# LIBRARY OF ESS. I f ^ # |UNITKD STATKS OF AMERICA. | ^^ CONTRABANDS : SUGGESTING AX APPRENTICESIITP, ^ImUv the ^usiinrx.^i ot ©orevnmcut, TO BUILD THE PACIFIC RAIL ROAD JAISTTJARY 8, 1863. WITH OTHER MATTERS l^elatittg t0 the f tate d §x\Uu |ittair^, CHARLES WARD. a/ SALEM: PRINTED AT THE OFFICE OF THE SALEM GAZETTE. 18 6 6. ^ "CONTRABANDS." To THE EdITOK of THE BoSTON COURIER: Salem, January 8, 1863. Many leading Abolitionists of the North, politicians and clergymen, have for years desired to make the emancipation of slaves a political question, which they have now seemed to accomplish — whether wise or unwise, the future will determine. Yet, 1 have been surprised that such men as Messrs. Sumner, Andrew, and Phillips, on the side of politics, and the Rev'ds Cheever, Beecher, Stone, Manning and Dex- ter, on the part of the clergy, have never devised a practical plan for ameliorating the condition of the slave lohen free. Since the occur- rence of this civil war, slaves, now called " contrabands," have come within the lines of the Federal army, and been supported at the expense of the General Government, the loyal States being compelled to bear the burthen. I cannot satisfactorily ascertain that they have been of any practical use to the government, but on the contrary, have had a deleterious effect on the Federal Army. Gen. B. F. But- ler, while in command at Fortress Monroe, called slaves coming within army lines, contrabands, and asked instructions from the Government in regard to them. Thereafter, a policy was instituted, viz : that slaves or negroes loere enemies' property, because thej^ could be used by the enemj'^ to raise crops to feed the Southern population and the army, and might also be employed on fortifications and entrenchments, thus becoming a dan- gerous element, and were declared, by a solemn act of Government , '■'■ contraband of loary Since then, wherever our Federal army has gained headway in any Southern State, the contrabands have been encouraged and cared for by the Government, and at the expense of taxes from the free North. Abolitionists have hailed with joy these measures hit upon by Gen. Butler, and established by Government. As far as can be estimated, the Government must have on hand from one hundred thousand to two hundred thousand in numbers of contra- band property. Is not this a very fine field of labor for abolition hu- manitarians ? I have been looking for the philanthropic statesman, Hon. Charles Sumner, who so graphically displayed his oratory in the United States Senate on the " Wrongs of Kansas," and afterwards on the " Barbarism of Slavert/," to stand forward as the real friend of contrabands, and by his superior abilities, propose some wise and judicious plan for their benefit. I have, as yet, looked in vain. No project has been suggested, except that by President Lincoln, to col- 4 onize, by experiment, first free negroes in South America — then, if successful, to send contrabands forward. It is now well known the President's scheme has failed. What other plan he may propose to Congress I do not know, and my hopes are faint, that Mr. Sumner will, from the fact that Emancipation is with him the one idea. He thinks nothing for the good of the black race beyond emancipation. That also seems to be the case with those gentlemen named in the first part of tliis communication. It is with the utmost reluctance that I venture to broach a theory on the subject of contrabands, being doubtful as to any constitutional law by which the President has a right to declare contrabands free- men. As abolitionists have not done so, and the President's Central America scheme of colonization has failed, I beg to suggest some thoughts that have occurred to me in reference to this question. First. In point of fact the President, after the bombardment of Fort Sumter, called for seventy-five thousand men to take and repossess United States property in the seceded States ; these 75,000 men were sent to Washington to defend the capital. Then exigencies arose by which the first object of the President could not be accom- plished, and it became necessary to call for five hundred thousand men —they were given freely. Thus it became apparent that the Govern- ment had a powerful foe with which to contend, yet did not fully com- prehend the resources and determination of their southern enemy. Second. It is now necessary to refer to the action of Government under Gen. Butler's advice, in reference to contrabands, and the subse- quent policy which has been adopted, in order to discuss the question. Under the Constitution of the United States, all States are guaran- teed equal rights and privileges — each State by itself has the right to enact laws, subject to the Constitution — the sovereignty of States was guaranteed under the Constitution. Under it slavery was recognized. Various acts of Congress recognized it. Take the debates in Congress in 1850, when Hon. Henry Clay, Daniel Webster, and others, argued the question of the " Fugitive Slave " law, and then see how near the North and South came to a rupture. At the conclusion of Mr. Webster's speech, as I remember, Mr. Clay arose from his seat, ap- ])roached i\lr. Webster, and said "You sir, have saved the country." Well would it have been for us, had it been so, — but unfortunately, abolitionism liad too much hold on Massachusetts and other Northern States, to have its just and proper effects. Tlie abolition party were determined to overthrow the act of Con- gress ; and I am sorry to say that these States enacted laws opposed to Congress, and as I believe, in contravention of United States laws. Third. Benevolence prompts the inquiry, " What will the Govern- m.'nt do with the contrabands ?" The al)olitionists have not proposed any plan. The President's plan of Southern colonization in Soutli America, as before said, has failed. The people must suggest something for the contrabands. Tlie Government have by their policy determined that slaves comino- within the Federal lines are their property, and retained as such, as '■'■ contraband of war f they are really the property of Government, and maintained at Government expense. They have only changed masters, and instead of being under their former masters, they are now, by the exigencies of war, the property of the United States. This I believe to be the fact. If not so, why maintain them ? Fourth. What is the duty of Government in reference to contra- bands, in order to lessen the tax on the people ? Having assumed that contrabands are Government property,^ the Government has a right to dispose of them for the general benefit. Fifth. I now suggest to the Government to put the contrabands under apprenticeship, as being consistent with its own acts. By acts of the last Congress, several corporate bodies were author- ized to build a railroad to the Pacific. These corporate bodies have not organized under the Act of Incorporation. I would suggest to the President to intimate ^o the bodies incorporated, that^ they organ- ize forthwith, and say to them : I know, while this civil^ war is in progress, you cannot obtain laborers to build this road, neither in my opinion can you afford to obtain European emigrants — but if you \y\\\ organize your corporations, I will advise Congress to this effect, viz., — °he building of the Pacific Railroad is both a national and military necessity. By the exigencies of this civil war, we have two hundred thousand contrabands, more or less, within the lines of the Federal army dependent on the Government for support, and as a mass are of no practical use, but in many instances their numbers have had a ten- dency to injure the efficiency of our Northern troops. Therefore, for the time being, I advise and recommend an apprenticeship for them, trusting that an enlightened community may approve it. That these contrabands may be apprenticed to said corporations for the term of five years, more or less, in order that the grand scheme of an Iron Band may be completed from the Atlantic to the Pacific.^ I would also recommend that if this project be carried into operation, an act of Congress may be passed, authorizing such apprenticeship, giving to the President the right to appoint commissioners, the majori- ty of whom shall be from the Border Slave States, and the minority from the free States. Said Commissioners shall agree with the corpo- rators for an equitable rate of wages for the contrabands, as compared with the amount of labor performed by white men on our various lines of Northern railroads. This having been settled, I would suggest that the commissioners should have power to bind these corporators to furnish these said contrabands sufficient food and clothing in compar- ison with a Southern climate, and the climate of the different sec- tions of the North. All of which the joint commissioners shall have the right to supervise. After the corporators have furnished food and clothing to the con- trabands, bv approval of these government commissioners, the balance of wages due them, to be retained in the United States' Treasury, deducting the same from the obligations of the United States by their bonds, to these incorporated bodies. What shall be done with the contraband"? affpr +;.„ i ■ the Pacific Railroad, I am willing su seq'n; events shaliTt"' "' believing that, and hoping our once beloved rn.fntvv I ^l^termine, united, and that by th'e wisdonrof ConTesrS '^"" be adopted for their final relief. '^°"-''''' judicious measures may If the plan laid out is not entirely feasible, I should be verv .U^ -f some practical man would improve upon t If hp J ^ i^ , '^ recommended could be adopted by the P Jsidenf b ^T'l -l^'"! Corporat..s and by Congress! and tL theL f ^HdYn^'tL Pdfic Railroad by contraband labor during this civil war rellfv h phshed, what a sublime spectacle it would Te to Europe ^o'/'r; a shame, to France a glorious pro-^ress to admtp '^ r p •= ''''^ encouragement to persevere in her e'fforL'o free her Lft '"" '" God bless the United States! Chaeles Ward. [From the Salem Gazette, April 28, 1863.1 An Important Suggestion.— In a letter to ■R.iioff x n The fact that so laro-p a nnmKoi. ^i- „ i. , arms, and the conseqi^nt e?o <^mv ^m? th,: ' r^'''^'^-^^-"'^'^^"^ ^'^ ""^^er road could be driven forward bTthePmioVr''^'''V'^^]."V'^^^ '^''"^ ^^hich the this subject worthy of the most-nlS^^^^^^^^^ V/'^'"'' ^r^''^' '»^ke and It IS sufficient! V obvious that coi!sidprof^^ V ^^'"^ ""^^'^ i'^ national, nivo ved in this suj^gestion Manv of tlXnT^^^ P"''"^ "'^"'-^^ ^^e provision to be made for them. Stretch no iP?iS-7i" «<^"»/-«^q»n-esome jeoted road are -reat re'>-ions of ^vnUnhlL]^ mdehnitely south of this pro- partly inhabited sparselvb" wlS or ' ivprl''^^' ^^"""-^ unoccupied, and ess e.vi ized. Already as tu north as he f il?'*^"' "' f^dians'moi'e or arly cultivate cotton, the coun ?y s <^ene rallv vpI^'^T ^^ ^"^i^us regu- fabulously ncli in silver and other" meHl^ r.^ iVHV'^'^ ^'^ «^ock, and Capt. Chaeles Ward rWiXd hf '" \" "'■"'='" ''■■''■" "«' ?<>" °f which the details of H,e „l'n 1 ^ "1 ,°" *^, '«"' <" •'•■•"■'ary, in Thei^ioais one ,vhich •,,.?, elaborated with much fulness, much force, and'it w Id „' tr^t^l'oTrl' 'T"^ "'= '"-'' -"> moans for solvin" tlie ureit , r„l,l ^? ■ , '''°"''' 1"'°'''= °"<= °f 'he wehav.ogottoworro';:ti','"tT-:''™-o,:;:';''; "'"'"*• °' '■"~'='""«'^-- To THE EdITOK of THE BosTON CotlKIEE : Wednesday, April 22, 1863. I beg to call the attention of the public and your numerous readers to the following paragraph, which 1 have noticed in the Boston Jour- nal of this evening, April 20th : " Mv, Everett's recent Union speech was so calm, fordble, and logical, and in tlie higlaest sense of tlie word patriotic, that it presented no salient point for a successful attack. But those who sympatliize with tlie rebels are laboring, nevertheless, with diabolical zeal, to undo its ellects. Their missiles fall as harmlessly from this admirable address as caiin(»n shot from the laminated armor of the inonitors. Its statement of tacts is un- answerable, and its logical deductions conclusive.*' It appears to me that the editor of the Journal has rather stretched the matter, as evidently Mr. Everett only intended to express his own views in relation to the present state of our governmental affairs. It is not to be supposed that Mr. Everett would utter any sentiments in which he was not honest and sincere. Yet the best of men may be liable to mistakes in stating facts ; but in this case Mr. Everett as- sumes facts in his discussion before the Union Club. Was he in the United States Senate at that time ? Did he hear the speech of Ste- phen A. Douglas, when he said that the responsibility of the " Crit- tenden " amendment devolved entirely on the Northern Republians ? In this matter, it appears to me, that while the people have much deferred to Mr. Everett, his omission of facts in reference to compro- mise measures, has somewhat detracted from the confidence the Union men have in regard to him, inasmuch as Mr. Everett has made no allusion whatever to the lamented Senator Douglas, in his speech before the Senate, when he most earnestly appealed to Kepublican members, and urged them to adopt the Crittenden amendment of the Constitution, as a measure which ought to be adopted. Then, how can the people adopt Mr. Everett's views without further explanation ? These questions t\\e people will ask, and demand an explanation. What is now to be understood as the policy of the Government ? The people seem, generally, to understand that the Union under the Constitution is to be preserved, and that those in authority are to maintain all its parts. In order to a fair understanding in answer to the general question of Constitution and Union, as to what is really meant by it, audits general interpretation, which the people now wish most to know, you, Mr. Editor, will make your own comments, in time to give such information. My own views may be expressed in a few words. The people of the now United States having achieved their Independence of Great Britain, and yet without being a perfect form of government, and while the colonies felt their own importance, they, by consent, agreed to meet in convention — which convention was composed of men of the highest character, to form and devise ways and means of making a Union of States, to be under one General Government. They so met, the Convention was dignified, and com- posed of such men as Washington and his compeers, whom we hare all been accustomed to admire, — then what ? With the utmost solcn- nity, and feeling their own responsibility in referpnrp fn fi,^ before the„^ as .hey did, anS in coJiZI^^ZS,^ ZS :™^ question, the slave trade, and slaverv and .11 „,i, ^"^"f "^'" <^'t'J' came before them by the parties rpIJe^th^ their „ """7 "''"■='' wise men adopted the Con'stitution '^ "eh al bee ha iri""'',""'" nnder which the General Governm „t has pros, e-' sf? 'V ' prospered, and we had become a Nation s°chasT„ri, 2 f ^'"""r . peoples had become a wonder '" ""= *""""■>■ °f J:l Ihet'^ay'rain' t^TZ „' 'T/"'' '""•' '" ^^ «-J. conrbat with sece'ssiri of the Sou* and the M^o't^'P'?' ''^'' ''" men who have stndied political seen e, and the science of LT" "" mental law; who are above nartv strife .^^Tf "'^ ^°'"'''"- pareel in government contrac'^s 'men who e"n a'd" "u "f" °' themselves earnestly to a restoration of the Union and t ma Lv™" the government in its pnrity. To this end and vL'w. it appl s o mf that we mast direct our enersies We are f„ =. .f • "PP"'*'^'' '■" "'e in all Constitutional acts, and to-givytoTaU t r ^n h iforpTr er, by every legitimate act on ; but in so doii,» the,, i I ^^ right to criticise the acts of government or t „,h ^ ''^'i ""Y" ""= of the Administration. When'l say th governme n' ret'the' '='' ernment in its component parts-the BxeeutiveTthe p,e"ide„ C' gress. and the Supreme Court-which combined Lstrtutethetve.n: CoStit°?i;X-erirt'' "Thentt7l'e°"'", ^""""="' *- ">»