surplus revenue will be drawn from the pockets of the people — from the far- mer, the mechanic, and the laboring classes of society ; but who will receive it when distributed among the states, where it is to be disposed of by leading politicians who have friends to favor, and political partisans to gratify ? It will certainly not be returned to those who paid it, and who have most need of it, and are honestly entitled to it. There is but one safe rule, and that is, to confine the general government rigidly within the sphere of its appropriate duties. It has no power to raise a revenue, or impose taxes, except for the purposes enumerated in the constitution; and if its income is found to exceed these wants, it should be forthwith reduced, and the burdens of the people so far lightened. In reviewing the conflicts which have taken place be- tween different interests in the United States, and the policy pursued since the adoption of our present form of government, we find nothing that has produced such deep-seated evil as the course of legislation in relation to the currency. The constitution of the United States un- questionably intended to secure the people a circulating medium of gold and silver. But the establishment of a national bank by Congress, with the privilege of issuing paper money receivable in the payment of the public dues, and the unfortunate course of legislation in the several states upon the same subject, drove from general circula- tion the constitutional currency, and substituted one of paper in its place. It was not easy for men engaged in the ordinary pur- suits of business, whose attention had not been partiru- 168 THE TRUE REPUBLICAN. larly drawn to the subject, to foresee all the consequences of a currency exclusively of paper : and we ought not, on that account, to be surprised at the facility with which laws were obtained to carry into effect the paper system Honest, and even enlightened men are sometimes misled by the specious and plausible statements of the designing. But experience has now proved the miscliiefs and dangers of a paper currency, and it rests with you to determine whether the proper remedy shall be applied. The paper system being founded on public confidence, and having of itself no intrinsic value, it is liable to great and sudden fluctuations ; thereby rendering pro perty insecure, and the wages of labor unsteady and uncertain. The corporations which create the paper money cannot be relied upon to keep the circulating medium uniform in amount. In times of prosperity, Avhen confidence is high, they are tempted, by the pros- pect of gain, or by the influence of those who hope to profit by it, to extend their issues of paper beyond the bounds of discretion and the reasonable demands of business. And when these issues have been pushed on, from day to day, until public confidence is at length shaken, then a reaction takes place, and they immedi- ately withdraw the credits they have given ; suddenly curtail their issues ; and produce an unexpected and ruinous contraction of the circulating medium, which is felt by the whole community. The banks, by this means, save themselves, and the mischievous consequences of their imprudence or cupidity are visited upon the public. Nor does the evil stop here. These ebbs and flows in the currency, and these indiscreet extensions of credit, naturally engender a spirit of speculation injurious to the habits and character of the people. We have already seen its effects in the wild spirit of speculation in the public lands, and various kinds of stocks, which within the last year or two, seized upon such a multitude of our citizens, and threatened to pervade all classes of society, and to withdraw their attention from the sober pursuits of honest industry. It is not by encouraging this spirit that we shall best preserve public virtue, and promote the true interests of our country. But if your currency Jackson's farewell address. 169 continues as exclusively paper as it now is, it will foster this eager desire to amass wealth without labor ; it will multiply the number of dependents on bank accommo- dations and bank favors ; the temptations to obtain money at any sacrifice will become stronger and stronger, and inevitably lead to corruption, which will find its way into your public councils, and destroy, at no distant day, the purity of your government. Some of the evils which arise from this system of paper, press with peculiar hard- ship upon the class of society least able to bear it. A portion of this currency frequently becomes depreciated or worthless, and all of it is easily counterfeited, in such a manner as to require peculiar skill and much experience to distinguish the counterfeit from the genuine notes. These frauds are most generally perpetrated in the smaller notes, which are used in the daily transactions of ordinary business ; and the losses occasioned by them are commonly thrown upon the laboring classes of society, whose situation and pursuits put it out of their power to guard themselves from these impositions, and whose daily wages are necessary for their subsistence. It is the duty of every government so to regulate its currency, as to protect this numerous class as far as practicable from the impositions of avarice and fraud. It is more espe- cially the duty of the United States, where the govern- ment is emphatically the government of the people, and where this respectable portion of our citizens are so proudly distinguished from the laboring classes of all other nations, by their independent spirit, their love of liberty, their intelligence, and their high tone of moral character. Their industry in peace, is the source of our wealth ; and tht.x bravery in war, has covered us with glory, and the government of the United States will but ill discharge its duties, if it leaves them a prey to such dishonest impositions. Yet it is evident that their interests cannot be effectually protected, unless silver and gold are restored to circulation. These views alone, of the paper currency, are sufficient 10 call for immediate reform ; but there is another consi- deration which should still more strongly press it upon your attention. 15 170 THE TRUE REPUBLICAN. Recent events have proved that the paper money sys- tem of this country, may be used as an engine to under- mine your free institutions ; and that those who desire to engross all power in the hands of the few, and to govern by'^corruption or force, are aware of its power, and pre- pared to employ it. Your banks now furnish your only circulating medium, and money is plenty or scarce, ac- cording to the quantity of notes issued by them. While they have capitals not greatly disproportioned to each other, they are competitors in business, and no one of them can exercise dominion over the rest; and although, in the present state of the currency, these banks may and do operate injuriously upon the habits of business, the pecuniary concerns, and the moral tone of society ; yet, from their number and dispersed situation, they can- not combine for the purposes of political influence ; and whatever may be the dispositions of some of them, their power of michief must necessarily be confined to a narrow space, and felt only in their immediate neigh- borhood. TT • J But when the charter for the Bank of the United States was obtained from Congress, it perfected the schemes of the paper system, and gave its advocates the position they have struggled to obtain, from the com- mencement of the federal government down to the pre- sent hour. The immense capital, the peculiar privileges bestowed upon it, enabled it to exercise despotic sway over the other banks in every part of the country. From its superior strength, it could seriously injure, if not de- stroy the business of any one of them which might incur its resentment: and it openly claimed for itself the power of regulating the currency throughout the United States. In other words, it asserted (and undoubtedly possessed) the power to make money plenty or scarce, at its pleasure, at any time, and in any quarter of the Union by con- trolling the issues of other banks, and permitting an expansion, or compelling a general contraction, of the circulating medium, according to its own will. The other banking institutions were sensible of, its strength, and they soon generally became its obedient instruments, ready at all times, to execute its mandates ; and with the JACKSON S FAREWELL ADDRESS. 171 banks nenessarily went also that numerous class of per- sons in our commercial cities, who depend altogether on bank credits for their solvency and means of business ; and who are, therefore, obliged, for their own safety, to propitiate the favor of the money power by distinguished zeal and devotion in its service. The result of the ill- advised legislation which established this great monopoly was to concentrate the whole moneyed power of the Union, with its boundless means of corruption, and its numerous dependents, under the direction and command of one acknowledged head ; thus organizing this particu- lar interest as one body, and securing to it unity and concert of action throughout the United States, and ena- bling it to bring forward, upon any occasion, its entire and undivided strength to support or defeat any measure of the government. In the hands of this formidable power, thus perfectly organized, was also placed unlimited dominion over the amount of the circulating medium, giving it the power to regulate the value of property and the fruit of labor in every quarter of the Union; and to bestow prosperity, or bring ruin upon any city or section of the country, as might best comport with its own inte- rest or policy. We are not left to conjecture how the moneyed power, thus organized, and with such a weapon in its hands, would be likely to use it. The distress and alarm which pervaded and agitated the whole country, when the Bank of the United States waged war upon the people, in order to compel them to submit to its demands, cannot yet be forgotten. The ruthless and unsparing temper with which whole cities and communities were oppressed, individu- als impoverished and ruined, and a scene of cheerful prosperity suddenly changed into one of gloom and despondency, ought to be indelibly impressed on the memory of the people of the United States, If such was its power in a time of peace, what would it not have been in a season of war, with an enemy at your doors ? No nation but the freemen of the United States could have come out victorious from such a contest ; yet, if you had not conquered, the government would have passed '"rom the hands of the many to the hands of the few; 172 THE TRUE REPUBLICAN. and this organized money power, from its secret con clave, would have dictated the choice of your highest officers, and compelled you to make peace or war, as best suited their own wishes. The forms of your govern- ment might, for a time, have remained ; but its living spirit would have departed from it. The distress and sufferings inflicted on the people by the bank, are some of the fruits of that system of policy which is continually striving to enlarge tlie authority of the federal government beyond the limits fixed by the constitution. The powers enumerated in that instru- ment do not -confer on Congress the right to establish such a corporation as the Bank of the United States ; and the evil consequences which followed may warn us of the danger of departing from the true rule of con- struction, and of permitting temporary circumstances, or the hope of better promoting the public welfare, to influ- ence in any degree our decision upon the extent of the authority of the general government. Let us abide by the constitution as it is written, or amend it in the con- stitutional mode if it is found defective. The severe lessons of experience will, I doubt not, be sufficient to prevent Congress from again chartering such a monopoly, even if the constitution did not pre- sent an insuperable objection to it. But you must re- member, my fellow-citizens, that eternal vigilance by the people is the price of liberty ; and that you must pay the pri.ce if you wish to secure the blessing. It behoves you, therefore, to be watchful in your states, as well as in the federal government. The power which the mo- neyed interest can exercise, when concentrated under a single head and with our present system of currency, was sufficiently demonstrated in the struggle made by the United States Bank. Defeated in the general govern- ment, the same class of intriguers and politicians will now resort to the states, and endeavor to obtain there the same organization, which they failed to perpetuate in the Union ; and with specious and deceitful plans of pub- lic advantages, and state interests, and state pride, they will endeavor to establish, in the different states, one moneyed institution with overgrown capital, and exclu- JACKSON S FAREWELL ADDRESS. 173 she privileges sufficient to enable it to control the ope- rations of other banks. Such an institution will be pregnant with the same evils prockiced by the Bank of the United States, although its sphere of action is more confined ; and in the state in which it is chartered, the money power will be able to embody its whole strength, and to move together with undivided force, to accomplish any object it may wish to attain. You have already had abundant evidence of its powers to inflict injury upon the agricultural, mechanical, and laboring classes of society ; and over those whose engagements in trade or specula- tion render them dependent on bank facilities, the domi- nion of the state monopoly will be absolute, and their obedience unlimited. With such a bank and a paper currency, the money power would in a few years govern the state and control its measures ; and if a sufficient number of states can be induced to create such estab- lishments, the time will soon come when it will again take the field against the United States, and succeed in per- fecting and perpetuating its organization by a charter from Congress. It is one of the serious evils of our present system of banking that it enables one class of society — and that by no means a numerous one — by its control over the cur- rency, to act injuriously upon the interests of all the others, and to exercise more than its just proportion of influence in political affairs. The agricultural, the me- chanical, and the laboring classes, have litde or no share in the direction of the great moneyed corporations ; and from their habits and the nature of their pursuits, they are incapable of forming extensive combinations to act together with united force. Such concert of action may sometimes be produced in a single city, or in a small dis- trict of country, by means of personal communications with each other; but they have no regular or active cor- respondence with those who are engaged in similar pur- suits in distant places ; they have but little patronage to give to the press, and exercise but a small share of influ- ence over it ; they have no crowd of dependents about them, who hope to grow rich without labor, by their countenance and favor, and who are, therefore, always 15* 174 THE TRUE REPUBLICAN. ready to execute their wishes. The planter, the farmer, the mechanic, and the laborer, all know that their suc- cess depends upon their own industry and economy,' and thai they must not expect to become suddenly rich by the fruits of their toil. Yet these classes form the great body of the people of the United States; they are the bone and sinew of the country ; men who love liberty, and desire nothing but equal rights and equal laws, and who, moreover, hold the great mass of our national wealth, al- though it is distributed in moderate amounts among the millions of freemen who possess it. But, with overwhelm- ing numbers and wealth on their side, they are in con- stant danger of losing their fair influence in the govern- ment, and v/ith difficulty maintain their just rights against the incessant efforts daily made to encroach upon them. The mischief springs from the power which the mo- neyed interest derives from a paper currency, which they are able to control, from the multitude of corporations with exclusive privileges, which they have succeeded in obtaining in the different states, and which are employed altogether for their benefit, and unless you become more watchful in your slates, and check this spirit of monopo- ly and thirst for exclusive privileges, you will, in the end, find that the most important powers of government have been given or bartered away, and the control over your dearest interests has passed into the hands of these cor- porations. The paper-moneyed system, and its natural associates, monopoly and exclusive privileges, have already struck their roots deep in the soil, and it will require all your efforts to check its further growth, and to eradicate the evil. The men who profit by the abuses, and desire to perpetuate them, will continue to besiege the halls of legislation in the general government as well as in the states, and will seek, by every artifice, to mislead and de- ceive the public servants. It is to yourselves that you must look for safety and the means of guarding and per- petuating your free institutions. In your hands is right- fully placed the sovereignty of the country, and to you e\ery one placed in authority is ultimately responsible. It is always in your power to see that the wishes of the 175 people are carried into faithful execution, and their will, when once made known, must sooner or later be obeyed. And while the people remain, as I trust they ever will, uncorrupted and incorruptible, and continue watchful and jealous of their rights, the government is safe, and the cause of freedom will continue to triumph over all its enemies. But it will require steady and persevering exertions on your part to rid yourselves of the iniquities and mischiefs of the paper system, and to check the spirit of monopoly and other abuses which have sprung up with it, and of which it is the main support. So many interests are uni- ted to resist all reform'on this subject, that you must not hope the conflict will be a short one, nor success easy. My humble efforts have not been spared, during my ad- ministration of the government, to restore the constitu- tional currency of gold and silver ; and something, I trust, has been done towards the accomplishment of this most desirable object. But enough yet remains to require all your energy and perseverance. The power, however, is in your hands, and the remedy must and will be applied if you determine upon it. While I am thus endeavoring to press upon your atten- tion the principles which I deem of vital importance to the domestic concerns of the country, I ought not to pass over without notice, the important considerations which should govern your policy towards foreign powers. It is unquestionably our true interest to cultivate the most friendly understanding with every nation, and to avoid, by every honorable means, the calamities of war ; and we shall best attain that object by frankness and sincerity in our foreign intercourse, by the prompt and faithful exe- cution of treaties, and by justice and impartiality in our conduct to all. But no nation, however desirous of peace, can hope to escape collisions with other powers ; and the soundest dictates of policy require that we should place ourselves in a condition to assert our rights, if a resort to force should ever become necessary. Our local situation, our long line of sea-coast, indented by nume- rous bays, with deep rivers opening into the interior, as well as her extended and still increasing commerce, point 176 THE TRUE REPUBLICAN to the navy as our natural means of defence. It will, in the end, be found to be the cheapest and most effectual ; and now is the time, in a season of peace, and with an overflowing revenue, that we can year after year add to its strength, without increasing the burdens of the peo- ple. It is your true policy. For your navy will not only protect your rich and flourishing commerce in distant seas, but enable you to reach and annoy the enemy, and will give to defence its greatest efficiency, by meeting danger at a distance from home. It is impossible by any line of fortifications to guard every point from attack against a hostile force advancing from the ocean, and se- lecting its object; but they are indispensable to prevent cities from bombardment ; dock-yards and navy arsenals from destruction ; to give shelter to merchant vessels iu time of war, and to single ships of weaker squadrons when pressed by superior force. Fortifications of this description cannot be too soon completed and armed, and placed in a condition of the most perfect preparation. The abundant means we now possess cannot be applied in any manner more useful to the country ; and when this is done, and our naval force sufficiently strengthened, and our military armed, we need not fear that any nation will wantonly insult us, or needlessly provoke hostilities. We shall more certainly preserve peace, when it is well un- derstood that we are prepared for war. In presenting to you, my fellow-citizens, these parting counsels, I have brought before you the leading principles upon which I endeavored to administer the government in the high office with which you twice honored me. Knowing that the path of freedom is continually beset by enemies, who often assume the disguise of friends. I have devoted the last hours of my public life to warn you of the dangers. The progress of the United States, under our free and happy institutions, has surpassed the most sanguine hopes of the founders of the republic. Our growth has been rapid beyond all former example, in numbers, in wealth, in knowledge, and all the useful arts which contribute to the comforts and convenience of man; and from the earliest ages of history to the present day, there never have been thirteen millions of people asso Jackson's farewell address. 177 cialed tog-ether in one political body, who enjoyed so much freedom and happiness as the people of these United States. You have no longer any cause to fear danger from abroad ; your strength and power are well known throughout the civilized world, as well as the high and gallant bearing of your sons. It is from within, among yourselves, from cupidity, from corruption, from disap- pointed ambition, and inordinate thirst for power, that factions will be formed and liberty endangered. It is against such designs, whatever disguise the actors may assume, that you have especially to guard yourselves. You have the highest of human trusts committed to your care. Providence has showered on this favored land blessings without number, and has chosen you, as the guardians of freedom, to preserve it for the benefit of the human race. May He, who holds in his hands the desti- nies of nations, make you worthy of the favors he has bestowed, and enable you, with pure hearts, and pure hands, and sleepless vigilance, to guard and defend to the end of time the great charge he has committed to your keeping. My own race is nearly run ; advanced age and failing health warn me that before long I must pass beyond the reach of human events, and cease to feel the vicissitudes of human affairs. I thank God that my life has been spent in a land of liberty, and that he has given me a heart to love my country with the affection of a son. And filled with gratitude for your constant and unwavering kindness, I bid you a last and affectionate farewell. 178 THE TRUE REPUBLICAN VAN BUREN'S INAUGURAL ADDRESS, March 4, 1837. Fellow-Citizens : The practice of all my predecessors imposes on me an obligation I cheerfully fulfil, to accompany the first and solemn act of my public trust with an avowal of the prin- ciples that will guide me in performing it, and an expres- sion of my feelings on assuming a charge so responsible and vast. In imitating their example, I tread in the foot- steps of illustrious men, whose superiors it is our happi- ness to believe are not found on the executive calendar of any country. Among them we recognize the earliest and firmest pillars of the republic ; those by whom our na- tional independence was first declared ; him who, above all others, contributed to establish it on the field of battle; and those whose expanded intellect and patriotism con- structed, improved and perfected the inestimable institu- tions under which we live. If such men, in the position I now occupy, felt themselves overwhelmed by a sense of gratitude for this, the highest of all marks of their country's confidence, and by a consciousness of their in- ability adequately to discharge the duties of an oflJice so difficult and exalted, how much more must these conside- rations affect one, who can rely on no such claim for fa- vor or forbearance. Unlike all who have preceded me, the revolution that gave us existence as one people, was achieved at the period of my birth ; and whilst I contem- plate, with grateful reverence, that memorable event, I feel that I belong to a later age, and that I may not ex- pect my countrymen to weigh my actions with the same kind and partial hand. So sensibly, fellow-citizens, do these circumstances press themselves upon me, that I should not dare to en- ter upon my path of duty, did I not look for the gene- rous aid of those who will be associated with me in the various and co-ordinate branches of the government ; did I not repose with unwavering reliance on the patriotism, the intelligence and the kindness of a people who nevei raA[ET[JI^ ^f^m EUj^Ei^i^ ^ 77^-^^^/^^?^:^^^ VAN BUREn's inaugural ADDRESS. 17& yet deserted a public servant honestly laboring in their cause ; and, above all, did I not permit myself humbly to hope for the sustaining support of an ever- watchful and beneficent Providence. To the confidence and consolation derived from those sources, it would be ungrateful not to add those which spring from our present fortunate condition. Though not altogether exempt from embarrassments that disturb our tranquillity at home and threaten it abroad, yet, in all the attributes of a great, happy, and flourishing people, we stand without a parallel in the world. Abroad, we enjoy the respect, and, with scarcely an exception, the friendship of every nation ; at home, while our govern- ment quietly, but efficiently performs the sole legitimate end of political institutions, in doing the greatest good to the greatest number, we present an aggregate of human prosperity surely not elsewhere to be found. How imperious, then, is the obligation imposed upon every citizen, in his own sphere of action, whetlier limit- ed or extended, to exert himself in perpetuating a condi- tion of things so singularly happy. All the lessons of history and experience must be lost upon us, if we are content to trust alone to the peculiar advantages we hap- pen to possess. Position and climate, and the bounteous resources that nature has scattered with so liberal a hand — even the diff'used intelligence and elevated cha- racter of our people — will avail us nothing, if we fail sacredly to uphold those political institutions that were wisely and deliberately formed, with reference to every circumstance that could preserve, or might endanger the blessings we enjoy. The thoughtful framers of our con- stitution legislated for our country as they found it. Look- ing upon it with the eyes of statesmen and of patriots, they saw all the sources of rapid and wonderful prospe- rity ; but they saw, also, that various habits, opinions, and institutions, peculiar to the various portions of so vast a region, were deeply fixed. Distinct sovereignties were in actual existence, whose cordial union was essential to the welfare and happiness of all. Between many of them there was, at least to some extent, a real diversity of in- terests, liable to be exaggerated through sinister designs ; 180 THE TRUE REPUBLICAN. they differed in size, in population, in wealth, and in actual and prospective resources and power; they varied in the character of their industry and staple productions ; and in some existed domestic institutions, which, unwisely disturbed, might endanger the harmony of the whole Most carefully were all these circumstances weighed, and the foundation of the government laid upon principles of mutual concession and equitable compromise. The jea- lousies which the smaller states might entertain of the power of the rest, were allayed by a rule of representation, confessedly unequal at the time, and designed forever to remain so. A natural fear that the broad scope of gene- ral legislation might bear upon and unwisely control par- ticular interests, was counteracted by limits strictly drawn around the action of the federal authority; and to the people and the states was left unimpaired their sovereign power over the innumerable subjects embraced in the internal government of a just republic, excepting such only as necessarily appertain to the concerns of the whole confederacy, or its intercourse, as a united community, with the other nations of the world. This provident forecast has been verified by time. Half a century, teeming with extraordinary events, and elsewhere producing astonishing results, has passed along; but on our institutions it has left no injurious mark. From a small community, we have risen to a people powerful in numbers and in strength ; but with our increase has gone hand in hand the progress of just principle ; the privileges, civil and retigious, of the humblest individual are sacredly protected at home : and while the valor and fortitude of our people have removed far from us the slightest apprehension of foreign power, they have not yet induced us, in a single instance, to forget what is ••jght. Our commerce has been extended to the remotest nations ; -the value, and even nature of the productions has been greatly changed ; a wide difference has arisen in the relative wealth and resources of every portion of our country ; yet the spirit of mutual regard and of faith- ful adherence to existing compacts, has continued to prevail in our councils, and never long been absent from our conduct. We have learned by experience a fruitful CONSTITUTION OF HENTUCKY. 181 to, and returning from the same ; and for any speech or debate, in either House, they shall not be questioned in any other place. 25. No senator or representative shall, during the term for which he was elected, nor for one year thereafter, be appointed or elected to any civil office of profit under this commonwealth, which shall have been created, or the emoluments of which shall have been increased, during the time such senator or representative was in office, except to such offices or appointments as may be made or filled by the elections of the people. 26. No person, while he continues to exercise the functions of a clergyman, priest, or teacher, of any reli- gious persuasion, society, or sect; nor whilst he holds or exercises any office of profit under this commonwealth, shall be eligible to the general Assembly ; except attor- neys at law, justices of the peace, and militia officers: Provided, that justices of the courts of quarter sessions shall be ineligible so long as any compensation may be allowed them for their services: Provided, also, that at- torneys for the commonwealth, who receive a fixed an- nual salary from the public treasury, shall be ineligible. 27. No person who at any time may have been a col- lector of taxes for the State, or the assistant or deputy of such collector, shall be eligible to the general Assembly until he shall have obtained a quietus for the amount of such collection, and for all public moneys for which he may be responsible. 28. No bill shall have the force of a law until on three several days it be read over in each House of the general Assembly, and free discussion allowed thereon ; unless, in cases of urgency, four-fifths of the House where the bill shall be depending, may deem it expedient to dispense with this rule. 29. All bills for raising revenue shall originate in the House of Representatives ; but the Senate may propose amendments, as in other bills : Provided, that they shall not introduce any new matter, under the color of an amendment, which does not relate to raising a revenue. 30. The general Assembly shall regulate, by law, by 16 182 CONSTITUTION OF KENTUCKY. whom and in what manner writs of election shall be is- sued to fill the vacancies which may happen in either branch thereof. Article 3. Concerning the Executive Department. Sec. 1. The supreme executive power of the com- monwealth shall be vested in a chief magistrate, who shall be styled the Governor of the commonwealth of Kentucky. 2. The Governor shall be elected for the term of four years by the citizens entitled to suffrage at the time and places where they shall respectively vote for representa- tives. The person having the highest number of votes shall be Governor ; but if two or more shall be equal and highest in votes, the election shall be determined by lot, in such manner as the legislature may direct. 3. The Governor shall be ineligible for the succeeding seven years after the expiration of the time for which he shall have been elected. 4. He shall be at least thirty-five years of age, and a citizen of the United States, and have been an inhabitant of this State at least six years next preceding his elec- tion. 5. He shall commence the execution of his office on the fourth Tuesday succeeding the day of the commence- ment of the general election on which he shall be chosen, and shall continue in the execution thereof until the end of four weeks next succeeding the election of his succes- sor, and until his successor shall have taken the oaths or affirmations prescribed by this Constitution. 6. No member of Congress, or person holding any of fice under the United States, nor minister of any reli- gious society, shall be eligible to the office of Governor. 7. The Governor shall, at stated times, receive for his services a compensation, which shall neither be increased nor diminished during the term for which he shall have been elected. 8. He shall be commander-in-chief of the army and navy of this commonwealth, and of the militia thereof, CONSTITUTION OF KENTUCKY. 183 e?^cept when they shall be called into the service of the United States ; but he shall not command personally in the field, unless he shall be advised so to do by a resolu- tion of the general Assembly. 9. He shall nominate, and, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, appoint all officers whose offices are established by this Constitution or shall be established bylaw, and whose appointments are not herein otherwise provided for : Provided, that no person shall be so ap- pointed to an office within any county, who shall not have been a citizen and inhabitant therein one year next before his appointment, if the county shall have been so long erected ; but if it shall not have been so long erected, then within the limits of the county or counties from which it shall have been taken: Provided, also, that the county courts be authorized bylaw to appoint inspectors, collectors, and their deputies, surveyors of the highways, constables, jailers, and such other inferior officers, whose jurisdiction may be confined within the limits of a county. 10. The Governor shall have power to fill up vacancies that may happen during the recess of the Senate, by granting commissions, which shall expire at the end of the next session. 11. He shall have power to remit fines and forfeitures, grant reprieves and "pardons, except in cases of impeach- ment. In cases of treason, he shall have power to grant reprieves until the end of the next session of the general Assembly; in which the power of pardoning shall be vested. 12. He may require information in writing from the officers in the executive department, upon any subject relating to the duties of their respective offices. 13. He shall from time to time give to the general As- sembly information of the state of the commonwealth, and recommend to their consideration such measures as he shall deem expedient. 14. He may on extraordinary occasions convene the general Assembly at the seat of government, or at a differ- ent place, if tliat should have become, since their last ad- journment, dangerous from an enemy, or from contagious disorders ; and in case of disagreement between the two 184 CONSTITUTION OF KENTUCKY. Houses, with respect to the time of adjournment, adjourn tliem to such time as he shall think proper, not exceeding four months. 15. He shall take care that the laws be faithfully exe- cuted. 16. A Lieutenant-Governor shall be chosen at e very- election for a Governor, in the same manner, conlinne in office for the same time, and possess tlie same qualifica- tions. In voting for Governor and Lieutenant-Governor, the electors shall distinguish whom they vote for as Gover- nor, and whom as Lieutenant-Governor. 17. He shall, by virtue of his office, be speaker of the Senate, have a right, when in committee of the whole, to debate and vote on all subjects ; and, when the Senate are equally divided, to give the casting vote. 18. In case of the impeachment of the Governor, his removal from officb, death, refusal to qualify, resignation, or absence from the State, the Lieutenant-Governor shall exercise all the power and authority appertaining to the office of Governor, until another be duly qualified, or the Governor absent or impeached shall return or be acquitted. 19. Whenever the government shall be administered by the Lieutenant-Governor, or he shall be unable to attend as Speaker of the Senate, the senators shall elect one of their own members as Speaker, for that occasion. And if, during the vacancy of the office of Governor, the Lieutenant-Governor shall be impeached, removed from office, refuse to qualify, resign, die, or be absent from the State, the Speaker of the Senate shall, in like manner, administer the government. 20. The Lieutenant-Governor, while he acts as Speaker to the Senate, shall receive for his services the same com- pensation which shall for the same period be allowed to the Speaker of the House of Representatives, and no more ; and during the time he administers the government as Governor, shall receive the same compensation which the Governor would have received and been entitled to had he been employed in tlie duties of his office. 21. The Speaker pro tempore of the Senate, during the ♦ime he admmisters the government, shall receive in like CONSTITUTION OF KENTUCKY. 185 manner the same compensation which the Governor would have received had he been employed in the duties of his office. 22. If the Lieutenant-Govern 01 shall be called upon to administer the government, and shall, while in such ad- ministration, resign, die, or be absent from the State during the recess of the general Assembly, it shall be the duty of the secretary, for the time being, to convene the Senate for the purpose of choosing a Speaker. 23. An attorney-general, and such other attorneys for the commonwealth as may be necessary, shall be appointed, whose duty shall be regulated bylaw. Attorneys for the commonwealth, for the several counties, shall be appointed by the respective courts having jurisdiction therein. 24. A secretary shall be appointed and commissioned during the term for which the Governor shall have been elected, if he shall so long behave himself well. He shall keep a fair register, and attest all thfe official acts and pro- ceedings of the Governor, and shall, when required, lay the same, and all papers, minutes, and vouchers, relative thereto, before either House of the general Assembly, and shall perform such other duties as may be enjoined him by law. 25. Every bill which shall have passed both Houses shall be presented to the Governor : if he approve, he shall sign it, but if not, he shall return it with his objec- tions, to the House in which it shall have originated, who shall enter the objections at large upon the journal, and proceed to reconsider it; if, after such reconsideration, a majority of all the members elected to that House shall agree to pass the bill, it shall be sent, witli the objections, to the other House, by which it shall be likewise con- sidered, and if approved by a majority of all the members elected to that House, it shall be a law ; but in such cases the votes of both Houses shall be determined by yeas and nays, and the persons voting for and against the bill shall be entered on the journal of each House respectively ; if any bill shall not be returned by the Governor, within ten days (Sundays excepted) after it shall have been pre- sented to him, it shall be a law in like manner as if he had signed it, unless the general Assembly by their ad 16* 180 CONSTITUTION OP KENTUCKY. joiinuncnt prevent its return ; in which case it Hhall be a iaw, unless sent back within three days after their next nieetinfive millions two hundred and eighty-one thousand three hundred and sixty-one dollars will have been expended, at the end of the year, on appro- priations made by Congress ; and the residue, amounting to thirty-four millions one hundred and eighty-seven thou- sand one hundred and forty-three dollars, will be the nominal balance in the treasury on the first of January next. But of that sum, only one million eighty-five thousand four hundred and ninety-eight dollars is considered as imme- flliately available for, and applicable to, public purposes. Those portions of it which will be for some time una- vailable, consist chiefly of sums deposited with the states, and due from the former deposit banks. The details upon this subject will be found in the annual report of the secretary of the treasury. The amount of treasury notes which it will be necessary to issue during the year on account of those funds being unavailable, will, it is supposed, not exceed four and a half millions. It seemed proper in the condition of the country, to have the esti- mates on all subjects made as low as practicable, without prejudice to any great public measures. The departments were, therefore, desired to prepare their estimates accord- ingly ; and I am happy to find that they have been able to graduate them on so economical a scale. In the great and often unexpected fluctuations to which the revenue is subjected, it is not possible to com pute the receipts beforehand with great certainty ; bul should they not diflfer essentially from present anticipa- tions, and should the appropriations not much exceed the estimates, no difficulty seems likely to happen in defray- ing the current expenses with promptitude and fidelity. Notwithstanding the great embarrassments which have recently occurred in commercial aff'airs, and the liberal indulgence which, in consequence of those embarrass- 17* 198 Tirr. true republican. ments, has been extended to both the merchants and the banks, it is gratifying to be able to anticipate that tho treasury notes, which have been issued during the present year will be redeemed, and that the resources of the trea- sury, without any resort to loans or increased taxes, will prove ample for defraying all charges imposed on it du- ring 1838. The report of the secretary of the treasury will afford you a more minute exposition of all matters connected with the administration of the finances during the current year ; a period which, for the amount of public moneys disbursed and deposited with the states, as well as the financial difficulties encountered and overcome, has few parallels in our history. Your attention was, at the last session, invited to the necessity of additional legislative provisions in respect to the collection, safe-keeping, and transfer of the publtp money. No law having been then matured, and not un- derstanding the proceedings of Congress as intended to be final, it becomes my duty again to bring the subject to your notice. On that occasion, three modes of performing this branch of the public service were presented for conside- ration. These were, the creation of a national bank ; the revival, with modifications, of the deposit system esta- blished by the act of the 23d June, 1836, permitting the use of the public moneys by the banks ; and the discon- tinuance of the use of such institutions for the purposes referred to, with suitable provisions for their accomplish- ment through the agency of public officers. Considering the opinions of both houses of Congress on the two first propositions as expressed in the negative, in which I en- tirely concur, it is unnecessary for me again to recur to them. In respect to the last, you have had an opportunity, since your adjournment, not only to test still further the expedi- ency of the measure, by the continued practical operation of such parts of it as are now in force, but also to discover — what should ever be sought for and regarded with the utmost deference — the opinions and wishes of the people. The national will is the supreme law of the republic, and on all subjects within the limits of \ts constitutiounl VAN BUREN's first ANNUAL MESSAGE. 199 powers, should be faithfully obeyed by the public servant. Since the measure in question was submitted to your con- sideration, most of you have enjoyed the advantage of personal communication with your constituents. For one state only has an election been held for the federal go- vernment; but the early day at which it took place, de- prives the measure under consideration of much of the support it might otherwise have derived from the result. Local elections for state officers have, however, been held in several of the states, at which the expediency of the plan proposed by the executive has been more or less dis- cussed. You will, I am confident, yield to their results the respect due to every expression of the public voice. Desiring, however, to arrive at truth and a just view ot the subject in all its bearings, you will at the same time remember, that questions of far deeper and more imme- diate local interest than the fiscal plans of the national treasury were involved in those elections. Above all, we cannot overlook the striking fact, that there were, at the time, in those states, more than one hundred and sixty millions of bank capital, of which large portions were subject to actual forfeiture — other large portions upheld only by special and limited legislative indulgences — and most of it, if not all, to a greater or less extent, dependent for a continuance of its corporate existence upon the will of the state legislatures to be then chosen. Apprised of this circumstance, you will judge whether it is not most probable that the peculiar condi- tion of that vast interest in these respects, the extent to which it has been spiead through all the ramifications of society, its direct connection with the then pending elec- tions, and the feelings it was calculated to infuse into the canvass, have not exercised a far greater influence over the result than any which could possibly have been produced by a conflict of opinion in respect to a ques- tion in the administration of the general government, more remote and far less important in its bearing upon that interest. I have found no reason to change my own opinion as to the expediency of adopting the system proposed, being per- fectly satisfied that there will be neither stability nor safe- 200 THE TRUE REPUBLICAX. ty, either in the fiscal affairs of the government, or in the pecuniary transactions of individuals and corporations, so long as a connection exists between them, which, like the past, offers such strong inducements to make them the subjects of political agitation. Indeed, I am more than ever convinced of the dangers to which the free and unbiassed exercise of political opinion — the only sure foundation and safeguard of republican government- would be exposed by any further increase of the already* overgrown influence of corporate authorities — I cannot, therefore, consistently with my views of duty, advise a renewal of a connection which circumstances have dis-' solved. The discontinuance of the use of state banks for fiscal purposes ought not to be regarded as a measure of hosti- lity towards these institutions. Banks properly establish- ed and conducted, are highly useful to the business of the country, and doubtless will continue to exist in the states so long as they conform to their laws, and are found to be safe and beneficial. How they should be created, what privileges they should enjoy, under what responsi- bilities they should act, and to what restrictions they should be subject, are questions which, as I observed on a previous occasion, belong to the states to decide. Upon their rights, or the exercise of them, the general govern- ment can have no motive to encroach. Its duty toward them is well performed, when it refrains from legislating for their special benefit, because such legislation would violate the spirit of the constitution, and be unjust to other interests ; when it takes no steps to impair their useful- ness, but so manages its own affairs as to make it the interest of those institutions to strengthen and improve their condition for the security and welfare of the com- munity at large. They have no right to insist on a connection with the federal government, nor on the use of the public money for their own benefit. The object of the measure under consideration is, to avoid for the future a compulsory connection of this kind. It proposes to place the general government, in regard to the essential points of the collection, safe-keeping and transfer of the public money, in a situation which shall VAN BUREn's first ANNUAL MESSAGE. 201 relieve it from all dependence on the will of irresponsible individuals or corporations; to withdraw those moneys from the uses of private trade, and confine them to agents constitutionally selected and controlled by law ; to abstain Irom improper interference with the industry of the peo- ple, and withhold inducements to improvident dealings on the part of individuals ; to give stability to the con- cerns of the treasury ; to preserve the measures of the government from the unavoidable reproaches that flow trom such a connection, and the banks themselves from the injurious effects of a supposed participation in the political conflicts of the day, from which they will other- wise find it diflicult to escape. These are my views upon this important subject ; form- ed alter careful reflection, and with no desire but to arrive at what is most likely to promote the public interest. 1 hey are now, as they were before, submitted with an unfeigned deference for the opinions of others. It was hardly to be hoped that changes so important, on a sub- ject so interesting, could be made without producino- a serious diversity of opinion ; but so long as those con- flicting views are kept above the influence of individual or local interests ; so long as they pursue only the gene- ral good, and are discussed with moderation and candor, such diversity is a benefit, not an injury. H a majority of Congress see the public welfare in a ditTerent lio-ht; and more especially if they should be satisfied that'' the measure proposed would not be acceptable to the people ; I shall look to their wisdom to substitute such as may be more conducive to the one, and more satisfactory to the other. In any event, they may confidendy rely on my hearty co-operation to the fullest extent which my views of the constitution and my sense of duty will permit. It is obviously important to this branch of the public service, and to the business and quiet of the country, that the whole subject should in some way be settled and reo-u- lated by law; and, if possible, at your present session. Besides the plan above referred to, I am not aware that any one has been suggested, except that of keepino- the public money in the state banks, in special deposit. This plan IS, to some extent*, in accordance with the practice 202 THE TRUE REPUBLICAN. of the government, and which, except, perhaps during the operation of the late deposit act, has always been allowed, even during the existence of a national bank, to make a temporary use of the state banks, in particular places, for the safe-keeping of portions of the revenue. This discretionary power might be continued, if Con- gress deem it desirable, whatever general system may be adopted. So long as the connection is voluntary, we need perhaps anticipate few of those difficulties, and little of that dependence on the banks, which must attend every such connection when compulsory in its nature, and when so arranged as to make the banks a fixed part of the machinery of government. It is undoubtedly in the pow- er of Congress so to regulate and guard it as to prevent the public money from being applied to the use, or inter- mingled with the affairs, of individuals. Thus arranged, although it would not give to the government that control over its own funds which I desire to secure to it by the plan I have proposed, it would, it must be admitted, in a great degree, accomplish one of the objects which has recommended that plan to my judgment — the sepa- ration of the fiscal concerns of tlie government from those of individuals or corporations. With these observations, I recommend the whole mat- ter to your dispassionate reflection ; confidently hoping that some conclusion may be reached by your delibera- tions, which, on the one hand, shall give stability to the fiscal operations of the government, and be consistent, on the other, with the genius of our institutions, and with the interests and wishes of the great mass of our con- stituents. It was my hope that nothing would occur to make ne- cessary, on this occasion, any allusion to the late national bank. There are circumstances, however, connected with the present state of its affairs, that bear so directly on the character of the government and the welfare of the citizen, that I should not feel myself excused in neglect- ing to notice them. The charier which terminated its banking privileges on the fourth of March, 183G, con- tinued its corporate powers t\vo years more, for the «ole purpose of closing its affairs, with authority " to VAN BC/REn's first ANNUAL MESSAGE. 203 use the corporate name, style and capacity, for the pur pose of suits, for a final settlement and liquidation of the aflfairs and acts of the corporation, and for the sale and disposition of their estate, real, personal and mixed, but for no other purpose or in any other manner whatsoever." Just before the banking privileges ceased, its effects were transferred by the bank to a new state institution, then recently incorporated, in trust, for the discharge of its debts and the setdement of its affairs. With this trustee, by authority of Congress, an adjust- ment was subsequendy made of the large interest which the government had in the stock of the institution. The manner in which a trust unexpectedly created upon the act granting the charter, and involving such great public mterests, has been executed, would, under any circum- stance, be a fit subject of inquiry ; but much more does it deserve your attention when it embraces the redemption of obligations to which the authority and credit of the United States have given value. The two years allowed are now nearly at an end. It is well understood that the trustee has not redeemed and cancelled the outstanding notes of the bank, but has re-issued, and is continually re"^- issumg, since the 3d of March, 1836, the notes which have been received by it to a vast amount. According to its own official statement, so late as the first of October last, nineteen months after the banking privileges given by the charter had expired, it had under Its control uncancelled note? of the late bank of the United States to the amount of twenty-seven millions five hun- dred and sixty-one thousand eight hundred and sixty-six dollars, of which six millions one hundred and seventy- five thousand eight hundred and sixty-one dollars were in actual circulation, one million four" hundred and sixty- eight thousand six hundred and twenty seven dollars at state bank agencies, and three millions two thousand three hundred and ninety dollars in transitu: thus showing that upwards of ten millions and a half of the notes of the old bank were then still kept outstandmg. The impropriety of this procedure is obvious ; it being the duty of the trustee to cancel and not to put forth the Qotes of an institution, whose concerns it had undertaken 204 THE TRUE REPUBLICAN. to wind up. If the trustee has a right to re-issue tnese notes now, I can see no reason why he may not continue to do so after the expiration of the two years. As no one could have anticipated a course so extraordinary, the pro- hibitory clause of the charter above quoted was not accom- panied by any penalty or other special provision for en- forcing it ; nor have we any general law for the prevention of similar acts in future. But it is not in this view of the subject alone that your interposition is required. The United States, in setding with the trustee for their stock, have withdrawn their funds from their former direct liability to the creditors of the old bank, yet notes of the institution continue to be sent forth in its name, and apparently upon the authority of the United States. The transactions connected with the employment of the bills of the old bank are of vast extent ; and should they result unfortunately, the interests of individuals may be deeply compromised. Without un- dertaking to decide how far, or in what form, if any, the trustee could be made liable for notes which contain no obligation on his part; or the old bank, for such as are put in circulation after the expiration of its charter, and without its authority ; or the government for indemnity in case of loss, the question still presses itself upon your consideration, whether it is consistent with the duty and good faith on the part of the government, to witness this proceeding without a single effort to arrest it. The report of the Commissioner of the General Land Office, which will be laid before you by the secretary of the treasury, will show how the affairs of that office have been conducted for the past year. The disposition of the public lands is one of the most important trusts confided to congress. The practicability of retaining the title and control of such extensive domains in the general govern- ment, and at the same time admitting the territories em- bracing them into the federal union, as co-equal with the original states, was seriously doubted by many of our wisest statesmen. All feared that they would become a scource of discord, and many carried their apprehen- sions so far as to see in them the seeds of a future dissolution of the confederacy. But happily our expe- VAN BUREN's first ANNUAL MESSAGE. 205 rience has already been sufficient to quiet, in a great de- gree, all such apprehensions. The position, at one time assumed — that the admission of new states into the Union on the same footing with the original states, was incom- patible with a right of soil in the United States, and ope- rated as a surrender thereof, notwithstanding the terms of the compacts by which their admission was designed to be regulated— has been wisely abandoned. Whether in the new or the old states, all now agree that the right of soil to the public lands remains in the federal government, and that these lands constitute a com- mon property, to be disposed of for the common benefit of all the states, old and new. Acquiescence in this just principle by the people of the new states has naturally promoted a disposition to adopt the most liberal policy in the sale of the public lands. A policy which should be limited to the mere object of selling the lands for the greatest possible sum of money, without regard to higher considerations, finds but few advocates. On the contrary it is generally conceded, that while the mode of dispo- sition adopted by the government, should always be a prudent one, yet its leading object ought to be the early settlement, and cultivation of the lands sold ; and that it should discountenance, if it cannot prevent, the accumu- lation of large tracts in the same hands, which must ne- cessarily retard the growth of the new states, or entail upon them a dependent territory and its attendant evils. A question emblazing such important interests, and so well calculated to enlist the feelings of the people in every quarter of the Union, has very naturally given rise to numerous plans for the improvement of the existing sys- tem. The distinctive features of the policy that has hitherto prevailed, are, to dispose of the public lands at moderate prices, thus enabling a greater number to enter into competition for their purchase, and accomplishing a double object of promoting their rapid settlement by the purchasers, and at the same time increasing the receipts of the treasury ; to sell for cash, thereby preventing the disturbing influence of a large mass of private citizens indebted to the government which they have a voice in 18 206 THE TRUE REPUBLICAN. controlling ; to bring them into market no faster than good lands are supposed to be wanted for improvements, there- by preventing the accumulation of large tracts in few- hands ; and to apply the proceeds of the sales to the general purposes of the government; thus diminishing the amount to be raised from the people of the states by taxation, and giving each state its portion of the benefits to be derived from this common fund in a manner the most quiet, and at the same time, perhaps the most equi- table that can be devised. These provisions, with occasional enactments in be- half of special interests deemed entitled to the favor of government, have in their execution, produced results as beneficial upon the whole as could reasonably be expected in a matter so vast, so complicated, and so exciting. Up- wards of seventy millions of acres have been sold, the great- er part of which is believed to have been purchased for actual settlement. The population of the new states and territories created out of the public domain, in- creased between 1800 and 1830, from less than sixty thousand, to upwards of two millions three hundred thousand souls, constituting, at ihe latter period, about one fifth of the whole people of the United States. The in- crease since cannot be accurately known, but the whole may now be safely estimated at over three and a half millions of souls; composing nine states, the representa- tives of which constitute above one third of the Senate, and over one sixth of the House of the Representatives of the United States. Thus has been formed a body of free and independent landholders, with a rapidity unequalled in the history of mankind ; and this great result has been produced with- out leaving any thing for future adjustment between the government and its citizens. The system under which so much has been accomplished cannot be intrinsically bad, and with occasional modifications, to correct abuses, and adapt it to changes of circumstances, may, I think, be safely trusted for the future. There is, in the management of such extensive interests, much virtue in stability ; and although great and obvious improvements should not be declined, changes should never be made VAN BUREN^S FIRST ANNUAL MESSAGE. 207 without the fullest examination, and the clearest demon- stration of their practical utility. In the history of the past, we have an assurance that this safe rule of action will not be departed from in rela- tion to the public lands ; nor is it believed that any ne- cessity exists for interfering with the fundamental princi- ples of the system, or that the public mind, even in the new states, is desirous of any radical alterations. On the contrary, the general disposition appears to be, to make such modifications and additions only as will more ef- fectually carry out the original policy of filling our new states and territories with an industrious and independent population. The modification most perseveringly pressed upon Con- gress, which has occupied so much of its time for years past, and will probably do so for a long time to come, if not sooner satisfactorily adjusted, is a reduction in the cost of such portions of the public lands as are ascertained to be unsaleable at the rate now established by law, and a graduation, according to their relative value, of the prices at which they may hereafter be sold. It is worthy of consideration whether justice may not be done to every interest in this matter, and a vexed question set at rest, perhaps forever, by a reasonable compromise of conflict- ing opinions. Hitherto, after being oflfered at public sale, lands have been disposed of at one uniform price, whatever difference there might be in their intrinsic value. The leading considerations urged in favor of the mea- sure referred to, are, that in almost all the land districts, and particularly in those in which the lands have been long surveyed and exposed to sale, there are still remain- ing numerous and large tracts of every gradation of value, from the government price downward ; that these lands will not be purchased at the government price, so long as better can be conveniently obtained for the same amount ; that there are large tracts which even the improvements of the adjacent lands will never raise to that price; and that the present uniform price, combined with their irre- gular value, operates to prevent a desirable compactness of settlement in the new states, and to retard the full de- 208 THE TRUE REPUBLICAN. yelopement of that wise policy on which our land system IS founded, to the injury not only of the several states where the lands lie, I ut of the United States as a whole. The remedy proposed has been a reduction in prices according to the length of time the lands have been in the market, without reference to any other circumstances. The certainty that the efflux of time would not always in such cases, and perhaps not even generally, furnish a true criterion of value ; and the probability that persons resid- ing in the vicinity, as the period for the reduction of prices approached, would postpone purchases thev would other- wise make, for the purpose of availing themselves of the lower price, with other considerations of a similar cha- racter, have hitherto been successfully urged to defeat the graduation upon time. May not all reasonable desires upon this subject be sa- tisfied without encountering any of these objections ? All will concede the abstract principle, that the price of the public lands should be proportioned to their relative value, so far as that can be accomplished without departing from the rule heretofore observed, requiring fixed prices in cases of private entries. The difficulty of the subject seems to lie in the mode of ascertaining what that value IS. Would not the safest plan be that which has been adopted by many of the states as to the basis of taxation —an actual valuation of lands and classifications of them into different rates ? Would it not be practicable and expedient to cause the relative value of the public lands in the old districts, which have been for a certain length of time in market, to be appraised and classed into two or more rates below the present minimum price, by the officers now employed in this branch of the public service, or in any other mode deemed preferable, and to make those prices permanent, if upon the coming in of the report they shall prove sa- tisfactory to Congress ? Cannot all the objects of gradu- ation be accomplished in this way, and the objections which have hitherto been urged against it, avoided ? It would seem to me that such a step, with a restriction of the sales to limited quantities, and for actual improvement, would be free from all just exceptions. VAN BUREn's first ANNUAL MESSAGE. 209 By the full exposition of the vakie of the lands thus furnished and extensively promulgated, persons living at a distance would be informed of their true condition, and enabled to enter into competition with those residing in the vicinity ; the means of acquiring an independent home would be brought within the reach of many who are unable to purchase at present prices ; the population of the new states would be more compact, and large tracts would be sold which would otherwise remain on hand ; not only would the land be brought within the means of a large number of purchasers, but many persons possessed of greater means would be content to settle on a larger quantity of the poorer lands, rather than emigrate farther west in pursuit of a smaller quantity of better lands. Such a measure would also seem to be more consistent with the policy of the existing laws — that of converting the public domain into cultivated farms owned by their occupants. Tliat policy is not best promoted by sending emigration up the almost interminable streams of the west, to occupy in groups the best spots of land, leaving im- mense wastes behind them, and enlarging the frontier be- yond the means of the government to afFord it adequate protection ; but in encouraging it to occupy, with reasona- ble denseness, the territory over which it advances, and find its best defence in the compact front which it presents to the Indian tribes. Many of you will bring to the con- sideration of the subject the advantage of local knowledge and greater experience, and all will be desirous of making an early and final disposition of every disturb- ing question in regard to this important interest. If these suggestions shall in any degree contribute to the accom- plishment of so important a result, it will afford me sincere satisfaction. In some sections of the country most of the public lands have been sold, and the registers and receivers have little to do. It is a subject worthy of inquiry whether, in many cases, two or more districts may not be consoli- dated, and the number of persons employed in this busi- ness considerably reduced. Indeed, the time will come, when it will be the true policy of the general government 210 THE TRUE REPUBLICAN. as to some of the states, to transfer to them, for a reasona- ble equivalent, all the refuse and unsold lands, and to A^thdraw the machinery of the federal land offices alto- gether. All who take a comprehensive view of our fede- ral system, and believe that one of its greatest excellen- cies consists in interfering as little as possible with the internal concerns of the states, look forward with great interest to this result. A modification of the existing laws in respect to the prices of the public lands, might also have a favorable in- fluence on the legislation of Congress, in relation to another branch of the subject. Many who have not the ability to buy at present prices, settle on those lands, with the hope of acquiring from their cultivation the means of purchasing under pre-emption laws, from time to time passed by Congress. For this encroachment on the rights of the United States, they excuse themselves under the plea of their own necessities ; the fact that they dispossess nobody, and only enter upon the waste domain ; that they give additional value to the public lands in their vicinity, and their intention ultimately to pay the govern- ment price. So much weight has from time to time been attached to these considerations, that Congress have passed laws giving actual settlers on the public lands a right of pre-emption to the tracts occupied by them, at the mini- mum price. These laws have in all instances been retrospective in their operations ; but in a few years after their passage, crowds of new settlers have been found on the public lands, for similar reasons, and under like expectations, who have been indulged with the same privilege. This course of legislation tends to impair public respect for the laws of the country. Either the laws to prevent intrusion upon the public lands should be executed, or, if that should be impracticable or inexpedient, they should De modified or repealed. If the public lands are to be con- sidered as open to be occupied by any, they should, by law, be thrown open to all. That which is intended, in all instances, to be legalized, should at once be made legal, that those who are dis- posed to conform to the laws, may enjoy at least equal VAN BUREN's first ANNUAL MESSAGE. 21 /. privileges with those who are not. But it is not believed to be the disposition of Congress to open the public lands to occupancy without regular entries and payment of the government price, as such a course must tend to worse evils than the credit system, which it was found necessary to abolish. It would seem, therefore, to be the part of wisdom and sound policy to remove, as far as practicable, the causes which produce intrusions upon the public lands, and then take efficient steps to prevent them in future. Would any single measure be so effective in removing all plausible grounds for these intrusions as the graduation of price al- ready suggested ? A short period of industry and econo- my in any part of our country would enable the poorest citizen to accumulate the means to buy him a home at the lowest prices, and leave him without apology for settling on lands not his own. If he did not, under such circum- stances, he would enlist no sympathy in his favor ; and the laws would be readily executed without doing violence to public opinion. A large portion of our citizens have seated themselves on the public lands, without authority, since the passage of the last pre-emption law, and now ask the enactment of another, to enable them to retain the lands occupied, upon payment of the minimum government price. They ask that which has been repeatedly granted before. If the future may be judged of by the past, little harm can be done to the interests of the treasury by yielding to their request. Upon a critical examination, it is found that the lands sold at the public sales since the introduction of cash payments in 1820, have produced, on an average, the nett of only six cents an acre more than the minimum government price. There is no reason to suppose that future sales will be more productive. The government, therefore, has no adequate pecuniary interest to induce it to drive those people from the lands they occupy, for the purpose of selling them to others. Entertaining these views, I recommend the passage of a pre-emption law for their benefit, in connection with the preparatory steps towards the graduation of the price of the public lands, and farther and more effectual pro- 213 THE TRUE REPUBLICAN. visions to prevent intrusions hereafter. Indulgence to those who have settled on these lands with expectations that past legislation would be made a rule for the future, and at the same time removing the most plausible ground on vi^hich intrusions are excused, and adopting more effi- cient means to prevent them hereafter, appears to me the most judicious disposition which can be made of this dif- ficult subject. The limitations and restrictions to guard against abuses in the execution of the pre-emption law, will necessarily attract the attention of Congress : but under no circum- stances is it considered expedient to authorize floating claims in any shape. They have been heretofore, and doubtless would be hereafter, most prolific sources of fraud and oppression, and instead of operating to confer the favor of the government on industrious settlers, are often used only to minister to a spirit of cupidity at the expense of the most meritorious of that class. The accompanying report of the secretary of war will bring to your view the state of the army, and all the va- rious subjects confided to the superintendence of that officer. The principal part of the army has been concentrated in Florida, with a view and in the expectation of bring- ing the war in that territory to a speedy close. The ne- cessity of stripping the posts on the maritime and inland frontiers, of their entire garrisons, for the purpose of as- sembling in the field an army of less than four thousand men, would seem to indicate the necessity of increasing our regular forces ; and the superior efficiency as well as greatly diminished expense of that description of troops, recommend this measure as one of economy, as well as of expediency. I refer to the report for the reasons which have induced the secretary of war to urge the re-organiza- tion and enlargement of the staff of the army, and of the ordnance corps, in which I fully concur. It is not, however, compatible with the interest of the people to maintain, in time of peace, a regular force ade- quate to the defence of our extensive frontiers. In pe- riods of danger and alarm, we must rely principally upon a well-organized militia ; and some general arrangement 213 thai will render this description of force more efficient, has long been a subject of anxious solicitude. It was re- commended to the first Congress by General Washington, and has since been frequently brought to your notice, and recently its importance strongly urged by my immediate predecessor. The provision in the constitution that renders it neces- sary to adopt a uniform system of organization for ih.i militia throughout the United States, presents an insur- mountable obstacle to an efficient arrangement by the classification heretofore proposed, and I invite your atten- tion to the plan which will be submitted by the secretary of war, for the organization of the volunteer corps, and the instruction of militia officers, as more simple and prac- ticable, if not equally advantageous, as a general arrange- ment of the whole militia of the United States. A moderate increase of the corps both of military and topographical engineers, has been more than once recom- mended by my predecessor, and my conviction of the pro- priety, not to say necessity of the measure, in order to enable them to perform the various and important duties impotecd upon them, induces me to repeat the recommen- dation. The Military Academy continues to answer all the pur- poses of its establishment, and not only furnishes well- educated officers of the army, but serves to diffuse through- out the mass of our citizens, individuals possessed of mi- /itary knowledge, and the scientific attainments of civil and military engineering. At present, the cadet is bound, with the consent of his parents or guardians, to remain in service five years from the period of his enlistment, unless sooner discharged, thus exacting only one year's service in the army after his education is completed. This does not appear to me sufficient. Government ought to com- mand for a longer period the services of those who are educated at the public expense ; and I recommend that the time of enlistment be extended to seven years, and the terms of the engagement strictly enforced. The creation of a national foundry for cannon, to be common to the service of the army and navy of the Uni- ted States, has been heretofpre recommended, and ap 214 THE TRUE REPUBLICAN. pears to be required in order to place our ordnance on an equal footing with that of other countries, and to enable that branch of the service to control the prices of those articles, and graduate the supplies to the wants of the government, as well as to regulate their quality and insure their uniformity. The same reasons induce me to recommend the erec- tion of a manufactory of gunpowder, to be under the di- rection of the ordnance office. The establishment of a manufactory of small arms west of the Alleghany moun- tains, upon the plan proposed by the secretary of war, will contribute to extend throughout that country the im- provements which exist in establishments of a similar description in the Atlantic states, and tend to a much more economical distribution of the armament required in the western portion of our Union. The system of removing the Indians west of the Mis- sissippi, commenced by Mr. Jefferson, in 1804, has been steadily persevered in by every succeeding President, and may be considered the setded policy of the country. Un- connected at first with any well-defined system for their improvement, the inducements held out to the Indians were confined to the greater abundance of game to be found in the west ; but when the beneficial effects of their re- moval were made apparent, a more philanthropic and en- lightened policy was adopted, in purchasing their lands east of the Mississippi. Liberal prices were given, and provisions inserted in all the treaties with them for the application of the funds they received in exchange, to such purposes as were best calculated to promote their present welfare, and advance their future civilization. These measures have been attended thus far with the happiest results. It will been seen, by referring to the report of the com- missioner of Indian affairs, that the most sanguine expec- tations of the friends and promoters of this system have been realized. The Choctaws, Cherokees, and other tribes that first emigrated beyond the Mississippi, have, for the most part, abandoned the hunter state and be- come cultivators of the soil. The improvement of their condition has been rapid, and it is believed that VAN BUREN's first ANNUAL MESSAGE. 215 they are now fitted to enjoy the advantages of a simple form of government, which has been submitted to them and received their sanction ; and I cannot too strongly urge this subject upon the attention of Congress. Stipulations have been made with all the Indian tribes to remove them beyond the Mississippi, except with the band of the Wyandotts, the Six Nations, in New York, the Menomonees, Mandans, and Stockbridges, in Wis- consin, and Miamies, in Indiana. With all but the Menomonees, it is expected that arrangements for their emii^radon will be completed the present year. The resistance which has been opposed to their removal by some tribes, even after treaties had been made with them to that effect, has arisen from various causes, operating differently on each of them. In most instances they have been instigated to resist- ance by persons to whom the trade with them and the acquisition of their annuities were important; and in some by the personal influence of interested chiefs. — These obstacles must be overcome ; for the government cannot relinquish the execution of this policy with out sacrificing important interests, and abandoning the tribes remaining east of the Mississippi to certain destruc- tion. The decrease in numbers of the tribes within the limits of the states and territories has been most rapid. If they be removed, they can be protected from those associa- tions and evil practices which exert so pernicious and destructive an influeiice over their destinies. They can be induced to labor, and to acquire property, and its ac- quisition will inspire them with a feeling of independence. Their minds can be cultivated, and they can be taught the vahie of salutary and uniform laws, and be made sensible of the blessings of free government, and capable of enjoy- ing its advantages. In the possession of property, knowledge, and a good government, free to give what direction they please to their labor, and sharers in the legislation by which their persons and the profits of their industry are to be protect- ed and secured, they will have an ever present convic- tion of the importance of union, of peace among 216 THE TRUE REPUBLICAN. themselves, and of the preservation of amicable relations with us. The interests of the United States would also be greatly promoted by freeing the relations between the genera' and state governments, from what has proved a most em- barrassing incumbrance, by a satisfactory adjustment of conflicting titles to lands, caused by the occupation of the Indians, and by causing the resources of the whole coun- try to be developed by the power of the state and general governments, and improved by tlie enterprise of a white population. Intimately connected with this subject is the obligation of the government to fulfil its treaty stipulations, and to protect the Indians thus assembled " at their new resi- dence from all interruptions and disturbances from any other tribes or nations of Indians, or from any other per- son or persons whatsoever," and the equally solemn ob- ligation to guard from Indian hostilities its own border settlements stretching along a line of more than one thou- sand miles. To enable the government to redeem their pledge to the Indians, and to afford adequate protection to its own citizens, will require the continual presence of a considerable regular force on the frontiers, and the estab- lishment of a chain of permanent posts. Examinations of the country are now making, with a view to decide on the most suitable points for the erection of fort- resses and other works of defence, the results of which will be presented to you by the secretary of war at an early day, together with a plan for the effectual protec- tion of friendly Indians, and the permanent defence of the frontier states. By the report of the secretary of the navy, herewith communicated, it appears that unremitted exertions have been made at the different navy-yards, to carry into effect all authorized measures for the extension and employ- ment of our naval force. The launching and prepa- ration of the ship of the line Pennsylvania, and the complete repairs of the ships of the line Ohio, Dekware, and Columbus, may be noticed, as forming a respectable addition to this important arm of our national defence. Our commerce and navigation have received increased VAN BUREN S FIRST ANNUAL MESSAGE. 217 aid and protection during the present year. Our squad- rons in the Pacific and on the Brazilian station have heen much increased, and that in the Mediterranean, although small, is adequate to the present wants of our com- merce in that sea. Additions have been made to our squadron on the West India station, where the large force under Commodore Dallas has been most actively and efficiently employed in protecting our commerce, in preventing the importation of slaves, and in co-operating with the officers of the army in carrying on the war in Florida. The satisfactory condition of our naval force abroad, leaves at our disposal the means of conveniently provid- ing for a home squadron, for the protection of commerce upon our extensive coast. The amount of appropriations required for such a squadron will be found in the general estimates for the naval service, for the year 1838. The naval officers engaged upon our coast survey, have rendered important service to our navigation. The discovery of a new channel into the harbor of New York, through which our largest ships may pass without danger, must affi^rd important commercial advantages to that harbor, and add gready to its value as a naval station. The accurate survey of Georges' shoals, off the coast of Massachusetts, lately completed, will render compara- tively safe, a navigation hitherto considered dangerous. Considerable additions have been made to the number of captains, commanders, lieutenants, surgeons and assist- ant surgeons in the navy. These additions were ren- dered necessary, by the increased number of vessels put in commission, to answer the exigencies of our growing commerce. Your attention is respectfully invited to the various suggestions of the secretary, for the improvement of the naval service. The report of the postmaster^general exhibits the pro- gress and condition of the mail service. The operations of the post-office department, constitutes one of the most active elements of our national prosperity, and it is gratifying to observe with what vigor they are con- ducted. The mail routes of the United States cover an 19 218 THE TRUE REPUBLICAN. extent of about one hundred and forty-two thousand eight liundred and seventy-seven miles, having been increased about thirty-seven thousand one hundred and three miles, within the last two years. The annual mail transportation on these routes is about «?6,228,962 miles, having been increased about 10,359,- 476 miles within the same period. The number of post- offices has also been increased from 10,770, to 12,099, very few of which receive the mails less than once a week, and a large portion of them daily. Contractors and post-masters in general are represented as attend- ing to their duties with most commendable zeal and fidelity. The revenue of the department within the year ending on the 30th of June last, was $4,137,066 59 ; and its lia- bilities accruing within the same time, were $3,380,847 75. The increase of revenue over that of the preceding year, was $708,166 41. For many interesting details, I refer you to the report of the postmaster-general, v/ith the accompanying paper. Your particular attention is invited to the necessity of pro- viding a more safe and convenient building for the accom- modation of the department. I lay before Congress copies of reports, submitted in pursuance of a call made by me upon the heads of depart- ments, for such suggestions as their experience might enable them to make, as to what further legislative pro- visions may be advantageously adopted to secure the faithful application of public money to the objects for which they are appropriated ; to prevent their misapplication or embezzlement by those intrusted with the expenditure of them ; and generally to increase the security of the government against losses in their disbursement. It is needless to dilate on the importance of providing such new safeguards as are within the power of legislation to promote these ends ; and I have little to add to the recommendations submitted in the accompanying papers. By law, the terms of service of our most important collecting and disbursing officers in the civil departments, are limited to four years, and when re-appointed, their VAN BUREN's first ANNUAL MESSAGE. 219 bonds are required to be renewed. The safety of the public is much increased by this feature of the law, and there can be no doubt that its application to all officers intrusted with the collection or disbursement of the pub- lic money, whatever may be the tenure of their offices, would be equally beneficial. I therefore recommend, in addition to such of the suggestions presented by the heads of department as you may think useful, a general provi- sion that all officers of the army or navy, or in the civil department, intrusted with the receipt or payment of the public money, and whose term of service is either un- limited or for a longer time than four years, be required to give bonds, with good and sufficient securities, at the expiration of every such period. A change in the period of terminating the fiscal year, from the first of October to the first of April, has been frequently recommended, and appears to be desirable. The distressing casualties in steamboats, which have so frequently happened, during the year, seem to evince the necessity of attempting to prevent them by means of severe provisions connected with their custom-house papers. This subject was submitted to the attention of Congress by the secretary of the treasury, in his last annual report, and will be again noticed at the present session, with additional details. It will doubtless receive that early and careful consideration which its pressing importance appears to require. Your attention has heretofore been frequently called to the affairs of the District of Columbia, and I should not again ask it, did not their entire dependence on Con- gress give them a constant claim upon its notice. Sepa- rated by the constitution from the rest of the Union, limited in extent, and aided by no legislature of its own, it would seem to be a spot where a wise and uniform sys- tem of local government might have been easily adopted. This district, however, unfortunately, has been left to linger behind the rest of the Union ; its codes, civil and criminal, are not only very defective, but full of obsolete or inconvenient provisions ; being formed of portions of two states, discrepancies in the laws prevail in different narts of the territory, small as it is ; and although it was 220 THE TRUE REPUBLICAN. selected as the seat of the general government, the si(o of its public edifices, the depository of its archives, and the residence of officers intrusted with large amounts of public property, and the management of public business, yet it has never been subjected to, or received, that spe- cial and comprehensive legislation which these circum stances peculiarly demand. I am well aware of the various subjects of greater magnitude and immediate interest, that press themselves on the consideration of Congress ; but I believe ihere is no one that appeals more directly to its justice, man a liberal and even generous attention to the interests of rhe District of Columbia, and a thorough and careiul revi- sion of its h>cal government. HARRISON'S INAUGURAL ADDRESS, March 4 1841. Fellow-Citizens : Called from a retirement which I had supposed was to continue for the residue of my life, to fill the Chief Ex- ecutive office of this great and free nation, I appear before you, to take the oaths which the Constitution prescribes, as a necessary qualification for the performance of its du- ties. And in obedience to a custom coeval with our go- vernment and what I believe to be your expectations, I proceed to present to you a summary of the principles which will govern me in the discharge of the duties which I shall be called upon to perform. It was the remark of a Roman Consul, in an early pe- riod of that celebrated republic, that a most striking con trast was observable in the conduct of candidates for of- fices of power and trust, before and after obtaining them — they seldom carrying out, in the latter case, the pledges and promises made in the former. However much the world may have improved, in many respects, in the lapse ^«/f (K],SiJA[BKQS©^fa, ^^ /^/^c^. 1^^^^ 221 of upH'ards of two thousand years since the remark was made by the virtuous and indignant Roman, I fear that a strict examination of the annals of some of the modern elective governments, would develope similar instances of violated confidence. Although the fiat of the people has gone forth, pro- claiming me the Chief Magistrate of this glorious Union, nothing upon their part remaining to be done, it may be thought that a motive may exist to keep up the delusion under which they may be supposed to have acted in rela- tion to my principles and opinions ; and perhaps there may be some in this assembly who have come here either prepared to condemn those I shall now deliver, or, ap- proving them, to doubt the sincerity with which they are uttered. But the lapse of a few months will confirm or dispel their fears. The outline of principles to govern, and measures to be adopted, by an Administration not yet begun, will soon be exchanged for immutable history, and I shall stand, either exonerated by my countrymen, or class- ed with the mass of those who promised that they might deceive, and flattered with the intention to betray. How- ever strong may be my present purpose to realize the expectations of a magnanimous and confiding people, I too well understand the dangerous temptations to which I shall be exposed, fron the magnitude of the power which it has been the pleasure of the people to commit to my hands, not to place my chief confidence upon the aid of that Almighty power which has hitherto protected me, and enabled me to bring to favorable issues other impor- tant but still greatly inferior trusts, heretofore confided to me by my country. The broad foundation upon which our Constitution rests being the people — a breath of theirs having made, as a breath can unmake, change or modify it — it can be assigned to none of the great divisions of Government, but to that of democracy. If such is its theory, those who are called upon to administer it must recognize, as its leading principle, the duty of shaping their measures so as to produce the greatest good to the greatest number. But, with those broad admissions, if we wojuld compare the sovereignty acknowledged to exist in the mass of our 19* 222 THE TRUE REPUBLICAN. people, with tne power claimed by other sovereignties, even by those which have been considered most purely democratic, we shall find a most essential difference.— All others lay claim to power limited only by their own will. The majority of our citizens, on the contrary, pos- sess a sovereignty with an amount of power precisely equal to that which has been granted to them by the par- ties to the national compact, and nothing beyond. We admit of no Government by divine right. Believing that, so far as power is concerned, the Beneficent Creator has made no distinction amongst men, that all are upon, an equality, and that the only legitimate right to govern is an express grant of power from tlie governed. The Con- stitution of the United States is the instrument containing this grant of power to the several departments composing the Government. On an examination of that instrument, it will be found to contain declarations of power granted and of power withheld. The latter is also susceptible of division, into power which the majority had the right to grant, but which they did not think proper to intrust to their agents, and that which they could not have granted, not being possessed by themselves. In other words, there are certain rights possessed by each individual Ame- rican citizen, which, in his compact with the others, he has never surrendered. Some of them, indeed, he is un- able to stirrender, being in the language of our syscem un- alienable. The boasted privilege of a Roman citizen was to him a shield only against a petty provincial ruler, whilst the proud democrat of Athens could console him- self* under the sentence of death, for a supposed violation of the national faith, which no one understood, and which at times was the subject of the mockery of all, or the ba- nishment from his home, his family and his country, with or without an alleged cause ; that it was the act, not of a single tyrant, or hated aristocracy, but of his assembled countrymen. Far different is the power of our sove- reignty. It can interfere with no one's faith, prescribe forms of worship for no one's observance, inflict no pun- ishment but after well ascertained guilt, the result of in- vestigation under rules prescribed by the Constitution it- self. These precious privileges, and those scarcely less Harrison's inaugural address. 223 important, of giving expression to his thoughts and opin- ions, either by writing or speaking, unrestrained but by the liability for injury to others, and that of a full partici pation in all the advantages which flow from the Govern- ment, the acknowledged property of all, the American citizen derives from no charter granted by his fellow man. lie claims them because he is himself a man, fashioned by the same Almighty hand as the rest of his species, and entitled to a full share of the blessings with which he has endowed them. Notwithstanding the limited sove- reignty possessed by the people of the United States, and the restricted grant of power to the Government which they have adopted, enough has been given to accomplish all the objects for which it was created. It has been found powerful in war, and, hitherto, justice has been ad- ministered, an intimate union effected, domestic tranquil- lity preserved, and personal liberty secured to the citi- zen. As was to be expected, however, from the defect of language, and the necessarily sententious manner in which the Constitution is written, disputes have arisen as to the amount of power which it has actually granted, or was intended to grant. This is more particularly the case in relation to that part of the instrument which treats of the legislative branch. And not only as regards the exercise of powers claimed under a general clause, giving that body the au- thority to pass all laws necessary to carry into effect the specified powers, but in relation to the latter also. It is, however, consolatory to reflect, that 77205/ of the instances of alleged departure from the letter or spirit of the Consti- tution, have ultimately received the sanction of a majority of the people. And the fact that many of our statesmen, most distinguished for talent and patriotism, have been, at one time or other of their political career, on both sides of each of the most warmly disputed questions, forces upon us the inference that the errors if errors they were, are at- tributable to the intrinsic difficulty, in many instances, of ascertaining the intentions of the framers of the Constitution, rather than the influence of any sinister or unpatriotic mo- tive. But the great danger to our institutions -does not appear to me to be in a usurpation by the Government of 224 THE TRUE REPUBLICAN. power not granted by the people, but by the accumulation in one of the departments, of that which was assigned to others. Limited as are the powers which have been granted, still enough have been granted to constitute a despotism, if concentrated in one of the departments. This danger is greatly heightened, as it has been always observable that men are less jealous of encroachments of one department upon another, than upon their own re- served rights. AVhen the Constitution of the United States first came from the hands of the Convention which form- ed it, many of the sternest republicans of the day were alarmed at the extent of the power which had been grant- ed to the federal government, and more particularly of that portion which had been assigned to the Executive branch. There were in it features which appeared not to beinhar mony with their ideas of a simple representative of De- mocracy, or Republic. And knowing the tendency of power to increase itself, particularly when exercised by a single individual, predictions were made that, at no very remote period, the Government would terminate in virtual monarchy. It would not become me to say that the fears of these patriots have been already realized. But, as I sincerely believe that the tendency of measures, and of men's opinions, for some years past, has been in that di- rection, it is, I conceive, strictly proper that I should take this occasion to repeat the assurances I have heretofore given, of my determination to arrest the progress of that tendency, if it really exists, and restore the Government to its pristine health and vigor, as far as this can be effected m any legitimate exercise of the power placed in my hands. I proceed to state, in as summarj'- amanner as I can, my opinion of the sources of the evils which have been so ex~ tensively complained of, and the correctives which may be applied. Some of the former are unquestionably to be found in the defects of the Constitution ; others, in my judgment, are attributable to a misconstruction of some of its provisions. Of the former is the eligibility of the same individual to a second term of the Presidency. The sagacious mind of Mr. .Jefferson early saw and lamented this error, and attempts have been made, hitherto without HARRISON .S INAUGURAL ADDRESS. 225 success, to apply the amendatory power of the States, to its correction. As, however, one mode of correction is in the power of every President, and consequently in mine, it would be useless, and perhaps invidious to enu- merate the evils of which, in the opinion of many of our fellow-citizens, this error of the sages who framed the Constitution, may have been the source, and the bitter fruits whicli we are still to gather from it, if it continues to disfigure our system. It may be observed, however, as a general remark, that republics can commit no greater error than to adopt or continue any feature in their sys- tems of government which may be calculated to create or increase the love of power in the bosoms of those to whom necessity obliges them to commit the management of their affairs. And surely nothing is more likely to produce such a state of mind than the long continuance of an office of high trust. Nothing can be more corrupting. Nothing more destructive of all those noble feel- ings which belong to the character of a devoted re- publican patriot. When this corrupting passion once takes possession of the human mind, like the love of gold, it becomes insatiable. It is the never-dying worm in his bosom, grows with his growth and strengthens with the declining years of its victim. If this is true, it is the part of wisdom for a Republic to limit the service of that offi- cer, at least, to whom she has entrusted the management of her foreign relations, the execution of her laws, and the command of her armies and navies, to a period so short as to prevent his forgetting that he is the accounta- ble agent, not the principal ; the servant not the master. Until an amendment of the Constitution can be effected, public opinion may secure the desired object. I give my aid to it, by renewing the pledge heretofore given, that un- der no circumstances, will I consent to serve a second term. But if there is danger to public liberty from the ac- knowledged defects of the Constitution, in the want of limit to the continuance of the Executive power in the same hands, there is, I apprehend, not much less from a misconstruction of that instrument, as it regards the powers actually given. I cannot conceive that by a fair construction, any or either of its provisions would be 226 THE TRUE REPUBLICAN. found to conslitiite the President a part of the legislative power. It cannot be claimed from the power to recom- mend, since, although enjoined as a duty upon him, it is a privilege which he holds in common with every other citizen. And although there may be something more of confidence in the propriety of the measures recommended in tlie one case than in the other, in the obligations of ultimate decision there can be no difference. In the lan- guage of the Constitution, "all the legislative powers" which it grants '* are vested in the Congress of the United States." It would be a solecism in language to say that any portion of these is not included in the whole. It may be said, indeed, that the Constitution has given the Executive the power to annul the acts of the legisla- tive body, by refusing to them his assent. So a similar power has necessarily resulted from that instrument to the judiciary, aiid yet the judiciary forms no part of the legislature. There is, it is true, this difference between these grants of power ; the Executive can put his nega- tive upon the acts of the legislature for other causes than that of want of conformity to the Constitution, whilst the ^judiciary can only declare void those which violate that instrument. But the decision of the judiciary is final in such a case, whereas in every instance where the veto of the Executive is applied it may be overcome by a vote of two-thirds of both Houses of Congress. The negative upon the acts of the legislature, by the Executive autho- rity, and that in the hands of one individual, would seem to be an incongruity in our system. Like some others of a similar character, however, it appears to be highly ex- pedient, and if used only with the forbearance, and in the spirit which was intended by its authors, it may be pro ductive of great good, and be found one of the best safe guards to the Union. At the period of the formation of the Constitution, the principle does not appear to have enjoyed much favor in the State Governments. It existed but in two, and in one of these there was a plural Execu- tive. If we should search for the motives which ope- rated upon the purely patriotic and enlightened assembly which framed the Constitution, for the adoption of a pro- vision so apparently repugnant to the leading democratic Harrison's inaugural address. 227 principlets, that the majority should govern, we must re- ject the idea that they anticipated from it any benefit to the ordinary course of legislation. They knew too well the hidi deo^ree of intelligence which existed among the people, and the enlightened character of the State Legis- latures, not to have the fullest confidence that the two bo- dies elected by them would be worthy representatives of such constituents, and, of course, that they would require no aid in conceiving and maturing measures which the circumstances of the country might require. And it is preposterous to suppose that a thought could for a mo- ment have been entertained, that the President, placed at the Capital, in the centre of the country, could better un- derstand the wants and wishes of the people than their own immediate representatives, who spent a part of every year among them, living with them, often laboring with them, and bound to them by the triple tie of interest, duty and affection. To assist or control Congress then in its ordinary legislation, could not, I conceive, have been the motive for conferring the veto power on the President. This argument acquires additional force from the fact of its never having been thus used by the first six Presidents, — and two of them were members of the Convention, one presiding over its deliberations, and the other bearing a larger share in consummating the labors of that august body than any other person. But if bills never were re- turned to Congress by either of the Presidents above re- ferred to, upon the ground of their being inexpedient, or not as well adapted as they might be to the wants of the people, the veto was applied upon that of want of confor- mity to the Constitution, or because errors had been com- mitted from a too hasty enactment. There is another ground for the adoption of the veto principle, which had probably more influence in recom- mending it to the Convention than any other. I refer to the security which it gives to the just and equitable action of the legislature upon all parts of the Union. It could not but have occurred to the Convention that, in a country so extensive, embracing so great a variety of soil and cli- mate and consequently of products, and which, from the tame causes, must ever exhibit a great difference in the 228 THE TRUE REPUBLICAN. amount of the population of its various sections, calling for a great diversity in the employments of the people, that the legislation of the majority might not always just- ly regard the rights and interests of the minority. And that acts of this character might be passed, under an ex- press grant by the words of the Constitution, and, there- fore, not within the competency of the judiciary to declare void. That however enlightened and patriotic they might suppose, from past experience, the members of Congress might be, and however largely partaking, in the general, of the liberal feelings of the people, it was impossible to expect that bodies so constituted should not sometimes be controlled by local interests and sectional feelings. It Was proper, therefore, to provide some umpire, from whose situation and mode of appointment more indepen- dence and freedom from such influences might be expect- ed. Such a one was aflforded by the Executive depart- ment, constituted by the Constitution. A person elected to that high office, having his constituents in every sec- tion, state and sub-division of the Union, must consider himself bound by the most solemn sanctions, to guard, protect, and defend the rights of all, and of every portion, great or small, from the injustice and oppression of the rest. I consider the veto power, therefore, given by the Constitution to the Executive of the United States, solely as a conservative power. To be used only, first, to pro- tect the Constitution from violation ; 2dly, the people from the effects of hasty legislation where their will has been probably disregarded or not well understood ; and, 3dly, to prevent the effects of combinations violative of the rights of minorities. In reference to the second of these objects, I may observe that I consider it the right and privilege of the people to decide disputed points of the Constitution, arising from the general grant of power to Congress to carry into effect the powers expressly given. And I believe with Mr. Madison, " that repeated recognitions, under varied circumstances, in acts of the legislature, executive, and judicial branches of the Go- vernment, accompanied by indications, indifferent modes, of the concurrence of the general will of the nation, as af- fording to the President sufficient authority for his consi- dering such disputed points as settled. Harrison's inaugural address. 229 Upwards of half a century has elapsed since the adop- tion of the present form of Government. It would be an object more highly desirable than the gratification of the curiosity of speculative statesmen, if its precise situation could be ascertained, a fair exhibit made of the operations of each of its departments, of the powers which they re- spectively claim and exercise, of the collisions which have occurred between them, or between the whole Go- vernment and those of the States, or either of them. We could then compare our actual condition, after fifty years trial of our system, with what it was in the commence- ment of its operations, and ascertain whether the predic- tions of the patriots who opposed its adoption, or the con- fident hopes of its advocates have been best realized. The great dread of the former seems to have been, that the re- served powers of the states would be absorbed by those of the Federal Government, and a consolidated power es- tablished, leaving to the states the shadow only of that independent action for which they had so zealously con- tended, and on the preservation of which they relied as the last hope of liberty. Without denying that the result to which they looked with so much apprehension is in the way of being realized, it is obvious that they did not clearly see the mode of its accomplishment. The gene- ral Government has seized upon none of the reserved rights of the states. As far as any open warfare may have gone, the state authorities have amply maintained their rights. To a casual observer, our system presents no ap- pearance of discord between the different members which compose it. Even the addition of many new ones has produced no jarring. They move in their respective or- bits in perfect harmony with the central head, and with each other. But there is still an under current at work, by which, if not seasonably checked, the worst apprehensions of our anti-federal patriots will be realized; and not only will the State authorities be overshadowed by the great in- crease of power in the Executive department of the gene- ral Government, but the character of that Government, if not its designation, be essentially and radically changed This state of things has been in part effected by causes 20 t\i\) THE TRUE REPUBLICAN. Inherent in the Constitution and in part by the never fail ing tendency of political power to increase itself. By making the President the sole distributor of all the patron- age of'^the Government, the framers of the Constitution do not appear to have anticipated at how short a period it would become a formidable instrument to control the free operations of the state Governments. Of trifling im- portance at first, it had, early in Mr. Jefferson's adminis- tration, become so powerful as to create great alarm in the mind of that patriot from the potent influence it might exert in controlling the freedom of the elective franchise. If such could then have been the effects of its influence, how much greater must be the danger at this time, quad- rupled in amount, as it certainly is, and more completely under the control of the Executive will than their con- struction of their powers allowed, or the forbearing cha- racters of all the early Presidents permitted them to make. But it is not by the extent of its patronage alone that the Executive department has become dangerous, but by the use which it appears may be made of the appointing pow- ers to bring under its control the whole revenues of the country. The Constitution has declared it to be the duty of the President to see that the laws are executed, and it makes him the Commander-in-chief of the Armies and Navy of the United States. If the opinion of the most approved writers upon that species of mixed Government, which, in modern Europe is termed monarchy in contra- distinction to despotism, is correct, there was wanting no other addition to the powers of our Chief Magistrate to stamp a monarchical character on our Government, but the control of the public finances. And to me it appears strange, indeed, that any one should doubt, that the en- tire control which the President possesses over the offi- cers who have the custody of the public money, by the power of removal, with or without cause, does, for all mischievous purposes at least, virtually subject the trea- sures also to his disposal. The first Roman Emperor, in his attempt to seize the sacred treasure, silenced the opposition of the officer to whose charge it had been com- mitted by a significant allusion to his sword. By a se- lection of political instruments for the care of the public Harrison's inaugural address. 231 money, a reference to their commission by a President, would be quite as effectual an argument as that of Caesar to the Roman Knight. I am not insensible of the great difficulty that exists in drawing a proper plan for the safe keeping and disbursement of the public revenues, and I know the importance which has been attached by men of great abilities and patriotism to the divorce, as it is called, of the treasury from the banking institutions. It is not the divorce which is complained of, but the unhallowed union of the Treasury with the Executive department, which has created such extensive alarm. To this danger to our republican institutions, and that created by the in- fluence given to the Executive, through the instrumentality of the federal officers, I propose to apply all the remedies which may be at my command. It was certainly a great error in the framers of the Constitution, not to have made the officer at the head of the treasury department entirely independent of the Executive. He should at least have been removable only upon the demand of the popular branch of the legislature. I have determined never to re- move a Secretary of the Treasury, without communicating all the circumstances attending such removal to both Houses of Congress. The influence of the Executive in controlling the free- dom of the elective franchise, through the medium of the public officers, can be effectually checked by renew- ing the prohibition published by Mr. Jefferson forbid- ding their interference in elections further than giving their own votes, and their own independence secured by an assurance of perfect immunity, in exercising this sacred privilege of freemen under the dictates of their own unbiassed judgments. Never, with my con- sent, shall an officer of the people, compensated for his services out of their pockets, become the pliant instrument of Executive will. There is no part of the means placed in the hands of the Executive which might be used with greater effect, for unhallowed purposes, than the control of the public press. The maxim which our ancestors derived from the mother country, that "the freedom of the press is the great bulwark of civil and religious liberty," is one of the 232 THE TRUE REPUBLICAN. most precious legacies which they have left us. We have learned, too, from our own, as well as the experience of other countries, that golden shackles, by whomsoever oi by whatever pretence imposed, are as fatal to it as the iron bonds of despotism. Tlie presses in the necessary employment of the Government should never be used "to clear the guilty, or to varnish crime." A decent and manly examination of the acts of the government should be not only tolerated but encouraged. Upon another occasion I have given my opinion, at some length, upon the impropriety of Executive inter- ference in the legislation of Congress. That the article in the Constitution making it the duty of the President to communicate information, and authorising him to recom- mend measures, was not intended to make him the source in legislation, and, in particular, that he should never be looked to for schemes of finance. It would be very strange, indeed, that the Constitution should have strictly forbidden one branch of the legislature from interfering in the organization of such bills, and that it should be consi- dered proper that an altogether different department of the government should be permitted to do so. Some of our best political maxims and opinions have been drawn from our parent Isle. There are others, however, which cannot be introduced into our system without singular incongruity and the production of much mischief. And this I conceive to be one. No matter in which of the houses of Parliament a bill may originate, nor by whom introduced, a minister or a member of the opposition, by the fiction of law, or rather of constitutional principle, ihe sovereign is supposed to have prepared it agreeably to his will, and then submitted it to Parliament for tlieir advice and consent. Now, the very reverse is the case here, not only with regard to the principle, but the forms pre- scribed by the Constitution. The principle certainly assigns to the only body constituted by the Constitution (the legislative body) the power to make laws, and the forms even direct that the enactment should be as ascribed to them. The Senate in relation to revenue bills, have the right to propose amendments ; and so has the Execu- tive, by the power given him, to return them to the House Harrison's inaugural address. 233 of Representatives with his objections. It is in his power, also, to propose amendments to the existing revenue laws, suggested by his observations upon their defective or in- jurious operation. But the delicate duty of devising schemes of revenue should be left where the Constitution has placed it — with the immediate representatives of the people. For similar reasons, the mode of keeping the public treasure should be prescribed by them, and the farther it is removed from the control of the Executive, the more wholesome the arrangement, and the more in accor- dance with republican principle. Connected with this subject is the character of the cur- rency. The idea of making it exclusively metallic, how- ever well intended, appears to me to be fraught with more fatal consequences than any other scheme, having no re- lation to the personal rights of the citizens, that has ever been devised. If any single scheme could produce the effect of arresting, at once, that mutation of condition by which thousands of our most indigent fellow-citizens, by their industry and enterprise, are raised to the possession of wealth, that is the one. If there is one measure better calculated than another to produce that state of things so much deprecated by all true Republicans, by which the rich are daily adding to their hoards, and the poor sinking deeper into penury, it is an exclusive metallic currency. Or if there is a process by which the character of the country for generosity and nobleness of feeling, may be destroyed by the great increase and necessary toleration of usury, it is an exclusive metallic currency. Amongst the other duties of a delicate character which the President is called upon to perform, is the supervision of the government of the Territories of the United States. Those of them which are destined to become members of our great political family, are compensated by their rapid progress from infancy to manhood, for the partial and tem- porary deprivation of their political rights. It is in this Dis- trict only, where American citizens can be found, who, un- der a settled policy, are deprived of many important political privileges, without inspiring hope as to the future. Their only consolation under circumstances of such deprivation, is that of the devoted exterior guards of a camp — that 20* 234 THE TRUE REPUBLICAN. their sufferings secure tranquillitj'- and safety within.— Are there any of their countrymen who would subject them to greater sacrifices, to any other humiliations than those essentially necessary to the security of the object for which they were thus separated from their fellow citizens ? Are their rights alone not to be guaranteed by the application of those great principles upon which all our Constitutions are founded ? We are told by the greatest of British orators and statesmen, that at the com- mencement of the war of the Revolution, the most stupid men in England spoke of " their American subjects."-^ Are there indeed citizens of any of our States who have dreamed of their subjects in the District of Columbia? Such dreams can never be realized by any agency of mine. The people of the District of Columbia are not the subjects of the people of the States, but free American citizens. Being in the latter condition when the Consti- tution was formed, no words used in that instrument could have been intended to deprive them of that character. If there is any thing in the great principle of unalienable rights, so emphatically insisted upon in our Declaration of Independence, they could neither make, nor the Uni- ted States accept, a surrender of their liberties, and be- come the subjects, in other words, the slaves, of their former fellow-citizens. If this be true (and it will scarce- ly be denied by any one who has a correct idea of his own rights as an American citizen) the grant to Congress of exclusive jurisdiction in the District of Columbia can be interpreted, so far as respects the aggregate people of the United States, as meaninor nothinsr more than to allow to Congress the controlling power necessary to afford a free and safe exercise of the functions assigned to the ge- neral Government by the Constitution. In all other re- spects, the legislation of Congress should be adapted to their peculiar condition and wants, and be conformable with their deliberate opinions of their own interests. I have spoken of the necessity of keeping the respec- tive departments of the Government, as well as all the other authorities of our country, within their appropriate orbits. This is a matter of difficulty in some cases, as the powers which they respectively claim are often not defined by any distinct lines. Mischievous, however, io HARRISON S INAiUGURAL ADDRESS. 235 their tendencies, as collisions of this kind may be, those which arise between the respective communities which, for certain purposes, compose one nation, are much more so ; for no such nation can long exist without the careful culture of those feelings of confidence and affection which are the effective bonds of union between free and confe- derated states. Strong as is the tie of interest, it has been often found ineffectual. Men, blinded by their pas- sions, have been known to adopt measures for their coun- try in direct opposition to all the suggestions of policy. The alternative, then, is, to destroy or keep down a bad passion by creating and fostering a good one ; and this seems to be the corner-stone upon which our American political architects have reared the fabric of our Govern- ment. The cement which was to bind it, and perpetuate its existence, was the affectionate attachment between all its members. To insure the continuance of this feeling produced at first by a community of dangers, of suffer- ings, and of interests, the advantages of each were made accessible to all. No participation in any good, possess- ed by any member of our extensive confederacy, except in domestic government, was withheld from the citizen of any other member. By a process attended with no dif- ficulty, no delays, no expense but that of removal, the citi- zen of one might become the citizen of any other, and suc- cessively of the whole. The lines, too, separating powers to be exercised by the citizens of one state from those of another, seemed to be so distinctly drawn as to leave no room for misunderstanding. The citizens of each state unite in their persons all the privileges which that cha- racter confers, and all that they may claim as citizens of the United States ; but in no case can the same person, at the same time, act as the citizen of two separate states, and he is therefore positively precluded from any inter- ference with the reserved powers of any state but thai of which he is, for the time being, a citizen. He may indeed offer to the citizens of other states his advice as to their management, and the form in which it is tendered is left to his own discretion and sense of propriety. It may be observed, however, that organized associations of citizens, requiring compliance with their wishes, too much resemble' the recommendations of Athens to her allies — supported 236 THE TRUE REPUBLICAN. by an armed and powerful fleet. It was, indeed, to the ambition of the leading states of Greece to control the do mestic concerns of the others, that the destruction of that celebrated confederacy, and subsequently of all its mem- bers, is mainly to be attributed. And it is owing to the absence of that spirit that the Helvetic confederacy has for so many years been preserved. Never has there been seen in the institutions of the separate members of any confederacy more elements of discord. In the principles and forms of government and religion, as well as in the circumstances of the several cantons, so marked a discre- pance was observable, as to promise any thing but har- mony in their intercourse, or permanency in their alliance; and yet, for ages neither has been interrupted. Content with the positive benefits which their union produced, with the independence and safety from foreign aggression which it secured, these sagacious people respected the in- stitutions of each other, however repugnant to their own principles nnd prejudices. Our confederacy, fellow-citizens, can only be preserved by the same forbearance. Our citizens must be content with the exercise of the powers with which the Consti- tution clothes them. The attempt of those of one state to control the domestic institutions of another, can only result in feelings of distrust and jealousy, the certain har- bingers of disunion, violence, civil war, and the ultimate destruction of our free institutions. Our confederacy is perfectly illustrated by the terms and principles governing a common co-partnership. There is a fund of power to be exercised under the direction of the joint, councils ot the allied members, but that which has been reserved by the individual members is intangible by the common go- vernment, or the individual members composing it. To attempt it finds no support in the principles of our Con- stitution. It should be our constant and earnest endeavor mutual ly to cultivate a spirit of concord and harmony among the various parts of our confederacy. Experience has abun- dantly taught us, that the agitation, by citizens of one part of the Union, of a subject not confided to the gene- ral Government, but exclusively under the guardianship HARRISON S INAUGURAL ADDRESS. 237 of the local authorities, is productive of no other conse- quences than bitterness, alienation, discord, and injury to the very cause which is intended to be advanced. Of all the orreat interests which appertain to our country, that of union — cordial, confiding, fraternal union — is by far the most important, since it is the only true and sure guaranty of all others. In consequence of the embarrassed state of business and the currency, some of the states may meet with difficulty in their financial concerns. However deeply we may re- gret any thing imprudent or excessive, in the engagements into which states have entered for purposes of their own, it does not become us to disparage the state Governments, nor to discourage them from making proper efforts for their own relief. On the contrary, it is our duty to en- courage them, to the extent of our constitutional authority, to apply their best means, and cheerfully to make all ne- cessary sacrifices, and submit to all necessary burdens, to fulfil their engagements and maintain their credit ; for the character and credit of the several states form a part of the character and credit of the whole country. The resources of the country are abundant ; the enter- prise and activity of our people proverbial ; and we may well hope that wise legislation and prudent adminis- tration, by the respective governments, each acting within its own sphere, will restore former prosperity. Unpleasant and even dangerous as collisions may some- times be between the constituted authorities or the citi- zens of our country, in relation to the lines which sepa- rate their respective jurisdictions, the results can be of no vital injury to our institutions, if that ardent patriotism, that devoted attachment to liberty, that spirit of modera- tion and forbearance for which our countrymen were once distinguished, continue to be cherished. If this con- tinues to be the ruling passion of our souls, the weaker feeling of the mistaken enthusiast will be corrected, the Utopian dreams of the scheming politician dissipated, and the complicated intrigues of the demagogue rendered harmless. The spirit of liberty is the sovereign balm for every injury which our institutions may receive. On the contrary, no care that can be used in the construction of our Government, no division of powers, no distribution 238 THE TRUE REPUBLICAN of checks in its several departments, will prove effectual to keep us a free people, if this spirit is suffered to decay ; and decay it will without constant nurture. To the neg- lect of this duty the best historians agree in attributing the ruin of all the republics with whose existence and fall their writings have made us acquainted. The same causes will ever produce the same effects ; and as long as the love of power is a dominant passion of the human bosom, and as long as the understandings of men can be warped and their affections changed, by ope- rations upon their passions and prejudices, so long will the liberties of a people depend on their own constant attention to its preservation. The danger to all well- established free Governments arises from the unwilling- ness of the people to believe in its existence, or from the influence of designing men, diverting their attention from th-e quarter whence it approaches to a source from which it can never come. This is the old trick of those who would usurp the government of their country. In the name of democracy they speak, warning the people against the influence of wealth, and the danger of aristocracy. History, ancient and modern, is full of such examples. Caesar became the master of the Roman people and the Senate, uijder the pretence of supporting the democratic claims of the former against the aristocracy of the latter. Cromwell, in the character of Protector of the liberties of the people, became the Director of England, and Bolivar possessed himself of unlimited power with the title of his country's Liberator. There is, on the contrary, no single instance on record, of an extensive and well-es- tablished republic being changed into an aristocracy. The tendencies of all such governments, in their decline, is to monarchy : and the antagonist principle to liberty, there, is the spirit of faction — a spirit which assumes the character, and in times of great excitement imposes itself upon the people as the genuine spirit of freedom, and, like the false Christs, whose coming was foretold by the Saviour, seeks, and were it possible, would impose upon the true and most faithful disciples of liberty. It is in periods like this that it behooves the people to be most watchful of those to whom they have entrusted power. And although Harrison's Ix\augural address. 239 there is at times much difllculty in distinguishing the false from the true spirit, acahn and dispassionate investigation will detect the counterfeit, as well by the character of its operations, as the results that are produced. The true spirit of liberty, although devoted, persevering, bold, and uncompromising in principle — that secured — is mild, and tolerant, and scrupulous as to the means it employs ; whilst the spirit of party, assuming to be that of liberty, is harsh, vindictive and intolerant, and totally reckless as to the character of the allies which it brings to the aid of its cause. When the genuine spirit of liberty animates the body of a people to a thorough examination of their affairs, it leads to the excision of every excrescence which may have fastened itself upon any of the departments of the Government, and restores the system to its pristine health and beauty. But the reign of an intolerant spirit of party, amongst a free people, seldom fails to result in a dangerous accession to the Executive power — intro- duced and established amidst unusual professions of devo- tion to democracy. The foregoing remarks relate, almost exclusively, to matters connected with our domestic concerns. It may be proper, however, that I should give some indications to my fellow-citizens of my proposed course of conduct in the management of our foreign relations. I assure them, therefore, that it is my intention to use every means in my power to preserve the friendly intercourse which now so happily subsists with every foreign nation. And that although, of course, not well informed as to the state of pending negotiations with any of them, I see, in the personal characters of their sovereigns, as well as in the mutual interests of our own, and of the governments with which our relations are most intimate, a pleasing guaranty that the harmony so important to the interests of thefr subjects, as weli as of our citizens, will not be interrupted by the advancement of any claim or pretension upon their part to which our honor would not permit us to yield. — Long the defender of my country's rights in the field, I trust that my fellow citizens will not see, in my earnest desire to preserve peace with foreign powers, aoy indi- cation that their rights will ever be sacrificed, or the 240 THE TRUE REPUBLICAN. honor of the nation tarnished, by any admission on the part of their Cliief Magistrate, unworthy of their former glory. In our intercourse with our aboriginal neighbours, tlie same liberality and justice which marked the course prescribed to me by two of my illustrious predecessors, when acting under their direction in the discharge of the duties of Superintendent and Commissioner, shall be strictly observed. I can conceive of no more sublime spectacle — none more likely to propitiate an impartial and common Creator — than a rigid adherence to the principles of justice, on the part of a powerful nation, in its transac- tion with a weaker and uncivilized people, whom circum- stances have placed at its disposal. Before concluding, fellow citizens, I must say some- thing to you on the subject of the parties at this time ex- isting in our country. To me it appears perfectly clear that the interest of that country requires that the violence of the spirit by which those parties are at this time governed, must be greatly mitigated, if not entirely extinguished or consequences will ensue which are apalling to be thought of. If parties in a Republic are necessary to secure a degree of vigilance sufficient to keep the public functionaries within the bounds of law and duty, at that point the^r use- fulness ends : beyond that, they become destructive of public virtue, the parent of a spirit antagonist to that of liberty, and eventually its inevitable conqtieror. We have examples of republics, where the love of country and of liberty at one time were the dominant passions of the whole mass of citizens, and yet, with the continuance of the name and forms of free government, not a vestige of these qualities remaining in the bosoms of any one of its citizens. It was the beautiful remark of a distin- guished English writer, that "In the Roman Senate, Octavius had a party, and Anthony a party, but the Commonwealth had none." Yet the Senate con tinued to meet in the Temple of Liberty, to talk of the sacredness and beauty of the Commonwealth, and gaze at the statues of the elder Brutus and of the Curtii and Decii ; and the people assembled in the forum, not as in the days of Camillus and the Scipios, to cast their free votes for annual magistrates, or pass upon the acts of the Harrison's inaugural address. 241 Senate, but to receive from the hands of the leaders of the respective paties their share of the spoils, and to shout for one or the other, as those collected in Gaul or Egypt and the lesser Asia would furnish the larger dividend. The spirit of liberty had fled, and avoiding the abodes of civilized man had sought protection in the wilds of Scythia Scandinavia. And so under the operation of the same causes and influences it will fly from our Capital and our forums. A calamity so awful, not only to our country, but to the world, must be deprecated by every patriot, and every tendency to a state of things likely to produce it immediately checked. Such a tendency has existed — does exist. Always the friend of my countrymen, never their flatterer, it becomes my duty to say to them, from this high place to which their partiality has exalted me, that there exists in the land a spirit hostile to their best interests — hostile to liberty itself. It is a spirit contracted in its views — selfish in its objects. It looks to the aggrandizement of a few even to the destruction of the interest of the whole. The entire remedy is with the people. Something, however, may be efl'ected, by the means which they have placed in my hands. It is union that we want, not of a party for the sake of that party, but a union of the whole country, for the sake of the whole country. For the de- fence of its interests and its honor against foreign aggres- sion — for the defence of those principles for which our ancestoiis so gloriously contended. As far as it depends upon me, it shall be accomplished. All the influence that I possess shall be exerted to prevent the formation at least of an Executive party in the halls of the legislative body. I Vv'ish for the support of no member of that body to any measure of mine that does not satisfy his judgment and his sense of duty to those from whom he holds his appointment. Nor any confidence in advance from the people but that asked for by Mr. Jefierson, " to give firmness and eff*ect to the legal administration of. their af- fairs." I deem the present occasion sufficiently important and solemn to justify me in expressing to my fellow-citizens a profound reverence for the Christian religion, and a 21 243 ' THE TRUE REPUBLICAir. thorough conviction that sound morals, religious liberty, and a just sense of religious responsibility, are essential- ly connected with all true and lasting happiness. And to that good Being who lias blessed us by the gifts of civil and religious freedom — who watched over and prospered the labors of our fathers, and has hitherto preserved to us institutions far exceeding in excellence those of any other people, let us unite in fervently commending every interest of our beloved country in all future time. [Oath administered.] Fellow-citizens : Being fully invested with that high of- fice to which the partiality of my countryjnen has called me, I now take an affectionate leave of you. You will bear with you to your homes the remembrance of the pledge I have this day given, to discharge all the high duties of my exalted station according to the best of my ability ; and I shall enter upon their performance with en- tire confidence in the support of a just and generous people. TYLER'S ADDRESS. April 9, 1841. Fellow- Citizens : Before my arrival at the seat of Government, the pain- ful communication was made to you by the officers pre- siding over the several Departments, of the deeply regret- ted death of William Henry Harrison, late President of the United States. Upon him you had conferred your suffrages for the first office in your gift, and had selected him as your chosen instrument to correct and reform all such errors and abuses as had manifested themselves from time to time in tlie practical operation of the Go- vernment. While. standing at the threshold of this great work, he has, by the dispensation of an all-wise Provi- dence, been removed from amongst us, and by the provi- sions of the Constitution the efforts to be directed to the S, TT ^ a. E \}onoi^ f/^T •^ Tyler's address. 243 accomplishing- of this vitally important task have devolved upon myself. This same occurrence has subjected the wisdom and sufficiency of our institutions to a^iew test. For the first time in our history the person elected to the Vice Presidency of the United States, by the happening of a contingency provided for in the Constitution, has had devolved upon him the Presidential office. The spirit of faction, which is directly opposed to the spirit of a lofty patriotism, may find in this occasion for assaults upon ray administration. And in succeeding, under circum- stances so sudden and unexpected, and to responsibilities so greatly augmented, to the administration of public af- fairs, I shall place in the intelligence and patriotism of the people my only sure reliance. My earnest prayer shall be constantly addressed to the all-wise and all-powerful Being, who made me, and by whose dispensation I am called to the high office of President of this confederacy, under- standingly to carry out the principles of that Constitution which I have sworn ' to protect, preserve, and defend.' The usual opportunity which is afforded to a Chief Magistrate upon his induction to office of presenting to his countrymen an exposition of the policy which would guide his administration, in the form of an inaugural ad- dress, not having, under the peculiar circumstances which have brought me to the discharge of the high duties of President of the United States, been aflbrded to me, a brief exposition of the principles which will govern me in the general course of my administration of public affairs would seem to be duL as well to myself as to you. In re- gard to foreign nations, the groundwork of my policy will be justice on our part to all, submitting to injustice from none. "While I shall sedulously cultivate the relations of peace and amity with one and all, it shall be my most imperative duty to see that the honor of the country shall sustain no blemish. With a view to this, the condition of our mili- tary defences will become a matter of anxious solicitude. The Army, which has in other days covered itself with renown, and the Navy not inappropriately termed the right arm of the public defence, which has spread a light of glory over the American standard in all the waters ol the earth, should be rendered replete with efficiency. 244 THE TRUE REPUBLICAN. In view of the fact, well avouched by history, that the tendency of all human institutions is to concentrate pow- er in the. hands of a single man, and that their ultimate downfal has proceeded from this cause, I deem it of the most essential importance that a complete separation should take place between the sword and thr purse. No matter where or how the public moneys shall be deposit- ed, so long as the President can exert the power of ap- pointing and removing, at his pleasure, the agents select- ed for their custody, the Commander-in-chief of the Army and Navy is in fact the Treasurer. A permanent and radical change should therefore be decreed. The patro- nage incident to the presidential office, already great, is constantly increasing. Such increase is destined to keep pace with the growth of our population, until without a figure of speech, an army of office-holders may be spread over the land. The unrestrained power exerted by a selfishly ambitious man, in order either to perpetuate his authority, or to hand it over to some favorite as his suc- cessor, may lead to the employment of all the means with- in his control to accomplish his object. The right to re- move from office, while subjected to no just restraint, is inevitably destined to produce a spirit of crouching ser- vility with the official corps, which, in order to uphold the hand which feeds them, would lead to direct and ac- tive interference in the elections, both state and federal, thereby subjecting the course of state legislation to the dictation of the Chief Executive Officer, and making the will of that officer absolute and supreme. I will, at a pro- per time, invoke the action of Congress upon this subject, and shall readily acquiesce in the adoption of all proper measures which are calculated to arrest these evils, so full of danger in their tendency. I will remove no incumbent from office who has faithfully and honestly acquitted him- self of the duties of his office, except in such cases where such officer has been guilty of an active partizanship, or by secret means — the less manly, and therefore the more objectionable — has given his official influence to the pur- poses of party, thereby bringing the patronage of the go- vernment in conflict with the freedom of election. Nu- merous removals may become necessary under this rirle TYLER S ADDRESS. 245 These will be made by me through no acerbity of feeling. 1 have had no cause to cherish or indulge unkind feel- ings towards any, but my conduct will be regulated by a profound sense of what is due to the country and its in- stitutions ; nor shall I neglect to apply the same unbend- ing rule to those of my own appointment. Freedom of opinion will be tolerated, the full enjoyment of the right of suffrage will be maintained as the birthright of every American citizen, but I say emphatically to the official corps, ' thus far and no ftirther.' I have dwelt longer upon this subject, because removals from office are likely often to arise, and I would have my countrymen to un- derstand the principle of the Executive action. In all public expenditures the most rigid economy should be resorted to, and, as one of its results, a public debt in time of peace be sedulously avoided. A wise and. patriotic constituency will never object to the imposition of necessary burdens for useful ends ; and true wisdom dictates the resort to such means, in order to supply de- ficiencies in the revenue, rather than to those doubtful expedients, which, ultimating in a public debt, serve to embarrass the resources of the country and to lessen its ability to meet any great emergency which may arise. All sinecures should be abolished. The appropriations should be direct and explicit, so as to leave as limited a share of discretion to the disbursing agents as may be found compatible with the public service. A strict responsi- bility on the part of all the agents of the Government should be maintained, and peculation or defalcation visited with immediate expulsion from office and the most condign punishment. The public interest also demands that, if any war has existed between the Government and the currency, it shall cease. Measures of a financial character, now hav- ing the sanction of legal enactment, shall be faithfully en- forced until repealed by the legislative authority. But I owe it to myself to declare that I regard existing enactments as unwise and impolitic, and in a high degree oppressive. I shall promptly give my sanction to any constitutional mea- sure which, originating in Congress, shall have for its ob- 20 246 THE TRUE REPUBLICAN. ject the restoration of a sound circulating medium, so essen- tially necessary to give confidence in all the transactions of life, to secure to industry its just and adequate rewards, and to re-establish the public prosperity. In deciding upon the adaption of any such measure to the end pro- posed as well as its conformity to the Constitution, I shall resort to the Fathers of the great Republican school for advice and instruction, to be drawn from their sage views of our system of Government, and the light of their ever glorious example. The institutions under which we live, my country- men, secure each person in the perfect enjoyment of. all his rights. The spectacle is exhibited to the world of a Government deriving its powers from the consent of the governed, and having imparted to it only so much power as is necessary for its successful operation. Those who are charged with its administration should carefully ab- stam from all attempts to enlarge the range of powers thus granted to the several departments of the Govern- ment, other than by an appeal to the People for additional grants, lest by so doing they disturb that balance which the patriots and statesmen who framed the Constitution designed to establish between the Federal Government and the States composing the Union. The observance of these rules is enjoined upon us by that feeling of re- verence and affection which finds a place in the heart of every patriot for the preservation of union and the bless- ings of union — for the good of our children and our children's children, through countless generations. An opposite course could not fail to generate factions, intent upon the gratification of their selfish ends ; to give birth to local and sectional jealousies, and to ultimate either in breaking asunder the bonds of union, or in building up a central system, which would inevitably end in a bloody sceptre and an iron crown. In conclusion, I beg you to be assured that I shall exert myself to carry the foregoing principles into practice during my administration of the Government, and, confiding in the protecting care of an ever-watchful and overruling Provi- dence, it shall be my first and highest duty to preserve TYLER S FIRST MESSAGE. 247 unimpaired the free institutions under which we live, and transmit them to those who shall succeed me in their full force and vigor. TYLER'S FIRST MESSAGE, June 1, 1841. To the Senate, and House of Representatives of the United States : Fellow- Citizens : — You have been assembled, in your respective halls of legislation, under a proclamation bear- ing the signature of the illustrious citizen who was so lately called by the direct suffrages of the people to the discharge of the important functions of their chief execu- tive office. Upon the expiration of a single month from the day of his installation, he has paid the great debt of nature, leaving behind him a name associated with the re- collection of numerous benefits conferred upon the coun- try during a long life of patriotic devotion. With this public bereavement are connected other considerations which will not escape the attention of Congress. The preparations necessary for his removal to the seat of Go- vernment in view of a residence of four years, must have devolved upon the late President heavy expenditures, which, if permitted to burden the limited resources of his private fortune, may tend seriously to the embarrassment of his surviving family ; and it is therefore respectfully submitted to Congress whether the ordinary principles of justice would not dictate the propriety of its legislative interposition. By the provisions of the fundamental law, the powers and duties of the high station to which he was elected have devolved upon me, and in the disposi- tion of the representatives of the States and of the people will be found to a great extent a solution of the problem to which our institutions are for the first time subjected. 248 THE TRUE REPUBLICAN. In entering upon the duties of this office, I did not feel that it would be becoming in me to disturb what had been ordered by my lamented predecessor. AVhatever, there- fore, may have been my opinion, originally, as to the pro- priety of convening Congress at so early a day from that of its late adjournment, I found a new and controlling in- ducement not to interfere with the patriotic desires of the late President, in the novelty of the situation in which I was so unexpectedly placed. My first wish, under such cir- cumstances, would necessarily have been to have called to my aid, in the administration of public affairs, the com- bined wisdom of the two Houses of Congress, in order to take their counsel and advice as to the best mode of extri- cating the Government and the country from the embar- rassments weighing heavily on both. I am then most happy in finding myself, so soon after my accession to the Presidency, surrounded by the immediate representa- tives of the states and people. No important changes having taken place in our for- eign relations since the last session of Congress, it is not deemed necessary on this occasion to go into a detailed statement in regard to them. I am happy to say that 1 see nothing to destroy the hope of being able to preserve peace. The ratification of the treaty with Portugal has been duly exchanged between the two Governments. This Go- vernment has not been inattentive to the interests of those of our citizens who have claims on the Government of Spain founded on express treaty stipulations ; and a hope is indulged that the representations which have been made to that Government on this subject may lead ere long to beneficial results. A correspondence has taken place between the Secre- tary of State and the Minister of Her Britannic Majesty accredited to this Government, on the subject of Alexan- der McLeod's indictment and imprisonment, copies of which are herewith communicated to Congress. In addition to what appears from these papers, it may be proper to state that Alexander McLeod has been heard by the Supreme Court of the State of New York on his motion to be discharged from imprisonment, and that the decision of that oourt has not as yet been pronounced. 249 The Secretary of State has addressed to me a paper upon two subjects, interesting to the commerce of the country, which will receive my consideration, and which I have the honor to communicate to Congress. So far as it depends on the course of this Government, our relations of good will and friendship will be sedu- lously cultivated with all nations. The true American policy will be found to consist in the exercise of a spirit of justice to be manifested in the discharge of all our in- ternational obligations, to the weakest of the family of na- tions, as well as to the most powerful. Occasional con- flicts of opinion may arise, but when the discussions in- cident to them are conducted in the language of truth, and with a strict regard to justice, the scourge of war will for the most part be avoided. The time ought to be regard- ed as having gone by when a resort to arms is to be es- teemed as the only proper arbiter of national differences. The census recently taken shows a regularly progres- sive increase in our population. On the breaking out of the war of the revolution, our numbers scarcely equalled three millions "of souls; they already exceed seventeen millions, and will continue to progress in a ratio which duplicates in a period of about twenty-three years. The old States contain a territory sufficient in itself to maintain a population of additional millions, and the most populous of the new States may even yet be regarded as but partial- ly settled, while of the new lands on this side of the Rocky mountains, to say nothing of the immense region which stretches from the base of those mountains to the mouth of the Columbia river, about 270,000,000 of acres, ceded and u needed, still remain to be brought into mar- ket. We hold out to the people of other countries an in- vitation to come and settle among us as members of our rapidly growing family, and, for the blessings which we offer them, we require them to look upon our country, as their country, and to unite with us in the great task of pre- serving our institutions, and thereby perpetuating our liber- ties. No motive exists for foreign conquests. We desire but to reclaim our almost illimitable wilderness, and thereby to introduce into their depths the light of civilization. While we shall at all times be prepared to vindicate the 250 THE TRUE REPUBLICAN. national honor, our most earnest desire will be to main- tain an unbroken peace. In presenting the foregoing views, I cannot withhold the expression of the opinion that there exists nothing in the extension of our empire over our acknowledged pos- sessions to excite the alarm of the patriot for the safety of our institutions. The federative system, leaving to each state the care of its domestic concerns, and devolving on the federal government those of general import, admits in safety of the greatest expansion, but at the same time I deem it proper to add that there will be found to exist at all times an imperious necessity for restraining all the functionaries of this Government within the range of their respective powers, thereby preserving a just balance be- tween the powers granted to this Government and those reserved to the States and to the people. From the report of the Secretary of the Treasury, you will perceive that the fiscal means present and accruing, are insufficient to supply the wants of the Government for the current year. The balance in the Treasury on the 4th day of March last, not covered by outstanding drafts, and exclusive of trust funds, is estimated at $860, 000. This includes the sum of $215,000 deposited in the mint and its branches to procure metal for coining and in process of coinage, and which could not be withdravv^n without inconvenience ; thus leaving subject to draft in the various depositories, the sum of $645,000. By virtue of two several acts of Congress, the Secretary of the Treasu- ry was authorized to issue, on and after the 4th of March last, Treasury Notes to the amount of $5,413,000, making an aggregate available fund of $6,058,000 on hand. But this fund was chargeable with outstanding Trea- sury Notes redeemable in the current year and interest thereon to the estimated amount of five millions two hun- dred and eighty thousand dollars. There is also thrown upon the Treasury the payment of a large amount of de- mands accrued in whole or in part in former years, which will exhaust the available means of the Treasury, and leave the accruing revenue reduced as it is in amount, burdened with debt, and charged with the current ex- penses of the Government. The aggregate amount of Tyler's first message. 251 outstanding appropriations on the 4th of March last was $33,439,616 50, of which $24,210,300 will be re- quired during the current year, and there will also be re- quired for the use of the War Department additional ap- propriations to the amount of two millions five hundred and eleven thousand one hundred and thirty two dollars and ninety eight cents, the especial objects of which will be seen by reference to the report of the Secretary of War The anticipated means of the Treasury are greatly in- adequate to this demand. The receipts for customs for the last three quarters of the last year, amount- ed to $12,100,000 ; the receipts for lands for the same time to $2,742,450 ; showing an average revenue from both sources of $1,236,780 per month. A gradual expan- sion of trade growing out of a restoration of confidence, together with a reduction in the expenses of collecting, and punctuality on the part of collecting officers, may cause an addition to the monthly receipt from the customs. They are estimated for the residue of the year, from the fourth of March, $12,000,000; the receipts from the pub- lic land for the same time are estimated at $2,600,000; and fronj miscellaneous sources at $170,000 ; making an aggregate of available fund within the year of $14,670,000; which will leave a probable deficit of $11,406,132 98. To meet this, some temporary provision is necessary, un- til the amount can be absorbed by the excess of revenues, which are anticipated to accrue at no distant day. There will fall due within the next three months, Treasury Notes of the issues of 1840, including interest, about $2,850,000. There is chargeable in the same pe- riod for arrearages for taking the sixth census $294,000 ; and the estimated expenditures for the current service are about $3,100,000, making the aggregate demands upon the Treasury, prior to the first of September next, about $11,340,000. The ways and means in the Treasury, and estimated to accrue within the above named period, consist of about $694,000 of funds available on the 2Sth ultimo ; an unissued balance of Treasury Notes authori- zed by the act of 1841, amounting to $1,955,000, and es- timated receipts from all sources of $3,800,000, making an aggregate of about $6,450,000, and leaving a probable deficit on the 1st of September next of $4,845,000. 252 THE TRUE REPUBLICAN. In order to supply the wants of the Government, an intelligent constituency, in view of the best interests, will, without hesitation, submit to all necessary burdensi But it is nevertheless important so to impose them as to avoid defeating the just expectations of the country, growing out of pre-existing laws. The act of 2d March, 1833, commonly called the Compromise Act, should not be al- tered except under urgent circumstances, which are not believed at this time to exist. One year only remains to complete the series of reductions provided for by that law, at which time provisions made by the same law, and which will then be brought actively in aid of the manu- facturing interests of the Union, will not fail to produce the most beneficial results. Under a system of discrimi- nating duties imposed for purposes of revenue, in unison with the provisions of existing laws, it is to be hoped that our policy will, in the future, be fixed and permanent, so as to avoid those constant fluctuations which defeat the very object they have in view. We shall thus best main- tain a position which, while it will enable us the more readily to meet the advances of other countries calculated to promote our trade and commerce, and will at the same time leave in our own hands the means of retaliating with greater efl'ect unjust regulations. In intimate connexion with the question of revenue is that which makes provision for a suitable fiscal agent ca- pable of adding increased facilities in the collection and disbursement of the public revenues, rendering more se- cure their custody, and consulting a true economy in the great multiplied and delicate operations of the Treasury Department. Upon such an agent, depends, in an emi- nent degree, the establishment of a currency uniform in value, which is of so great importance to all the essential interests of society ; and on the wisdom to be manifested in its creation much depends. So intimately interwoven are its operations, not only with the interests of individuals, but with those of the States, that it may be regarded in a great degree as con- trolling both. If paper be used as the chief medium of circulation, and the power be vested in the Government of using it at pleasure, cither in the form of Treasury 253 drafts or any other, or if banks be used as the public de- positories, with liberty to regard all surplusses, from day to day as so much added to their active capital, prices are exposed to constant fluctuations, and industry to severe suffering. In the one case, political considerations, di- rected to party purposes, may control, while excessive cupidity may prevail in the other. The public is thus constandy liable to imposition. Expansions and contrac- tions may follow each other in rapid succession, the one engendering a reckless spirit of adventure and speculation, which embraces States as well as individuals ; the other causing a fall in prices, and accomplishing an entire change in the aspect of affairs. Stocks of all kinds ra- pidly decline — individuals are ruined, and States embar- rassed even in their efforts to meet with punctuality the interest on their debts. Such, unhappily, is the state of things now existing in the United States. These efli'ects may readily be traced to the causes above referred to. The public revenues, on being removed from the Bank of the United States, under an order of the late President, were placed in selected Banks, which actuated by the double motive of conciliating the Government and aug- menting their profits to the greatest possible extent, en- larged extravagantly their discounts, thus enabling all other existing banks to do the same. Large dividends were declared, which, stimulating the cupidity of capitalists, caused a rush to be made to the legislatures of the respective States for similar acts of in- corporation, which, by many of the States, under a tem- porary infatuation, were readily granted, and thus the augmentation of the circulating medium, consisting al- most exclusively of paper, produced a most fatal delusion. An illustration, derived from the land sales of the period alluded to, will serve best to show the effect of the whole system. The average sales of the public lands, for a period often years prior to 1834, had not much exceeded $2,000,000 per annum. In 1834 they attained in round numbers, to the amount of $6,000,000. In the succeeding year, of : "35, they reached $16,000,000. And the next year, of 1836, they amounted to the enormous sum of $25,000,000. Thus crowded into the short space of three 23 254 THE TRUE REPUBLICAN. years upwards of twenty-three years' purchase of tlie public domain. So apparent had become the necessity of arresting this course of things, that the Executive de- partment assumed the highly questionable power of dis- criminating in the funds to be used in payment by dif- ferent classes of public debtors — a discrimination which was doubtless designed to correct this most ruinous state of things by the exaction of specie in all payments for the public lands, but which could not at once arrrest the tide which had so strongly set in. Hence the demands for specie became unceasing, and corresponding prostra- tion rapidly ensued under the necessities created with the banks to curtail their discounts, and thereby to reduce their circulation. I recur to these things with no dispo- sition to censure pre-existing administrations of the Go- vernment, but simply in exemplification of the truth of the position which I have assumed. If, then, any fiscal agent which may be created, shall be placed, without due restrictions, either in the hands of the administrators of the Government, or those of private individuals, the temptation to abuse will prove resistless. Objects of political aggrandizement may seduce the first, and the promptings of a boundless cupidity will as- sail the last. Aided by the experience of the past, it will be the pleasure of Congress so to guard and fortify the public interests in the creation of any new agent, so as to place them, so far as Jmman wisdom can accomplish it, on a footing of perfect security. Within a few years past, three difierent schemes have been before the country. The charter of the Bank of the United States expired by its own limitation in 1836. An effort was made to renew it, which I'eceived the sanction of the two houses of Con- gress, but then the President of the United States exer- cised the veto power, and the measure was defeated. A. regard to truth requires me to say that the President was fully sustained in the course he had taken, by the popu- lar voice. His successor to the Chair of State unquali- fiedly pronounced his opposition to any new charter of a similar institution ; and not only the popular election which brought him into power, but the elections through much of his term, seemed clearly to indicate a concur- Tyler's first message. 265 rence with him in sentiment, on the part of the people. After the public moneys were withdrawn from the United States Bank, they were placed in deposit with the State Banks, and the result of that policy has been before the country. To say nothing as to the question whether that experiment was made under propitious or adverse circum- stances, it may safely be asserted that it did receive the un- qualified condemnation of most of its early advocates, and it is believed was also condemned by the popular senti- ment. The existing Sub-Treasury system does not seem to stand in higher favor with the people, but has recently been condemned in a manner too plainly indicated to admit of a doubt. Thus, in the short period of eight years, the popular voice may be regarded as having suc- cessfully condemned each of the three schemes of finance to which I have adverted. As to the first, it was introduced at a time (1816) when the State banks then comparatively * few in number, had been forced to suspend specie payments, by reason of the war which had previously prevailed with Great Britain. Whether, if the United States Bank charter which ex- pired in 1811 had been renewed in due season, it would have been enabled to continue specie payments during the war and the disastrous period to the commerce of the country which immediately succeeded, is, to say the least, problematical ; — and whether the United States Bank of 1816 produced a restoration of specie payments, or the same was accomplished through the instrumentality of other means, was a matter of some difficulty at that time to determine. Certain it is, that for the first years of tlie operation of that bank, its course was as disastrous as for the greater part of its subsequent career it became emi- nently successful. As to the second, the experiment was tried with a re- dundant Treasury, which continued to increase until it seemed to be the part of wisdom to distribute the surplus revenue among the States, which, operating at the same time with the specie circular, and the causes before ad- verted to, caused them to suspend specie payments, and involved the country in the greatest embarrassment. And, as to the third, if carried through all the stages of trans- 256 THE TRUE REPUBLICAN. formation, from paper and specie to nothing but tne pre* cious metals, to say nothing of the insecurity of the pub- lic moneys, its injurious effects have been anticipated by the country in its unqualified condemnation. What is now to be regarded as the judgment of the American people on this whole subject, I have no accu- rate means of determining, but by appealing to their more immediate representatives. The late contest which termi- nated in the election of General Harrison to the Presiden- cy, was decided on principles well known and openly declared — and while the Sub-Treasury received in the result the most decided condemnation, no other scheme of finance seemed to have been concurred in. To you, then, who have come more immediately from the body of our common constituents, I submit the entire question, as best qualified to give a full exposition of their wishes and opinions. I am ready to concur with you in the adop- tion of such system as you may propose, reserving to myself the ultimate power of rejecting any measure \\hich may in my view of it conflict with the Constitution, or otherwise jeopard the prosperity of the country — a power which I could not part with even if I would, but which I will not believe any act of yours will call into requisition, I cannot avoid recurring, in connexion with this subject, to the necessity which exists for adopting some suitable measure whereby the unlimited creation of banks by the States may be corrected in future. Such result can be most readily achieved by the consent of the States, to be expressed in the form of a compact among themselves, which they can only enter into with the consent and ap- probation of this Government; a consent which might, in the present emergency of the public demands, justifiably be given in advance of any action by the States, as an in- ducement to such action upon terms well defined by the act of the tender. Such a measure addressing itself to the calm reflection of the States, would find in the expe- rience of the past, and the condition of the present, much to sustain it. And it is greatly to be doubted whether any scheme of finance can prove for any length of time successful, while the States shall continue in the unre- strained exercise of the power of creating banking corpo- 25T rations. This power can only be limited by their con- sent. With the adoption of a financial ag-ency of a satisfactory character, the hope may be indulged that the country will once more return to a state of prosperity. Measures auxiliary thereto, and in some measure inseparably con- nected with its success, will doubtless claim the attention of Congress. Among such, a distribution of the proceeds of the sales of the public lands, provided such distribution does not force upon Congress the necessity of imposing upon commerce heavier burthens than those contemplated by the act of 1833, would act as an efficient remedial measure by being brought directly in aid of the States. As one sincerely devoted to the task of preserving a just balance in our system of Government, by the maintenance of the States in a condition the most free and respectable, and in the full possession of all their power, I can no otherwise than feel desirous for their emancipation from the situation to which the pressure of their finances now subjects them. And, while I must repudiate as a measure founded in eiror, and wanting constitutional sanction, the slightest approach to an assumption by this Government of the debts of the States, yet I can see in the distribution ad- verted to, much to recommend it. The compacts between the proprietor States and this Government, expressly guaranty to the States all the benefits which may arise from the sales. The mode by which this is to be effected addresses itself to the discretion of Congress, as the trus- tee for the States ; and its exercise, after the most bene- ficial manner, is restrained by nothing in the grants or in the Constitution, so long as Congress shall consult that equality in the distribution which the compacts require. In the present condition of some of the States, the ques- tion of distribution may be regarded as substantially a question between direct and indirect taxation. If the dis- tribution be not made in some form or other, the necessi- ty will daily become more urgent with the debtor States for a resort to an oppressive system of direct taxation, or their credit, and necessarily their power and influence, will be greatly diminished. The payment of taxes, aftef 22* 258 THE TRUE REPUBLICAN. the most inconvenient and oppressive mode, will be ex- acted in place of contributions for the most part volun- tarily made, and therefore comparatively unoppressive The States are emphatically the constituents of this Go- vernment ; and we should be entirely regardless of the objects held in view by them in the creation of this Government, if we could be indifferent to their good. The happy effects of such a measure upon all the States would immediately be manifested. With the debtor States it would effect the relief to a great extent of the citizens from a heavy burden of direct taxation, which presses with severity on the laboring classes, and emi- nently assist in restoring the general prosperity. An im- mediate advance would take place in the price of the State securities, and the attitude of the States would be- come once more, as it should ever be, lofty and erect.— With States laboring under no extreme pressure from debt, the fund which they would derive from this source would enable them to improve their condition in an emi- nent degree. So far as this government is concerned, appropriations to domestic objects, approaching in amount the revenue derived from the land sales, might be abandoned, and thus a system of unequal and therefore unjust legislation would be substituted by one dispensing equality to all the mem- bers of this confederacy. Whether such distribution should be made directly to the States in the proceeds of the sales, or in the form of profits by virtue of the opera- tions of any fiscal agency having these proceeds as its ba- sis, should such measure be contemplated by Congress, would well deserve its consideration. Nor would such disposition of the proceeds of the public sales in any manner prevent Congress from time to time from passing all necessary pre-emption laws for the benefit of actual settlers, or from making any new arrangement as to the price of the public lands which might in future be esteem- ed desirable. 1 beg leave particularly to call your attention to the ac- companying report from the Secretary of War. Be- sides the present state of the war which has longafilicted the Territory of Florida, and the various other matters of Tyler's first message. 259 interest therein referred to, you will learn from it that the Secretary has instituted an inquiry into abuses which pro- mises to develope gross enormities in connection with In- dian treaties which have been negotiated, as well as tlie expenditures for the removal and subsistence of the In- dians. He represents, also, other irregularities of a se- rious nature that have grown up in the practice of the In- dian department, which will require the appropriation of upwards of 8200,000 to correct, and which claim the im- mediate attention of Congress. In reflecting on the proper means of defending the coun- try, we cannot shut our eyes to the consequences which the introduction and use of the power of steam upon the ocean are likely to produce in wars between maritime States. We cannot yet see the extent to which this pow- er may be applied in belligerent operations, connecting it- self as it does with recent improvements in the science of gunnery and projectiles ; but we need have no fear of be- ing left, in regard to these things, behind the most active and skilful of other nations, if the genius and enterprise of our fellow-citizens receive proper encouragement and direction from Government. True wisdom would, nevertheless, seem to dictate the necessity of placing in perfect condition those fortifica- tions which are designed for the protection of our princi- pal cities and railroads. For the defence of our extended maritime coast, our chief reliance should be placed on our Navy, aided by those inventions which are destined to re- commend themselves to public adoption. But no time should be lost in placing our principal cities on the sea- board and the lakes in a state of entire security from for- eign assault. Separated as we are from the countries of the old world, and in much unaffected by their policy, we are happily relieved from the necessity of maintaining large standing armies in times of peace. The policy which was adopted by Mr. Monroe, shortly after the conclusion of the late war with Great Britain, of preserving a regular organized staff sufficient for the command of a large mil- itary force, should a necessity for one arise, is founded as well in economy as in true wisdom. Provision is thus made, upon filling up the rank and file, which can readily 260 THE TRUE REPUBLICAN. be done on any emergency, for the introduction of a sys- tem of discipline both promptly and efficiently. All that is required in time of peace is, to maintain a sufficient num- ber of men to guard our fortifications, to meet any sudden contingency, and to encounter the first shock of war. Our chief reliance must be placed on the militia. They con- stitute the great body of national guards, and, inspired by an ardent love of country, will be found ready at all times, and at all seasons, to repair with alacrity to its defence. It will be regarded by Congress, I doubt not, at a suitable time, as one of its highest duties to attend to their com- plete organization and discipline. The state of the Navy Pension Fund requires the imme- diate attention of Congress. By the operation of the act of the 3d of March, 1837, entitled "An act for the more equitable administration of the Navy PensionlFund," that fund has been exhausted. It will be seen from the ac- companying report of the Commissioner of pensions that there will be required for the payment of Navy pension- ers, on the first of July next, $84,006 06j, and on the first of January, 1842, the sum of $60,000. In addi- tion to these sums, about $6,000 will be required to pay arrears of pensions, which will probably be allowed be- tween the first of July and the first of January, 1842, making in the whole, $150,006 06j. To meet these payments there is within the control of the department the sum of $28,040, leaving a deficit of $121,966 O65. The public faith requires that immediate provision should be made for the payment of these sums. In order to introduce into the Navy a desirable effi- ciency, a new system of accountability may be found to be indispensably necessary. To mature a plan having for its object the accomplishment of an end so important, and to meet the just expectations of the country, require more time than has yet been allowed to tlie Secretary at the head ©f the department. The hope is indulged that by the time of your next regular session measures of im- portance, in connexion with this branch of the public ser- vice, may be matured for your consideration. A though the laws regulating the Post-Office depart- ment only require from the officer charged wth its direction Tyler's first message. 361 10 report at the usual annual session of Congress, the Post Master General has presented to me some facts connected with the financial condition of the Department which are deemed worthy the attention of Congress. By the accompanying report of that officer, it appears that the existing liabilities of that Department beyond the means of payment at its command cannot be less than five hundred thousand dollars. As the laws organizing that branch of the public service confine the expenditure to its own revenues, deficiencies therein cannot be pre- sented under the usual estimates for the expenses of Gov- ernment. It must therefore be left to Congress to deter- mine whether the moneys now due to contractors shall be paid from the public Treasury, or whether that De- partment shall continue under its present embarrassments. It will be seen by the report of the Post Master General, that the recent lettings of contracts in several of the States, have been made at such reduced rates of compen- sation as to encourage the belief that, if the department was relieved from existing difficulties its future operations might be conducted without any further call upon the general Treasury. The power of appointing to office is one of a character the most delicate and responsible. The appointing pow- er is evermore exposed to be led into error. With anx- ious solicitude to select the most trustworthy for official stations, 1 cannot be supposed to possess a personal knowledge of the qualifications of every applicant. I deem it therefore p.-oper, in this most public manner, to invite, on the part of the Senate, a just scrutiny into the character and pretensions of every person whom I may bring to their notice in the regular form of a nomination for office. Unless persons every way trustworthy are employed in the public service, corruption and irregularity will inevitably follow. I shall with the greatest cheerful- ness, acquiesce in the decision of that body, and, it is wisely constituted to the Executive department in the per- formance of this delicate duty, I shall look to its ' consent and advice,' as given only in furtherance of the best in- terests of the country. 263 THE TRUE REPUBLICAN. I shall, also, at the earliest proper occasion, invite the attention of Congress to such measures as in my judg- ment will be best calculated to regulate and control the Executive power in reference to this vitally important subject. I shall also, at the proper season, invite your personal attention to the statutory enactments for the suppression of the slave trade, which may require to be rendered more efficient in their provisions. There is reason to believe that the traffic is on the increase. AVhether such increase is to be ascribed to the abolition of slave labor in the British possessions in our vicinity, and an attendant dimi- nution in the supply of those articles which enter into the general consumption of the world, thereby augmenting the demand from other quarters, and thus calling for ad- ditional labor, it were needless to inquire. The highest considerations of public honor as well as the strongest promptings of humanity, require a resort to the most vi- gorous efforts to suppress the trade. In conclusion, I beg to invite your particular attention to the interests of this District. Nor do I doubt that, in a liberal spirit of legislation, you will seek to advance its commercial as well as its local interests. Should Con- gress deem it to be its duty to repeal the existing Sub- Treasury law, the necessity of providing a suitable place of deposit for the public moneys which may be required within the District must be apparent to all. I have felt it to be due to the country to present the foregoing topics to your consideration and reflection. Others, with which it might not seem proper to trouble you at an extraordinary session, will be laid before you at a future day. I am happy in committing the important affairs of the country into your hands. The tendency of public sentiment, I am pleased to believe, is towards the adoption, in a spirit of union and harmony, of such mea- sures as will fortify the public interests. To cherish such a tendency of public opinion is the task of an elevated patriotism. That differences of opinion as to the means of accomplishing these desirable objects should exist, is reasonably to be expected. Nor can all be made satisfied with any system of measures. But I flatter myself with the hope that the great body of W"^ ^ '""^" ^1/A'S ^o \P(B [Lu^. a-^-^-t^ e^ O^ ^a-^l^l^ folk's inaugural address, 263 the people will readily unite in suppport of those whose efforts spring from a disinterested desire to promote their happiness ; to preserve the Federal and State Govern- ments within their respective orbits; to cultivate peace with all the nations of the earth, on just and honorable grounds ; to exact obedience to the laws ; to entrench liberty and prc^perty in full security, and, consulting the most rigid economy, to abolish all useless expenses. POLK'S INAUGURAL ADDRESS. March 4, 1845. Fellow citizens: Without solicitation on my part, I have been chosen by the free and voluntary suffrages of m)^ countrymen to the most honorable and most responsible office on earth. I am deeply impressed with gratitude for the confidence reposed in me. Honored with this distinguished consideration at an earlier period of life than any of my predecessors, I cannot disguise the diffidence with which I am about to enter on the dis- charge of my official duties. If the more aged and experienced men who have filled the office of President of the United States, even in the infancy of the republic, distrusted their ability to dis- charge the duties of that exalted station, what ouorht not to be the apprehensions of one so much younger and less endowed, now that our domain extends from ocean to ocean, that our people have so gready increased iu numbers, and at a time when so great diversity of opinion prevails in regard to the principles and policy which should characterize the administration of our government? Well may the boldest fear, and the wisest tremble, when incurring responsibilities on which may depend our country's peace and prosperity, and, in some degree, the hopes and happiness of the whole human family. In assuming responsibilities so vast, I fervently invoke the aid of that Almighty Ruler oif the universe, in whoso 264 polk'3 inaugural address. hands are the destinies of nations and of men, to j^uard this heaven-favored land against the mischiefs which, wilhoLit his guidance, might arise from an unwise pub- lic policy. With a firm reliance upon the wisdom of Omnipotence to sustain and direct me in the path of duty which I am appointed to pursue, I stantl in the presence of this assembled multitude of my countrymen, to take upon myself the solemn obligation, " to the best of my ability, to preserve, protect, and defend the constitution of the United States." A concise enumeration of the principles wliich will guide me in the administrative policy of the government, is not only in accordance with the examples set me by all my predecessors, but is eminently befitting the occasion. The constitution itself, plainly written as it is, the safeguard of our federative compact, the offspring of con- cession and compromise, binding together in the bonds of peace and union this great and increasing family of free and independent States, will be the chart by which I shall be directed. It will be my first care to administer the government in the true spirit of that instrument, and to assume no powers not expressly granted, or clearly implied in its terms. The government of the United States is one of delegated and limited powers ; and it is by a strict ad- herence to t olearh' granted powers, and by abstaining from th? ey-rciot. of doubtful or unauthorized implied powers, that we nave the only sure guaranty against the recurrence of those unfortunate collisions between the Federal and State authorities, which have occasionally so much disturbed the harmony of our system, and even threatened the perpetuity of our glorious Union. " To the States respectively, or to the people,'* have been reserved " the powers not delegated to the United States by the constitution, nor prohibited by it to \he States." Each State is a complete sovereignty with- in the sphere of its reserved powers. The government of the Union, acting within the sphere of its delegated authority, is also a complete sovereignty. While the general government should abstain from the exercise of authority not clearly delegated to it, the States should be folk's inaugural address. 265 equally careful that, in the maintenance of their rights, they do not overstep the limits of powers reserved to them. One of the most distinguished of my predeces- sors attached deserved importance to " the support of the Stale governments in all their rights, as the most compe- tent administration for our domestic concerns, and the surest bulwark against anti-republican tendencies ;" and to the " preservation of the general government in its whole constitutional vigor, as the sheet-anchor of our peace at home, and safety abroad." To the government of the United States has been in- trusted the exclusive management of our foreign affairs. Beyond that, it wields a few general enumerated powers. It does not force reform on the States. It leaves indi- viduals, over whom it casts its protecting influence, en- tirely free to improve their own condition by the legitimate exercise of all their mental and physical powers. It is a common protector of each and all the States ; of every man who lives upon our soil, whether of native or foreign birth ; of every religious sect, in their worship of the Almighty according to the dictates of their own con- science ; of every shade of opinion, and the most free inquiry ; of every art, trade, and occupation, consistent with the laws of the States. And we rejoice in the general happiness, prosperity, and advancement of our country, which have been the offspring of freedom, and not of power. This most admirable and wisest system of well-regu- lated self government among men, ever devised by human minds, has been tested by its successful operation for more than half a century ; and, if preserved from the usurpations of the federal government on the one hand, and the exercise by the States of powers not reserved to them on the other, will, I fervendy hope and believe, endure for ages to come, and dispense the blessings of civil and religious liberty to distant generations. To ef- fect objects so dear to every patriot, I shall devote my- self with anxious solicitude. It will be my desire to guard against that most fruitful source of danger to the harmonious action of our system, which consists in sub- stituting the mere discretion and caprice of the executive, 23 266 folk's inaugural address. or of majorities in the legislative department of the government, for powers which have been withheld from the federal government by the constitution. By the theory of our government, majorities rule ; but this right is not an arbitrary or unlimited one. It is a right to be exercised in subordination to the constitution, and in conformity to it. One great object of the constitution was to restrain majorities from oppressing minorities, or encroaching upon their just rights. Minorities have a right to appeal to the constitution, as a shield against such oppression. That the blessings of liberty which cur constitution secures may be enjoyed alike by minorities and majori- ties, the executive has been wisely invested with a quali- fied veto upon the acts of the Legislature. It is a nega- tive power, and is conservative in its character. It arrests for the time, hasty, inconsiderate, or imconslitu- tional legislation ; invites reconsideration, and tranfers questions at issue between the legislative and executive departments to the tribunal of the people. Like all other powers, it is subject to be abused. When judi- ciously and properly exercised, the constitution itself may be saved from infraction, and the rights of all pre- served and protected. The inestimable value of our federal Union is felt and acknowledged by all. By this system of united and confederated States, our people are permitted, collectively and individually, to seek their own happiness in their own way ; and tiie consequences have been most auspi- cious. Since the Union was formed, the number of the States has increased from thirteen to twenty-eight: two of tliese have taken their positions as members of the confederacy within the last week. Our population has increased from three to twenty millions. New commu- nities and States are seeking protection under its aegis, and multitudes from the Old World are flocking to our shores to participate in its blessings. Beneath its be- nign sway, peace and prosperity prevail. Freed from the burdens and miseries of war, our trade and inter- course have extended throughout the world. Mind, no longer tasked in devising means to accomplish or resist POLK S INAUGURAL ADDRESS. 237 schemes of ambition, usurpation,' or conquest, is devo- ting itself to man's true interests, in developing his faculties and powers, and the capacity of nature to minis- ter to his enjoyments. Genius is free to announce its inventions and discoveries; and the hand is free to ac- complish whatever the head conceives, not incompatible with the rights of a fellow being. All distinctions of birth or of rank have been abolished. All citizens, whether native or adopted, are placed upon terms of precise equality. All are entitled to equal rights and equal protection. No union exists between church and state, and perfect freedom of opinion is guarantied to all sects and creeds. These are some of the blessings secured to our happy land by our federal Union. To perpetuate them, it is our sacred duty to preserve it. Who shall assign limits to the achievements of free minds and free hands, under the protection of this glorious Union ? No treason to mankind, since the organization of society, would be equal in atrocity to that of him who would lift his hand to destroy it. He would overthrow the noblest struc- ture of human wisdom, which protects himself and his fellow-man. He would stop the progress of free govern- ment, and involve his country either in anarchy or despo- tism. He would extinguish the fire of liberty which warms and animates the hearts of happy millions, and invites all the nations of the earth to imitate our example. If he say that error and wrong are committed in the administration of the government, let him remember that nothing human can be perfect; and that under no other system of gov- ernment revealed by Heaven, or devised by man, has reason been allowed so free and broad a scope to combat error. Has the sword of despots proved to be a safer or surer instrument of reform in government than en- lightened reason ? Does he expect to find among the ruins of this Union a happier abode for our swarming millions than they now have under it? Every lover of his country must shudder at the thought of the possibility of its dissolution, and will be ready to adopt the patriotic sentiment, " Our federal Union — it must be preserved." To preserve it, the compromises which alone enabled 268 folk's inaugural address. our fathers to form a common constitution for the govern ment and protection of so many States, and distinct com- munities, of such diversified habits, interests, and do- mestic institutions, must be sacredly and religiously ob- served. Any attempt to disturb or destroy these com- promises, being terms of the compact of Union, can lead io none other than the most ruinous and disastrous con- sequences. It is a source of deep regret that, in some sections of our country, misguided persons have occasionally in- dulged in schemes and agitations, whose object is the destruction of domestic institutions existing in other sections — institutions which existed at the adoption of the constitution, and were recognized and protected by it. All must see that if it were possible for them to be successful in attaining their object, the dissolution of the Union, and the consequent destruction of our happy form of government, must speedily follow. I am happy to believe that at every period of our existence as a nation, there has existed, and continues to exist, among the great mass of our people, a devotion to the Union of the States, which will shield and pro- tect it against the moral treason of any who would seri- ously contemplate its destruction. To secure a continu- ance of that devotion, the compromises of the constitu- tion must not only be preserved, but sectional jealousies and heart-burnings must be discountenanced ; and all should remember that they are members of the same political family, having a common destiny. To increase the attachment of our people to the Union, our laws should be just. Any policy which shall tend to favor monopolies, or the peculiar interests of sections or classes, must operate to the prejudice of the interests of their fellow-citizens, and should be avoided. If the comprom- ises of the constitution be preserved, — if sectional jealousies and heart-burnings be discountenanced, — if our laws be just, and the government be practically ad- ministered strictly within the limits of power prescribed to it, — we may discard all apprehensions for the safety of the Union. With these views of the nature, character, and objects Polk's inaugural address. 269 of the government, and the value of the Union, I shall steadily oppose the creation of those institutions and sys- tems which, in their nature, tend to pervert it from its legitimate purposes, and make it the instrument of sec- tions, classes, and individuals. We need no national banks, or other extraneous institutions, planted around the government to control or strengthen it in opposition to the will of its authors. Experience has taught us how unnecessary they are as auxiliaries of the public authorities, how impotent for good, and how powerful for mischief. Ours was intended to be a plain and frugal govern- ment ; and I shall regard it to be my duty to recommend to Congress, and, as far as the executive is concerned, to enforce by all the means within my power, the strict- est economy in the expenditure of the public money, which may be compatible with the public interest. A national debt has become almost an institution of European monarchies. It is viewed, in some of them, as an essential prop to existing governments. Melan- choly is the condition of that people whose government can be sustained only by a system which periodically transfers large amounts from the labor of the many to the coffers of the few. Such a system is incompatible with the ends for which our republican government was insti- tuted. Under a wise policy, the debts contracted in our revolution, and during the war of 1812, have been hap- pily extinguished. By a judicious application of the revenues, not required for other necessary purposes, it is not doubted that the debt which has grown out of the circumstances of the last few years may be speedily paid off. I congratulate my fellow-citizens on the entire restora- tion of the credit of the general government of the Union, and that of many of the States. Happy would it be for the indebted States if they were freed from their liabili- ties, many of which were incautiously contracted. Al- though the government of the Union is neither in a legal nor a moral sense bound for the debts of the Stales, and it would be a violation of our compact of Union to as- sume them, yet we cannot but feel a deep interest in 23* 270 POLK S INAUGURAL ADDRESS. seeing all the States meet their public liabilities, and pay off their just debts, at the earliest practicable period. That they will do so, as soon as it can be done without imposing too heavy burdens on their citizens, there is no reason to doubt. The sound, moral, and honorable feeling of the people of the indebted States, cannot be questioned ; and we are happy to perceive a settled dis- position on their part, as their ability returns, after a season of unexampled pecuniary embarrassment, to pay off all just demands, and to acquiesce in any reasonable measures to accomplish that object. One of the difficulties which we have had to encoun- ter in the practical administration of the government, consists in the adjustment of our revenue laws, and the levy of the taxes necessary for the support of the govern- ment. In the general proposition, that no more money shall be collected than the necessities of an economical administration shall require, all parties seem to acquiesce. Nor does there seem to be any material difference of opinion as to the absence of right in the government to tax one section of country, or one class of citizens, or one occupation, for the mere profit of another. " Jus- tice and sound policy forbid the federal government to foster one branch of industry to the detriment of another, or to cherish the interests of one portion to the injury of another portion of our common country." I have here- tofore declared to my fellow-citizens that, in " my judg- ment, it is the duty of the government to extend, as far as it may be practicable to do so, by its revenue laws, and all other means within its power, fair and just protec- tion to all the great interests of the whole Union, embra- cing agriculture, manufactures, the mechanic arts, com- merce and navigation." I have also declared my opinion to be "in favor of a tariff for revenue,'' and that " in adjusting the details of such a tariff, I have sanctioned such mode- rate discriminating duties as would produce the amount of revenue needed, and, at the same time, afford reason- able incidental protection to our home industry," and that I was " opposed to a tariff for protection merely, and not for revenue." The power " to lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts, folk's inaugural address. 271 and excises," was an indispensable one to be conferred on the federal government, which, without it, would possess no means of providing for its own support. In executing this power, by levying a tariff of duties for the support of government, the raising of revenue should be the object^ and protection the incident. To reverse this principle, and make protection the object, and revenue the incident, would be to inflict manifest injus- tice upon all other than the protected interests. In levy- ing duties for revenue, it is doubtless proper to make such discriminations within the revenue principle, as will afTord incidental protection to our home interests. Within the revenue limit, there is discretion to discrim- inate ; beyond that limit, the rightful exercise of the power is not conceded. The incidental protection af- forded to our home interests by discriminations within the revenue range, it is believed will be ample. In making discriminations, all our home interests should, as far as practicable, be equally protected. The largest portion of our people are agriculturists. Others are em- ployed in manufactures, commerce, navigation, and the mechanic arts. They are all engaged in their respective pursuits, and their joint labors constitute the national or home industry. To tax one branch of this home indus- try for the benefit of another, would be unjust. No one of these interests can rightfully claim an advantage over the others, or to be enriched by impoverishing the others. All are equally entitled to the fostering care and protec- tion of the government. In exercising a sound discre ■ tion in levying discriminating duties within the limit prescribed, care should be taken that it be done in a manner not to benefit the wealthy few, at the expense of the toiling millions, by taxing lowest the luxuries of life, or articles of superior quality and high price, which can only be consumed by the wealthy ; and highest the necessaries of life, or articles of course quality and low price, which the poor and great mass of our people must consume. The burdens of government should, as far as practicable, be distributed justly and equally among all classes of our population. These general views, long entertained on this subject, 1 have deemed it proper to 272 folk's inaugural address. reiterate. It is a subject upon which conflicting interests of sections and occupations are supposed to exist, and a spirit of mutual concession and compromise in adjusting its details should be cherished by every part of our wide- spread country, as the only means of preserving harmo- ny and a cheerful acquiescence of alt in the operation of our revenue laws. Our patriotic citizens in every part of the Union will readily submit to the payment of such taxes as shall be needed for the support of their govern- ment, whether in peace or in war, if they are so levied as to distribute the burdens as equally as possible among them. The Republic of Texas has made known her desire to come into our Union, to form a part of our confederacy, and enjoy with us the blessings of liberty secured and guarantied by our constitution. Texas was once a part of our country — was unwisely ceded away to a foreign power — is now independent and possesses an undoubted right to dispose of a part or the whole of her territory, and to merge her sovereignty, as a seperate and indepen- dent State, in ours. I congratulate my country that, by an act of the late Congress of the United States, the as- sent of this government has been given to the re-union ; and it only remains for the two countries to agree upon the terms, to consummate an object so important to both. I regard the question of annexation as belonging ex- clusively to the United States and Texas. They are in- dependent powers, competent to contract ; and foreign nations have no right to interfere with them, or to take exceptions to their re-umon. Foreign powers do not seem to appreciate the true character of our government. Our Union is a confederation of independent States, whose policy is peace with each other and all the world. To enlarge its limits is to extend the dominion of peace over additional territories and increasing millions. The world has nothing to fear from military ambition in our government. While the chief magistrate and the popu- lar branch of Congress are elected for short terms by the suffrages of those millions who must, in their own per- sons, bear all the burdens and miseries of war, our gov- ernment cannot be otherwise than pacific. Foreign powers should, therefore, look on the annexation of Tex- 273 as to the United States, not as the conquest of a nation seeking to extend her dominions by arms and violence, but as the peaceful acquisition of a territory once her own, by add.ng another member to our confederation, with the consent of that member — thereby diminishing the chanches of war, and opening to them new and ever- increasing markets for their products. To Texas the re-union is important, because the strong protecting arm of our government would be extended over her, and the vast resources of her fertile soil and genial climate would be speedily developed ; while the safety of New Orleans, and of our whole southwestern frontier against hostile aggression, as well as the interests of the whole Union, would be promoted by it. In the earlier stages of our national existence, the opinion prevailed with some, that our system of confe- derated States could not operate successfully over an ex- tended territory, and serious objections have, at different times, been made to the enlargement of our boundaries. These objections were earnestly urged when we acquired Louisiana. Experience has shown that they were not well founded. The title of numerous Indian tribes to vast tracts of country has been extinquished. New States have been admitted into the Union : new Territories have been created, and our jurisdiction and laws extended over them. As our population has expanded, the Union has been cemented and strengthened ; as our boundaries have been enlarged, and our agricultural population has been spread over l large surface, our federative system has acquired additional strength and security. It may well be doubted whether it would not be in greater dan- ger of overthrow if our present population were confined to the comparatively narrow limits of the original thirteen States, than it is, now that they are sparsely settled over a more expanded territory. It is confidently believed that our system may be safely extended to the utmost bounds of our territorial limits ; and that, as it shall be extended, the bonds of our Union, so far from being weakened, will become stronger. None can fail to see the danger to our safety and future peace, if Texas remains an independent State., or becomes 274 folk's inaugural address. an ally or dependency of some foreign nation more pow- erful than herself. Is there one among our citizens who would not prefer perpetual peace with Texas, to occa- sional wars, which so often occur between bordering in- dependent nations ? Is there one who would not prefer free intercourse with her, to high duties on all our pro- ducts and manufactures which enter her ports or cross her frontiers ? Is there one who would not prefer an unrestricted communication with her citizens, to the frontier obstructions which must occur if she remains out of the Union ? Whatever is good or evil in the local institutions of Texas, will remain her own, whether an- nexed to the United States or not. None of the present States will be responsible for them, any more than they are for the local institutions of each other. They have confederated together for certain specified objects. Upon the same principle that they would refuse to form a per- petual union with Texas, because of her local institutions, our forefathers would have been prevented from forming our present Union. Perceiving no valid objection to the measure, and many reasons for its adoption, vitally affect- ing the peace, the safety, and the prosperity of both countries, I shall, on the broad principle which formed the basis and produced the adoption of our constitution, and not in any narrow spirit of sectional policy, endea- vor, by all constitutional, honorable, and appropriate means, to consummate the expressed will of the people and government of the United States, by the re-annexa- tion of Texas to our Union at the earliest practicable pe- riod. Nor will it become in a less degree my duty to assert and maintain, by all constitutional means, the right of the United States to that portion of our territory which lies beyond the Rocky mountains. Our title to the country of the Oregon is " clear and unquestionable ;" and al- ready are our people preparing to perfect that title, by occupying it with their wives and children. But eighty years ago, our population was confined on the west by the ridge of the Alleghanies. Within that period — within the lifetime, I might say, of some of my hearers — our people, increasing to many millions, have filled the east- polk's inaugural address. 275 ern valley of the Mississippi; adventurously ascended the Missouri to its head springs ; and are already engaged in establishing the blessings of self-government in val- leys, of which the rivers flow to the Pacific. The world beholds the peaceful triumphs of the industry of our emigrants. To us belongs the duty of protecting them, adequately, wherever they may be upon our soil. The jurisdiction of our laws, and the benefits of our republi- can institutions, should be extended over them in the dis- tant regions which they have selected for their homes. The increasing facilities of intercourse will easily bring the States, of which the formation in that part of our territory cannot be long delayed, within the sphere of our federative Union. In the mean time, every obliga- tion imposed by treaty or conventional stipulations should be sacredly respected. In the management of our foreign relations, it will be my aim to observe a careful respect for the rights of other nations, while our own will be the subject of constant watchfulness. Equal and exact justice should charac- terize all our intercourse with foreign countries. All alliances having a tendency to jeopard the welfare and honor of our country, or sacrifice any one of the national interests, will be studiously avoided ; and yet no oppor- tunity will be lost to cultivate a favorable understanding with foreign governments, by which our navigation and commerce may be extended, and the ample products of our fertile soil, as well as tlie manufactures of our skillful artizans, find a ready market and rem.unerating prices in foreign countries. In taking " care that the laws be faithfully executed," a strict performance of duty will be exacted from all public officers. From those officers, especially, who are charged with the collection and disbursement of the pub- lic revenue, will prompt and rigid accountability be re- quired. Any culpable failure or delay on their part to account for the moneys intrusted to them, at the times and in the manner required by law, will, in every instance, terminate the official connexion of such defaulting officer with the government. Although, in our country, the chief magistrate must 276 folk's inaugural address. almost of necessity be chosen by a party, and stand pledged to its principles and measures, yet, in his official action, he should not be the President of a part only, but of the whole people of the United States. While he executes the laws with an impartial hand, shrinks from no proper responsibility, and faithfully carries out in the executive department of the government the principles and policy of those who have chosen him, he should not be unmindful that our fellow citizens who have diflered with him in opinion, are entitled to the full and free ex- ercise of their opinions and judgments, and that the rights of all are entided to respect and regard. Confidently relying upon the aid and assistance of the co-ordinate departments of the government in conducting our public affairs,! enter upon the discharge of the high duties which have been assigned me by the people, again humbly supplicating that Divine Being who has watched over and protected our beloved country from its infancy to the present hour, to continue His gracious benedictions upon us, that we may continue to be a prosperous anil happy people. Taylor's inaugural address. 277 TAYLOR'S INAUGURAL ADDRESS. March 5, 1849. Elected by the American people to the highest office known to our laws, I appear here to take the oath pre- scribed by the Constitution, and in compliance with the time-honoured custom, to address those who are now assembled. The confidence and respect shown by my country- men in calling me to be the Chief Magistrate of a Re- public holding a high rank among the nations of the earth, have inspired me with feelings of the most pro- found gratitude ; but when I reflect that the acceptance of the office which their partiality has bestowed imposes the discharge of the most arduous duties, involves the weightiest obligations, I am conscious that the position which I have been called to fill, though sufficient to satisfy the loftiest ambition, is surrounded by fearful responsibilities. Happily, however, in the performance of my new duties, I shall not be without able co-opera- tion. The legislative and judicial branches of the government present prominent examples of distinguished civil attainments and matured experience, and it shall be my endeavour to call to my assistance, in the exe- cutive departments, individuals whose talents, integrity, and purity of character, will furnish ample guarantees for the faithful and honourable performance of the trusts to be committed to their charge. With such aid, and an honest purpose to do whatever is right, I hope to execute diligently, impartially, and for the best interests of the country, the manifold duties devolved upon me. In the discharge of these duties, my guide will be the Constitution, which I this day swear to preserve, protect, and defend. For the interpretation of that instrument, I shall look to the decisions of the judicial tribunals established by its authority, and to the practice of government under the earlier Presidents, who had so large a share in its formation. To the example of those illustrious patriots I shall always defer with reverence, 24 278 THE TRUE RErUBLICATf. and especially to his example who was, by so many titles, the Father of his Country. To command the army and navy of the United States ; with the advice and consent of the Senate, to make treaties, appoint ambassadors and other officers ; to give to Congress information of the state of the Union, and recommend such measures as he shall judge to be necessary, and to take care that the laws shall be faith- fully executed — these are the most important functions intrusted to the President by the Constitution, and it may be expected that I shall briefly indicate the principles which will control me in their execution. Chosen by the body of the people, under the assu- rance that my administration should be devoted to the welfare of the whole country and not to the support of any particular section, or merely local interests, I this day renew the declarations I have heretofore made, and proclaim my fixed determination to maintain, to the ex- tent of my ability, the Government in its original purity, and to adopt as the basis of my public policy those great Republican doctrines which constitute the strength of our national existence. In reference to the army and navy, lately employed with so much distinction in active service, care shall be taken to insure the highest condition of efficiency, and in furtherance of that object, the Military and Naval Schools, sustained by the liberality of Congress, shall receive the special attention of the Executive. As American freemen, we cannot but sympathize in all efforts to extend the blessings of civil and political liberty ; but at the same time we are warned by the admonitions of history and the voice of our own beloved Washington to abstain from entangling alliances with foreign nations. In all disputes between conflicting governments, it is our interest, not less than our duty, to remain strictly neutral ; while our geographical posi- tion, the genius of our institutions and our people, the advancing spirit of civilization, and, above all, the dictates of religion, direct us to the cultivation of peaceful and friendly relations with all other powers. It is to be hoped that no international question can now arise which Taylor's inaugural address. 279 a government, confident in its own strength, and resolved to protect its own just rights, may not settle by wise negotiation, and it eminently becomes a government like our own, founded on the morality and intelligence of its citizens, and upheld by their affections, to exhaust every resort of honourable diplomacy before appealing to arms. In the conduct of our foreign relations I shall conform to these views, as I believe them essential to the best interests and true honour of the country. The appointing power vested in the President imposes delicate and onerous duties. So far as it is possible to be informed, I shall make honesty, capacity, and fidelity indispensable pre-requisites to the bestowal of office; and the absence of either of these qualities shall be deemed sufficient cause for removal. It shall be my study to recommend such constitutional measures to Congress as may be necessarj'' and proper to secure encouragement and protection to the great interests of agriculture, commerce, and manufactures, to improve our rivers and harbours, to provide for the speedy extinguishment of the public debt, to enforce a strict accountability on the part of all officers of the government, and the utmost economy in all public ex- penditures. But it is for the wisdom of Congress itself, in which all legislative powers are vested by the Consti- tution, to regulate these and other matters of domestic policy. I shall look with confidence to the enlightened patriotism of that body to adopt such measures of con- ciliation as may harmonize conflicting interests, and tend to perpetuate that union which should be the paramount object of our hopes and affections. In any action calcu- lated to promote an object so near the heart of every one who truly loves his country, I will zealously unite with the co-ordinate branches of the government. In conclusion, I congratulate you, my fellow-citizens, upon the high state of prosperity to which the goodness of Divine Providence has conducted our common country. Let us invoke a continuance of the same protecting care which has led us through small beginnings, to the emi- nence to which we have this day arrived, and let us seek to deserve that continuance by prudence and moderatioa 280 THE TRUE REPUBLICAN. in our councils, by well directed attempts to assuage the bitterness which too often marks unavoidable differences of opinion, by the promulgation and practice of just and liberal principles, and by an enlarged patriotism, which shall acknowledge no limits but those of our own wide- spread Republic. President Taylor died at the Executive Mansion, in Washington City, on the night of the 9th of July, 1850. Vice-President Fillmore, the next morning, transmitted the following message to Congress, then in session, and at once entered upon the duties of his new office, as the 13th Presi- dent of the United States : — PRESIDENT Fillmore's message. Fellovycitizens of the Senate and House of Representatives: A great man has fallen among us, and a whole community is called to an occasion of unexpected, deep, and general mourning. I recommend to the two Houses of Congress to adopt such measures as, in their discretion, may seem proper to perforni with due solemnities the funeral obse- quies of Zachary Taylor, late President of the United States, and thereby to signify the great and affectionate regard of the American people for the memory of one whose life has been devoted to the public service — whose career in arms has not been surpassed in usefulness or brilliancy — ^who has been so recently raised by the unsolicited voice of the people, to the highest civil authority in the government, which he administered with so much honour and advantage to his country, and by whose sudden death so many hopes of future usefulness are blighted for ever. To you. Senators and Representatives of a nation in tears, I can say nothing which can alleviate the sorrow with which you are op- pressed. I appeal to you to aid me under the trying cir- cumstances which surround me in the discharge of the duties, from which, however much I may be oppressed by them, I dare not shrink; and I rely upon Him, who holds in His hands the destinies of nations, to endow me with the requisite strength for the task, and to avert from our country the evils apprehended from the heavy calamity which has befallen us. I shall most readily concur in whatever measures the wisdom of the two Houses may suggest as befitting this deeply melancholy occasion. MILLARD FILLMORE. Washington, JvXy 10, 1850. fflOLii\^[® F3tiK0®^l ^-^f ' ^