Class ..Ejiiie-^ l'Ui:SKNTi:i) l!Y iw--*' '''SM^^i^Wi^.!M^i''M:^''''^^^^ 'I'r^' '^/:^¥r^\ '"^^SM mm C^SAR BURROWS 1 ;ie Oeiv uviuif "lolii D SHALLOW DEMAGOGUE UNMASKED. " I once thought I was in favor of electing United States Senators by direct vote of the people, but I could not vote for it now, because the people cannot be trusted." — Julius Ccesar Burroxvs^ in address before $tudents at the Baptist College at Kalamazoo^ September^ i8g4. "You can fool some of the people a// the time. You can fool all the people so??ie of the time. But you can't fool all the people all the time." — President Lincoln. I come to bury CcDsar, not to praise him. SUPPLEMEiNTARY STATEMEN%, June 5th, 1900. V '"^'f It seems proper to state that owing to serious illness in my fa,mily, as well as my own severe illness, necessitating my absence from Washington most of the time since January 25th last, that I should state that it was my purpose to submit a petition or memorial to the Senate making cer- tain statements and charges impeaching the integrity, personal and ofl&- cial, of Julius Caesar Burrows, the junior Senator from the State of Michigan, and tendering to the Senate proof in support of the specific charge that the election of Mr. Barrows to the Senate, to fill the vacancy occurring by the death of Francis B. Stockbridge, as well as for the full term of six years commencing with March 4, 1899, was pi'ocured by bribery and corruption of the grossest character. This pamphlet was prepared for presentation to the Republican caucus, which met at Lan- sing early in January, 1899. By reason of personal illness, and the theft of the manuscript from mj office, it was impossible to secure its j^riutii and presentation to said caucus until the day before it met. The candidacy of the gentleman who opposed Mr. Burrows — Mr. Al- bert Pack — differed only from that of Mr. Burrows in that Mr. Pack spent his own money to secure his election, about which he was really not specially solicitous, preferring rather to control — as he stated to me and others — two committees in each house of the legislature of Michigan than to be U. S. Senator ; and that in the closing hours of the contest for Sen- ator, he made an alliance with Mr. Burrows, offensive'and defensive, as to the future, which made it impossible for the friends of honest elections and government to secure an investigation of the methods by which Mr. Burrows was chosen Senator at that time. Mr. Pack is dead, but in the interest of truth and justice, of good government and political purity, I submit now, under great disadvantage, a memorial making this pamphlet exhibit "A" thereof with the promise that during the recess between the present session and the second session of the Fifty-sixth Congress, I will furnish the names of persons who will give testimony and furnish evidence of the truth of all the charges herein made, as well as others which will hereafter be presented, to whatever committee the Senate may charge with the investigation of these allegations and statements. HENRY H. SMITH. A PERSONAL STATEMENT. It is due myself, as well as a proper explanation to the members of the legislature, that I should say that but for the fact that either duriug the last week in November or the first week of the present mouth a carefully prepared package contaiuiug nearly three hundred tj'pe and hand Avritten pages of manuscript, the result of nearly three years' work of mine, giving a compact history of the Con- gressional as well as persoual career of Senator Julius Cciesar Burrows since 1870, was stolen from a roller-top desk in my office, room 41, Kellogg Buildiug, this cii-fX^^^ -^^i.t.*.,<^->,^cC.^2^^cz/-trcc£,urrows. The arrangement of this matter may be criticised as not artistic, but the fact remains that this pamphlet contains the truth and facts which should be known to and investi- gated by the Michigan legislature before it votes upon the all- important question of electing anybody to the United States Senate for a term of six vears. " It is better to be sure than sorry," and I submit this paper with this statement, which can be verified iu every ])articular if necessary. HENRY 11. SMITH. Washington, 1). C, Decemher 31, 1898. To the 3f embers of the Michigan Legislature of 1899-1900 : On the 4th of March, 1899, the term of office of Julias Coesar Burrows as Senator from the State of Michigan to fill the vacancy occasioned by the death of Francis B. Stockbridge will expire. Under the Constitution one-third of the members of the United States Senate go out of office every two years, thus insnriug a quorum and making the Senate — unlike the House of Representa- tives — a permanent body. The constitution of the State of Michi- gan requires that the new legislature shall meet at the seat of gov- ernment on the first Wednesday in January biennially, and other clauses provide for the election of a United States Senator to till a prospective vacancy. The importance of the office of United States Senator, has grown steadily siuce the war. In a very able and instructive article, writ- ten by Senator George F. Hoar, of Massachusetts, on the creation and organization of the Senate, — tirst published in the T^oath's Coinpaniun, subsequently being printed by the Senate as Document No. 26, 2d Se:3s. 54th Cong. — Senator Hoar stated that " the framers of the Constitution placed their chief hope in the Senate." In that article he said : " In the first place they made it a perpetual body. The Presi- dent lays down his office at the end of four years. If any obstacle prevent the election or induction of his successor, the executive power itself is in abej^ance. The House of Representatives has but a short life. A new one must be organized every two j-ears, and a large part of its term is often consumed in the process of organi- zation. " But the Senate is indestructible. The Senate, which was organ- ized in 1789 at the inauguration of the Government, abides and will continue to abide, one and the same body, until the republic itself shall be overthrown or until time shall be no more." Continuing in this vein, Senator Hoar shows the great importance of the Senate, clothed as it is with the treatj^-making power con- jointly with the President; of confirming all the important offices of the United States, including the army and navy and all other branches. For that reason it has become a matter of more importance to each State as the Government and States grow in population, strength, and power, that proper selections shall be made of United States Senators by the State legislatures. Michigan has honored itself in the past by sending some strong men to the Senate. It has also sent some weak men. For another purpose I have compiled the history of Michigan's Senators and Representatives in Congress, and am entirely familiar with the his- tory of each, save, perhaps, that of some of the earlier members, about whom only meagre information can be found. I have been connected with the House of Representatives for twenty years in important positions, and with the Senate two years. Prior to that I held an important office in the Treasury Department, from the spring of 1865 until ni}' connection -with the House in 1870. Since my connection with the House terminated in 1892, I have been present during all the sessions of Congress ; been acquainted with the leading members of both Houses, and familiar with the work of each body, and I say upon my honor as a man and citizen, that Mich- igan never sent a more tricky demagogue and hypocrite or a more dishonest man to either house of Congress than Julius Cfesar Bur- rows. I know that I rest under the imputation, sedulously cultivated by Julius Ca'sar Burrows autl his nian "Friday" Rose and other hire- lings, of having a personal grudge ; of being a disappointed office- seeker ; with being an ingrate and the like, and I propose to briefly show the falsity of these latter charges and the truth of my first assertion as to trickery, hypocrisy, demagoguery, and dishonesty of Julius CiX'sar Burrows. This man for the last seven years has tried — and with the assistance of his lobbyist friend "Nat" McKay during the last three — to break me down personally, political!}', and finan- cially, and now my time, for which I have patiently waited, has come. I first made the acquaintance of Mr. Burrows in the campaign of 1868, when Gen. Stoughton was a candidate for election to Con- gress. I heard Mr. Burrows speak a few moments. It required but a few moments to show that he was a shallow sophomoric declaimer, and I did not meet him again until the campaign of 1870. In that year I was elected Secretary of the State Central Committee, Stephen D. Bingham, of Lansing, being Chairman, our headquarters being at that place. The committee organized, and about the last of August I received a ])rivate letter from Mr. Burrows asking mj' assistance in securing appointments for meetings for him in some of the leading cities of the State, especially at Lansing, Jackson, Ann Arbor, and Grand Rapids. He stated that he would be glad to speak as often as the committee desired and would charge the committee but ten dollars per day, with an allowance for his expenses. By the following mail I received a letter from the Hon. Dwight May, of Kalamazoo, protesting against the emplo3'ment of Mr. Burrows as a cam])aign s])eaker by the Kepul)lican State (/entral Comujittee. General May enclosed a ])aragra})h clipped from the Kalamazoo Tclegraj^li saying that Mr. ]>urrows would probably be in the em])loy of the committee through the camjiaign. General May wrote that lie made this protest, not only on his own behalf, but also on behalf of prominent Republicans of Kalamazoo, among whom he named H. G. Wells, Allen Rotter, Colonel Curteiiius, J)r. Stone, editor of the Kalamazoo TL'lc(/ni/)h, and a half dozen others. General May stated that Mr. Burrows, with a lot of unscrnpulous office-seekers, had conspired to defeat the renomination of General Stoughton, then serving his first term as Representative in Congress from that district, and had resorted to the most unscrupulous methods to accomplish their vile jjurpose. They had ])rocured atKdavits from an ex-state's prison-bird defaming General Stough- ton, charging him with having sold offices and the like, and saying that they had stopped at nothing to accomplish his ruin and defeat, and the nomination of JuHus Coesar Burrows in his place. General May stated that Mr. Burrows had been an active part}- in all their infamous proceedings, and had pledged himself that if elected he would give the important offices in the district to the gang of men who were hounding General Stoughton because he would not surrender to their demands. General May concluded his letter by saying : " This man Burrows has brought disgrace upon the Republican party. Such a man as he should never be employed by the Republican State Central Committee of Michigan, and, as an original Republican, and on behalf of the gentlemen I named, I do most earnestly protest against his employment b}- the committee." The matter of emploj'meut of speakers had been left to the chair- man and executive committee. At the time of the receipt of that letter Mr. Bingham was seriously ill, and the matter was held up for several days. Finally it was decided to employ Mr. Burrows, and that gentleman knows to-day, as well as he did at the time, that I was instrumental in turning the executive committee in his behalf and securing his employment. He made several speeches, and I gratified him exceedingly by assigning him to Ann Arbor. I still have Mr. Burrows' letter thanking me for my kindness to him, and, although in the following campaign I opposed his election, and in 1874 took editorial charge of the Kalamazoo Gazette, with the late Dr. Foster Pratt, and had much to do with his defeat, which termi- nated our acquaintance temporaril}', he did not hesitate to ask my support for his nomination and election to the Forty-sixth Congress. There is another chapter in the career of Julius C?esar Burrows which should be told, but which, yielding to the advice of friends, I will not publish. It is known pretty generally in Kalamazoo and throughout the State, as well as to some extent here, but through no instrumentality of mine. Such a man — as Senator Stockbridge not only repeatedly stated to me verbally, but wrote — " has no more moral character or sensibilities than a lizard, and a club is the proper argument for him." That is one of the letters which Mr. Burrows has vainly sought by coaxing and treachery to procure, and, if necessary, I will produce it to a committee of inquir3^ Mr. Burrows has stated that I owed my position as Journal Clerk in the House of Representatives and as Assistant Register of the Treasur}^ to him. A brief statement will show the absolute falsity of this claim. When Mr. Burrows came into the Forty-third Con- gress he found me clerk of the Committee on Claims of the last House, of which the late Governor Blair was chairman. Mr. Bur- rows, as stated, was defeated for election to the Forty-fourth Con- gress by Allen Potter, and dropped back into private life. He was a candidate for the Republican nomination to the Forty-fifth Congress, but was defeated by Judge Keightle}', of St. Joseph count}^ and again withdrew into private life. He industriously plotted and planned to defeat Judge Keightley for renomination, denying him the right of a second term as he had Gen. Stoughton, and succeeded in securing Judge Keightle3's defeat and his own nomination. He was nouiinated, after sharp opposition, to the Forty-seventh Congress and elected, and after another and still more bitter contest was nominated for the Forty-eighth Congress and defeated by George L. Yaple. Mr. Burrows thought this was the end of his political career in Michi- gan. He cried like a school-boy over his defeat and " refused to be comforted." The reasons which led to his defeat will be stated elsewhere, as this is an outline sketch only of his career. During the Forty-seventh Congress came the incident of tlie " Brule and Ontonagon grant bill," in which he was guilty of the vilest treachery to the late Senator Stockbridge. So thoroughl}- ashamed was he of his performance that he sought throughout the entire second session to make arrangements to establish business connections elsewhere. He visited two or three cities, Rochester being the first, in the hope of forming a legal association with Hon. John Tan Yoorhees, the Bepresentative from that district. Mr. Van Yoorhees, however, like the able and cautious lawj^er that he is, looked up Mr. Bur- rows' standing as a lawyer in Michigan, and decided that he did not desire to form a law partnership with him, and the thing fell through. Just then there was a" hegira" of Kalamazoo County people to Dakota. Judge Briggs, formerly Mr. Burrows' law partner, had decided to go there, and Mr, Burrows sought the appointment of Solicitor of the Treasury, Avith the vicAv of thereb}' securing prestige, with the ultimate purj)ose of securing employment from the Northern Pacific Bailroad at Bismarck, or some other point along its Hue. Only a portion of the members of the Michigan delegation indorsed Mr. Burrows' application for Solicitor, Judge Hubbell and an other member refusing to indorse him, and the appointment was made with the distinct agreement that it was to be tendered as a matter of form to Mr. Burrows by President Arthur and was to be declined. Tlie performance was gone through with, and Mr. Burrows as formally declined the office as he had that of In- spector of Internal Revenue in 1868, aud, although he never per- formed the duties of that office for an hour, he put in a claim for payment of sahuT and expenses of a trip to Wasliington. All of this is stated elsewhere. At the instance of Mr Burrows, I visited Philadelphia and saw Mr. Charles B. Wright, then the President of tlie Northern Pacific Railroad, with whom I was well acquainted. I urged Mr. Burrows' apj)ointment as one of the local attorneys of the road, saying that it was Mr. Burrows' intention tt) locate at ]>is- marck, "grow up with the country," and finally come in witii Dakota as one of its Senators. Wlieu I made this visit IVlr. Bur- rows had not been guilt}' of the vile treachery to Col. Stockbridge to which I referred. "JMiat will also be stated elsewhere. Mr. Wright asked me the names of some of the leading attorneys or lawyers of tlie State to whom he could write as to Mr. Jiurrows' stiinding at the bar. I gave him some thirty names, and was told subsecjuently that out of twenty-seven replies but three were favorable, and one was from Mr. Burrows' law partner. Mr. Wright showed me a letter from the late A. B. Maj^nard, of Detroit, then, I believe, United States District Attorney for the Eastern District of Michigan, in which, after acknowledging receipt of Mr, Wright's letter of inquiry, he said : " I know but little of Mr. Burrows, who is a local professional politician, who incidentally practices law when out of Congress. He has been defeated twice for the House of Representatives, and also twice for the Republican nomination. I have made inquiry and failed to ascertain that he has ever been connected with an im- portant case, and am frank to say that, as to his ability and quali- fications as an attorney, Mr. Burrows is not the first man to bring reproach upon an honorable profession by claiming to be a lawyer." Mr. Wright wrote me — and I still have his letter — saying that he was satisfied Mr. Burrows was not the man the road wanted as its attorney, and that while he wished Mr. Burrows success politically as a friend of mine, he was very much afraid, from what Mr. Ran- dall had told him, that he would not " come in as one of the Sen- ators from Dakota." Of Mr. Burrows' experiences in Dakota, it is not necessary to speak. He failed to make a living, and, although, in a formal interview in the Kalamazoo Teleyraph in May, 1883, he had an- nounced his purpose to " pull up stakes " and leave the State, he returned to Kalamazoo for the purpose of resuming amicable rela- tions with Col. Stockbridge, if possible, and making another attempt for the Republican nomination to the Forty-ninth Congress. The Forty-seventh Congress expired on March 4, 1883. Mr. Burrows did not visit Kalamazoo until the latter part of April. He carefully avoided Col. Stockbridge, as stated, and spent the summer and most of the fall in Dakota, returning late in the fall to Kalamazoo to try his luck once more in the old Kalamazoo district. He succeeded in resuming the amicable relations he desired with the late Senator Stockbridge — after telling him that he (Stockbridge) had a right to kick him (Burrows) from one end of Main street in Kalamazoo to the other for his conduct on the Brule and Ontonagon bill — for that gentleman was anxious to secure the passage of what was known as the bill so named. Col. Stockbridge, then a private citizen, had written numerous letters denouncing Julius Cissar Burrows for his action in defeating that bill in the second session of the Forty-seventh Congress, in the vain hope of securing the nomination for Senator, through the " bunch " of Upper Peninsula votes promised him by Judge Hubbell, which were also promised, as stated, to Mr. Willetts, of the Monroe district. I have several letters from Col. Stockbridge on this subject, which it was my purpose to have photo-lithographed and printed ; but the robbery referred to, together with my illness, has prevented, although I still have the original letters. After that it was plain sailing with Mr. Burrows, through the favor and friend- ship of Col. Stockbridge. Mr. Stockbridge had large interests which required occasional legislation, and Mr. Burrows having made his peace, after making the most abject and humiliating apology to Col. Stockbridge for his treachery, had learned one lesson at least, and that was to be true to the man who paid nearly all the expenses of his Congressional campaigns, loaned him money or indorsed his notes, took him into his family regularly every Sunday when Con- gress was in session for many years, and incidentally at other times ; and yet, during all this time, Julius Cresar Burrows was secretly maligning, assailing, and attacking the character of his benefactor, Francis B. Stockl)ridge. All this is well known to Schuyler S. Olds and others. I have before me a letter from one of the most noted magazine writers and a former newspaper writer of great brilliancy. No man's name is wider known in this country than his. Some 3-ears ago this gentleman told me that coming over from New York on the train one day Mr. Burrows told him that he (Burrows) would have been in the Senate long before but for the fact that rich men had taken a fancy to get into the Senate from Michigan ; that Thomas W. Palmer's election was secured through the use of money and the influence of great corporate wealth, and that Francis B. Stockbridge had his seat in the Senate bought for him twice. I also have before me the following letter from Mr. Stockbridge : " United States Senate, " Washington, D. C, September 1st, 1893. "Dear Harry: At your earliest convenience please call and see me at my house, as I wish to consult with you as to a matter in which we have a mutual interest. " Hastily yours, "FRANCIS B. STOCKBRIDGE." I called on the Senator that evening and had a long and confi- dential conversation with him. He told me that his relations with Mr. Burrows, although frank and friendly, were, as a matter of fact, almost unbearable ; that he had learned from reliable sources that Burrows was slandering and villifying him secretly ; that in spite of the fact that he (Stockbridge) had loaned Burrows considerable sums of money and had indorsed his notes for a great deal more. Burrows had circulated rumors affecting his (Stockbridge's) financial standing; that Burrows was quietly circulating rumors that he (Stockbridge) was liable to drop dead any moment from Bright's disease of the kidneys, and that he was then secretly at work throughout the State securing support as his successor. Sf^nator Stockbridge narrated many incidents showing the duplicity and hyjiocrisy of Burrows, which were not all new to me, and I frankly told the Senator some facts which surprised him very greatly. He repeated his great regret that he had allowed himself to be wheedled into forgiving Burrows for his treachery to him in the ]>rule and Ontonagon bill and helping him bac^k into Congress, and, for that mattei", keeping him there. He then said to u\v., sub- stantially, this, which 1 wrote out immediately after leaving his house : " Harry, I feel that it is niy duty to tell you that Mr. Burrows is not only not your friend, but that he is secretly doing all he can to 9 break you dowu persoually aud politicall3\ He says that you have some letters of his which will trouble him some time aud that you have three or four letters from me which will trouble him more, and he has asked me to get them from you aud destroy them. I have re- fused to do that, for the reason that you had a right to protect your- self, and I know Burrows to be such a sneak and liar that he would do either of us any dirty trick in his power to advance his own in- terests. I know to what he refers, and I hope you will keep the letters safely, and you have my permission to publish them at any time you deem necessary, althongh one — and perhaps two — is marked ' confidential.' I have tried to stop Burrows from this dirty work he has been doing toward you, and have told him that he would come to grief about it ; but he insists that it is cold politics, and that if he does not destroy you, you will destroy him. If it were not for the fact that Mrs. Stockbridge likes Washington, and that I have some special interests to look after here this winter, I would resign and divide my time between Kalamazoo, Chicago, and Mackinac. I am thoroughly sick and tired of the hypocrisy of politics, aud I would resign from the Senate to-morrow if I could properly do so. I know also from members of the House delega- tion that Burrows has thrown out hints and suggestions unfriendly to you, and that he has done the same thing wherever he could decently do so. It is not two days since I called him down for an unfriendly fling at yo», saying that he owed what he was as a par- liamentarian entirel}' to }ou, reminding him that he had repeatedl}^ said so years before, and that he had many a time said to me, when we Avere making our campaigns together, that he appreciated the fact that you had done so much for him and never stood in his way for Congress, as 3'ou could have defeated him for renomination most undoubtedly, even if you did not desire the nomination your- self." I well remember that Senator Stockbridge was deeply affected by this conversation, which brought tears to his eyes, as it did to mine. I had known the Senator since the winter of 1861, when I met him while reading law with Wilson C. Edsell, at Otsego, Alle- gan county. Mr. Stockbridge had always been my friend, and I had been his. He was a tender-hearted, generous, and forgiving man, and for the last quality Julius Csesar Burrows is to-day in- debted for his position in the Senate, as but for the forbearance of Mr. Stockbridge, Mr. Burrows would have remained in private life when he was defeated for the Forty-eighth Congress, on account of his wobbling course on the river and harbor bill of the first session of that Congress, aud his broken promises about offices in his dis- trict. The interview was a very sad one, for Mr. Stockbridge was not well, and I have never forgotten it and never shall. As stated, I wrote it out promptly, within one hour after reaching my home, and I have the notes precisely as I then wrote them. The sudden death of Senator Stockbridge the following spring was a great surprise to the public, but not to his intimate friends, who knew of his impaired health. 10 Withiu six hours after the receipt of the dispatch from Chicapjo announciug his death, Mr. Julius Csesar Burrows had flooded the State of Miehigau witli telegrams to promiueut liepublicans, asking them to wire or write Governor Rich in behalf of his apj)ointment as Senator Stockbridge's successor. Mr. Burrows kept his steuog- raplier and ty])ewriter bus}' all that day and late that night dictat- ing letters and telegrams to people throughout Michigan, asking them to write or wire Governor Eicli to appoint him Senator. To my personal knowledge, he procured an extra book of Western Union franks from the agent here for that purpose, and yet when I called at his office on F street, about 10 o'clock in the morning of May 1, 1(S94, and asked him the question if he would be a candidate for appointment, he rejdied, " Not a bit of it. I am content where I am. I don't think that Governor Rich would appoint me anyway, for he doesn't like me, and he never has liked me since we served together in the Forty-seventh Congress. Rich didn't like it because I didn't get him on the Committee on Ways and Means, wdiere he thought he ought to go, and I suppose he will appoint somebody of no account from his town who will keep the place warm for him antl allow him to slip into the Senate himself next winter." Later in the day I learned from Mr. Fry, his clerk, as well as from the stenographer and messenger, that Julius Caesar Burrow's was sending out dispatches and letters, as I have stated, requesting recipients to wire or write Governor Rich in his behalf. When I told Mr. Burrows that the rumor was current that he would be a candidate he said, "The rumor be d d. I am not doing a thing about the matter." About eleven o'clock he came to my office in the Treasury and asked me to write a laudatory article about him for the St'tr. I wrote the article very unwillingly, and have the original copy in my own handwriting, as corrected and changed by him, from which a typewritten copy was made by my typewriter, and the publication made in the Slar of May 1, 1894. That publication recited Mr. Burrows' long service in tlie House, especially on Ways and Means ; suggested that he was a " receptive candichite," and generally was of a complimentary character. I hated to write the article, because I knew that Burrows was not my friend ; and indeed I knew that he had been secretly inimical to me for several years, because I would not surrender certain letters which he desired. He said to me: "It is no use talking about my being chairman of Ways and Means, although I am next to Reed on the committee. He doesn't like me, and 1 don't like him, and for that reason I would like to go to the Senate ; but, as I told you, Rich will never appoint me, i)ecause of the reasons given." I then asked him, "If you are not appointed now, will you be a candidate next winter? If so, you had better start now and look after the candidates for the legislature, especially from your own district and county. Tiiere is Colonel Sumner of the city district. He is a good man to have returned, although you treated him very badly about the post-office in 1874. I don't know Miller, the other member, but presume yon do." To my astonishment, he replied, " Who is Miller? I don't know any 11 such mau in the legishiture from Kalamazoo county." That made me very angry, and I replied very sharply, " Wh}^ you infernal liar, there's a typewritten letter Ij'ing there on your desk addressed to him for your signature. I heard you dict3,ting it as I sat in the front room, talking with Mr. Fr}'," and with that I left his office. Mr. Burrows had charge of the Congressional committee to attend the funeral of Mr. Stockbridge, and, as is customary, had a private coach for that purpose. I had said to him that I would like to go to Kalamazoo and attend the funeral ; that I had known Mr. Stock- bridge for thirty-three years, during which period we had always been w^arm personal friends ; that I thought it would seem strange to Mrs. Stockbridge and the people at Kalamazoo if I did not come. He remarked rather sharply, " There isn't a vacant berth in the car." A member of the funeral party from here subsequentl}' told me that Burrows said to him on the car, " I shut Harry Smith out of this party for he is ' booming ' ex-Governor Blair for appointment to succeed Stockbridge, and he would try to Avork up a sentiment for Blair's appointment." And this was while Mr. Burrows Avas pre- tending to be friendly to me, constantly calling upon me, as he had done for years, for advice and assistance, and just after I had drawn and put in shape the stock-jobbing whiskey-ring investigation resolu- tion, out of which he made several thousand dollars by selling whiskey stock before introducing his resolution, which depressed it seven points, and then buying on the rebound, making money both ways, all of which is narrated in another place. Our relations during the remainder of the summer and fall were strained. As usual, I went home to vote in November, 1894, and saw Mr. Burrows both prior to and after the election. He denied being a candidate for the Senate against Mr. Patton, and on another occasion admitted it. The last conversation I had with him was in Wortley's jewelry store in Kalamazoo, when I advised him that my note for three hundred dollars, which he had indorsed and which had been discounted by the firm of Corson & Macartney, the then leading stock-broker firm in Washington, was nearly due, and that Mr. Macartney had said that at the expiration of the renewal (90 days) he should expect its payment. I then said to Mr. Burrows : " You have repeatedly promised to refund money expended by me for your political benefit in the way of attending caucuses, con- ventions, and incidental expenses in Washington. I have paid out of my own pocket considerable money for you in Washington, and you have repeatedly said, ' Keep an account of this, and when I get a little easier financially, I will meet it. It's all right.' Knowing that you had realized several thousand dollars out of the wliiskey- ring resolutions and other speculations, I said that you were abundantly able to meet this note, Avhich Avould not reimburse me by any means for the money I had paid on your account and for your interest. You replied that you believed that was so, and said again : ' Don't bother yourself about this. I will take care of the note when it matures, as I agreed, but I could not meet it now, because my campaign expenses have been very heavy.'" I did not 12 tlien know that Messrs. Blodcjett and McKay were paying his cam- paign expenses, and I took him at his word, thougli I had no special reason to have any faith whatever in any statement he made. I spoke occasionally to ^fi\ Macartney afterward about it, and he said that he had called on Senator Burrows for payment, as per agreement, and that Burrows had asked him to let the matter run along aAvhile, finally asking him to sue me for personal reasons which would be gratifying to him (BurroAvs). This narrative may seem tedious and trifling to some, but it is written in order to put myself right in the eyes of those who believe the untruthful statements which have been made by Julius Ofesar Burrows and his satellites. Every effort which was in his power has been exerted to break me down in every possible way. My business has been inquired into by his direction and in various ways has been interfered with. I have reason to believe, and do believe, that certain special employment I had was discontinued through the machinations and influence of Senator Burrows. Yet, during all this time, I have been the recipient of scores of requests from mutual friends, made at his instance, to meet Mr. Burrows in order to bring about a reconciliation. I have steadily refused all these propositions, which have come not only from Michigan people, but from personal friends in the House of Representatives and several from lobbyist " Nat " McKay and his lawyer, John S. Blair, who for years has been my personal friend. These people have represented to me that it would be to my interest to " make up " and let bygones be bj'gones. To all these suggestions and requests I have uniformly responded, " I would not trust Julius Ca?sar Burrows under any circumstances, nor believe him under oath. He has broken faith with everj'body with whom he has had political or personal dealings since I knew him, except where he is under great personal or pecuniary obligation to people who have helped him, like the Blodgetts, ex-Senator Palmer, the Pennsylvania B. E., lobbyist ' Nat ' McKay and others." My very first acquaint- ance with him, beyond a sight acquaintance, commenced in 1870, while he was doing his best to disgrace that gallant Michigan hero, Gen. William L. Stoughtou, and defeat his reuomination for a second term, to which, under the well-established custom in the Republican party in Michigan, he was entitled. Elsewhere are submitted paragraphs taken from the files of the Kalamazoo Telegraph of the spring and summer of 1870, prior to the lioldiug of the (/ongressional convention, where General Stoughtou was trium])hautly vindicated hy a r«Miomination. From that time to date I cannot recall a campaign in which l^urrows has not bitterly and vindictively attacked not only his Democratic opponents, but those in the Republican party who were not friendly to his ambition. He assailed the honesty and integrity of Allen Potter, of Kalamazoo; he did the same with George L. Yaple, of St. Joe county, and so on througli tli(! wiiolc! long line of candidates against him, or Repub- licans who opposed his political ambition. I iiave already referred to liis shameful treachery to Colonel Stockbridge, and I could name 13 scores of other instances if they were needed. But they are not. Throughout the State of Michigan, outside of the federal office- holding "push" and the personal Burrows contingent, the name of Julius C?esar Burrows stands as a synonym for duplicity, hj'pocris}^ demagoguery, treachery, and falsehood. This is not a mere figure of speech born of personal prejudice and passion, but the cold, frozen, sober truth. I have heard hundreds of leading Republicans throughout the State say as much ; and yet they have not the courage to stand up openly and be counted as they have privately expressed themselves. Of course, most of these people are poli- ticians, with possible political futures, but the great body of Repub- licans with whom Julius Cnesar Burrows has come in contact throughout the State, especially those who have sought office at his hands, know this statement to be absolutely true. And this brings me to the tinale of this branch of my narrative. THE CHALLENGE. [From Grand Rapids Herald {R.), Augud 1, 1807.] RECORD OF BURROWS. Secretary Rose Talks of the Senator'sWork. CONSISTENT ON THE TARIFF. Best Possible Bill That Could Pass the Senate. Republican Measure in Every Line — No Defence of Mr. Bur- rows Necessary in the Stand He Took — Mr. Rose Denies That He is Here to Boom Him for Re-election. Seated at a roll-top desk upon the upper floor of the Widdicomb Building, coat and cuffs upon a chair near by, a palm-leaf fan in his left hand, and a pen in his right, sat Henry M. Rose, secretary 14 to Senator Burrows, as the Herald representative accosted him yesterday. " Then these are the Burrows headquarters ? " was the first sahi- tatiou. "Oh, all that talk about my returninui; to Grand Ilapids to open headquarters and to boom Stmator Burrows for re-election is merely newspaper gossip," said Mr. Hose. " I have sim})ly returned to take up the routine correspondence just where I left it in Washing- ton. I did the same last summer and the summer before. The morning mails j'ou see upon the desk is but a fair sample of what this routine corres])ondence consists of." When questioned about Mr. Burrows' career in the Senate, the loyal secretary said, with seeming modesty : " I think the Senator's record is well understood, and I do not possibly see how he could have secured a better recognition or accomplished more for his con- stituency. He took his seat in the Senate in January, 1895, when the Democratic party was in control of the body, and during the remainder of the session employed his time in familiarizing himself with the new surroundings, and learning the full import of the term ' senatorial courtesy,' which seems to require that a member shall not essay to speak upon any question during his initiatory session, and that when once permitted the floor he shall hold it as long as he chooses, " When the Republicans secured control of the committee organi- zations of the Senate in January, 1S9(), Mr. Burrows was made chairman of tiie Committee on Revision of the Laws, which he now holds and which gives him one of the handsomest rooms in the Capitol, was made a member of the important committees on Privi- leges and Elections, Coast Defenses, and Banks and Banking. The people of the country do not seem to generally understand the Republicans do not have absolute control of the Senate. They have been permitted to select the majority members of the committees — that is all. They are not in the majority. Hence it is the tarift" bill meets some criticism from certain quarters. I am satisfied it is a Republican measure in every line and that it is the best })ossible bill that could be passed through the Senate as now constituted. Received High Recognition. "As is well ku(nvn, when Senator Sherman resigned his seat in the body there Avas something of a strife among tiie Republican Senators to secure the coveted position he had vacated u])on the Committee on Finance. The finace committee handles all tariff legislation as well as all measures pertaining to the currenc3\ Senators Hanna, Thurston, and Piatt, of New York, were anxious to succeed Mr. Slu^rman ujion this committee. Senator Sewall, of New Jersey, who was a mrmber of the 'steering committee ' that reports tlu; makeuj) of all connnittees to the Rc])ul)lican caucus, also desired the place. Mr. Burrows was given it l)y almost a unanimous vote, which speaks far more than any feeble words of mine can the estimates his colleagues in the Senate have for him. He had 15 served iipou the Ways aud Means Committee in the Hovise of Rep- resentatives, and the question of iitness alone determined his selec- tion. A second great honor came to him when he was chosen a member of the committee on conference upon the tariff bill. In fact, I can conceive of nothing Senator Burrows could have received during the extraordinary session of Congress that would have added anything to his credit or honor. The very highest recognition was accorded him. " You ask about his labors upon the conference committee. Senator Burrows has always been known as a protectionist. His record upon tariff legislation has been consistent during all his long term of service. 1 am aware he is criticised some for advocating a two-dollar duty upon lumber and voting for a small duty upon hides. In taking this course he was consistent. The Republicans who criticise him are inconsistent. Eight and ten years ago the very men who clamor for a $1 duty were advocating upon the stump and elsewhere a 12 duty. They have, however, transferred their business interests to Canada since then. It had been proved that a $1 duty was not sufficient to keep out the lumber of British America and Canada, just as it had been shown that a tariff of four or seven cents on wools of the first and second class would not keep out the wools of Asia and Australia. His Position on Tariff Bill. " Senator Burrows not only recognized the lumber industry as one worthy of adequate protection, but he labored incessantly to protect the interests of the American farmer. He fought for a just wool schedule and the protection given the cedar, dressed lumber, gj'psum, iron, and other interests in his State. He worked just as strenuously for the interests of the Michigan cigar-makers, and I happen to know that it was through his personal efforts that a 15 cents concession was given upon imported wrappers, while it was his desire to secure a much more fav()ral)le rate for manufacturers. It is not necessary, however, for any one to make a defense of Senator Burrows' position upon the tariff bill. As I said, it is a Republican measure ; it is a revenue-raising measure, and a pro- tective measure. It may not be as perfect as it might have been had the Republican party been in control of both branches of Congress. In signing it the President has but carried out the wishes of the people who elected him ; in voting for it the Repub- lican members but carried out the pledges made b}^ the party in its national phitform. It seems to me no real good Republican will criticise either for the action. " Senator Burrows has been at Atlantic City since the adjourn- ment of Congress. He will leave there for a trip up the great lakes this week, and will remain at Mackinac Island during the greater part of the summer. I am sure he deserves and needs this rest, for I never knew a man in public life to devote more time or energy to his work than he. His hours were from 7 in the morning until midnight during his service upon the finance committee, and at the close of the session he clearly showed the effects of the great strain." THE REPLY. HARRY SM B One Kalamazoo Man Discusses and Dis= sects Another. riie Ex-Journal Clerk Thinks He Sees a Public Duty 15efi>re Him, And He Proceeds to Perform It With a (ireat Deal of \'igor. To the /ulHor : I enclose you lieiewitli a co{)y of a letter to Mr. Conger, Editor of the Grand Ilapids Herald^ in re])]y to an inter- view with Mr. Henry M. Hose, which I find in Mr. Conger's paper. The letter contains facts which have not heretofore been printed, and I offer it to you in the hope that you will lay it before the voters of the State of Michigan, to whom 1 feel it my duty to explain these matters. I am not sanguine that Mr. (/onger will print it, because 1 uniler!-:tand he is a candidate for postmaster at Ciand Ivapids, while the principal owner of the Ilendil has aspirations for a Ger- man consulate or something equally as good. Being thus somewhat beholden to Mr. Burrows, at least in anticipation, I infer that they may not care to print the truth about him. HENRY U. SMITH. Front Royal, Va., Any. 19, 1897. Mr. Smith's Li'.ttek. To t/ui h^Titor of t/te Herald: lam just in receipt of a coj)}- of vour issue of the 1st instant, containing a carefully prepared "inter- view " with Henry M. Rose, who is described as " secretary to Sen- ator Burrows," altliough he is officially known to the Senate as clerk to the Committee on Revision of tiie Laws. Why did not Mr. Rose tell the readers of tlu! Ihrahl the important fact that since Julius C;esar liurrows was made chaiiinan of the 17 important (?) Committee on Revision of the Laws, on December 30, 1895, not one single bill, petition, or resolution has been referred to the committee, that but one meeting has been held, and that meet- ing was a sort of social gathering in January, 1896, which convened at the request of Chairman Buirows mainly for the purpose of ap- proving the highly commendable and proper selection of Mr. Rose as clerk of a committee which never has any business referred to it, and, consequently, never meets ! Of course Mr. Rose was too loyal to his chairman — as well as to himself — to ssij that, bu'. the truth should be told, " even though the heavens fall." In the summer of 1882 the Senate Committee on Rules met in recess for the ])arpose of revising the rnles of the Senate, and unan- imously agreed to recommend the abolition or " extinguishment " of the Committee on Revision of the Laws, as being useless and un- necessary. Before making its final report, however, as a matter of " Senatorial courtesy " — at the request of the Senator then chairman of that committee — said recommendation was omitted. I have no means at present of " searching the record," but I will bet Mr. Rose a barrel of cider or " winter pippins " that the Com- mittee on the Revision of the Laws of the Senate has not reported five bills during the last fifteen years. So much for the "importance" of that committee. Then Mr. Rose says his chairman is a " member of the important committees on Privileges and Elections, Claims, Coast Defences, and Banks and Banking." A Reference to Mr. "Gas Addicks." Now, this is not only disingenuous — not to say grossly inaccurate — in Mr. Rose, but it is a clear case of n'l'jjpressio veri with the usual accompaniment of suggestio falsi . I don't want Mr. Rose to think, and trust he will not think, I am imitating Daniel O'Connell in a notable incident in a London fish market and slinging epithets or opprobrious language at him. But the fact must be told. The Committee on Privileges and Elections " in days gone by " was a committee of responsibilit}', honor, and dignity. For many years past it has followed the bad rule of the House committee, so aptly stated by Thad. Stevens, of " sticking by its own d — d rascal." Its reports and recommendations have been so frequently reversed by the Senate of late that it is now "rated" as a second-class com- mittee, though it has always had some strong men on it. The principal service that Mr. Rose's chairman has rendered on that committee consists in championing the absurd claims of the notorious " Gas " Addicks of Delaware to a seat in the Senate — to which no honest man of average intelligence Avill say he was elected — and, by reversing his vote — first given in favor of Henry A. DuPont — denying that gentleman his seat on a petty technicality, and, as a result, seating a silver Democrat from that State. The Committee on Post-offices and Post Roads is a good com- mittee, but there is nothing on that committee for " Nat " McKay, and Mr. Burrows will soon disappear from it. 18 Mk. Burrows' Friend Mr. McKay. As to the Committee on Claims — to which Mr. Burrows was assigned at his own request — it is only necessary to say that the principal work performed by Mr. Rose's chairman on that committee consists in reporting sundry large claims — priucipallj' of contracts for " irou-clads " built during the late war — in which Mr. Nathaniel McKay, the leading Wasliington " promoter of legislation," is largely interested. As Mr. McKay is known to have assisted in " pro- moting" the election of Mr. Rose's chairman to the Senate, and as he gave him a swell dinner on his arrival in Washington in January, 1895, as Senator-elect, it may be possible that this is akin to the incident of Sam Weller's upset of the coach of the opposing voters — a " mere coincidence." The Committee on Coast Defenses — like that of Revision of the Laws — is a mere ornamental committee, which exists solely to give a new Senator (McBride, of Oregon) a clerk and a committee room. Cuts No Ice. As to the Committee on Banks and Banking referred to by Mr. Rose, it is only necessary to say there is no such committee. There is, however, a Committee on National Banks — another ornamental committee — created in the Fifty-third Congress, to give a new Democratic Senator a clerk and committee room. It is a select or temporary committee, however, and its chairman is Senator Mantle, of Montana — silver Republican — who, with the two Democratic members, makes the committee " agin the banks." Fortunately for the interests of the national banks, the committee never meets. How Mr. Burrows Got There. Mr. Rose speaks with exceeding joy of the fact that his cliairman is a member of the important committee on finance, but again he is disingenuous, and, I regret to say, is again guilty of suppressio veri combined with snggestio falsi. There Avas a strife for the vacancy caused by the resignation of Senator Sherman, and the names of two Western Senators — Hanna and Thurston — were first mentioned for the place. The real candidates, however, were Senators Piatt, of New York; Sewell, of New Jersey, and Mr. Rose's chairman. The vacancy properly belonged to the West, as the chairman (Mor- rill, of Vermont), Aldrich, of Rliode Island, and Piatt, of Connecti- cut, were from the East, and the retiring StMiator i Sherman) was a Western man. Seiuitor Piatt, of New York, claimed the place by reason of his previous service in the Senate and because he was the sole Repul)li('an Senator from the Empire State. A Case of Jones. The Western Republican Senators had the " bulge " on their East- ern brethren in tliis matter, for they had Jones, of Nevada, beliind them, without whose vote they could not " turn a wheel " in the finance committee. Senator Jones' demands were few, but they 19 were imperative, aud at the very front was his demand on behalf of the Northwestern (silver) States for a dut}' of 20 per cent, on hides. What mattered it to him that free hides was an established Repub- lican principle or doctrine? What mattered it that no duty had ever been imposed on hides until 1842, when a dut}- of 5 per cent, was imposed for revenue ; that it was reduced to 4 per cent, b}- the Walker tariff of 1846 ; that it was restored to 5 per cent, by the act of 1857; that it was increased by the Morrill "War Tariff" act of August, 1861, to only 10 per cent.; that it was repealed by the act of 1872, when revenue was no longer needed, aud that no duty Avas ever proposed in either house of Congress pending the acts of 1883, 1890, aud 1894 ? His constituents in Nevada— a grand total of 10,323 at the last election in that State — the great " cattle barons " of Texas and the millionaire " packers " of Chicago, Kansas City, and elsewhere, Avanted this duty, aud it was a part of his " ultima- tum." Senator Julius Ciiesar Burrows, when a member of the Committee on Ways aud Means of the House of Representatives in the Fifty- first Congress, voted against a proposed duty. He had heard Major McKinley, in the Ways aud Means Committee room, read to the Republican members the following letter from Secretary Blaine on this subject : The Yoice of Blaine on Hides. Washington, D. C, April 10, 1890. Dear Mr. McKinley : It is a great mistake to take hides from the free list, where they have been for so many years. It is a slap in the face to the South Americans with whom we are trying to enlarge our trade. It will benefit the farmer by adding 5 to 8 per cent, to the price of his children's shoes. It will yield a profit to the butcher only — the last man that needs it. The movement is injudicious from beginning to end — in every form aud phase. Pray stop it before it sees light. Such movements as this for protection will protect the Republican party into a speedy retirement. Yours hastily, JAMES G. BLAINE. Was Burrows a Traitor? Senator Burrows well kuew that the sentiment of the Republican voters of Michigan was overwhelmingly against a duty on hides. He knew that the great tanning, shoe, and leather industries of Michigan had been adjusted to the stable Republican polic}' of free hides, and that any duty whatever Avas a serious bloAv to them. He kuew that no farmer in Michigan or elsewhere raised cattle for their hides ; that beef was the sole consideration ; that the supply was regulated wholly by the demand for beef, and that a duty on hides would not increase or decrease the domestic product by one single hide, and that no farmer would be benefited a nickel by a duty, Avhile, ou the contrary, it Avould destroy our growing export trade 'JO and incre.ase the prices of shoes to tlie farmer's family " from 5 to 8 per cent." He knew all this, for he had said so in a speech ; but iDeyond that he knew it from able and experienced men, such as " Uncle Jim " Monroe of Kalamazoo, and Judge Marsdeu Burch of Grand Rapids, who made special trips to Washington to urge him to rightly represent the great and important interests of Michigan in respect to this matter by voting against the proposed or any duty on hides. These gentlemen were his principal " managers " in his contest for the Senatorship ; they were in close touch with the Republican voters of Michigan, and they told him that he would make the mis- take of his political career if he voted for any duty on hides. This is a Serious Charge, Why did he not listen to them and the scores of petitions and protests he had received from his constituents? The answer is easy and short. Senator Julius Csesar Burrows promised not onl}' to sup- port the proposed duty on hides which Senator John P. Jones of Nevada demanded, but made other pledges to vote against the in- terests of Michigan in order to get on the finance committee, and the thing was settled. When Mr. Rose says that Senator Burrows was assigned to the finance committee " by almost a unanimous vote," he states what is grossly incorrect, and when he says that " the question of fitness alone determined his selection," he states, what is not true. The bill, with several hundred amendments, was already reported to the Senate when Mr. Burrows was appointed a member of the finance committee, and while, as a matter of course, the " compro- mises " between the two houses were yet to be made, the men who made them Avere Senators Allison, Aldrich, and Jones, of Nevada. Notiiing is better known tlian that. Julius Caesar Burrows was a mere fly on the steer's horn, and, save when he violated all parlia- mentary law and propriety and voted — as a conferee — against the instructions of the Senate on the two-dollar lumber vote, he was as unimportant and inconsequential — save that he had a vote — as the nuissenger of the committee. Senator McMillan Responsible for Burrows' Ai'Pointment on the Finance Committee. But with the support of Jones, of Nevada, and the " odds and ends" he could pick n\) for the place, he would have ignominiously failed to reach the prize had Scniator McMillan not been chairman of the " Committee on (/ommittees," sometimes designated as the caucus or " steering committee." Senator McMillan stands high in the Senate and has the confidence of that body. He has rendered Michigan valuable and important service — more, perhajis, in one session than Julius Ca\sar Ibirrows has rendered during iiis entire three years in the Senate — and it was possible for him, after having tactfully arranged committi'c pl;is for otiuir Sciiatois. to ask a 21 favor — not for himself — but for the State of Michigan. Looking to its important and varied tariff interests, Avhat more natural than that Senator McMillan, then voluntarily out of the race for a third terra, should desire to place his colleague where he could be of " some service to the State." It never entered his mind for a second that Mr. Burrows could be so false and recreant to the interests of Michigan as to vote for a duty on hides in spite of the overwhelming sentiment of the great tanning and leather interests of Michigan represented here by his trusted lieutenants "Uncle Jim" Monroe and Judge Burch. Is it possible that he would have made that assignment had he supposed for a second that his colleague would have been false to the interests of nine-tenths of the people of Michigan on the lumber schedule? An honest man himself, lie never thought a Senator could be guilty of such perfidy and treachery, leaving out the theory of corrupt motives, and he fully believed he could control the junior Senator ou these questions. Indeed, it is more than probable that he believed that self-interest alone and the advice of " Uncle Jim " Monroe would keep his colleague right. He did not kuow^ Julius Cneser Burrows then, but he knows him now, and I shall be sur- prised if, in the face and teeth of the exposure of the career and character of that colossal demagogue and hypocrite and political and personal " rotten -egg " individual, yoked to lobbyist "Nat" McKa}' wuth hooks of steal, he will, when the time comes, give his influence and support to the re-election of Julius Ca3sar Burrows, whose character and standing in the Senate before January 1, 1898, wall be a disgrace to the State of Michigan and a reproach to the Senate and nation. A BuEROws Incident. The Constitution of the United States (article 1, section 7, clause 1) provides that " all bills for raising revenue shall originate in the House of Representatives." Prior to his election to the Senate, Senator Burrows had served, at intervals, 16 years in the House of Representatives, and eight years ou the Committee on Ways and Means. During that service he had voted on a proposition denying to the Senate the right to origi- nate either a revenue or general appropriation bill. Yet on the 27th day of December, 1$95, in the first session of the Fifty-fourth Congress, with that majestic dignity which is his dis- tinguishing characteristic, he rose in the Senate, secured the atten- tion of the Chair and attempted to introduce a revenue (tariff) bill. In order to do Mr. Rose's chairman even and exact justice, I quote from the Record the entire " incident." " Mr. BuRROW^s. I introduce a bill, and, if I may be indulged a word in explanation, it will avoid the necessity of reading the bill in ex- tenso. By the tariff act of 18i)o a large niamber of articles were placed on the free list hitherto dutiable. By the measure which has just passed the House of Representatives (H. R. 2749, to tem- porarily increase revenue and meet the expenses of the Government 22 aiul provide against a deficiency) the rate of taxation of the dutiable list, as it now exists, has been increased, but the articles made free by the Wilson act, with the exception of wool and lumber, remain on the free list. The bill I propose is to restore to the dutiable list the articles taxable under the law of 1890, imposing upon them a rate of duty in harmony with the bill just passed by the House of Kepresentatives. " Mr. Shekman. I wish to call the attention of the Senator from Michigan to the fact that this body has no right to originate a bill imposing duties on imported goods, or in any measure a revenue bill ; therefore, the bill should be ofifered in the nature of an amend- ment to the House bill." Here's the Nut of It. " Mr. Burrows. I intended to offer the bill that it might be re- ferred to the Committee on Finance and considered by that com- mittee, with the hope that it would be engrafted as an amendment of the revenue bill. Of coui'se I was aware of the fact that revenue measures cannot originate in the Senate. " Mr. Sherman. It is contrary to the Constitution for the Senate to attempt such legislation, except in the way of an amendment to the House bill. I think it had better be introduced as an amendment. " Mr. Burrows. I will offer it as an amendment. " The Vice-President. The proposed amendment will be referred to the Committee on Finance." I happened to be in the Senate gallery at the time, and observed the confusion of Senator Burrows on account of the quite general laughter on both sides of the chamber which followed the friendly advice given him by Senator Sherman. I heard the entire; affair, and the words in full-face type were not spoken b}^ Senator Bur- rows on the floor, but were inserted bj' him as an afterthonght to cover up his ignorance. Smith Had a Chance to Know. It will be observed that he repeatedly refers to the bill he had " introduced," and that in the very paragraph in which he interpo- lated the fuU-face-type words he says : " I intended to offer the bill," etc., and yet this " afterthought" does not agree or " consist " with his "forethought." And yet Mr. Rose would deceive tlie Herald readers l)y making them believe that Mr. Burrows was ap- pointed on the finance coinmittee by reason of his long service on the Ways and Means Committee of the House and his pre-eminent fitness for the place. That service as stated had absolutely nothing to do with his selecition on the finance committee. During nearly all of Mr. Iburows' service in the House I had, as journal clerk of the House, the very best opjiortunity to know his status and about his work, and I have no hesitation in saying that, beyond a sophomoric speech full of " glittering generalities," he had but little to sav about the details of the McKinley bill, and when 23 the proper time arrives I will show that he was so badly " worsted " in a five-miuute debate that his only escape from utter humiliation was to change his remarks in the Record. The Conference Committee. Finally, as to the appointment of Mr. Rose's chairman as a member of the committee on conference on the tariff bill. There is no rule of either house of Conpjress fixing the number of con- ferrees on a bill or subject in dispute between the two houses. Until the tariff act of 1883, a conference committee was composed of three members of each body, two of the majority and the third of the minority party. It was then increased to five members aud on the McKinley bill to seven, the same number on the Wilson-Gorman act of 1894. As the House accepted verb, et lit. the Senate amend- ments to that bill, the Republican conferrees had nothing to do. When the Dingley bill passed the Senate, a conference with the House was moved by Senator Allison, and the number of conferrees of each house fixed at eight. This had all been arranged before- hand with Speaker Reed and Chairman Dingley and was done to "compose " — so to speak — an embarrassing situation in each house, or rather in the two committees of ways and means and finance. With a committee of seven, the House Republican conferrees would be — following their order of rank on the committee — Messrs, Dingley, of Maine, Payne, of New York, Dalzell, of Pennsylvania, and Hopkins, of Illinois. On Grosvenor's Account. General Grosvenor, of Ohio, was extremely anxious to be a con- ferree in order to look after the wool interests of Ohio, and Senator Hanaa was extremely anxious that he should be. Speaker Reed refused to advance Grosvenor over Hopkins, and as there was a general feeling on the part of the Republican managers that there were too many Eastern members on the conference, the proposition of an increase was readily agreed to by Senator Jones, of Nevada, who desired the assistance of Senator Burrows in retaining the Senate amendment fixing a duty of 20 per cent, on hides as well as in respect to certain other Senate amendments. But for this con- dition of affairs Senator Burrows would not have been a member of the conference committee, while it is worthy of note that he was not appointed a member of the finance committee until after the Dingley bill had been reported to the Senate. Expensive for Michigan. The House conferrees fought valiantly against a duty on hides, and a majority of the Senate conferrees as valiantly for it. As a compromise, it was fixed at 15 per cent., with a drawback on all leather exported made from imported hides. As a result — it was stated by Senator Aldrich — this would bring in a revenue of $700,000, and that fully one-half that sum, if not over $400,000, 24: would be paid out under tlie drawback provision. This would leave a net revenue ot" $300,000, at a cost to the tanuiuf^, shoe, and leather industries of Michigan alone of more than twice that sum. BUIIROWS AND THE LOOKING-GLASS. Mr. Rose is discreetly silent as to the part his chairman played in respect to the rates of duty on looking-glass plate. Perhaps the furniture manufacturers of Grand Rapids will be interested in knowing that in spite of the almost frantic appeals of Senator Burrows to liis Republican associates on the conference committee, and his frenzied declaration that his political salvation depended on getting the glass schedule fixed as he desired, his associates were deaf, dumb, and probably blind, as well as indifferent, to his " political salvation," and the best he could get was a reduction of rates that will not help tiie entire furnitme interests of Grand Rapids $1,000 a yeair. Ah! How About Lumber? Mr. Rose refers to the appointment of his chairman on the con- ference committee as a " second great honor," and joyfully remarks that he " can conceive of nothing Senator Burrows could have received during the extraordinary session of Congress that would have added anything to his credit or honor." Mr. Rose is discreetly silent in respect to the conduct of his chairman as a member of the conference committee in respect to lumber. By a yea and uaj^ vote on July 1, the Senate fixed the rate at $1 per thousand on white pine, and under the unbroken practice in both houses of Congress, he was in honor bound to adhere to that expression of the Senate in respect to that rate. There is no occasion for me to discuss the ])ropriety of the vote of Mr. Burrows in the Senate for a $2 rate. He so voted, and was defeated by the Senate, and when the subject of selecting the number as well as names of confei'rees on the part of the Senate was under consideration, the veteran chairman of the finance committee (Senator Morrill of Vermont) discussed this identical question with Senators Allison, Aldrich, and Piatt, of Connecticut, the other Republican members of the finance committee. Senator Morrill was in favor of the rate which was fixed by the McKinley law of 1890 at $1 per thousand, for which Mr. Burrows then voted, and he also voted in the Committee of Ways and Means against an amendment fixing the rate at $2 per thousand. Turned Down His Chairman. Senator Morrill insisted that the vote of the Senate on this subject should al)solutely control the couferrees, under the long established ])ractic(' of the Senate. He was assured that such would be the action of the Senate conferrees, and yet it is authoritativel}- stated that from the moment the Republican couferrees met to consider the diffensnces between the two houses of Congress, Senator Burrows 25 commenced his labors to defeat the expressed will and order of the Senate in regard to this duty. All the usages and proprieties in the matter were thrown to the Avinds by Senator Burrows, who fought desperately for the $2 rate. His course at the time w-as severely criticised by his Republican colleagues on the committee, as well as other members of the Senate, and he was called sharply to account for it on the floor of the Senate, but he remained mute. What has Mr. Rose or his chairman to say in defense of that action, which, I venture to say, is without precedent ? Senator Burrows took advantage of the grave situation of aifairs, when it w-as barely possible to obtain and hold a quorum of Republican Senators, to force his Republican colleagues on the conference committee to recede from that amendment and yield to the Hoiise couferrees. I challenge him or any other man to point to a single precedent where the yea and nay vote of the Senate on an important question was overridden and defied in this way. Why Mr. Smith Writes. This letter has been written hastily and under the great dis- advantage of being a hundred miles from Washington, without access to important details. Regarding it as a duty to point out the gross misstatements made by Mr. Rose in respect to the record and status of his chairman in the Senate of the United States, 1 have written the foregoing, and submit it for the information not onl}^ of the readers of the Herald, but of the Republican voters of Michigan who have a right to call Senator Burrows to account for his conduct and votes in the Senate. HENRY H. SMITH. Front Royal, Va., Ang. 19, 1897. The Editor of the Grand Rapids Herald, Mr. E. D. Conger, ac- knowledged the receipt of my letter, as follows : Grand Rapids Herald, Grand Rapids, Mich., Aug. 21, '97. Mr. Henry H. Smith, 40-41 Kellogg Bldg., Washington, D. C. Dear Sir : Yours of the 19th inst. enclosing communication for publication was received this morning. I have carefully read your article and concluded that for the present, at least, we do not care to publish same in the Herald. With your permission, however, I Avill retain jour manuscript, as it is not impossible that at some future time we will want to avail our- selves of the information and statements contained therein. Yours very truly, E. D. CONGER, Manager. 26 \Dei7'oit Neti's Editorial.'] (Tuesday, Aug. 24, 1897.) HARRY SMITH'S ANALYSIS OF SENATOR BURROWS. Mr. Henry M. Rose's receut labored defense of the record of Senator Julias C. Burrows, whose private secretary he is, has called out a most interesting letter from the pen of Mr. Henry H. Smith, former journal clerk of the House, than whom few men are more conversant with either the ways of the Kalamazoo statesman or the methods by which legislative affairs are conducted at Washington. Having known and observed Johnny Blodgett's Senator for many years, Mr. Smith naturally falls short of the admiration which Mr. Rose feels for the man Avliose influence keeps him in touch with a comfortable salary, and he cruelly exposes the fallacies contained in the secretary's eulogistic interview. First off, he reveals with unpitying fidelity the meaningless char- acter of several of the honors and dignities with which the faithful secretary has sought to create an atmosphere of greatness for his Senator. He points out that two of the Senator's "important" committees, including that on " Revision of Laws," of which he is chairman, are purely ornamental and without influence in legislation. Next he proceeds to call attention to the fact that Mr. Burrows' most notable action as a member of the discredited Committee on Privileges and Elections has been his championship of the notorious " Gas " Addicks, of Delaware, whose eftVontery in aspiring to a seat in the Senate to which he was not elected shocked decent men of all parties throughout the country'. It is also notable that this championship Anally resulted in the seating of a silver Democrat in ])lace of Mr. Dupont, who was the other Republican claimant. With regard to the Senator's membership in the Committee on Claims, Mr. Smith appeals to the record to show that its greatest activit}' has been in })romoting claims in which Nathaniel McKa}^ a prominent lobbyist who banqueted Mr. Burrows when he returned to Washington as a Senator, is interested. At this point the merciless presenter of facts leaves the lesser for the greater and comes down to the Burrows record in the recent tariff' contest, and the showing is one under which the junior Senator must wince. In reply to Mr. Rose's statement that " the question of fitness alone determined his (Senator Burrows') selection " as a member of the Committee on Finance, Mr. Smith charges circum- stantially and with corroborative testimony that the appointment was secured at the price of a promise to support Senator John P. Jones' indefensible duty on hides and of other pledges inimical to the best interests of jNIicliigan. Mr. Smith's (exposition of the facts concerning the hide duty is caustic, and his argunnrnt relating to the manner in which Senator Burrows became a member of the com- mittee convincing. These charges he supplements with a showing that, with all his boasted influence, the Senator was unable to do auvthiuj' considerabh^ for th(! furniture interests of the State in the 27 matter of looking-glass plate, and then he comes down to the lumber schedule, in the contest over which Senator Burrows violated every precedent of the Senate in order to pay his debts to political friends who demanded the $2 rate on white pine. Mr. Smith challenges the Senator or his friends to find another instance in which a mem- ber of a conference committee betrayed the confidence of the Senate by going against its policy declared in a yea and nay vote. Taken all in all, the document Mr. Smith has produced is likely to keep the Senator, the Senator's secretary, and the Senator's re- maining friends feverishly busy during the months that remain be- fore the question of selecting his successor is decided. The letter of Hon. Arthur Hill is so appropriate as a clincher to my statement of the tricker}^ treachery, and dishonesty of Julius CjBser Burrows that I insert it here with the remark that he has not yet told all he knows about the " Columbian Orator." It will be in- teresting when the fact develops — as it will — that the other " con- feree " who sold out his State, party, and character, is also one of lobbyist "Nat" McKay's regular "guests," and that " Nat " very properly acted as driver on the occasion referred to. Who'll be the next victim ? SAYS BURROWS IS A BETRAYER. LUMBERMAN HILL AFTER THE JUNIOR SENATOR. OPEN LETTER ABOUNDING IN PERTINENT QUESTIONS. HIS INTIMACY WITH NAT McKAY BROUGHT OUT. BURROWS'S TOTE FOR MISSISSIPPI AGAINST MICHIGAN. Saginaw, Mich., Dec. 14. — Hon. Arthur Hill, Saginaw's wealthy and prominent lumberman, has addressed the following open letter to Senator J. C. Burrows : Hon. J. C. Burrows, United States Senate, Washington, D. C, Sir : Four years ago you were elected to represent the State of Michigan and its people in the United States Senate. On July 24, 1897, pending the final passage of the Dingley tariff bill, you ad- dressed the Senate in advocacy of a $2 duty on white pine lumber, and you said : 28 " I am uware of the faot that the people of my own State are someAvhat divided upon this question, and if I was a protectionist for Michigan only, the question would be a very difficult and em- barrassing one for me to solve. " In considering this question I look beyond the State of Michi- gan to discover, if possible, the magnitude and needs of this great industry." You then went forward and presented this telegram : " Hattiesuurg, Miss., July 6, 1897. — We implore you and other friendly senators to prevent reduction of $1 duty on Avhite pine lumber. Discrepancy in freight rates in favor of Canada over the south has already destroyed yellow pine industry. Without §2 pro- tection we cannot expect to survive. " B. J. NEWMAN LUMBEK CO." But, Senator, when you thus looked " beyond " the State of Mich- igan to Mississippi, why did you not state to your colleagues that Mr. Blodgett, of Grand Rapids, Mich., was the owner of an immense tract of yellow pine timber, equal to half a count}', in the immediate vicinit}^ of Hattiesburg, Miss., and that as to this telegram, as you well knew, the hand was Newman's but the voice was Blodgett's ? Your only mention of Mr. Blodgett's name is where you defend him against tlie charge made in the debate, that he was " the man who manipulates the election of Senators from Michigan." And while you were looking " beyond " the State of Michigan, to Grand Rapids via Mississippi, for reasons for advocating the ^2 lumber duty, you knew, as you stated, that the people of your own State "were somewhat divided on the question." Gubernatorial OrrosiTioN. You knew that opposed to the doubling of the McKiuley duty of $1 per 1,000 on pine lumber was our entire line of living Repub- lican Governors — Hazen S. Pingree, John T. Rich, Cyrus G. Luce, and Russell A. Alger. They believed tliat a %\ duty was all the people ought to pay, and also that to increase the rate would seriously disturb the woodwork- ing industries of Michigan. You knew, too, that it was opposed as unwise and unfair by Hon. Dexter M. F«nTy, chairman of the Republican State Central Com- mittee, and by such true Republicans and broadminded business men connected with the lumber industry as D. Whitney, Jr., of De- troit, Ezra Rust, of Saginaw, and Ammi W. Wright, of Alma, and by Dr. David Ward, of Detroit, who owns more standing ]nne in Mich- igan than any other five men in the State. You had heard read, too, the protest signed by 2G of our leading mill and lumbering firms, setting forth that if a %"! duty were placed on white pine lumber, Canada would so legislate as to prevent them from getting their Canadian cut logs to their Michigan mills (and this Icgishitioii has since been enacted iind is now in force); and you 29 still looked " beyond " Michigan and settled the question in favor of Mississippi. I understand and regret the relations which made the problem an embarrassing one for jou to solve in favor of your own State, but this I can plainly say : that no member of the Senate had so little right to vote the duty on white pine lumber from $1 to $2 per 1,000, with its inevitable consequences, as yourself. You were familiar with the position of Michigan on the lumber tariff question, for it was before you as a member of the Waj^s and Means Committee of the House continually for consideration. Our State was for years the leading producer of white pine lumber and defended the $2 duty down to the time of the passage of the McKinley bill in 1890, when a change in circumstances led to a change of policy. The Michigan pineries were becoming exhausted. Our mills were beginning to draw on Canada for logs. The Amer- ican import duty on lumber was $2 per thousand and the Canadian export duty on logs was also $2. BuRROws's Night Visits. The House and Senate finally agreed on a lumber schedule provid- ing in effect that if Canada would abolish the export duty on logs the duty on lumber would be reduced to $1 per thousand and, as you will recall, sir, the very clause which covered this provision for $1 duty on lumber and free logs was framed, or at least presented, by yourself, who, at the time, represented the interests of the people of the State of Michigan. Seven years later, when our lumbermen, under this arrangement, have invested millions of dollars in Canadian pineries, and with the merest remnant of our own white pine left, you vote back the $2 duty and cut off the log supply, and shut down the mills and fac- tories, and bring serious loss, and in some cases ruin, to men who put money into Canadian timber to keep alive their buisness in Michigan. Why did you represent Michigan in 1890 and Mississip])i in 1897 ? And with this question answered, there is yet another which, as one of your constituency, I have the right to ask. It relates to the means you took to get the lumber duty fixed at $2, after that rate had been voted down in the Senate. Was This Done by Bribery? The Finance Committee, of which you were a member, reported to the Senate a $2 lumber duty. The Senate later voted down the duty from |2 to $1 per thousand over your head, and it was thus sent to the Conference Committee. As a member of the Finance Committee 3'ou became one of the Joint Conference Committee, and from the hour you were appointed to uphold the $1 rate in the Conference Committee you used every art and artifice in outrage both of precedent and common political decency to have the duty fixed at 12. 30 You made night visits to the quarters of the Blodgett committee to phiu aud to conspire, and you did more, and I fear worse. You drove to the liotel of a member of the Conference Committee who from the first had been iu favor of the $1 duty. After the vote of tlie Senate fixing tliat rate, I heard him congratuhite a gentleman engaged in the tight and say to him, " One dollar is enough and they ought not to ask for more." " Nat " McKay in the Lumber Job. You drove off with this member of the Conference Committee in the dusk of the evening, and the driver was Nat McKay, the notori- ous lobbyist. The return was far iu the night. Next morning a member of Congress from the gentleman's own State called on him with telegrams from his people protesting against anything higher than the $1 duty, the newspapers having reported that a rate of SI. 50 was possible. Imagine that Congressman's sur})rise at being told b}' your companion of the night before that he had changed his mind and now believed that a $2 rate on lumber was a fair one. Pertinent Question. Now, Senator Burrows, whose was the argument, yours or Mr. Nat McKay's, and what was the argument, that brought about, as iu the twinkling of an eye, this conversion ? It seems as miraculous and surely as sudden as that of Saul, but I fear the light that shone on the gentleman was not from heaven. A few words personal about myself, for this is a personal letter, yet thinking it may a little concern the public I give it to the public, too. I never asked, directly or indirectly, for the legislation of 1890, but, resting on it, I made oq both sides of the boundary considerable investments. By the passage of the J^ingle}' bill the investment on this side was ruined, and it is now closed out. My loss is made aud my loss is paid, and for myself I care not whether the lumber duty be $1 or $2. Michigan's Honor at Stake. J^ut I do care mightily whether tlie honor of the State is in safe hands at Washington : wiiether her vote is trafficked and sold : whether lier Senator is the friend and consort of a lobbyist, Avhom he brings to Michigan to aid by midnight McKay methods in his re-election. And I do care to see elected to the Senate some man as clean as he is ca[)able, who will l)e no man's man but will belong to the whole people and serve the whole peo))le. And here are some questions for the people themselves to answer : Is there a man, as charged iu the debate, who " manipulates the election of Senators from Michigan " ? Can he succeed in sending biu^k to Washington from Michigan tlie Senatoi- who represents there the manipulator and Missis- sippi ? 31 With a profound trust in the people and the people's representa- tives, who know their rights and who know their wrongs, I await the answer to be given at Lansing to these questions. ARTHUR HILL. Saginaw, Mich., Dec. 13, 1898. Nothing could be more appropriate than to quote here the follow- ing extract from the Nortkwestern Lumhcrman of February 28, 1897. That i^aper was quoted by Senator Barrows with high approval dur- ing the debate on the lumber schedule, and when this damning para- graph was read by Senator Pettigrew on the floor of the Senate this servile tool of the lumber " barons " — Julius Caesar Buri'ows — flinched and retired to the cloak-room to recover his composure. The extract is as follows : " Now, you take our average cut of the United States, and $1 a thousand advance means what? It means $35,000,000 to the lum- berman of the United States in a year. So, if we carry out this idea, $1 duty does not take it to that. Lumber in Canada would come down a whole dollar, and it would not help us any. Get it up to about $2 and then it would begin to have its effect. To illustrate a little further : There was a lot of gentlemen from the Northwest, up Minnesota way, in Washington the other day, and they were sitting in Senator Burrows' committee room. An interesting incident oc- curred there. Senator Burrows is chairman of the committee. The committee had not had a meeting for a long time. We happened to be sitting in that room, and one of the gentlemen from Minne- sota had an envelope and a lead pencil. He walked around the room and he ciphered out a little bit, and he said : ' Mr. Burrows, do you know what %\ a thousand would mean to this little crowd of men here ? ' There were not as many in the room as there are here. He said the advance of $1 a thousand on lumber meant 10,125,000 on last year's product." [From the Detroit News, Sept. 22. 1898.] NAT" M'KATS "DEAR FRIEND." HOW THE CAPITAL BELSHAZZAR TREATS BURROWS. Magnificence of the Senatorial " Spider Web." A FEAST THAT ONE MICHIGANDER WON'T FORGET. COLD NERVE PARADING LOBBYIST IN MICHIGAN. The intimacy between the most noted lobbyist in W^ashington, " Nat " McKay, and Michigan's Julius Ctesar Burrows has been the 32 subject of much corridor gossip during the past three da3^s. An iuflueutial member of the G. O. P. who has often visited Washington and knows of the close rehitions existing between Burrows and McKay, tells a good story. "Yes, Burrows is McKay's side partner, sure enough, in sociality at least," said the story-teller. "A friend of mine, who came down to AVashington while I was there, was lugged off by the Senator one evening to McKay's ' senatorial spider web,' and he had a bang-up time, as he told me afterward. " When my friend was approached by Burrows with an invitation to go up to McKay's, he demurred, saying he Avas not prepared ; that he did not know McKay, and would not feel at ease under the circumstances. " 'Oh, fudge,' that was no reason in the Senator's estimation. Mr. McKay was his dear friend, and ' ni}' friends are just as welcome as I am at Mr. McKay's table. Come along; you'll have a good time and meet several noted and influential members of the House and Senate. Informal, I assure you ; everything goes.' " My friend went, and he had a good time. Burrows was ap- parently as free in McKa3''s house as was the host himself. There was a magnificence about tlie place and its appointments that took the breath away from the visitor. Such a lavish display of hospi- tality my friend had never seen before. There were ' cold bottles ' and ' warm bottles ' and various other kinds of bottles. There was terrapin in tubs and all the delicacies that the market of Washing- ton or Baltimore or any other city could afford. It was a feast for the gods, and Belshazzar McKay seemed to rely upon his friend Burrows to lead in the entertainment of the guests. It was a sight to make the man from Michigan wonder where he was at, and at the same time threw a calcium light upon the methods by which lobby- ists [)nsh (claims through Congress for hundreds of thousands of dollars, although these same claims have been denounced and vetoed in years past. The service at the feast was attractive. 'The prettiest Creoles I have ever laid eyes on waited on us,' said my friend, ' and they were not tlie least of the charming features of McKay's palatial quarters.' For days the remembrance of his evening with Burrows and his friends lingered with tlie visitor from Michigan, and he oc- casionally in quiet company refers to it as one of the surprises of his life. '' That ' Damon ' Burrows should have the nerve to parade his 'Pythias' McKay through his own State is the acme of assurance. He might have known that it would be the means of bringing his relations with the notorious claim agtuit to the attention of his con- stituents. It was a brazen, foolish move, which he may have reason to regret." Tlie " influential member of the G. O. P" is the editor of a lead- ing daily llepublican paper published many miles from Detroit and the person taken to one of McKay's " banquets " is another prom- inent llepublican, who declined a nomination to the legislature in a I 33 sure district, but the member-elect is nov) a sure auti-Biirrows mem- ber though his convention endorsed the " Orator." All on account of Burrows' intimacy with " Nat " McKay. Here is a dispatch from Mr. Miller the reliable Washington correspondent of the JSfews, under date of September 22, tlie day after the State convention : NOT NEWS IN WASHINGTON BURROWS' CLOSENESS TO THE "KING OF THE LOBBYISTS." THE SENATOR'S ACTION TOWARD THE WHISKY TRUST. His Intimacy With the Big Sugar Brokers. PECULIAR FRIENDSHIPS OF THE SENATORIAL CANDIDATE. {From a Staff Correspondent.) W.\shinCtTON, Sept. '2'2i. — " I see that the people in Michigan are just learning of Senator Burrows' intimate relations with ' Nat ' McKay, king of the lobbj^" remarked one of the oldest and most reputable newspaper men in the capital. " That is stale news in Washington. There are other things about Barrows you should ask him to explain to the people of Michigan. I remember I used to entertain a high opinion of Burrows. When he introduced a reso- lution to investigate the whisky trust, I accordingly interviewed him for my paper, the Philadelphia Press. I printed a column and a half of what he gave me, in the shape of excellent reasons for the good of the morals of the country, why his resolution should go into execution. I handled the matter with a warm feeling of admiration for Mr. Burrows' rectitude and courage in protecting the American people. " But my ideal statesman from Michigan was smashed when Burrows abandoned the resolution. I have heard that whisky stock fluctuated six points on the effect of the resolution, but of course not being a speculator myself I have no means of knowing whether Burrows speculated on the fall and rise of whisky stock, although he must have known what effect his resolution would have upon it. But my respect for Burrows has never been restored." Another reporter who has made a specialty of writing financial 34 news for maDv years here, and stands high for accuracy and honesty, said : " I know Corson tfe McCartney', the big brokers, who handled sugar and other stocks during the sugar investigation, and wliile various tariff bills were pending. Indeed, I knew tliem very well, for I was employed by them to furnish financial news for about 12 years. Their office was ni}- headquarters. I know Senator Burrows very well. He was a frequent caller at Corson & Mc- Cartney's office. What was he there for ? Well, he wasn't there for his healtli, I reckon. If he was, I could have told him that it was not a healtliy place for a representative of the people. If people of 3'our State want to know about Senator Burrows before they agree to return him, why don't you ask him to explain wh}' he hung around Corson & McCartney's ? Why don't you have him explain his whisky trust resolution ? If he did not speculate, it will be easy for him to clear up the fog." MILLER. Julius ('{esjir Burrows Causes His Clerk, tlieu VVasliiuii^tou Correspoudeut Delroit Tribune, to Attack and Maliiiii Editor l)iui>:ley oltlie Kalamazoo Telei^raph ill January, 18*J4. BUEKOWS LIES ALL THE WAY THROUGH. On the 21st da}^ of January, 1894, the Detroit Tnljnne published the article given below, signed by its then Washington correspondent. Smith D. Fry. This publication was made during the second session of the 53d Congress, when Julius Caesar Burrows was a candidate for nomination to tiie following, 54th Congress. Mr. Fry is now, and for many years has been, one of the leading Washington correspondents. He conducts a large newspaper syndicate com- posed almost wholly of Western Rejiublican ])apers, and is also the corrcspoTidcnt of the Philadelpliia y'////ey (Independent). He is a Michigan man, at least by education, tliougli I do not recall his exact residence in tlie State. At the commencement of the 53d Congress, Mr. Fry made an anangement with Representative Julius Ca'sar Burrows to take tiie $100 allowed each member monthly for clerk hire and in consideration thereof furuisii a (tommodious room for him in the rear of Mr. Fry's newspaper office, which was then located at 1407 F st., almost directly op})osite my own office. I was then Assistant Register of the Treasur}', and was in the habit of dropping in the offices of Messrs. Burrows and Fry during the day, 35 usuall}' in the forenoon at Mr. Burrows' request, and in the evening to give^Mr. Fry whatever news items I might have. About a week or ten days prior to this pubHcation, I spent part of Suuda^^ after- noon and evening at Senator Stockbridge's. As had been their custom for several years, Representative and Mrs. Burrows had dined with the Senator and Mrs. Stockbridge. We were in the library smoking, that is to say, the Senator, the Representative, Mr. Schuyler S. Olds — Senator Stockbridge's secretary — and myself, and the ladies were in the parlor below. Suddenly Mr. Burrows " broke loose " in the most violent manner against Mr. Edward N. Dingley, editor of the Kalamazoo Telegraph, denouncing him in the most violent and bitter terms. He charged Mr. Dingley with being unfriendly and treacherous to him and of seeking to supplant him in Congress. He said that Mr. Dingley was unwilling to print his speeches or make anything more than bare mention of him and the things he did for his district in Washington except for pay. He said that he had recently made a tariff speech which had cost him a great deal of labor and time to collect and prepare, and which was being copied generally in Republican papers ; that he had written Mr. Dingley asking its publication in the Telegraph in full, or, at least, substantially so, and that Mr. Dingley had replied that it was impossible for him to print it except in supplement form, and that he would cheerfully print it if Mr. Burrows would pay the expense of composition and paper ; that Mr. Dingley had charged him exorbitant prices for work he had done at the TelegrapJt office ; that he was sick and tired of Dingley anyway, who was only a " nasty, mean, penurious little Yankee from Maine." He thereupon turned to me and said : " Harr}', I wish you would go to Kalamazoo and buy out Kendall and run this man Dingley ashore. I will raise the money to buy the paper, and will help you in every way in my power, and when the time comes, if the Senator is willing, will make you postmaster of Kalamazoo to help you out in this enterprise. The Telegrap>h is a ' dead weight ' on the party under Dingiey's management, and I want to freeze him out as quick as I can." I responded, laughingly, that I recalled several promises of his (Burrows) in 1874 about the Kalamazoo post-ofSce which had gone to protest, and that I had no inclination to go into an}^ newspaper enterprise at the present time, while I was certainly not willing to start in with a paper as a rival to the TeUgrapJi, of which I had formerly been editor and half owner. Senator Stockbridge then intervened, and, in his good-natured way, said : " Burrows, you get excited too easy ; you must take things philo- sophically. You ought to bear in mind that it takes money to run a good newspaper, and that there are mighty few count fy news- papers in Michigan, or elsewhere, which are making more than a living. You are too hard on Brother Dingley entirely. He has never overcharged me, and has always been very obliging." To this Mr. Burrows responded violently that — " The situation is different with you. Dingley is not a candidate 36 for your place, aud has no grudge or spite against you ; you have not a speech on the tariff which is being copied all over the country, and which Dingley ought to print in full, and you have not been subjected to the treatment at his hands that I have." Mr. Olds thereupon rallied Burrows about the matter, and after some further conversation, in which Mr. Burrows continued to de- nounce Mr. Dingley quite as bitterly as before, Mr. Burrows left in great haste, saying that he was going straight to his office, on F street, to have Smith Fry write up the matter for the Tr'thune and give Dingley a good " roast." As a matter of fact, Mr. Burrows did leave the house at once. A day or two afterwards Mr. Fry came to me with a typewritten article, which I recall as the substance of the dispatch printed in the IVthune of January 21, 1894. He said : " Harry, I am in a heap of trouble with Burrows about this arti- cle. He is ver}^ bitter against Dingley of the TelegVitph because of his refusal to print his (Burrows') tariff speech, and also because Dingley has refused to print other speeches of his. He dictated a very bitter and violent article which I have toned down and changed, and yet have made it pretty severe on Dingley. I am between two fires. I am getting $100 a month as Burrows' clerk, and am furnish- ing him with office room, stenographer, and messenger, to do such work as he may require in the mornings and evenings. I am also the correspondent of the Detriot Trihiue, receiving the same salary. This dispatch, if published, and I presume it will be, will raise h — 1. Dingley will come back at Burrows, and as a usual result, Burrows will ' crawl ;' then Mr. Gillett (managing editor of the Tribune) will get after me and will apologize to Dingley, which will leave me hang- ing in mid air. AVhat would you do ?" I replied that if Burrows insisted on it, I would send the dispatch and hold him responsible for it. I asked if Mr. Burrows had writ- ten out any portion of this matter. He said yes, he had written out several paragraphs, which he pointed out, and he indicated the line of attack he desired me to make. "Now," said Mr. Fry witli great earnestness, "I have a little per- sonal interest in this pul)lication, for the reason that I wrote or pro- cured the material for about one-half of Burrows' speech on the tariff, and I am rather proud of it, and think it is as good as any of the speeches which Burrows has ever read in Congress. I have, tlierefore, naturally ' spread it on very thick,' as you will observe. I do not know Dingley, and I have no grudge against him whatever, l)ut I am situated, as Henry Watterson would say, between ' Hell and the Iron Works,' and I have got to print this paragraph or lose this $100 a month from Burrows, as well as incur his enmity. He is not much of a newspa])er man ; that is, he furnishes very little news, and although he ought to give me the cream of the news, he divides it up evenly with Frank Hosford of the Free Prcsx and the other Detroit papers. I do not like that pretty much, but I can't lielp myself, for Burrows says he has to placate and keep in with the other correspondents. Of course I get left by it, l)ut that is to be expected." 37 I repeated to Mr. Fry my suggestion that after long years of in- timac}' with Mr. Burrows, and full knoAvledge of bis tricky, deceit- ful and hypocritical character, that he should take precaution to show in the future that Burrows had not only inspired, but required him to send this dispatch. He promised to do so and we parted. On the day following the publication of the dispatch Mr. Dingley wired both Senator Stockbridge and Burrows calling the attention of each to the dispatch, and asking of each if the dispatch was authorized by either, and if its allegations Avere true so far as each knew. Senator Stockbridge promptly replied denying the truth of the statements contained in the dispatch so far as they re- ferred to him. Mr. Burrows remained silent. Later in the day he received another dispatch from editor Dingley of the most peremp- tory character demanding an immediate statement from him as to his responsibility for the article in question, and also a denial of the truth of its allegations. Still Mr. Burrows remained silent. On the following morning I met Senator Stockbridge, who told me that Barrows had pat his foot in it very badly by attacking Dingley as he had, adding : "I think it will cost Smith Fry his job as correspondent on the Trihme. Dingley wired me and I promptly answered. He has wired Barrows three times, but he has not yet responded, but will this morning. He showed me the dispatch, which I said would not satisfy Dingley, and I do not know what he will do." Subsequently I learned that Mr. Dingley, on receiving Mr. Bur- rows' dispatch, wired in reply that it was not satisfactory, and de- manded a full and immediate retraction of the charges contained in the Trihune dispatch within fifteen minutes after receiving his (Dingley's) dispatch. Representative BurroAvs thereupon sent a dispatch denying absolutely all knowledge, connection, or complicity with the said Tribune dispatch of January 20. I was much inter- ested in the affair, because it illustrated perfectlv the hypocritical, sneaking, and deceitful character of Julius Ca?sar Barrows, of which I had long been aware. I had had many conversations with Sen- ator Stockbridge in regard to Representative Burrows, in which he had told me that Burrows was constantly and secretly traducing and slandering him, in spite of the fact that he had always contrib- uted freely to Burrows' Congressional campaigns ; that he had loaned him money or indorsed his notes to carry on certain spec- ulations, and yet he Avas constantly being treated by BurroAvs with the vilest treachery. He frequently referred to BurroAvs' treachery in the matter of the " Brule and Ontonagon grant," and said : " I made a mistake in helping this 'rascal' to get back into Con- gress. He did nothing toAvards passing the bill through the House, which any other Republican member from this district could have done, and I kneAv the real fight Avould be in the Senate, as it proved, but Burrows [begged and pleaded like a Avhipped hound to be for- given and restored to Congress, and of course I yielded and helped him back. In spite of the fact that he and his Avife have been my guests for dinner every Sunday, as you know, he is constantl}' 38 traduciug me and I have this straight from two members of the House, who despise him as heartily as you do. But what can you do with such a creature, who has no moral sensibilities or feeling whatever? You might as well appeal to a log as to his sense of morality or integrity on political affairs. He would cut the throat of his brother or of any human being, no matter what he had done for him, if the brother or any other person stood in his way politicall}'. I hear that he is speculating in stocks, and wdien I told him that if it were so I would not loan him another dollar or indorse his notes, he replied that he was not such a fool as to dabble in stocks, and yet I have learned positively that he has been stock -jobbing for five or six years." Another conversation of this character, which will be noted in another and more appropriate place, will be given. A few days after this conversation, Mr. Fry came to me with a copy of the Detroit Tribune and called my attention to an editorial paragraph, in which the Tribune apologized to Mr. Dingley for Fry's dispatch, saying that it did Mr. Dingley an injustice, was inaccurate, and should not have been published, and expressed profound regret for its pul:)licatiou. When that session terminated, Mr. Fry's connec- tion with the paper, as its Washington correspondent, ceased. Last fall, while home, I inquired of Mr. Dingley in regard to this matter, and told him what I knew, having told him in December, 1894, that he ought not to hold Mr. Fry responsible for the dispatch in question, as it was inspired and dictated by Mr. Burrows him- self and that Mr. Fry felt that if he did not send it that he would lose his place as clerk and the friendship of Mr. Burrows, who M'as very bitter against him (Dingley). Subsequently Mr. Dingley stated to me that Mr. Olds had told him that the statement I had made as to Burrows' inspiring and dictating this dispatch was absolutely correct of his own personal knowledge, and that he was amazed that Burrows should try to put tiie responsibility upon Fry, who was an unwilling agent in the matter. In September last, Mr. Dingley told me that Representative Bur- rows had told him that he had a letter frorii Mr. Fry vindicating him (Burrows) from all knowledge or participation in the said dis- patch, saying that it was his own (Fry's) production derived partly from statements made by Mr. Burrows, ifec. Mr. Burrows repeatedly promised Mr. Dingley to show him the alleged letter from Mr. Fry, but up to date has never done so. This is sim])ly another illustra- tion or exhibit in support of my charge that Julias C;i'sar Burrows is a hypocrite, a demagogue, anil a liar. [For Washington dispiitch to Detroit Tribune referred to, see next page.] 39 [The Tribune's Washington Dispatch.'] BONUS FOR PRINTING NEWS. WHAT A MICHIGAN EDITOR DEMANDS OF CONGRESSMEN. SUBSCRIBEES CLAMOR FOR SPEECHES WHILE HE WAITS FOR MONEY. AN EXPLANATION THAT WILL BE A REVELATION TO HIS READERS. Washington, Special Telegram, Jan. 20. — There is a mau in the newspaper business within two hundred miles of Detroit who is engaged in a small piece of business which deserves public mention. One of the most distinguished members of the House of Represent- atives has his home in the town where the newspaper is published. He has given his influence and standing for many years to aid the newspaper, by holding the Republican organization solidly in its support. He has seen to it that good business, particularly during campaigns, was sent to the newspaper, and good prices paid for work. There is a United States Senator whose home is in the town where the newspaper referred to is published. He has contributed largely to the hnaucial success of the paper ; and yet, when he wanted a small article inserted in the paper on one occasion, and stated that he wanted to pay for it, a bill for $20 was sent to him, which he paid, although at exorbitant advertising rates the matter was really worth but $1 or $2. During the debate on the repeal of the Sherman silver law, the eminent Congressman delivered a speech which was quoted all over the country and highly commended. The editor of his home paper barely alluded to the speech editorially. He, however, published a portion of the speech, and then sent a bill to the Congressman for having printed a speech which every one of his subscribers wanted to read, and which they were entitled to get in their home paper. The distinguished member of Congress recently delivered a speech on the tariff, which was published in full in New York and Chicago papers. From one column to four columns of the speech \vere published in all of the newspapers of the North which are of the same political faith, belonging to the same part}^ and proud of the Congressman for his strength and power to defend the cause and the principles which he champions. Wanted a Consideration. Every leading newspaper commented upon the speech. The National Committee of the party to which the Congressional leader belongs has ordered 100,000 copies of the speech to be used as a campaign document. Eminent men from every State in the 40 Uuioij have written the eiuinent Congressman, congratulating him upon his speech and thanking him for his splendid party services. The newspapers in his home town did not print the speech ; did not print a column of it ; did not print half a column, and made only a scant allusion, editorially, to the fact that a speech has been delivered. The patrons of the newspaper were clamoring for the speed), be- cause the Congressman is their townsman ; they know him ; they admire him ; they kno^v him for one of the foremost orators of this day; they besought the editor to print the speech. He declined to do so. But, he wrote to the member of Congress soliciting the busi- ness of printing the speech, for a consideration. Of course, newspapers must live, and they are entitled to support from their party leaders. The paper in question has always received proper suppart and kind treatment. Under the circumstances, whatever name may be applied to the editor's conduct, the people are entitled to know existing conditions. The people of the Con- gressional district are entitled to know the situation. The Trihnne circulates in the district in question. S. I). FRY. The foregoing dispatch should be read in the light of the fact that Julius Cu'sar Burrows never paid a dollar even as a subscriber to the J'eleyrap/i unless lately ; that for over a quarter of a centuiT he has been a political mendicant at its door ; that the bulk of his cam- paign expenses— never heavy — have been paid by his father-in-law ; brother-in-law ; the late Senator Stockbridge ; by" protected interests" from whom he has solicited contributions, by the Pennsylvania E.R., and for the last four j'ears by the Blodgetts and lobbyist " Nat " Mc- Kay. From 1878 to date, with the exception of the years 1894 and 1898 when he was a candidate for election to the Senate, Julius Ca>sar Burrows has never " campaigned " the State of Michigan. This is a matter of record, and has been the subject of comment among those who have kept close watch of his political movements. In all the other campaign years he has been in the emplo}' of the Republican National and Congressional Campaign Committees at i^50.()0 per speech — frequently making two a day, thus receiving $100.00 per day — and all his travelling expenses. This is known to all the old Republican campaign committee managers, who have spoken of it with disgust and contempt. It is an " open secret " here, and has been for years, that in the campaign of 1890 — an off year — the " Columbian Orator " was employed by the chairman of the Repul)li('an Congressional Committee at the usual rates ; that he was working througli New York eastward Avhen he concluded to " raise the limit ; " that he wired and wrote the chairman that his own district was in danger and that unless he at once returned to and looked after it personally he would be defeated, and asking to have substitutes announced for his dates ; that the chairman wired it was impossible to let him ofl' as substitutes could not then be got, and asking if financial Mssistance would not ])nll him through ; that 41 the " Orator " replied that possibly it would, but it would be too bi^ a figure, as he aloue could save his district ; that he was then asked to uame a figure, and responded that $5,000.00 would save him ; that that sum was sent him ; that he continued his tour and kept his dates, afterwards putting in some work in his district, which was carefully looked after by Senator Stock bridge and others, the chairman of Burrows' Congressional Committee reporting an expenditure by him of some $800.00, of which the Senator subscribed $500.00, while the " Orator " never " chipped in " a dollar for his own election. And yet this professional politician has the brazen effrontery to prate of his " long, arduous and tireless service for the Eepublican party " as a reason for his being kept perpetually in office, and the Burrows " lictors " (and lick-spittles) from the Detroit Journal — ow^ned by ex-Senator Palmer, a two-dollar lumberman, and the beneficiary of Burrows' treachery to his State as a conferee on that item, of thousands of dollars — Collector Rich and the fed- eral ofiice-holders down to the smallest fish, including that import- ant person committee clerk Rose and back to the Journal again in the person of " Chief Gusher " General " Yusef," all take up the glad refrain of " Burrows Forever ; To Hell with the Pope, and Damn Pingree ! " A member of the Republican National Committee for nearly 20 years told me recently that once with his associates he made a care- ful computation of the money the two committees — National and State — had paid Burrows for his " campaign thunder " and expenses and they figured out — not including the $5,000.00 out of which Burrows " buncoed " the Congressional Committee in 1890 — that the " Columbian Orator " had cost them since the campaign of 1878 — leaving out his two personal campaigns of Michigan for Senator in 1894 and 1898— about |24,000. He penciled out these figures, which I still have in his handwriting, viz : " Julius Ca?sar Burrows To Republican National and Congressional Campaign Committees, Dr. " To money received for campaign speeches and personal expenses since 1878 to 1898, inclusive (excepting years 1894 and 1898) ".....$24,000" Note. — Burrows averaged over 50 speeches in each campaign, often speaking in the September and October States. " 50 speeches at $50 each for each campaign $2,500 9 campaigns at $2,500 each 22,500 Personal expenses of ' Columbian Orator' 2,500 Total $27,500 Deduct for payments by local committees 3,500 Balance $24,000 " 42 " Burrows is a good stumper," said the national committeeman, " for small cities, large villages, and the ' rural districts.' He is a dead failure in a large city or before an intelligent and educated audience. The first time I heard him, back in 1876, he gave me the 'cramps' with his V)loody-shirt '3'awp' after Grant had said, 'Let us have peace.' Tilden was the Democratic candidate, was as ' loyal ' as Burrows, and had repudiated all ' war claims,' which was Burrows' chief theme. And yet this blatant, bloody-shirt ' spouter,' who knows nothing of finance, the currency, the tariff, labor and kindred questions, and absolutely nothing of our all- important foreign relations and policy, has been able to fool you Michiganders and keep constantly in office ! How does he do it ? " " He don't fool us — that is, but a few ' suckers,' " I answered, " but he has kept in office by hanging on to Senator Stockbridge — though constantly false and untrue to him — and since Stockbridge's death to the Blodgetts and lobbyist ' Nat ' McKa}-. This new legis- lature cannot be bought up like cattle as was a large part of the legislature of 1894, because the men so bought were largely the ' scum ' which came in duiing the Republican flood of that year. That's the reason ! " As a matter of course, it will be said that this is hearsay and loose allegation, born of personal spite. Very well. Let any person who wants information on this point step into the office of Schuyler S. Olds, at Lansing, and ask him about it. He was elected secretary of the committee, but declined after a while to serve further for good reasons. I have his letter before me with much fuller particulars than I have given above. And then, while on the subject of the " Columbian Orator's " receiving $50 and expenses per speech, as heretofore stated, let me relate the following incident. On the Saturday night preceding the election of 1896, I was in the Cosmopolitan Club of Kalamazoo playing whist or hearts with a party consisting of the late Dr. Foster Pratt, of that city, Jacob K. Wagner, a leading citizen and wealthy capitalist, Hon. N. H. Stewart, a leading attorney, and either Mr. Sydney Faxon or some other gentleman. Mr. Wagner, who is a Democrat, jocularly remarked that the Democrats could not win because they " had no money to hire orators " ; that about two weeks previous he was in Grand Rapids and while in the waiting-room of the Morton House writing a letter, he heard the voice of Julius Cfosar Burrows behind him. The "Columbian Orator" was engaged in conversation with ap- parently a committee ap[)ointed to get him to speak in their city. The " Orator " plead that he must look after some private business affairs in that city and Kalamazoo ; that he was paying his own expenses ; that he was a poor man, etc. (same old lie,) and really they must let him oft" this time. Thereupon up spoke one of the trio and said that they a])pre('iato(l the Senator's situation, etc. ; that they expected to pay him for the speech and all his expenses and give him a big meeting, etc. " Very well," said the " Orator " in those deep chest tones which are the admiration of the "Burrows lictors " and almost throw " General Yusef " into tits — of ecstasy when he 4:3 hears them reverberating for miles in the vicinity of the " Orator," crippling cattle and destroying vegetation, which he describes in his despatches as " Burrows awakening the echoes " — " with that under- standing I will go." " What will be your terms, Senator ? " said the leading committeeman. The Senator toyed with a toothpick a moment and replied, " How does $100 strike yon ? " "All right," responded the committeeman, and they shook hands and parted. " I thought," said Mr. Wagner, " they were from Ionia." There was no secrecy imposed and it was an open " free-for-all" conversation which I took note of. Some " red-headed rooster " in Ionia got on his ear either at the request of the " Orator " or " Friday " Rose, and denied the story. Since then Mr. Wagner has told and written me that he was satisfied the party was from Lowell, and private investigation has satisfied me that was the town. No matter what the place was, the conversation occurred as stated and the " Columbian Orator " got $100 for " speaking his piece " at some city near Grand Rapids, while throughout the entire campaign the Blodgetts and lobbyist " Nat " McKay were paying all his cam- paign expenses. And yet this demagogue ranted about Colonel Brj'an "receiving subscriptions" by assessing the towns where he spoke in the same campaign ! " Oh Shame, where is thy blush ? " On the 29tli of September the Detroit Journal published a scur- rilous and lying letter written by William E. Curtis, the notorious Washington correspondent of the Chicago Record. Mr. Curtis had previously sent it to the Detroit News, the editor of which excluded the personal attacks upon me and printed the " meat " — what there was — of the letter. I was then eii route here, and on reaching Washington, made reply as hereinafter stated. After some delay, Editor Livingstone returned it to me with the absurd remark that my communication was declined with thanks. As Editor Baker of the News had declined to print Mr. Curtis' letter in full, on account of its personal attacks on me, he could not consistently print my " rejoinder," which I am willing to concede is decidedly personal in its allusion to Mr. Curtis. For that reason, and in order to bring out fully the vile treachery and assasin-like course of Julius Ciesar Burrows towards General Alger in the fall and winter of 1887 and winter and spring of 1888, I print it in this pamphlet. I will be only too happy to submit to any investigating committee of the Michigan legislature the names of twenty-five prominent citi- zens of Michigan — including Hon. Schuyler S. Olds, of Lansing,, who knows some additional facts — who know of their own personal knowledge of the truth of the statement I have made in this par- ticular regard. 44 y'o ///(' KiHtor of the Detroit Joitrndl : On the 3d iustaut at the Russell House iu Detroit — where I hivd just arrived from Kalamazoo — my attention was called to a publica- tion in your issue of tl)e 29th ultimo of a letter from William E. Curtis, the Washington correspondent of the Chicago liecord, con- cerning myself, and dated Washington, September 26th, the day after the arrival there of Senator Burrows from Detroit. I left Detroit that night, and, until now, by reason of illness and absence from the city, have been unable to make reply. Your editorial statement preceding it was a surprise to me, especially your characterization of Mr. Curtis as " the leading cor- respondent of Washington," and saying that " his standing among news]iaper men and statesmen is of the highest, and his reputation for veracity stands 'unimpeached." I will fully establish, before I am through with Mr. Curtis in this matter, that no other reputable paper iu tlie United States — except possibly the Chicago Record — and no correspondent in Washington of any standing or character will give Mr. Curtis the endorsement the Journal gave him. I have known Mr. Curtis for many years, and his attack upon me was a surprise. It was made the day following [Senator Burrows' arrival in Washington from Detroit, and the visit of the Senator to correspondent Curtis was announced by your Washington corre- s])Oudent. What the consideration was that Mr. Curtis received for his letter is known only to the Senator and himself. It was Avritteu at the request of ex-Senator Palmer and Senator Burrows, for the sole purpose of breaking down the publication I had made in the Detroit News of September 19th, that Mr. Palmer had obtained from the AVar Department the army record of General Alger for ])ublicati()]i on the eve of the Kepublican National Convention at Chicago, on June 19, 1888, and also to break the force, if })ossible, of my statement that in December, 1887, Mr. Burrows gave me the substance of said record, which included the letters of Generals Custer, Merritt, and Torbert, and the indorsement of General Sheridan recommending the dismissal of General Alger from the army for repeated absence from his command without leave. I stated in the News publication that I refused to be a party to such a publication, or to circulate the story in any way among the Wash- ington corresjiondents, as Mr. Burrows requested. I also stated that following my said refusal to be a party to the attack which Senator Palmer and Representative Burrows contemplated on Gen(U-al Alger, Mr. Burrows read to me a statement which, if published, would have very grievously wounded General Alger's feelings ; that he asked mo to procure the publication in the social gossip of some New York or Southern jiaper of the article he read to me ; that he asked me to give it to Miss Austine Snead, formerly a correspondent for the Free Press, and then the Washington society correspondent of sev- eral prominent i)apers, with the request that she would publish so much of it as slie could, and that she would verbally state to the society leaders in Washington, with whom she was necessarily well 45 acquainted in her search for news, the facts contained in the paper Mr. Burrows read to me, with the view of preventing the appoint- ment of General Alger as Secretary of War, which, Mr. Burrows stated, was the goal of his ambition. Mr. Burrows added, " You may say to Miss Snead that if she will do this I will see that she gets one hundred dollars." I refused with some vehemence to be a party to this dirty work which Mr. Burrows proposed, and he then said, "All right, I will see her myself." Shortly after- ward Miss Snead called on me and stated that Mr. Burrows had called upon her and requested her to make public, both by letter and verbally to the society leaders in Washington, the contents of the paper which Mr. Burrows read to me. She stated to me the substance of the paper and of Mr. Burrows' argument to induce her to use the matter as he desired, saying that Mr. Burrows offered her one hundred dollars to procure its publication. Miss Snead was very indignant at the proposition made by Mr. Burrows, and requested him to leave and never again speak to her. This fact — which I did not state in the News publi- cation — is known to at least a dozen persons in Washington to whom Miss Snead stated the facts in December, 1887. Eeferring to that paragraph, Mr. Curtis, iu his letter of September 26th, says : " FURTHERMOKE, THE MiSS SnEAD TO WHOM Mr. SmITH REFERS, DIED LONG BEFORE HIS ALLEGED INTERVIEW WITH SENATOR BURROAVS COULD HAVE TAKEN PLACE, AND THE LATTER WOULD NOT BE SO ABSURD AS TO ASK Mr. Smith to give a copy of General Alger's war record to a DEAD WOMAN." In reply to this false statement, I clip the following from the Washington Post of March 23, 1888, which I find on page 3 of that issue : Miss Snead's Death. " Miss Austine Snead, popularly known to newspaper readers AS ' Miss Grundy,' died somewhat suddenly at her residence, 1531 1 street, N.W., YESTERDAY MORNING ABOUT TEN o'CLOCK. HeR ILLNESS, occasioned by PNEUMONIA, AVAS SHORT. ShE WAS NOT CONSIDERED DANGEROUSLY ILL BY HER PHYSICIAN, Dr. G. L. MaGRUDER, UNTIL Wednesday, and was out on Saturday last though quite unwell." Then follows a sketch of her life, character, and Avritiugs, the papers with which she was connected, etc. " At the time of her death," says the Post article, " she was connected with the Boston Courier, New York Jleratd, Louisville Co nrier- Journal, and llni'pers Bazaar. She avas buried in Oak Hill Cemetery, Georgetoavn, March 24, 1888." What new lie Mr. William Elleroy Curtis, the Washington corre- spondent of the Chicago Record, whose " standing among newspaper men and statesmen is of the highest," and whose " reputation for veracity stands unimpeached " — according to the Journal — will noio concoct to squeeze out of the lie above quoted from his letter of September 26, remains to be seen. I leave this conclusive evidence 46 of Mr. Cartis' deliberate falsehood to the candid and honest judg- ment of the editor, as well as readers of the Journal, without further comment. In the Weirs publication of September 19, I stated the object of Mr. Burrows' visit to me immediately after the convening of the first session of the Fiftieth Congress on December 5, 1887. I said that preceding the reading by Mr. Burrows of the papers above referred to, that gentleman said substantially as follows : " As you are aware, General Alger, at great expense, has been organizing Alger clubs throughout Michigan ; has been giving out flour and coal, boots and shoes, and other things to poor families — in which there were voters — and his purpose is to swamp all independent Republican action in Michigan for other candidates for the Presidency next j-ear. If, as Republicans all believe, we secure the next House of Representatives on the tarifi" issue, the principal candidate for Speaker from the East will be Reed, while the candidates from the West will be McKinley, Cannon, and myself. I have every reason to believe that the Western Republicans will unite on me, while I have reason to expect the solid Pennsylvania delegation, through the promises of Senators Quay and Cameron, which delegation, you remember, nominated General Keifer, Speaker in the Forty-seventh Congress. The onl}^ chance for me, therefore, is to break down General Alger. His purpose is to make a candidacy for President, and, failing to secure that, he will become a candidate for Secretary of War, and, in the event of his success, I shall be knocked out of the Speaker- ship." Mr. Burrows then read the papers above referred to — the first of which I still have — and we had the conversation stated. I replied, as stated in the News, that I did not believe he could make any headway with the story, as no Republican paper of prominence wonkl print it, as General Alger had been elected Governor of Michigan by the Republican party in 1884. To that statement Mr. Burrows replied that " Alger barely pulled through with so popular a candidate as Blaine running, and that Alger did not dare stand for re-election." Mr. Burrows was indignant about the corruption of Michigan caucuses and conventions by General Alger, and said tlie Republican party would come to grief by it. I also stated, in reply to repeated urging by Mr. Burrows, that I would not do what he wished without consnlting with my friend Governor Blair. I immediately wrote the Governor, stating the snbstance of the inter- view, and asking his advice. I have his ripply, under date of De- cember 13, 1887, advising me to have nothing whatever to do with tlje circulation of the story, saying that I knew very well how tricky and unreliable Captain Burrows was, and also that he " had been informed during the previous month that Senator Thomas W. Palmer had obtained Gcnicral Alger's record from the War Department and intended procuring its publication." I also stated in the News article that the publication was not made until June, 1888, on the eve of the National Convention at Chicago. It was published iu the New York Sun and destroyed 47 whatever chances General Alger had for securing the nomination for President. I am informed that ex-Senator Palmer has published an article in the JVews in which he states that he was not responsible for, and did not procure, any publication in the New York Siai in June, 1888, concerning General Alger's army record. Mr. Palmer is quite right in denying the accuracy of the above paragraph. In common with the Washington correspondents and the general belief or opinion, I was under the impression that the Su?i publication Avas made in June, 1888. That was also the opinion of Mr. David Barry, the Washington correspondent of the New York Sun, a citizen of Michigan, born at Monroe, who personally searched with great care tlie files of the Sun from June Istto June25th — the day the Chicago convention adjourned — for the "Alger record," without success. I then looked the matter up and found that the first publication was made on February 11, 1892, when delegates were being selected to attend the Republican National Convention which met at Minneapolis on June 7, 1892. I can only explain the erroneous impression I had — which was and is the general impression — by reason of the fact that General Daffield — or Colonel Hecker — telegraphed to Rep- resentative O'Donnell, of the Jackson district, to procure without delay an official copy of General Alger's military record from start to finish, and send it immediately to General Duffield at the Grand Pacific Hotel, Ciiicago. General Duffield is now in Detroit, I be- lieve, and the Journal can very easily ascertain Avhether or not he sent the dispatch, or whether it was sent by Colonel Hecker. They had learned that the managers of Senator Sherman had a copy of General Alger's arni}^ record and that they had threatened its pub- lication unless the Alger managers " stopped tampering with South- ern and other delegates pledged to Mr. Sherman." It is immaterial who sent the dispatch, but ex-Representative O'Donnell posted with great haste to the AVar Department and obtained an official copy of General Alger's record, which he addressed to General Duffield at the Grand Pacific Hotel, Chicago, and sent it by Adams Express. Afterward he ascertained that he could gain twelve hours by send- ing it by special messenger to General Duffield. He accordingly withdrew the package from the express office and sent it by Mr. Chillian P. Conger — sou of the late ex-Senator Omar D. Conger — who told, with a great deal of disgust, his inability for several hours to reach General Duffield with the package which he was instructed by Mr. O'Donnell to deliver only to General Duffield. Why not inquire of General Duffield, who is a truthful man, as to the truth or falsity of this statement? Senator Sheimau's managers did not use the material they had procured from the War Department, and, consequently, no publica- tion was made by General Duffi«ld or Colonel Hecker of the papers they had procured from the War Department. I was the parlia- mentary secretary of that convention, and I knew of the existence of both copies, and know that leading members of the convention dis- cussed it ; that the managers of Senator Allison, ex-Senator Harri- 48 son, aud Mr. Depew opposed the publication of the paper procured by Mr. Sherman's managers, while the friends of Mr. Gresham urged its immediate publication in the Chicago Tribune. I referred incidentally in the Neios pul)lication to the fact that within three months I had been told h\ ]\[r. Curtis and Mr. Barry certain facts in regard to the Sun publication and said that " Curtis told me that Burrows had importuned him and others to print the story on Alger, which his paper declined to do." I should have added the paragraph — in order to make it perfectly clear — that the refusal of the Chicago Record to print the story was to make an initial publication, and the tiles of that paper will show that immedi- ately (ifter the publication in the Sun of February 11th, 1892, Mr. William Elleroy Curtis, its Washington correspondent — with the same ghoulish glee that he bitterly assailed and denounced Mr. Blaine, week after week and month after month, when he was a candidate for President, until Mr. Blaine silenced him with i)lace and patronage — attacked General Alger. In his letter of September 26th, he sa3's : " My paper did not decline to print Secretary Alger's war record, but has published it over my signature several times." An examination of Curtis' dispatches will show that of all the per- sonal enemies who attacked Mr. Blaine and General Alger, none ex- ceeded Curtis in the bitterness — amounting almost to ferocity — with which he attacked them. The most villainous and infamous stories which were circulated about these gentlemen were eagerly snapped u]) by Mr. Curtis and sent to his paper, and it was not until Mr. Blaine promised Mr. Curtis an important place prior to the conven- tion of 1888 — when he expected but did not receive the nomination for President — that Mr. Curtis' attacks upon Mr. Blaine ceased. Mr. Curtis had the hardihood and effrontery to publicly and privately support Mr. Blaine's candidacy at that convention, and it is a fact well knoAvn in Washington that after Mr. Blaine became Secretary of State in General Harrison's administration, he rewarded Curtis by giving him place aud patronage, on which he has prospered to the extent of being worth, as is generally asserted, S150,000, whereas he came to Washington in 1870 as a "helper" in the Chicago Inter- Oceiin\s AVashington bureau, " poor as a church mouse," as the saying goes. Mr. Curtis has not ceased attacking General Alger, and because of the refusal of President McKiidey to appoint him as Chief of the Bureau of American llepublics, Mr. Curtis has covertly and slyly — like the newspaper assassin that he is — criticised the President's course. He lias for some time past been attacking Colonel Humphreys on General Miles' staff for his refusal to allow the item of $100,000 claimed by the Plant System for transi)ortatiou of troops, etc. For some years past the story has been current among Washington rejiorters and correspondents that Mr. Curtis has l)een the agent of Mr. Plant in his efforts to secure a subsidy for a steamsliii) line to South America, and I will give at the proper time the names of reliable correspondents to establish the truth of this assertion. It is well known that Secretary Gresham dismissed Curtis from the 49 positiou of Siiperiutendeut of the State Department exhibit at the Chicago exposition ; that he repeatedly stated to reliable corre- spondents here that he was never able to get a satisfactory settle- ment of Curtis' accounts, and that he ordered Curtis out of his office when the latter proposed to tell him some alleged "crooked" things that Secretary Blaine — for years his patron saint — had done. It is of record that Mr. Curtis in the Fifty-fourth Congress figured as a lobbyist and used his position as the correspondent of the Chicago Record to extort from Mr. Emile M. Blum, who was United States Commissioner General to the International Exposi- tion at Barcelona in 1889, a small sum of money in consideration of Curtis' using his influence with Mr. Cannon, of Illinois, Chairman of the House Committee on Appropriations, in securing the inser- tion in the sundry civil bill of an appropriation of $11,000 to Mr. Blum for his expenses and services in making said exposition a success. Mr. Dunuell, the Washington correspondent for many years of the New York Times — whose integrity will not be questioned by any man who knows him — published the facts in his dispatches in the Times of April 18th, 1895, which appear in the Times of the follow- ing day. In this dispatch Mr. Dunnell states that at the Chicago exposition Mr. Blum and Mr. Curtis first met ; that Blum was a " promoter " and Curtis was willing to be one ; that Blum and others were organizing " The International Manufacturers' Exposition Agency," and Curtis invested $650 in it ; that the cornpany did not succeed as was expected, but it did not prove a total failure, as Mr. Curtis got $418.16 as earnings or profits ; that the item appropri- ating $11,000 was inserted in the Senate as an amendment; that it went to conference, and that the House conferees, Messrs. Cannon, Sayers, of Texas, and O'Neil, of Massachusetts, would only agree to the allowance of about one-third of the claim ; that Mr. Curtis called upon Mr. Blum to pay up the difference ; that Mr. Blum, who did not obtain what he expected, did not pay up, and that Mr. Curtis then did a rash thing in writing the following letter : "Post Building, " Washington, D. C, April 12, 1895. " Mr. Emile M. Blum, " New York City. " Dear Sir : Before I leave for China, on the 20th instant, I want to give you one more chance to do the fair thing. I did exactly what I agreed to do, and expect you to do the same. I did not pledge you the support of Mr. Cannon, but I told you I would do the best I could with him, and if I had not gone to him your para- graph would have been stricken out of the bill. " You say that you will do the proper thing when you get the rest of your money, but unless you settle on this appropriation, as you agreed to do, I fear you will never get any more on that account, because when Mr. Cannon comes to Washington again I shall tell 50 him the whole story, and I do not think lie will be inclined to favor jou. " I was out $650 by the company. I received 1418.16, leaving a balance of $231.84, as I told you, which 3'ou agreed to make good. If you do not do so, everything is over between us. " Yours truly, " WILLIAM E. CURTIS." Mr. Dnnuell further states that Mr. Blum waited a few days, meanwhile taking legal advice, and sent the following reply to Mr. Curtis and copies to the House conferees, viz : "New York, April 17, 1895. " William E. Curtis, Esq., '■'■Correspondent Chicago Record, " WasJi'mqton, D. C. " Dear Sir: I have your letter of April 12th, in which you ask me to pay you a sum of money for your services in having influenced Congressman Cannon, of Illinois, to support the amendment to the Sundry Civil Bill, authorizing the Treasury Department to reimburse me on account of expenses incurred as Commissioner General of the Ignited States to the International Exposition at Barcelona in 1889. You refer to a recent conversation between us, as to which, on reflection, of course, you will agree that you were wholly mistaken. " I do not propose to submit to this demand. The payment of money to a journalist for influencing a menil)er of Congress to sup- port a measure for the appropriation of |)ublic funds does not im- press me as a particularly creditable transaction, and the fact that that journalist's paper happens to be a leading metropolitan daily, having a large circulation in the district represented by the Congressman claimed to have been so influenced, does not lend character to the deal. It would be dishonest for you to accept this money, and it would be dishonest for me to pay it to you. " In view of your threat to influence Mr. Cannon to prevent the next Congress from appropriating the balance justly due me, on account of the Barcelona exjiosition, I have sent him, as well as the other members of the A]ii)ropriations Committee who have been re-elected to the Forty-fourth Congress, a copy of your letter and of this reply. "Very truly yours, "EMILE M. BLUM." I leave out of consichu'ation all the stories of the small " pick- ings " which Mr. Curtis has had during his career as a correspond- ent, mentioning only the story that for putting the name of a cer- tain brand of champagne on the menu cards during the extensive junket of the Pan-American Congress, — which was handled by Mr. ('urtis, — ]Mr. Curtis received the sum of $300 from the agents who were handling that brand of chamj)agne in the American nuirket. Mr. Curtis dictated to the Washington correspondent of the Neios, 51 after having been shown the paragraph in my article referring to him (Curtis 1 the following : " No ; Palmer never had any connection with the Sun publication of Alger's army record to my hiotvledge. To the best of my recol- lection Harry Smith offered that story. Palmer hates Alger, but he is too lazy and too good-natured to do anything like that. Why, he wouldn't even hurt a tiy." In the paragraph in which Mr. Curtis says, " To the best of my recollection Harry Smith offered that story," he merely intended to be jocular, and start what, in the Prairie States, is popularly known as a " back-fire." As but few Michigan people know an3'thiug about Mr. Curtis, save through the Journal publication of September 29th last, I will sa}' that that statement is a deliberate lie, and without the slightest foundation to support it, and when Mr. Curtis — still in a jocular vein — says, " the last time I talked with Mr. Smith about Michigan politics he was eulogizing Senator Burrows and lambasting what he called the ' Pingree-Pack gang,' " he forgets that in a few paragraphs above he stated that he had not seen me for more than three months, when, as stated, I met him near the Riggs National Bank with a friend of mine, in whose presence he stated that Mr. Palmer pro- cured the record of General Alger from the War Department ; that he importuned him to send it to his paper, and that his paper de- clined to print it until it had been started elsewhere. There is no correspondent of prominence here, and certainly not a member of the Michigan delegation in Congress for the last four j'ears, who does not know that I have assailed and denounced Senator Burrows " in season," and possibly out of season. The statement, therefore, that the last time he saw me I was "eulogizing Senator Burrows and lambasting the ' Pingree-Pack gang ' " is not only a deliberate but an infamous lie, which only such a scurvy cur as William El- leroy Curtis would publish. When he states that I have revolved around Senator Burrows long enough ; that Senator Burrows exercised a good deal of pa- tience and influence in trying to keep me in office, and could not do any more for me, etc., he not only betrays the inspiration of Senator Burrows, who has made this false statement repeatedly — and which I shall show at the proper time to be absolutely without founda- tion — but also shows his animus and eagerness to break me down for the purpose of defending his " chum "- — as he familiarly calls liim — " Tom " Palmer. It is known to scores of correspondents here, as well as to many members of Congress, that Mr. Curtis has repeatedh^ sneered at and sharply criticised Mr. Burrows. It is also known that he has pri- vately denounced him as a demagogue, a weakling, and a dishonest man ; that he has repeatedly spoken of Mr. Burrows in the most contemptuous terms, and rejoiced over the statement I made that his term of office would certainly end on March 4, 1899. To a Michigan member he said : " Why don't you send ' Peppermint ' 52 Todd ill place of Burrows ? You could theu depend on knowing hoAv Todd stood and would vote on any given question." I referred to Mr. David 8. Barry, the Washington correspondent of the New York Si/n, in the same paragraph I referred to the statement of Mr. Curtis. Wliy does not the Jovrnal get a denial from Mr. Barry as to tlie truth of my statement ? In another paragraph Mr. Curtis says that he did not tell me " the facts regarding the 8(tn publication, because I never knew them, and I do not believe Mr. Barry did, for he was not connected with the New York Sun at the time." In a previous paragrapli Mr. Curtis contradicts this statement, and says that his paper printed Secretary Alger's war record over his signature several times. If Mr. Curtis had taken the trouble to refer to page 175 of the Con- gressional Directory for the second session of the Fifty-first Con- gress, published on January 15, 1891, he would have found, under the head of " Members of the Press," the following line : " Barry, David S., New Y^ork Snn and Detroit Journal, othce 1417 G street, N.W.," while the Sun publication of General Alger's record was not made until a year later, viz: Febniary 11, 1892, while Mr. Barry was in full charge of the Sun and Detroit Jo}irnal bureaus. This is only another nail in the coffin whicli I am constructing for Mr. William Elleroy Curtis, whom the Journal vouches for as a " man of the highest standing and whose reputation for veracity stands unimpeached." As illustrating Curtis' cunning and venality, a prominent Washing- ton corres})oudent relates the stor}^ of how Curtis was brought to grief en route to Washington after the Ilepublican National Conven- tion which met in Chicago on June 3rd and adjourned on June 6th, 1884, after the nomination of Mr. Blaine. Curtis was vigorously " belching " for Arthur, with the hope of securing a " soft snap " in the State Department. He abused ]31aine in his usual coarse and ruffianly manner and was " called down " one day by a " broncho- buster " friend of Mr. Blaine from the far West, who notified Curtis that if he repeated any more of his abuse of Mr. Blaine he would smash his face. The ahacrity with which Mr. Curtis stopped his " yawp " about Mr. Blaine was amusing to the " boys." Immedi- ately after the nomination of Mr. Blaine, Mr. Curtis, who had taken charge of the literary bureau in President Arthur's behalf, gathered up with great care and pains all the telegrams which had been sent from the White House and elsewhere in President Artliur's interest, with a view of utilizing them in the future. Many of these dis])atches, the correspomlent stated, gave pledges asked for, and if published would have been of tlie most highly sensational character and greatly embarrassed President Arthur as well as the senders t)f these telegrams. Mr. Curtis saw his oj)portunity to iise tlicsc (lis]);itches as a leverage to ingratiate himself into Mr. Blaine's favor. "The King is dead! Long live the King! " Mr. Curtis set out from Chicago for AVashington with all speed, liaving tak(ui the precaution to write and wire Mr. Blaine that lie liad important matters to submit to liim and that he desired here- 53 after to be his friend. It was not long after Mr. Curtis escaped from the Arthur headquarters with hundreds of these telegrams that the fact was discovered that they were in his possession and that he had left for Washington. He was repeatedly wired on the train in respect to the telegrams, but made no response. Imagine Mr. Curtis' surprise when he reached Washington to find that the extra grip in which he had packed these dispatches, letters and other convention material for future use, was missing. He had the check, but the R. R. Company did not have the grip, and the correspondent relates with great gusto how a gentleman, who Mr. Curtis subsequently discovered was a United States secret service detective, tapped him on the shoulder and notified him that he was wanted at a certain office without delay. But why delay the dt^nouement ? Mr. Curtis was convinced that he had reached a place at last in his career where it was desirable to keep his mouth shut, — at least briefly, — and he succeeded admirably until the end of Mr. Arthur's administration on March 4th, 1885. This and other equally dishonest and unworthy tricks by this dirty cur are narrated on all sides. I have occupied prominent positions in the House, Senate, and Treasury during most of Mr. Curtis' career here, which commenced as an assistant correspondent of the Inter-Ocean during the Forty-fourth Congress (1876), and if the record of my life and work can be " whistled down the wind " by this newspaper Fagin, who, without his connection with a respectable but misguided newspaper, would have no standing whatever in Washington, then I have lived in vain. This letter is necessarily lengthy, but it does not give one-tenth of the slimy record of this newspaper assassin of the character and reputation of honest men. I believe I have a right to a full and fair hearing, particularly by reason of this editorial indorsement given Mr. Curtis. I have been a citizen of the State of Michigan since July, 18G1. One year later I enlisted as a private in the 26th regiment of Michigan infantry, and served until discharged for physical disability and by special order of President Lincoln ; was appointed to a clerkship in the Ordnance Bureau and was assigned to a confidential clerkship with Mr. Charles A. Dana, then Assistant Secretary of War. I cast my first vote for President Lincoln in 1864, and have never missed a Presidential or State election since. I have not always voted to suit Mr. Burrows and his "pie-eating" friend Brewer, but I have voted always as my conscience dic- tated, as I always expect to do. I was in 1870 and 1871 a half owner and editor of the Kalamazoo Telegraph ; was secretary of the Republican State Central Committee in the campaign of 1870, and received the unanimous vote of thanks of that committee for my work, as well as the thanks of the successful candidates for Con- gress, especially from Mr. Conger and Mr. Waldron, who wrote that my earnest and zealous work had saved their elections ; and I have their letters to establish this statement. In the same year I was also appointed special United States marshal for both districts of Michigan to supervise the collection of social statistics, including 54 debt, taxatiou, pauperisin, crime, libraries, etc., etc. For my work in that respect I received the thanks of the Seci'etary of the Interior aud General Francis A. Walker, Superintendent of the Census, and also a warm letter from Governor Baldwin, as well as the unanimous editorial indorsements of the leading papers of Michigan for my work in so full}' collecting the information above referred to, which was missing in numerous other States. I have held important posi- tions in the Treasury Department, the last being Assistant Register, during which time I was Acting Register for over a year ; and held for fourteen years the important office of Journal Clerk of the House of Representatives, from which 1 was removed by Demo- cratic clerks for political reasons onl}', I have been a frequent contributor to the columns of Detroit papers — including the Journal — and now I am a special clerk of the Committee on Ways and Means, employed for the purpose of collecting and compiling the legislative history of all the leading American tariff acts. I will cheerfully put the record of my life, and mj' character, reputation, and standing in the country as against that of this hired Hessian. I do not suppose that anything this professional liar, William Elleroy Curtis, may say or write will aiiect in the slightest degree those who know me; but the Journal article has circulated through- out Michigan among men who do not know me and has been copied in a Kalamazoo paper. I therefore ask as a right the publication of this statement, length}' as it necessarily is, in order that I may be vindicated from the wanton and false attacks of this hireling William E. Curtis. In the Nev'ti publication I stated that Hon. Schuyler S. Olds, of Lansing, was fully aware of the desire and efitbrts of Representative Julius Caesar Burrows in the winter and spring of 1887-8 to secure the publication of General Alger's army record ; that Mr. Olds — with the aid of Senator Stockbridge and others — finally succeeded in dissuading Mr. Burrows from procuring its publication. Mr. Olds resides at Lansing; the Jour mil has a correspondent there, and it can easily ascertain the truth or falsehood of my statement. And then there is Secretary Alger ! Why not ask him what he knows about its truth or falsity ? Mr. Curtis says that " Palmer hates Al- ger !" Why ? Because Mr. Palmer kept General Alger out of Har- rison's Cabinet as Secretary of War, and General Alger reciprocated by keeping Mr. Palmer out of Harrison's Cabinet as Secretary of Agriculture! And yet the servile Mr. Curtis says, " Why, Palmer wouldn't iiurt a tiy '." and finally, why does not the Journal ask Sen- ator Burrows as to the truth or falsity of my statement as to the in- terview in December, 1887, when he read to me the papers described and asked me to procure their publication or the dissemination of their contents '? Why did he not immediately following its publication in the News deny its truth and denounce it as a falsehood? Why does he seek aid and comfort at the hands of a venal correspt)ndent, who has always spoken of him with contempt, and also printed slurs and attacks upon him ? The answer is very eas}', and it is because he 55 dare uot deuy the truth of my statements. He knows that many people, members and ex-members of Congress, know they are true, and, above all, he knows full well that Secretary Alger and Schuyler S. Olds know my statement to be true. Why did he not deny the truth of certain statements of mine printed in the News more than a year ago in answer to the " screech" of Henry M. Rose, the clerk of Senator Burrows' Committee on Re- vision of the Laws, which never meets, because it has never had any business referred to it? The answer is very easy, for he did not dare make a personal denial, for T had only stated facts mostly shown by public records. Instead of personally denying their truth, he dragged Mr. Mark S. Brewer, of Pontiac, the chief of the Repub- lican " pie-hunters and pie-eaters," and s]iecially known as " Old- Man-Afraid-He-Wont-Get-His-Share-Of-Pie," to answer my letter, and that person — to curry favor with Burrows, as he was then seek- ing a Government "job" — maundered through two columns to show that I had no business to interfere in tlie contest for Senator, as I was living in Washington, though he knew that I was a citizen of Michigan with a farm in Kalamazoo county, and Jiad never missed voting at a Presidential or State election since 1864, and also because I was " au ingrate to Mr. Burrows," and a lot of other similar "slop." All I ask is the fair play at the hands of the Journal which it con- cedes is the right of ever}' citizen who claiuis to have been defamed or injured by a publication in its columns. HENRY H. SMITH. Washington, D. C, October 25, 1898. THE WHISKEY RING INVESTIGATION. PROPOSED BY REPRESENTATIVE BURROWS IN THE FIFTY-SECOND CONGRESS. Burrows Abandons His Resolution After Affecting the Market Several Points. A STOCKJOBBING SPECULATION IN WHICH BURROWS IS SAID TO HAVE BEEN INTERESTED. He Offers to Let the Newspaper Boys in On the "Ground Floor." The second session of the Fifty-second Congress convened, after the holiday recess, on January 4, 1893. 1 was then Acting Register of the Treasury, and had been for several months, owing to the 56 illness and absence of General Rosecrans, then iu California. Durinc; the preceding session Representative Julius Ca'sar Burrows, on his way to the Capitol, was iu the habit of stopping at ray otHce nearly every morning to consult me in regard to parliamentary and legislative questions and proceedings. As Mr. Mark Brewer, of Pontiac, other- wise known as " Man-x\fraid-He-Won't-Get-His-Share-Of-Pie," and other Burrows " lickspittles " have charged me with being au " iu- grate " to Mr. Burrows, and have recited many things that Mr. Bur- rows has done for me, I will put in evidence at this point the follow- ing extracts from a letter as showing some of the im]iortant and valuable services which Julius Caesar Burrows wanted me to render Ji'rni : " House of Repeesentatiyes, U. S., Kalamazoo, Mich., iVov. 17///, 1891. My Dear Hahhy : ' You're another ! ' I never said Fassett could carry New York, and if I did I ' lied ' ! I suspect it was Tom Piatt that defeated him. The people generally are getting tired of ' bosses,' and will some tine morning take them on their horns and throw them ' over the garden wall.' All right — that will suit rae. * -X- -X- -X- * -K- «• * But I write more especially to say that I want you to come to the ' Elsmere ' this winter. If your family go awa}', you might as well stop there as anywhere else, and it will be so handy for consultations. Please do locate there. Tell Mrs. Rines for me to fix you just as you desire and charge it to rae. You 7mcst corae and help rae. I ' need you every hour.' Write again soon. Your friend, J. C. BURROWS." Just after the reassembling of that Congress after the holiday recess of 1892 3, Mr. Burrows stopjied at my office one morning and asked for a confidential conversation. I was in ray own room, and we adjourned to the room of the Register, which I had not occu- pied. Mr. Burrows then told me that the matter of the enormity of the Whiskey Tiust had been brought to his attention by a gentle- n)an entirely familiar with the subject, who had given him some facts, together with a resolution, which he thought of submitting to the House, looking to the investigation of said trust. He then sub- stantially said this : "I don't know that this will amount to much this session, for the time is short, but it will at least arouse public sentiment and per- sonally will do me gi'eat good among th(^ temperance people iu Mich- igan. Besides that, there is a legitimate chance, in ray judgraent, to make several honest pennies out of it. The introduction of this resolution will necessarily knock the Whiskey Trust stock down several points, and it would not be a bad idea for us to sell such stock as we can handle. 7'A/.v /tv sfr/c/./i/ ro?ip'()wman-act claims as passed the Houst^ and other items as follows : In section 2, under head of sui)plemental Bowman and rent cases, were included many items heretofore rejected by Congress. 63 Under bead of miscellaneous Court of Claims findings there ap- pears in section 3 an award to Charles F. Choteau, as survivor of Chotean, Harrison, and Valle, of St. Louis, etc., for extra cost of construction of iron-clad steam batter}' Etlah in 1864, the sum of $174,445, aAvarded by the Court of Claims. This case once passed the Coiirt of Claims, was appealed to the Supreme Court and re- versed, and by this appropriation, it is stated. Congress proposes to reverse the decision of the Supreme Court. It is stated that McKay, who has all of what are known as the iron-clad cases, is attorney for this, with a fee of fifty per cent., though he is not a lawyer. Section 4 is added, embracing a long list of French spoliation claims. Section 5 embraces items " under contracts of the Navy Depart- ment" for construction of double-ender Otsego in 1862-3. Under head of " Selfridge Board Findings " are allowances as follows : To legal representatives of John Roach, $62,000, in excess of contract price, etc., for construction of double-ender Peoria ; to Portland Company, Maine, $80,800 for double-ender gunboats AgaAvan and Pontoosuc; to administrator of the estate of George W. Lawrence, $17,000 for material for work done on same vessels; to George W. Quintard, of New York, |85,000 for United States iron-clad Ondaga ; to Thomas F. Rowland, |82,000 for double- ender Mucoota. Lobbyist "Nat" McKay is attorney for these claims, with a fifty per cent, fee, though not a lawyer. Then comes section 6, with a long list of appropriations for churches and schools in the South. Then come a few items for State claims, to California, Oregon, and Nevada of $4,600,000 ; also a payment to Florida. Then comes section 8, miscellaneous claims, a sort of catch-all for odds and ends, including an item of $5,000 to Emile M. Blum, which correspondent William Elleroy Curtis tried to stop unless Blum would pa}' him (Curtis) a certain sum of money, as elsewhere stated. Then come Piute Indian claims; claims for refund of internal-revenue taxes on account of private dies ; Utah claims, Treasury settlements, Spanish- American Commission, together with a lot of miscellaneous claims which have passed one or the other house of Congress since the close of the Civil War. Many of these claims of wliich lol)byist "Nat" McKay is attorney, with a commission of fifty per cent., were reported by Julius Ca3sar Biirrows, from the Committee on Claims. It stands as a matter of course that all claiius reported by Burrows in which McKay is interestetl need re-examination, and there has been much scandal growing out of the Methodist Ciiureh claim, where an attorney got a fee of $100,000 out of $288,000, and the enormous fee of fifty per cent, received by McKay out of the Roach claims passed at the last session, so that it is feared that the entire bill will fail, thus doing great injustice to nine-tenths of the honest and meritorious claims embodied in this bill. All this scandal has been G4 broui^lit b}- the shameful conduct of lobbyist "Nat" McKay, whose opeu aud unblushing corrupt contluct and practices have beeu a reproach upon Congress for some time past. This man McKay is constantly hanging about the corridors of committee rooms of both houses, calling out members whom he entertains as his guests, ask- ing them to look after this or that matter for him, and then openly boasts of his influence aud power to make his guests do his bidding. He has not only openly boasted of bribing Congressmen, but had the unblushing effrontery to state at one of his " banquets" that his l)ill passed through the Fifty-first Congress, though appropriating ^115,000 by the judgment of the Court of Claims, reall}' netted him but $44,000, the rest being paid to get it reported aud passed through the House, where, he said, he paid every Democrat who voted f6r it but one, and that person w^as present. McKay further said, on the same occasion, that he had to pay a few Republican brethren their campaign expenses, as well as " giease the ways " of the bill through tlie Court of Claims and Navy Department. It is more than likely that there will be an investigation ordered by the Senate after it reassembles in January, and some very unsavory scandals are threatened which will put an extinguisher on lobbyist " Nat " McKay. LOBBYIST " NAT " McKAY ATTEMPTS TO BRIBE HON. WILLIAM D. KELLEY, OF PENNSYLVANIA, THE APOSTLE OF HIGH PROTECTION, AND IS EXPOSED ON THE FLOOR OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTA- TIVES IN 1880. Is Also Ejected From Judge Kelle\''s LodginCtS. — " Nat " Was Then a Demekara Sugar Lobbyist. On Tliursday, March 11, 1880 (2d sess. 4Gth Cong.), the Honora- ble William D. Kelley, of Pennsylvania, better known as " Pig-iron Kello}'," the great apostle and champion of the high protective policy, rose to a question of personal privilege in the House, aud had rv:\{\ a special dis])atch from Washington to the Ki)eninsed was to restore to the dutiable list the articles taxable under the Wilson act of 1890. Mr. Burrows was called to order bj' Senator Sherman, who stated tliat he desired to call the attention of Mr. liurrows to the fact that tiie Senate had no right to originatti a tariff l)ill, which, under the law, must originate in the House of Representatives, suggesting that it might be offered as an amendment to the House bill. Mr. Bur- rows replied that he intended to offer the lull that it might be con- sidered by the finance committee and included as an amendment to the House bill. Somebody wliisj)ered to Senator Burrows that it could not b(! oll'ered as a l)ill, and then Mr. Burrows got red in the face and sat down. Subsecpiently, after the Senate had adjourned, he went to the reporter of debates and interpolated these words : " Of 81 coarse I was aAvare of the fact that revenue bills could not originate in the Senate," and yet, in spite of this assumed knowledge and his long experience in the House of Representatives — nearly nine years on Ways and Means — he had deliberately tried to do it. Senator Sherman stepped on him prompth' and hard, and then Mr. Burrows was compelled to offer his bill as an amendment. An examination of the bill by an expert showed that the bill, enacting clause and reference, were in Senator Burrows' handwrit- ing, and yet Mr. Burrows claimed the right of membership of Finance because he was an " expert " on the tariff. 2. In this session Mr. Burrows introduced three public and five private bills, viz : 1. To purchase site for Government Printing Office. For years there had been a contest and squabble over the matter of a site, and this bill was introduced by him at the instance of an attorney or lobbyist. (No action was taken on it.) Further reference will be made to this. 2. To give thirty days' sick leave to employes of the Gov- ernment Printing Office and Bureau of Engraving and Printing. (No action taken on it. Over 3,000 employes being beneficiaries at an annual cost of nearly $250,- 000.) 3. To incorporate National Grand Lodge of Order o^. Sons of Hermann. (By local request. No action taken.) Of the five private bills introduced by Mr. Burrows, but one was for a constituent. One bill was for the relief of legal representatives of John Roach, of Pennsylvania. Roach was a great ship-builder in his day, and his representatives put the claim into the hands of " Nat " McKay, the celebrated " lobbyist," who for years past has been the "chum" and boon companion of Senator Barrows, who in the 51st Congress, as will be shown, got through McKay's bill, which he has repeatedly and publicly stated realized him but $44,000 out of $115,000 appropriated, the rest being paid members, court and Department officials to secure its report and passage and settlement. The recent appearance of Burrows and McKay in Detroit, where they jointly occupied room 16 at the Russell House, is too well known to need particularizing, but will be illustrated. At the commencement of the 54th Congress, Mr. Burrows was made chairman of the unimportant Committee on Revision of the Laws, which had not met for years, and since his appointment as chairman has never met but once, and then only to have the com- mittee approve, as a matter of form, Burrows' appointment of Henry M. Rose as clerk. No bill, resolution, or petition has been even referred to that committee during Mr. Burrows' chairmanship, and, as showing its unimportance, it may be stated that Mr. Rose left Washington in Februar}' last ; returned here in June, remained two days and then skipped for Grand Rapids to resume the work of looking after Senator Burrows' campaign at a salary of $2,200 per annum, or $184 per month, every month Senator Burrows certifying 82 as chairman that Mr. Kose bad duly attended and performed the services of clerk. For this absolutel}^ unimportant committee, with- out business, and which lias never met but once, as stated. Senator Burrows has a small but gorgeously fitted committee room on tlie ground floor, situated near the department of public comfort, the restaurant, the stationery room, the private elevator, and the private stairway, at the following cost : Clerk, '^2,200 ; stenographer and typewriter, $1,200 ; messenger, $1,440 ; and laborer, $720 per annum. Total, $5,560, for doing noth- ing but work for Burrows' re-election. Fifty-Fifth Congress (Extra Session). 1. In this session Mr. Burrows introduced twenty-eight l)ills, of which five were public bills ; all of which, save one, were bills pre- viously introduced by him, but of which two were ever favorably reported back. Of the twenty-three private bills, but seven were for constituents, and by this is meant residents of Michigan. Two bills, one for the relief of the heirs of John Eoach, and two others for the relief of the legal representatives of John Roach, were introduced by him and referred to the Committee on Claims, to which he (Bur- rows) personally requested to be assigned. Both bills were introduced within two weeks after the session commenced, and both were speedily reported back without amendment l)y Mr. Burrows, the most im- portant appropriating $380,151.42, of which "Nat" McKay, the lobbyist, was the attorue}', — though not a lawj-er, — McKay having a contract with the heirs and legal representatives for a fee of fifty per cent, on a completely adjudicated case. On February 11, 1898, Mr, Burrows asked unanimous consent for the present consideration of the bill (S. 958) for the relief of the legal representatives of John Roach, deceased, reported by him from the Committee on Claims. The Chair stated that the bill had been read on a former occasion and objected to. Tiiere being no objection to its consideration, the bill was again read, and passed, without a word of debate or explanation or even the reading of the accompanying report. The bill provided for the payment to the legal representatives of John Roach, deceased, tlie sum of $61,752.- 51 in full payment and discharge of the claims of said Roach and his assigns for work done and material furnished in the construction of the U. 8. Double-Euder Gunboat Peoria. There having been some criticism in a New York paper of the intimacy between Senator Burrows and lobbyist " Nat " McKay, the fact l)eing stated that Mr. Burrows had sought service on the Committee on Claims ; that he referred three bills for the relief of the heirs and legal representatives of John Roach, tiie deceased shipbuilder ; that he reported them without amendment, and passed cue, without a word of debate or explanation, by unanimous consent, — for that reason he turned over the larger hill to Senator Quay, of Pennsylvania, in whose State John Roach lived and died, and the work for which payment was claimed having been done at 83 his shipyard near Philadelphia. On March 14, 1898, Senator Quay asked unanimous consent to take up Mr. Burrows' bill (S. 1116) to pay the heirs of the late John Roach, deceased, $330,151.42 for labor and material, dockage and attention, and occupation of yards and shops for the gunboats Chicago and Atlanta, which bill had been vetoed by President Cleveland after a careful and thorough examination of the bill by Attorney-General Garland. Tiie Chair stated that he had been informed that the bill had heretofore been read at length, when it was objected to ; and the bill, without further reading, explanation, or debate, or the reading of the accompanying report, was passed by the Senate, the record of the entire proceeding taking exactly ten lines in the Record. From this it appears that these two bills for the relief of the estate of John [ioach, amounting to $391,903.93, for which Mr. lobbyist " Nat " McKay, the bosom friend and boon companion of Senator Burrows, was attorne}', both of which were introduced by Senator Burrows, at McKay's request, instead of being introduced, as they should have been, by a Pennsylvania Senator, were reported by Senator Burrows without amendment from the Committee on Claims (to which he asked to be assigned) and one of them passed by him, the two bills being passed in less than five minutes, with- out explanation or a word of debate as to their merits, and without the reading of the accompanying report, as is usual. It was stated on the floor of the Senate during the recent session by Senator Morgan, of Alabama, during the debate on the Methodist Church claim, that lobbyist " Nat " McKay had received one-third of the entire amount of the Roach claim for passing the same. This is an error, as he received one-half. Therefore, McKay, who is not an attorue}' or an educated man, outside of his knowledge of shipbuild- ing — winch he has not pursued for over twenty-five 3'ears — receives a fee of $195,500. Is it any wonder that McKay, with the great fees and sums which he has received from these and numerous other claims, is enabled to live in a palatial mansion in Washington, with a dinner table built for sixty guests, and to give magnificent banquets to members of Congress, Department and court officials who vote for or examine and allow his claims, besides giving liberal " subscriptions " for the campaign expenditures of some of his "guests" who " happen " (?) to be in Congress? It will be remembered that during the first session of the Fifty- fifth Congress, after the Dingley tariff bill had been reported to the Senate by the finance committee, Mr. Burrows was appointed a member of the Committee on Finance to fill the vacancy occa- sioned by the appointment of Senator Sherman as Secretary of State. That vacancy had been purposely left open, neither side desiring it to be filled. There was a sharp contest between Senator Piatt, of New York, from the East, and Senators Thurston, o Ne- braska ; Hansbrough, of North Dakota ; Burrows, of Michigan, and Hanna, of Ohio, from the West. Senator Sewell, of New Jersey, for a time was a candidate, but instead went on the Committee on Ap- 84 propriatious. The vacancy belonged to the West, aiul iiuder the rule of seniority would naturally have gone to Senator Ilansbrough, by reason of his long service. The ambition of Senator Hanna for the place was a piece of absurdity which in any other man would have been impertinent. The contest narrowed down to one between Hansbrough — who was entitled to the place — and Burrows — who was not. The Chairman of the Standing Committee on Committees, which reported the assignment of Senators, was Senator McMillan, of Michigan. He very naturally desired the appointment of Sena- tor Burrows on the finance committee, upon the theory that he would thereby be enabled to do something more for Michigan than if he were not a member of the committee. He urged the fact that Senator Burrows had been a member of the Ways and Means Com- mittee of the House of Representatives for some years, and that as a result he was well equipped for service on the finance committee of the Senate. If any Senator had taken the trouble to examine the record of Mr. Burrows' service on the Ways and Means Committee, he would have ascertained that it amounted to very little. Mr. Burrows was a member during the consideration of the McKiidey bill, and be- sides making a sophomoric speech — which was written for him by a member of the Protective League of Philadelphia and New York — receiving also other help — and a few dozen brief remarks on certain items — in which he was badly " roasted " — there was absolutely nothing to his credit so far as a knowledge of the McKinley tariff act was concerned. He was merely there and an automaton would have answered every purpose. Mr. Burrows was also a member of the Ways and Means Com- mittee in the Fifty -third Congress, which passed the Wilson bill. It was passed precisely as were the McKinley and Dingley bills — under whip and spur — and there was little or no opj^ortunity for de- bate. Mr. Burrows made a sjieech and interjected a few cursory remarks on three or four items, and was again riddled by Demo- cratic members, who demonstrated Burrows' dense ignorance of the tariff, and especially of the details of the bill. The Wilson bill went to the Senate ; was there amended, the Sugar Trust Senators put- ting in everything they wanted, and was returned to the House. It was thrown into conference, and Mr. Burrows was one of the Repub- lican conferrees, but never met but once in full conference. The Democratic meml)ers of the conference committee — Senate and House — met and discussed the Senate amendments pro and con. Chairman Wilson and his associates fiatly refused to agree to the Senate amendments, and reported a disagreement, and askcnl a further conference, which was agreed to l)y the Senate. The Senate Democratic conferrees formally notified the House conferees — as did other Democratic members in the Senate — that unless the House accepted hi toto the Senate amendments, the bill would fail. After dallying along for weeks without agreeing, Speakei- Crisp took the bit in his teeth, and, through the aid of his lieutenants, forced the House to violate all previous practice and precedents, commit rape 85 on all recognized parliamentary law and practice, and agree to each and all of the Senate amendments. It is known to all the leading members of the House and Senate of long service that Mr. Burrows has no more knowledge of the un- derlying principles and the specific details of the tariff than a page boy. His ignorance in this regard has been the subject of laughter and ridicule. He has posed as an authority on the tariff, and he has been jeered at and made a laughing-stock of by Senators who reall}^ knew something about the subject. It is a matter of absolute certainty that but for the intervention and hard work of Senator McMillan for Mr. Burrows he never would have been appointed on the finance committee. Senator McMillan's motive was laudable, but the difficulty was that his colleague was a novice instead of being an expert on the tariff, and the only good he could accomplish for the State of Michigan was by making trades and deals for trifling matters. His record on the lumber question is too well known to recapitulate. As a member of the conference committee he deliber- ately disobe3^ed the instructions of the Senate by its vote, which re- duced the rate to one dollar. He was attacked and criticised for it, but, with his usual brazen assurance, laughed at all criticism as he has done in respect to the open and fair criticism of his public career by his constituents and the Michigan press. When in the Fifty-first Congress — which passed the McKiuley bill — he voted for free hides. In 1898, when a member of the finance committee, with the vast interests of Michigan at stake in this regard, he deliberately rejected the advice of " Uncle " Jim Monroe, Postmaster of Kalamazoo, and Judge M. C. Burch, one of his devoted friends and managers, who came here expressly to in- sist and demand that the Senator should stand by the interests of the farming, the tanning, and leather industr}^ of Michigan and again vote for free hides, as his colleague would have done had he been present instead of being at Mauchester-by-the-Sea. The interests of the furniture manufacturers of Grand Rapids, especially those interested in the glass schedule, were sacrificed, although Mr. Burrows pleaded, almost in tears, before the Republican conferrees — House and Senate — for a change in the schedule, which was favor- able to the Pittsburg glass interest. He said to the committee — and he will not dare deny this — that his re-election to the Senate was at stake if he did not get what he wanted in the glass schedule, as well as a two-dollar rate on lumber. The conferrees heard him plead and beg for a concession, and coolly voted him down by a vote of eight to two. Evidently his colleagues on the conference com- mittee considered it a matter of very slight importance whether he was re-elected or not. For the first time in the history of Congress a conference com- mittee of even membership was appointed. Senator Hanna had demanded that General Grosvenor, of Ohio, a member of the Ways and Means Committee, should go upon the conference committee to look after the wool interests of Ohio. As a result, and against the protest of Speaker Reed, a conference committee of eight on the 86 part of each house was appointed, as follows : Senators Allison, Aldrich, Piatt, of Connecticut; Burrows, Jones, of Nevada ; Test, Jones, of Arkansas, and White, and on the part of the House of Representatives : Dinejley, Payne, Dalzell, Hopkins, and Grosvenor (Republicans), and Bailey, McMilliu, and Wheeler (Democrats). It will be reniembered that Senator Burrows was called sharply to account by Senators Teller and Pettigrew for his misconduct, not only in respect to the lumber schedule, but for his violation of the instructions of the Senate, which had fixed the rate at one dollar, but which by the vote of Mr. Burrows in conference was changed to two dollars, and in the closing hours of Congress was rammed through with a bare quorum in the Senate, and no possibility of holding it twenty-four hours longer. A publication in the Norihicetitern Linnlerman of February 27, 1897, should not be forgotten. That publication was quoted by Senator Burrows as entirely reliable and truthful in all its statements during the debate on the lumber schedule. In that issue it said : " Now, you take our average cut of the United States, and $1 a thousand advance means what ? It means i^35,000,000 to the lumber- men of the United States in a year. So, if we carry out this idea, !$1 duty does not take it to that. Lumber in Canada would come down a whole dollar, and it would not help us any. Get it up to about ^2 and then it would begin to have its effect. To illustrate a little further : There was a lot of gentlemen from the Northwest, up Minnesota wa}', in Washington the other day, and they were sitting in Senator Burrows' committee room. An interesting incident occurred there. Senator Burrows is chairman of the committee. The committee had not had a meeting for a long time. We happened to be sitting in that room, and one of the gentlemen from Minnesota had an envelope and a lead pencil. He walked around the room and he ciphered out a little bit, and he said : ' Mr. Burrows, do you know what ^1 a thousand would mean to this little crowd of men here ? ' There were not as many in the room as there are here. He said the advance of SI a thousand on lumber meant $6,125,000 on last year's product." From this it will be seen that the American people are to pay an annual tribute of not only $35,000,000 to these timber or lumber barons, l)ut at the doubled rate of two dollars per thousand will pay $70,000,000 of " trust protection " which goes into the pockets of the little group of millionaires who dictate the election of Senators in the lumber States, and who had their headquarters during the })endency of the tariff bill in Senator l>urrows' committee room on the Revision of the Laws, which committee never meets. The argument is presented on behalf of Senator Burrows, and most strenuously urged, that his long service in the House and his four years in the Senate ])eculiarly qualify him to serve the State of Michigan better than anybody else who can be named. An exami- nation of the foregoing table of bills — public and jn-ivate— which have been carefully compiled from the CougreHsioudl Record by an expert who, during the entire period of Mr. Burrows' service in the 87 House, has been perfectly familiar with his course and record, will demonstrate conclusively the truth of the assertion that Mr. Burrows has accomplished not a single measure of importance or anything in excess of that accomplished by the " average member." It can be shown that the late Senator Conger accomplished more for Mich- igan in one Congress than Julius Cfesar Burrows has done in his twenty years of service. There may be some slight and unim- portant errors in the statement of bills, but it has been verified by another expert who is entirely disinterested in the matter. Julius Caesar Burrows Reputation in Washington as a ''Columbian Orator'' Fadinp". NEVER A LEADER IN EITHER HOUSE OF CONGRESS. His Intimacy With Lobbyist "Nat" McKay Has Wrecked What Little Influence He Had Among Honest and Conservative Members. The first speech of Julius Coesar Burrows in Congress was made in the House of Representatives on December 17, 1873, on the re- peal of the so-called " salary-grab " law enacted in the last session of the previous Congress. It was a popular bill, and everybody sought the floor to support it, Mr. Burrows getting five minutes in the " shuflle." In the course of his brief speech he stated that he was " unalterably opposed to any measure which proposes to restore the obnoxious mileage system. It is odious to the American people and unjust to the members of the House." At that time, as now, railroad passes were freely furnished to members of Congress on application, and the mileage law, therefore, which gave to members more than it actually cost them for travelling expenses, was a faulty system. In lieu of that, however, Mr. Burrows proposed a salary of S8 $5,500 per aunuin, an iucrease of $500 over the old law, and he voted in that direction. On Marcli 14 he read a speech on the interstate commerce bill, in which he denounced the railroad and other corporations of the country as " railroad monarchs," " giant manipulators," " corporate monsters," and generally rivaled Dennis Kearney in his abuse and denunciation of great corporate interests. The following concluding extracts from his speech will illustrate this : " This mighty people in the main are tillers of the soil gathering from these acres an annual product of $1,200,000,000. The value of these products depends in no small degree upon the facility and cheapness Avith which they can be placed in the markets of the world. I icould therefore taal'e broad and devp every river )ri thin her hordcrs as the means of the cheapest transportation, ajid throuijh lohich her exuberant commerce might float unobstructed to the sea. "But, when 30U have accomplished this great work, the difficulty is not wholly removed. There are seasons of the year when these natural avenues are closed bj' the severity of our climate, during which period these products must perish or seek outlet through the State and over these interstate roads. If no restrictions can be im- posed upon tiiese corporations, the entire commerce of the West may be at the mercy of a single man, and such tvil)ute may be im- posed upon it as to utterly destro}' its value to the producer, or place it beyond the reach of all consumers but the most opulent. " That this commerce has felt the burden of unjust taxation at the hands of these railroad monarchs no one would presume to deny or justify. Seventy-one thousand miles of iron rail interlacing these States have enabled a few men to wield a power over commerce at once dangerous and destructive. But not here alone has its power been felt. It has manipulated caucus and convention, made and unmade legislatures, tampered with the purity of the judiciary ; nay, more, it has stalked with royal retinue through the lobbies of this Capitol, marking its victims and smiling upon its pliant retain- ers. " 1 know, sir, it is as much as a man's political fortunes are worth to stand in the pathway of this almost omnipotent power ; but while I will go as far as he ' who goes farthest ' in protecting these coi])orations in the enjoyment of every just right, they shall do no wrong to the humblest citizen if my vote or my voice can prevent it. " In this sjurit come the six million tillers of the soil, and ask protection at our hands. They come not with bullet nor bayonet ; not with hostile banner, but with the ballot, that mighty — ' Weapou tliat foiues down as still As suow-fliikes upon the sod ; But exei'Utes tlie freeman's will, As lightning does the will of God.' " It is more than probable that Mr. Burrows will recall this poetry, whicli was (^xtensiveh- (juottul against him in his campaign for the Forty-fourth Congress, in whicli he was badly defeated by Allen Potter. It is noticeable that although Mr. Burrows has made num- 89 erous speeches since that occasion, he has never repeated this poetry, which is really of a very high order. As this speech was made on Saturday, the day being devoted to debate only in the Committee on the Whole House on the state of the Union, the speech of the " Columbian Orator " — for it was in this Congress that that title Avas bestowed on him by the late "Sunset" Cox — did not attract special attention. An examination of it (Record, p. 2152 to 2157), in connection with other speeches which preceded it, will disclose the fact that it is made up prin- cipally from citations from other speeches and of quotations from decisions of the Supreme Court of the United States, which had already done duty in the debate. I was then clerk of the Committee on War Claims, and we boarded within two squares of each other on Thirteenth street. He asked me to assist him in the preparation of this speech, which work I very cheerfully did, carefully examining other speeches for judicial decisions, etc. We were then good friends, although I had opposed his election and supported Hon. Allen Potter for that Congress. Extracts from this speech were printed in the Kala- mazoo Telegraph, and that paper highly commended him for his attack upon the "railroad monarchs " and his argument in favor of water transportation. No man looking over the devious and crooked record of Julius C;esar Burrows during the past fifteen years in Congress would suppose that in 1874 he had denounced the managers of railroads as " monarchs ; " would charge that these " monarchs " had " manipulated caucuses and conventions, made and unmade legislatures, tampered with the purity of the judiciary," and, finally, " had stalked with royal retinue through the lobbies of this Capitol, marking its victims and smiling upon its pliant retainers." One is reminded of the paragraph in " Lochiel's Warning " — " 'Tis the sunset of life that gives me mystical lore, Aud coming events cast their shadows before." Little did Julius C?esar Burrows then dream that he would ever be the pliant tool of great railway, telegraph, express, and other corporations ; that, according to Schuyler S. Olds, he would ever " fr}" the fat " out of great manufacturers in order to reach the United States Senate, where he would be able to look after their interests. Little did he think that the time would come when he_ would stand up in both houses of Congress as the supporter of the Pennsylvania Railroad against the interests of the Michigan Central and the other great railroads of the State of Michigan, in the matter of building a bridge over the Detroit River, and yei, when a dele- gation of Detroit citizens came here only a little over two years ago in Gen. Alger's private car, and appeared before the Committee on Commerce of the Senate to argue in behalf of Senator McMillan's bill for the construction of a bridge across the Detroit River, Senator Julius Ciesar Burrows held back ; had his doubts about the wisdom and propriety of it ; thought it ought to be looked into ; thought a 90 tuunel a better plan ; wanted to wait to see how the big bridge over the Hudson River came out, etc. No wonder the managers of the Michigan Central and other Michigan roads have at last got their eyes open to the duplicity, treachery, and demagoguery of this man, whose star has been steadily fading since reaching the Senate, who is without influence in tliat body, and who, on the fourth of March next, if the legislature of Michigan does its duty, will suft'er a total eclipse and retire to the obscurity of private life, where he would have been left after his vile treachery to the late Senator Francis B. Stockbridge, but for the kindness of that most amiable gentleman, and for other reasons stated elsewhere. In the second session of that Congress Mr. Burrows made his celebrated " blood3'-shirt " speech on the civil rights bill, which destroyed all possible hope of the admission of the Territor}^ of New Mexico into the Union. The bill had been reported unanimously from the Committee on Territories, through the indefatigable exer- tions of Mr. Elkins, the delegate from that Territory, now Senator from AA^est Virginia. As a result the bill would have been supported by the South almost unanimous!}', but the bitter and malignant speech of Mr. Burrows induced scores of Democratic members to change their minds, and the bill failed. In the first session, Fortj'-sixth Congress, Mr, Burrows made a " set " speech on the legislative appropriation bill, also incidental remarks, in which the South was bitterly denounced. Still shaking the " bloody shirt." In the second session he read a column eulogy on Zachariah Chandler, who had objected to and defeated the bill of Burrows' " dear friend," lobbyist " Nat " McKay, in the Forty-first Congress, and ordered him from the floor of the Senate. In the first session of the Forty-seventh Congress he made a speech on the apportionment of Representatives under the census of 1880, on which speech I rendered him some assistance ; but his " set " speech — so to speak — consisted of a carefully prepared argu- ment by Robert P. Porter, subsequently Chairman of the Tarifl" Commission, on the bill for the creation of that commission. In the second session of that Congress he was appointed Chair- man of the select Committee on Mississippi River Improvements, and printed a speech on that subject, as well as on the river and harbor bill, which had been prepared by the clerk of the select committee, Mr. Crawford, a newspaper man of culture and ability, reporting a bill for extravagant levee appropriations for the benefit of plantation owners. In the Forty-eighth Congress Mr. George L. Yaple, of Mendon, did the speaking for the Kalamazoo district, having defeated Mr. Burrows on account of the hitter's wobbling course on the river and harbor bill, elsewhere stated, but more particularly on account of the broken pledges of the " Columbian Orator " extending over the entire district. In the Fort} -ninth Congress Mr. Burrows made a seven-column speech on the bill for the relief of General Fitz John Porter. Ex- 91 President Grant from his dying bed had declared that Fitz John Porter had been deeply wronged. Other military men of great renown, including Generals Sherman and Sheridan, had united with General Grant in that opinion. It was reserved, however, for Captain Burrows, who " went into the army late and retired early " — according to ex-Governor Blair — to denounce this bill and pander to the passing prejudice of the day, as he has invariably done throughout his entire Congressional career. Fortunately this speech of the " Columbian Orator" hardly made a ripple on the surface. The greater portion of it was printed without reading, and I remember distinctly the fact, as the papers of the day will show, that Mr. Burrows attracted no attention whatever. Later he made a five-page speech on the post-ottice appropriation bill, and still later another five-page speech on the Senate amendments to that bill, which speeches, it was stated at the time, were prepared by an official of the Post-Office Department, then, as now, a resident of the State of Michigan. He is still living in Washington, and still in the service, but I am not at liberty to mention his name. In the second session he made a five-page speech favoring sub- sidies for a South American mail service, which was the pet scheme of Collis Huntington of Pacific Railroad fame. Who prepared this speech I do not know, but I do know this, that he displayed such ignorance of the details of the subject that he desired not to be interrupted as to its details. In this Congress the Committee on Rules, following the recom- mendation I liad made in a previous magazine article for the distri- bution of the several general appropriation bills, with other im- portant reforms, made a report in exact harmony with my ideas. Mr. Carlisle was Speaker, and the report was made by Colonel Morrison, of Illinois, then chairman of the Committee on Ways and Means. Mr. Burrows had not taken any ground in the matter beyond saying that he favored the taking away of some of the bills and generally supporting the recommendations I had made. Colonel Morrison is not an orator, and he was anxious to have Mr. Burrows speak in behalf of the report. I said to him, "If you will allow Burrows to close the general debate in a ' spread-eagle ' speech, you will catch him." Colonel Morrison thereupon went to Mr. Burrows and asked him to make the closing speech on his behalf, saying that he would yield the floor for that purpose. The " Columbian Orator" jiimped at the opportunity as a lively chicken would at a straggling June-bug, and made that speech on December 17, 1885 (Record, p. 292--3). Any person who will take the pains to read it will discover that it is a good speech, and I take legitimate and lawful pride in it, for I wrote it. My speech closed with this sentence : " Let me say to this (Republican) side of the House that the day of deliverance from the oppression of the old rules is at hand. You understand what these old rules mean, and if you vote for them, it is a self- organized tyranny ; and if hereafter the chains gall, do not com- plain ; it is your deliberate act. [Great applause.] 92 " I trust, however, that this House will break these fetters, assert its manhood, and invite freedom, the freedom of tlie membership of this House, and adopt a code of rules which comports with the liberty of our institutions and the dignity and intelligence of this l)ody, and enable the House of Representatives to meet in some slight degree the expectation of an enlightened constituency." [Loud applause.] The House then proceeded to consider the re])ort under the five- minute rule. I left my seat at the Clerk's desk to go to my room to write up the morning proceedings in my journal. As I passed up the aisle ex-Gov. Long, of Massachusetts, now Secretary of the Navy, stopped me and extended his hand, saying, with a smile, " I con- gratulate you, Harry, on the splendid speech that Mr. Burrows has just delivered for you. It does you great credit." Of course I denied the " soft impeachment," and I presume I was complimented by at least twenty members, who knew I had written the speech which Burrows delivered. It will be a very easy matter for Senator Burrows to obtain from Secretary Long a denial of this assertion, if he desires to do so, and the Secretary's address is still, " Navy Department, Washington, D. C." In the Fiftieth Congress Burrows made a seven-page speech on the Mills tariff bill. The Protective League of Philadelphia had furnished him a vast amount of material to use in attacking this bill, which Mr. Burrows found himself entirely unable to digest. I was then a special clerk in the Senate of the Finance and Appropriation (Jommittees, and was engaged on tariff work. At his request, I went over this material, tabulated it, boiled it down, made many sug- gestions, and to-day I can take up the speech and point out many paragraphs which I had the honor to originate. Later he made a three-column speech on the statue of Lewis Cass, most of the material of which was furnished him from Kala- mazoo b}' a gentleman of recognized ability, who was requested by Mr. Burrows to collect material for this purpose. In the Fifty-first Congress Mr. Burrows made a six- column speech on the McKinley tariff bill. The material for that speech also came largely from Philadelphia, some from Pittsburg, and some from Boston. I saw the material ; was at his room often during the preparation of the speech, and was repeatedly made to suffer hj hearing him repeat it, walking up and down the room, committing to uKMuory soukj of its choicest passages. I was removed from the office of Journal Clerk shortly after the commencement of the Fifty-second Congress, for the atrocious crimes of being a Republican and of having been very zealous in assisting Speaker Reed during the preceding Congress. Nothing of im])ort- ance 0(u;urred, however, during that Congress, and Mr. Burrows made no "set" speech worthy of note. It was the day of "pop gun " tariff l)ills, under the k^ad of Mr. Springer, which werti rammed through the House and then pigeon-holed in the Senate without receiving the slightest consideration. In the Fifty-tliird Congress, first (extra) session, called by Presi- 93 dent Cleveland for the purpose of repealing the Sherman act, Mr. Burrows made a " set " speech on the free coinage of silver. It was a "straddle speech," and it rung the changes about the silver dollar being worth as much as a gold dollar, and it is a speech which ex- Represeutative'Milnes, or present Representative Todd, could have made with perfect propriety and consistency. It was interspersed with a discussion of the tariif, and all the way through it Mr. Bur- rows labored heavily at the oar to show that the Republican party was the friend of silver and that there was no occasion for the ex- istence of a separate silver party, the members of which ought to come in and support the Republican ticket. Of course, Mr. Burrows discussed bimetallism, and, of course, he juggled with that question, occasionally giving a slap at silver " monometallism," just to show that he was impartial. In the course of this speech Mr. Burrows went dead back on his speech of 1874, in the Forty-third Congress, and came to the defence of the railroad monarchs. The entire speech was a fraud, a delusion and a snare. It threw no light on the great living question of the hour ; it furnished no new informa- tion to anybody, and it was, therefore, a characteristic speech. During the second session the Wilson bill was reported, and, as a matter of course, Mr. Burrows again discussed it. As elsewhere stated, this speech was largely prepared by Mr. Smith D. Fry, the correspondent of the Detroit Tribune and the private clerk of Mr. Burrows. He is an able and facile writer, and he marshaled columns and battalions of formidable statistics. It was a better speech than Mr. Burrows could possibly write, and it is the speech which Mr. Burrows desired printed in full in the Kalamazoo Telegraph, which Editor Diugley declined to do, offering to print it as a supplement if Mr. Barrows would pay the expense of its composition. In the Fifty-fourth Congress Mr. Burrows went to the Senate. He made a speech, prepared by some statistical writer, on the subject of bond issues. But aside from offering a tariff' bill, which was ruled out of order, as noted elsewhere, he did very little except to attract occasional attention by airing his oratory on trifling matters. In the first session he made a seven-page speech on the Dingley tariff' bill, devoted, as one would naturally suspect, to the dut}'^ on lumber. The material for that speech was, of course, furnished by the two- dollar " lumber barons," and it is quite likely that the Blodgetts hired a " ready writer " to do the drudgery for Mr. Burrows. The speech is punctured with extracts drawn from the Northwestern Lumhernidu and other sources, and derives its chief importance from the fact that it proves conclusively the charge of Schuyler S. Olds, that Mr. Burrows had " sold himself, body and soul, to the Blodg- etts, who had nominated in the bond, before they put up a dollar for his election, that he should stand to the last for the two-dollar lumber rate." AVhen the so-called Teller resolution was under debate in the Senate, Mr. Burrows felt called upon to define his position. That resolution was an exact duplicate of the Matthews resolution, which passed both houses of Congress twenty years ago, the Michigan 94 delegation then solidly supporting it, save Senator Chandler in the Senate and Mr. Ellsworth in the House. Mr. Burrows was out of Congress at the time, hut he su])ported it on the stuniji, and I have his record on that point. When Mr. Burrows was elected to the Senate in January, 1895, he necessarily vacated his seat in the House, and a special election was called to fill the vacancy. Hon. Alfred Mihes, of Coldwater, was nominated and ran on a straddle ]>latforn), although it squinted hardest toward the gold side of the ques- tion. The Ilepublican party had not then taken pronounced ground on this question, and in accordance with his uniform practice Mr. Burrows dodged the issue. No word came from him in that cam- paign in behalf of Mr. Milnes, who was elected b}' a very slender majority. Instead of his clarion voice, which, according, to " Gen- eral" Yusef, "wakes the echoes," etc., Senator Burrows, according to Schuyler S. Olds, " skwlked in New York and remained under cover, like the artful doger that he is." Mr. Burrows not only did not make a speech in behalf of Mr. Milnes ; did not write a letter ; did not contril)ute a cent, nor did he even send a "strengthening" or encouraging telegram. He was willing to sacrifice his old dis- trict in order to feed his vanity with the theory that he alone could carry that district. He was " casting an anchor to windward," so that in the event of his defeat for re-election to the Senate in Jan- uary, 1899, he would be able to fall back on the old Kalamazoo dis- trict and return to the House of Representatives, as ex-President John Quincy Adams had done. In fact, he said as much to a mem- ber of the present Michigan delegation. Feeling, therefore, the necessity of showing his liand and that he was in harmony with the advanced ground taken by the Republican party at the St. Louis convention and later, he stepped into the Treasury Department one day last spring and asked Secretary Gage to suggest something new for him to say about the Teller resolution. Secretary Gage is a very busy man, and he had no time to write or even suggest a speech even for Senator Burrows. The Secretary is, however, for- tunate in possessing a private secretary who is one of the most ac- complished writers and statisticians in the employ of the Treasury Dejiartment. He called in that gentleman and turned 'Mr. Burrows over to him. The i)rivate secretary is also one of the most oblig- ing and agreeal)le gentlemen in the Treasury service, and although burdened with important and responsible duties, really doing the work of three men, he expressed his willingness, as a matter of pub- lic duty, to write a speech for Senator Julius Ca'sar Burrows, which he ([u], and which tliat gentleman read (after making the ])relimi- nary reqnc^st that he did not desire to be interrupted) with groat unction. Tlie speech was a fine one and was well read. It was written on Treasury Department paper, and I called the attention of the correspondent of a prominent Republican paper to the fact that Senator Burrows was reading somebody else's speech, and an inspection of the manuscript, which was turned over to the Senate reporter, after the Stmator had conchided its reading, disclosed the fact tliat it bore the Treasury water-mark. 95 In fiue, tlie older members of Congress and the veteran corre- spondents here have got the exact size of Mr. Burrows' brain and know his mental equipment. As a matter of courtesy, and to give a bit of eclat to the Republican side of the case, they give attention to a few opening sentences, and then, like the Arabs, " silently steal away." An examination of all his speeches — save those written for him — will show there is nothing that will live or which had any influence at the time. At his request I drew a resolution which he offered and the House adopted in the Fifty-second Congress, calling on the Secretaries of War and the Treasury and the Attorney- General for the amount of war claims pending in their respective departments and, as Acting Register of the Treasury, I was assigned the duty of answering for the Treasury Department. I made an elaborate report which was freely and frequentl}^ dra^vn upon by Republican papers and speakers throughout the campaign, and also prepared the outline of a speech for Mr. Burrows on that subject. I have his letters of request for assistance and of thanks to show for this work of mine. JULIUS CiESAR BURROWS MAKES TWO FARCICAL CONTESTS FOR SPEAKER OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. Judge Jay A. Hubbell Refused to Support Him For Speaker in Forty-Seventh Congress. — Burrows Gets a Virginia Carpet Bagger in His Place and Sells Out Michigan Delegation for Important Committee Positions for Himself. — Lord, Willetts, Lacey, Webber, Spaulding, of St. John's, Rich, and Horr Left in the Lurch. Tlie Forty-seventh Congress was Republican by a small majority, and Julius Caesar Burrows, having, under my tutorship and coach- ing — all of which the " world knows," and which he has verbciUy and in -writing often acknoAvledged — become a fairl}' good parlia- mentarian, decided to become a candidate for Speaker. The other candidates were Messrs. Reed, of Maine ; Hiscock, of New York ; Kasson, of Iowa, and Keifer, of Ohio. As usual, there were two or three other minor candidates with complimentary votes from their State delegations, who dropped out of the race after the first ballot, these candidates, like Burrows, selling out for committee place. Mr. Burrows announced his candidacy in the last session of the Forty- sixth Congress, and made an active campaign through the winter and spring, summer and fall of 1881 for that place, with the net re- 96 suit of losing the vote aud iDflueuce of Judge Hubbell, of the Upper Peninsula, then Chairman of the Republican Congressional Com- mittee, and gaining in his place the vote of an obscure carpet bagger from Virginia, who was the personal propert}' of Gen. Mahone. Of the nine Repul)lican members of the delegation but one — Ilorr, of East Saginaw — was originally for Burrows. Judge Hubbell was entitled to the support of the delegation for the Speakership, if the delegation desired to present a candidate. He had served contin- uously through the Forty-third, Forty-fourth, Forty-fifth, and Forty- sixth Congresses, and had become prominent and influential on the door of the House. He was a member of the Committee on Appro- priations of the Forty-sixth Congress, and was fairly entitled by his position to the honor. He did not seek the place, however, though better qualified for it than Burrows, but believed the delegation should support Mr. Hiscock, of New York, for the reason tiiat the tariff and other great interests of New York and Michigan were identical in many respects, and that the delegation would be treated better by Hiscock than it would be by any other successful Western candidate. Mr. Burrows' candidacy met no res])onse M'hatever. All of the members of the delegation, except Judge Hubbell and Messrs. Willetts and Horr, were new members and had no acquaintance and could do nothing for him. He asked my assistance in the campaign, and I made an earnest and zealous efibrt in his behalf, but met with such little success that I was obliged to tell him just before Con- gress assembled in December, 1881, that he did not stand the ghost of a show for the nomination and tluit he had better withdraw, so as not to disclose his weakness. He steadily refused to do so, and up to the meeting of the caucus went about AVashington boasting that he had at least thirty votes— precisely as he is now boasting that lie has eighty pledged votes in the legislature — and when the caucus was held received exactly nine votes. There was a stubborn contest, and after awhile, through the eti'orts of Senator Cameron and Representative Robeson, of New Jersey, the P(Minsylvania delegation left Hiscock and " broke " for Keifer, and Burrows went with it, as per agreement, receiving in return a position on tlu^ important Committee on Appropriations and Chairmanship of the Committee on Territories, with a good com- mittee room and an annual clerk. The' otlier members of the delegation fared badly, except Judge Hubbell and Mr. Willetts, wiio was made a member of the Committee on Ways and Means ill spite of Burrows' effort to keep him off, and they were entitled to these places and got no help from Burrows. Mi; Lord, of Detroit, was fifth on Foreign Affairs. Mr. Willetts, of ^roiiroe, was put second on Judiciary and Chairman of the Com- iiiitt(M^ on Expenditures in the Department of Justice, which, like Mr. Burrows' present Committee on the Revision of the Laws, never met. Mr. Lacey was appointed fourth on Post Offices and Post Pvoads and fourth on the Committee on Coinage, Weights aud Measures. Mr. Webljer was ap])ointed on Banking and Currency 97 and on the Committee on Revolutionary Pensions. Gen. Spaulding, of St. John's, by virtue of his splendid military record and conceded executive ability, was appointed on the Committee on Military Affairs and on Indian Affairs. Mr. Rich was appointed sixth on Agriculture and also on the Committee on Mileage which meets once each session. Mr. Horr — the protege of Mr. Burrows —was appointed on the Committee on Commerce, which then had charge of the river and habor bill. The members of the delegation, how- ever, felt that they had been treated badly, and they did not hesi- tate to tell Mr. Burrows so in very plain terms, with the result, with the possible exception of Gen. Spaulding — who never quarrels with anybody — there Avas a great deal of friction in the delegation, and its influence was largely nullified by the efforts of Mr. Bur- rows towards his own personal aggrandizement. During the first session of that Congress, Mr. Burrows voted for the river and harbor bill on its original passage by the House. Then he voted against the first conference report on the bill, which slightly reduced an appropriation for a harbor in his district, but increased immensely the amount for Michigan's great lake and harbor interests, amounting in the aggregate to over 1750,000. Then he voted to table the motion to reconsider the vote rejecting the conference re- port, and finally voted against the second conference report ; and at last he crowned the absurdit}^ of his crooked and "wobbling" course, after President Arthur had vetoed the bill by turning a double back somersault and voting to pass the bill over Presi- dent Arthur's veto. I remember well the state of mind he was in while this bill was pending, and how the members of the dele- gation, except Mr. Willetts — who voted against the bill — pounded him for his inconsistent course. Mr. Horr, of Saginaw, told him in the cloak-room of the House, in the presence of a dozen members, while the roll was being called, that he was " a coward and a fool," and at last dragooned him into voting for the passage of the bill over the President's veto. His conduct in regard to that bill lost him the confidence and respect of the House, and from that time he was almost entirely without influence during that session. BURROWS' SECOND PREPOSTEROUS CANDIDACY FOR SPEAKER. Burrows Has the Solid Delegation After Much Dragooning and One Additional Vote, Another Carpet Bagger From Virginia, also the Property of Gen. Mahone. — Again Sells Out the Delegation. The Fifty-first Congress was Republican by a small majority, and Mr. Burrows again decided to be a candidate for Speaker, making 98 during the second session of the Fiftieth Congress an active cam- paign for the phice. The Ilepiiblicau members of the delegation were Allen, O'Dounell, Burrows, Belknap, Brewer, Bliss, Cutcheon, Wheeler, and Stephenson. Messrs. O'Dounell, Brewer, Bliss, and Cutcheon were the only members of prior service, and of all the delegation the onl}' man who was sincerely and honestly for Bur- rows for Speaker was Stephenson — who conld not influence a vote — then serving his first term. The Republican members of the dele- gation met at the " Elsmere," Mr. Burrows' boarding house, on Thursday night before the caucus and discussed the situation. There had been correspondence between the members of the dele- gation during the summer, and occasional conferences between them as they happened to meet in Detroit. It was clearly apparent that there was no " call " for Burrows outside of Michigan, and very little inside of it. Burrows made a great parade of pledges, claiming, as in the Forty-seventh Congress, that he had at least thirty votes pledged outside of Michigan. Most of the members of the delega- tion wrote me during the summer and fall asking as to the situation and Burrows' prospects, and desiring me to look the matter up. I replied frankly that I had written over fifty members to inquire what the}- thought about Burrows, and had personally in(piired of fifty more mIio had visited Wasliiugton during the iuterregnuu], and was able to say that the only man who " talked Burrows " was Hon. Charles S. Baker, of New Tork. Finally, at the request of Hon. Mark S. Brewer, of Pontiac — whose letter I happen to have — I wrote Mr. Baker, at Rochester, N. Y., on November o, and asked him squarely if Burrows' claim that he (Baker) was pledged to vote for him for Speaker was correct or not. Under date of November 7 — and I have the letter before me — he said, among other things ; " I don't care very much about Burrows, although I think he is, perhaps, the best fitted for Speaker, all things considered, to be found in the Fifty-first Congress. You have made him a good par- liamentarian, and that is what we want. Of course, you know the New York delegation has adopted the two-thirds rule to govern it, so I suppose Ave shall all have to vote solid for Reed." I showed that letter to Mr. Burrows, who begged me to destroy it or give it to him. I refused to do either. I told iiim that I had earnestly supported him in the Forty-seventh Congress for Speaker, l)elieving that among so many candidates he had a show, and as we had a solid delegation then it was all right ; liut I had learned more about him since, and in view of the very narrow Republican mnjovity in tlie House — five to start with — and the necessity of having a strong aggressive and ])Ositive man in the chair, I tiiought Tiiomas B. Reed, of Maine, was best fitted for Speaker, with David B. Hen- derson, of Iowa, or Mr. Cannon as a second choice. I knew that the Michigan delegation was divided ; that Gen. Cutcheon and two or three others tiiought Mr. Reed the best man ; tiiat Mr. Brewer was for Joe Cannon, of Illinois, as he would ap])()iut ]5rewer on A])- })ropriatious ; that O'Dounell and one other member were for Mc- Kinley, and that as a matter of fact, with the exception of Stephen- 99 son, the cl legation didn't care even a half a d — u for Julius Caesar Burrows. T showed Mr. Baker's letter to several members of the delegation, as well as other letters I had received, among others one from Mr. Dorsey, of Nebraska, who Mr. Burrows counted on as " dead sure " — precisely as the "Orator" and " Friday " Rose are now counting on eighty members of the legislature as " dead sure " for him for Senator. Mr. Burrows opened headquarters at the National Hotel, and sub- sequently took a parlor at the Riggs House. Members of the dele- gation drifted in and out ; but there was no zeal, no hard work, no enthusiasm, "no nothing" in his behalf, for the candidacy of Mr. Burrows was ridiculed and riddled by the leading papers of the countr}', as well as b}' the Washington press, — which put him in the "also ran " column — and if anything more had been needed to cast ridicule and disgrace upon it, it was furnished when Mr. Burrows accepted the otier of the correspondent of a Democratic paper of a large Northern city to act as his manager ; and, as illustrating the character of the person referred to, I will say that he had not long before attempted to blackmail a prominent statistician of the coun- try out of live hundred dollars by demanding that sum from him in return for surrendering a somewhat amorous letter from the statisti- cian to a married lady — not his own wife — which had been inad- vertently enclosed in an envelope addressed to this correspondent, while the letter to the correspondent had been enclosed in the en- velope addressed to the lady. I stated the facts to Mr. Burrows, and they were verbally repeated b}- the statistician referred to ; but it made no difference to Mr. Burrows, who thought that the corre- spondent might possibly " rope in " a straggling vote, which would turn the tide in his favor. The caucus met, and Mr. Burrows had the solid Michigan delegation — largely under compulsion — and a lone, lorn carpet-bag member from Virginia, from Gen. Mahone's district, a very respectable gentleman by the way, but under obligations to ex-8enator Mahone, who had " assisted " Mr. Burrows in some of his previous campaigns. In fact, the list of gentlemen who have "assisted" Mr. Burrows during his political campaigns is considera- ble — about twenty-five, to my personal knowledge — all of whom had interests pending before Congress, notably Gen. Mahone, who was anxious to sell a square of ground for a public printing office, to which measure Mr. Burrows was pledged, and yet when the time came to vote, Mr. Burrows walked out of the hall and loft his friend, Gen. Mahone, in the lurcli, although the Senate bill was defeated by only a dozen or so majority. Even the " pie-eating " Mr. Brewer has repeatedly admitted — particularly since he failed to get the Mon- treal consulate — that personally he thought it unwise for Mr. Bur- rows to run for Speaker while General Cutcheon was more than reluctant to vote for him, and oidy consented at the last to do so upon the most earnest and pleading statement and assurance that he positively had ten additional votes on the first and ten more on the second ballot. Fortunately for the country, the second ballot elected Mr. Reed, with the happy result of making Major Mc- 100 Kinley Chairman of Ways and Means, resulting in the wise and beneficent tariff act of October 1, 1890, prudent and judicious ap- propriations under Chairman Cannon, and finally a sweeping reform in the rules and parliamentary practice of the House of Representa- tives, in which last reform, I may say without egotism, I assisted, as the press of the day stated. Imagine the consequences of having Julius Cnesar Burrows as Speaker of that House, with its slender majority, and the vast re- sponsibility resting on that oflicer during that trying period. Think of what the country and the Republican party escaped ! SENATOR BURROWS AND PRIVATE SECRETARY RX)SE IN THE ROLE OF " SCALPERS." The Victim is Capt. Alfred Pew, of Grand Rapids, Messenger of Senator Burrows' Committee, Who is Monthly Robbed of Thirty-five Dollars to Help Entertain Senator Burrows' Guests. — Capt. Pew's Salary is $1,440, but he Actually Gets but $1,000 per Annum. — Shameful Robbery of a G. A. R. Veteran. An astounding thing has just been developed in Washington through the Department of the Potomac, G. A. R., by the action of its Commander, Arthur Hendricks, of the Treasury Department, and will, M'ith other cases, be made public as soon as Congress con- venes. During the Harrison administration, Capt. Alfred Pew, of the old Third Michigan Infantry, a resident of Grand Rapids, was appointed to a $720 ])lace in the Pension Office. During Grover Cleveland's second term, under the reform (?) administration of Hoke Smith, Secretary of the Interior, Capt. Pew was dismissed. He sought employment everywhere, and was promised (of course) a position in the Senate by Senator Burrows, the " hog combine " having dis- posed of everything in the House of Representatives. After a long and weary delay, Capt. Pew, on April 1, 1896, was appointed to a thousand-dollar place in the Senate, and assigned to duty as mes- senger to take care of Senator Burrows' committee room. Revision of the Laws (which committee has never met, no business ever hav- ing been referred to it), on July 1 following being ])romoted to a SI, 440 place witii the same duties. When ('apt. Pew received his first mouth's sahiry, at the rate of 11,440 per annum, he had been out of office some time and expended every dollar in paying debts. The following day " Private Secre- 101 tary " Rose notified Capt. Pew tliat he should have handed him (Rose) thirty-five dolhirs out of his salary, as that was the under- standing under which he was appointed, he having said to Senator Burrows that he would be satisfied with a thousand-dollar place. Capt. Pew having spent the entire month's salary, as stated, was obliged to ask the grace of Mr. Henrj- M. Rose, clerk of the Com- mittee on the Revision of the Laws (which never meets, etc.), and was allowed time in which to make up the said amount ($35). He soon squared himself up, and from that time until the present date has regularly drawn his salary at the rate of $1,440 per annum, and as regularly turned over to " Private Secretary " Rose each month the sum of thirty-five dollars, in accordance with the demand of Mr. Rose, the said sum being used — acoordiug to Mr. Rose — to entertain Mr. Burrows' guests from Michigan. Think of such an outrage being perpetrated on behalf of a man who has become rich through the grace and favor of the Blodgetts and lobbyist " Nat " McKay, and who, to-day, instead of being the poor man that he represents himself to be, is easily worth one hundred thousand dollars ! The paragraphs which have been peddled out by " Private Secretary " Rose to the faithful Burrows papers, and sent out through his literary bureau, about Senator Burrows' poverty are simply rotten and rank falsehoods. I have long known of his investments, and if an opportunity is afforded me to go before a committee of the Michigan legislature, I will show that committee beyond all peradventure that a large proportion of Senator Bur- rows' recently acquired wealth was obtained through speculations, while it stands to reason that the Blodgetts and lobbyist " Nat " McKay have been liberal contributors to his bank account. More than two years ago Capt. Pew's wife, tired of being pinched on a salary of one thousand dollars a year, which her husband received when he was entitled to fourteen hundred and forty, the regular salary of his office — addressed a letter to Mr. Rose saying that, as her husband had gone home at considerable expense to help in the election of 1896, she hoped that he would thereafter be allowed his full salary which he was entitled to draw and which he as fully earned as did Mr, Rose his salary of eighteen hundred dollars per annum, working less than nine months each year. To this letter Mr. Rose responded that there was a distinct uuderstand- inu" between the Senator and her husband that he was to receive one thousand dollars per annum and that the excess of that amount was merely a contribution to pay his (Rose's) bills for entertaining Senator Burrows' guests from Michigan under the theory of being political expenses. I have known most of these facts for the last eight months, and have stated them to friends in Michigan, saying that the matter should be kept quiet until a thorough investigation could be made. Iliave never met Capt. Pew, and, at the request of his mauy Michigan friends, who feared that an exposure of this scoundrelly performance of " Private Secretary " Rose would cause Capt. Pew to lose his position, I have refrained from making it public until now. I have 102 related the facts to several prominent Republican Senators, who have assured me that Capt. Pew shall not lose his office, even in the (improbable) event of Senator Burrows' re-election. Senator Foraker, to whom I related the fact, was furious, and stated tliat if this were true Senator Burrows' clerk should be dismissed from office and the Senator and clerk required to refund to Capt. Pew the money which they had improperly received from him. "Think," said Senator Foraker in the most indignant manner, " of a veteran soldier being treated in this shameful way under the guise of enter- taining a Senator's friends (?). It is simply infamous, and I hope you will expose it and all other similar cases." On the 27th instant I addressed a letter to Arthur Hendricks, Commander of the Department of the Potomac, Grand Army of the Republic, calling his attention to the fact that members of the Grand Army, employed at the Capitol^ — one member of my own post (Kit Carson) — were being " assessed " monthly by officials and sub-offi- cials of the two houses of Congress, and stating a particular in- stance. To that letter I have received the following reply : " Department of the Potomac, "Grand Army of the Republic, "Washington, D. C, Decemher 11th, 1898. " Henry H. Smith, Esq. " Dear Sir AND Comrade : lam in receipt of your favor of this date, wherein you state that you have been informed that ' membei-s of the G. A. R. (employed at the Capitol) were being defrauded out of a portion of their salaries through the action of subordinate officials of Congress,' and that in one instance ' a messenger (assistant doorkee])er) was on the roll at the rate of $1,440 per annum, and was paid at tliat rate monthly, but was required by the clerk of the committee to which he was assigned, to turn over the difference each month between the sum of si, 000 per annum and ^1,440 per annum, the amount of his annual compensation,' and that * this was under compulsion.' " In view of the fact that members of our order are suffering from this unfair and unjust act, and are thereby deprived of a portion of their livelihood, it would seem that some effort should be made to put a stop to a proceeding which diverts a portion of the amounts appropriated for their .salaries, from legitimate channels, and places a hardship upon those whose services to their country have been such as to deserve better treatment. " May I trouble you to make an investigation into these matters as speedily as possible, and report thereon, in order that the Council of Administration of this Department of the G. A. R. can receive such infoniuitiou as will enable it to advise the Department Com- mander as to the steps to l)e taken whereb}' redress may be afforded to these comrades of whom you have written. "Yours, in F., C, and L., "ARTHUR HENDRICKS, ^' Departiiiod Coiiitnandery 103 I thereupon set on foot inquiries and have ascertained, among other cases, the facts above stated, all of which are known, and have been for more than two years past, to at least four Michigan soldiers employed in the Government service in this city. I have also learned of other departmental cases which are not material to this issue, and it shall be my duty, as well as my pleasure, to draw a bill for presentation in each house of Congress after the holiday recess, making this sort of business a penal offence, if it is not already under the statute. My own impression — and such is also the belief of the United States attorney for the District of Columbia — is that there is a law on the statute book now which will reach Mr. Henry M. Rose, if not the chairman of the Committee on the Revis- ion of the Laws, which never meets, etc., to wit: Julius Coesar Burrows, of Kalamazoo, the junior Senator from Micliigan. Shades of Woodbridge, Cass, Stuart, Chandler, Howard, Christiancy, Bald- win, Conger, and Stockbridge, think of such a contemptible petty larcen}' performance as this, and weep ! In this connection it is proj^er to call attention to the fact that with the exception of three days in June last, when "Private Secre- tary " Henry M. Rose did Washington the honor to make it a visit, he has been absent from his post of duty since February 10 last, drawing a salary at the rate of eighteen hundred dollars per annum, upon a voucher duly signed by Julius Cnesar Burrows as chairman of the Committee on the Revision of the Laws, certifying that Mr. Rose has duly discharged and performed the duties of clerk to the Senate Committee on the Revision of the Laws, which has never met since lie became its chairman, for the reason that it has never had a bill, petition, resolution or other paper referred to it. I wait with bated breath to hear the explanation of " Private Secretary" Henry M. Rose, manager in the present Senatorial campaign of Julius Caesar Burrows, of this nasty piece of business in the form of " scalping " the messenger of his committee — a veteran soldier — out of $35 per month for over two years! MORE PROOF OF PAYMENTS OF BURROWS' CAM- PAIGN EXPENSES BY "NAT" McKAY. On Thursday, November 24 last, while riding in an F street car to the Capitol, I met a gentleman, a former ofiicer of the House years ago, and later a prominent official in the Navy Department under Secretary Whitne}'. This gentleman asked me as to the Sen- atorial contest in Michigan, saying that he had just left "Nat" Mc- Kay, who told him that Burrows would win, as he had recentlj^come from Michigan and knew that Burrows was " fixed." This sjentleman 104 furtlier stated that McKay told liim that he had " put np " liberally for Burrows before, aud had just sent him a thousand dollars. We had further conversation about McKay, when he made the following remark : "I was at his house and was shown through his gorgeous 'ban- quet hall,' and afterwards through the ' Dewey,' the hotel he is building. I asked him if it paid him to entertain so lavishly, saying that it must cost him a good deal of money. " ' Yes,' replied McKaj-, ' this thing comes high, but I have to have these fellows' votes.' " 'Are you not afraid some of them will go back on you when you want them badly ? ' " ' No,' replied McKay, ' every man who comes to my dinners will dance for me whenever I call him.' " This gentleman added: " McKay is a shrewd, keen, but coarse fellow, and I am amazed that some of these members don't kick at the way he boasts about his power. He has repeatedly told me the names of at least a dozen members of Congress whom he has paid for their votes and services." And when I told this gentleman of his statement, made at his own table at a dinner party, that out of the SI 15,000 which the Court of Claims awarded him, he only saved $44,000 for iiimself, giving up the rest in order to put the bill through Congress, get as big an allowance as possible from the Navy Department, and as large a judgment as possible from the Court of Claims, he replied : " He has told me the same thing, and also that he paid every Democratic member but one who voted for his bill in the Fifty-tirst Congress, and also had to pay some Republican mem- bers for their votes." I shall be very glad to give the name of this gentleman to any committee of investigation which the Michigan legislature may ap- point to inquire into the truth or falsity of this statement. McKAY S STRENUOUS EFFORTS TO STOP MY MAKING PUBLIC CERTAIN FACTS ABOUT, AND LETTERS OF, JULIUS CiESAR BURROWS AND OTHERS. Commencing last spring, Mr. John S. Blair, the attorney of lobby- ist "Nat" McKay, whose office is in the same building whine mine is located, has steadily and persistently, until within tiie last six weeks, endeavored to ]>ersuade me to " let up " — as he phrased it — on Senator Burrows and come to an understanding with him. On one occasion Mr. Blair said tome: "'Nat' McKay is a natural money maker. He is getting rich rapidly and will become very wealthy. He has a great many influential friends in Congress, as 105 you can see by the lists of guests at Lis dinuers, and they include also the cream of the Departments wherever McKay has business. Now, T want to get you and McKay together so that you will stop your fighting and make money. You can help each other, and I will be very glad to bring you together at any time which will suit your convenience." I told Mr. Blair that I never could have any agreement whatever with McKay as to the claims business ; that I was not engaged in that line of business, and that as Mr. McKay had not kept his word with me in years past, but had deliberately quarreled with me in 1894, taking my fight against Burrows as a pretext to refuse to pay me what he had agreed to for services ren- dered in the past, I would make no bargain with him whatever. Mr. Blair pressed me all through the spring to meet Mr. McKay which I steadily refused to do. I had been employed by Mr. McKay to accomplish an amendment to the rules of the House which Mr. McKay desired, and had received a retainer for that service. In September, after Mr. McKay's return from Michigan, he renewed his attempts to stop my warfare on Senator Burrows, and on Sept. 14 last, called at my ofiice to further urge a reconciliation with Mr. McKay. I was occupied with a client, and accepted Mr. Blair's invitation to later go to his room. What occurred is told by the following memorandum, which I dictated to my stenographer im- mediately after leaving Mr. Blair's room on that day: " Mr. Blair first accosted me at the entrance of the Kellogg Building and said that he had called at my office twice during the day but I was absent each time ; that he had a letter from Mr. McKay, and he desired to have a further conference with me and would come to my room. " I went to my office and signed some letters, and, after waiting awhile, went to Mr. Blair's office on the upper floor, as I was anxious to get home at once. Mr. Blair locked the doors and opened the conversation by saying that he had a letter from Mr. McKay from Michigan, and that he (McKay) was very anxious to bring about amicable relations between Mr. Burrows and myself; that Mr. McKay was a warm friend of Mr. Burrows and deeply interested in his election ; that he (Blair) was also a friend of Burrows, and also desired his election ; that Senator Burrows had been very useful to them in supporting their claims, and that both McKay and himself had claims pending in the ' omnibus bill ' and otherwise, involving a great deal of money, and that Mr. Burrows could render them very great service ; that I had said in a previous conversation that I was only making a living, but I could not make any compromise with Mr. Burrows or Mr. McKay ; that Mr. McKay owed me money for services rendered during a period of several years, and that he had refused to pay sums of money due me which he had repeatedly promised, and that I would have no further dealings with him ; that he recently promised to pay the sums due me and had treated me insolentl}^, and that 1 had therefore withdrawn all claims upon him and notified him that I would do what I should have done before, expose his jobbery and robbery in the matter of 106 cliiims ap;ainst the Government. Mr. Blair laughed at my heat and indignation about the matter and said : ' You need money as well as the rest of us, and you might as well join in against the Govern- ment as we do. McKay can put it in your way to make plenty of money, and is willing to do whatever you sa}' to stop your raid on Senator Burrows, and, as a friend of yours, I want to bring about amicable relations. I want you to accept this present from me and stop attacking Mr. Burrows until you can see Mr. McKay. He will be here on Saturday or Sunday, and I want to bring you together.' I replied that I would never stop attacking and exposing Mr. Burrows while I live ; that I regarded him as a corrupt scoundrel who should be behind the bars ; that so far as Mr. McKa}' was con- cerned, if he would pay me tlie money he owed me, I would be through with him, except when called before a committee or court to testify as to the facts touching his claims and record. " Having refused to come to any agreement in the previous inter- view, I had consulted friends and had been advised to accept any tender that Mr. Blair might make in the future and seal it up with a statement of the case, which I have done. " HENRY H. SMITH. " Sept. 17, 1898." On Friday, December oOth, at 1.30 P. M., I called at the Riggs National Bank, in company with Mr. George E. Miller, the Wash- ington correspondent of the Detroit Neios and Tribune. I asked for the letter or envelope containing one hundred dollars and the memorandum signed by myself which I left with Mr. James M. Johnson, vice-president of the bank, as a special deposit on Sep- tember 17, 1898, with the understanding, indorsed on the envelope, that it was to be opened in the presence of Mr. Charles C. Glover, president of the bank, or by Mr. Johson. Mr. Johnson being absent, the envelope was opened by Mr. Glover, who counted the money and said that there was one hundred dollars within and who read aloud the foregoing memorandum of conversation, etc. Mr. Miller placed his initials upon the original, which I still have. The suggestion of Mr. Blair was that on the return of Mr. McKay from Michigan he would pay me one thousand dollars if I would agree to make no further fight on Mr. Burrows, and, as stated, Mr. McKay called repeatedly and inquired of the elevator boy if I was in, saying that he desired to see me and to have me come to his house, which I refused to do. Acting under the advice of a distinguished lawyer, well known to the country, whom I had consulted some time before, 1 received from Mr. Blair this money and enclosed it with tlie memorandum in an envelope, which I securely sealed and deposited in the Riggs National Bank of this city. The atten)|)ts to bring about an understanding with Mr. Burrows were not confined to Mr. Blair, for on at least three occasions Mr. McKay called and inquired of the elevator boy if I were in, leaving word that he desired to see mo. I had some conversation and cor- 107 respondence with Mr. McKay in respect to his payment of the balance due me for services rendered years ago in the collection and compilation of statistics relating to the construction of iron-clads, not relating to his bill, but to the general bill which authorized all claims for the construction of iron-clad vessels of war of all de- scriptions to be sent to the Court of Claims for hearing and award. Mr. McKay was employed by the different contractors or claimants as their agent or attorney in Washington, and I put in many a weary day compiling statistics and data on the subject. Finding that I turned a deaf ear to all the appeals of Mr. Blair, they sought to reach me in another way. Letters were written b}^ Senator Burrows to Representative Charles H. Grosvenor, of Ohio, and to Judge A. C. Thompson, of the same State, then Chairman of the Commission to Revise and Codify the Criminal and Penal Laws of the United States, whose office was in the same building as mine, stating that I was making trouble and asking them to see me and stop my " crusade " against him. I met Judge Thompson, who was a member of the Fifty-first Congress and my warm personal friend, on September 18, near my office. He had just been appointed U. S. District Judge for the Southern District of Ohio, at Cincinnati, and was to leave on the following day for that city. I had also arranged to leave by the same route but by a different train. Judge Thompson stated that he had just come from the White House and that the President was disturbed over the situation in Michigan, saying that the Republicans could ill afford to lose a Senator just now, and that from information received from Senator Burrows and others, it looked as though Gov. Pingree would capture the Senatorship, and, as a result, make the administration a great deal of trouble after March 4th next. I told Judge Thompson that such talk was nonsense ; that Gov. Pingree had no thought of being a candidate for Senator ; that he was running for Governor and nothing else, and that while I believed that Mr. Burrows would be defeated, it was absolutely certain that as good a RepuV)lican as himself or Gen. Grosvenor, or even the President, would be sent to the Senate as Mr. Burrows' successor. Judge Thompson invited me to his room, which was directly under my office, and we continued the conversa- tion. He had indorsed me earnestly, as had Gen, Grosvenor, for an appointment as member of the Industrial Commission, as shown by the following paper. Oct. 20th, 1898. Hon. Chahles H. Grosvenor, Athens, Ohio. Dear General : — About noon to-day I received a telephone mes- sage from First Assistant Postmaster-General Perry Heath asking me to call at his office about a personal matter. I did so in the afternoon, when he told me the substance of a joint letter, signed by yourself and Judge Thompson, in regard to the political situation in Michigan, especially relating to the " feud " between Senator Julius CcTesar Burrows and mj'self. Mr. Heath stated that the 108 situation in Michigan was very grave; that Mr. Barrows had written that the tight I was making on him endangered his re-election and requesting that something be done towards placating me and stop- ping my attacks upon him. Mr. Heath stated that the letter— which he presumed was dictated b}' you — required as a condition of your joint indorsement of my application for Secretary of the Industrial Commission that I should withdraw the charges I iuid made against Senator Burrows and agree to make no further attacks or tight upon him. I was very greatly amazed at this request, which 1 very promptly and indignantly refused to agree to. 1 am still more amazed that you should seri- oush' ask me to debase or degrade myself by withdrawing charges against this dirty scoundrel — all of which are supported by proof from public records. I had supposed that you thought better of me than that, especially after your very cordial indorsement of June 18th last of my application for membership of the Industrial Com- mission. There was no condition whatever imposed on that occasion, and there should be none now. If the service which I rendered Major McKiuley at the St. Louis convention, which you then certified to, was so valuable then, it has not changed in its character, and I would sooner sweep np garbage on Pennsylvania Avenue than agree to an}' such condition. I am not a seedy or needy applicant for office. I am making a living, and shall continue to do so after this scurvy cur Burrows has. been retired from public life on the 4th of March next, as he surely will be. I have been treated very shabbily in this whole business, and I do not propose to tamely submit to it. I understand and am entirely satisfied with the course of the President in not appointing me as a member of the commission without the indorsement of at least one Senator from my State, though the House delegation — save two — had indorsed my application. I had received the indoi'se- ment of all the leading Republicans of the Senate and House, and had tlie support of at least four members of the Cabinet ; and for you now to ask me to recant and withdraw the statements I have made respecting Senator Burrows, and thus write myself down a liar and a fool, is something I never expected of you. During your entire membership of the House of Representatives I have, from time to time, rendered you valuable service, I think the letter I wrote you in answer to your inquir}' about " committee primacy," when you thought Mr. Reed was going to treat you badly, was of some service to you ; likewise other matters I have looked up and dug out for you from the records of the musty past. S(!nator Burrows will be defeated in a Republican caucus, as he ought to be. He is a hypocrite, a demagogue, a liar, and venal. In Oct., liS'.)5, he was interviewed at Niles, Mich., and said he was for McKinley. Three days later, after reaching home, and finding a letter from Senator Quay suggesting that he might be availal)le as a candidati! for Vice-President, he repudiated /// tola the Niles in- terview published in the Tribune and stated that the fight was still open and that tlie probabilities were that an Eastern man would be 109 nominated. Some time later the Chicago Trihune published an alleged Washington despatch — coming from the " anti-McKinley combine " — patting Burrows forward as a candidate for Vice-Presi- dent, hoping to draw oft' Michigan delegates from McKiuley. Bur- rows put his ear to the ground and listened. Not a leaf stirred ! What is the use of trying to bolster up such a fraud as this creature Burrows is ? He has no standing or character in the Sen- ate ; nobody cares a damn about his opinion on any question, and I suppose his re-election is desired principally by the two-dollar lum- ber ring, " Nat " McKay and Senator Hanna, as I observe by an authorized interview given out by Senator Hanna on the 12th in- stant that Senator Hanna says he proposes to " assist " Mr. Bur- rows, althou.ih the President is taking no part whatever in the con- test. I notice that Senator Hanna is not " assisting" Senator Quay in the least, while Postmaster-General Smith is very earnestly " as- sisting" to put Mr. Quay out of the Senate. I am a candidate for the place of secretary to the Industrial Commission on my record and merits. I have the strongest indorse- ment for member.ihip of that commission, lohich ought to hold good for appnintment os secretary^ though, as a matter of fact, the secre- tary should be a man equal in ability and superior in experience to the members oi the commission. My application will be presented to the commission when they meet here next mouth, and I shall file, with other letters and recommendations, a copy of the indorsement made by Judge Thompson and yourself. I am quite sure that you will agree, on reflection, that your de- mand that I should withdraw the charges I had made against Sena- tor Burrows — all of which have been sustained by public and pri- vate proof — and that I forbear making any further attack upon him, should never have been made. The Michigan legislature will send as his successor as good a Kepublican as yourself or President McKinley. He will be a man of integrity, ability and character, and not a man of the stamp of this venal creature, Julius Caesar Barrows. I have written Judge Thompson, who said to me on the C. k O. train to Cincinnati on the 19th ultimo, that if Burrows had trea ed me as I stated — which he did not doubt — I was fully justified in attacking him. Would you, after having attacked, openly, a polit- ical or personal enemy, giving figures and facts which could not be questioned, turn about, like a crab or crawfish, and withdraw them, and give a clean bill of health^ — political or otherwise — to the person you had thus assailed? I think not. You have been a pretty square and vigorous fighter, and I have always admired you for it, for I am that kind of a man myself, and I would see the Republican or any party a million miles in hades before I woultl think of withdrawing a single charge I have made against this man Burrows. That is all I have to say about the matter. Very truly yours, HENEY H. SMITH. 110 I wfis not appointed, because Senator Bnrrows liad first selected Mr. Frank "Wuite, of Sturjj;is, who it seems talked himself out of the place, and then, upon the earnest appeal of Mr William Ahleu Smith, Mr. E. D. Conger, editor of the Grand Rapids Ileruhl , was chosen. Judge Thompson expressed his earnest desire, in which he said Gen. Grosvenor concurred, to see me have a nice po- sition, to which I was fully entitled at tlie hands of this administra- tion. He thereupon said : "I think there is one bureau office filled by a Democrat. It is a good place and would suit you. If you will stop your fight on Burrows, Grosvenor and I will present the matter to the President and get you appointed. The President wants to do something for you. I know, and if you will stop this fight it is as good as settled." I did not care two raps about the place — as my friends here know — but I wanted to make the record complete, and have done so. I told Judge Thompson that I would not agree to stop my fight on Mr. Burrows, as he had been guilty of the grossest treachery to me, had fought me as bitterly as I had him, and had tried to injure me in every possible way, and that the only thing I would agree to do was to talk with the President, inform hira of the situation in Michigan, and be governed by his advice. It was agreed that we should talk the subject over the next day, and I tried to make tht; afternoon train in order to join Judge Thompson, but failed, and we tcok the midnight train on the C. k O. I was surprised to meet the Judge on the train, and we had further conversation the next day until we reached his home at Portsmouth, Ohio. After giving him a pretty full history of Mr. Burrows' career, Judge Thompson said to me: "I don't blame you in the least for feeling as you do, and will write Grosvenor, and we will fix this thing up for you anyway." On my return from the West I received a telephone message from Assistant Postmaster-General Heath, asking me to call at his office at my earliest convenience. I could not call until during the after- noon. What occurred is elsewhere stated, with the exception of the remark that General Heath said he had no personal interest in Bur- rows' election but was acting for General Grosvenor and Judge Thompson, who were exceedingly anxious, as w^as ':he President and Senator Hanna, that a Re])ul)lican Senator should be elected from Michigan, and, second, that Governor Pingree sl)ould not be chosen. 'I'owards the end of Novend)er, as a matter of "dc^vilment," I called Assistant Postmaster-General Heath up one day on the tele])hone, and asked him to fix a day when I could talk with him about another matter, and incidentally mentioned this subj(>ct. The following memorandum of that conversation was dictated to my stenogi'apher and written out by liim immediately after r(>turning to my office. " I asked Mr. Heath if lie had received any re])ly from either Judge Thompson or General Grosvenor to his letter of last month, in re- sponse to their letter requesting him to see me and secure a pledge from me to stop my fight on Burrows. Mr. Heath ic^plied that he had no letter and supposed the matter was dropped, as I was un- willing to withdraw the charges I had made against Burrows, or in Ill the least degree 'let up' on him. Mr. Heath further said that he understood that Messrs. Grosvenor and Thompson took less interest in behalf of Burrows now than at first, in consequence of the large Republican majority in the Senate, and he (Heath) was satisfied that the President took no interest whatever in Burrows' candidacy. All the President wants is a good Republican, and that is certain. " I told Mr, Heath that I purposed making a statement of the facts, and of the attempts of Grosvenor and Thompson to stop me from making any further attack on Burrows, and generally to expose his rotten record as a matter of public duty. " To this he replied : ' I have no interest in the matter whatever, and do not think the President cares a snap about it. So you must exercise your own judgment in the matter, and do whatever you think best about it.' " [Note. — I will add that scores of prominent Republicans to whom I have talked about this matter, and Burrows' record generally, have said it was my duty to the Republican party to expose him.] EX-SENATOR THOMAS W. PALMER THREATENS TO KNOCK OUT' JULIUS CiESAR BURROWS FOR RE-ELECTION TO THE SENATE IF HE DOESN T VOTE FOR A TWO-DOLLAR RATE ON LUMBER. THE SENATOR 'DEAD SURE' THAT HE AND JOHNNY BLODGETT HAVE GOT A "MORTAL CINCH ' ON BURROWS. On Thursday, April 1, 1897, ex-Senator Palmer arrived at the Ebbitt House in Washington about four o'clock P. M. I met Mr. Palmer at the Fourteenth Street entrance to the Ebbitt and was invited to go to his room, the Senator saying that he specially wanted to talk with me about the Dingley tariff bill, which had passed the House the day before. Mr. Palmer did not register, but was shown directly to his room, for which he had wired. While removing the dust of travel and sipping a " gin fizz," the Senator made various inquiries of me as to the character of the tariff bill and what I thought the Senate would do with it. I replied that, as usual, the Senate would rip it all up and make five or six hundred amendments, but that this time the Senate would not have its way as it had in the tariff bill of 1883, and especiallv with that of 1894. He then asked me what I thought of the lumber schedule. I replied briefly, stating my views in regard to the matter, saying that I believed the outcome would be a dollar rate. Thereupon the Senator quickly asked, " Where do you place Burrows in this fight 112 between the dollar and two-dollar lumber people ? " To this I replied that while Burrows would naturally go with the Blodgetts if he dared, I thought the pressure would be so strong that he would be compelled to vote with Senator McMillan for a dollar rate. With great vehemence, the Senator snapped out, " He doesn't dare vote for the dollar rate ! If he does, the Journal will ' knock him out.' " The Senator repeated this with still more vehemence, and ordered another " gin fizz," telling the waiter to make it extra strong. By that time the Senator had made his toilet and came over to where I was sitting, and, shaking his finger, with great solemnity, said : "Harry Smith, the Journal made Julius CtBsar Burrows Senator, and if he breaks his pledge and votes for the dollar rate, mark my word, the Journal will 'knock him out' to a dead certainty." To that I replied tlxat I sincerely hoped he would vote for the dollar rate, for I thought he had disgraced the State of Michigan long enough and ought to be "knocked out." After some further talk on that line, I said that the general impression was that the Ijlodgetts, Sam Stephenson, and lolibyist "Nat" McKay elected Burrows. " Well," said Mr. Palmer, " they helped, but the Journal sowed the seed or laid the foundation and pulled him through. I know as well as you that Burrows is slippery, but he doesn't dare bolt the track this time, for if he does, he is a ' gone goose.' " Then the Senator said that his trip to Washington was partly to see the jMichigau Senators and do what he could toward getting Mr. Burrows on the Finance Committee to fill the vacancy made by Senator Sherman's resignation. I told the Senator that Mr. Burrows would not get on the Finance Committee if the truth was told about him, and in any event would not get there until the bill was reported to the Senate, which would not be for a month or six weeks. Subsequently I heard about conferences Mr. Palmer had with the Michigan and other Senators, and I found also that he arrived in good time; to attend a conference of gentlemen from Minnesota, Wis- consin, jNIichigan, and elsewhere interested in the two-dollar rate. I also learned that he had made to others the same threats about "knocking out" Julius Caesar Burrows if he did not h'ep h'tK pledge to vote for the two-dollar rate. From tiiis it appears that prior to his election to the Senate in January, iKDo, Mr. Burrows had plelodgetts, and tliey nominated in the bond, before they put up a dollar to buy his election, that he should vote for the two-dt)llar rate on lumb(!r." This is a slight digression, to l)e sure, but it seems appropriate. I have Mr, Olds' letter before me, and I will give another extract. Referring to the money raised by the Blodgetts, Stephenson, lobbyist McKay, and others to buy the Wayne county delegation and other scattering votes which were for sale, Mr. Olds pointedly remarks : " Secretary Alger could tell a story that would damn P>urrows to 113 eternal infamy, if he were not in the Cabinet ; but the facts will all come out in time." " In addition to the money paid by these people, Burrows ' fried the fat ' out of several manufacturers, and I hope to be able to get permission from a gentleman in Chicago to publish Burrows' letter soliciting contributions toward securing his election to the Senate. I have a copy of it now, but am not yet authorized to use it." Probably no man in Michigan, besides the Blodgetts and Burrows, knows as much about the corrupt Senatorial campaign of 1894 as Schuyler S. Olds. He was obliged to stand still and see at least fifteen votes pledged to him bought from under him. In another letter from Harbor Springs he gives me some details of that contest, which would be very interesting reading. No secrecy or confidence was enjoined, but Mr. Olds wrote precisely as he had openly talked about that shameless barter by which four- teen votes were bought for Senator Burrows, precisely as Sam Stephenson told Mr. Biirrows and " Uncle Jim " Monroe in Chicago, in November, 1894, they would have to do. I am told that Mr. Stephenson has recently piiblished a letter denying the truth of Mr. Britton's dispatch from Washington to the Detroit News about the middle of January, 1895, in which he is reported as making on the floor of the House the statement I have just quoted. I am also told that Mr. Stephenson's letter was published in the Journal, and for that reason I missed it. But if it l3e true that he makes such denial squarely and fully, he states a deliberate falsehood, for it can be proven by fifty men, mostly members or ex-members of Congress, that he boasted of this very thing to them and repeatedly bragged about his part in this corrupt transaction. I dined with Senator and Mrs. Arthur Brown at the Ebbitt House, where Mr. Stephenson was also boarding, towards the close of the Fifty-fourth Congress. After dinner we sat in the parlor, Mr. Stephenson being present ; and without any apparent reason or occasion for it, or the slightest hesitation, Mr. Stephenson again narrated to the Senator the fact that the Burrows people had bought fourteen votes, precisely as he predicted in Chicago, and that Burrows' election had cost him (Stephenson) eight thousand dollars. Ex-Senator Brown's address is Salt Lake City, Utah, in case Mr, Julius Caesar Burrows wants to get a denial of this state- ment from him. Mr. Britton told the truth, and, being an honorable man, he will not go back upon it. He may remain silent, for evident reasons ; but there were too many listeners to Stephenson's conversation on the floor of the House, which was correctly narrated in the News, to permit this belated denial from Mr. Stephenson to have the slightest weight or be believed by a single human being except a new and very credulous marine. 114 JULIUS CESAR BURROWS, AN OFFICE-HOLDER FOR OVER A THIRD OF A CENTURY.-HAS DRAWN §100,000 SALARY AS MEMBER OF CONGRESS, 9;7,'im MILEAGE, AND ABOUT $3,000 COMMUTATION OF STATIONERY, THE FULL ALLOWANCE BEING OYER $3,800, MR. BURROWS USUALLY DRAWING BUT A SMALL QUANTITY OF STATIONERY, USING WHAT HE NEEDED FROM THE COMMITTEE ALLOWANCE AND GETTING MONEY IN LIEU THEREOF. It cau be proven that Mr. Burrows has cost the United States Government over $110,000, and in view of the fact that for the last sixteen years, and particuhirly during the hist ten years, he has had his pocket-book crammed with raih'oad passes — annual and trip — carrying him all over the country, with steamboat passes to Europe and return free of ex])ense, it will be seen that //Mr. Burrows is a poor man, as he and Mr. Rose have so sedulously claimed, after the frugal and " close " life that he has led, he must have " dropped " a good deal of money in stock and other speculations. In addition to this, as elsewhere stated, he has received in the neighborhood of $25,000 compensation as a campaign " spell-binder," not including the five thousand dollars out of which he " buncoed " the national Congressional committee in the campaign of 1890, nor the $100 for speaking at Lowell in 189G. In addition to these immense sums of money Avliich he has received as salary, for mileage, stationery, etc., he has been the recipient of thousands of dollars' worth of presents from manufacturers, &c., such as furniture, carpets, beautiful dinner sets, pictures, vases, and the like — illustrating the protective principle — not to mention several thousand dollars' worth of presents which he or his family have received, such as jewelry, pictures, etc., from his friend, lobbyist " Nat " McKay. All this talk, therefore, of the " ])overty " of Senator Julius Cjesar Burrows is not only idle non- sense, but rank, rotten falsehood, made and published for efltect, as anybody who has access to his residence in Washington and in Kala- mazoo will see. The citizens of Kalamazoo who know him best are all aware of his penurious habits and his weakness for accept- ing presents, and when Committee Clerk Henr}' M. Rose, who has been robbing Cajit. Alfred Pew, messenger of the Committee on the Revision of the Laws, which has never met, etc., out of thirty-tive dollars per mouth since July 1, 189G, puts out this sickening " rot " about Burrows' poverty, he issues what he knows to be a deliberate falsehood, well kiu)wing it to be such. If there is any way to reach the true figure of Senator Burrows' wealth by a "bill of discovery," or otherwise, I will organize a syndicate within twenty-four hours and pay him one hundred thousand dollars cash, take his assets, and make fifty thousand dollars out of the bargain. 115 Senator Burrows gets Credit for Secretary Blaine's Eeciprocity Speech Before Home Market Club in Boston. During the Harrison administration Secretary Blaine was invited to address the Home Market Club, of Boston, on the subject of Beciprocity. The Secretary prepared an elaborate speech, which at the last moment he found he was unable to deliver. He asded two or three prominent gentlemen to act as his substitute in the matter, promising to turn over his speech to them to deliver ; but by reason of important business or other arrangements they were com- pelled to decline. Tt then occurred to him that Senator Burrows was the only living " Columbian Orator," and he wired Mr. Burrows, at the House of Representatives, asking him to fill his engagement, repeating his offer to furnish the speech, whicli despatch Mr, Burrows showed rne and others. Mr. Burrows gladly accepted and read the speech before the Home Market Club with great success, for, as everybody knows, Julius Csesar Burrows is an orator. A summary of the speech had been prepared by Mr. Blaine's secretary and furnished the agents of the Associated and United Press in Boston, and likewise copies were mailed to leading papers in New York, New England, and other points ; so that all that was necessary was to strike out the words " Secretary Blaine " and insert in lieu thereof the words " Representative Burrows, of Michigan." I was told by a prominent member of the Home Market Club while dining with him at the Parker House last spring that he heard Mr. Burrows read Secretary Blaine's speech, and subsequently attended a banquet given in honor of Mr. Burrows. This gentleman said : " I sat very near Mr. Burrows at the dinner, and subsequently near him on a sofa, and heard him undertake to talk about reciproc- ity, and I soon discovered that he knew as much about the under- lying principles of reciprocity and the tariff as a pig does about international law." I replied to the remark that this was the way in which Mr. Burrows had secured his reputation, upon other people's brains ; that nature had endowed him with a line voice and an immense amount of gall, and that on these two qualities he had got ahead in politics. " Yes," replied this gentleman — a leader in Massachusetts politics — " and this is the way the reputations of many rural 'statesmen' have been made by Mr. Blaine." HON. JAMES H. STONE SELLS OUT HIS INTEREST IN THE KALAMAZOO TELEGRAPH BECAUSE HE COULD NOT CONSCIENTIOUSLY SUPPORT JULIUS C^SAR BURROWS FOR CONGRESS. On Wednesday, August 4, 1874, Mr. James H. Stone, now United States Appraiser at the Port of Detroit, retired from the half own- 116 ersliip of the Kaliimazoo Telegraph, with which he hat! been cou- uected as reporter, editor aud half-owner for several years. His interest was purchased by a syndicate representing the Burrows faction in Kalamazoo through Mr. Lyman H. Gates, then sheriff of Kalamazoo County. In retiring from the paper Mr. Stone, in his valedictory, said in part as follows : " Two years ago when I yielded a reserved support to Mr. Bur- rows' nomination, that gentleman had not been tried and found worthy or unworthy. The undersigned could not conscientiously or consistently with his past editorial utterances indorse the Con- gressional record of Mr. Burrows, believing the same to be not only in conflict with party principles, but antagonistic to the general public interests. Nor did I hold that belief in the integrity and capacity of Mr. Burrows that was necessary to permit an indorse- ment of him as deserving a re-election to Congress. In view, too, of my belief in the existence of a wide-spread dissatisfaction with the candidacy of Mr. Burrows throughout the Fourth Congressional District, in a greater degree even than two j^ears ago, when Mr. Burrows fell largel}- behind his own county, had I regarded that gentleman entirely lit to occupy a seat in Congress, in those ' off years in politics,' I could not have considered liis nomination as either proper or politic. Whether there was any ground for these doubts as to his strength and availability as a candidate will appear next November." The result of the November election fully vindicated the judg- ment and wisdom of Mr. Stone. Mr. Burrows, after making a most thorough canvass of the district Avith the aid of the strongest speak- ers in Michigan, as well as distinguished speakers from outside the State, and a large campaign fund behind him, was defeated by an overwhelming majority, although the remainder of the Ilepublican ticket carried the district handsomel3\ Appraiser Stone knows lots of things about " Orator " Burrows. SENATOR BURROWS ALWAYS THE PRESIDING OFFICER AT LOBBYIST "NAT"McKAY'S BANQUETS. -DRAWS AN ACT THAT "NAT" IS A GOOD FELLOW^ AND A "JOLLY DOG." Hanging in " Nat " McKay's office at his palatial residence on Thirteenth street, in Washington, is the following imitation of an act of Congress handsomely framed. It was drawn by Julius Ca-sar Burrows, who is supposed to be an ex{)ert o\\ everything tsxcept the right of the Senate to originate revenue bills. The certificate is as follows : 117 Be it enacted, etc., That Nathaniel McKay, citizen and patriot of the United States of America, be, and he hei-eby is, granted long life and a happ}' one and that he have perfect good health throughout, and that for the purpose of aiding and carrying out the provisions of this act there be appropriated to the said Nathaniel McKay our token of respect and esteem suitable to his mode aud style of good fellowship, in the selection of which we are not entirely unselfish. (Signed) JULIUS C. BURROWS, And Nineteen Other Patriots. Note — The token above referred to is an enormous silver cut- glass punch bowl, with heavy silver ladle, costing some five hundred dollars. It has been repeatedly stated that Senator Burrows has the free- dom of McKay's mansion on Thirteenth street. This is the truth, and there is hardly a night during the session of Congress, when Julius Cfesar Burrows has the leisure, that he doesn't drop around to " Nat's " and drink a glass of wine or partake of other refresh- ment. Senator Burrows alwa3's tiuds other "jolly good fellows" there, aud the capacious wine cellars of " Nat's " are freely drawn on by his guests. McKay was brought to grief about one of his dinners, which would have embarrassed anybody else but a man of his infinite gall. He had invited a number of Senators and Representatives to meet Senator Hanna, and a considerable number of members, say eight or ten Senators aud twenty-five or thirty Representatives, with a sprinkling of Department officials who are so situated as to be of service to McKay, assembled to meet the Senator from Ohio. But Senator Hanna, in whose honor a most gorgeous banquet was given, did not appear, and from a publication in the Post of the following morning it would seem that he made no excuse for his non-appear- ance, althougli it developed later that he spent the evening out at a private card party. Mark Hanna has his faults and sins ; but he is no spring chicken or raw marine, aud, like his colleague. Senator Foraker, was altogether too shrewd to walk into " Nat " McKay's spider parlor like an innocent fly. At least twenty prominent Senators and Representatives have told me that they have fully comprehended the objects of "Nat" McKay's banquets and that they always have previous engagements. It is to the credit of Vice-President Hobart, Speaker Reed, Senators Allison, Aldrich, Chandler, Cullom, Davis, Hale, Lodge, McMillan, Morrill, Quay, both Platts, Proctor, Sewell, Spooner, Thurston, Wolcott, aud other prominent members of Congress Avho might be named that they have never accepted one of " Nat " McKay's invita- tions to dinner. Mr. McKay once gave a dinner to Senator Hoar, who was his attorney in the suit brought iu Boston against the estate of his brother Donald, who was the real shipbuilder of the family. " Nat" 118 McKay boasts of beiug a." retired sbipl)uilder," but he has never built a ship — except an imitation floral ship — since 180G, when he built the small steamer " Yi " for the Argentine Government. " Nat " McKay failed in 1866, and from that date he has haunted Wash- ington, coming here in 1868 poor and living in a cheap boarding- house, while to-day he is worth over a million of dollars and in- terested in large contracts and claims pending before the Govern- ment, which, if half of them succeed, will make make him worth two million dollars more within two years. The Brule and Ontonagon R.R. Grant. VILE TREACHERY OF JULIUS C^SAR BURROWS TO COL. FRANCIS B. STOCKBRIDGE, HIS PERSONAL AND POLITICAL BENEFACTOR.— BURROWS ASKS STOCK- BRIDGE TO KICK HIM FROM ONE END OF MAIN STREET TO THE OTHER —" COLUMBIAN ORATOR" TRIES TO FIND LIVING ELSEWHERE.— UNABLE TO DO SO, RETURNS TO KALAMAZOO AND MAKES PEACE WITH STOCKBRIDGE. On February 5, 1883 (second session, Forty-seventh Congress), Mr. Converse, of Ohio, one of the brainiest and purest members of the House, moved to suspend the rules and pass House bill 6735 to confirm and declare legal the acts of certain officers of the United States. The bill and preamble were read, the latter reciting the facts in connection with the construction of a railroad from Ontona- gon to the Wisconsin State line, under act of June 3, 1856, and validated the acts of officers of the Interior Department in issuing patents, certificates, and lists of lands, etc. Distinguished counsel liad been heard before the Judiciary Committee in support of oppo- sition to the bill, with the result that the bill was unanimously orderction 11 of the civil service act of June 1(5, 18.S3, wliich will reach Mr. Henry M. Rose for extorting from Capt. Pew, a veteran G. A. R. man, the sum of $35.00 per 123 month for over two years, and on behalf of the Commander of the G. A. E., Department of the Potomac, I shall on Tuesday next present the facts to the U. 8. Attorney for the District of Columbia. The railroad fare from Kalamazoo to Washington is $16.75, and return trip with sleeper and meals pretty near spoils a $50.00 bill. Yet Mr. Burrows is allowed $316.00 as mileage aud for 20 years prob- ably he has never paid a cent of railroad or Pullman fare. There have been 23 sessions, which, at $316.00 allowance for each, netted him the neat sum of $7,268, all clear gain. And yet Mr. Burrows in 1874 denounced this mileage system on the floor of the House as " vicious and corrupt." During the long service of Julius Caesar Burrows in both houses of Congress he was not aware that claims of the State of Michigan against the general government to a large amount — approximating $300,000 — have been pending in the Interior, Treasury, and War Departments. Attempts have been made from time to time to collect these claims, and Judge Keightley, after his retirement from office in the second term of General Grant as third auditor, was appointed State agent and collected a considerable sum due the State from the United States. From time to time agents have been appointed, but nothing has been accomplished. An effort was made to induce Governor Rich to appoint an agent, which he refused to do. Claims of this character are due to many States in the Union which have agents at Washington to look after them. Michigan has had such agents iu the past, and will probably have one in the near future, who stands a good show — it may be said with propriety — to secure a considerable portion of the amount due the State. Governor Pingree has looked into the matter aud examined certain papers submitted, and in a carefully prepared statement, compiled by officers of the Departments named, and a committee of the agents of the several States, it appears that there is now probably due the State of Michigan from the United States a sum of money approach- ing $300,000. Why did not Bepresentative Burrows, during his sixteen years' service in the House, and his nearly four years' service in the Senate, introduce a bill looking to the procurement of this money for the State of Michigan ? Why has he not pressed these claims upon the heads of the Departments named ? Certainly he could not have made himself more " solid " with his constituents and the people of the State generally than to have secured even a part of these claims. What is the explanation for his negligence in this regard ? Is it because the eagle eye of his boon companion, lobbyist " Nat " McKay, had not detected the pendenc}' of these claims sub- mitted by other States ? or is it because Mr. McKay could not secure them at a fee of fifty per cent. — his usual term — for the entire 124 amouut collected ? Let Senator Burrows explaiu his uegligence and indifference to the interests of the State at large, or have it done for him — if he can — to the Republican Senatorial caucus soon to meet at Lansing. What account will he be able to render of his " stewardship " in the U. S. Senate since January 19, 1895, in this regard ? Of course he will say that he knew that bills were pending to accomplish tliis result. But he uever went before a committee or head of a department to urge their report and settlement. He has duplicated scores of other public bills, but this he omitted. As illustrating the desperation of " Nat " McKay to stop my op- position to Senator Burrows and withhold any damaging statement against him by exposing his record, I will mention the fact that a leading writer on the Evening Star of this city told the Washington correspondent of a leading Western paper that Mr. McKay had con- fidentially told him that he had " just employed a lawyer to bring Harry Smith before the grand jury for trying to blackmail my friend, Senator Burrows." As " Nat " has fixed the local press against ad- verse criticism, I had a right to believe, and do believe, that this person was sent to warn me against making any publication against Senator Burrows. I wrote the Star reporter to come to my oftice and give me fuller information. He called, but beat about the bush in a vague way, w^hich induced me to tell him I understood the sit- uation perfectly, and supposed he was earning his stipend from lobbyist " Nat " McKay, and the incident closed. If ex-Senator Thomas Witherell Palmer, owner of the Detroit Journal, which, according to Mr. Palmer, in April, 1897, " made Julius CaBsar Burrows Senator, and would ' knock him out ' if he did not vote for the two-dollar lumber rate," — as stated elsewhere — will let his flexible mind wander to the contest when he was made U. S. Senator, he will recall the circumstance of a bit of attempted treachery on the part of Mr. Burrows, which was checked by Collector Digby Bell, of Detroit, and which that gentleman narrated with great force and unction at Senator Palmer's palatial residence in this city in the winter of 1885. Perhaps Senator Palmer would like to have his memory refreshed about the matter, and I shall l)e very glad to ac- commodate him. Mr. Palmer then denounced Burrows in the most bitter manner, and took frequent occasion to express his contempt for the "Columl)ian Orator." It is possible that in tiie hurry of getting this material together, under peculiarly adverse circumstances, I have omitted to state that the claim of Julius C;esar liurrows — oft rep(^ated by his satellites — that he procured my appointment as Journal Clerk and Assistant Register is simply an infamous lie;, without the slightest justitica- 126 tion. T was Journal Clerk of the House of Representatives, and had been for four years, when Mr. Burrows " reappeared " in (the Forty- sixth) Congress, and although a feeble effort was made to reinstate the venerable Mr. Barclay, for thirty years the Journal Clerk of the House, it was promptly squelched by Speaker Keifer, who stated that he had no thought whatever of disturbing me, but, on the contrary, specially desired me to remain and assist him as I had assisted Speakers Blaine, Kerr and Randall and Speakers ^^/'O tern. Cox and Sayler. I have before me a letter from Gen. Keifer saying that "Nobody mentioned to me the subject of your retention, as it was thoroughly understood that you were to be retained. Certainly Mr. Burrows never mentioned it, for he was very busy looking after his own interests." When I was removed by the Democratic Clerk at the commence- ment of the Fiftieth Congress to make room for a seedy cross-road country politician from Indiana, a place was promptly made for me in the Senate as special clerk of the Committee on Appropriations and Finance by resolution of Senator Allison, who lias been my staunch and steadfast friend, as I have been his, for thirty years. When the Fiftj'-tirst Congress convened T naturally expected to resume my old place, and was astonished to find that a New York member had presented the name of a friend of Mr. Thomas C. Piatt, of that State, for the position of Journal Clerk. I had the support of every other member of the New York delegation, but Speaker Reed wanted to oblige Mr. Piatt and desired to appoint this person as Journal Clerk, making me his assistant and appointing me as clerk to the Committee on Rules, which offer I declined. I had the strongest sort of an indorsement, signed by every Republican member of the House save three (two absentees), insisting on my immediate appointment, and Speaker Reed called in consultation Messrs. McKinley and Cannon, of the Committee on Rules, and Gov. Dingley, of Maine, all of whom insisted upon my prompt appointment, to which Speaker Reed assented, and it was made. Senator Julius Caesar Burrows had as little to do with that appointment as he had to do with writing the Ten Commandments, a majority of which he has broken. x4s to my appointment as Assistant Register of the Treasury, I can only say that I was asked by Mr. Olds in writing — which letter lies before me — if I would accept the position, to which I replied in the affirmative. The Republican members of the Michigan dele- gation very cordially indorsed me, and Senators McMillan and Stockbridge visited the President in my behalf. Mr. Burrows made two visits to the White House and feebly urged my appointment, and then notified me that he had done all he could and that I must look out for mj'self. Having stated in an interview in San Francisco in the preceding summer that I did not believe President Harrison would be nominated, and that if nominated could not be elected, and that I thought Senator Allison should be chosen, my appoint- ment was " held up " by President Harrison. I think ex-Senator Palmer will recall the facts very well. Upon telling Senator Allison 126 the situation, he made an appointment with Senators Sewell, of New Jersey, and Feltou, of San Francisco, and visited the White House and demanded my immediate appointment, which was sent in the next da}'. That is the way I was appointed Assistant Register. The truth is, that Mr. Blodgett's Senator never was able, during his entire service in tlie House, to render me any but the most trivial service. I was constantly hel[)ing him. I got Speaker Randall to put him in the Chair, taught him the rules and practice of the House, boosted him with the newspaper reporters until I found out that he was a fraud, a hypocrite, and a hopeless liar, and then I quit. I think I have made this matter sufficiently plain, and will leave it. The duty was assigned me in 1889 of preparing a new code of rules for the Fifty-first Congress. Mr. Burrows came to me and asked if it were not possible to provide for the consideration of Senate bills which referred claims to the Court of Claims in all cases where similar bills had been reported by the House committee, saying that he especially desired to pass "Nat" McKay's bill, who was a good fellow and his particular friend. I told Mr. Burrows that in a magazine article four years before I had suggested this very provision, and I presented the matter to Speaker Reed, who approved it, and as a result I incorporated a clause in Rule XXIV providing that a Senate bill referring claims to the Court of Claims, if identical with a House bill on the calendar, might be held on the Speaker's table and considered without its reference to a committee of the House. It was under that clause that "Nat" McKay's bill passed by the Senate was passed by the House, and in the unpre- cedented period of one year a judgment in McKay's favor of $115,- 000 was rendered, one judge not sitting in the case. No appeal was taken to the Supreme Court of the United States, through political inHuence exerted by McKay, and out of this sum he stated to me, and has stated to scores of people, whose names I shall be happy to furnish any investigating committee of the Michigan legis- lature, that he retained but $44,000, the remainder being expended as elsewhere stated. It thus appears that "Nat" McKay received for building the Squando (vessel named) the sum of $1-^95,000, the contract price; $194,5'2(), extra allowance b}- the Navy Department in 1804, and $115,157 additional by the Court of Claiuis judgment in 1892, or a total of $704,683, a sum which is $309,683 over the contract price. It has been stated by one of the leading lawyers in Washington that if the case had been appealed to the United States Supreme Court, the judgment of the Court of Claims in McKay's favor would have been reversed under its decision in the case of Choteau v. I"^nited States, in what is known as the steamer Etlah case, which is identical with the case of the Scpiando. It is not necessary to say anything fuither in regard to Nat Mc- Kay's career as a lobbyist. He has been paid over two millions of 127 dollars by the Government, directly or indirectly, which he has ex- pended Avith princely liberality. No one charges that the gentlemen who are his guests are paid for their votes with money, but many of them are "assisted" by liberal campaign subscriptions, chief among whom is Julius Ciesar Burrows. On December 26, 1894, when I called at Mr. McKay's residence in Washington to ask him to pa}' me something of the balance due me for clerical services rendered him in the past, he plead poverty, saying that the " wolves " were after him on all sides and " hounding " him to death ; that he had subscribed liberally for Burrows' campaign, and yet Burrows had just " pulled his leg " for one thousand dollars more. To at least a dozen gentlemen, whose names I will furnish, Mr. McKay has stated substantial!}' the same thing. He has named to me and others at least twenty-five members whom he had " assisted," and this fact is so notorious that Mr. McKay has never even pretended to deny it. He has stated, and so has his attorney, Mr. Blair, to me that it was his (McKay's) habit to pick out each campaign the men that would be useful to him and help them through, putting them under obliga- tions wdiich they would not resist. If Julius Coesar Burrows has 82, 80, 75, 70 or a sufficient number of votes pledged to him absolutely, as "Scalper " Rose and others assert, why has he made such tremendous and frantic efforts to get "just one more vote"? And then, if he has the necessary votes, why has he made such equally tremendous and frantic efforts, through Representative Grosvenor and Judge Tliompson, of Ohio, the leading and trusted managers of Major McKinley at St. Louis, next to Mr. Mark Hanna, and by " Nat " McKay and his lawyer, to stop me from further exposing Senator Burrows? Echo answers " NIT." He has not got the necessary votes, has never had them and will never get them. The members of the Michigan legislature are not particularly interested in the schemes of the Blodgetts, Tom Palmer, the Pennsylvania R. R., and lobbyist " Nat " McKay, even if the latter is a " jolly dog." Michigan is one of the great commonwealths of the American Republic — the greatest on earth. It should be represented in the Senate b}- honest and pure as well as able men on whose name and character there is no stain. It has such a man in James McMillan. If it has not been shown in these pages that Julius Caesar Burrows is not such a man, and the legislature of 1899-1900 is put on inquiry, I am not alone in making charges affecting tlie iutegritv, per- sonal and political, of Julius C;esar Burrows. If the legislature does its full duty it will appoint a joint committee to examine these and other charges which Avill be made, and it will ask Secretary Russell A. Alger, Arthur Hill, and other persons — myself included — to ap- pear before such committee and make answ^er to such questions as may be asked. The honor of Michigan is at stake. Let not the pledges given to Mr. Burrows in ignorance of these facts and record 128 stand in the way of a fnll, fearless, and thorongli investigation of these charges. Let the truth be known though the heavens fall I Michigan is rich in having men who will uplift its standing in the Senate, lowered by Burrows, the servile tool of the Blodgetts and lobbyist " Nat " McKay. It has in Albert Pack, a citizen of high character, ability, and integrity ; in Benton Ilanchett, a peerless law- yer who will go to the very front in the Senate ; in John Patton, an able lawyer with previous experience in the Senate, where he should have been retained ; in Thomas J. O'Brien, another able lawyer of fine judicial mind, and eminently fitted for the place; in General B, M. Cutcheou, whose life has been spent in the service of the Republi- can party, with a distinguished record in the House of Representa- tives ; in Colonel E. M. Irish, of Kalamazoo, a tine lawyer and a gallant soldier. And there are others ! But why argue the question in the face of the record of Julius Ciiesar Burrows, which I have in part presented ? Michigan expects every member of its legislature to stand up like a Roman and Spartan on this Senatorial question, so that when it adjourns its members will not be ashamed to go home and look their constituents in the face.