CI)e Cojctes or So^altsts 
 
 IN AMERICA 
 
 SLIGHT HISTORICAL TRACINGS, FROM THE 
 
 FOOTPRINTS OF SIR JOHN JOHNSON 
 
 AND HIS COTEMPORARIES IN 
 
 THE REVOLUTION. 
 
 " Jb fas aut ab nefas." 
 
 Albany 
 
 Press of Joel Munsell's Sons 
 
 82 State Street 
 
 1882 
 
C|)e Cortes oj ilo^alists 
 
 IN AMERICA 
 
 SLIGHT HISTORICAL TRACINGS, FROM THE 
 FOOTPRINTS OF SIR JOHN JOHNSON 
 AND HIS COTEMPORARIES IN 
 THE REVOLUTION. 
 
 'hj^ 
 
 j^ y 
 
 T. BAILEY MYERS. 
 
 M fas aut ah nefas. " 
 
 Albany 
 
 Pjcss of Joel Munsell's Sons 
 
 82 State Street 
 
 1882 
 
 Vv V/. Vw • 
 

THE TORIES OR LOYALISTS. 
 
 HE accompanying waifs, possessing in 
 tiiemselves as little intrinsic interest as 
 continuity, are a few random footprints 
 of Sir John Johnson's life of exile, spared 
 by the tides of a century which have 
 effaced many of his once deeper im- 
 pressions on American affairs. They 
 casually fell into the writer's historical 
 collection, mingled with other imported manuscripts, proving 
 at least, that some antiquarian in the old world had considered 
 them worthy of preservation. 
 
 The knowledge that amongst such fragments have been 
 found the key to valuable facts, and the elucidation of past 
 events obscured by time, has, as we know, caused a growing 
 interest in the preservation in public or private collections or 
 in print, of anything of a public character, produced by the 
 brain and hands of men who made some mark on their time 
 before passing away. 
 
 What seems of little value to one, may become of interest 
 to another, and we know that there are few • things existing 
 which have not a place when the problem of supply and demand 
 is solved. Even a rock which has long cumbered the ground 
 becomes valuable when broken up and concreted into a wall. 
 18 
 
Tories or Loyalists 
 
 Although these papers referred to throw very little, and that a 
 later light upon the unfortunate career of Sir John Johnson, 
 which will be found more fully considered by experienced hands 
 in the preceding pages, they have a value as a means of pre- 
 senting incidentally, such letters of his cotemporaries as space 
 permits, connected with events in which he participated. In 
 themselves they contain little of historical interest and treat 
 more of counting of the cost of war than of its more interesting 
 details. 
 
 Some investigator of facts may find in them a suggestion, 
 or possibly a warning, against the repetition of such unremunera- 
 tive outlay, attending the more valuable loss of blood. To 
 another, they may seem no more instructive, than the brick 
 which the fool in the fable carried with him in his travels, as 
 an illustration of the house in which he lived. 
 
 The knowledge that Mr. Stone, who has already supplemented 
 his father's valuable service in furnishing interesting details of 
 struggles between the colonists of France and England, and 
 those of the Revolution on that debatable ground, the northern 
 frontier, in which the romantic Valley of the Mohawk was 
 often a base of British operations,' was occupied in connection 
 with General de Peyster ( an enthusiastic student and commen- 
 tator on many of the military events of both continents), in 
 preparing a brochure intended to illustrate the military career 
 of Sir John Johnson, and aiming in a biographical sketch, to 
 remove some of the unanswered obloquy which was piled 
 upon him as the exiled adherent of a lost and unpopular cause," 
 
 ' The Life of Sir William Johnson and The Campaigns of General Burgoyne. 
 
 * As an illustration of the then widely prevailing sentiment, the citizens of Worcester, 
 Mass., voted May 19, 1783, " That in the opmion of this town, it would be truly 
 dangerous to the peace, happiness, liberty and safety of these States, to suffer those 
 
in the Revolution. 5 
 
 with an Orderly Book as a basis, has induced the contribution 
 of these fragments as an annex to their work. 
 
 These prefatory notes are added at Mr. Stone's suggestion. 
 
 The task of Gen. de Peyster would seem to any unbiased 
 reader to be a natural one to a collateral descendant thus qualified, 
 and infinitely more practicable since our own experiences in the 
 great Civil War. 
 
 In the division of section, family and friends which it 
 induced, in the bitterness of the feeling and vehement, denun- 
 ciation of motive and action it called forth, were reproduced 
 those of the Revolution of 1 776, only upon a grander scale. Then 
 men weighed their duties and responsibilities, and the relative 
 claims of the flag under which they were born, or those of the 
 States in which they were located, and compared the grievances 
 which had caused the separation from Great Britain with 
 those claimed to have succeeded under that subsequent Union 
 of the States. In recalling the terms of ridicule and reproach 
 engendered'by hatred, exchanged between the defenders of that 
 Union and the Confederates, and the little credit given by either 
 
 who, the moment the bloody banners were displayed, abandoned their native land, 
 turned parricides, and conspired to involve their country in tumult, ruin and blood, 
 to become the subjects of and reside in this government; that it would be not only 
 dangerous, but inconsistent with justice, policy, our past laws, the public faith, and 
 the principles of a free and independent state, to admit them ourselves, or to have 
 them forced upon us without our consent." * -y;- * * " That until the further order 
 of the government, they (the committees of Correspondence, Inspection and Safety), 
 will, with decision, spirit, and firmness, endeavor to enforce and carry into execution 
 the several laws of this Commonwealth, respecting these enemies of our rights, and 
 the rights of mankind ; give information, should they know of any obtruding them- 
 selves into any part of this State, suffer none to remain in this town, but cause to be 
 confined immediately, for the purpose of transportation according to law, any that 
 may presume to enter it." These were the general terms meted out to the Tories, 
 recorded in the " Journal and Letters of Samuel Curwen, Judge of Admiralty," a 
 " Harvard Man " of 1735, and in his time a valued citizen. Although not an 
 active partisan he passed into exile through his scruples in 1775, '"''• ^^ ^^ ^*" 
 ceptional case was allowed to return, in the ensuing year, to live and die at his old 
 home in Salem, in 1802. 
 
6 Tories or Loyalists 
 
 to the sense of duty which actuated their opponents, we can 
 understand, now that temporary feeling is rapidly passing away, 
 that in the earlier struggle there clearly frequently existed as 
 honest and as opposite convictions of right. 
 
 Surely the time has arrived when we can discuss without 
 temper, the motives, and appreciate the loyalty to their gov- 
 ernment, the sacrifice of life and property, and the sufFermgs 
 by confiscation and exile of that valuable material for continued 
 citizenship — numbering at least twenty thousand of the mhabi- 
 tants of a sparsely settled and devastated country — then trans- 
 ferred as Refugees into Nova Scotia and Canada3 to form 
 
 3 The following paper endorsed "i6o, Proposals for a General Naturalization 
 R-.n "from he contents and the appearance of the carefully wr.tten manuscript, and 
 S the obTervationsThkh follow k was evidently submitted to ?-!— ^ -°" ^ '" 
 the Peace- U is considered worthy of a place, as showing the value attached by the 
 Brt-Jh Government to her exiled adherents, and her es.re - --them „ 
 her remaining Colonies, as to her a tried element or populafon. It -''' ^f "'^^^^^^^^^^^ 
 lit w^ile providing for all classes of Tories, it mgen.ously invtes the Rebels 
 whom k assies vo'be already dissatisfied with their new experiment, to jom them. 
 
 " The Inhabitants of the United States who took part with the British Gov- 
 ernment by remling or by continuing within the Lines durmg the War .n America 
 
 Tt hLeTnce removed into any part of the British Dominions havmg never done 
 
 respect, in Americans who d d not remove within the Lines, have 
 
 they took the Oath o Alleg. ^^^^ ^^„ ^^ey consistently with 
 
 "AT;hrv n t ra L to Ce treatld as 'subjects returning from a foreign country, .„ 
 wilch a'dvel Srcur^stances have detained them, contrary to their Inclinations and 
 
in the Revolution, 7 
 
 the best elements of population in a country in which they 
 declared on their sad departure, they expected to endure " nine 
 months of winter and three of cold weather in each year." 
 When the subsequent war of 1812 was carried to, and across 
 the Canadian frontier, our soldiers found in this rejected material 
 their most determined opponents. They naturally had little in 
 common with those, once their countrymen, but then only geo- 
 graphically their neighbors, still politically their foes, and the 
 
 Wishes ? There are in the United States, men of a different description, who 
 collectively form a numerous Body, men who from the first uniformly refused to 
 take any active part against the British Government, who for some time refused to 
 take the Oath of Allegiance to the United States, but were by the force of Vexations, 
 personal insult, and menances, finally brought to submit to preserve their estates 
 from confiscation, and themselves and families from suffering the last extremities of 
 Want and Misery. Those men, from their coming in so late, and by compulsion, 
 to acknowledge the Supremacy of the United States, did not regain either the Friend- 
 ship or Confidence of their Countrymen, they simply brought their persons and property 
 within the protection of the Law, and even that was in some instances at least, but 
 nominally such. These men, whose political principles have not been changed, 
 wish to remove, if it could be done on any Valuable Terms. But they must think 
 it a hard case to be considered as Aliens, and be obliged to sue for Acts of Na- 
 turalization, at a great and ruinous expense and Loss of Time, and to pray and pay 
 dearly to be declared, what they are conscious in their Hearts, that they have ever 
 been, British Subjects. The last and most numerous Class, and who have neither 
 Law or Equity to urge, but good policy only, are Merchants, the middle and lower 
 Orders of Farmers, Shipwrights, Fishermen and Sailors. That is, those of them 
 who voluntarily, and without any Force or compulsion, took an early and active part 
 in favor of the Revolution, who at the Time judging from appearances and repre- 
 sentations made to them, of Absolute Subjection and Slavery on the one hand, and 
 the prospect of Liberty, an exemption from Taxes, and unbounded and unrestrained 
 Commerce on the other, were naturally led, and as it were necessarily impelled, by 
 the Motives and Objects before them, to take the part which they then took, but 
 who on reflection and experience perceive their Error, find all those favorable 
 prospects vanished, and in their place Factions and Licentiousness predominant, 
 their persons or Estates loaded with intolerable Taxes, and their Commerce, more 
 circumscribed and burthened than ever, they are solicitous to regain their former 
 political situation, by removing within the British Dominions, and returning to their 
 Ancient and hereditary Allegiance, if they can be received and admitted to the same 
 privileges, as others of their rank and orders in Life, are entitled to. With regard 
 to the first, that is, the Loyalists already removed, there can be no question. For 
 the two next, the actual non-jurors who are as such to this day, and those who by 
 Violence and Menances, were forced to take Oath; of Allegiance to the New Govern- 
 ment, much may be urged in their favor, both in Law and Equity. As to the 
 re-admission of the latter, by much the most numerous Body, and rapidly increasing, 
 political considerations and motives alone can be urged, and those if all the circum- 
 
8 Tories or Loyalists 
 
 occupants of their forfeited homes. Compare this adjustment in 
 1783 with the more wise policy of our government in the late 
 struggle, where, after the suppression of armed resistance, the 
 citizens were soon restored to civil rights, and their property — 
 not lost by military results, and the attendant reduction of 
 values — and were reunited in a common administration of 
 public affairs. 
 
 History written in the progress or at the termination of 
 a war, is usually formed like the government by the victorious 
 
 stances are understood, and the consequences fully examined into, will prove as 
 forcible as anything that can be urged for the former. It is therefore proposed that 
 a General Declaratory Act should be passed, putting the situation of all those who 
 have already removed from the United States, and Settled in any part of the British 
 Dominions, beyond any future question or doubt, declaring that all who were formerly 
 British Subjects in any part of the United States or born of Parents who were 
 British Subjects in those States, previous to the late Treaty of Peace, shall on their 
 removal into any part of the British Dominions in America, either on the Continent, 
 or in the West India Islands, and on taking and subscribing the Oath and declara- 
 tion which shall be acquired by them, shall be admitted to all the rights and pri- 
 vileges of free and natural born subjects of Great Britain, provided that their removal, 
 and taking the Oath be within four years from the passing such Act, provided also 
 that they bring certificates of their having been formerly British Subjects, in the 
 United States when Colonies, or the Children of such Subjects. The oaths to be 
 administered by Magistrates named for that purpose, and recorded in the public 
 Records of the province or Colony where the same shall be taken. 
 
 ist Observation. There will be no objection to that part of such an Act, as refers 
 to the Declared, and actually removed Loyalist. 
 
 2d Observation. In regard to the two second, no material exception can be taken 
 to persons continuing. Non-jurors are Loyalists, not yet removed within the British 
 Dominion, their not rtmo'ving on the e-vacuation of JVeiv York is no Objection^ as too 
 many luere then under an absolute and pressing necessity to remo-ve^ so that their re- 
 maining, became a favor to those tuho did remo-ve, and those forced to submit to tie 
 Oath imposed upon them, are to be considered as being nearly in the same predicament. 
 
 But 3dly, if these are admitted, it is hardly possible to prevent the last description from 
 coming in under their Character, not inconsistent with that of a Merchant, a 
 Farmer, a Shipwright, a Fisherman, or a Sailor, these orders of men are immediately 
 <ivanted, and in Great Numbers, in No'va Scotia and Canada, and as those orders of 
 men find themsel-ves pressed by taxes in the United States and their Commerce restricted 
 as Aliens and Foreigners by this and other Nations, and burtheved -with duties and 
 imports by their oiun Go-vernment they ivill naturally incline to remo've and such an 
 encouragement may probably render No-va Scotia and Canada populous, and rich in a 
 •very feiv years. 
 
in the Revolution. 9 
 
 sentiment. Vae victis ! It is left to posterity in most cases to 
 do justice to the unfortunate. 
 
 In Painting and Cartography, truth to nature, and accuracy, 
 are indispensible to value. We continue our appreciation of 
 Old Masters, and admire and even yet sail by the carefully 
 based and grandly executed Charts of the earlier centuries ; 
 while we also accept the new school of Art, as well as the 
 improved Maps which several nations, notably including our own 
 vie in perfecting.^ Why should not History, which records, 
 the action of what is held as nature's noblest work, be 
 ranked as a kindred art ? While it would be the act of a 
 vandal to alter an old masterpiece, it may be the duty of 
 an humble painter to restore it, and the right of all Artists to 
 seek to improve upon it. 
 
 No careful cross reader has failed to detect palpable errors in 
 history, possibly injected in hasty compilation, from ill founded 
 rumor, misconception, or partisan zeal, perhaps allowed to 
 remain until too late for available cotemporaneous correction, 
 by the indifference, or individuality, of even a worthy actor. 
 It would seem as though in all ages, men, while naturally 
 desiring to be recorded as famous in public affairs, or 
 in the field, have permitted the notable achievements of their 
 assistants to be condensed in their own. Often the resort 
 to Official Records has corrected hasty narrative and changed 
 
 4 An examination of the progress of this science in essential details, although 
 artistic embellishment is less used than formerly, would appear interesting to every 
 one connected with some portion of the surface delineated. 
 
 The American " Geographical Society," only a few years since still a problematical 
 undertaking, now grown into a widely appreciated and amply sustained fact j has largely 
 through the unremitting attention of its President, Chief Justice Daly, collected in its 
 Map-room one of the most complete series ever formed by a technical institution, 
 affording an opportunity to those who would appreciate Cartography to examine its 
 claim to be recognized as high Art. 
 
lo Tories or Loyalists 
 
 the complexion of what has long been accepted as facts. 
 Such investigations even centuries after, when applied to the his- 
 tory of our late war, or that we are now making, will doubtless 
 prove the shears of Nemesis and continue to clip off a 
 surplus fringe of long seated error. 
 
 To aid in such researches and to make its illustration more 
 complete, Old letters, Documents and Diaries s of public interest 
 have each a use. Letters we oftenest rely upon for cotem- 
 porary testimony. Diaries kept for personal reference or 
 amusement, even when meagre in detail, but written without 
 the intention of publication, or of influencing the views of 
 others, and so possessing the value of disinterested testimony 
 at the period as to events, persons and dates, have furnished 
 valuable acquisitions to printed history for the reason that they 
 were records of personal impression only and reserved until 
 excitement had passed away. The Orderly Books or Diaries 
 of regiments, have also afforded interesting details of service, 
 against accepted error or conflicting testimony, fixing dates, 
 positions, the number and description of a force, and the com- 
 pass of its movements, and when annotated by a skillful hand 
 
 • 5 The " History of New York, in the Revolutionary War," by the able but cynical 
 Judge Thomas Jones — published through the liberality of one of his relatives, Mr. 
 Tohn D. Jones, and ably edited by another, Mr. Edward Floyd de Lancey, under the 
 auspices of the New York Historical Society in 1879, with copious notes and re- 
 ferences, is a rich mine to which any person interested in this subject, may pro- 
 fitably turn from this merely suggestive commentary. The fierce impartiality with 
 which he criticises Whig and Tory, soldier and civilian, induces additional credence 
 to the many curious facts he recorded in exile, of men and events with which he 
 was familiar. A letter from General Huntington to his son, while occupying his 
 fine town house, east of the City Hall, — - in that collection — expresses gratitude to 
 him for planting the fruit he was enjoying at his quarters, and its fine view of the 
 harbor. His country estate at Fort Neck, is preserved in the family by an entail that 
 prevented confiscation. This, even with the letter books of Governor Cadwallader 
 Golden, published by that Society, cross read with Judge William Smith's " His- 
 tory of the Province of New York," would in themselves afford an opening for 
 a research similar to that of Carlyle, for the truthful inwardness of aflfairs at that 
 period, in the city. 
 
in the Revolution. ii 
 
 and published, have furnished the clew to much information 
 otherwise lost from the woof of history. 
 
 Those who have found entertainment in d.elving into the 
 controversial folios of partisan writers, full of what appeared 
 to them to be truths, have realized how easily, and honestly, 
 men may differ. 
 
 In England in the varied changes in the control of a divided 
 people, by Charles I, or by the Parliament, the Common- 
 wealth or the Restoration, those of each in turn had 
 the opportunity of disseminating such convictions, to approving 
 readers, and for posterity to consider and compare. As an 
 example of their utility, it was amon2;st such discordant narra- 
 tions — much of which he styled "Shot Rubbish" — that Car- 
 lyle, and others, have searched analogically for facts, and it was 
 from such neglected authorities that he derived many of the con- 
 clusions, which give color to his illustration of the "Letters and 
 Speeches of Oliver Cromwell," probably destined to survive 
 those crude " Reminiscences " of his own career, which have 
 recently disappointed his appreciators. The peculiarities of his 
 inverted expression, and thought provoking style, once com- 
 prehended, the result of those researches appears to present to 
 the reader, even in a concentrated form, the man, his impulses, 
 and surroundings, often overlooked before in the consideration 
 of the narrative of his remarkable career. 
 
 From the mass of such conflicting testimony, has also been 
 in part exhun.ed at different periods, the material from which 
 such accepted writers as Hume, Smollett, Gibbon, Robertson, 
 Macauley, Alison, Mahon, and many others less broadly known, 
 have erected with the increasing impartiality attending later in- 
 vestigation. Monuments to their country, creditable to the work- 
 
12 Tories or Loyalists 
 
 men. Each, in his way has apparently sought to form safe 
 resting places for conviction, by substituting what, after careful 
 inspection, appeared to possess the solidity of fact, for what the 
 impulse of the hour had concreted, but time, and closer in- 
 vestigation, pronounced unreliable. 
 
 Some of such investigators, have been impressed with certain 
 coincidences between that Great English Revolution, and our 
 own of 1776. 
 
 Arising, in each case amongst the same race, firm in con- 
 viction and resolute in assertion, inspired by similar complaints 
 of oppression and sense of right, resulting alike in divided 
 sentiment as to the proper extent of Prerogative, and the 
 remedy against its encroachments, involving at first, heated 
 discussion in public assemblies, filling the minds of many 
 well meaning citizens with doubt as to a course rendered 
 difficult to fix upon by conflicting ties or interests, and finally 
 precipitating in one case the Mother Country and in the other 
 her Colonies, into the horrors of Civil War, seeming in many 
 particulars to be but the renewal of a suspended conflict. 
 
 By the result of both of these domestic struggles many who 
 had in former peaceful times been held as valuable citizens, were 
 impoverished and driven into exile ^ — in the former from the 
 
 6 The following is a letter from John Cruger, Esq., Mayor of New York from 
 1719 to 1744, and from 1757 to 1766, and Speaker of the Assembly of 1775. He 
 was then a prisoner on parole at the residence of his brother-in law Peter Van 
 Schaack, the celebrated lawyer, whose wife soon after died from want of proper med- 
 ical treatment in New York, access to which the regulations of war precluded. 
 
 KiNDERHOOK, April 12, I778. 
 
 Sir : 
 
 I have Rec'd your favor & am Extremely Sorry that any Impediment has arisen 
 in the Way of my going to New York. When I Reed Genl Gjtes' permission 
 Upon Condition of my Engaging to fulfil the Exchange he proposed, I wrote him 
 I did not chuse to go Upon a condition which it might be out of my 
 
in the Revolution. 13 
 
 varied successes, drawn from both of the contending factions — 
 affording opportunity to each in turn, to develope the smaller 
 characteristics of nature, in the uses of success as an opportunity 
 for the harsh assertion of authority, in resorting to confiscation, 
 exile and individual suffering, in the changes of property as well 
 as of place. 
 
 Now, if we can judge from history and observation, both 
 Cavalier and Roundhead are looked back upon by their descend- 
 ants and their successors with equal respect, and their actions 
 as the result of conviction, with a common pride. The 
 impressions of the past have been more readily forgotten, in the 
 activity of the present by a large portion of a people, attached 
 like our own to a government which has developed, in the ex- 
 perience of past strife the elasticity of its institutions, and of a 
 progressive energy in rebounding after a strain, to even a 
 Stronger tension. 
 
 One element of its population, many of the people of 
 Ireland, from circumstances yet adhere to their old prej- 
 udices, and still recall Cromwell's severity in his invasion, and 
 
 power to perform. Upon which he wrote me as your Excellency Will Recollect 
 from his Letter, that he looked to Sir Henry Clinton for the performance of Any 
 Engagement I should make, and I have reason to think from What I then and have 
 since heard that this matter was settled between these two Generals. Could I have 
 foreseen that it was Possible that this wd have been prevented taking place, I Should 
 I am sure have had no difficulty in Getting the Genls passport Upon which several 
 have gone down, Even after he quitted Albany, Altho 1 cannot it Seems be so 
 fortunate. Perhaps upon Considering this matter, Your Excellency will be of 
 opinion that Sir Henry Clinton will perform what Genl Gates Relied Upon him for, 
 however diffident your Excellency may be of Genl Jones Who is I believe an Inferior 
 Officer to Sir Henry Clinton. Especially as I shall then go down Upon the Confi- 
 dence between him and Genl Gates & not upon any promise of Genl Jones. If 
 your Excellency still entertain doubts, I will be content to go down with one Servant 
 only (Leaving my family and Effects,) upon Parole to return if an Exchange cannot 
 be Effected. I sincerely Request of Your Excellency, so far as you consistently can, to 
 take my situation into Consideration, and I hope when you Reflect on ye age and 
 Infirmity of my sister and Self, & the great Inconveniency which we Labour Under 
 here. You Will Readily fall upon some Means to Extricate Us Out of our Difficultys 
 
1 4 Tories or Loyalists 
 
 King William's success at the Battle of the Boyne, with equal 
 bitterness. They had never cheerfully transferred their adhesion 
 from the house of Stewart to either the Prince of Orange or that 
 of Hanover. Many of them, including those of the best ele- 
 ment had been driven by that war and its results, into France and 
 other countries, often to become from choice soldiers, in many 
 cases still represented by their descendants, with the same 
 courage which turned the current of the fight at Fontenoy, 
 and made the command of the regiment Dillon, long hereditary. 
 Others came to America, replacing the departed loyalists, soon 
 exceeding them in numbers, and rapidly increasing as we know, 
 until in many sections they form a very large element of popula- 
 tion. Their hereditary prejudices and their natural tendency to 
 politics, perhaps inspired by the consideration of their grievances, 
 the apparent error of the government in not fostering their 
 manufacturies, industries and universal education, have perhaps 
 united to produce for generations political agitations and 
 
 Which I shall be happy to Retaliate by Every means in my power, to procure the 
 Enlargement of any family, which may be desirous of moving out of New York. 
 I have the honour to be With great Esteem 
 
 Yr Ex. Most Obed & 
 
 Very humb. Servt 
 His Ex. Gov. Clinton. John Cruger. 
 
 Governor Clinton's Answer. 
 
 POUGHKEEPSIE, April I 9, I 778. 
 
 Sir : i_ j j 
 
 I have received your letter of the 12th Instant & in Answer thereto, am reduced 
 to the necessity of Informing you that I cannot consent to your going to New York 
 in any other way than that of exchange. The conduct of Messrs. Wallace, Sher- 
 brooke & several others who were indulged to go in on Parole & to return, or send out 
 tizens, in exchange, has rendered the like indulgence to others altogether 
 r At any rate the intercourse between the Country & City will be totally 
 
 some ci 
 improper 
 
 prohibited for some Weeks to come as the Commanding Officer, were I ever so 
 willing, will not suffer any Persons to pass the Posts below. I shall be always ready 
 
 ■ to grant you every Indulgence consistent with the Duty of my Office. 
 
 I am Sir Your Most Obedt. Servt, 
 
 John Cruger, Esq. (George Clinton.) 
 
in the Revolution. 15 
 
 misunderstandings at home, and probably induced an immense 
 emigration, who by becoming citizens, necessarily separate 
 themselves politically from their country and have in the sea- 
 board cities especially, largely acquired that control of which 
 they were deprived in their old home, centuries ago. 
 
 It is a singular paradox, attending the gigantic prosperity of 
 the country, that while one large class of citizens neglect, in 
 the excitement of business occupations, even the ordinary duty 
 of electors, another often abandon the opportunities for solid 
 prosperity and wealth, attracted by the glitter of authority and 
 perhaps ephemeral salary, and in seeking office devote their 
 lives to " politics," and their advancement to the control of its 
 dispensers. 
 
 While the majority of the people of Great Britain accepted 
 the House of Hanover cheerfully, if coldly, they took no 
 interest in the complications of the first two sovereigns, in 
 protecting their birthplace and Principality on the continent. 
 Its position involved them in the '^ Seven Years' War" — without 
 eventual advantage, and imposed upon them a heavy indebted- 
 ness, partially to meet which, in the reign of George III, the 
 attempted taxation of his American colonies, also its seat, was 
 resorted to, which afforded them their opportunity. 
 
 The history prepared by a conquered enemy is generally 
 little accepted by the victor, beyond its use in illustrating some 
 strategic detail. Its statements of any motives, or of rights 
 invaded, or injustice done, would be as indifferently received as 
 he argument of a case after the jury had retired — a barren 
 effort which is believed to have at times affected intellects. 
 That of the English writers, as to the Revolutionary war has 
 rarely been generally accepted or studied, in search. for even minor 
 particulars, by those satisfied with results. In our own histories, 
 
1 6 Tories or Loyalists 
 
 while doing justice to the general details of the origin and pro- 
 gress of the conflict, little attention was naturally given to per- 
 sonal conviction, or to apparent necessity, as influencing the 
 action of any ally of the enemy, while resisting the success of 
 a struggle for Independence. Tory and Hessian, have been 
 rated with the Indian, and all considered the worst elements of 
 a bad cause, best remembered as the perpetrators of those 
 ravages of war, impressed more strongly, by tradition and early 
 history, upon the communities where they occur, than any nobler 
 action, and therefore more likely to survive. That they soon 
 departed, leaving neither apologist nor vindicator, seems to afford 
 a suflScient reason for some just consideration of their then^ 
 position, a century later. 
 
 We have realized some " modern instances " since, where 
 prejudice has unduly obscured, or partiality unreasonably 
 brightened, the records of the wrestlers in a world of action. 
 
 The annexation of Texas — a Republic then recently 
 carved out of the territory of a friendly power, while it slum- 
 bered — may be recalled by some as having presented a ques- 
 tion of such then apparently vast importance, as to have seemed 
 for a time to shake the foundation of our own government. Strict 
 constructionists of law, and those watchful of the integrity of our 
 avowed national policy, entered into vehement protest against an 
 act for which they could discover no authority, and its inevitable 
 result, in a war with a weaker power, to acquire by force a terri- 
 tory, then looked upon without coveting it, by a large portion of 
 the people. The debates in Congress on the subject, will sur- 
 vive as long as the government they affected by their results, as 
 characterized by marked ability and vehemence, for there were 
 surely many statesmen in Congress at that period. When the 
 war was precipitated, all differences were speedily buried and the 
 
in the Revolution, 17 
 
 Maxim " Our Country Right or Wrong," silenced dissent or 
 opposition and carried brave men of both factions in concert to 
 the field. 7 Many Americans residing in Mexican Territory, 
 under such protection as it could afford to their property, 
 naturally placed themselves under their national colors. 
 We can conceive that if the Mexican forces had then been able 
 to invade the United States, the action of her citizens residing 
 within their borders and enjoying their protection would have 
 been a subject for jealous scrutiny ! Their duty to the flag 
 under which they were born, unless abandoned by a new alle- 
 giance, could not be questioned, while its exercise against the 
 government that liad protected them would have been considered 
 as an act of aggravated hostility. 
 
 In our Civil War the manhood of the country of an avail- 
 able age largely buried political dissensions, and when the 
 question was narrowed to that of the supremacy of the flag, 
 hastened to the front. When such voluntary material for 
 its maintenance seemed exhausted, the additional inducement 
 of large bounties was added to the customary pay to stimulate 
 patriotism, or compensate for the time diverted from personal 
 enterprise. It was then noticed that the representation of 
 
 7 The anxiety to obtain service in this war, and the enthusiasm which attended 
 its progress, when once precipitated must be recalled by many. More troops were 
 offered than could be used, and the Southern and Southwestern States, more 
 sectionally interested in the acquisition of new territory, continually pressed the offer 
 of additional regiments. Those. of New York, which succeeded in obtaining orders, 
 did good service in Mexico and California, while others offered could find no 
 place. The contributor recalls how, although opposed to the annexation from 
 surrounding association, and scarcely qualified by age as an elector, happening to be, 
 for the second time, aid de camp to a notable Governor of the old school, and thus a 
 Colonel on the Peace Establishment, inspired by the sentiment of the moment, he 
 committed that operation so painful to all soldiers, actual or implied, waived his 
 rank and raised a company, in a regiment which was so denied the privilege of fameor 
 the possibility of failure. The effort was an etfect of the electricity with which all 
 were charged, impressing even a titular soldier with the value oi his sword, rather 
 than of his rank. 
 
1 8 Tories or Loyalists 
 
 other nationalities in our ranks was largely increased. In 
 the rising of a government in its force to preserve its existence, 
 the way was necessarily subordinated to the means, and all 
 were acceptable. Even the Chinese, valueless as an elector, 
 would have been welcome in the hour of danger, to fight for 
 a nationality open to all others, as the home of liberty. It was 
 noticeable also, that when hostilities finally ensued, many who 
 had long excited by their persistent eloquence the people of 
 both sections to seek for, to cherish, if not to magnify differences, 
 until a perhaps inevitable conflict was precipitated, did not 
 crowd into the ranks, or if in Congress, all follow the example 
 of that gallant Senator, Edward D. Baker, a proto-martyr of that 
 body in the conflict, who falling at the head of his regiment 
 at Balls BluflF, while practically advancing his plea for the 
 Union, made a more lasting impression than words addressed 
 to applauding galleries, by men of either section fired by zeal, 
 who failed to afterwards emphasize the depth of their convic- 
 tions, by service in the field. 
 
 Those who did this followed an old precedent, established 
 by members of both houses of Parliament in the English Civil 
 War, where, as an example, Lucius Cary, Viscount Falkland^ 
 
 8 Clarendon in his " History of the Great Rebellion " thus records the virtues of 
 one who might have been an agreeable and instructive associate, " he was a person of 
 such prodigious parts of learning and knowledge, and of that inimitable sweetness 
 and delight in conversation, and of so flowing and obliging a humanity and goodness 
 to mankind, and of that primitive simplicity and integrity of life, that if there were 
 no other brand upon the odious and accursed Civil War than that single loss, it 
 must be most infamous to all posterity." He was deeply depressed by the compass 
 which he foresaw in the conflict, frequently cried to himself " Peace, Peace," and 
 doubting its speedy coming; having accompanied the King at Edgehill, Oxford and 
 Gloucester, being his Secretary of State, he threw himself as a volunteer into the 
 front rank of Lord Byron's regiment, at the battle of Newberry, and was killed by 
 a musket ball. 
 
 " Thus Falkland died the generous and the just," at least another martyr to 
 honest convictions. 
 
in the Revolution, 19 
 
 a conscientious patriot, and one of the first to rise in Parliament 
 in opposition to grievances, was also one of the earliest to vol- 
 untarily die in defence of his sovereign, when he considered 
 that the claims for redress were pressed too far. Many members 
 of our Continental Congress also displayed by their service in 
 the field, their conviction that a statesman whether involuntary, 
 hereditary or professional, does not lessen his official dignity, 
 by contact in the ranks even with those who had not sympa- 
 thized in the discussion^ until forced into the conflict by results. 
 
 Gallant service in both the council and the field would appear 
 to be unanswerable evidences of at least honest convictions.9 
 
 The Trumpeter, in another fable, would appear to have been 
 properly denied immunity, as a non-combatant, for the reason 
 that he incited bloodshed by his noisy brass. It had already 
 
 9 An example of' this disinterested appreciation of a double duty, may be cited in 
 Lewis JVlorris, a Signer of the Declaration of Independence, a member of Congress, 
 grandson of a Colonial Governor of New Jersey, in his turn the son of an English 
 officer of Cromwell's army, who had made America his refuge at the Restoration — 
 the proprietor of a Manor of some thousands of acres called Morrifania, in West- 
 chester, New York, and an honored citizen, who, although like the Johnsons', with 
 much to lose personally, for the prospect of a gain by a change of government, threw 
 his fortunes into an opposite scale. His love to freedom,probably hereditary, early carried 
 him into public life, and with his beautiful home desolated, his family scattered, his 
 thousand of acres of woodland felled and the British ships lying within cannon shot 
 of his mansion, he was, at the time this letter was written, sitting in Congress and 
 commanding a disaffected Brigade, in the southern part of Westchester County, the 
 most disloyal portion at a Tory State. It is taken from the original : 
 
 Philadelphia, Septttnber 24, 1776. 
 Sir : 
 
 I had the honor to receive your Letter accompanying the Resolve of Congress re- 
 lative to my return to resume the command of my Brigade, at a tinie when the 
 State to which I belong is invaded, and particularly as 1 am honored with a military 
 command, I esteem it my duty to account for my absence. Since my arrival at 
 Philadelphia, the State of New York has had no more than a representative in 
 Congress, and as the Gentlemen of the Committee of Indian Affairs were mostly out 
 of Town, the whole of that necessary business has been devolved upon me. My 
 family have been obliged to desert their home, and meeting with them in this f>lace, 
 
 3 
 
20 Tories or Loyalists 
 
 been discovered, that it was easier to excite than to allay a 
 conflict, and that only the peacemaker was blessed. 
 
 There is a middle course, which caution has often suggested 
 to personal interest, in the consideration of all untried enter- 
 prises ; that of uniting with neither party, while coquetting with, 
 and appearing to entertain, the views of both. From any im- 
 putation of such littleness, at least, Johnson and his Tory 
 associates would appear to have been free, as the evidence of 
 their offence was in their undisguised cooperation. 
 
 When the French fleet, with Rochambeau's army, was 
 groping its way in search of Newport and towards Yorktown, 
 on the lOth of July, 1780, through Martha's Vineyard, and the 
 fogs which yatchsmen so often deplore, an islander boarded the 
 Conquerant, 74 — conveying Generals the Baron de Viomenel, 
 Count de Custine, who soon after led the advanced troops to 
 
 altogether unprcvided, I have been u}ider the necessity of delaying the time of my stay 
 until I could fx them in some situation ivhere they could be accommodated. This distress 
 of my Family on this occasion made it my particular duty to attend to them, and 
 which I flatter myself will be justifiable upon every principle of justice. The situation 
 of my Brigade I was convinced was well known to the Convention, I apprehended 
 that not more than a Colonel's command was left in it, and ss such did not think my 
 presence was so absolutely necessary. I have thought that the existence of such a 
 Brigade, in which were so many disaffected persons, was dangerous to the cause as 
 well as to my own life. But being desirous to participate in the virtuous opposition 
 to the British Tyrant, 1 had determined as soon as possible to join Gen. Washington 
 and contribute my assistance to him, prompted in the first instance by a Love of my 
 Country, and in the next place the preservation of my property, being thoroughly 
 convinced that unless we conquer I am ruined. Fowever in obedience to the 
 command of Convention I shall prepare with all possible expedition to set out for 
 Westchester, and will endeavor to execute any orders they may be pleased to give to 
 the utmost of my ability. 
 
 I have the honor to subscribe myself, Sir, Your obliged and Obed't Humble 
 Servant, Lewis Morris. 
 
 (To the President of the Provincial Congress of New York). 
 
 He afterwards returned to service, was a Major General and had, as his fellovir 
 officers, three of his sons. Of his own brothers, Staats Long continued in the 
 British service, became a Lieutenant General. Richard was a Judge of Admiralty, 
 and Gouverneur the well esteemed Diplomatist and Congressman. 
 
in the Revolution, 21 
 
 the Peninsula and performed valuable service there, and many 
 officers and men of those auxilliaries — and who was useful as 
 a pilot bringing valuable information, as to the Americans 
 still holding Rhode Island,'° "he was a good man" — says the 
 Chief Commissary who was daily bottling up facts for our later 
 refreshment — "and displayed intelligence. He was neither a 
 Royalist.^ or Insurgent.^ but a friend of everybody., as he told us with 
 much simplicity."'' As the arrival of this expected assistance 
 was an occasion for the expression of pleasure, and as the struggle 
 it was coming to aid in terminating had long given opportunity 
 for the formation of an opinion, it seems clear that he was a 
 Loyalist, and yet in a condition to avail himself of the rapidly 
 approaching success, with all the privileges ot a patriot. 
 
 But courage based upon even erroneous conviction may claim 
 respect. A generous opponent after success in defeating an 
 object which from principle he has opposed, is often the earliest 
 reconciled, and a heart conscious of the duty of loyalty, most 
 open to forgive an honest but mistaken conception. 
 
 Thus, in later years, after time for comparison of events and 
 reflection, such appreciation has even extended over the seas to 
 the adherents of the Pretender, who lost their lives and estates 
 in a hopeless effort to restore the unfortunate house of Stuart, 
 to whom their fathers owed allegiance ; when realizing how that 
 history has also in a way repeated itself in our own land, largely 
 colonized by the exiles of both parties in England's civil wars, 
 and how a similar sentiment inspired many good men, mis- 
 
 '° Journal of Claude Blanchard, edited by Wm. Duane and Thos. Balch, Albany, 
 1876. 
 
 During the season of iS8i, they were said by the Port officials to be more con- 
 tinuous than for sixteen years, and the whole eastern and the north-eastern coast 
 resounded with the music of the fog horn, with little visible to the cruisers' eye. 
 
22 Ivories or Loyalists 
 
 takenly as the result proved, to endeavor to sustain the exist- 
 ing government ; and some incidentally to foUovi' or imitate such 
 a leader as Sir John Johnson, in his effort to reclaim his inherit- 
 ance by the same force that had been used in his eviction. His 
 Scotch, Irish and German tenantry and his Indian allies, whose 
 memory has come down to us as terrible as that of the " Black 
 Douglas " with which babies of the Border were once hushed to 
 sleep, were the same appliances long turned by his predecessor 
 with general approval against the French. The barbarities 
 attending his expedition, if greater than those recorded in all 
 that partisan warfare, may, at this distance of time, be attributed 
 to the bitter sentiment of divided neighborhood and broken 
 friendship, the retaliation of the exile against him who retained 
 or had acquired his home. 
 
 In our recent struggle we learned again that many foreign 
 soldiers voluntarily came as has been stated, and accepted service 
 on either side, for glory or for pay, indifferent to the cause; and 
 also that old neighbors were often the fiercest opponents when 
 meeting in strife. 
 
 If, in the light of that experience, there was one whose 
 adhesion to the British Government in 1776 appears most 
 readily accounted for, it would seem to be that of Sir John 
 Johnson. His position as an officer in his King's service 
 made it natural to a soldier ; the personal honor of knight- 
 hood from the King's hand while in London, must have 
 influenced his sympathy, aside from the hereditary sense of 
 gratitude for the great bounties and trust conferred on his 
 
 father. 
 
 That father dying in 1774 escaped the responsibility which 
 fell upon his son. It is unnecessary to fully recall the career 
 
an 
 
 
in the Revolution. 23 
 
 of Sir William Johnson who was probably the most remarkable, 
 if not the most distinguished, character in American colonial 
 history. 
 
 His coming as a youth from Ireland into the then wild 
 Mohawk valley as the agent of his uncle. Admiral Sir Peter 
 Warren, whose " great and veteran service " to this State, was 
 rewarded in part with the means to secure an estate of 15,000 
 acres named " Warren's Bush " and afterwards by the gift from 
 the city of New York of a suburban estate — called Chelsea, and 
 now embedded in its limits — especially for his service in the 
 capture of Louisburg ;" his succession from a pioneer planter 
 and country store keeper to the control of the Six Nations of 
 Indians, once the most powerful race on the Northern Amer- 
 ican Continent, who were likened to the Romans from the 
 extent of their invasions from their northern home, west to the 
 Falls of the Ohio, and south to the waters of Carolina. 
 
 "■ The capture of Louisburg, the key to Canada, skillfully fortified by a pupil of 
 Vau')an, garrisoned by regular French troops, and also protected by vessels of war, 
 by 6,000 Provincials, commanded by "Mr. Pepperel a trader of P'scataqua," as colonel 
 of the largest regiment, was a subject of worldwide wonder at the time, and 
 may still be considered as one of the great military achievements on this continent. 
 Its conception was due to the indefatigable Governor Shirley. 
 
 The Following Commission given by Governor Shirley, when commanding all 
 the Forces in North Arrerica, and signed by Lord Stirling, then Mr. Alexander, a 
 young gentleman of fortune, when acquiring as an amateur the military knowledge 
 which he supplemented by his gallantry, at the Battle of Long Island and in other 
 service, showj the formality with which Indians were regularly commissioned, and 
 educated in the w.irfare then waging against the French, subsequently turned against 
 the Colonists whom they were then protecting. While the me of the Indians was 
 complained of by civilized opponents in both cases, their employment had become 
 habitual. 
 
 By His Excellency, Major General Shirley, Commander-in Chief of all 
 HIS Majesty's Forces in North America, 
 
 To Tamvcnoe, Greeting : 
 
 By Virtue of the Power and Authority to me Granted by His Majesty and reposing 
 especial Trust and Confidence in your FaithfulnesSy Attachment and Loyalty to His 
 most sacred Majesty, King George the Second. I do appoint you, the said Tawenoe, 
 
24- Tories or Loyalists 
 
 They might then become the balance of power between the 
 English and French colonies, and are now, from the loss of such 
 civilizing authority mainly extinct, enjoying in happier hunt- 
 ing grounds, freedom from the inevitable progress of the white 
 man, before which they steadily pass away, making room for 
 advancing cultivation. 
 
 Soon, his acquisition of military and civil power, of influence 
 and estate, until he had become a viceroy in authority, with a 
 princely personal domain, showed a rapid appreciation of his new 
 surroundings. His intimate knowledge of the character of the 
 Indians, his justice and wisdom in their control, their devotion 
 to him, and his adaptation to their customs and language ; his 
 defence of the French border and his expeditions into their 
 dominions, until dying a Baronet, a Major General, and Super- 
 intendent of Indian affairs, are matters that should be familiar to 
 every reader. 
 
 His home, "Johnson Hall," was the theatre of much 
 romantic incident connected with colonial history, and visited 
 at intervals by most of the distinguished men on the 
 
 to be Lieutenant of Indians employed in the present Expedition for removing the 
 French Encroachments at Niagara, and elsewhere on Lake Ontario, and you are 
 faithfully to discharge the Duty of a Lieutenant of the Indians aforesaid. 
 
 Given under my Hand and Seal at Arms, at the Camp at Qswego, on Lake 
 Ontario, the first day of September, 1755. W. Shirley. 
 
 By His Excellency's Command, 
 
 Wm. Alexander, &f j;."' 
 
 Sir William Pepperel died a baronet, and his successor living to be deprived, his 
 estate also passed into exile. It may be proper to mention, as one of the historical 
 doubts which confuse the reader, that Dr. Dwight has claimed for General Lyman, 
 the second in command, the principal credit for the defeat of Baron Dieskau near 
 Lake George, by Sir William Johnson (Appendix) with the New England, New York 
 and New Jersey Provincials, which aided to relieve the alarm created by Gen. Brad- 
 dock's disaster, with another division of the army. There was great jealousy at this time 
 between the New England and New York Provincial Troops. It was on such 
 evidences of their skill in arms, that the self reliance of the Colonists in the com- 
 ing struggle was founded. 
 

 
 
 f^ 
 
 ;<: 
 
 /. 
 
 ^«F 
 
 
 FROM THE ORIfilNAl. IN THE COLLECTION Or T,a m 
 
in the Revolution. 25 
 
 continent. Their letters addressed to him on various affairs of 
 state, with replies showing condensation of varied intelligence, 
 conveyed in the graceful penmanship of a ready writer, are still 
 preserved — some in the collection referred to — attesting a hfe 
 of labor in the public service. 
 
 In this however, he found opportunity to attend to many 
 personal duties, incident to his position and capacity. Isolated, 
 and only restricted by the orders of the Government, which 
 from better local appreciation of necessities, he alone, as its 
 agent, had ventured to disregard; with an increasing neighbor- 
 hood of many nationalities, English, Scotch, Irish, German 
 and Hollander, as compatriots or tenantry, appealing to him 
 for counsel in every relation of life, from the cradle to the 
 grave, he advised and protected the living, and was burthened 
 with trusts by the dead,'^ cheerfully fulfilling his duties to the 
 lowly as a bountiful benefactor, and hospitably entertaining them 
 with the great, who resorted to the hall, when amusing their 
 leisure time with hardy sports and athletic games. He appears 
 to have afforded an example to those charged with the control 
 ■of the destinies of aggregates of men. 
 
 « The accompanying document appears worthy of reproduction, as a pen sketch 
 affording a glimpse of this early backwoods life. As rough in autographic execution 
 as its surroundings, it chances to place on one paper the names, and to show the meet- 
 ing, of some historical celebrities of border life, friends soon to be divided in strife. 
 The two Johnsons, General Nicholas "Herckmer," as he boldly but roughly writes 
 himself,— in the year in which he was erecting the spacious brick mansion called his 
 "Castle", which survives him near Little Falls,— destined afterwards to sit on the 
 saddle of his dead horse, reclining against a tree, smoking his pipe, and issuing his 
 orders, when mortally wounded in the battle of Oriskany, by the Tories and Indians 
 of St. Leger and Sir John. Colonel Peter Schuyler, for a time acting as Colonial 
 Governor of New York, called " Quider" by the Mohawks, whom he had led 
 successfully against the French, and whom they trusted and loved, and Abraham 
 Yates, Jun., subsequently an early Senator, both of the last at times Mayors_ of the 
 important border city of Albany. With these are others, not unknown in that 
 local history, although making as feeble impression on their times as on the paper, 
 yet as necessary as are the minor connecting links in Genealogy. 
 
26 Tories or Loyalists 
 
 He devoted much attention also, to the erection of 
 churches and schools — even selecting with his intimate knowl- 
 edge of the Mohawk dialect, the hymns to be sung — and to the 
 education '3 and spiritual welfare of his savage neighbors, in his 
 relations with whom there was much to recall the habits of the 
 Patriarchs, and to account for this special interest in their 
 progress which was probably remembered in the fidelity of four 
 of the tribes, the Onondagas, Cayugas, Senecas and Mohawks, 
 to his son, while the Oneidas alone supported the Americans, 
 after vigorous efforts had been made to secure them all. 
 
 One of the latest objects of his attention was the publication 
 of a new edition of the '' Book of Common Prayer," to supply 
 the place of the " Mohawk Prayer Book " printed in 1715, on 
 
 '3 From Rev. Eleazer Wheelock, founder and President of Dartmouth College, 
 and celebrated for his success and usefulness in his extended labors to educate aiid 
 civilize the Indians. Amongst his pupils was Joseph Brant. \ 
 
 Dartmouth College, in New Hampshire, Feh. i-j, ^jyi, 
 Hon. Sir : 
 
 The bearers, Basteen and Lewis, Indians of the Tribe of Lorett, have been several 
 months at my school, and have from the first appeared to have an uncommon thirst 
 for Learning, have been diligent at their studies and have made good Proficiency for 
 the Time therein. They appear to be rational, manly, spirited, courteous, graceful 
 and obliging far beyond what I have found common to Indians, and I have observed 
 no undue appetite in them for Strong Drink. They have often expressed a desire to 
 see your Honor since they have lived with me, and now at their Desire I have con- 
 tented to their making you this Visit. 
 
 I esteem them the most promising young Indians I have ever seen, and the most 
 likely to answer the great and good ends of an Education, and I hope their going 
 among their brethren in your parts will have no bad influence to predjudice or 
 distemper their minds. I have advised them to return as soon as they can after they have 
 suitably expressed their duty and respect to you, as I should be sorry they should lose 
 more time from their Studies than shall be needful and also as they will likely have 
 occasion to take several other Journeys soon after their return. I wish your Honor 
 the Divine Presence, Direction and Blessing in the important Business Providence has 
 assigned you in Life and beg leave to assure you that 1 am with much Esteem and 
 Respect, 
 
 Your Honor's most obedient and very humble servant, 
 
 Eleazer Wheelock. 
 
 Sir Wm. Johnson, Baronet. 
 
in the Revolution, 27 
 
 Bradford's celebrated Press, even then unobtainable and now of 
 great value as. one of the rarest of American books. 
 
 Although his treaties with them showed the concession of 
 great grants of unoccupied territory to the King's domain, he 
 protected them in their occupancies and reserved rights with 
 a jealous care, which would afford a model for later " Indian 
 Agencies." He carried into effect the policy which Governor 
 Dongan had foreshadowed, of keeping the control of the Indians 
 on British soil and protecting them from the zealous Missionary 
 efforts of their French neighbors, to consolidate them with 
 their own tribes. 
 
 Like Lord Chatham, he died in harness, devoting his last 
 hours to duty. The progress of prospecting for locations on 
 Indian lands was already active in 1774. Captain Michael 
 Cresap and Mr. Greathead, had by attendant ravages in the 
 valley of the Ohio, on lands protected by Treaty obligations, 
 aroused Logan and other chiefs, friendly to the whites. It 
 was the old story, with which we have been familiar from youth, 
 being repeated. The entire Indian race on the continent 
 sympathized, the Six Nations were preparing to take arms, 
 even Johnson trembled at the prospect. He invited them 
 to a Great Council, and appealed to their old relations as a 
 guarantee for justice. Sick, when he entered the council, he 
 vehemently addressed them, as was his custom, and died before 
 the session was completed — on the eleventh of July, 1774, 
 in his sixtieth year ; but his parting words carried their wonted 
 influence, and peace was preserved. 
 
 He combined some of the characteristics of Nestor with 
 those of Ulysses, and surely presents in his administration of his 
 public trust and mainly in his private life, an example to those 
 4 
 
28 Tories or Loyalists 
 
 charged with large duties and responsibilities. In the plentitude 
 of his evidences of his master's favor and the pressing variety 
 of his occupations, it is doubtful whether in the growing disfavor 
 .for the taxes on stamps or tea, he found time even to consider 
 the reasons for a change of government, or felt that a seat in 
 Parliament would have increased his own importance or rep- 
 resentative control.''* 
 
 It is no reflection upon the purity of the motives, or the 
 wisdom of the action of the fathers of our country that such 
 cases of those thus personally impressed with other views, should 
 have existed, but it is merely another instance of the sometimes 
 honest diversity of opinion and policy which has made the 
 world a battle field. 
 
 It may be assumed that then as now, men were governed 
 by individuality and subordinated all to the duty of loyalty, 
 combined in such cases with a sense of interest ; and one can 
 easily see how possessing all they could hope for, both father 
 •and son struggled to retain it, as would now the holder of a 
 similar valuable estate, franchise, or monopoly, against legislative 
 absorbtion, opposing opinion, or even suggested amendment. 
 
 We see, even in the peaceful walks of life, one man of other- 
 wise noble character, loose self control in asserting a grievance 
 or supporting a right against another, where both are honest, 
 and one, inevitably wrong. Such material, when aggregated 
 even for social purposes, will at times divide in sentiment, and 
 struggle in a ballot, to decide what is humane or right or what 
 is regular, and by the vote of the majority, produce a result 
 in suppressing without altering a deeply seated conviction. 
 
 '4 It does not appear that he ever revisited England, as was asserted, but it may be 
 recalled that he was the first white man — borne bv the Indians on a litter — who 
 resorted to the " Saratoga Springs" for medicinal relief. 
 
in the Revolution. 29 
 
 Such differences are apparently but miniature representations 
 of the elements aggregated in civil war. A reference to a disin- 
 terested party has often remedied the one as a mediation may 
 avoid the other. 
 
 John Bright, that life long advocate of peace, who has lived 
 through many wars, has recently presented a remedy against 
 their recurrence. " The policy and aspect of our country 
 and of the world will be changed, if the demon war is confined 
 to the cases in which there seems to Christian and rational 
 men no escape from the miseries it inflicts on mankind." 
 This seems a glittering generality only, until it can be dis- 
 covered how the passion and perhaps the ignorance by which it 
 is generally incited can be induced — best before anv use of 
 violence — to submit to such proper arbitration, and then who 
 would be admitted to be " rational men " by any usual method 
 of selection. 
 
 At least the position of those who sustained the existing govern- 
 ment at the Revolution would not appear to have been open to 
 any such solution. A large body of the people had finally 
 settled upon a new form, to which all must submit, without 
 reference to former complication, interest, or ties. There was 
 no intermediate course, nor opportunity to temporize, espe- 
 cially for one prominent from position. 
 
 The " Tory " then fought for his sovereign and the existing 
 laws, often after years of resistance to their exactions in every 
 appeal but that of arms, as distasteful then as now. The con- 
 servative element had favored to the last, endurance to con- 
 test, of which property and business were to bear the cost. 
 Many, even of the leading patriots of the Revolution during its 
 progress gave their testimony, that they did not at its outset con- 
 template separiition, but only to urge concession by the threat 
 
30 'Tories or Loyalists 
 
 supported by force ; some of them favored mutual conciliation 
 to the end, most prayed for peace. 
 
 We have been educated to consider the action of those who 
 were satisfied with the existing government in 1776, as well as 
 that of those who had realized and sought for peaceful redress 
 from grievances,and when they culminated in war adhered to their 
 old flag, indiscriminately, as absolutely indefensible ; to apply 
 to all of them the epithet "Tory," as equivalent to " Traitor," 
 and to forget that the even worse detested " Hessian " was only 
 an involuntary German soldier in jackboots and bearded,, then 
 unusual in America, whose sword was again sold under treaty 
 obligations, by his Hereditary Prince to a kinsman, King George 
 III, in that war. We have not cared to recognize his hostility 
 to us as compulsory, his presence that of the involuntary victim 
 of an obnoxious custom in the old World, and that he was of 
 the same race — and if an officer, of its educated and then 
 privileged class — famed from the period of Charlemagne in the 
 battle fields of the world, for their achievements, among the 
 more recent of which we can now recall their instrumentality — 
 including the death of two Princes of Brunswick — in the earlier 
 conflicts, in the overthrow of two Emperors of the Bonaparte 
 dynasty, and its suppression. 
 
 The Tory was not allowed to remain after the Revolution 
 had succeeded, to submit to the result of what he had from 
 habit and education rejected, when pressed upon him by arms. 
 
 It would seem to be improper, after the expiration of a cen- 
 tury, to question the action of the brave men — carefully selected 
 to represent the popular sentiment, and clearly influenced 
 by more than usual intelligence — as to their policy in the 
 smallest detail, in securing our national existence, or to believe 
 that they could have acted in this important particular, without 
 
in the Revolution, 
 
 31 
 
 a better knowledge than we can even yet appreciate, of their 
 position and of their necessities. 
 
 We know that our country was exhausted in men and means 
 when the contest ended, 'S that the British lion had retreated 
 
 'S The following copied from a signed duplicate original, shows the necessity of the 
 government, the relative ability of the States, and the changes in their sub- 
 sequent progress. 
 
 By the United States, in Congress assembled. 
 
 September 4, 1782. 
 
 On the report of a General Committee, consisting of a member from each state, 
 
 Resol-ved, That one million two hundred thousand dollars has been quotaed on the 
 States as absolutely and immediately necessary for payment of the interest on the 
 public debt, and that it be recommended to the Legislatures of the respective States, 
 to lay such taxes as shall appear to them most proper and effectual for immediately 
 raising their quota of the above sum. 
 
 Resol'ved, That the money so raised in each State, shall be applied towards paying 
 the interest due on certificates issued from the loan office of each State, and other 
 liquidated debts of the United States contracted therein, before any part thereof shall 
 be paid into the public treasury. 
 
 Ordered, That the foregoing Resolutions be referred to the Grand Committee, to 
 assess and report the quota of each State. 
 
 Sept. 10, 1782. 
 On the report of the Grand Committee : 
 
 Resol'ved, That $1,200,000 to be raised for the payment of the interest of the 
 domestic debt of the United States, be appropriated to the several States, according 
 to the following quotas, viz : 
 
 New Hampshire, 
 Massachusetts, 
 Rhode Island, 
 Connecticut, 
 New York, 
 New Jeisey, 
 Pennsylvania, 
 Delaware, 
 Maryland, 
 Virginia. 
 North Carolina, 
 South Carolina, 
 Georgia, 
 
 $48,000 
 
 192,000 
 
 28,800 
 
 133,200 
 
 54,000 
 
 66,000 
 
 180,000 
 
 16,800 
 
 132,000 
 
 174,000 
 
 88,800 
 
 72,000 
 
 14,400 
 
 (Signed), 
 
 $1,200,000 
 
 Chas. Thompson, 
 
 Secretary. 
 
32 Ivories or Loyalists 
 
 grimly, still holding his Canadian territory as a lair, which could 
 be used after the repose he also needed, as a base for the concen- 
 tration of another effort, perhaps including the Loyalists and 
 exchanged Hessian prisoners. That the private contributions 
 made in England to aid the government, after the capture of 
 Burgoyne, might be renewed and concert increased, after the 
 surrender of Cornwallis, inspired by national chagrin. They 
 perhaps felt that a Preliminary Peace wrung from a mortified 
 enemy, was really a truce, depending on England's adjustment 
 of her difficulties with France. That the forces of that ally, 
 had hurried the attack upon Yorktown, to seek new laurels in 
 the West Indies, and might never return, and that even Defin- 
 itive Treaties had often been broken. 
 
 Even after that Peace, they probably doubted its continuance 
 — as was justified by the war of i8i2** — and from these 
 considerations, looked upon the continued presence of the Tory 
 element as likely to prove a lasting danger. 
 
 A reference to " Sabine's Loyalists" will readily show, in the 
 records of many of them in the Colonial and Revolutionary wars, 
 that they were largely men of military experience'^ and the ques- 
 ts In his "Campaigns of the War of 1812 and 15," recently published, General 
 CuUum — who will be remembered by posterity for his life labor in recording the 
 military records of all of the graduates of the military academy — throws much light 
 on a dark subject. Intending to do justice to the officers of his own — the Engineer 
 corps, he has apparently afforded the best account of the strategic failure of a war 
 gallantly fought in'the field, but so disgracefully managed in the Bureau, as to leave 
 an impression, in many competent minds, that it was intended to be a failure, to 
 avoid the annexation of Canada, then by reason of the scarcity of British Troops 
 and other circumstances apparently possible. 
 
 »7 The '* Letters from the Marquis de Montcalm, Governor General of Canada, 
 &c.," published by Almon, in London, in 1777, in the heat of the controversy — 
 and at once declared, even in Parliament, to contain predictions manufactured after 
 the results were verified — are still a subject of discussed authenticity, although 
 mainly settled by recent developments by Francis Parkman and others, to have been 
 simulated. At least they appear to contain a valuable cotemporary view of the 
 condition of the then Colonies, the material of their population, and the probability 
 of their speedily turning their arms against their mother country, when the danger 
 of the French as a hostile neighbor was removed. 
 
in the Revolution. 33 
 
 tion for the victors to pass upon, was whether a cordial acceptance 
 of the result of their recent overthrow could be relied upon, 
 and a new allegiance could divest them of their old attachment 
 or entirely subordinate them to the impressions and duties, 
 necessary to reliable citizenship. 
 
 It has been claimed, that as they included in their number 
 many large holders of property, and that its forfeiture — on 
 which new fortunes were speedily founded — the release of 
 debts and arrears before the war, to, and the cancelling of 
 contracts with them, were also used as influences against an 
 amnesty on even severe conditions,'^ such as had usually then 
 been extended to the Indians, after their conquest, by most of 
 the colonies. 
 
 It was said by Addison, that " a man of merit in a different 
 principle, is like an object seen in two different mediums, that 
 appears crooked and broken, however straight and entire it may 
 be in itself. For this reason there is scarcely a person of figure 
 in England, who does not go by two contrary characters, as 
 opposite to one another as light and darkness." 
 
 '8 The severity of an indiscriminate confiscation was early recognized. In the 
 preliminary Treaty of Peace, formulated at Versailles on the 20th of January, 1783, 
 negotiated by Adams, Franklin, Jay and Henry Laurens, on the part of the United 
 States — all illustrious citizens and principally foreign ministers — the only represent- 
 ative of Great Biitain was Richard Oswald, a merchant of London, selected alone 
 to represent her, without the ceremony attending happier negotiations and 
 probably with a view to his acceptability to those he was to meet, as having 
 lately bailed INIr. Laurens from the Tower when captured at sea, on his way to his 
 Mission at the Hague. By that Treaty, condensed in nine biief stipulations, in 
 Article v, "It is agreed that the Congress shall earnestly recommend it to the Legis- 
 latures of the respective States, to provide for the restitution of all estates, rights and 
 properties of persons resident in districts, in the possession of his Majesty's arms, and 
 who have not borne arms against the said United States. And that persons, of any 
 Other description, shall have free liberty to go into any part or parts of any of the Thir- 
 teen United States, and therein to remain twelve months unmolested in their endeavors 
 to obtain the restitution of each ot their estates, rights and propeities, as may have 
 been confiscated j and that Congress shall also earnestly recommend to the several states 
 
34 Ivories or Loyalists 
 
 It may be noticed that the persons here incidentally alluded to, 
 may be mostly classed as persons of figure at the period and 
 that Addison's impression was as applicable to the colonies as 
 to the mother country. The customs of the one had been 
 early introduced into the other, in the habits of life, and the 
 adoption of many of the ideas and principles which governed at 
 home. 
 
 The acquisition of land has been as we know, from the 
 earliest period one of the most marked instincts of man. None 
 knew better than the settlers the traditional influence attending 
 land secured by entail, as the basis of the perpetuation of families 
 at home, and many younger sons and connections of such 
 privileged owners were then amongst the first comers. Nor 
 were they slow after their arrival in seeking for similar endow- 
 ments. A vast area of readily productive land, forests, fisheries 
 and mines, lay open to new colonists ; and facile governors, sent 
 generally by favor, to better their estates — at least before dis- 
 sensions demanded more efficient selections — were ready to 
 promote grants of crown lands, and even manors with some 
 
 a reconsideration and revision of the acts and laws regarding tiie premises, so as to 
 render the said laws or acts perfectly consistent, not only with justice and equity, but 
 with the spirit of conciliation, which on the return of the blessings of peace should 
 universally prevail. And that Congress shall also earnestly recommend to the 
 several States, that the estates, rights and properties of such last mentioned persons, 
 shall be restored to them, they refunding to any persons who may be now in posses- 
 sion, the bona fida price (where any has been given) which such persons may have 
 paid on purchasing any of said lands or properties, since the confiscation. .'Vnd it is 
 agreed, That all persons who have any interest in confiscated lands, either by debts, 
 marriage settlements, or otherwise, shall meet with no legal impediment in the 
 prosecution of their just rights." It was also agreed by Article vi, " That there shall 
 be no future confiscations made, nor any prosecutions commenced against any person 
 or persons for, or by reason of the part which he or they may have taken in the 
 present war, and that no person shall, on that account, suffer any future loss or 
 damage, either in his person, liberty or property, and that those who may be in 
 confinement on such charge at the time of the ratification of the Treaty in America, 
 shall be immediately set at liberty, and the prosecution so commenced be discontinued." 
 
in the Revolution. 35 
 
 feudal privileges, induced by the eking out of a small salary by 
 the considerable fees attending the entries, and often, — as 
 existing written evidence proves — by a concealed interest with 
 the grantee. To the foundation of such granted or purchased 
 estates followed their division and use by tenants, or distribu- 
 tion by sale. There were many nionopolies, similarly procured, 
 soon also available as sources of wealth and as the crops and 
 productions of the land, the mines, the timber, the naval stores, 
 and the fisheries increased, and their development and control 
 by merchants and shippers accumulated wealth, there followed 
 naturally the introduction of every luxury and appliance, custom 
 and habit of life, used by the privileged class in the mother 
 country. 
 
 The military and civil service brought out many cadets 
 of English families, to find a permanent home by settlement 
 or marriage. As England was politically an aristocracy, 
 the colonies as a part of it, imitated its habits and fostered its 
 restrictions. It has been claimed that with many who had 
 acquired the convexity of affluence, and aspired to position, the 
 exclusion from the higher offices, and the precedence on a state 
 occasion, accorded to some stripling subaltern in a crimson coat, 
 was a grievance harder to be borne than taxation. With pros- 
 perity and wealth came the desire for education, and that culti- 
 vation which should confer on their children some of the ad- 
 vantages which they had seen accorded, to the scions of those 
 privileged families at home. 
 
 The schools of Eton and Harrow, and the Universities of 
 Oxford and Cambridge, were filled with young Americans, who, 
 while studying the humanities, were naturally comparing the 
 5 
 
36 Tones or Loyalists 
 
 political privileges which surrounded them, with those of their 
 home. 
 
 Those in London, during the period of the dissensions referred 
 to, watched the progress of events in the galleries of Parliament 
 and studied statesmanship there, often with their profession in 
 the purlieus of the Temple and the Inns of Court, both indis- 
 pensible in the coming events in that distant home. Probably 
 in their social intercourse they felt the sense of inferiority as 
 colonists, impressed upon them by the home- born young Britons, 
 ever conscious of national and often of personal superiority — 
 with whom they were associated, and already dreamed of political 
 and social equality. '9 
 
 Their home constituency, combining a large element of 
 veterans taught to wield arms in the border wars, conscious 
 of their power ; and of those devoted to the pursuits of 
 peace, conceded in the selection for such offices as were 
 left to their choice, the claims of superior education and larger 
 opportunity for the study of public affairs ; for in those days, 
 the place sought the man as generally as in the present, men seek 
 the place. As an example, Edward Rutledge, Thomas Hay- 
 ward, Jr., Thomas Lynch, Jr., and Arthur Middleton, all early 
 movers for redress from grievances, members from South Car- 
 olina of the early Congresses, and its Signers of the Declaration, 
 
 '9 An amusing instance of the social line then drawn, is given by Col. Stone. 
 When William, an half breed — suppo;ed to be Sir William's boy, and an associate 
 of young Brant at Dr. Wheelock's school, was directed by his instructor's son to 
 saddle a horse, he refused, saying he ivas not a Gentleman. When asked to define 
 what a gentleman was, he replied, " a person who keeps race horses and drinks 
 Madeira wine, and that is what neither you nor your father do." It is not probable 
 that this impression originated with the boy, but it suggests whether the keeping of 
 too many race horses, and the drinking of too much Madeira, may not have been 
 one of the causes of' the distinction he describes finding its decadence in the progress 
 of events and the development of new elements of citizenship, rapidly dividing 
 property and power with these earlier comers. 
 
in the Revolution. 37 
 
 were, with Charles Coatesworth Pinckney, John Laurens and 
 many others early in the field from that, and a large number 
 who served in both from other Colonies — recently educated 
 in England. 
 
 The Congress that declared the country free, which was 
 probably as representative of the ability of the American people 
 as any that succeeded it, was, according to the custom of the 
 day, composed of such "men of figure" in the colonies as the 
 people at the time, considered best suited to protect their common 
 interest. The Clergy, Lawyers, Doctors, Judges, Magistrates, 
 Planters. and prosperous Merchants and Manufacturers were 
 mainly its material ; there was an entire absence of those who 
 devoted themselves to politics or agitation professionally. 
 
 Perhaps the difference of sentiment, which soon divided the 
 people in arms, may be illustrated by hastily referring to the 
 career of one member of that celebrated body, who, while 
 occupying in many particulars the same position as the John- 
 sons, was overwhelmed and mainly forgotten in the ruin he 
 brought upon himself, in the honest assertion of antipodal con- 
 victions. 
 
 Richard Stockton, of New Jersey, would appear to have 
 been symmetrically, in every relation, such a " person of 
 figure." Born at Princeton, in 1730, on the extended estate of 
 his fathers, carefully educated as his position justified, and his 
 natural abilities made easy, he graduated at Nassau Hall, in 
 1748, under the tutelage of President Burr. When fitted bv 
 professional training, he readily asserted his position, as one of 
 the ablest of a distinguished bar. The cultivation of his mind, 
 is said to have kept pace with that of a graceful and attractive 
 person, physically fitted for endurance and superiority in all 
 
38 Tories or Loyalists 
 
 manly enterprises. While doing the honors of his stately home, 
 with a broad hospitality and benevolence, aided by a wife to 
 whom he was devoted, he had adorned it with many objects 
 of interest, including one of the finest libraries in the colonies. 
 He combined an interest in all that affected the public, with 
 an appreciation of every social pleasure, uniting in the gayeties 
 of the little Viceregal Court of his Governor, Sir William 
 Franklin,^° while already considering the grievances charged 
 against his delegated action. He is claimed by his honorable 
 character, and sympathetic manners, to have earned the ap- 
 preciation of all. Devoting his leisure to the improvement of 
 his mind, body and estate, on the latter he bred the choicest 
 horses and cattle, he was celebrated for his mount as well 
 as for his seat, for his skill as a marksman, and in such 
 
 20 Governor Franklin was a protege of Lord Bute, by whose influence and that of 
 his father — when courted by the administration — he was created Governor of New 
 Jersey without any marked service above that of a captain in the French War. 
 On his release he returned to Europe. His more memorable father who could con- 
 trol lightning failed in influencing the loyalty of his son. 
 
 In many particulars there was a similarity between the position and treatment of 
 Governor Franklin and Sir John Johnson in this year. The following letter is 
 copied from the original and shows the action of Congress. 
 
 Philadelphia, June 2.4, 1776. 
 Gentlemen : Your Favor respecting the proper measures to be taken with your 
 late Governor, William Franklyn, Esq., came to Hand on Saturday the 11A inst. 
 But as the Congress did not sit on that Day I could not lay it before them till 
 Monday. 1 now do myself the Honour of enclosing to you the Resolve of Congress 
 which they have this day passed with Regard to the Treatment of him. You will 
 therefore perceive the Congress have directed him to be sent to Connecticut under a 
 guard. I shall write to Gov. Trumbull to treat him as a Prisoner should he refuse 
 to give his Parole in Writing. 
 
 I have the Honour to be Gentlemen your most 
 
 obed't and very humble serv't. 
 
 John Hancock, 
 
 Presid't. 
 
 The other resolves herewith transmitted, are of such a Nature that no arguments 
 are necessary to enforce them. You will be pleased to attend to them as soon as 
 ■possible. 
 
 HotCble Con-vention of Neiv yersey. 
 
in the Revolution. 39 
 
 athletic sports as are now supplemented by polo, lawn tennis, 
 boating and ball matches, in which pleasure is realized 
 through exertion. Such pursuits and pastimes of his lesser 
 existence, were with him only the oil applied to the machinery 
 of an earnest life ! 
 
 In 1766, he "made his tour," as was customary then as 
 now, spending two years in England, cultivating the ac- 
 quaintance of public men to whom his access was easy, 
 obtaining an audience by the young King, who graciously 
 received him, and communing with some leaders, with 
 whom he was destined to hold early intercourse, and to whom 
 he, even then, probably imparted his growing apprehensions. 
 In an unpublished letter, written in London in that year to his 
 wife — one of the few relics of his then impending ruin, which 
 survive in the hands of his family, and which Dr. Emmet 
 thoughtfully directed to be fac-similed — he says, ''I have had 
 a perfect state of health since I left you, blessed be God 
 Almighty, and let me tell you that all the Elegance and 
 Grandeur I have yet seen in these Kingdoms, in different 
 families where I have been received, serves but to increase the 
 pleasure I have for some years enjoyed in my Domestick con- 
 nections. I see not a sensible, obliging, tender wife, but the 
 Image of my dear Emelia, is full in view. I see not a haughty 
 ignorant imperious dame, but I rejoice that the partner of my 
 life is so much her opposite. But why need I talk so gallantly ? 
 You knew me long ago, as well as you would should I write a 
 volume on this endearing topic." 
 
 The fitness of a man so constituted and prepared for 
 public usefulness, was not then long overlooked. Returning 
 in 1768, he was named for a seat in the Council of the colony — 
 
40 Tories or Loyalists 
 
 at the time an honored place, and, in 1774, elevated to the 
 Supreme Bench, acquitting himself with credit in each position. 
 When he saw the political clouds which he had carefully 
 watched, about to break, he had prepared himself by study of 
 precedents, and communion with wise men, for the result, and 
 made every effort to avert it. The annexed appeal, copied 
 from the original draft — written with a firm and graceful 
 chirography, but in ink as faded by time as any general memory 
 of his service — expressing the result of such conclusion in 
 dignified and manly terms, and showing by its impersonal form, 
 the writer's appreciation of the etiquette, which prevented a 
 direct interference with public affairs beyond his control — 
 was submitted to the minister without concealment of author- 
 ship or the avoidance of responsibility, by the hand of a 
 friend." 
 
 *' An expedient for the Settlement or the American Disputes humbly sub- 
 mitted (" offered" erased ) to the consideration of his Majesty's Ministers, by an 
 American. 
 
 The State of American Affairs is so badly alarming at this time, that any real friend 
 to the British Empire, ought to suggest every probable expedient that occurs to him, 
 for the accommodation of the unhappy disputes between Great Britain and the 
 Colonies — to give the following suggestions their due weight, it must be premised — 
 1st. That the several North American Colonies, from New Hampshire to South 
 Carolina inclusive, arc a^/« ro furnish ^00,000 fighting men ; who are in general as 
 fit for service as the English Militia, and many of them much more so, having been 
 in active service in the last war. 2nd. That the great body of the people of these 
 several Colonies are now ( even to the astonishment of many Colonists themselves ) 
 perfectly united in a determinate opposition to the authority of the British Parliament as to 
 all internal Taxation. 3d. That there is not the least remaining doubt, if the 
 British Government should proceed to put the late Acts of Parliament, respecting 
 the Massachusetts Bay (or any other Acts which involve the Idea of an absolute 
 uncontrollable power in the British Parliament over the Colonies) ; into execution, by 
 force, but that the said Colonies loould unite by attempting to repel, f°'''^' ^V force. To 
 which may be added, what is as well or perhaps better known in Great Britain than in 
 America, to wit : 4th. That the certain consequences of this unnatural war will be 
 dreadful to both Great Britain and America, and the probable effects thereof may be 
 fatal to the whole British Empire. Matters standing thus and the three first proposi- 
 tions above premised being founded upon the most indubitable facts (of which the 
 writer of this from his general acquaintance with America, is perhaps as competent a 
 
in the Revolution. 4.1 
 
 Such remonstrances, made in and out of Parliament by the 
 friends of America, desirous of preserving with honor its early 
 institutions, failed to attract attention, and the storm of oppo- 
 sition to them finally burst. Stockton had already selected his 
 course and indifferent to office, personal exemption, or private 
 
 judge as any man whatever), it is humbly proposed to his Majesty's Ministers whether 
 it would not be proper, ist. That a royal Instruction be immediately obtained and 
 jcnt over to the several Governors of the North American Colonies requesting them 
 forthwith to recommend it to their several Assemblies to pass, and to give their own 
 assent to an Act which may be passed by the Legislatures of several Provinces, 
 comprising certain Commissioners therein to be named to repair to England, with 
 power to confer with his Majesty's Ministers, or with Commissioners to be appointed 
 by Parliament, respecting the grand points in dispute between Great Britain and 
 America, and finally to determine thereupon. and. That to prevent all disputes in 
 future, the said American Commissioners be also empowered to confer and agree with 
 the British Commissioners respecting the future Go-vemment and regulation of the 
 Colonies, either by framing one general system of Government for all the Colonies 
 on the Continent similar to the British, or by making some material alteration in 
 the present mode of Provincial Government. Jn either of which systems, some 
 effectual provision may be madeyor the adequate support of the American Go'vernment 
 by the Americans themseliies, and also for the payment of all such sums of money as 
 may become due from America to Great Britain for the assistance of her Fleets and 
 Army. These determinations of the said Commissioners to be subjected nevertheless, 
 to such alteration as the wisdom of his Majesty and his Parliament of Great Britain 
 may make therein, and as shall be agreed to by the several Provincial Legislatures. 
 3d. That upon such instructions being given to the several Governors, his Majesty to 
 be advised in his royal clemency, to recommend it to his Parliament to suspend the 
 operation of the Boston Port Acts, while the determination of the said Commissioners 
 shnuld be had. The author of the above hints offers them with all humility, and 
 with great diffidence of his own ability on so great and national a question. But some 
 expedient must be immediately fallen upon, or ive shall be in-vol-ved in a Ci-vil War, the 
 most obstinate, aivful and tremendous that perhaps e-ver occurred since the Creation of the 
 World. He will esteem it a signal blessing of Divine Providence conferred upon 
 him, if any one Idea he hath suggested may be of any use at this dreadful crisis. 
 And if otherwise, he will at least be able to comfort himself with the upri(;htness of 
 his intentions in this feeble attempt, and with the assurance that he can do no harm, 
 either to himself or any other person. 
 December 12, 1774. 
 
 Endorsed by the writer — on this the corrected draught — " Hints transmitted to 
 Lord Dartmouth, Secretary of State for America, through the hands of Samuel Smith, 
 Esq., of London, Merchant." 
 
 This Appeal, and many similar ones we know, were made in vain to a govern- 
 ment impressed by unwise counsels, and a King who declared •« That the Americans 
 meant only to amuse by vague expressions of attachment and the strongest professions 
 
^2 Tories or Loyalists 
 
 interest, accepted a seat in the then rebel Congress. While 
 the Declaration of Independence was being considered, he 
 listened in silence, and with profound attention to the debate, 
 but with a grave face and a sad heart," when under later 
 usages, a member who had determined to risk his life for the 
 benefit of his "constituency," might have suggested some 
 trifling amendment, to remind them at once of his presence at 
 an important crisis, and the superior grasp of his intellect to 
 that of the illustrious committee who reported it. It has been 
 suggested that the Congress of 1776, was limited in its mem- 
 bership to men whose merit had been recognized in the ad- 
 ministration of their own private interests and duties, a valued 
 experience to those assuming a public trust. Many of them 
 had shown this also in the colonial assemblies, where the honor 
 had compensated for the expense, beyond the trifling allow- 
 ance. When the proper moment arrived he signed it, accepted 
 it as the chart by which he was fated to sail to his personal 
 shipwreck, overwhelmed while aiding to secure the privileges 
 
 we enjoy. 
 
 In devoting himself to the cause, he declined the honors off^ered 
 to him, to compensate for those he had sacrificed. On a tie 
 vote, between himself and William Livingston — another de- 
 voted and able patriot — on the first election for governor, he de- 
 clined further contest with so worthy a man, and also refused the 
 Chief Justiceship, probably won by his magnanimity. With 
 
 of loyalty while they were preparing for a general revolt, for the purpose of establishing 
 an independent Empire." At least, the policy suggested by Mr. Stockton had some 
 influence at home, for on the first day of the following September, Richard Penn 
 and Arthur Lee delivered to Lord Dartmouth a petition from Congress to the King 
 embodying the above views and probably borrowed from them, and were informed 
 
 that NO ANSWER WOULD BE GIVEN. 
 
 == Sanderson's Signers. 
 
in the Revolution, ^3 
 
 his colleague Clymer, he visited the camp of the Northern 
 army, and consulted with the gallant Schuyler, as to details 
 already tending there to a great triumph. Soon, the ravages of 
 war reached and destroyed that happy home, his family was 
 driven into exile, his lands were laid waste, and his favorite 
 horses appropriated by the raiders. Then, to complete his 
 misfortunes, when captured by them, he was carried into New 
 York, and from his prominent position as a recent King's officer, 
 "ignominiously thrown into a common jail," and confined with 
 such cruelty that when exchanged, upon the special remon- 
 strances of Congress, conveyed by Washington, his shattered 
 health unfitted him for further usefulness, and a lingerino- life of 
 suffering was the final fulfillment of his remarkable promise, 
 which terminated on the twenty-eighth of February, 1781, too 
 soon to know of the effect of the artillery at Yorktown, in 
 consummating the freedom for which, after exhorting his children 
 to remember that " the fear of God is the beginning of wisdom," 
 he had died a martyr. In many countries such service would 
 be recorded by monuments " more lasting than brass," and his 
 '^fete day" remembered and celebrated; in the engrossing 
 present of what he aided to create, is it not doubtful if his 
 name is known to all of those even in his native State, where 
 some evidently concentrate in themselves and in their surround- 
 ings, the beginning and end of all interest in the perpetuation of 
 their existence as freemen. Is it not equally so, if he were 
 living, whether those services would command a sufficient vote 
 of appreciation to return him to Congress, if vigorously op- 
 posed by some political organization or machine, supported by 
 the now common outlay. 
 6 
 
4.4. 'Tories or Loyalists 
 
 But our national existence appears largely due to the folly of its 
 rulers, even more than to the resistance of the colonies. When 
 relieved of a hostile neighbor by the conquest of Canada, they 
 needed no longer the protecting assistance of the parent gov- 
 ernment. The continuous border warfare with the French then 
 ended, and also that with all of the Indians, surrounding the 
 upper lakes, in the successful defence of Detroit and the defeat of 
 Pontiac. During the continuance of these wars, they had been 
 compelled to keep an averao;e of 25,000 troops under arms, 
 and had made a valuable expenditure of thirtv thousand lives. 
 They claimed a large balance, some £350,000 for outlays. 
 A vote of .£200,000 by Parliament on the recommendation of 
 George III at once on his accession, while admitting the 
 necessity for such assistance, seems inconsistent with a 
 claim soon after made for a revenue of £100,000 by direct 
 taxation. In 1775 the debt of Great Britain was estimated 
 at three hundred millions and its interest charges in 1776, 
 £4,800,000 of which £19,000 was claimed as for the expenses 
 of the first year of the war. 
 
 There had been dissensions between the Governors and the 
 Assemblies, and a successful resistance to the foreign taxes on 
 sugar and molasses. Writs of assistance ordering the collection, 
 had been reluctantly granted, and little used. An uncomfortable 
 relation had grown up between the colonies, now a prosperous 
 and warlike people, and their mother country. Sir Robert 
 Walpole=3 had years before divined that their direct taxation was 
 
 23 Doubtless their clandestine trade with the Spanish Colonies, exporting British 
 manufactures in exchange for specie, made stamps more objectionable, but far seeing 
 Walpole claimed, that of every £500,000 so gained by them, one-half would be 
 expended in England. Their friends throughout persistently sustained them in Parlia- 
 ment Chatham, Rockingham, Newcastle, Camden and Conway amongst the earliest, 
 with such success, that when partially to aid the East India Company, three pence a 
 pound on tea was on motion of Lord North alone persisted in, — on the 5th of 
 March, 1770 — Captain Preston had on that day, fired on the " Boston Mob," and 
 the concession came too late. 
 
t'W/^ U^*^ ■nAa'T A^ ^tf^irrt£<nJa/ii 
 
 kJ/ /^^/ '^9/ '^'^*""^ 
 e/i/<^ ^^*^^-/e 1^7^ e.t f^/^ ^"^ aCrrt:^ ^fna y^^^9 
 
 ^/^^e^ vy7e^n'urry^ A^^ /-/tf^et^yfn 
 
 
 
 
 
 '^a^jiji) 
 
 
 V 
 
 ^/2 ^^-^"^^/-^^i^ 
 
 FROM THE ORIGINAL IN THE COLLECTION OF TB.M 
 
in the Revolution, ^^ 
 
 to "disturb a hornets' nest," and left it as he said — as many 
 political questions are bequeathed — "to those who should 
 come after him, who had more courage than himself;" and 
 the judicious Pitt, when it was suggested as a source of needed 
 revenue, expressed his unwillingness to " burn his fino-ers 
 with an American Tax." What the course of events would 
 have been, if P>ederick, Prince of Wales, had lived to succeed 
 his father, is a subject for conjecture. He appears to have 
 been controlled by generous impulses, and advanced ideas of 
 government, was frank and ingenuous in his carriage, while 
 doubtless a subject for " calculation" or at least observation as 
 to his future, as an heir apparent of mature years is apt to 
 be. It was asserted that he favored dividing the control of 
 his father's Whig advisors — representing the ruling party 
 since the Protestant succession — and admitting the long 
 neglected Tory element to share it, and to neutralize the in- 
 fluence of both, by subordinating every element to the develop- 
 ment, in his expected reign — of Bolingbroke's ideal government, 
 ruled by a " Patriot King." Dying in his father's lifetime, at 
 the age of forty-four, his son succeeded directly on the decease 
 of his grandfather on the 26th of October, 1760, at the age of 
 twenty-two, having been the first of his family born on 
 British soil. 
 
 The accession of George IIP-* to the throne when proclaimed 
 throughout his dominions and colonies.^ was received everv where 
 
 »■♦ It was said of him at that time " though his character was far from yet beino- 
 perfectly developed, a very strong and apparently just partiality predominated in his 
 favor. During the late reign he had uniformly abstained from all public interference 
 in the affairs of government. His manners were in the ;highest degree decorous, his 
 words unblemished, and his personal accomplishments corresponded with the eleva- 
 tion of his rank and station. All appearances seemed to augur a reign of unin- 
 terrupted glory and felicity, and the regret which the nation for a moment felt at the 
 sudden demise of the good old King, was immediately absorbed in the transports of 
 joy excited by the auspicious commencement of the reign of the young Monarch who 
 
46 Tories or Loyalists 
 
 with demonstrations of hope and joy. The people mainly 
 at last, attached to his family, augured from his character and 
 youth, a relief from every existing complication. Their griev- 
 ances and prayers for redress were early addressed to the new 
 monarch, and steadily pressed on his attention, with increasing 
 emphasis. The hand of his mother — a Princess who was known 
 by the populace as " The Witch," and doubtless held herself to 
 be capable and executive — seems to have shaped his destiny as 
 woman has often influenced the destinies of mankind. His 
 father, apparently no mean judge of character, speaking of John 
 Stewart, Earl of Bute, whom he had first seen at the Duchess 
 of Queensbury's fete, acting as " Lothario" in the " Fair 
 Penitent," apparently soon as an intimate at Leicester House, 
 epigrammatically described him as '* a fine showy man who 
 would make an excellent ambassador in any court, where there 
 was no business " ( Beeton's Universal Biography ), and all his- 
 
 had very lately attained the age of complete majority; being born June 4, 1738." 
 Behhajni Memoirs of George III. 
 
 The late Dean Stanley, in his "Memorials of Westminster Abbey, " recalls 
 some details of the coronation of George III, that Archbishop Seeker who officiated, 
 had baptized, confirmed and married, the King. That the princely style in which 
 the young King seated himself after the ceremony, attracted general notice." " No 
 actor in the character of Pyrrhus, in the ' Distrest Mother,' " says Bishop Newton, 
 who was present, " not even Booth himself, ever ascended the throne with so much 
 grace and dignity." That the most interesting peculiarity of the coronation was the un- 
 noticed attendance of the rival to the throne. Prince Charles Edward" ( the Pretender, 
 then in London, under the name of Mr. Brown). " 1 asked my Lord Marshal," 
 says David Hume, •' the reason for this strange fact." "Ay," says he, "a gentleman 
 told me so, who saw him there, and whispered in his ear, ' Your Royal Highness is 
 the last of all mortals whom I should expect to see here." "It was curiosity that 
 led me," said the other, " but I assure you," added he, "that the person who is the 
 cause of all this pomp and magnificence, is the man I envy least." Could he have 
 realized what that rival would soon suffer from the losses here treated of, he would 
 not have envied him the more, on that day that he inherited those troubles, with 
 the preferment. 
 
 Tlie signature of Archbishop Seeker, who aided and endowed Episcopal churches 
 in America, and also officiated at the coronation of Lord Granville, Dunk, Earl of 
 Halifax, and others of the Lords of Council annexed to the order for his proclamation 
 in New York, like that of Goldsboro Banyer, the then Deputy Secretary, may be 
 recalled in connection with our early history. 
 
in the Revolution. 4.7 
 
 torians appear to agree in failing to approve of the man. He 
 was, says Belsham — apparently an impartial writer — "a 
 nobleman haughty in his manners, contracted in his capacity, 
 despotic in his sentiments, and mysterious in his conduct, who 
 was successfully insinuating himself into the confidence of the 
 Princess of Wales, and of her son." Only Sunday intervened 
 between the old King's death, and his taking his oath as a Privy 
 Counsellor, and he at once supplanted his daughter. Princess 
 Amelia, in the Rangership of Richmond Park.'s As the Mentor 
 of the Prince he became a rapid meteor, shooting upward from 
 place to place, from that position to Secretary of State, then to 
 first Lord of the Treasury, and ruler of the Ministry of the 
 Nation, of the Princess Dowager, and of his Sovereign. The 
 latter had learned to thoroughly accept his infallibility and 
 to adopt his ideas, which culminated in his misfortunes, and 
 loss of colonies and intellect. Lord Bute drove from the 
 counsels of his well intending master, all other advisers, including 
 those apparently essential to his prosperity. Some refused to 
 serve as his colleagues, others were supplanted in securing place 
 and emolument for himself and his creatures. While in thus 
 depriving America of friends in the Council, familiar with their 
 rights and necessities, he concentrated power in himself. It is 
 just to say, that he pressed the war against the Allies on the con- 
 tinent, with vigorous success, on sea and land, bringing them 
 to their knees, and negotiating the Peace of Fontainbleau in 
 November, 1762, with France, Spain and Portugal, by which 
 Canada and all Louisiana east of Mississippi was finally ceded, by 
 France ; East and West Florida and all their territory east and 
 south-east of that river, by Spain. In the haste with which he 
 availed himself of thesesuccesses,securingthe results which made 
 
 •3 Possibly to please her sister-in-law. 
 
48 "Tories or Loyalists 
 
 the "Georgian Era" memorable, he immensely increased the area 
 of the colonies. He neglected to provide any indemnity for Prus- 
 sia as a faithful ally, from her position liable to future retaliation, 
 and won those caustic, but just criticisms with which that 
 Frederick, who was great with both pen and sword — after 
 having protected his then exposed condition by a treaty with 
 Russia and Sweden, has embalmed his memory in his CEuvres 
 du Rot de Prusse. This, and the forcing through with great 
 difficulty, even sustained by the whole power of the Govern- 
 ment, of the " Cider Bill," involving a direct tax repugnant to 
 the whole people, especially to the " Country Party," and the 
 agricultural interests, and so establishing a precedent for those 
 which cost the recent acquisitions in America, and their base, 
 were the crowning results of a power which he suddenly 
 resigned, when — as he admitted " single in a Cabinet of his own 
 creating, with no soul in the House of Lords to support him, 
 but two Peers." All of this unwise exercise of authority 
 appears to have originated in the Princess Dowager's rejection, 
 of what the world have since united in approving, as the 
 wise judgment of her husband, and allowing the needy schemer 
 he distrusted, the unrestricted control of that of his son, particu- 
 larly on this to him, fatal question of direct taxation . 
 
 William Henry Drayton — Chief Justice of South Caro- 
 lina — who was in the habit of engrafting ardent precepts of 
 patriotism with those of law, in his charges to the grand jury 
 and also of contributing his salary to their promotion,^*^ ex- 
 pressed the universal sense of the Colonies in one of these de- 
 livered on the 15th of October, 1776. 
 
 " Never were a people more wrapped up in a King than 
 the Americans were in George HI in 1763. They revered 
 
 »* He also died in service, a member of Congress at Philadelphia, Feb. 3, 1779. 
 
in the Revolution, 49 
 
 and obeyed the British Government because it protected them, 
 they fondly called Great Britain home^ but from that time her 
 counsels took a ruinous turn ; ceasing to protect they sought to 
 ruin America, the Stamp Act, Declaratory law and duties upon 
 Tea and other articles, at once proclaimed the injustice, and an- 
 nounced to Americans that they had but little room for hope, 
 infinite space for fear. In vain they petitioned for redress." 
 
 But England needed money ; and the means as proposed to 
 the King, by Bute, seemed to him adequate and proper. In an 
 effort to add to her revenue the £ 100,000, Mr. Grenville''^ his 
 successor as first Commissioner of the Treasury, proposed to 
 collect it by the Stamp Act in 1763, and so partially reimburse 
 her outlay in the Seven Years' War, which had in part originated 
 in the defence of her Colonies. In this she thoroughly aroused 
 them, already exasperated, to a forcible resistance, so sig- 
 nificant as to strengthen the hands of its opponents in Par- 
 liament sufficiently to effect the repeal of that already obsolete 
 act. 
 
 Even then there was a chance for reconciliation, for which 
 the Colonies still steadily petitioned and labored through their 
 agents and friends. But the fumes of the "Cider Bill" had 
 influenced the royal head, he persevered in his policy, and the 
 brilliant Charles Townshend, as Chancellor of the Exchequer, 
 
 "7 In the course of the debate on the Cider Bill, Mr. Grenville, annoyed by Mr, 
 Pitt's ridicule of its subject, replied, " The Right Honorable Gentleman complains 
 of the hardship of this Tax; why does he not tell us where we can lay another tax 
 instead of it ? " repeating two or three times emphatically, " Tell me inhere you 
 can lay another tax." Mr. Pitt thus unseasonably appealed to, replied in a musical 
 tone, in the words of a favorite air, "Gentle Shepherd tell me where," which, 
 amused the House and fixed the soubrequct on Mr. Grenville. Mr. Belsham, 
 who related it in 1795, did not view it even then as wholly a joke. "Little 
 certainly," says he, " did this minister imagine how fertile would be the invention of 
 his successors, or how thoroughly subdued by time and custom the spirits of the 
 people." This tax, however, was also soon obsolete from non usor. 
 
50 Tories or Loyalists 
 
 four years later essayed to increase the still insufficient revenue, 
 by the substitution of a more remunerative duty upon tea, glass, 
 paper and painters' colors, under the impression that the form 
 and not the substance of the taxation was unpalatable, but even 
 when limited to tea alone, its attempted enforcement was, as 
 we know, the immediate cause of the loss of her Colonies, at 
 least at that time. 
 
 It was a small beginning to a mighty result, the spark that 
 caused a great conflagration, in which, in spite of the efforts of 
 Lord North, into whose hands and those of Lord George 
 Germain, — whom Belsham emphasizes as "so famous, or 
 rather infamous, under his former appellation of Lord George 
 Sackville," — after several intermediate unsuccessful ministries 
 it fell, to make the final efforts to extinguish it by conciliation, 
 too long delayed, or by force ; and so to officiate, in the final 
 dismemberment of a portion of Great Britain's dominions, 
 now vastly larger and greater, than the whole at that period. 
 The Tory interests were then remorselessly burned. 
 
 The few details of public outlay referred to in these old 
 papers, only valuable here as connected with the subject, are, 
 it will be seen, trifling items of the then immense expendi- 
 ture of the British Government in that fruitless struggle for 
 a small additional Revenue, and additions to her indebtedness 
 always very great, but easily carried in ordinary times by the 
 appreciation of her Funded Debt, as a security by the world. 
 From these fragments, we can discern the continued confidence 
 of the Government in Sir John Johnson, after the military results 
 elsewhere referred to, and that he was entrusted with the care 
 and control of his former allies and neighbors, apparently as the 
 superior of Col. Guy Johnson, on whom the Superintendency 
 
in the Revolution. 51 
 
 devolved at the decease of Sir William, probably so arranged 
 in order to allow him to devote his uninterrupted attention to the 
 care of an estate, then only second to that of Penn's in size, and 
 to enjoy it as a landed gentleman. Perhaps, as a clear judge of 
 character in ordinary cases, he distrusted the qualities of his son 
 to assume the Superintendency ; an impression which seems 
 oftener to prevail with an elderly man, than that of a too high 
 appreciation of the ability of any apparent successor. In the 
 event, fate did not free him from the cares from which his 
 father may have hoped to relieve him, after having himself 
 long borne their weight. 
 
 It may be noticed that the following order providing for the relief 
 of several corps of Loyalists belonging to General Burgoyne's 
 Army, and other Refugees, deducts the valueof provisions, issued 
 to " said Corps of Royalists and others, between 25th October, 
 inn-]" — three months after the conclusion of the foregoing 
 Diary — ''and 24th April, 1778," and probably includes the 
 troops it treats of, as then still under command. 
 
 Guy Carleton, Knight of the Bath^ General and Commander- 
 in-chief of his Majesty's Forces in the Province of ^ebec ■ and 
 frontiers thereof. 
 
 You are hereby directed and required to pay or cause to be 
 paid to Sir John Johnson, Bart., or to his assigns, the sum 
 of six thousand four hundred and sixty seven pounds, eleven 
 shillings and six pence, sterling dollars at four shillings and 
 eight pence each, being the allowance made for the present 
 relief of several corps of Royalists, belonging to General Bur- 
 goyne's army, and sundry other persons who have taken refuge 
 in this Province from the Rebellious Colonies, as per annexed 
 accounts. You will also deduct the sum of one thousand and 
 twenty-four pounds, six shillings and eight pence sterling, being 
 the amount of provisions issued to the said corps of Royalists 
 and others, between 25th October, 1777, and 24th April, 1778. 
 
 7 
 
52 Tories or Loyalists 
 
 And this, with the acquittances of the said Sir John Johnson, 
 Bt., or his assigns, shall be your sufficient Warrant and Dis- 
 charge. 
 
 Given under my hand, at Quebec, this 29th of 
 April, 1778. 
 
 Guy Carleton."^ 
 To John Powell, Esq., 
 
 Dy. Paymaster General, 
 
 His Majesty's forces at Quebec. 
 
 This appointment — d.^ted five months after the virtual 
 close of the war at Yorktown, although eight before the nego- 
 
 ^ The last English commander in-chief in her lost colonies. By escaping from 
 captivity at Montreal in 1775, passing at night, with muffled oars, throujih his ad- 
 versaries' forces, throwing himself into Quebec, and rallying its feeble garrison, he 
 saved the city and deprived the adventurous Montgomery of his victory. The 
 jealousy of Lord George Germaine is said to have confined his service to Canada, 
 and deprived him of the command of the expedition led by Burgoyne. His loyal 
 endurance of this slight, and his cordial assistance with the favorite of the hour, 
 won for him Burgoyne's recorded appreciation. General Burgoyne was apparently a 
 man of ability, and hid been a successful soldisr in Portugal. He was a social 
 celebrity also, and owed his progress to family influence. His devotion to pleasure is 
 charged to have oelayed him — while in fact probably waiting for the promised 
 cooperation of General Howe — when celerity of movement appears to have offered 
 the only chance for either advance or escape. 
 
 It has also been claimed, mainly by those not present, that his delay near Fort Edward, 
 to procure horses tor a very heavy artillery and train, increased the need of provisions, 
 all of which the disasters of the detachments on his flanks at Fort Stanwix and 
 Bennington, prevented his securing, while they crippled an originally small force, 
 to swing so far from its base. It was also asserted, that he should have held Fort 
 Edward, prepared to advance when he had satisfactory intelligence from below, or 
 even to retreat to Can ida ; an apparent answer would be, that he had but five days 
 provisions wben he yielded ; inconsiierable (or a siege and had no knowledge of 
 Clinton's small supplies, sent to Albany. That the wfiole country encouraged by 
 those disasters, was rising, and troops being hurried forward, while his own were 
 daily reduced 5 and that he was in effect captured before he surrendered. It was 
 only at tfie end of a century, that General Howe's failure to advance to his aid was 
 accounted for, by an explanation, written at the time by Lord Shelburne, and pub- 
 lished by his a|)preciative grandsun, in hij life in 1875, by which it appears that 
 Lord George Germaine, also a man of pleisure, bein^; engaged to dine in the country, 
 signed the orders tor Burgoyne, but those for Gen. Howe requiring to be rewiiiten, 
 were to be sent to him, for his signatuie there. The packet unexpectedly sailed 
 with only the former, and so produced the complication, while the latter were found 
 pigeon holed in the office of that valuible public servant, years afterwards, and so 
 America gained a battle only second in value from its results. This blunder, as many 
 other explanations just to that officer, and perhaps the best conception of the good and 
 
in the Revolution. 53 
 
 tiation of the Preliminary Peace — creating him Superin- 
 tendent General of all Indians at Quebec and the frontier 
 Provinces, including his old neighbors four of the Six Nations — 
 might imply that his hopes as a soldier had ended, with those 
 for the restoration of his inherited domain. The evidence 
 however exists of his continued interests in the differences with 
 the Indians, still occupying the territory claimed by the United 
 States, proving his later hostility. 
 Sir : White Hall, i8 March^ 1782. 
 
 The King has been graciously pleased to appoint you 
 Superintendent General, and Inspector General of the Six 
 Nations of Indians and their Confederates and also of the 
 
 evil in iiis cliaracter, have also been afforded to readers by the daughters of a more 
 fortunate General, his son Sir John Burgoyne, who are now residing in Hampton 
 Court, in the "Political and Military Sketches " published by their inspiration, by Mr. 
 Fonblanque in 1876. These, with the " Memoirs of the Marquis of Rockingham," 
 edited by Lord Albemarle ini852, "The correspondence of the Duke of Bedford and 
 Lord Chatham," "The Evelyn's in America, "contributed by J. D. Scull, Oxford, 
 1881, Judge Jones' -'History of New York in the Revolution," and the Gates 
 papers, contributed by Dr. T. A. Emmett to the ■' Magazine of American History," 
 are all among the recent proofs of the mellowing influence of Time upon History. 
 There appear to be many coincidences in the career of Burgoyne and that of 
 Gates, identified as they were in service and in eventual destiny. Both types of the 
 conventional gentleman, brilliant and epigrammatic with the pen and audacious with 
 the sword. Equally open to a generous impulse, the error of self appreciation and 
 a desire for rapid glory, both based some impression of infallibility on the rules of 
 technical education and the prestige of former service. Both appear in history fit 
 subjects to point the moral that while success is self recording, misfortune commands 
 its equal right lo a reliable record. With probably less natural ability than either. 
 Gen. Carleton combined with courage and decision the additional requisite of business 
 capacity. He appears to have received in all history, that which these brilliant co- 
 temporaries siiught for and failed to achieve, as a reward for his unassuming useful- 
 ness and admitted humanity. It has been considered whether there would have been a 
 Saratoga in our roll of victories, had that active commander led the expedition. 
 It was his singular fortune to serve in America through the war, to hold ^''^''s*^ 
 »t its outset, and surrender New York at its conclusion. After the peace he becam« 
 Lord Dorchester and remained in Canada as Commander-in-Chief of the British 
 forces. Th° eccentric General Charles Lee, another soldier of the school of Bur- 
 goyne and Gates, influenced by his too little faith in Washington as a soldier — after 
 the attempt to hold Fort Washington — and too much in a sense of his own educated 
 luperiority, attempted to treat, for a hasty completion of the war, as Dr. George H. 
 Moore has shown, with an indhviduaUty too intense, to conceive its exercise treason- 
 able. 
 
5^ Ivories or Loyalists 
 
 Indians in the Province of Quebec, and in the Provinces lying 
 on the Frontiers thereof. 
 
 I am happy to inform you of this Mark of His Majesty's Favor 
 and Confidence and as it conveys to you most authentically 
 His Royal Approbation of your former services, it will, I am sure, 
 impress you with the warmest Sentiments of Duty and Gratitude, 
 and excite you to exert your utmost endeavors to render your 
 present appointment beneficial to the Public, by establishing a 
 strict economy through all branches of your Department, which 
 will be the best means of recommending yourself to His 
 Majestys future Favor and Attention. You will see by the 
 terms of your warrant that you are to follow such Orders and 
 instructions as you shall receive from the Commander-in-Chief 
 of His Majestys Forces in the Provinces of Quebec, I have 
 signified to General Haldimand His Majestys Pleasure that 
 he should make you such Allowances for your Services and Ex- 
 penses as he shall judge adequate and proper. I have therefore 
 only to signify to you His Majestys Commands that you do 
 with all possible expedition return to Quebec and take upon 
 you the exercise of the very important office to which you are 
 appointed and immediately after your arrival address yourself to 
 General Haldimand or the Commander-in-Chief of His Majesty's 
 Forces who will give you orders for your further proceedings, 
 which you are in all cases to pay the most exact and punctual 
 obedience. Sir, Your Most Obedient 
 
 humble servant, 
 
 Sir John Johnson, Bar.3° W. Ellis.^9 
 
 But, when at this interval there arose a report, that the Amer- 
 icans were advancing to carry their successes into Canada, 
 and some military movements towards the frontier — probably 
 merely demonstrations — had given it color, we find3' Sir Ferdi- 
 
 ^ He occupied many positions of honor and trust; was a member of the Privy 
 Council, and of Parliament for Weymouth, and created Lord Mendip in 1794. 
 
 30 Sir John had already performel similar duties probably with local rank. He 
 was at this time in his thirty-sixth year. 
 
 3» Riedesel Memoirs. 
 

 I^tOa-eiatc^^lzg.x^Cingrtn^Ser'fyJ-MauiUvtgucierks efncesfthe distncs ocMt .yr'gu sottA^rn iuirue fff^NmTe^ 
 
in the Revolution. 55 
 
 nand Halditnand, commanding in Canada, alive to the danger, 
 communicating to Baron von Riedesel, in command at Sorel, 
 in a letter dated Quebec, February 13, 1783, that he had 
 despatched a messenger to the " Chevalier Johnson," to send 
 "five or six of the most active, and expert Mohav^^ks, to watch 
 the road from Albany to West Point," and suggesting that he, 
 " with his savages and light batallion, fall back a few miles, even 
 about Point au Fer," which shows him at that date again in 
 active service. 
 
 The one thousand pounds a year furnished him, liberal pay at 
 that time, no doubt, if poorly compensating for his own lost rev- 
 enue, attests that the outlays of his government, had not yet 
 been checked by its reverses. We can gather from another 
 paper, that he had been engaged at that time on picket duty, 
 in the neighborhood of his old home, scouting, having 
 soldiers and scouts " piloted," secreting and procuring intelli- 
 gence, all incident to border expeditions, probably entrusted to 
 him from his knowledge of localities and perhaps involving some 
 of those inhumanities, which tradition have laid to his account. 
 For fourteen months of this service, General Haldimand appears 
 to have compensated him at the rate of ten shillings sterling a 
 day, a liberal allowance also, at existing values, but implying 
 that he was not then under regular military pay. 
 
 Accounts of contingent expenses incurred by Sir John 
 Johnson, Baronet, on account of the Government by orders 
 of His Excellency General Haldimand in sundry services be- 
 tween the 25 Dec, 1780, and the 13 March, 1782. 
 
 1781. 
 
 Aug. 5. To cash to Michael Lett and party for 
 their Services and Expenses on a 
 Scout to Tryon County £il 13 4 
 
 Sept. 10. To do. to Sergeant Haines and party 
 for their services, etc., on a Scout 
 to the County of Tryon 15 10 O 
 
56 Ivories or Loyalists 
 
 1782. 
 
 Nov. 10. To Peter Prunner, late of the Albany 
 Bush, in the County of Tryon, for 
 Piloting soldiers and scouts em- 
 ployed in the service and supplying 
 them with Provisions between the 
 16th June, 1779, and the 28th 
 September, 1782 36 80 
 
 Dec. 15. To do. to Wm. Parker, Sen., for Provi- 
 sions and Surveying, and procuring 
 Intelligence and assisting Scouts 
 Provisions between the 15th Sep- 
 tember, 1778, and the 25th Aug., 
 
 1781 30 
 
 " 20. To do, to Wm. Kennedy, for sundry 
 services in secreting and procuring 
 intelligence and Assisting Scouts 
 with Provisions between the 15th 
 Sept., 1778, and the 25th Aug., 
 
 ^ i78i.--. • •• 35 15 6 
 
 To cash paid to the late Samuel Mc- 
 Kay, Esq., for Provisions overpaid 
 
 for by him for his Corps 39 '5 6 
 
 To an allowance from his Excellency 
 General Haldimand for Extra Ser- 
 vice from the 28th Dec, 1780 to 
 the 13th March, 1782, inclusive at 
 los. sterling per dav X222 237 17 i 
 
 Currency £406 19 5 
 
 John Johnson. 
 
 Other papers refer merely to routine duty ; in them " Molly 
 Brant " is recalled as a pensioner, and Colonels Guy Johnson, 
 Butler, and John Campbell, all familiar names in partisan war- 
 fare, as connected still with the government service. 
 
 Receipt of Lieut. Col. John Campbell. 
 
 Received from Sir John Johnson, Baronet, Superintendent 
 General and Inspector General of Indian Affairs, Two Thou- 
 
in the Revolution, 
 
 SI 
 
 sand and fifty- seven Pounds, Thirteen Shills and Eight pence 
 Halifax Currency being the amount of Disbursements paid by 
 me for the Indian Department under my direction from the 
 25th of March to the 24th September, 1783, per acc't and 
 vouchers delivered to him by 
 
 John Campbell. 
 £2057 13 8 Cy. 
 
 Subsistence wanted for the Officers of the Six Nations De- 
 partments (rom 25 March to 24 Sept., 1783, Inclusive. 
 
 Rank 
 
 One Col ic Super- 
 intendents (Pay 
 rec'd from the 
 General to Dec 
 24 next) 
 
 One Deputy ir 
 Canada 
 
 Two Lieutenant 
 (Clement & 
 Magin) .... 
 
 One Surgeon Mate 
 
 One Clerk . . 
 
 One Comiiissary 
 (Moses Ibbittj 
 Invalided and 
 discharged , . . 
 
 One Issued as a 
 Volunteer (John 
 Service) 
 
 One Interpreter 
 (Le Curagine) 
 Invalided 
 
 Catharine Hare 
 widow of the 
 late Lieut Hare 
 Pension . . . 
 
 Commen- 
 cing 
 
 25 March 
 do 
 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 
 No. ot 
 
 Ending 
 
 Days 
 
 24 Sept 
 
 184 
 
 do 
 
 184 
 
 do 
 
 .84 
 
 do 
 
 184 
 
 do 
 
 184 
 
 do 
 
 184 
 
 do 
 
 184 
 
 do 
 
 184 
 
 do 
 
 184 
 
 Rate per day 
 
 a dollar 
 
 do 
 
 di. York Cy 
 
 a dollar 
 
 6j. York C) 
 
 a dollar 
 
 Aew Vork 
 £ i d 
 
 Sterling 
 £ ; d 
 
 " '< " 300 
 << (t (< 
 
 »47 4 
 73 12 
 55 4 
 
 73 li 
 55 4 
 73 I* 
 
 478 o 8 279 I 4 
 
 689 I 4 
 CoL. Guy Johnson. 
 Amt of Lieut Col Butlers Deputy Agents return hereto annexed paid 
 
 by his draft on the Superintendent General. ... 171 3 4 4 
 
 Two Thousand four hundred & 2 pounds ^. 
 E. E. Quebec 25 October 1783. 
 £689 I 4 Cul Johnson 
 171 3 4 4 Lt Col Butler 
 
 £2,401 5 S 
 G. Johnson. 
 
 2402 5 8 Sterling 
 
58 Tories or Loyalists 
 
 Received from Sir John Johnson, Baronet, his Majestys 
 Super Intendent General & Inspector General for Indian Aft'airs 
 in North America the sum of <£68g is /\.d sterling for my own 
 and a Deputys Salary, the pay of officers and others employed in 
 his Majestys service in the Indian Department under my Super- 
 intendency, from the 25 March to 24 Sept., 1783, andlcertifie 
 that the said Sir John Johnson also pay the sum of .£1713 4^ 
 4^ for the pay of Lieut. Col. Butler, Deputy Agent, that of the 
 officers and others employed in his Majestys service in the 
 Indian Department in the district of Niagara as per the above 
 list &c. G. Johnson, 3^ 
 
 Col. ^ Supt. of the Six Nations. 
 
 Montreal, 4 Jugust., lyS^.. 
 Sir : Please pay to Mr. Charles McCormick or Order Sixty 
 Eight Pounds twelve & sixpence currency being the amount of 
 his pay frorrv 25 March to the 24 September 1784 as Clerk & 
 Commissary of Indian Stores for the District of Detroit. 
 
 John Johnson. 
 Mr. R. Dobie, Merchant. 
 
 £54 I5J-. N. Y. Currency. Cataragui. 20 Jugust., 1784. 
 Sir: At sight please pay Mr. Robert Hamilton or order the 
 sum of Fifty-four pounds fifteen shillings New York Currency 
 being the amount of my half pay up to the 24 of last March 
 which pass to account as per advice from. 
 
 Sir, Your very humble Servant, 
 
 Ebenezer Allen. 
 To Sir John Johnson Knt 
 
 & Baron Knight (sic) Montreal. 
 Mr. Dobie will please pay the above draft. 
 
 J. Johnson. 
 
 For .£50 Currency. Montreal, 20 August^ 1784. 
 
 Sir : Please pay to Mrs. Mary Brant33 or order Fifty pounds 
 Halifax Currency in part of her pension from Government 
 from 23 Oct., 83 & 22 Sept. 1784. 
 
 John Johnson. 
 
 To Mr. Richard Dobie, Montreal. 
 
 3« Col. Guy Johnson, nephew, son-in-law, some time secretary and named as 
 successor to Sir William Johnson. 
 
 33 The widow of Joseph Brant [Thayendanegea] who survived her husband thirty 
 years. 
 
in the Revolution. 59 
 
 London, Dec. 24, 1784. 
 Received from Sir John Johnson, Baronet, His Majestys 
 Superintendent General and Inspector General of Indian Affairs 
 in North America, Three Hundred Pounds Sterling for my 
 Salary as Superintendent of the Six Indian Nations and their 
 Allies from 25 June to the 24 Dec, 1784, Inclusive. 
 
 £300. • G. JoHNSON,34 
 
 Col. iff Superintendent of the Six Nations. 
 A letter from Major General Hope, Commander-in-Chief 
 &c., to Sir John is apparently interesting, as throwing further 
 light on a restless escapade, which is referred to in the life of 
 that early representative of the possibilities and effect of educa- 
 tion, even upon a savage mind. He had determined at this 
 time to seek in person, the indemnity for the losses of his people, 
 which Sir John — who wished to prevent his absence, at what 
 he considered an important moment, had failed to secure in his 
 own recent visit. 
 
 Quebec, Nov. 9, 17B5, 
 
 Dear Sir : 
 
 I had the honor to receive your letter of the 6 by express 
 last night at ten o'clock but too late I am sorry to tell you, by 
 two days for producing the effect desired ; Josephss having come 
 to the resolution suddenly of taking passage in the Packet 
 which sailed on Sunday at eleven o'clock in the forenoon ; 
 having been made to believe as he said that the Madona was not 
 a safe conveyance from having so few hands, but rather, I am 
 apt to believe from some suspicion that he had entertained of 
 being disappointed in getting away at all if he deferred it till the 
 last Trip, or perhaps artfully wishing to avoid the knowledge 
 of your sentiments which he might expect that the arrival of 
 David at Montreal would produce. In short, my dear Sir John, 
 he was bent upon going and is off notwithstanding my different 
 attempts to dissuade him — offered in such a manner at first as 
 
 34 An interesting letter from Col. Guy Johnson to Sir William, too late for inser- 
 tion here, will be found in Appendix A. 
 
 35 Captain Joseph Brant — Thayendanegea. 
 
6o Tories or Loyalists 
 
 not to ^ive him surprize, and at last without disguise of his acting 
 contrarv to yours and my wishes and inclinations — all however 
 to no purpose. I have therefore with much regret to return 
 you the letter addiessed to Joseph, your other Packet to the 
 Dep. Paymaster General was sent to him. 
 
 I congratulate you on the arrival of the Dallis with your 
 things — she got up yesteiday but has ■ brought me no Dis- 
 patches of any consequence. That we must go on with the 
 Indian business as concerted — keeping them in good humour as 
 much as possible and preaching up patience — & firmness — 
 but by no means encouraging their breakmg out. As to 
 anything you may think proper to do to retain those Chiefs & 
 others of influence, or to effect these purposes above mentioned, 
 I shall most readily acquiesce in. With respect to the tools 
 you speak of that were by mistake inserted in the Loyalists 
 Invoice, orders shall be given in consequence of your repre- 
 sentation to this effect to deliver up the remainder of them not 
 actually issued for the use of the Indians on your order; as 
 likewise to comply with your requisition for the same purpose 
 to deliver any other articles out of the stores reserved for the 
 use of the Loyalists, being perfectly convinced that from your 
 equal desire to supply and knowledge of the wants of both, 
 that no partial use will ever be made of such discretionary 
 latitude lodged with you. 
 
 I return you many thanks and am most flattered by your 
 obliging professions and wishes to myself — request you will 
 make my respects to Lady Johnson and Mrs. Claus, and 
 I am Dear Sir with unfeigned regard 
 
 Your very faithful and obedient humble servant 
 Sir John Johnson, Bart., Henry Hope. 3^ 
 
 Superintendent General, &c. &c. 
 
 Joseph Brant here referred to, is generally recalled by the 
 striking incidents of his life, 
 
 A pure blooded Onondaga, the son of a chief, but educated 
 by Sir William's care at Dr. Wheelock's celebrated Moor 
 
 36 General Hope was in America in 1775 as Major of the 44th Foot (Gen. Aber- 
 crombie's Regt.), and had seen much service there. 
 
THK GREAT CM-"LAiX dF THE SLX. ^ATTOl^S. 
 'n.imr.lTaiuliihiL^f&.nL'imyr.iii ■'Wmi-h.^.lyA.Did- 
 
in the Revolution, 6i 
 
 school, he proved an apt scholar, soon fitted as an interpreter 
 to Dr. Charles JefFry Smith, a self sustaining young missionary. 
 
 Gallantly protecting him when attacked by the Indians, and 
 performing all his duties satisfactorily he won at this period the 
 testimony of Rev. Samuel Kirkland, " he conducted himself so 
 much like a Christian, and a soldier, that he gained great est ;em." 
 
 Later, he interested himself in the work of the " Society for 
 the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign parts " and labored 
 with them for the civilization of his people. 
 
 When becoming the chief of the Six Nations he wielded a 
 great authority and cooperated with Sir William Johnson, to 
 whom he became allied, as well by affinity as by gratitude. In 
 their close association he doubtless developed the appreciation 
 of the position of his people, and the capacity to vindicate it with 
 an able pen.37 He visited England in 1775, and again as that let- 
 ter shows at the end of the war,attracting distinguished attention 
 
 37 This letter as to the rights oi his people and his own appreciation of honorable 
 dealing is an example. 
 Sm . Nassau, 30 December, 1794. 
 
 Your letters oi the 17th & 20th November, '94, from Konondaigua, I have now 
 before me and have to say, that at all of our meetings during the whole of last 
 summer, our thoughts were solely bent on fixing a boundary line between the con- 
 federate Indians and the United States, so as that peace might be established on a 
 solid basis, for which reason we pointed out the line we did, well knowing the justness 
 of it and that it would be ratify'd by the whole Indian confederacy. 
 
 Ai an indiindual I must regret to find that the Boundary so pointed out has noiu 
 been abandoned, the establishing of ivhich I am ivell convinced loould ha-ve been the 
 means of bringing about a lasting and permanent peace. This object so earnestly to be 
 desired has ever made me exert every nerve, -wishing for nothing more than mutual 
 justice. This line you II recollect loas offered to Governor St. Clair at Muskingum, and 
 notivithstanding the ttoo successful campaigns of the Indians after this, I still adhered to the 
 same and still do, this I hope will satisfy you that my ivish ever -was for Peace, the offer 
 made luas rejected by Mr. St Clair, andivhat the consequences has been you nuell knoiv, 
 I should be sorry if your efforts ivere croivned -with no better success, as your exertions 
 I hope are not influenced by similar motives -with his. You must also recollect that I 
 differed even with my friends respecting this Boundary^ and to the fwo last messages you 
 then received my name ivas to neither of them, because I thought them too unreasonable, 
 this made me take more pains and trouble to bring the Indians and you to an understand- 
 ing than I ivas under any obligation to do — 'Otherivise than humanity dictated to me, 
 having nothing but our mutual interest in view, and as to Politics I study them not, my 
 
62 Ivories or Loyalists 
 
 partially from his reputation, but also as the chief of the best 
 known tribes of the American Savages, a lion worthy of ex- 
 hibition. He probably realized then, as he appears to have done, 
 in all the different duties he performed, as their ruler and protec- 
 tor, their inferiority to the white man from the want of that 
 education, which made him sensitive as to their ignorance. 
 
 His visit, however, was marked with much appreciation. 
 The King received him, with good humor, even when he refused 
 to kiss his hand, but offered that mark of homage to the Queen. 
 The Duke of Northumberland, Lords Dorchester and Hastings 
 and General Stewart -^the son of Bute — who had all served 
 
 principle is founded on justice, and justice is all I ivish jor, and newer shall I exert 
 myself on behalf of any nation or nations, let their opinion of me be tvhat it "will, unless 
 I plainly see they are just and sincere in their pursuits, doing luhat in e-very re>pect to 
 justice may belong. When I percei-ve such are the sentiments of a People no endeavors 
 shall be tvanting on my part to bring neighbors to a good understanding. 
 
 I must again repeat that I am extremely sorry this Boundary so long since pointed 
 out, should have been abandoned, it being an i.bject of such magnitude and which 
 much depends on the whole Indian confederacy being interested. I should therefore 
 have supposed it would have been more for our mutual interest and would have had 
 a better effect, to have dealt upon a larger scale, than within the small compass of 
 the Five Nations, the meeting being intended solely to talk over the business 
 of the Boundary and then to have acquainted the whole confederacy with what 
 had passed, so that something final could have been determined on as all that 
 part of the country is common to the whole. You say on your part everything has 
 been openly and fairly explained and that you shall be disappointed if the Chiefs do 
 not acknowledge your candour, I can for my own part form no opinion, whether it 
 is so or not, being perfectly ignorant of ivhat has passed, but eiier look upon it that 
 business fairly transacted should be adhered to as sacred. And that you are still ready 
 to make peace with the Western Nations, this has made me say much about the 
 Boundary line, in order that peace and friendship might be established between you, 
 this obliges me to say they ought to have been included in this treaty and to have 
 been consulted with as well as those who were there, they being equally interested 
 with the Six Nations as to this line. j4s to the British they are an independent nation^ 
 as ivell as the United States or the Indian Nations and of course act for themsel-ves as 
 all other White nations do. My mentioning in my letter to you that I was sorry Mr. 
 Johnson was looked upon as a Spy, was because I knew the Five Nations so often 
 erred in their transactions with the White People, it being myself in person from 
 the wish of the Indians that requested Mr. Johnson should go to the Treaty in con- 
 sequence of which request he was permitted. I was well aware at the same time of 
 the reception he would meet with, as we are an independent People I ever thought 
 our Council should be private, but must at the same time say, we have an un- 
 
in the Revolution. 63 
 
 in America, greeted him as a brother veteran and Lords War- 
 wick and Percy, and Dr. Johnson's James Boswell, ordered his 
 portraits, the last, a high testimony that he was a " lion." 
 
 Yet doubtless he realized his own questionable position, 
 when seeking any trust, with his cultivated nature disguised by 
 the face of a savage. The accompanying letter of Washing- 
 ton displays the general want of confidence in them, by all 
 who were prejudiced against his race. 
 
 He adhered to the British Government throughout the war, 
 and after the Treaty of Peace, in which no provision was made 
 'as to the territory of his people, struggled to retain what they 
 had formerly possessed. The indefiniteness of the Treaty line, 
 
 doubted rieht to admit at our Councils who we please — of course the United States 
 have it optional whether they will treat or not with any Nation or Nations when 
 Foreien Agents are present. . „ , , xt • 
 
 You seem to think in your letter of the ioth that the Senekas are the Nation most 
 concerned in the Trusts in question agreeable to the lines you point out. At the differ- 
 ent Treaties held since the year '83 I allow the Senekas from their pioceedings seemed 
 to be the only Nation concerned in that country, although the whole Five Nations 
 have an equal right, one with the other, the country having been obtained by the 
 bint exertions in war with a Powerful Nation formerly living southward of Buffalo 
 Creek called Eries and another Nation then living at Tioga Point, so that by our 
 successes all the country between that and the Mississippi became the joint property 
 of the Five Nations, all other nations now inhabiting this great Tract of Country 
 was allowed to settle by the Five Nations. , , , ... , ... 
 
 This 1 hope will convince you that the Mohawks have an equal claim and right 
 to receive in proportion with the others of the Five Nations, but as I am ignorant of 
 the Transaction, knowing nothing of what has passed and what was the result of the 
 Treaty, must therefore defer saying anything further on the subject until I know the 
 particulars, which I hope will be ere long. As to the others of the Five Nations 
 residing on the Grand River they must answer for themselves. I am not so par- 
 ticular in this as I might be, seeing no great necessity for it, as I hope to see General 
 Chapin ere long. In reading the Speech you have sent me I pe^^eive that you say 
 we requested you might be sent to ICmdle the Council Fire &c. This I k"ow to be 
 a mistake, in our speech to General Chap.n we wished the President of the United 
 State, to send a Commissioner to our Fire Place at Buffaloe Creek (your name being 
 mentioned) Not that you was to come and kindle a Council Fire elsewhere — & 
 Shat you requested our assistance to bring about a Peace, &c. - You did and every- 
 thing has been done by us faithfully and sincerely by pointing out the Medicine that 
 would accomplish it, your relinquishing p.rts of your claims in the Indian Country.. 
 You aho sav I told Genl Chapin at fVinnys that it was the Bntnh that pre-ventcd tht 
 Treaty taking place. I said so then and still do. What enabled me to say so -was the 
 Gentlemen belonging to the Indian Department in that quarter interjenng m the business. 
 
64 Tories or Loyalists 
 
 which long remained as flexible as a wire fence, moved back 
 and forth at will, even looking for the sources of the Mississippi 
 at the Lake* of the Woods, instead of Itaska lake, far below, and 
 which required four subsequent treaties, an arbitration, and a 
 war, to settle ; seems a reasonable cause for discussions, attempts 
 at treaties, and long complications. 
 
 These letters to Colonels Pickering and Monroe are merely 
 suggestions of the many records existing of his capacity and 
 persistency, in seeking to protect and retain what his forefathers 
 had held by an undisputed title, before even the Johnsons had 
 come with the authority of conquest, to divide it. 
 
 When Gist, the companion of Washington, was exploring the 
 valley of the Ohio, in 1752, a Delaware chief demanded of him : 
 
 Had the line as pointed out by us been accepted by the United States their interference 
 would not ha-ve prevented Peace then taking place as the Five Nations had pledged 
 themsel-ves to see it ratified. As to the business of the White Nations I percei-ve it at 
 present to be a lottery tvhich ivill be uppermost cannot be known until dranvn, the most 
 ponverful no doubt ivill succeed, but let ivho will be successful our situation is the same, as 
 •we still have whites to deal with whose aims are generally similar. Tou mention the 
 People of France took the Indian method. All their warriors turned out. The Indian 
 warriors are altvays ready to turn out to defend their just rights. But Indian warriors 
 would not be ready to Butcher in an inhuman shocking manner their King, ^een. 
 Nobles and others, this is acting worse than what is called Sa-vage. The Indians art 
 not entirely destitute of humanity, but from every appearance it has fed from France. I 
 must therefore say the French ha-ve not acted as the Indians do. You likewise mention 
 that you told the Deputies from the Westward who met you at this place, that 
 though you was willing to run a new line yet it was impossible to make the Ohio 
 the Boundary, this I believe is a mistake as the word Ohio was never mentioned at 
 that time. You may rest assured that I do not swerve from any expressions I ha-vt 
 made use of. I know the necessity for being candid, especially at this critical juncture. 
 I still earnestly hope that Peace may be established without further bloodshed & that 
 Friendship may reign between the People of the United States and the Indian Nations, 
 this be assured is the Sincere wish of 
 
 Sir, Your Most Obedient 
 
 Humble Servant 
 Timothy Pickering, Esqr. Jos. Brant. 
 
 Col. Pickering had been employed for some years in these negotiations as being a 
 member of the President's Cabinet as Post Master General and in this year made 
 Secretary of War. Another very interesting and able letter of Brant to Colonel 
 James Monroe in four neatly written pages is omitted, as partially printed in the id 
 Vol. of his Life. 
 
in the Revolution^ 65 
 
 " Where are the lands of the Indians ? the French clainn all on 
 one side of the river, and the English all on the other."38 
 Such was the position of the heritage which Brant believing 
 that he was born to maintain and transmit, was then loosing. 
 Failing, as many have done before and since, he retired into 
 Canada and spent his later years under the protection of those 
 with whom he had made common cause, but personally so 
 delicately accepting their bounty, as in one instance to question 
 his own right to a pension, as a retired military officer. 
 
 Thomas Campbell, lived to correct — in afoot note — his 
 record of Brant's cruelty, in his widely read " Gertrude of 
 Wyoming,"' but its subject who had grieved over it, had died 
 too soon for the comforting retraction. His absence on that 
 occasion, threw the weight of the massacre on a white savage, 
 Colonel John Butler, who doubtless had the same authority as 
 that conferred on his kinsman and subordinate by the commis- 
 sion annexed. 39 
 
 Brant was, however, present at the battle of Minisink, where 
 great cruelty was displayed, for which he has been censured. 
 If he was responsible for it, it detracts from many other evi- 
 dences of his humanity in warfare, and shows the trace of 
 the savage element in his character, when fired by war. 
 
 38 Griswold and Lossing's Washington. 
 
 39 This commission indicating care in its instructions, now unusual in such documents, 
 and wear from use. is that of Walter Butler, noted both tor his efficiency and cruelty, 
 killed at Canada Creek, on the 29th of October, 178 1, by a force ur.der Col. 
 Marinus Willett, while retreating from a raid to Warren's Bush, and his lormer 
 home; in the year succeeding the expedition of Sir John. 
 
 Guy Carleton, Knight of the Bath, Captain General and Governor in Chief of the 
 orovince of Quebec and Territories depending thereon, &c., &c., General and Com- 
 mander in-Cliief of his Majesty's For.es in said Province and the Frontiers thereof 
 Ijj. &c To Walter Butler, Esci.., Greeting : 
 
 Reposing special trust and Contidence.in your Loyalty, Courage and good Conduct, 
 I do by these Presents Constitute and appoint you to be Capatn in a Corps of Rangcn 
 
66 Tories or Loyalists 
 
 He would appear to have been a man of large capacity ; and 
 his record a noticeable evidence of the result of its development 
 in time of peace, by the same wise appliances, now interesting 
 to examine in use, at the school at Hampton, Va., in charge of 
 General Armstrong, and probably at the two others, at Forest 
 Grove for the western, and Carlisle for the eastern section. 
 Such efforts, are in accordance with the dying suggestions of 
 Brant to his nephew, " Have pity on the poor Indians ; if you 
 can get any influence with the great, endeavor to do them all 
 the good you can." 
 
 His life by Colonel Stone, a work of singular interest, gives full 
 detail of his career, in part early collected in his old neighbor- 
 hood — a fine edition of it printed by the late Joel Munsell, 
 of Albany, largely with his own hand, assists to cause the 
 latter to be recalled by some collectors, as the Albany 
 "Caxton." 
 
 It is just to record a dissenting opinion as to the proper treat- 
 ment of the remaining Aboriginees. It differs from those of 
 Colonel Brisbane, and other regular officers who have served 
 amongst them, and of some who have visited the border posts 
 and studied the effect of the contact of races. Captain Payne 
 
 to serve with the Indians during the Rebellion. Whereof Ji'h'i Butler, Esq., is 
 Major Commandant. You are therefore carefully and diligently to dischaige the duty ' 
 of captain by exercising and well disciplining both the Inferior Officers and Soldiers of 
 that Corps, and I do hereby command them to obey you as their Captain, and you 
 are to observe and follow such Orders and directions as you shall from Time to Time 
 receive from me, your Major Commandant, or any other Superior Officer, according 
 to the rules and discipline of War. In pursuance of the trust hereby reposed in you. 
 Gi'ven under my hand and Seal at Arms, at ^luebec, this twentieth day of Decem- 
 ber, 1777, and in the Eighteenth year of the Reign of our Sovereign Lord, George 
 the Third, by the Grace of God, of Great Britain, France and Ireland, King, 
 Defender of the Faith, and so forth, Guy Carleton. 
 
 By His Excellency's Command, Francis Le Maistrl. 
 
 Walter Butler, Esq., Captain of a Corps of Rangers, to serve with the Indians 
 during the Rebellion. 
 
in the Revolution, 67 
 
 recently arrested by our troops when raiding in the Indian 
 Territory, and affecting to be a humane man in his way, says : 
 
 " Tell the Herald, that the policy of myself and fol- 
 lowers is not to resist the government, so we came along 
 with the troops when we were told to come. * * * * 
 " There is a class of people who are eternally howling that 
 they are afraid the white man may crowd the Indian. They 
 are the people who sit in their houses, cut their coupons and 
 read gush about the poor Indian. They don't want farms and 
 a living, they have already got them and have no sympathy for 
 those who are poor and want homes. They would rather see 
 the poor man starve, than to have their picture of the noble 
 redman chasing the wild gazelle over an eternal meadow with 
 a babbling brook, destroyed." 
 
 The writer must be aware that while the area of the Indian 
 Territory is less than 69,000 square miles, that of Texas is 
 274,356, large enough it would appear, for the accommodation 
 ot the rights of the settler, and the native. That there is a 
 vast area of land in the west and south-west, already open " to 
 those who want farms." If any person desires to trace the 
 origin and progress of such methods as he proposes, for 
 securing the territory of the " noble red man," without 
 consideration or equivalent, he can find them successively 
 detailed in this " Life of Brant," and many other works referring 
 to the same period. If such acquisitions are still indispensible 
 to the progress of civilization, might we not devise a way of 
 acquiring the territory consistent with its teachings, which would 
 be more creditable in future history than that of involving 
 constant collision and shedding of blood. 
 9 
 
68 Tories or Loyalists 
 
 Lord Sydney simply recognizes Johnson's official position, 
 in fixing a temporary salary, which even with the difference 
 in the value of money, would be a moderate compensation now 
 for a subordinate civil officer. 
 
 Whitehall, 20 August^ ^l^S' 
 Sir: 
 
 I am sorry that it is not in my power before your departure 
 for Quebec, to acquaint you that some decision had taken place 
 with respect to your salary as Superintendent of Indian Aff^airs. 
 I hope that it will very shortly be fixed, in the meantime I am 
 authorized to inform you that you may draw upon the Com- 
 mander-in-chief in Canada, for the usual salarv of One Thousand 
 pounds per annum, until you receive further direction from me. 
 I flatter myself that I shall be able to write to you fully upon 
 this subject by the next Packet that sails for Quebec, and you 
 may be assured that no endeavour of mine will be wanting to 
 obtain the augmentation of your salary which you desire, and 
 place it upon a permanent footing, I have the honor to be, with 
 regard, 
 
 Sir, Your Most Obedient 
 
 Humble Servant, 
 
 Sydney/" 
 
 Sir John Johnson, Bart. 
 
 No British officer in service in the Revolution, would appear 
 to have left America with more reciprocal hostile feeling than 
 General Gage, the earliest commander of the King's Troops 
 in that war. The certificate of his son has no interest, beyond 
 a reference to his_ father's habit of business. 
 
 f Hon. Thomas Townshend who on the dissolution of Lord North's ministry had 
 become Lord Sydney. 
 
in the Revolution, 69 
 
 General Gage's certificate to Sir John's Deputy. 
 
 I certify that Colonel Guy Johnson took an active part in 
 favour of the British Government from the first appearance of 
 a Revolt in North America, that he did his duty as became a 
 faithful Subject in his Department of Superintendent of Indian 
 Nations and kept those Tribes in his Majestys Interest and 
 defeated the Endeavors of the Rebels to alienate their affections 
 from the King, and to induce them to appear in Arms against 
 his Government. That he assembled a large Body of Indians 
 and joined General Carlton in Canada. 
 
 Thos Gage. 
 Given under my hand this 2ist day of June 1785. 
 
 .\4r. Chew" attorney for Sir John Johnson having applied to 
 me for copies of the accounts which Sir Wm. Johnson Super 
 Intendent for Indian Affairs transmitted to my father General ■ 
 Gage deceased during his Commanding His Majestys Troops 
 in America, and for copies of the Warrants he gave for the 
 Payment thereof, I can only say that my fathers papers have 
 not come immediately under my inspection or can I say posi- 
 tively whether the copies of those Accounts and Warrants are 
 with them, but am certain that it was a Rule with him to see 
 accounts made clear and plain and when he gave Warrants for 
 the Payment the Warrants were annexed to the Accounts and 
 transmitted by him to the Pay Office in London where they 
 now no doubt may be found. 
 
 H. Gage.''^ 
 
 Old Aboresford Nov. 16, 1787. 
 
 To Mr. Chew, Attorney to Sir John Johnson. 
 
 *i Captain Joseph Chew, a prisoner to the French when commanding a detachment 
 reconnoitering 19 June, 1747. A legatee of 250 acres in Sir William Johnson's will, 
 as his " much esteemed friend and old acquaintance " and father of his god son. 
 Also one of the executors. 
 
 ■♦^ Henry Viscount Gage, retired Major of the 93 Regt. of Foot, a grandson of 
 Peter Kemble of the Kings Council of New Jersey, also the ancestor of the late 
 well esteemed Gouverneur Kemble, of New York. 
 
yo Tories or Loyalists 
 
 Three of these jetsams of Time, suggest the continued ex- 
 pense which Great Britain was incurring in the charge of her 
 Indian population even in time of peace, and whether it was 
 in consideration of their former service in war. 
 
 Guy^ Lord Dorchester General and Commander-in-chief of his 
 Majesty's Forces in North America. 
 
 To Thomas Boone, Deputy Paymaster General, etc., War- 
 rant to pay Sir John Johnson, etc., etc.. Nine Thousand pounds 
 sterling in dollars at 4^. Sd'., each, for services of "persons em- 
 ployed and sundry disbursements of the Department of Indian 
 Affairs under his Superintendency between 25th Dec, 1786, 
 and 24th March, 1787." 
 
 Quebec, 9th November, 1786. 
 
 Dorchester. 
 
 To the Right Honorable Guy., Lord Dorchester., Cap: General and 
 Governor-in- Chief of the Colonies of Quebec, Nova Scotia, Nevi 
 Brunswick &' their Dependencies, Vice Admiral of the same 
 General and Commander-in-Chief of all His Majestys Forces in 
 Said Colonies & in the Island of Newfoundland &c &c. 
 
 The Memorial of Sir John Johnson Baronet Superintendent 
 General & Inspector General of Indian Affairs. 
 
 Humbly Sheweth. That your Memorialist is in want of 
 £4319 5^. Sd. sterling to enable him to pay Persons employed in 
 the Department of Indian Affairs under his Superintendency 
 between the 25 December 1786 and 24 December 1787 as per 
 abstract ahnexed. We therefore pray your Excellencys Warrant 
 on the Deputy Paymaster General for the above sum. 
 
 John Johnson. 
 
 Quebec 16 April, 1788. 
 
 Another order by Lord Dorchester, in favor of Sir John 
 as Superintendent and Inspector General of Indian Affairs, 
 for Two Thousand pounds, for incidental expenses, between 
 25th December, 1786, and 24th December, 1787. 
 
in the Revolution. 71 
 
 Both signed by Dorchester and Captain Francis Le Maistre, 
 the Governor's A. D. C. and Secretary and endorsed by Sir 
 John Johnson. 
 
 This doubtless to be used in a claim for indemnity, refers 
 to a useful officer of the British Government in Canada during 
 the Revolution. 
 In the Exchequer In the matter of Sir John Johnson, Baronet, 
 
 the legal personal representative of Sir 
 
 (^ Stamp I William Johnson, Baronet, his late 
 
 I J Father, deceased, late Superintendent of 
 
 Indian Affairs in North America. 
 Thomas Wallis, late Assistant in the office of the Secretary 
 to the Commander-in-Chief in North America, now of Hertford 
 street, Mayfair, in the County of Middlesex, Gentleman, 
 maketh oath and saith, that he has known General Sir Frederick 
 Haldimand for fourteen years and that the words and figures 
 "London the 14th of August, 1787," and the name *' Fred 
 Haldimand " aj pearing to be written and subscribed at the foot 
 of the account and certificate marked with the letter X now 
 produced, are the proper handwriting of the said General Sir 
 Fred Haldimand,^ and were written and subscribed by him in 
 the presence of this deponent, and the said General Sir Fred 
 Haldimand after he had so subscribed the same, dehvered the 
 said produced account and certificate to this deponent, and 
 directed him to deliver the same to Mr. Chew, attorney to the 
 said Sir William Johnson. Thos. Wallis. 
 
 Sworn at my house in St. John street \ 
 the nth April, 1788, before me. j 
 
 J. A. Eyre. 
 
 Sir John here appears in a civil office usually awarded in 
 British Colonies, as a mark of especial consideration. 
 
 43 Born and died at Switzerland, at first in Prussian service, but entered the Eng- 
 lish with Col. Bouquet. Came to America as Lt. Col. 60 Royal American Regt. in 
 I7C7; distinguished at Ticonderoga in 1750; defended Oswego in_i759 5 ^'.^h 
 Amherst at Montreal in 1760; as Colonel at Pensacola 1767 ; home mtorm.ng mm- 
 istry as to Colonies in 1775 ; b xk as Lieut. General in 1776; succeeded Carleton as 
 Gov. of Canada in 1778 and until 1784; died m 1791. 
 
72 Tories or Loyalists 
 
 Quebec, i May^ ^7^7- 
 Received from Henry Caldwell, Esq., Acting Receiver 
 General of the Province of Quebec the sum of Fifty Pounds 
 Sterling, being for my Salary as a Member of the Legislative 
 Council of the Province, from ist November, 1786, to 30 
 April, 1787, pursuant to his Excellency, Governor Lord 
 Dorchester's w^arrant dated ist May 1787, for which I have 
 signed Two Receipts of this Tenor and Date. 
 £50 Sterling. John Johnson. 
 
 Apparently a moderate compensation compared with that of 
 later law-makers, and especially well earned if the quality of 
 legislation was equivalent to its quantity. In this it would 
 markedly differ from much that has been condensed into portly 
 volumes as the brain food offered by tlie deliberative wisdom of 
 other bodies when sitting for a similar period. Perhaps he 
 divined how much easier it is to enact, than in all cases to 
 comprehend. How doubtful the intention of the law maker often 
 proves to others, and how much special legislation is rendered 
 unnecessary by general acts, if sought for. He doubtless dis- 
 covered, as many legislators have, that there were more debaters 
 than listeners, more movers than seconders, and that it is easier 
 to criticise than to originate. 
 
 The remaining letter borrowed from a friend's exhaustive 
 collection of Americana merely displays neighborly kindness 
 to one who sympathised in sentiment and destiny, by taking 
 refuge from imprisonment for political offences in Canada with 
 the writer. 
 
 Dr Sir Johnsons Hall 25 July 1775. 
 
 The bearer will deliver you some provisions & clothes and 
 Mr Clement will give you a paper containing a Ten pound note 
 which I received from Mrs White this morning. The Indians 
 having desired some cash from me to expend when they come 
 
in the Revolution, 73 
 
 amongst the inhabitants in Canada, which I have not to give 
 them I must beg you will supply them & charge it to Colonel 
 Johnson. If you have forgot anything and I can be of service 
 to you I beg you'll mention it. God bless you. 
 
 To Alexander White Esq. Yrs J. Johnson.-w 
 
 These random notes as to the Johnsons suggest reflections as 
 to the quality of loyalty, even in an adversary, to one whose 
 sympathies, studies and collections, have for years been de- 
 voted to appreciative illustration of the achievements of their 
 opponents and a jealous watchfulness to their use. Although 
 sketched from a different standpoint, he trusts that his conclu- 
 sions will accord with those which a friend is preparing under 
 different inspirations, at a point too remote for comparison. 
 The absence of Memoirs, Diaries,''^ and even of comprehensive 
 letters on these details is to be regretted. 
 
 44 Thh and one other letter belonging to Dr. Thomas Addis Emmett, all of the other 
 letters and papers in that of the contributor. As to Sheriff White and the circum- 
 stances under which it was written, vide Stone's " Life of Brant," Vol. I, pp. 
 101-6-7-12, 364. 
 
 45 There appears to be a resemblance — probably often noticed by others, between 
 the useful oyster fisher, who delves with his rake into the muddy bottom, for the 
 bivalve and the less widely appreciated labor of one who dives for costly pearls in 
 the turbid waters of forgotten fact. 
 
 Many amateur Collectors of fragmentary history are scattered over the country 
 purchasing and articulating disjointed material, and quietly working with the devotion 
 voluntarily displayed by Old Mortality in h'n specialty of restoring the dilapidated 
 tombstones of people he had never seen. No writer on American History has eluci- 
 dated more epitaphs of the humbler patriots, than Dr. Lossing, whose "Field Books" 
 are in effect. Biographical Lexicons. 
 
 Another instance of a renaissance of valuable historical waifs, germain to 
 the naTie of Burgoyne, elsewhere referred to, as connected with one associated 
 with his career once as his fellow soldier, then his conqueror, and styled 
 by him his " Accoucheur ! " A large portion of the military papers, and order 
 books of General Gates, after slumbering in his muniment box for over threescore 
 years, had recently a new birth, in falling into the remarkable Emmet Collection. 
 
 A part of them through the active enterprise of Mr. John Austin Stevens, were 
 used to add value of the word "Resurgam " by their publication in the October, 
 1880 — Gates — number of the "Magazine of American History." They 
 arise to dispel many errors, disseminated in American History. They show, 
 that after his probably ill-advised advance at Camden, when driven from a remote 
 part of the field by the precipitate flight of the North Carolina militia — con- 
 
y^ Tories or Loyalists 
 
 Without these evidences, many, intending to leave an honor- 
 able record, will always go down to posterity as responsible 
 from their position, in political or military life, for action of their 
 associates, which they personally abhorred, perhaps opposed, in 
 its progress, or at worst finally submitted to, from fear of 
 retaliation, on some proper object. 
 
 Samuel Pepys, who recorded in his Diary with the ex- 
 periences of an unimportant life, much random fact, some of 
 which subsequently become of historical interest, is now being 
 recalled — two centuries later — by the erection of a Memorial 
 in London, in the place where he worshipped and rests. It would 
 have been interesting if Johnson himself, or some Pepysian an- 
 notator of events, sharing his confidence and his tent or home, 
 had jotted down the circumstances attending his arrest, parole, 
 
 fronted by well drilled regulars — ignorant by this separation, of the stand de Kalb 
 was making, with the gallant Maryland and Delaware line and a few militia, having 
 the benefit of their near example, that he, with General Caswell and other officers, 
 struggled for many miles to rally them, so " flying " with them before the pursuing 
 enemy, in an effort to bring them back. That instead of his " hair growing grey as 
 he fled," in his letter to the President of Congress, Hillsborough, 20th August, 1780, 
 he says, "By this time the militia had taken to the woods in all directions, and I 
 concluded svith General Caswell, to retire towards Charlotte, 1 got there late in the 
 night — but reflecting that there was neither arms, ammunition, nor any prospect of 
 collecting any Force at that Place, adequate to the defence of the Country — I pro- 
 ceeded with all possible despatch hither ; to endeavour to fall upon some plan, in 
 conjunction with the Legislature of this State, for the defence of so much thereof 
 as it is yet possible, to save from the enemy." Whatever the error in his strategy 
 may have been — and it is always easier to criticize than to plan, his course from his 
 arrival seems by many letters energetic, and that of one intent on developing 
 order out of chaos. While m-ortified with the condition into which he had fallen, he 
 does not appear to have lost heart or hope, and continuea his exertions apparently 
 conscious that his prestige as a soldier was lost, until he wai superceded by General 
 Greene, who reaped a harvest of laurels on the ground on which his own crop had 
 been bligl^ted. 
 
 A recently printed sketch of Colonel Anthony Walton White — who com- 
 manded, with Col. Lee, detachments of Continental Cavalry lying near, and only 
 waiting for their horses Co have filled a special want at Camden, and whose equip- 
 ment appears to have been a cause of special anxiety to General Gates — published 
 w:th a fine military portrait by Sharpies, and prepared under the direction of his grand- 
 son, Mr. Evans, is another interesting renaissance. 
 
in the Revolution. 75 
 
 and its claimed infringement or whether he considered it violated 
 and withdrawn by the attempted arrest -, and also if at Klocks 
 Farm he left the field unwounded, deserting a command with 
 which he evidently displayed marked courage, in the contest 
 of the day. As to the facts connected with the parole, careful 
 consideration even in the absence of such evidence, would 
 doubtless now convince any fair opponent, that the judgment 
 of some history has been biased, by the then obnoxious position 
 of the actor. 
 
 It was exacted, by a display of force, from one who although 
 holding a Major General's commission, had committed no 
 overt act of hostility against the de facto government, existing 
 when he was arrested by the order of the - Provincial Con- 
 gress " of the State, and the - Albany Committee " bodies, 
 
 In the field of early southern history there is probably no amateur -amongst the 
 many who are quietly interested in similar labor - who has more hberally con- 
 tTuted valuable priJately printed facts than Colonel C^-^- ^, J^J'^^'g^/ J,' 
 Augusta. His "Siege of Savannah in 1779," ^"d another ol that of '864, are 
 amongst his valuable works. While the humane admnMStrat.on of Ge"-^ Ogel- 
 "orpe, the remarkable character who founded Georg.a has been largely recalled by 
 his pen : his « Historical Sketches of Tomo-chi-chi, the M>co of the Yamacraws _ 
 an important factor in American History in his period, but whose name now would 
 JeouTre a special introduction even to many general readers - affords test.mony, based 
 on information, of the merit of another Abongmal ruler 
 
 The correspondence of General Daniel Morgan, the hero ot Cowpens, mclud.ng 
 much of Washington, and Lifayette especially his friend, havmg fallen .nto the writer s 
 Collection, in a manner very satisfactory to his family, an opportunity was soon 
 availed of to use it in recalling his usefulness. Happenmg to rece.ve an mvtat.on 
 ftom Mayor Courtenay-a zealous appreciator and collector of Charleston H.stoncal 
 Relics which he liberally restores to their appropriate form and place-and a comm.ttee 
 ofXers and citizens to be present at the centennial celebration ot that battle, the key 
 to Yorktown, it appeared that he would be best represented, by contnbutmg copies 
 of all of the official papers connected with that event. They were recognized, as an 
 articulate apparition or the many writers amidst t^^" =-"" ° V ^'^ S'"" oTrT: 
 by the posterity of mary of them ; filled much of the " Charleston News of the 
 day with hcal,\i old, intelligence, and have taken one hundred new chances of pre- 
 servation in a privately printed brochure, neatly prepared by Captam Dawson one of its 
 editors, who sympathizes in the past, while acfive in his present. These are re- 
 ferred [o here, merely as instances of the value of the preservation, and the recurrence 
 of appropriate opportunity to perform an easy duty. 
 
 10 
 
76 Tories or Loyalists 
 
 created by an uprising of an indignant people, and six months 
 after that incident occurred, formed by the Declaration of In- 
 dependence into part of a nation de jure. 
 
 If it had been executed after that period, doubtless the sense 
 of obligation would have been stronger upon a soldier, but at 
 the time the authority of Great Britain controlled a large por- 
 tion of the Colonies — restive ^under its restraint — and its 
 local authorities vi^ere in power at New York, as in Canada, 
 still recognized as the only lawful rulers by a large portion of 
 the people. 
 
 To a person representing large interests, and the head of a 
 family, this interregnum must have been a period for anxiety, 
 and adhering to the old government, made him a subject for 
 suspicion and dislike, to those who had so aggregated for the as- 
 sertion of grievances, still hoping for concessions to justify their 
 dissolution, but preparing if necessary, in the impending struggle 
 to establish their permanency. To this administration of public 
 affairs, not yet made permanent by the r;ction of Congress on 
 the 4th of the ensuing July, he had refused to give his ad- 
 hesion, to sign the articles of association, or to recognize its au- 
 thority, declaring that he would "rather that his head should 
 be cut off," than unite in a conflict with his native government, 
 the authority of which he doubtless hoped would be soon re- 
 asserted. In this, he became an obstacle to the popular 
 movement, and was from his influence and authority, a subject 
 for supression or control. His every movement was watched 
 and discussed, and it was claimed that he was fortifying his 
 house, organizing his retainers, and co-operating with the 
 Indians for resistance, yet there is no clear evidence that he 
 
in the Revolution. 77 
 
 pursued any course unusual to his position as a citizen and a 
 maffistrate, in troubled times. 
 
 But his presence was esteemed a danger in itself and his 
 removal a necessity which knew no law. General Schuyler 
 arrested him, with a large, unresisted military force, in 
 January, 1776; he was sent to Fishkill and submitted to a 
 parole, not to bear arms against the de facto authority which 
 exacted it, or to leave the vicinity of his home. It is probable 
 that he sought in this an opportunity to arrange his affairs, until 
 either concession or suppression restored the authority of his 
 government. For some causes, probably the continued suspicion 
 of danger from his private communications, his capture and con- 
 finement, which would have naturally terminated his protection 
 and the mutuality of his parole was decided upon, and Colonel 
 Dayton stopped at the Hall, on his way to Canada, to make 
 his arrest, but found that Johnson, advised of his coming, had 
 escaped into Canada, the nearest accessible stronghold of the 
 authority he recognized. His endurance of nineteen days of 
 terrible suffering in this, his winter journev through the Adi- 
 rondacks, attested his physical courage; and the leaving all he 
 valued behind him, subordinate to a sense of duty, his 
 remarkable loyalty. The romantic incidents attending Lady 
 Johnson's share in her husband's downfall, will doubtless be 
 appropriately given by her kinsman. He cannot fail to show, 
 that her married life justified the promise which Colonel 
 Guy Johnson discerned before that event, when meeting her 
 while in New York as described in the accompanying letter. 
 ( Appendix A. ) 
 
 Such a parole enforced on a citizen by an as yet temporarily 
 constituted and semi-representative body, and the knowledge 
 
yS Tories or Loyalists 
 
 that it was to be substituted by imprisonment, from precaution 
 and not for crime, would appear to differ materially from one 
 exacted after conquest in the field, and that its essence was 
 in the application of Major Dugald Dalgetty's maxim, '•'■fides 
 et fiducia relativa sunt.'''' 
 
 Many expert military critics have considered the question of 
 the obligations of paroles, with varied latitude. Some have pro- 
 nounced this one no longer obligatory on a prisoner, who was 
 aware of its intended breach by the giver, and that the law of 
 nature overrode the dictates of a nice sense of honor — best 
 appreciated in another — and an escape after warning of the 
 intention of the withdrawal of protection was as justifiable 
 before, as after its execution. 
 
 But there is a precedent apparently applicable, which illus- 
 trates the difference of sympathy from surroundings, and how 
 the same claimed offence is viewed by the friends or enemies 
 of the actor. Those who have remembered the blame which 
 has attached to Sir John, should examine the different sentiments 
 called forth for one who suffered for what he alone was censured. 
 This parallel case, was that of Colonel Isaac Hayne,* a promi- 
 nent patriot in South Carolina. He had served in the defence 
 of Charleston, with the cavalry operating outside of the city, 
 but not included in the capitulation. Afterwards he considered 
 that the protection of his family residing on the Edisto, required 
 that he should accept a parole from the captors, only obtained, 
 by signing with a protest as to service, the oath of allegiance, 
 prescribed by Sir Henry Clinton's proclamations. 
 
 This exposed him to the annoyance of frequent calls/or his 
 service as a soldier, due by that obligation to the King, and 
 when Gen. Greene advanced in 1781, considering the British 
 
 * See Ramsey's Revolution in S. C, Vol. ii, p. 277, etc. 
 
in the Revolution. 79 
 
 control ended, he again took the field, was captured, tried, and 
 executed, by Lord Rawdon, at the instigation of Col. Nesbit 
 Balfour, the commandant, recalled there still as a tyrant. The 
 whole country was filled with denunciation of this cruelty. 
 The Duke of Richmond censured it in Parliament and Balfour 
 was rendered notable for his unfeeling disregard to the appeal 
 of his family and friends for mercy, while the name of Hayne 
 is remembered, by collectors of American History, as a martyr 
 to a popular and successful cause. Had Sir John been cap- 
 tured in either of his bold invasions, made additionally perilous 
 by that impending charge, he might have suffered, even by the 
 influence of his exasperated neighbors, from whom he had 
 parted with mutual antipathy. His daring on such other occa- 
 sions, discredits the tradition of his flight, unv/ounded, in 
 advance of his command, at Klocks Field, and makes it seem an 
 instance of misrepresentation unanswered, and accepted by 
 credulous History as the gift of irresponsible tradition. 
 
 It is notable that the " Annals of Tryon County," which 
 William W. Campbell, an estimable gentleman and painstaking 
 collector, residing at Cherry Valley, prepared many vears ago,* 
 in connection with a society formed at that place for the col- 
 lection of Local History, in describing the battle, and alluding 
 to the bravery of Johnson's troops, omits this sudden departure 
 which must have reached him there in rumor, rejected as fact. 
 
 The tradition of his flight from Klocks Field without refer- 
 ring to his disabled condition, perhaps arose with exasperated 
 neighbors while suffering from his undoubtedly vindictive 
 ravages, whose patriotism was naturally stimulated bv the 
 possession of his abandoned property, and from whom any 
 sympathy would be as unnatural as that of the huntsman for a 
 
 * Border Warfare of New York and Annals, etc., 1849. 
 
8o Tories or Loyalists 
 
 wounded stag, which had ceased to stand at bay. That his 
 accepted government appreciated the audacity of his three 
 incursions, and subsequently repeatedly honored him with 
 commands and places of trust, proves at least their continued 
 confidence in his courage and honor. That any of these 
 questions should remain open for discussion, more than a cen- 
 tury afterwards sustains the views elsewhere expressed, of the 
 untold value of impartial and carefully prepared cotemporary 
 history. 
 
 In any event he had opportunity to regret in a long life of 
 exile, the beautiful home which he had lost by the rigor with 
 which his native State adhered to its rule of confiscation. He 
 resided afterwards in Canada, and is still represented by many 
 distinguished descendants. When he died he afix)rded to pos- 
 terity an opportunity to consider that best test for judgment of 
 the action of another *•' put yourself in his place." 
 
 Although prompted by a sense of the justice of availing of 
 the opportunity to say a word in defence of those whose records 
 have left their names unpopular, the writer is satisfied that 
 their vindication has been delayed too long to influence some 
 whose opinions are hereditary, and have never been modified 
 by the softening eff^ects of research. ^^ 
 
 One who has given his attention to historical collections, 
 and has completed series of the letters of the Signers, the 
 Generals, and the prominent actors of the Colonial and Revo- 
 lutionary periods, has naturally sought for information as to 
 their inner, as well as their printed lives, and incidentally as to 
 
 '■^ It appears proper to say that these sentiments, — not influenced by any personal 
 considerations, — are somewhat contrary to the writer's earlier and more crude 
 convictions, derived from^ antecedents, in that period, and from the early settlement 
 of New York, identified with the popular cause, and often then and since by succes- 
 sion, under the union of the States, aiding — sometimes effectively — in its civil 
 service, and in every war. 
 

in the Revolution, 8i 
 
 those of their cotemporaries, and of the circumstances which 
 governed all of them. 
 
 This naturally inspires a comparison with the more familiar 
 ones of their successors, and of their relative administration 
 of public trust. It may even induce a conjecture as to the 
 result — if it were possible to make the experiment — of placing 
 the members of the Congress of 1776, in the seats of a few of 
 its recent representatives. The alternative, by a substitution of 
 many of our present for those past law-makers, would give occu- 
 pation for a stronger imagination, in realizing the uses of the 
 modern appliances of legislation in those time-honored chairs. 
 
 Were such transpositions of men of the present for those of 
 that important crisis possible, might it not be less difficult, even 
 after a century of brilliant national prosperity, affording oppor- 
 tunities to individuals which few then enjoyed, and a condensa- 
 tion of events which no other nation has probably ever witnessed 
 in a similar period, to select a substitute for Sir John Johnson, 
 were he all that vague tradition and prejudice has pictured him 
 to be, using every appliance that he is said to have resorted to 
 in seeking to claim an inheritance of which he felt himself 
 unjustly deprived, than to discover a second Washington, de- 
 ferring compensation, neglecting, in his negation of self, his 
 own ample estate, to battle to secure the property of others, 
 subjecting himself to the jealousy of those" who coveted his 
 honors, but not the cares and exposure'^7 which earned them, 
 
 47 To His Excellency, George Washington, £s(i., General, &c., 
 
 Sir : T-. • J 
 
 Whereas, David Matthews, Esq., stands charged with dangerous Designs and 
 treasonable Conspiracies against the Rights and Liberties of the United Colonies of 
 America. We do, in Pursuance of a certain Resolve of Congress of this Colony 
 of the twentieth day of [une, instant, authorize and request you to cause the said 
 David iMatthews to be with all his papers forthwith apprehended and secured, and 
 
82 Tories or Loyalists 
 
 devoting his manhood to his country, and finally epitomising 
 his life, as an example to the temporarily refractory troops at 
 Newburg, by saying — when compelled to resort to his glasses 
 in deciphering his conclusive appeal to their patriotism and 
 endurance — " You see gentlemen, that I have not only grpwn 
 gray, but blind, in your service." 
 
 To write the name of Washington is a temptation to the 
 digression of an American pen, even when proposing to speak 
 more specially of those whom he conquered, and only incident- 
 ally of the victors. 
 
 Collectors of unprinted Historical Material — often classed 
 as Autographs — were long accustomed to attach some im- 
 portance, in discerning the character and surroundings of the 
 writer, both to his manner of expression, and his chirography. 
 This theory has been sustained by many able authorities, includ- 
 ing Dr. Joseph G. Cogswell, formerly of the Astor Librarv. 
 
 that returns be made to us of the manner in which this Warrant shall be executed in 
 order that the same may be made known to the said Congress. 
 Given under our hands this twenty-first day of June, 1776. Philip Livingston, 
 
 John Jay, 
 Gov. Morris. 
 
 General Greene is desired to have the within Warrant executed with precision 
 and exactness, by one o'clock the ensuing morning, by a careful officer. 
 
 pRinAY Afternoon, June 20, 1776. G. Washington. 
 
 Long Island, June 22d, 1776. 
 
 In obedience to the within Order and Warrant, I sent a Detachment of my Brigade 
 under the Command of Col. Vernon, to the house of the within named David Matthews, 
 Esq., at Flat Bush, who surrounded his house and seized his person precisely at the 
 hour of one this mori^ng. After having made him a Prisoner, diligent search was 
 made after his Papers but none could be found, notwithstanding great care was 
 taken that none of the Family should have the least opportunity to icnujve or 
 destroy them. Nathaniel Greene. 
 
 This Paper, if earlier discovered, should have been appropriate additiimal 
 material for " Minutes of the Trial and Examination of Certain Persons in 
 the Province of New York, charged with being Engaged in a Conspiracy against 
 the Authority of the Congress and the Liberties of America." Printed in London, by 
 I. Bew, in 1786, and reprinted in an edition of one hundred copies, entitled "Minutes 
 of Conspiracy against the Liberties of America," by fohn Campbell, in Philadelphia, 
 1865, describing the details of " the Hickey Plot" for the poisoning of Washington, 
 
in the Revolution, 
 
 83 
 
 Any even fancied value in this belief, is becoming obsolete 
 as applicable to later correspondence, in an unprecedented 
 progress, crowding the events of life, and increasing the value 
 of the hour. Rapidity of thought and action, now conveyed 
 upon paper involves brevity, curtails compliment, and disregards 
 form. 
 
 In the day when magazines were scarcely known, news- 
 papers were small and rare, devoted principally to advertise- 
 ments, with current events condensed, and even discussion by 
 tracts occasional ; a letter, as a comprehensive means of com- 
 munication, was an important channel of intelligence. Its 
 dignified foolscap, or " letter size ; " emblazoned with water 
 line, and adorned by a gilt edge, was covered by a carefully 
 selected " quill," with at least three pages of public or private 
 
 by that man, one of his Life Guards, who was executed. Governor Tryon, who was 
 quartered on the Duchess of Gordon, a vessel lying in the harbor — and singularly 
 named after the lady whom Gen. Staats Long Morris, the loyalist member of a 
 patriot family, married — was supposed to be the instigator; the medium was David 
 Matthews, the Mayor, who admitted supplying money at least, for arms, and who 
 was sentenced to death, but reprieved and sent to Connecticut, from whence he 
 escaped ; the method to poison Washington with green peas which were provided, 
 and on being tested on some poultry, proved fatal ; and the result to be a rising in 
 arms, in case of success. It was detected by the disclosure made through his house- 
 keeper, the daughter of Samuel Frances, the innkeeper at the corner of Broad and 
 Pearl, where Washington afterwards bid adieu to his officers. The seat of the 
 conspiracy, was Cortie tavern, between ''Richmond Hill," "Bayard's Woods," and 
 " Lispenard's meadow," near the now intersection of Spring and Woosrer streets. 
 This order of arrest was issued on the next day, only three days before Lord Howe's 
 arrival, soon followed by the Battle of Long Island, the retreat of Washington, and the 
 British occupation of the city, attended by the confusion in which, Matthews probably 
 escaped. A trifling circumstance, the careful erasing of a word with a penknife 
 over which the word "within," is written in Washington's endorsement, displays the 
 coolness and method in writing referred to, even at a moment when his life was beset 
 by assassins. The other papers above alluded to as printed, were those of the Secretary 
 of the Committee of Congress signing this order for arrest. The accompanying letter is 
 from Richar.j Cumberland, the well known essayist and author of many plays and 
 brochures, a retired Secretary of the Board of Trade, and apparently, from the 
 contents of a number of letters from which it is selected, an attache and purveyor 
 of Lord George Germain, State Secretary, is addressed to William Woodfall, before the 
 public at this period, and prosecuted by the Crown as the publisher of the " Lettcrt 
 
 11 
 
84 Tories or Loyalists 
 
 intelligence, conveyed in well formed characters, with dignified 
 assurances of consideration and respect. It was generally closed 
 with wax, and impressed with the seal, which then dangled 
 from the writer's " fob," all in such form as to make it pre- 
 sentable to a frieiid, or to a neighborhood, according to its 
 privacy or public import. Then conveyed in a " mastship " 
 or packet, in a lumbering " stage-wagon," or by a private ex- 
 press, its receipt was a sensation, and it was generally preserved 
 as an object of value, often to arise years afterwards, permanent 
 from its solid material, and perhaps to find new appreciation in 
 a historical collection, to solve a doubt, or suggest an inquiry. 
 
 Rare papers like rare paintings still command competition, 
 showing continued appreciation. ( Appendix E. ) 
 
 Such was the "golden age" of the collectors only recently 
 terminated by the Telegraph, where each word has a cost as 
 well as a value ; the Postal Card, commanding condensation and 
 
 of Junius." He has an equally surviving recollection, as associated with the original 
 Mr. Walter, of the London Times, in experiments in printing by steam. 
 
 Sjr . Drayton, Tuesday Morning, 
 
 Since I wrote to you and enclosed ye Boston Ga%ette, a messenger is arrived with ye 
 news of ye reduction of forts Washington and Lee, and with despatches from ye Gen- 
 eral which I make do doubt occasioned the publishing of an Extra Gazette last 
 night. This intelligence would have been brought us to town directly, if Lord 
 George hid not been indisposed with a cold and swelled face, so that we shall not be 
 in town till Friday morning. Anything in my power to communicate to you shall 
 readily be done, and I am very sorry that my distance makes it not practicable by 
 this opportunity. Ye loyal Mayor of New York has made his escape from Litchfield 
 and returned to that City. He reports the situation of the people in Connecticut to 
 be that of men heartily weary of their cause and its conductors.- That the hospitals 
 are miserably attended and served, where great numbers are lost for want of 
 common care. That there are small, or no hopes, of another Army being raised, 
 the eyes of the common people being generally open to their situation. That a 
 sovereign contempt for their officers prevails universally, that they say Lee (Gen. 
 Charles) will not engage for fear of being taken and hanged and that ye fame and 
 popularity of Gen. Washington is greatly gone down. 
 
 Many particulars may occur worthy the public notice when I return to town and 
 get my letters, &c. I am. Sir, 
 
 Your Most Obedient Ser'vt, 
 Mr. William Woodfall. R. Cumberland. 
 

 
 
 :^^ .1?^^:^ ' ^^?^^^2^^.c^ 
 
 v»^ 
 
 rHC ORIGINAL IN THt COLLECTION Or T s «■ 
 
in the Revolution, 85 
 
 disclaiming privacy, and the Monograph, with such Napoleonic 
 terseness and brief detail as is necessary to intelligibility with 
 little regard to form. These last appliances tended in our recent 
 war, to condense such full narratives of action as had been usual 
 in the past, leaving it to the comprehensive and indispensable 
 newspapers, published in keeping with the progress of the age, 
 and to their correspondents to form the public sentiment of its 
 course and results as they appeared to them. It remains for the 
 government to perfect its history, by instituting a careful analysis 
 of such narrative, and by the use of the public records, the 
 last of which is believed to be now in progress, and if so 
 will correct many errors, known to have often unavoidably crept 
 into more hastily prepared impressions. 
 
 At the period now referred to, such notable persons in its 
 history as Washington, Sir Henry Clinton, Greene, Cornwallis, 
 and Gates — when dispensing with the services of aid or 
 secretary — and, in fact, all educated persons, from sovereign 
 to citizen, found time to convey their thoughts in letters 
 thus carefully expressed and gracefully executed, as though to 
 combine in both contents and form, a courtesy to the person ad- 
 dressed, and to suggest if not to prove, that the writer was, as a 
 '* gentleman of the old school," at least " toall polite." Perhaps, 
 letters of this period which are preserved, commend in their 
 ensemble this style, which is necessarily passing away from the 
 causes referred to. 
 
 At least it recalls its recollection with respect, to say that it 
 everywhere characterizes the manner of communicating the 
 plainest sentiments by Washington ! The large number of his 
 letters, still carefully preserved, show his industry ; while their 
 existence witnesses the cotemporary appreciation of one who 
 
86 Tories or Loyalists 
 
 used *' not dim enigmas doubtful to discern, " but expressed 
 himself in " simple truths that every man may learn."* How 
 so prominent a chiiracter, overwhelmed with active duties, often 
 in temporary quarters and with few conveniences — but always 
 with assistants about him to perform the manual part of the 
 work — should largely from preference, with his own hand find 
 opportunity to correspond with the Government, its members, 
 governors of States, his generals and officers of every grade, his 
 family and personal friends, the representatives of foreign govern- 
 ments and interests, even with citizens scarcely known to him — 
 but alive to the value of their own wants or suggestions — all 
 with courtesy, uniformity, and neatness, is as remarkable as the 
 variety of the topics and the smallness of the material for sub- 
 sequent criticism. 
 
 These letters collected would seem manually the work of a 
 clerkly copyist rather than originals, the brain and hand work of 
 the founder of a great nation, simply recording, even while 
 creating, much of its history, amidst conflict and doubt. iVIany 
 of these have found their place in print, all might be condensed 
 with advantage, into a sort of complete letter writer for the use 
 of schools. 
 
 With a character naturally strong, developed by a capable and 
 devoted mother, an ordinary education and the adventurous 
 experience of his youth, Washington is marked, by a course of 
 life, ever leading upward and onward. While largely controlling 
 the country he bad helped so materially to create, he was readj 
 to entertain and use what he considered adaptable to present 
 circumstances, from the experience of wise men of all periods, 
 refined in the crucible of his own broad common sense, 
 
 * Applied from an early poem of William Allen Butler. 
 
in the Revolution. 87 
 
 Even his conclusions, enforced by such admitted and suc- 
 cessful experience, were not always accepted. He had passed 
 to power through triumphal arches raised by a nation's grati- 
 tude, to hold it with a people, and even his cabinet, divided 
 as to his policy •, and to resign it, and return like Cincinnatus 
 to his plough, with an expressed sense of relief. If so living 
 now, he would be rewarded by the universal thanks ot those 
 familiar with his name and service^ which did not tuUy attend 
 him, when two factions disputed over his policy, and many 
 beset him from interest or for place. The highest popularity 
 not spasmodic, attending all great men burthened with power 
 and patronage in life, may be claimed to attach to their memory, 
 after they are dead. 
 
 If this be so, his parting words when surrendering his highest 
 and final authority — and which probably combined with his 
 own judgment that of others'*^ whom his confidence in itself 
 proved also worthy of lasting attention — cannot, it would 
 seem, be too often recalled as embodying past experience, with 
 a far seeing warning for the future, increasing in value as it 
 addresses a larger auditory. 
 
 At least an annual public reading of that Farewell Address, 
 with that of the Declaration of Independence — to the fulfill- 
 ment of the purposes of which it applies — and their study also 
 in our schools, would appear to be necessary instruction to all 
 who may aspire to public place. They show the birth and 
 early progress of the Freedom they are expected to preserve. 
 Some have always referred to them as opening truths which are 
 already new to millions of unfamiliar ears. Those more accus- 
 tomed to such teachings — could console themselves, if present, 
 with the adage, " a good thing is worth repeating. " In them 
 
 48 To Hamilton, Jay, Jefferson and Madison some of its inspirations were due. 
 
88 Tories or Loyalists 
 
 every elector once familiar with their spirit would observe, that 
 in traveling too rapidly in an engrossing present, we may leave 
 behind such less recent but indispensible companions in our 
 country's progress, to follow newer and sometimes falser lights. 
 
 By such constant recurrence to the grievances the latter re- 
 counts against the British Government, each hearer could 
 discover what was renounced by the founders, and whether by 
 any subsequent legislation, we have voluntarily subjected our- 
 selves to any similar burthens. 
 
 With this conviction the accompanying, taken from a very 
 rare cotemporary certified copy of the Declaration, more 
 interesting since the damage to the original in its transfer, is 
 inserted. 
 
 The Declaration of Independence, appears in effect an ably 
 drawn and dignified recital of grievances imposed by Parliament, 
 and which had become intolerable to a people growing in in- 
 telligence and importance. Its incisive tone, and confident 
 assertion, were well calculated to reach an auditory of various 
 interests scattered in thirteen colonies, differing in population, 
 antecedents and interests, and to arouse them to concerted action. 
 
 It rejects the further control of the makers of existing laws, 
 while it suggests no substitution of better ones, evidently with 
 the intention of leaving that duty, with the details of Con- 
 federate action, to the future representatives of a free people. 
 Its value would appear to be in the position it asserted at a 
 time when the hope of success appeared dark, and in recording 
 the opinion of its patriot founders as to what were then held to 
 
In congress, July 4, 1776. 
 the unanimous 
 DECLARATION 
 
 OF THE 
 
 Thirteen United States of AMERICA. 
 
 WHEN, in the Courre of human Events, it beconr^s nccefiary for one 
 People 10 diflblvc ihe Poliiical Band) which have conneaeJ them with 
 anciiher, and Co aOume, among the Poi.en ot the Earth, the lepatare 
 and equal Station to "hich the Laws of Nature and of Nature'f GOD 
 entitle '.hero, a deKnt Hcfpeft to the Opinion! of Mankind requiiej 
 that they Diould de>:!aie the Caofes which impel them to the Separation. 
 
 We iioldthefe TrUthi to be fell-evident, that all Men ate created equal, that theji are 
 endowed, by their Cr!E»TOK, with certain unalienable Right!, that among thefe ate Lite, 
 Libetty. and the Purluii ot Happineft.— That to fecure thefe R.ghts, Governments are 
 inflituted among Men, deriving their jull Powers from the Confent of the Governed, that 
 whenever any Form of Government becomes defltuAive of thefe Ends, \t is the Right of 
 the People to .Iter or to abolilh it, and to inllit.ue new Government, laying its Foun- 
 datioo on fuch Principles and organiaing its Power! m fuch Form, as to them Ihall feem 
 moft likely to elfiift their Safety and Happinefs. Prudence, indeed, will di.fale, that 
 Governments long eltablilhed, Ihould not be changed for light and tranlient Caufes •, ard 
 •ccotdioBly all Experience hath Ihewn, that Mankind ate more difpofed to lufFcr, while 
 Evils are fuSerable, than to right themfelves by abolifhing the Forms to which they are 
 accunomed. But when a long Train ol Abules and Ufurpations purfuing iniuriably 
 the fame Obieft, evinces a Defigo ;o reduce them under abfolute Defpotifm, it is their 
 Rioht it is theit Duty, to throw ofT inch Government and to providi: new Guards for 
 .h^r f«we Secumv. Such has been ihi patient Sufff nee of thc^lonies •, and fuch 
 is now the Neceffity which Lonftrains them to aner their lorma 9 /flL w.. nl C^iemmeDt. 
 The Hillory of the prelent King of Gtea.-Briiain is a Hiliory of repealed ln|ories ano 
 Ufurpations, all having in direft Objccf ne iiftablifhmen. of an abfolute Tyranny over 
 thefe Stales. To [itove this, let Fadts '. fubmitted to a candid « orld. 
 
 He ha! lefuled his AOent to Laws, the moft wholefome and necelTa'y for the public 
 
 *'°He ha- forbidden his Governors to p.ifs Laws of immediate and ptelTing Importance, 
 unlefs lufpended in their Operation till his AfTent Ihould be obtained i and when fo fuf- 
 fiended he ha! utterly neolcfled to attend to them. 
 
 He has relufcd to pifs other Laws for the Accommodation of large Diftrias ol People, 
 unlefs thofe People would relinquilli the Right of Reprelentalion in the LeglQature, a 
 BiElu ineftimable to .hem, and formidable to ryranl! only. r „ j 
 
 He has called losether Legillalive Bodies at Places unulual. uncomfortable, and 
 diftant from the Depofrlory oi their public Records, for the fole Purpole of fatiguing 
 them into Compliance with his Mcafures. ... _. 
 
 He hasdilTolved Reotefentative Houfes repeatedly, for oppoUog with manly Firmnefs 
 MsInvanonsontheRigi.tsofthe People. ■. i a j 
 
 He has refufed for a long Time, alter fuch DifTMutions, to caufe others to be ekaed , 
 vnhcrebv the Legiru-.ive Puwers, incapable of Annihilation, have returned to the People 
 at large for their e.ercife •, theState remaining, in the mean Time.expofed to all the Dan- 
 cers ol InvaOon from without, and Convulfions within. , . „ , . 
 
 He has endeavoured to prevent the Population of ihele States ; for that Purpofe ob- 
 BruSins! l.ie Laws for Naturalization ol Foreigners ; tefuling to pafs other! to encourage 
 their Migrations hither, and ralfing the Conditions of new Appropriations of Lands. 
 
 He hasobftruftedihe Adm-.jiiflrationol Julfice, by lelufing h.s AlTent to Laws for 
 
 "*H'fhafmadfjudg«"dV^ndent on his Will alone, for the Tenure ol their OfEces, 
 
 '"Ht'ha3"crBaeda Multitude of new Offices, and tent hither Swarros of Officers to hlr- 
 rafs our People, and eat out their Subllance. „ ,. . . . . . „ , 
 
 He has kept among us, in Times of Peace, Standing Armies, without the Confent 
 
 " He haf affea'ed to render the Military independent ol and fuperior to the Civil Power. 
 He has combined with others to fubjea us to a Juiildiaion foreign to our Confliiuiioo, 
 
 and unacknowledged by our Laws j giving his AfTent to their Aas of pretended Legif- 
 lation : 
 
 For quartering large Bodies ol Armed Troops among us : 
 
 Fob proteaing them, by a mork Trial, from Punilhraent for any Murders which they 
 fhould commit on the Inhabitant: of thefe States: 
 
 For cutting off our Trade with all Pans of the World : 
 
 For impofing Taxes on us without our Confent : 
 
 For depriving us, in many Cafes, of the Benefits ot Trial by Jury ; 
 
 For tranfpotting us beyond Seas to be tried for pretended Offences : 
 
 For abolifhing the free Sylbtm of Englilh Laws in a neighbouring Province, edablifli- 
 ing thetein an aibitrary Government, and enlarging its Boundaries, fo as to render it at 
 once an Example and fit Inftrument lor introducing the fame aololutc Rule into thefe 
 
 Colo: 
 
 r Charters, abolifhing our moft valuable Laws, and altering fun- 
 
 FoR taking away c 
 damentally the Forms oi our u' vernmeniB ; 
 
 For lulpending our own LegilUture!, and declaring themfelvc! invelled with Power to 
 legiQate for us in all Cafes whatioever. 
 
 He ha! abdicated Gover.-.ment here, by declaring us out of his ProteaioD, arui waging 
 War agaioll us. 
 
 He has plundered our Seas, ravaged our Coalts, burnt out Towns, and dcftroyed the 
 Lives of our People. 
 
 He is, at this Time, tranfporting large Armies of foreign Mercenaries to complete 
 the Works of Death, Defolation, and Tytanny, already begun with Circumflances of 
 Cruelly and Pc'dy, fcarcely paralleled in the moft barbatous Ages, and toully unworthy 
 the Head d i civilized Nation. 
 
 FIe has c.inli'?: ed ourFellow-Cititens, taken Captive on the high Sea!, to beat Arms 
 againft their Country, to become the Executioners of their Friends and Brethren, or to 
 fall themfelves by their Hands. 
 
 ongft 05. and has endeavoured to bring on 
 ilefs Indian Savages, whofe known Rule of 
 of all Ages, Sexes, and Condition!. 
 
 ned for Redrefs in the moft hum 
 nly by rcr'iatcd Injury. A Prin 
 nay define a Tyrant, is unfit to 
 
 Kt ha! excited domeftic InfurreaL. 
 the Inhabitants of our Frontiers, the n 
 Waifare, is an undiftinguilhed Deftruai 
 
 In every Stage of thefe OpprefTions we have Petiti 
 Terms: Our repeated Petitions have been an( 
 whole Charafter is thus marked by every Acl 
 the Kuler ol a tree People. 
 
 Nor have we been wanting in Attentions to our Britilh Brethren. We have warned 
 them, Irom Time lo Time, o( Attempts by theit Leginalure to es'end an unwarrantable 
 Juiildidliun over us. We have rcmlniSeJ them ot .l.c Ci.cumftantei, ol our Emigration 
 and Settlement hete. We have appealed to their native Juftice and Magnanimity, and 
 we have conjured them by the Ties of oi^r common Kindred to difavow thefe Unirpa:i- 
 ons, which would inevitably interrupt our Connexion! and Correfpondence. They too 
 have beeniieaf to the Voice ot Juftice and of Coofanguinity. We muft, therefore, ac- 
 quiefce in the Neceinty, which denounces our .Separation, and hold them, as we hnkl the 
 Reft oi Mankind, Enemies in War, in Peace Friends. 
 
 We, theielore, the Keprefentatives of the UNITED STATES or AMERICA, m 
 GENERAL CONGRESS Afti^mbled, appealing to the Supreme Judges^ tht Woild 
 for the Keclitude ol out Intentions, do, in the Name, and by Authority oi Ae good 
 People ot thefe Colonies, folemnly Publifli and Declare, That thefe United Colonies ate, 
 and ol Right oughttobe, FREE ano INDEPENDENT STATES; thai they are 
 abfolved Irom all Allegiance to the Britilh Crown, and that all political Connexion be- 
 tween them and the State ol Great-Britain, is, and ought lo be, totally diffolved; and 
 that as FREE and INDEPENDENT STATES, they have full Power to levy War, 
 conclude Peace, contraa Alliances, eUablifh Commerce, and to do all other Aas and 
 Ih.nus wnich INDEPENDENT STATES may of Right do. And lot the Support 
 ol this D=claratioo,w,tha firm Reliance on the Proieaion of DIVINE PROVIDENCE, 
 we mutually pledge lo each other our JUvtt, oat Fmum, and mr ficrid Htniur. 
 
 John Hancock, 
 
 
 .- Bulln Gntimll, 
 
 
 George JVjihe, 
 
 Georc 
 
 ,A, \ Lym^n Ml, 
 
 
 Richard Hiwy Lte, 
 
 
 ViBGIHIA, 
 
 rh'. Jefferfon. 
 
 
 
 
 Btnj". Harrijon, 
 
 
 r tf"- Hteptr, 
 
 
 7ho'- Ntl/oo, />■ 
 
 North-Carol 
 
 NA, \ Jiftfb Himi, 
 t Jolm Pcnn. 
 
 
 Franas Ligb:/»et Let, 
 Carter Braxton. 
 
 
 , BlwariRuMgt, 
 
 
 Rob'- Morriit 
 
 South-Carol 
 
 S ni'- HrywirJ, jim'- 
 
 
 Benjamin Ru^\ 
 
 ^^' J 'Ihomal Lynch^ jun'- 
 
 
 Ueuja. Franklint 
 
 
 C Aibur Miilam. 
 
 
 yobn Morlont 
 
 Marvh 
 
 f hamuli Oidfi, 
 ly- Pita, 
 NO, , J'i-O'. Storu, 
 
 Cbirlii Camil, ef Car- 
 rcllton. 4 
 
 i 
 
 
 Ceo. Clymtr^ 
 Ja- ■ Smith, 
 Goo. laykr. 
 Jams U^iifsn^ 
 , Geo. Hojs. 
 
 r Jcfith BarlUll, 
 
 '•3' ' 
 
 ■ Ragtr Sherrrtarit 
 ) Suml. /iuili'iglsu, 
 ) Km. IViUiami, 
 . Olivtr mUotl. 
 
 In CONGRESS, J* 
 
 ORDLREB, 
 » H AT an I'lthtr.ticatcd Copy of the DECLAR.'iTlON < 
 of the UNITED STATES, and that they be defired lo 
 
 INDEPENPEMCr, 
 
 lave the fame put on Rt 
 
 with the Names of the MEMBERS of CONGRESS, fubfctlbing the fame; be fcnl to each 
 CORD. 
 
 By Ofdei ol CONGRESS, 
 
 
 
 John Hancock, Prefident. 
 
 ^^---' 
 
 BAtTIMORE, in Maryiakd; Printed by Max/ Kama 
 
in the Revolution. 
 
 89 
 
 be wicked impositions by legislation, under color of law.*' Our 
 present legislation therefore, is subject to a comparison with that 
 of the obnoxious Parliament as there specially denounced, as 
 well as to discover the extent and value of the improvements 
 it is making under the present limit Congress attaches to 
 its power. In this view it may be considered the chart by 
 which the ship of state was expected by them to be navigated. 
 Either to appreciate the history of the details in which that power 
 originated, or its use in the present and future it would appear 
 that education in our past was indispensable to every citizen, and 
 that it was especially the duty of those who inherited their rights 
 from the founders, to qualify themselves not only to understand 
 and protect the enjoyment of the legacy bequeathed to them, 
 free from the effects of any alleged abuses of legislation, but to 
 interest themselves, to arouse a similar sentiment in those who 
 have rapidly joined them. Not to recall as an empty phrase, 
 but to illustrate, that Eternal Vigilance is the price of liberty, by 
 observing the proceedings of all bodies acting with delegated 
 power, and if practicable, by wisely influencing the discretion 
 with which that authority is conferred, by the individual 
 citizen. 
 
 49 ^h-ise grievances urged against the Bills of Parliament for " the better peopling 
 of the Colonies," in the Congress of 1774, show that England was then charged with 
 transporting a material she desired to be rid of, more dreaded than the " Hessians " 
 80 unanimously denounced a few years later. The laws of the Colonies then de- 
 prived them of every privilege beyond that of residence. 
 
 " That it was too well known that in pursuance of divers Acts of Parliament great 
 numbers of Felloivs luho ha-ve forfeited their li-ves to the Public, for the most atrocious 
 crimes, are annually transported from home to these Plantations. Very surprising, one 
 would think, that Thieves, Burglars, Pickpockets and Cutpurses, and a herd of the 
 most flagitious Banditts upon earth should be sent as agreeable companions to 
 us." * * * " But the acts were intendedybr the better peopling of the Colonies ! 
 And will thieves and murderers be conductive to that end ? What advantage can 
 we reap from a Colony of unrestrainable Renegadoes .? Will they exalt the glory of 
 the crown ? * * * Can Agriculture be promoted when the wild Boar of the 
 Forest breaks down our Hedges and pulls up our Vines ? * * How injurious 
 
90 Tories or Loyalists 
 
 At the present time, with a population swollen by emigra- 
 tion in a single year beyond its great natural increase, by nearly 
 three-quarters of a million, the growing importance of the teach- 
 ing of history in all our schools would seem to impress itself on 
 all who desire to preserve our integrity. Many are coming to 
 us naturally ignorant of our past and present and its cost to our 
 forefathers and value to us and to them, and who cannot become 
 parts of a homogeneous population advantageously until they 
 have accepted intelligently our institutions in place of those 
 under which they were born, and to which they were possibly 
 hostile, rejecting as impracticable a dual nationality. 
 
 A knowledge of American history would appear as requisite 
 as those simple elements of education which enable the elector 
 — and perhaps future ruler — to read an amendment of a 
 constitution, on which by a steady extension of the privileges 
 won in that struggle, he is soon qualified to vote. All 
 details of the past — on a more liberal construction of some 
 of which it is hoped that this use of these papers may 
 possibly throw a ray of additional light, more useful than that of 
 their earlier cremation, which some weary reader may already 
 consider — sh' uld be constantly perfected and studied, even 
 amidst the engrossing activity of the present. 
 
 does it seem to free one part of the Dominions of the Plagues of Mankind and cast 
 them upon another ? Should a law be proposed to take the poor of one Parish, and 
 billet them upon another, would not all the world but the parish to be relieved, ex- 
 claim against such a project as iniquitous and absurd ? Should the numberless 
 Villains of London and Westminister, be suffered to escape from their Prisuiis, to 
 range at large and depredate any other parts of the Kingdom, would not eveiy man 
 join with the Sufferers and condemn the measures as hard and unreasonable '^' * * 
 There are thousands of honest men, laboring in Europe at four pence a day, star-ving in 
 ipite of all their efforts, a dead lueight to the respective parishes to lohich they belong ; 
 xvho ivithout any other qualifications than Common Sense, Health and Strength, might 
 accumulate estates amongst us, as many ha-ve done already. These, and not the others, 
 are the men that should be sent o'ver, for the better peopling the Plantations.^'' 
 
in the Revolution. 9 r 
 
 Such information is constantly becoming more valuable 
 to a country wholly unprecedented in history in its absolute re- 
 liance upon the patriotism, education, common sense, and mutual 
 concession ot its citizens, as a guide for the future, ^the success 
 of which is necessarily based on such knowledge of the past, on 
 wide spread intelligence, a mutual adaptation, and regard 
 for its founders and its early traditions. If any return were 
 expected, for the labor of compiling and feebly annotating them, 
 beyond an impression that perhaps " the deed in the doing it savors 
 of worth ; " it would be most acceptable in the evidence that they 
 had been the means of impressing upon some earnest reader, the 
 fact, even if controverting one of Mr. Herbert Spencer's theo- 
 ries, that education only can open the knowledge of the origin 
 of a nation, inspire a proper pride in its progress and insure its 
 permanency. (Appendix B.) 
 
 That intelligence and ignorance have rarely existed long 
 together without one asserting the control. That while some 
 particles of this great aggregate — content to float like the 
 smaller esculant, on the surface of a seething caldron, relying 
 on an exaggerated estimate of their weight, perpetuity and 
 value, by their temporary elevation — above larger roots — may 
 sneer at such researches, as to the truly great men, and the earlier 
 unsuccessful aspirants, long since buried underground ; as un- 
 necessary to uneducated citizenship, and disparaging to spontan- 
 eous statesmenship ; it has been the universal testimony of men 
 of broader development and experience, that nothing can give a 
 greater facility to a person of natural capacity, in judging of 
 present events, than the appreciative study of those of the past. 
 He can then discover many old masks on the faces of new actors 
 on the public stage, and that they are often too large for the n^v/ 
 wearer. That the best critical analysis applicable to new theo- 
 12 
 
92 Tories or Loyalists 
 
 ries of government, is based upon a knowledge of their success 
 or failure in earlier times. 
 
 That few things are on investigation discovered to be 
 purely original, and that many projects have always been sus- 
 tained by facts, some by fiction, and others by selfish interest. 
 To prepare himself by study, using the ample means supplied 
 for education or reading, would then appear to be the natural 
 means of availing of the privilege every American enjoys. 
 With these we readily discover the relative progress of 
 nations, that wfeie intelligence is habitually developed, it .results 
 asa necessity in the prosperity for the many; or where neglected, 
 all others are subordinated to the advantage of the few. 
 
 By such research it is easy to discover that there have been 
 n".any political orators in the country, since the days of Patrick 
 Henry, and many financiers, since Robert Morris, but none who 
 more faithfully devoted available talents to the public. That 
 there have also been many manipulations and fluctuations in 
 finance since their time, in which fortunes changed in owner- 
 ship, and rulers of the Change rose and fell. That there have 
 been political questions and popular uprisings, involving bitter 
 feeling, and threatening violence, in which the sober, common 
 sense of the country — much of it grounded on the study of 
 the similar crises in the past — has arisen in its might, come to 
 the front, and with a strong hand torn the excited actors apart. 
 It can be seen by reflection that to continue to accomplish this, 
 the body politic must continue in vigorous health. That it 
 demands no less care than in its youth, that like the human sys- 
 tem, it requires the healthy circulation of the blood in every 
 organ, to insure vigorous manhood and well preserved longevity. 
 
in the Revolution, 93 
 
 r That'knowledge/equally" divided, is the only practicable and 
 lasting communism, and that the crafty demagogue, as a cunning 
 alchemist, with ignorance as the metal to be fused and mingled 
 with rejected theories, proposes a panacea to satisfy the cravings 
 of all, and scatter wealth,5° without intelligence, industry, or 
 thrift, while he knows that by the substitution of intelligence and 
 education he would in time produce the results to which he 
 claims attention 'by pretending to seek, but in doing so feels 
 that he must expose the empty charlatanism of a distribution 
 of money without that of the elements that would continue the 
 equality of its division ; unless accompanied by that of education 
 and its frequent companion, thrift, valuable qualities calcu- 
 lated to ensure its care and increase. 
 
 Those who voluntarily assume the labor and outlay, incurred 
 in the management of those princely private charities, which 
 make New York, even alone, an asylum for the world's unfor- 
 tunates, can give practical testimony, both as to the immense 
 increasing clientage which presses for relief, and the very large 
 proportion it includes of those who have never profited by 
 those accessories to self protection from chronic destitution. 
 (Appendix C.) 
 
 50 This anecdote of Herrmann the Magician, in a St. Louis newspaper simply illus- 
 trates the relative value of many new theories. After reaching the market he walked 
 up to a huckster stand kept by a credulous old German named Mrs. Orf, 
 asking her, as he looked over her stock of provisions, whether the eggs she had on 
 hand were good. _ 
 
 '' Yes," replied the old lady, " they are the freshest eggs m the market. If you 
 don't think so just break one and see for yourself." 
 
 The magician picked up the egg and broke it open. To her astonishment three 
 ten-dollar °gold pieces rolled from the broken shell, which she grabbed at convul- 
 sively, but Herrmann -was too quick for her and pocketed the money, while she 
 gesticulated wildly and insisted that he should return it on the spot. Instead of 
 complying with her request, however, he broke another egg, from which four ten- 
 dollar gold pieces rolled out among the vegetables. This was too much for Mrs. 
 Orf, who told him to leave instantly as she had no more eggs to waste. 
 
94 Tories or Loyalists 
 
 Dr. Pollock, in a recent essay, has told us that *' The 
 ultimate object of natural science is to predict events — to say 
 with approximate accuracy what will happen under given con- 
 ditions. Every special department of science occupies itself 
 with predicting events of a particular kind; note, also, that 
 each science occupies itself only with those conditions which 
 are material for its own purposes." The laws of science 
 naturally govern both men and nations. While all of their 
 details are too unlimited for the capacity of a single mind, it 
 would appear that each of those controlled by them may realize 
 in his own experience, some valuable developments without 
 assuming to devote himself to any specialty. In a like manner, 
 some study of the rise and progress of government, and of the 
 conditions which have influenced prosperity or decadence, may 
 cause the reader to feel that he is more capable of " predicting 
 events of a particular kind," such as those incident to the homo- 
 geneous association of men for the difficult task of govern- 
 ment. But, while the study of science may be properly di- 
 vided, does it not seem that in the constant observation of 
 every detail or the administration of a republican government, 
 where each citizen is equally interested in its safety and success, 
 if not in its control, all should devote their relative capacity, 
 in seeking to apply to it all those principles which have proved 
 to have been " conditions which are material " to perpetuity in 
 former experience, and to reject such errors as have often re- 
 sulted in national disaster .? s' 
 
 5' A widely read Journal of the day would appear to confirm the value of uniting 
 the progress of those material " conditions " in enquiring as to those of the great 
 metropolis : " Are there no dangers to-day ? Is the tax levy a myth, with its ten 
 millions for salaries ? Are our officials models of purity, capacity, and fidelity ? Are 
 public works conducted with economy ? Is the administration of municipal affairs 
 prudent and business like ? If so, let us continue to think about reform, after the 
 politicians have arranged the division of {he spoils 5 let us hold meetings, appoint 
 committees, pass resolutions, after the succession to the lucrative municipal offices 
 has been decided upon." 
 
in the Revolution. 95 
 
 It is repeating a possibly forgotten truth, that Rome was in- 
 wardly the weakest in the zenith of her greatest outward 
 prosperity, " when the sun" it was said 'Mn its whole meridian 
 course kissed her legionary eagles scattered over every clime." 
 That its downfall occurred, when its people, palled by success, 
 became luxurious and enervated, with a growing fondness for 
 the appetible, but enfeebling confections, spread before them by 
 political pastry cooks, and neglected the wholesome diet of sub- 
 stantial facts, on which the Conscript fathers subsisted while 
 erecting the edifice, and which they prescribed for the nour- 
 ishment of their posterity. 
 
 The inference of a matter of fact citizen, when told how 
 " Nero " had " fiddled when Rome was burning," " that he must 
 have been very fond of music to lose so grand a spectacle " might 
 apply to all of us who in neglecting to take an interest in pass- 
 ing events are uninformed to what extent we are excelling Rome 
 in our progress and whether we are avoiding all of the errors 
 which finally culminated in her downfall. 
 
 Another prosperous one, borne rapidly along by the present 
 luxurious appliances, may only glance upon the Obelisk, 
 impressed with the obligation conferred by its generous gift, and 
 skillful transportation to a new world, and conjecture whether 
 the Egyptian or Roman chariots, it looked down upon for ages 
 after its erection, compared in finish and comfort, with a modern 
 brougham ; but not whether Western Union, Union Pacific, or 
 any other Union, will stand as erect and last as long — through 
 the succession of long dynasties of Ptolemies and Caesars to that 
 of ^' City Fathers," without similar care and scientific assistance. 
 
 The correspondent at Rome of the "New York Evening Post" 
 recently said " Brescia is still excited by the great theme of 
 
96 Tories or Loyalists 
 
 Arnaldo. But we are getting a little too much of this historical 
 archaeology. Manuta is preparing to observe the nineteenth 
 centennary ot Virgil ; Arezzo will soon keep that of Guido 
 Monaco, the inventor of musical notes ; Arpim that of Cicero, 
 and Urbino that of Raphael. Some one sagely observes "that 
 instead of studying so intently the history of great Italians dead, 
 it were better to improve the present generation, and expect 
 great deeds from those who live." 
 
 Although it is true that Italy has not in later generations 
 equalled those of the past in producing additions to her 
 long line of illustrious names; and that her progress in this has 
 been outstripped by many nations, unborn when she was already 
 grey, it is proper to remember her heavy fall in the race of 
 destiny, and how slow the recovery is. 
 
 If the traveler in that classic land still finds himself rather 
 dreaming of her former greatness than awakened to evidences 
 of a new progress, would it not appear that it was therefore 
 more especially needed to recall past triumphs, to inspire in a 
 later, generation a spirit of pride, a desire to emulate, and a search 
 for the appliances with which it was secured. At least it would 
 seem natural to us, living in a country unpeopled by civilization 
 at the time when they were wearing its laurels, to feel grateful 
 that we are able to profit by the results of their early labors, which 
 we enjoy in our schools, galleries and industries, and that each 
 remembrance of their name, recalling their example may perhaps 
 inspire imitation of their progress. That in their own land the 
 persistence in thus recording those memories, must with wider 
 educational preparation, in time incite many additional aspirants, 
 to the fame of those whose self erected monuments tower so 
 near them, and still inspire such efforts, in keeping their memory 
 green. 
 
in the Revolution, 97 
 
 Have not such revivals of the past, often held to be senti- 
 mental, a practical use? What reflecting man can pause 
 near that Obelisk without recalling its wierd history, the 
 scenes it has witnessed, and the eyes that have looked 
 upon it in its forty centuries, the changes of faith, dynasties, 
 and conditions of the human race which it records but of 
 which it cannot speak ? He may study its rugged silence, read 
 there the history, the progress, vicissitudes and relative per- 
 petuation of men and things, and gain a lesson of the littleness 
 of a single life, which passes away without some honored record, 
 only adding another to the billions who have tread beneath its 
 
 shadow. 
 
 Nearly three-quarters of a century ago Joseph Delaplame, of 
 Philadelphia, an early appreciator of the association between 
 that ancient republic and our own, then young ; at least in ihe 
 coincidence of the early development of greatness, said— with 
 an uninterrupted flow of enthusiasm — in the prospectus of the 
 *^Collection of the Portraits of Distinguished Americans," which 
 still usefully recalls his own name: " With a pride similar to 
 his who, in the mansion of his ancestors, loves to dwell upon the 
 venerable array of their portraits which surrounds him ; and, by 
 the almost living glances which dart from the canvas, feels him- 
 self unconsciously awed to virtue, will the unborn citizens of this 
 expanding hemisphere, day after day, delight to sojourn amidst 
 the forms of the fathers of their country^ and depart from the 
 exhibition with newer and stronger aspirations after virtuous 
 renown ! ' I have often,' to quote the language of the historian 
 of the Jugurthinian war, 'heard that Quintus Maximus and 
 Publius Scipio, and other illustrious men of our city, were 
 accustomed to declare, when they looked upon the portraits of 
 their ancestors, that they felt their minds most vehemently ex- 
 
98 Tories or Loyalists 
 
 cited to virtue. Not, indeed, that the impression or the figure 
 produced such powerful effects upon them, but by the recollec- 
 tions of the achievements of these great characters, that a flame 
 vi^as created in their breasts not to be quelled until they should 
 have reached an equal elevation of fame and glory.' 'The 
 history of such men,' says the learned translator of Plutarch, 
 * is a continuous lesson of practical morality,' and what could 
 be a more pleasing and impressive history of this country than 
 that which would be exhibited in the well-arranged portraits of 
 those by whom its moral and political grandeur was founded 
 and raised to perfection ? The countenance of a Washington 
 would mark the epoch of its military, and of a Franklin of its 
 philosophical glory ; and all the galaxy of genius around them, 
 while furnishing the materials for memory to work upon, would 
 create new heroes, and stimulate new sages^ new statesmen and new 
 orators^ 
 
 " When time shall have swept away the splendid train of 
 our earliest philosophers, statesmen and warriors, to swell the 
 gathering of the grave ; when the tongue of genius shall 
 moulder in gloomy silence ; when the eye of the orator shall 
 be closed in darkness, and the spiritual fires of its glance no 
 longer kindle the dormant intellects around ; when'the warrior's 
 arm shall be sinewless, and by the side of his decaying form the 
 sword of his triumphs shall lie rusting ; when the patrons of 
 the soil shall have become an ingredient in its physical amal- 
 gama ; a generous and grateful posterity will rank amongst the 
 first of its public institutions^ that which will afford them, in 
 effects, the delights of a sweet and familiar intercourse with 
 beings endeared to them by the brilliance of their talents, and 
 their virtues, as well as by the benefits which they conferred 
 upon the land of their birth." 
 
in the Revolution, 99 
 
 Since this enthusiastic patriot thus wrote, with many of his 
 subjects still alive, a large portion of a century has given us 
 better light than he possessed ! 
 
 Many had then been born under the sway of a government 
 which they once loving, had lived to hate, and doubtless the 
 most modest of those who had aided in its downfall hoped 
 that their names would survive, often recalled in history and 
 the succession of their descendants. s' They witnessed, as 
 it were, the setting out of a small train, at moderate speed, 
 which we see vastly extended by increase and emigration, 
 wheeling at a terrific speed over a widely extended track. One 
 later accession, that of California, with nearly 189,000 square 
 
 S= Horatio Seymour a life long appreciator and collector, of" the records of the 
 achievements of those who opened the way to the many honors that have been con- 
 ferred upon or offered to him, in reply to an invitation to unite in the Bi-Centennial 
 Celebration of the ancient town of Yonkers — a very interesting occasion with which 
 the contributor as an old resident of the neighborhood was gratified in being remem- 
 bered, in its management — has lately written to its Mayor some valuable truths 
 sustaining these impressions. 
 
 "I regret that the state of my health will not allow me to attend the Bi-Centen- 
 nial Celebration at Phillipse Hall at Yonkers. It is gratifying to learn that through- 
 out our State there is shown a desire to mark with monuments spots of historic 
 interest, and to collect and preserve all things which throw light upon the history 
 
 of the past. 
 
 These things not only show but they create a spirit ot patriotism, they give value 
 and interest to the scenes which they mark or illustrate. By them the past speaks 
 to the present. They tell us much of the history of early events ; they teach us our 
 duties, and create higher standards of patriotism and virtue. 
 
 Monuments, historical societies, and all arrangements to collect and preserve papers 
 and objects relating to the past, not only teach us of the acts and virtues of the 
 dead but they also show the character of the living and mark the civilization of the 
 people. Monuments in enduring stone have for many centuries been silent but 
 potent teachers of duty and devotion to the public welfare. Even now, after the 
 lapse of many centuries, if their time-worn remains were swept away, the world 
 would feel the loss of objects which remind us of our duties to the public. 
 
 Heretofore we have reason to mourn the want of historical collections through- 
 out our State which would show its citizens had a just sense of the great and varied 
 events of its history. This dishonored not the dead but the living. Your celebra- 
 tion, and others of a like character, prove that our citizens are waking up to their 
 duties, and mean to make the public familiar with its events, the most varied and 
 far reaching of any portion of our country." 
 
 13 
 
lOO Tories or Loyalists 
 
 miles of territory, over 68,000 more than the whole of Great 
 Britain, best illustrates the development of her rebellious child. 
 
 By the suppression of the Tory or his departure, by the 
 absorption of those men of figure who then largely owned the 
 colonies or controlled their affairs, by the extension of a limited 
 franchise to one unbounded and unprecedented in its beneficence, 
 by the want of much consideration for family service, in public 
 affairs, and by the omission to a great extent of any veneration for 
 official position, we are all now equals before the law ; coequal 
 sovereigns like the old Electors Palatine who chose by vote the 
 Emperor. Still those patriot fathers would seem to be the parents 
 by adoption of every citizen, particularly of those who are coming 
 to wear the crown which they created, at least until by the 
 prosperity open to most who seek it, they in turn, create 
 positions, dating from their birth or arrival in the New World 
 in which each one, equalling the usefulness of those predeces- 
 sors may claim to be the " Rudolph of Hapsburg " 'of his 
 own family, by contributing as honored a portrait and name as 
 theirs to posterity. 
 
 The acquisition of property, gives an additional interest 
 in the nationality to each one who achieves an ownership, 
 however small, and its distribution amongst many in such 
 divisions is the greatest guarantee of perpetuity. A State will 
 be found, in all time, to have been most prosperous, where 
 property was most divided, and where the extremes of the very 
 rich, and the very poor, are exceptional, for the reason that the 
 .hundreds of one man by the laws of nature are as valuable to 
 hi m as the millions of another. But there is a common security 
 under a thoroughly popular form of government, that even the 
 man who owns one dollar, is a stockholder. We watch our in- 
 vestment, in all other securities, and if in stocks study the daily 
 
in the Revolution, loi 
 
 prices. Do we sufficiently realize that they are mere " con- 
 nections" with the honest administration and prosperity of the 
 government, and exist in its permanency alone ? Would it 
 not seem that any vigilance displayed, in the selection of trus- 
 tees of those lesser securities, with a view to their prosperity 
 and honor, must apply with greater force to that of the govern- 
 ment, which is the trunk line. 
 
 If a stockholder suspects that his property is controlled by 
 directors forced upon him by bargain and traffic, by primaries 
 to which he has no access, by organizations, machines or rings 
 formed to control the a^ients and property of any corporation, 
 in the interests of a self-selected few, would he not if he had 
 read of it, conceive that it was in danger of returning to a class 
 government, more dangerous than the one that was annihilated 
 by the Revolution of 1776 ? 
 
 If the air were tainted by the fumes of a conflagration would he 
 not seek for its location and flood it with water for the common 
 good ; and if it was filled with nauseous rumors of selfish, and 
 even dishonest combinations, for the control of his corporate 
 property, turn his attention to the necessity of vigilance and of 
 putting trusted parties in its charge ? All political history shows 
 that two parties are necessary to a State, each a safety valve to 
 the other, that a community is no sufferer by the parliamentary 
 discussion of questions of policy, where its people differ, but 
 that when such issues are avoided, by the fear of either or both 
 parties, to assume a policy, then there is greater danger in com- 
 binations of the worst element in both, for impure and selfish leg- 
 islation. That all coalitions have been looked upon with doubt, 
 we gather from such history, that the most competent, are 
 often the most modest, in claiming place, while all countries 
 have been supplied with varied voluntary material for office and 
 
I02 Tories or Loyalists 
 
 power from the best, down to such as that which assassinated a 
 president, because a worthless life seemed to him unfitting for 
 reward, as a minister to Austria or consul to Pans ! 
 
 Doubtless many cultivated readers, versed — as an example — 
 in the teachings of Spencer, Huxley and Tyndall, perhaps from 
 the absence of an appreciative taste, disregard the lessons of that 
 history, of which most men, are unknowingly forming part, either 
 by action or its neglect. All concede the value of patriotism, 
 many are often critical as to its presence as an impulse ; possibly 
 few consider that merely as an accomplishment it can be 
 acquired by the study of its many results, or of the effects of its 
 absence. A less cultivated but patriotic and shrewd observer 
 like Mrs. Grundy— whose views have often become the reflex of 
 public opinion— is in many cases more useful, than a more learned 
 perfunctionary and statistical manipulator. (Appendix D.) 
 
 In complying with his promise to the editor, the contributor 
 has sought, in adding some material connected wirh his under- 
 taking, to incidentally consider our progress in the eradication 
 of the complaints against the government on which we were 
 founded, and the uses we were making of a wonderful legacy, 
 by following past history. 
 
 That gentleman's thoughtful note, at the end of his own 
 contribution -as to the difficulties under which they have been 
 loosely thrown together, gives the opportunity to say that he 
 has neither seen the manuscript, nor is he responsible for its 
 contents, its contribution being purely voluntary. 
 
 Not happening to have met either himself or General de 
 Peyster since it was undertaken, and having no knowledge of 
 what the latter had contributed to this accidentally triple asso- 
 ciation, he fears that in his friendly desire to aid in his natura 
 
in the Revolution. 103 
 
 effort to vindicate the memory of his relative, he may have re- 
 peated or controverted some of the vievi^s, which he has doubtless, 
 with his usual independency, asserted. In either such event, it 
 has been his object to express the sympathy study teaches to 
 humanity, as to the unfortunate fate and hardships of the Loyal- 
 ists. In doing this he does not feel that he detracts from his own 
 fealty to the government formed on their ruin, in which it is 
 his pride to have been bred to feel the responsibility of 
 aiding to hand it down, as a home of freedom wisely adminis- 
 tered, to future generations. This explanation appears proper 
 to account for any apparent want of cohesion, or accord, in the 
 expression of individual, and therefore possibly conflicting 
 opinion, in arriving at a common purpose, of recalling the 
 memory of historical characters. 
 
 On a final reading of this contribution, it suggests some resem- 
 blance to a trunk hastily packed for a journey, with an oppor- 
 tunity for selection from a sufficient wardrobe, which when 
 resorted to, is found to contain some articles better fitted for 
 the seclusion of a private apartment, than for public use, and to 
 lack, many others more adaptable, but improvidently left at 
 home. 
 
 Spring House, Richfiild, 
 September, 1882. 
 
APPENDIX A. 
 
 COL. GUY JOHNSON'S LETTER (page 77). 
 
 The following letter from Col. Guy Johnson to his uncle, is also found in Dr. 
 Emmett's collection. It gives some particulars illustrative of the surroundings of 
 both. 
 
 N. York, Fehy. 10, 1773. 
 My dear Sir William, 
 
 I have just now had the pleasure of receiving your very kind letter of the 3d 
 inst., with one from Dr. Dease*, another from Brother Claus, for which I am much 
 obliged to them. It has vexed me a good deal to hear that your Votes did not go 
 up early. They went by John Glen, and Gainef assures me he has forwarded a 
 sett since. As the titles of several bills are -altered in the Committees, it may be 
 necessary to acquaint you that the Road bill and money bill for building a Ct. House, 
 &c., are passed through every form and the Tavern Bill, Swine Bill, Wolf Bill and 
 Ferry Bill, will be in a very few days. You will find me voting on a side that some 
 people might not expect. It will all be accounted for in due time, but is chiefly 
 owing to certain difficulties imposed on the Governor. The other day they were 
 for saddling a £50 per annum Salary, on the Judges of Circuit, to be paid out of 
 our County, but after much difficulty, I got it laid general on the Province, Major 
 SkeneJ is just going for_ Ireland. He has the other day got his place established as 
 the County town. The Pacquet is arrived. All Peace at home. The General 
 has got the King's leave to go to England, and will sail in June with his family. 
 Haldemand| comes to take the command; and Governor Tryon (it is said) will 
 have the vacant Red Ribband. He has taken much pains about the Indian matters, 
 Banyar|| advises to get an Act for Fairs and Markets in lieu of the Ordinance, but 
 the Governor choses the latter. In the Charter for the Church a description of the 
 Glebe is absolutely necessary and how the right presentation should go. I hope you 
 
 * Dr. John Dease was an Executor and Trustee under Sir William's will. 
 
 t Hugh Gaine, editor of the New Tort Mercury, printed in Hanover Square ; established in 
 1752. 
 
 X Col. Philip Skene was settled at Slcenesborough (now Whitehall), and was actively employed 
 by Burgoyne in his invasion. 
 
 § Gen. Gage came in lieu of Haldimand. 
 
 II Goldsboro Banyar. 
 
io6 Toreis or Lovalists 
 
 will continue your Parental attention to Polly and the little ores, she is I believe 
 surprised I stay so long and I eagerly wish to return. The girls are well and much 
 esteemed. The like may be said with great truth of Sir John. He will return with 
 me and doubtless lay before you, the final determination of the Family here, respect- 
 ing his union which I see nothing to prevent. The lady* is a fine Genteel Girl, 
 much esteemed as well on acco't of the goodness of her Temper, as of her uncommon 
 abilities, and she is ready to follow him anywhere. 
 
 The man calls for my Letter, so that I can only beg a continuance of your cor- 
 respondence, which yields me much real pleasure, and assure you once more of the 
 Cordial Wishes I offer for your Health and happiness, and the true Affection with 
 which I subscribe myself, 
 
 My dear Sir, 
 
 Your dutiful son and faithfiil servant, 
 
 G. JOHNSON.f 
 
 Sir Wm. Johnson, Bt. 
 
 APPENDIX B. 
 
 MR. HERBERT SPENCER'S FIRST IMPRESSIONS OF AMERICA 
 
 (page 91). 
 
 The immense progress of America, attracting the attention of Europe, makes it the 
 field for that observing travel, long confined to the seats of departed greatness. The 
 Emperor of Brazil, Petermann, Nordenskjold and a Baker Pacha, all notable in explor- 
 ation, Hughes, Dean Stanley, Thackeray, Dickens, observers of character, the Prince 
 of Wales, and Alexis and the Duke of Argyle, have come to us in late years; others 
 are following, some of them less known but fully as competent, to view and 
 estimate its reputed greatness. Dr. Mackenzie, an eminent specialist of London, 
 has recently made a wide, rapid and intelligent exploration, and is now succeeded 
 by Herbert Spencer, noted for the independence with which he has often asserted 
 advanced ideas on questions intended to affect humanity. He who looks at him- 
 self in a glass, often derives a different impression from that of another, who 
 disinterestedly criticises a portrait satisfactory to the owner. An interview, given 
 to the public since the foregoing crude inferences were printed, J and arriving in some 
 
 * Mif8 Mary Watts, daughter of John Watts, Esq., of New York, to whom Sir John wat 
 married on the 19th of June following.' ^ 
 
 t Col. Guy Johnson was then a new Member of the Colonial Assembly. See Stone t " Sir 
 William Johnson," vol. z, page 359. 
 
 % New Tori Times, Oct. loth. 
 
in the Revolution, 107 
 
 cases at different conclusions, appears to be an unfinished sketch worthy to be hung 
 by the side of the completed picture, to which Delaplaine referred. If m express- 
 ing his views, as a humanitarian, upon the progress of a saphng torn from the 
 royal oak, any impression of national jealousy is suggested, is it not well to recall the 
 truthful adage " fas est et ab hoste doceri." Mr. Spencer, with the appreciation 
 wanting in the Obelisk, and with some of its experience derived from study of pro- 
 eressive races and their development. After speaking of inferential facts, being asked : 
 " Might not this misrepresentation have been avoided by admitting interviewers? 
 
 "^"'possibly ; but, in the first place, I have not been sufficiently well ; and, in the 
 second place, I am averse to the system. To have to -submit to cross examination, 
 under penalty of having ill natured things said if one refuses, is an invasion of per- 
 sonal liberty which I dislike. Moreover, there is implied what seems to me an 
 undue love of personalities. Your journals recall a witticism of the poet Heine, who 
 said that ' when a woman writes a novel, she has one eye on the paper and the 
 other on some man — except the Countess Hahn-hahn, who has only one eye.' 
 In like manner, it seems to me that in the political discussions that fill your papers, 
 everything is treated in connection with the doings of individuals— some candidate 
 for office, or some " boss " or wire-puller. I think it not improbable that this 
 appetite for personalties, among other evils, generates this recklessness of statement. 
 The appetite must be ministered to ; and in the eagerness to satisfy its cravings, 
 there comes less and less care respecting the correctness of what is said."- 
 
 " Has what you have seen answered your expectations ? " 
 
 " It has far exceeded them. Such books about America as I had looked into had 
 given me no adequate idea of tht immense de-velopmenn of material ci-vih-zatwn 
 which I have everywhere found. The extent, wealth, and magnificence of your cities, 
 and especially the splendor of New York, have altogether astonished me. Though 
 I have not visited the wonder of the West, Chicago, yet some of your minor modern 
 places, such as Cleveland, have sufficiently amazed me by the marvelous results of 
 one generation's activity. Occasionally, when I have been in places of some 10,000 
 inhabitants, where the telephone is in general use, I have felt somewhat ashamed 
 of our own unenterprising towns, many of which of 50,000 inhabitants and more, 
 make no use of it." ... ,,, 
 
 «' I suppose you recognize in these results the great benefit of free institutions? 
 
 « Ah, now comes one of the inconveniences of interviewing. I have been in the 
 country 'less than two months, have seen but a relatively small part of it, and but 
 comparatively few people, and yet you wish from me a definite opinion on a difficult 
 
 question." .- . , l • • 
 
 « Perhaps you will answer, subject .to the qualification that you are but giving 
 
 your first impressions ?" , r • • • u 
 
 Well, with that understanding, I may reply that, though free institutions have 
 been partly the cause, I think they have not been the chief cause. In the first 
 place, the American people have come into possession of an unparalled fortune — 
 the mineral wealth and the vast tracts of virgin soil producing abundantly with small 
 cost of culture. Manifestly that alone goes a long way toward producing this 
 enormous prosperity. Then they have profited by inheriting all the arts, appliances, 
 and methods developed by older societies, while leaving behind,the obstructions existing 
 in them They have been able to pick and choose from the products of all past ex- 
 periencel appropriating the good and rejecting the bad. Then, besides these favors 
 of fortune, there are factors proper to themselves. I perceive in American faces 
 generally, a great amount of determination — a kind of "do or die " expression; and 
 
 14 
 
io8 Tories or Loyalists 
 
 this trait of character, joined with a power of work exceeding that of any other 
 people, of course produces an unparalleled rapidity of progress. Once more, there is 
 the inventiveness which stimulated by the need for economizing labor, has been so 
 wisely festered. Among us in England there are many foolish people vvlio while 
 thinking that a man who toils with his hands has an equitable claim to the product, 
 and if he has special skill may rightly have the advantage of it, also hold that if a 
 man toils with his brain, perhaps for years, and, uniting genius with perseverance, 
 evolves some valuable invention, the public may rightly claim the benefit The 
 Americans have been more far-seeing. The enormous museum of patents which I 
 saw at Washington is significant of the attention paid to inventors' claims, and the 
 Nation profits immensely from having in this direction (though not in all others) 
 recognized property in me;,tal products. Beyond question, in respect of mechanical 
 appliances, the Americans are ahead of all nations. If along with your material 
 progress there went equal progress of a higher kind, there would remain nothing to 
 be wished." 
 
 " That is an ambiguous qualification. What do you mean by it ?" 
 " You will understand when 1 tell you what I was thinking of the other day. 
 After pondering over what I have seen of your vast manufacturing and trading es- 
 tablishments, the rush of traffic in your street cars and elevated railways, your gigan- 
 tic hotels and Fifth-avenue palaces, I was suddenly reminded of the Italian republics 
 of the Middle Ages, and recalled the fact that while there was growing up in them 
 great commercial activity, a development of the arts which made them the envy of 
 Europe, and a building of prince!y mansions which continue to be the admiration of 
 travelers, their people were gradually losing their freedom." 
 
 " Do you mean this as a suggestion that we are doing tiie like ?" 
 " It seems to me that you are. You retain the forms of freedom, but so far as I 
 can gather, there has been a considerable loss of the substance. It is true that 
 those ivho rule you do not do it l;y means of retainers armed with swords ; but they 
 do it through regiments of men armed with voting-papers, who obey the word of 
 command as loyally as did the dependents of the old feudal nobles, and who thus 
 enable their leaders to override the general will and make the community submit 
 to their exactions as effectually as their prototypes of old. It is doubtless true that 
 each of your citizens votes for the candidate he chooses for this or that office from 
 President downward, but his hand is guided by a power behind, which leaves him 
 f c.-.rcely any choice. ' Use your political power as we tell you, or else throw it 
 away,' is the alternative offered to the citizen. The political machinery as it is now 
 worked has little resemblance to that contemplated at the outset of your political 
 life. Manifestly, those who framed your Constitution never dreamed that 20,000 
 citizens would go to the poll led by a '' boss." America exemplifies, at the other 
 end of the social scale, a change analogous to that which has taken place under 
 sundry despotisms. You know that in Japan, before the recent revolution, the 
 divine ruler, the Mikado, nom'nally supreme, was practically a puppet in the hands 
 of his chief Minister the Shogun. Here it seems to me that the ' sovereign people ' 
 is fast becoming a puppet which moves and speaks as wire-pullers determine." 
 " Then you think that republican institutions are a failure." 
 
 " By no means ! I imply no such conclusion. Thirty years ago, when often dis- 
 cussing politics with an English friend, and defending republican institutions, as I 
 always have done and do still; and v/hen he urged against me the ill-working of 
 such institutions over here ; I habitually replied that the Americans got their form 
 of government by a happy accident, not by normal progress, and that they would 
 have to go back before they could go forward. What has since happened seems to 
 
in the Revolution. 109 
 
 me to have justified that view ; and what I see now confirms me in it. America i. 
 showing on a larger scale than'ever before that ' paper const.tufons w.H not work 
 as they are intended to work. The truth, first recognized by Mackmto h, ha 
 'constitutions are not made, but grow,' which is part of the larger truth that 
 .ode ties throughout their whole organizations are not made but grow at once when 
 accepted, disposes of the notion that you can work, as you hope, any artificially de- 
 vised system of government. It becomes an inference that if your political structure 
 Lsbeln manuLured.and not grown, it will forthwith ^^g'" 1° g^ 'nareTo'f 
 thing different from that intended -something in harmony with the natures of 
 ch^izens and the conditions under which the society exists. And it evidently ha 
 been so with you. Within the forms of your Constitution there has grown up th s 
 organization of professional politicians, altogether uncontemplated at the outset, 
 which has become in large measure the ruling power. , , ^ r r 
 
 "But will not education and the diffusion of political knowledge fit men for free 
 
 '"'" No°"'lt'is essentially a question of character, and only in a secondary degree a 
 question of knowledge. But for the universal delusion about education as a panacea 
 for political evils, this would have been made sufficiently clear by the evidence daily 
 d° clos d in your' papers. Are not the men who officer and control your Federal, 
 State and municip-.l organizations - who manipulate your caucusses and conven- 
 rions and run you^r partisan campaigns - all educated men ? And has their educa- 
 ion prevented them' from engaging in or permitting, or condoning, the briberies, 
 bbby'ngs, and other corrupt methods which vitiate the actions of your admin.tra 
 tions'.^ 'perhaps party newspapers exaggerate these things; but -^a ^-//° ^J^^ 
 of the testimony of your civil service reformers - men of all parties ? If I under- 
 stand th matted aright, they are attacking, as vicious and dangerous, a system which 
 has grown up under'th^ natural spontaneous working of your free institutions - are 
 exposing vices which education has proved powerless to prevent , . ^, 
 
 "Of course, ambitious and unscrupulous men will secure the offices and educa- 
 tion will aid them in their selfish purposes ; but would not those purposes be thwarted 
 and better government secured, by raising the standard of knowledge among the 
 
 ^'"Ve^ytole'" The current theory is that if the yo^ng are taught what is right, 
 andtheLasons why it is right, they will do what is right when they grow up. 
 But cons dering what religious teachers have been doing these 2 ooo years, it seems 
 to r^e tSat al, history is ag'ainst the conclusion, as much as is the -nduct of these 
 well educated citizens I have referred to, and I do not see why you e^pe b tt 
 results among the masses. Personal interests will sway the men in the ranks as 
 heyswaTthemen above them, and the education which fails to make the las 
 consult public good rather than private good will fail to make the firs do it. The 
 benefits of political purity are so general and remote, and the profit to ea h ndm 
 dual so inconspicuous, that the common citizen, educate h.m as yo" I'^e, wiU 
 Jab tualli occupy himself with his personal affairs, and hold it not worth his while 
 to fi^ht against «ch abuse as soon as it appears. Not lack of information, but lack 
 of certain moral sentiments, is the root of the evil. ,,.,,. 
 
 " You mean that people have not a sufficient sense of public duty . 
 " Well, that is one way of putting it; but there is a more specific way. Probably 
 it wiP suprise you if I say that the American has not, I think, a sufficiently quick 
 ens of 1 i own claims, and, at the same time, as a necessary consequence, no a 
 uffiientlqulk sense o'f the claims of others- for the two tra.ts-e organically 
 elated I observe that you tolerate various small interferences and dictations which 
 
1 1 o Tories or 'Loyalists 
 
 Englishmen are prone to resist. 1 am told that the English are remarked on for 
 their tendency to grumble in such cases ; and I have no doubt that it is true." 
 
 *' Do you think it worth while i'or people to make themselves disagreeable by re- 
 senting every trifling aggression ? We Americans think it involves too much loss 
 of time and temper and doesn't pay." 
 
 "Exactly. That is what 1 mean by character. It is this easygoing readiness to 
 permit small trespasses because it would be troublesome or profitless or unpopular to 
 oppose, which leads to the habit of acquiescence in wrong and the decay of free in- 
 stitutions. Free institutl> ns can be maintained only by citizens, each of whom is 
 instant to oppose every illegitimate act, every assumption of supremacy, every official 
 excess of power, however trivial it may seem. As Hamlet says, there is such a 
 thing as 'greatly to find quarrel in a straw' when the straw implies a principle. 
 If, as you say of the American, he pauses to consider whether he can afl^ord the time 
 and trouble — 'whether it will pay' — ^corruption is sure to creep in. All these 
 lapses from higher to lower forms begin in trifling ways, and it is only by incessant 
 watchfulness that they can be prevented. As one of your early statesmen said : 
 " The price of liberty is eternal vigilance." But it is far less againn foreign ag- 
 gressions upon national liberty that this vigilance is required than against the insi- 
 dious growth of domestic interferences with personal liberty. In some private 
 administrations which I have been concerned with, I have often insisted, much to 
 the disgust of officials, that instead of assuming, as people usually do, that things are 
 going right until it is proved that they are going wrong, the proper course is to 
 assume that they are going wrong until it is proved that they are going right. You 
 will find, continually, that private corporations, such as joint-stock banlcing com- 
 panies, come to grief from not acting upon this principle. And wiiat holds of these 
 small and simple private administrations, holds still more of the great and complex 
 public administrations. People are taught, and, I suppose, believe, that 'the heart 
 of man is deceitful above all things and desperately wicked ; ' and yet, strangely 
 enough, believing this, they place implicit trust in those they appoint to this or that 
 function. I do not think so ill of human nature ; but, on the other hand, I do not 
 think so well of human nature as to believe it will do without being watched." 
 
 "You hinted that while Americans do not assert their own individualties suffi- 
 ciently in small matters, they, reciprocally, do not sufficiently respect the indivi- 
 dualities of others." 
 
 "Did \} Here, then, comes another of the inconveniences of interviewing. I 
 should have kept this opinion to myself if you had asked me no questions, and now 
 I must either say what I do not think, which I cannot, or I must refuse to answer, 
 which, perhaps, will be taken to mean more than I intend, or I must specify at the 
 risk of giving oftisnse. As the least evil 1 suppose I must do the last. The trait I 
 refer to comes out in various ways, small and great. It is shown by the disrespectful 
 manner in which individuals are dealt with in your journals — the placarding of public 
 men in sensational headings, the dragging of private people and their affairs into 
 print. There seems to be a notion that the public have a right to intrude on private 
 life as far as they like ; and this I take to be a kind of moral trespassing. It is true 
 that during the last few years we have been discredited in London by certain weekly 
 papers which do the like (except in the typographical display) ; but in our daily press, 
 metropolitan and provincial, there is nothing of the kind. Then, in a larger way, 
 tiie trait is seen in this damaging of private property by your elevated railways with- 
 out making compensation j and it is again seen in the doings of railway governments, 
 not only when overriding the rights of shareholders, but in dominating over courts 
 of justice and State governments. The fact is that free institutions can be properly 
 
in the Revolution. 1 1 1 
 
 worked only by men each of whom is jealous of his own rights, and also sympatheti- 
 cally jealous of the rights of others — will neither himself aggress on his neighbors, 
 in small things or great, nor tolerate aggression on them by others. The Republi- 
 can form of Government is the highest form of Government, but because of this it 
 requires the highest type of human nature — a type nowhere at present existing. 
 We have not grown up to it, nor have you." 
 
 " But we thought, Mr. Spencer, you were in favor of free government in the 
 sense of relaxed restraints, and letting men and things very much alone — or what 
 is called laisse-zfaire? 
 
 " That is a persistent misunderstanding of my opponents. Everywhere, along with 
 the reprobation of government intrusion into various spheres where private activities 
 should be left to themselves, I have contended that in its special sphere, the main- 
 tenance of equitable relations among citizens, governmental action should be ex- 
 tended and elaborated." 
 
 " To return to your various criticisms, must I then understand that you think un- 
 favorably of our future ?" 
 
 " No one can form anything more than vague and general conclusions respecting 
 your future. The factors are too numerous, too vast, too far beyond measure in 
 their quantities and intensities. The world has never before seen social phenomena 
 at all comparable with those presented in the United States. A society spreading 
 over enormous tracts while still preserving its political continuity, is a new thing. 
 This progressive incorporation of vast bodies of immigrants of various bloods has 
 never occurred on such a scale before. Large empires, composed of different people, 
 have, in previous cases, been formed by conquest and annexation. Then your im- 
 mens'e plexus of railways and telegraphs tends to consolidate this vast aggregate of 
 States in a way that no such aggregate has ever before been consolidated. And there 
 are many minor co-operating causes unlike those hitherto known. No one can say 
 how it is all going to work out. That there will come hereafter troubles of various 
 kinds and very grave ones, seems highly probable; but all nations have had, and 
 will have, their troubles. Already you have triumphed over one great trouble, and 
 may reasonably hope to triumph over others. It may, I think, be reasonably held 
 that both because of its size and the heterogeneity of its components, the American 
 nation will be a long time in evolving its ultimate form, but that its ultimate form 
 will be high. One great result is, I think, tolerably clear. From biological truths 
 it is to be inferred that the eventual mixture of the allied varieties of the Aryan race 
 forming the population, will produce a more powerful type of man than has hitherto 
 existed, and a type of man more plastic, more adaptable, more capable of undergoing 
 the modifications needful for complete social life. I think that whatever difficulties 
 they may have to surmount, and whatever tribulations they may have to pass through, 
 the Americans may reasonably look forward to a time when they will have pro- 
 duced a civilization grander than any the world has known." Could this be so, 
 were educated citizens largely in the majority, equally fitted to contend at the polls 
 for a number of places necessarily limited in proportion to those who would seek 
 them .? Would the intense national individuality, when more widely educated 
 then readily aggregate — as is correctly stated — by thousands, and delegate their 
 power to any single man .? Would not the competition of increased intelligence for 
 office, govern success more by fitness, and cause a net to be drawn, with closer 
 meshes over our political sea ? On the solution of su:h questions the permanancy of 
 actual government of the people, by the people hinges. 
 
1 1 2 Tories or Loyalists 
 
 APPENDIX C. 
 
 INEVITABLE EFFECTS OF A RAPID PROGRESS ON THE POSITION 
 OF REPRESENTATIVES OF EARLIER SETTLERS (page 93). 
 
 These institutions, involving and receiving great attention, and usually conducted 
 with marked integrity and system, naturally include in their management, material as 
 broad as their object. In many of them, may be prominently found the descendants 
 of the original Dutch and English settlers, now rarely met with in the record of public 
 trusts. Their influence and control, has mainly become gradually limited to these, 
 and to their social and business connections, in private life. Any distinct influence, 
 as a recognized or cohesive element, often found in communities, has been lost in the 
 mighty wave of emigration and its increase, which where aggregated controls the selec- 
 tion of most of its representatives. This is more evident at points near to the place 
 of its arrival, and it is necessarily free from the influence of such earlier tradition, 
 and sentiment, as it may in time create in its own successors. Investigation de- 
 velopes such changes of authority in all history, as continuous as the rolling waves 
 sometimes reaching the beach, at others breaking too early, from their acquired 
 force. Under other institutions they are more frequently the result of conquest than 
 of a friendly acceptance with unlimited legal hospitality, as an element of control. 
 When Charles II — claiming under the exploration of the Cabots, in their second 
 voyage in 1497, from their touching the mainland — presented a Dutch colony 
 which he had never possessed, to his brother, the Duke of York, and it was conquered 
 by his agent. Colonel Nicolls in August, 1664, the inhabitants were not only pro- 
 tected in all their rights, by that humane commander, but retained many local 
 positions of authority, after the invasion. Its capture, caused a war between England 
 and the Dutch Provinces, through which a William the Stadtholdcr of Holland, 
 gradually developed as future King of England, and the loss of a colony by the Dutch 
 was then compensated by the gaining of a crown by a Dutchman. That war was at 
 its origin considered an ungrateful return for the kindness which both of those 
 Princes had experienced when in exile, from the authorities of the Netherlands, 
 unawed by Cromwell's displeasure. Colonel Nicolls, apparently infinitely superior to 
 his master, was killed in a sea fight in that war in 1672, on the Duke of York's 
 ship while still remembered with affection here by those whom he had subdued. His 
 munificent patron had rewarded him with a gift of £200 ! on surrendering his 
 difficult and well administered Governorship. Before that conquest, England's early 
 colonies about Nieu Amsterdam — some of them under its sufferance — had been a 
 source of apprehension to its burghers. Their original institutions seemed to have 
 been compassed by the example of their original home, and not to have been adapted 
 
in the Revolution. 113 
 
 to the early extension of that toleration in their new one, to those who had fled to 
 America to secure the liberty of conscience, the struggle for which had long 
 desolated the Low Countries in Europe. All then visiting Nieu Amsterdam, the 
 Dutch Records inform us, became subject to this rule "beside the Reformed 
 Religions, no conventicles shall be holden in houses, barns, ships, woods or 
 fields, under penalty of 50 guilders for each person, man, woman or child 
 attending, for the first offence, double for the second, quadruple for the third, 
 and, arbitrary correction for every other." This early exclusiveness was perhaps an 
 omen of their own later exclusion to a great extent from the control of the public 
 affairs of that ancient settlement once the seat of an almost universal prosperity and 
 a type of practical "Home Rule" in the frugal and primitive administration of its 
 public affairs. Of the six hundred grants for Manors and Estates, once held by them, 
 a small portion remains in the possession of their descendants, if unoccupied, a heavy 
 burthen, by the extravagant and often useless and premature assessments and onerous 
 taxes constantly imposed upon it, in the employment of the labor of those detained 
 by the small proportion ot the outlay it receives, from an infinitely larger and more 
 lasting reward, in the wide and bountiful field for its occupation in the less crowded 
 Western territory. 
 
 Perhaps in time, some humane system may be discovered, to advise new comers 
 of the inevitable law of supply and demand which controls the location of their probable 
 success, and that it is governed by the area open for largely agricultural employment. 
 The " Commissioners of Emigration " have reported a pleasant fact for the Western 
 States: That two- thirds of the emigration, including the most provident, join them 
 directly, led by that intelligence which perhaps had caused such former success, while 
 one third lingers on the sea-board, to compete for employment in crowded and ex- 
 pensive cities, causing the over competition often complained of, and in busmess re- 
 vulsions accumulated distress. 
 
 APPENDIX D. 
 
 MRS. GRUNDY'S OBSERVATIONS AS TO UTOPIA (page 102). 
 
 In her recent " Observations in Utopia," Mrs. Grundy, as active as extended 
 in her travels and researches, points out many defects in the administration of 
 that model Republic as instructive to our own. She tells us how " Colonel 
 Trusty, a watchful consul in Switzerland reported — and perhaps violated the 
 rules of the department, in also disclosing, what every intelligent citizen has 
 
114- Tories or Loyalists 
 
 long known to apply to many nationalities and cities of Europe — that some of the 
 Cantons of Switzerland were shipping their convicts to Utopia, and suggested that 
 an inspection for such contraband of peace, be made at the time of departure, to 
 which no respectable passenger could apparently object. When some compatriots 
 evidently without appreciation that every country has proved able to produce more 
 criminals than its prosperity requires, remonstrated, a junior official replied, that the 
 consul had been reprimanded, and were he not a meritorious veteran would be re- 
 moved. Would it not be fair, in the absence of any evidence of the pressure of this 
 intelligence upon the earliest Congress for action, to infer that the country did desire 
 an accession of such criminals to the honest portion of its citizenship, and their closer 
 proximity to their homes and families. Could this vital suggestion have been over- 
 looked, especially by that successor who had first excelled even, the founder ot this 
 Republic in a temperate and frugal denial in the viands of the executive table, and had 
 displayed his unparalled clemency in restoring to rank so many dispensed with for its 
 neglect by the judgment of their fellow officers — always a painful duty. 
 
 With a vast area of territory yet to be occupied, the quality as well as the extent 
 of new accessions would seem to interest every citizen. The outrages daily recorded, 
 rarely prove when investigated to be the acts of settled residents but generally of those 
 of a floating and fungus growth who prefer to eat the grapes rather than to labor in 
 the vineyard. Robbery, generally attended by the use of arms and often by the 
 shedding of blood, does not seem to be deterred by the fear of a short and relatively 
 comfortable confinement, with the hope of escape or pardon, by the influence of those 
 perhaps more ready to overlook the wrongs of others, than they would be their own. 
 The shooting of two policemen, at early evening, in a frequented village, while 
 attempting to arrest tliree successful burglars, loaded with plunder secured in a 
 neighijoring town, within the writer's hearing, recalls the value of the Consul's 
 suggestion, and the possibility of these very criminals, being of those he attempted 
 to exclude ; an apparently less effective inspection at landing has since been legalized." 
 
 "Can the thought be entertained, that with our Washington at the head of 
 government, and substantially the " Father of his Country " he would if advieed 
 of it have neglected this warning, as to what would appear to affect the healthy 
 development of any country." 
 
 "It would be interesting, if it were possible," she adds, "to hear the criticism of some 
 modern legislation here, and the tracing of its results, by one of our own time honored 
 statesmen — Benjamin Franklin for example- — accustomed to be driven from place to 
 place of meeting, legislating with a halter in plain view in case of failure, and sur- 
 rounded by the hardships of war, and the need of means for its progress, yet with the 
 whole country's best interests always steadily in view. It might provoke even him to 
 mirth, to foreshadow that refinement of push pole navigation, coming as one of the 
 results of a progress based on those sacrifices, when a " constituency " here would 
 demand, in the face of the President's veto, an appropriation to render a stream naviga- 
 ble which, on a careful inspection proved capable of being carried, in the dry season, 
 in a box drain a foot square. It would have pleased him as a broad philanthropist, 
 to know, that in a recent bill, a provision requiring such inspection hereafter, was a 
 desirable feature, and probably still more so to learn that the value of the method 
 resorted to in the State of New York, of vetoing sections in a bill, and so preserving 
 the interests of proper subjects of legislation had suggested itself also to this Utopian 
 Congress. " 
 
 " Could so wise a patriot as Franklin, with such intelligence as he had necessarily 
 acquired as to the material of war, have been expected to vote for example, for the 
 
in the Revolution. 115 
 
 Utopian Pension Act, or other even humane legislation, not limited by provisions 
 for the strictest personal examination of the claimant, by a responsible officer, supplied 
 with ample evidence of identity and service, with power to test the common 
 assertion that conjectured widows, have claimed in the names of soldiers, they 
 have never seen, long lying in honored graves, and that constructive veterans 
 possibly disabled by a bunion, acquired in too hastily retiring from active service, after 
 the receipt of a bounty, are now in a large number of cases subsisting on an equal 
 allowance with actual veterans." 
 
 " In our own country Adjutant General Stryker, of New Jersey, a zealous officer, 
 who presents his resignation to each incoming Governor, and is never permitted to sur- 
 render a small salary for a large service, has, with much labor from scant State archives 
 by exhaustive search, with little assistance, and small expense, condensed a roster of the 
 Revolutionary service of every contribution from that fighting little State, from a 
 major general to a wagoner. He has supplemented it, with a similar record of service 
 in the last war, and in its inspection the long lists of " deserted," probably mainly of 
 those who never intended to serve — mingled with longer ones of gallant veterans, 
 many of whom fell in battle — is a source of surprise to the reader. I have suggested 
 the preparation and use of such works here. Probably these desertions are not in 
 excess of those of other states, in proportion to their population, but they would 
 be a large numeral addition to the Subsistence Roll of an army. Such records for 
 all the States would seem to be invaluable to a conscientious Pension Agent, or a 
 vigilant investigator of fraudulent bounties or claims. They would be read with 
 attention in Utopia." 
 
 " The action of the Viking of Bashwash, when in charge of the Naval Affairs 
 of Utopia, in restoring to the school under control of his Department, a number 
 of cadets who had resigned to avoid an investigation, under charges unfitting 
 them if proved, for service as officers, was greatly disapproved by those who 
 wished to continue to be proud of their Navy, and that of the honored Com- 
 mander who in strongly protesting, lost the favor of his chief and even his official 
 courtesies, as highly praised." She further says, " the latest amendment to the 
 Constitution of Utopia, which was not passed without opposition, seems worthy of 
 attention. It provides, that every citizen in demanding or collecting interest, rent 
 or any other source of revenue, shall be hereafter required to exhibit to the person 
 of whom payment is asked, at the time of such demand, a certificate to the fact that 
 the creditor had voted at the last election, to be duly certified by the clerk of the 
 Poll, or official evidence of a reasonable excuse, and all debtors, are forbidden to 
 pay without such exhibition. It has already greatly increased the vote of that 
 reserved class, who have haretofore neglected the control of their most valuable in- 
 vestment, by which all others are protected and guaranteed, while attentive to the 
 election of corporate Directors." 
 
 '' Civil Service Reform," is growing in favor with many, from the liberal con- 
 struction of the law. Examinations for appointments are influenced as to their extent 
 by the circumstances. Where strong testimonials are presented, they are held to 
 make a searching series of questions as to capacity, unnecessary, but in their absence 
 greater care is considered necessary. 
 
 The intention of the law is construed to be to enable the government to avail 
 itself of the services of those whose armor has been hacked and broken in the 
 defence of the interests of the party entrusted with the management of public affairs, 
 and to dispense with the services of good men too engrossed in their duties to gire 
 sufficient attention to the interests of the power which protects them. 
 
 15 
 
ii6 Tories or Loyalists 
 
 Their influence, as examples of good citizenship is considered more useful, when 
 scattered unhampered by office amongst the body of the people." 
 
 " It is rumored that an effort will be made at the next session of the Utopian 
 Congress, to rescind its novel rule requiring the insertion of pellets of cotton in the 
 ears of a member addressing the chair, after ten minutes speaking, with a view to 
 confining the length of his remarks to the suggestions of the mind, and not to allow 
 them to be led on by the pleasant music of the voice, after the material suggestioni 
 have been made. Its intention was to economize valuable time, where all speeches 
 may be elaborated and printed." 
 
 • "The descendants of the Liberators of Utopia are rarely found in official position. 
 They comfort themselves by feeling that like Alcibiades they may be 'esteemed too 
 just.' 
 
 Great attention is given by the farmers here to the breeding of blooded stock, and 
 fabulous prices are paid for animals of approved pedigree." 
 
 " This letter from a candidate for the Utopian Congress to the committee who 
 had the power to nominate him ; and to their credit did so, has been much dis- 
 cussed, its candor questioned, and its contents pronounced as "toffy," but it has been 
 doubted, largely by those who had spoiled their digestion by its excessive use. Others 
 consider that it is a good old fashioned doctrine." 
 
 "Still, that there may be no possibility of mistake, and in simple fairness to the 
 gentlemen who have the matter in control, I take this public way of saying with as 
 much emphasis as may be, that from careful observation and a somewhat intimate 
 acquaintance with the inner workings of both the great political parties, I am con- 
 vinced that the one greatest curse of our political system is the corrupt use of money 
 and patronage in elections. Were I nominated, I should not directly or indirectly, 
 pay or cause to be paid one dollar to secure an election. Further than this, I may 
 say that, believing the work of office seeking, place brokerage, and position peddling 
 to be no part of the duty of a member of Congress, I should, if elected, refuse posi- 
 tively to take any part in the general scramble for places in the departments, an 
 occupation which can only be engaged in by neglecting legitimate and necessary 
 work in the house at the sacrifice of self-respect, and to the serious detriment and 
 disgrace of the public service. In short, I could only accept the nomination with 
 the distinct understanding that, in addition to earnestly and sincerely subscribing to 
 all the time-honored principles of my party, I should enter the canvass upon the 
 clean new platform of honest, progressive, and independent Republicans. If there 
 be any gentleman who would vote for my nomination on other terms, I beg him to 
 refrain from doing so. His action could only result in disappointment." He was 
 defeated. 
 
 It may occur to some weary reader, why some of these notes, apparently discon- 
 nected from the subject, are worked in to his annoyance. Simply because it appears 
 that the use made by any nationality, of discussion of the action of either or all of 
 its former rulers, is the strongest censure that can be inflicted by their posterity 
 on those who opposed its creation, and questioned its future integrity, where so many 
 were to be trusted with its control. 
 
 Mr. Henry George, who has lately bearded the British Lion in hii den, and con- 
 tended with the Dragon which prevented the universal prosperity and happiness of the 
 human race, as fearlessly as did his namesake, the patron saint of the now oppressors, 
 has on his return hastily plucked a handful of feathers, principally exotic, from the 
 terminal portion of the Utopian "Bird of Freedom." He alludes truthfully, to the ex- 
 travagance and uncleanliness of " Outre Mer," its great maritime and again largely 
 
^7^ the Revolution. i j 7 
 
 colonial city, and yet displays an apparent want of appreciation of the causes requisite 
 to the value of his undertaking. He says no one : 
 
 " Can go to Europe and study the system of government there without 
 feeling a very great contempt for it — without feeling that he would like to go 
 as a missionary among those people, to tell them to stand up, to teach them the 
 virtues and the beauties and the philosophy of democracy. (Applause.) One 
 thing, however, would deter him. A man would feel like that, if he knew nothing 
 of the condition of this country. He would be met with the suggestion, however, 
 that he look to his own country — to cities like this great metropolis of yours 
 ruled and robbed by a class of miserable politicians." 
 
 After stating that if Utopia had been " true of Democratic principles " there would, 
 not now, in his opinion " be a crowned head in Europe," he honestly points out as 
 causes of the delay, 
 
 " But what shall we say when over here, where every man is equal before the 
 law, where every citizen has a right to vote, where all power is in the hands of the 
 people, the masses of the workers are but little, if any, better off than on the other 
 side.'' What is the use of democratic institutions to men who cannot get a living 
 without cringing and buying and selling their manhood. (Applause.) Can we 
 prate and boast of our institutions when we read of people dying of starvation ? when 
 we have alms-houses in every city.'" 
 
 He proposes to exempt improved property from future taxation, but to remove the 
 field for the harvest of the enormous amount of its expenses to the unoccupied 
 portions of the island, and annexed adjacent territory. Speaking of a friend who 
 desired to invest in improvements, he says : 
 
 " If he went to the upper Dortion of this island, as he probably would go, he 
 would find there plenty of vacant land that is now of no use to anybody save as the 
 receptacle of rubbish and a browsing place for goats of that species popularly sup- 
 posed to live on old boots and glass bottles. Very naturally he would say, no one 
 is using this land. It is, in fact, in its present condition an eyesore and a nuisance. 
 Let me come on it and I will erect a fine house, which will be an ornament to the 
 neighborhood and an inducement to other people to erect good houses in the vicinity. 
 Or I will build a factory in which I will employ a great number of hands, and turn 
 out every year a large amount of goods that everybody desires. Should we not say 
 to him : — ' Go ahead and welcome ! Fine houses are better than rubbish-filled 
 lots, and we would rather have factories than goat pastures ?' But we say nothing of 
 the kind." 
 
 " On the contrary, Mr. Saunders would be confronted by some one by legal right 
 of a title derived from some of the old Dutchmen who first settled this island and 
 who have been dead and gone long years ago, who would say to him, ' Before you 
 can build your houses or erect your factory you must pay me such and such a sum.' 
 Finding that he could not in any other way get a place upon which to make the 
 improvement he contemplated, Mr. Saunders would probably consent to pay a price 
 which, in its nature, would be nothing more nor less than a species of blackmail 
 levied upon a man who wished to improve natural opportunities for the benefit of 
 some dog-in-the-manger who could not and would not use them for himself. His 
 capital being thus further diminished he would proceed to build his house and erect 
 his factory. What then } As soon as he got them up, along would come a tax 
 gatherer and would say to him, you have built a house, you have erected a factory, 
 and for doing these things the laws of this country fine you to such and such an 
 amount, and unless you pay the fine and keep on paying the fine, we will take from 
 you the property which is the result of your exertions.' And not satisfied with that, 
 
1 1 8 'Tories or Loyalists 
 
 if Mr. Saunders' skill and prudence and energy enabled him, after all this, to make 
 money, and his providence enabled him to lay it up, the taxgatherer would hunt him 
 up in all sorts of ways and demand new fines and fresh penalties. 
 
 " Now, what I contend is, that it is stupid in us to thus hamper and vex and fine 
 the men who enrich our city and our country, and that when we want money for 
 common uses it would be much wiser for us to go for them to a man who is merely 
 holding land in order to compel those who would improve it to pay him a high price. 
 
 " Whether I am a fool or a philosopher, a philanthropist or an incendiary, there 
 is one thing I am firmly convinced of — that houses and factories and steamships 
 and railroads, and dry g(» ds and groceries are good things for any community to have, 
 and that that is the richest community that has most of them. 
 
 "Now, the more you tax those things the less of them you will have j but tax 
 the value of land as much as you please and you will have none the less land, and it 
 will be none the less useful. Tax land up to its full valae and what would happen ? 
 Why simply that those who are holding land of which they make no use, would be 
 compelled to give it up, and that those who wanted to make use of it could go and take 
 it and improve it and use it without paying to the non-user anything for the privilege. 
 
 " Consider, gentlemen, how this city would grow, how enormously wealth would 
 increase, if all taxes were abolished which now bear on the production and accumu- 
 lation and exchange of wealth. Consider how quickly the vacant spaces on this 
 island would fill up could land not improved, be had by them who wanted to improve 
 it, without the payment of the prices now demanded. Then extend your view to 
 the whole country and see how the same policy would everywhere enormously in- 
 crease wealth." 
 
 In this frank exposition of his theories of home reform, their suggestor overlooks 
 some points important to their value. His " old Dutchman " for example, is typical 
 for the descendant of the first white settler from Holland on the island of " Outre 
 Mer " and as such has at least the same rights as though he had been descended 
 from the early natives of any Isle however fair and green, has long since ceased to 
 own any considerable part of it. The territory is already largely covered besides his 
 " old boots and glass bottles " with the shanties of what is known as a squatter 
 colonization who usually pay no rent and often reluctantly yield to dispossession 
 before the progress of a more permanent improvement. 
 
 On the other hand* the poor old Dutchman has submitted for years to the exactions 
 of repeated assessments, valuable to the contractor and the politician, as a means of 
 subsistence to a constituency, in which the owner as a unit is disregarded where the 
 greatest good is sought for the greatest number. Moreover he overlooks wliat the 
 records will show, that a large portion of this property has already been sold for taxes, 
 and assessments too onerous to be paid on wholly unproductive property, and that his 
 additional taxes would be only a further lien on what is already forfeited or mainly 
 for sale at far less than its accumulated cost. That to raise the enormous expenses of 
 the city, unprecedented in the world for its area, would be like the nourishment 
 of the Pelican which is said to feed on its own blood, or gleaning a field after it had 
 been both harvested and pastured upon. The tax bills alone would soon cover 
 its area as with a blanket. 
 
 His friend should realize before any location, what those longer familiar with the 
 subject have learned ; to count in the cost the yearly reminder of this past civic ex- 
 travagance, and its present increase in his estimate of its use, or else to put on green 
 goggles, and affect to be nourished by, that dish of shavings, however annually cooked 
 and set before him. In many cases' he can "for further' information apply on the 
 premises " for corroboration of these suggestions. 
 
tn the Revolution, 119 
 
 He also neglects to tell, where, when all of this territory is improved by the result 
 of ^dustry the next field for the imposition of new taxes which with death alone 
 a e cer an' s to be found. Would not knowledge of such material pomts .n the 
 Dolitkal econor^y of his own country, give value to suggestions as to the internal 
 
 fficultieroran other. In seeking' for any undiscovered ^^^^^ ^^^^^^J^^^; 
 tion, on the island of "Outre Mer," he might aid the assessors, and also answer Mr. 
 Pitt's pungent query, "Gentle Shepherd, tell me where ? 
 
 APPENDIX E. 
 
 REPUTATION AT THE CANNON'S MOUTH AND THE CHANCES 
 IN ITS TRANSMISSION (note, page 24). 
 
 Dr Timothy' Dwight, as the nephew of General Lyman, who with his father 
 was an early settler of the Territory of the Natchez, at least showed a natural senti- 
 ment in vindicating the claim of his uncle as a worthy subordinate to the merit he 
 Ton^idered his due. Errors have always been claimed to exist in the distribution of 
 credit for service. Time long since accorded the glory of two important victories to Sir 
 Wil am Johnson-one at Lake George in the summer of 1755. when Baron 
 Dieskau a veteran of the Continental Wars was defeated, another the capture of 
 Niagara; four yeais later. The whole life of that self educated soldier, had in all 
 its detai s been sustained by his gallantry, and he early carried his son to the fie d to 
 each him the art of war. Possibly he may have been remiss as Dr. Dwight has 
 claimed, in distributing some of his laurels to his officers, or the New England troops 
 disposed, in the existing jealousy, to claim too many of them. The moment of 
 V cto y has proved best adapted to settle relative merit, while all present are tarn. liar 
 with facts from observation. That passed, it has often proved as difficult where the 
 credit of victory naturally falls to the Commander-as to ascertain now who aided 
 to win the laurels of Caesar, Hannibal or Philip, if without record in history. 
 
 In cases of disaster, the blame at once fall, upon the leader, regardless of who stumbled 
 and no one competes for a share. His son and successor probably fought as bravely 
 in his detested invasions, and yet wears in some history the willow decreed to failure 
 ManJ of the friends of General de Peyster, will be gratified in his probable success m 
 vindicating the honor and courage of his relative. 
 
 Mrs. Grundy in her "Observations in Utopia" refers to a notable case of 
 another military muddle in its history, she says : . j ^ 
 
 « There was some difference of opinion here, some time since, as to the advantage 
 of the correction of accepted historical error, too late for practical use. In its course 
 a case was cited as occurring in the former wars Jpf Utopia. It ^^^.^^'^''^^^^^^l'^^^ 
 carelessness or paramount personal engagements of a civihan acting ^s Secretary to 
 a former honored Commander-in-Chief, Marshal Dauntless, an approved soldier. 
 
I20 Tories or Loyalists 
 
 " That gallant officer, had intended to lead the attack in person, at the great 
 battle of " Ouvrir la Porte," and to head his forces, as he had often done. He had 
 prepared the plan of the engagement before it occurred, showing his special command 
 in the advance. The burning of a bridge in front of his position, preventing his 
 reaching that post in season, caused him to alter his plan on the day before the 
 attack and to order General Fearless, his second in command to advance with his 
 light division, giving him an opportunity substantially to flank the fortifications, 
 necessarily passing under a heavy fire and to attack the enemy supporting them in 
 great force, if he found it practicable, before he — with every possible exertion — 
 could come to his relief with the needed support of heavier artillery, and equalize 
 the struggle, and shell out the batteries. The division commander with a very 
 inadequate force, and mainly with a small section of it, only succeeded by a desperate 
 coup de main in passing the works, meeting at and above them, the entire force of 
 the enemy and mainly fighting the battle with the single division in the advance, 
 before his commander could possibly reach the enemy and gallantly complete the 
 victory. Gen. Fearless reaching the important post above them in advance of all 
 support, an-i when the Marshal came up, landed, and received its surrender." 
 
 " After that great triumph, the commander of the entire force, to whom the honor 
 of both its conception and achievement would naturally be given, sent his division 
 commander — whom he loved, with the intelligence, to the seat of government, in- 
 tending that he should receive his reward in thanks and promotion for the glory he 
 had so materially aided in securing eventually for himself, as Napoleon alone concen- 
 trated in due season the glory of the Egyptian campaign, and Nelson that of the Nile." 
 
 " But alas ! the Citizen Secretary had affixed to the report, which was not parti- 
 cular in detail, the old diagram of the proposed battle instead of that of the one that 
 •was actually fought which had been duly prepared, so falsifying his explanations. The 
 division commander's statements were discredited by the papers he carried ; history 
 of this notable feat of arms was written and illustrations executed at once, based on 
 the erroneous account, in most of which the real leader was not referred to or included, 
 as all present knew to be due. All this mortification fell upon the gallant division 
 commander, in place of the merit his remarkable achievement claimed, and although 
 the Commander-in Chief made ample correction of the records, and of the blunder 
 of his subordinate, some years after when convinced of his error, the wound the 
 mistake had given to a sensitive and modest nature, went with him to the grave. The 
 Secretary yet survives, but some of the people here think he was a little more careless 
 as to the record of another than he could have been of his own, and wonder that 
 when he read the accounts, every where printed, of his conjectured position in the 
 line on that old battle day, he too did not do something for history, by correcting his 
 contribution to its many errors." To avoid such delay, and to correct an error yet 
 palpable ; it is proper to say after closer research, that Sir William offered the suc- 
 cession to the Superintendency of Indian Affairs, to his son in his lifetime, and that 
 he asked to be relieved from its duties ( page 51). 
 
 It is claimed that Lieut. Governor Colden — whose valuable "History of the Five 
 Nations" had been published in 1727, and shows his knowledge of this trust — urged 
 its acceptance on Sir John. His power to confer it, was through the absence of 
 Governor Tryon, as Col. Guy's letter predicted. Another clerical error, occurs on 
 page 71, stating that Col. Bouquet was born at and not in Switzerland, and one 
 on page 74, places Colonel Lee, where Colonel William Washington actually was, 
 waiting for equipments soon effectually used at Cowpens. 
 
 As to the Indian schools (page 66), new light has shown that this wise humanity 
 is due more to personal benevolence than to the liberality of the Government. 
 
tn the Revolution, 121 
 
 It has been sometimes asked, why such historical papers as the handful used in 
 the preceding pamphlet, an not in the public archi-ves. The answer might be 
 made that few things are in their proper place and yet many are useful. 
 
 The fact came to the writer from Mr. Francis A. Stout, a Commitsioner of the 
 State Survey, that by the defect of earlier Cartography, many places are found located 
 e-ven miles away from their actual geometrical position. And yet generations have 
 lived and died in them, and there is probably no diminution of the area or acreage, 
 which some would realize more than this defective location. 
 
 When visiting our State Capital some years since — in connection with his project 
 of International Exchange — M. Alexandre Vaitemare, found men in one of its 
 chambers packing in boxes the recently printed " Documentary History," knee deep 
 in old manuscripts, which ivere history, but used as fillers. 
 
 On his thoughtful suggestion to the Legislature, that these were not being 
 correctly located, action was taken for the conservation of what remained ; and the 
 learned Dr. E. B. O'Callaghan — to whom we owe so much of our State History and 
 from whom the writer had this fact, was created Curator, and laboriously catalogued 
 those relics. Even afterwards — certainly without his knowledge, some were abstracted 
 and Mr. John Bigelow, when Secretary of State, properly sought to reclaim them ; 
 even by circulars addressed to private collectors. 
 
 Curious papers often pass through many hands, as a merchantable article, and 
 their migrations are also as indefinite as those of a circulating bill. Three of the 
 grand collections of Historical manuscripts, once belonging to Rev. Dr. Sprague, of 
 Albany, Mr. Robert Gilmor, of Baltimore, and Mr. Tefft of Savanah, have been 
 broken up, the former, after it had been offered to the Government and State 
 unsucessfully, fell into the already large collection, of a private gentleman in Phila- 
 delphia, where it is likely to be preserved. 
 
 During the Civil War; as one of its evils, the high price of old paper, while the 
 cruisers ruled commerce and shut out other material, brought out from many garrets 
 and similar receptacles, a store of historical material of forgotten, or unknown value, 
 to feed the paper mills, and weave material for^the transmission of later facts. It is 
 believed that more unprinted history, was then ground up, than even now exist in 
 public or private collections. 
 
 It is stated that at that time, many old papers were discovered and exhumed from 
 the outbuildings of Johnson Hall, possibly some containing the key to thii research. 
 Such papers are rarely sought for public collections when exposed at public or private 
 sale, but fall, on conditions showing at least consideration for the value of the lives of 
 others — into the private collections of a few antiquarians, sometimes to he reduced 
 to print for private circulation. 
 
 Many find their way from Europe, especially from England. Lately the military 
 papers of Lord Rawdon and Sir Henry Clinton, including beautifully executed 
 military maps made by the Royal Engineers in America have been broken up and 
 distributed here. 
 
 As an illustration of devotion to such collection and its accomplishments, it is only 
 just to say, that there does not probably exist a more comprehensive memorial of the 
 men of mark who have been connected with American History since the settlements, 
 than that formed by Dr. Emmett — elsewhere referred to. That hidden in his library 
 and known only to few, in notably fine condition, by restoration and exhaustive 
 illustration with portraits »nd views, is probably the most valuable and intelligible 
 monument to them, erected by a single hand, from many sources, in hours devoted to 
 recreation in an active and useful life. There are a number of others, very complete 
 and interesting, even superior to it in some details, but as an entirety it may claim to 
 be unequalled in condition, and it is the result of years of research. 
 
122 Ivories or Loyalists 
 
 An incident which has occurred before this Appendix is printed, is referred to as 
 practically sustaining some of the views which have been suggested. How supply 
 and demand govern value, how it is increased when a thing is put in the right 
 place, and how recognition of the past shows solid progress in the present. 
 
 The venerable Robert C. Winthrop, has done a good work, in restoring the 
 portrait of one by whomhis life has been doubtless influenced j additionally so as the 
 friendly act of a representative of early patriotism in Massachusetts, in sympathizing 
 with those of South Carolina. The old City Hall, of Charleston, South Carolina, 
 had been completely restored and beautified, the interior entirely rebuilt with twelve 
 spacious rooms, all with a remarkable economy ($20,000), creditable to the city 
 officials, and suggestive to those of other cities. 
 
 In its park, a life sized statue of Pitt, Earl of Chatham, erected by the citizens 
 in their gratitude for the repeal of the Stamp Act, and thrown down after Clinton's 
 capture, has been remounted on a new pedestal, with the old inscription tablet 
 sought out and replaced. Even the signs of mutilation are suggestive to patriotism 
 and of a possible similar restoration of its headless replique, in the keeping of the 
 New York Historical Society. 
 
 The Common Council and citizens of Charleston, showing their appreciation of the 
 renewal of their civic home, assembled on the i 5th of November, for its rededication. 
 The Mayor — Mr. Courtenay, whose heart had been in this work, made a sug- 
 gestive opening address, effectively recalling the early history of the city, its position, 
 and his hopes in its course, referring to the services of his first predecessor — after the 
 Intendancy — the distinguished Robert Y. Hayne ; who had accepted the position, 
 after serving as Governor and United States Senator. He showed how Hayne had 
 labored for facilities of communication with the interior, and for the progress of the 
 city, incidentally comparing these details of his life to those of De Witt Clinton. He 
 then recalled a resolution passed by the citizens on his decease in 1839, to place his 
 marble bust in the City Hall, and suggested its re-enactment, which, after other 
 spirited addresses, was unanimously adopted. As the News and Courier reports : 
 
 " Mayor Courtenay then said : During the visit of Governor Winthrop to this 
 city in 1880, he visited the Council Chamber to see the portraits and other works of 
 art owned by the city. He called the attention to the neglected condition of 
 " Trumbull's Washington," a full length portrait of great value and historic interest, 
 and urged that it be placed in proper hands for restoration, proffering his services 
 in advising and superintending the work. By unanimous vote of the City Council 
 the picture was forwarded to Governor Winthrop, and has been wonderfully 
 renewed, and now presents as fine an appearance as when originally painted. It 
 was completed last spring, and was received in the Boston Museum of Art and 
 kept on exhibition during the summer and fall months, and is again restored to its 
 familiar place on the walls of our chamber. Alderman Rogers thereupon offered 
 the following resolution : Whereas, Our distinguished fellow countryman. Governor 
 Winthrop, of Massachusetts, while on a visit to this city in 1880, and enjoying its 
 relics of our olden time, became greatly interested in the preservation of our 
 Trumbull's Washington, and wisely suggested its repair and restoration, and to 
 further this end offered his most valuable services of supervision and care of this 
 work ; and whereas, through his kind offices the work of restoration has now 
 been finally completed, and this valued picture of our city, now in its old power 
 and life, again adorns our walls. Be it, therefore, Resol-ved, That the City Council 
 of Charleston gratefully acknowledge and appreciate the valuable aid and kind 
 personal service of Governor Winthrop in the successful accomplishment of the 
 work of restoration of our great painting of Trumbull's Washington. The resolu- 
 tion was unanimously adopted. 
 
in the Revolution, 123 
 
 The Mayor announced to Council that Mr. T. Bailey Myers, of New York city, 
 had presented to the city three rare and valuable engravings of great local interest to 
 our citizens : i. Sir Henry Clinton's map of the siege of Charleston, 1780, show- 
 ing the city and the harbor, surrounding country, the fortifications, and position of the 
 fleet under Vice-Admiral Mariot Arbuthnot. 2. An engraved portrait of William 
 Pitt, Earl of Chatham, Secretary of State from the year 1757 to 1768, by James 
 Barry, R. A., September, 1778. 3. "An exact prospect of Charleston, the 
 metropolis of the Province of South Carolina, an original engraving published in 
 the London Magazine, June, 1762." In this connection. Alderman White — after 
 a preamble again describing this small contribution, which is kere omitted — 
 "presented the following resolutions: Beit Resol-ved, That the thanks of the 
 City Council are due and hereby tendered to Mr. T. Bailey Myers for these valued 
 gifts, and we assure him that his liberality is highly appreciated by the citizens of 
 Charleston. Resol'ved, That these engravings be hung on the walls of the mayor's 
 office and carefully preserved as objects of general interest to our community. 
 These resolutions were also unanimously adopted." Such recollection of past tradi- 
 tions, in an ancient city, which gallantly resisted royalist, loyalist and tory, in the 
 period to which these things refer, is a pleasant evidence of adhesion to early 
 sympathies, and to the united action of the infant states. 
 
 Since the foregoing paper has been printed, even its delay for some illustration, 
 has evidenced how the rapid progress of the world affects the smallest atom. Its 
 suggestion of the claim of " History as a Fine Art," has been by a gratifying coin- 
 cidence, in that interval sustained — with his usual ability — by the Rev. Dr. 
 Howard Crosby, in a paper presented before the Seventy-eighth Anniversary Meeting 
 of the New York Historical Society, while the changes in the method of corres- 
 pondence, has also lately recalled editorial notice in the columns of the "Times.' 
 
 Concurrence of thought, we know naturally exists js to many subjects of varied 
 importance in a nation of fifty millions, including great intelligence. Differences of 
 conclusion are often more conspicuous. The comparison of opinions in public in 
 any form, may demonstrate the value of convictions to some, call forth the sympathy 
 of others, who have entertained without expressing them, or at least open them 
 to correction. Thought has always been considered a safe predecessor to action. 
 
 At least, in public affairs it would appear that advanced methods of legislation 
 claim careful deliberate consideration by their presenters as well as by the representative, 
 and that hasty action is only justified where circumstances demand the experiment. 
 This admitted. Dr. Crosby, who as a private citizen takes an active interest in 
 current public administration, might be induced hereafter to show, how the entire 
 record of American statesmanship — conformed to the example of many of its 
 former and present elements, was affording a noble example of self devotion in 
 constructing history, and that the creation as well as the condensation, had just 
 claim to be considered as a fine Art. 
 
 Many wise and pertinent suggestions, contained in the President's recent message, 
 appear to offer material for the action of statesmanship, rising above party or local 
 considerations, and according with a widely expressed sentiment in favor of such 
 more considerate and prudent legislation as would seem to best assure the prosperity 
 and permanency of our institutions. 
 
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