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THE CHRISTIAN MAN, THE 
 CHURCH AND THE WAR 
 
THE MACMILLAN COMPANY 
 
 NEW YORK • BOSTON - CHICAGO • DALLAS 
 ATLANTA • SAN FRANCISCO 
 
 MACMILLAN & CO., Limited 
 
 LONDON • BOMBAY • CALCUTTA 
 MELBOURNE 
 
 THE MACMILLAN CO. OF CANADA, Ltd. 
 
 TORONTO 
 
THE CHRISTIAN MAN, THE 
 CHURCH AND THE WAR 
 
 BY 
 
 ROBERT E, SPEER 
 
 II 
 
 Beto gotfe 
 
 THE MACMILLAN COMPANY 
 1918 
 
 All rights reserved) 
 
1*3 
 
 Copyright, 1918 
 By THE MACMILLAN COMPANY 
 
 Set up and electrotyped. Published, May, 1918 
 
 MAY 15 1918 
 ©CM49-7307 
 
There are three different courses open to 
 the Christian man to-day. One is to throw 
 his Christian idealism overboard, and post- 
 pone his effort to adjust religion to life until 
 the war is over. A second is to hold fast to 
 his Christian idealism and to repudiate the 
 real world he is living in. The third is to 
 take Paul's counsel and seek to behave as a 
 citizen in a manner worthy of the Gospel, be- 
 lieving that his present duty is to be a Chris- 
 tian not in some other world but in this one, 
 and that this duty can be done in the highest 
 loyalty both to humanity and to Christ. 
 This little book is an attempt at a statement 
 of this third course. If the attempt is not a 
 success, neither is life. 
 
CONTENTS 
 
 CHAPTER PAGE 
 
 I The Christian Man and the War . 7 
 
 II The Church and the War ... 32 
 
 III The World Problem and Christian- 
 ity . . 63 
 
THE CHRISTIAN MAN, THE 
 CHURCH AND THE WAR 
 
 THE CHRISTIAN MAN AND THE WAR 
 
 As a Christian man, holding the Christian 
 faith and trying to live the Christian life, I 
 believe that the war in which the nation is 
 now engaged is a just and necessary war. Is 
 this a consistent position ? Can this belief be 
 reconciled with the Christian faith and with 
 the ideals of the Christian life? Is not 
 war so fundamentally un-Christian that it can 
 never be right? These were living questions 
 to many men before the United States entered 
 the war. Some men answered them unhesi- 
 tatingly, yes or no. Others felt unable to do 
 so, and so long as the obligations of citizen- 
 ship allowed, evaded an answer, not knowing 
 how they could reconcile the contradictions 
 which seemed to them involved in the issues 
 between Christianity and war. When at last 
 the United States was drawn into the struggle 
 7 
 
8 The Christian Man, 
 
 this evasion was no longer possible. Those 
 men also to whom the case against all war 
 seemed to be clear were obliged to recon- 
 sider their position in the light of the fact 
 that the nation to which they belonged was 
 actually at war. If these two groups of men 
 were not prepared to take on principle and 
 to hold at any cost the ultra-pacifist position, 
 two other positions were open to them. One 
 was to accept the war as a fact and to adapt 
 themselves to it, leaving the responsibility 
 for it upon others, but loyally contributing 
 their full duty. The other was to review the 
 whole case, to reface the moral issues and to 
 discern, if they could, a righteous basis for 
 the war and for America's participation in it. 
 To avoid misunderstanding, I venture to 
 say that I have never accepted the position 
 that in our present stage of social and polit- 
 ical development all war is in principle 
 wrong. The problem as it presented itself 
 to me was not whether Belgium and France 
 and Great Britain were wrong in resisting 
 Germany, — they seemed to me to be in duty 
 bound to do so, — but whether and when it 
 became our duty also to resist Germany by 
 war. At the same time I appreciated the po- 
 sition and the principles of earnest men and 
 women who took a different view and to 
 whom our entrance into the war brought 
 
the Church and the War 9 
 
 problems of the greatest pain and difficulty 
 as to the most fundamental issues of Christi- 
 anity and international morality. And I 
 honor the struggle which many of these men 
 and women ha^e gone through and are going 
 through now in an effort to be loyal Amer- 
 icans and at the same time to preserve their 
 own moral integrity. 
 
 It may be thought that all these matters 
 have reached a settled adjustment now and 
 that it is needless to revive the questions 
 which were active at the beginning of the war 
 and which, if they may be stirring still in 
 some minds, are checked and controlled there 
 by the sense of political loyalty. This is a 
 dangerous view, however. The fact is that 
 these questions are as much alive as ever, that 
 in the camps thousands of young men are 
 arguing them, and that at the front they are 
 arguing them still more. There the base 
 brutalism of war is ceaselessly, sickeningly 
 present, and all that is highest and best in a 
 man's soul protests against its irrationality. 
 There the horrors and atrocities are closest 
 to men and while these nerve men to stern 
 purpose, they also show them how abhorrent 
 war is to humanity. There men are face to 
 face with the duty of killing. The duty of 
 dying does not daunt them, but the duty of 
 putting other men, other boys, to death does. 
 
io The Christian Man, 
 
 The whole fundamental question as to 
 whether war can ever be right rises up with 
 a pathos and insistency unknown before. 
 
 " has just returned from France," 
 
 writes a correspondent. " He has become a 
 rabid pacifist. Rabid is not the word, enthu- 
 siastic is better. He says that war is abso- 
 lutely un-Christian, that no Christian has a 
 right to have anything to do with war, either 
 this war or any other, that those who believe 
 they serve God by fighting may have clear 
 consciences, but they are mistaking God's 
 message." As we go deeper into the war, 
 these questionings will not abate. They will 
 increase. And the reflex influence will be 
 felt at home. Brigadier General John A. 
 Johnston has issued a timely warning that we 
 must prepare for this. (New York Times, 
 Feb. 27, 19 1 8.) It is folly to be deaf to 
 such a warning, to think that these questions 
 can be met by coercion of any kind or by mob 
 authority. They must be met squarely and 
 we must convince ourselves and others clearly 
 of the moral obligation of carrying the strug- 
 gle through until the international wrong- 
 doing which brought on this war and which 
 has characterized it and against which we are 
 fighting, is put down once for all and forever. 
 It does not matter how long this may take nor 
 how much it may cost, it must be done. And 
 
the Church and the War II 
 
 if war is the only way in which it can be done, 
 if Germany will accept no other decision, then 
 by war it must be done, and the mind and 
 heart of the nation must be intelligently and 
 resolutely girded to the task. 
 
 The fundamental question which was alive 
 before the war and which is alive to-day 
 again and which will be alive when the war is 
 over is : Can war ever be right, or is war in 
 moral principle always wrong? That ques- 
 tion will be alive until at last a day comes 
 when the whole world will answer against 
 war. When that day comes men will look 
 back upon what we say about war now as we 
 look back upon what men used to say about 
 slavery. This book that I am writing, if a 
 copy should remain until that future day of 
 peace, will seem a sad and pitiful thing to any 
 one of its happy citizens who may chance 
 upon it. But this day is not that day. We 
 are living in a world in which one great na- 
 tion has deliberately repudiated the ideal 
 of peace, built up enormous armaments de- 
 signed for aggression, invaded other nations, 
 with one, at least, of whom it had not only no 
 quarrel but solemn engagements of neutral- 
 ity. Our nation has been beset on every side 
 by a whole world at war. In this world we 
 have had to decide our present duty. 
 
 Well, the Christian man who wants even 
 
12 The Christian Man, 
 
 in such a world to see truth as calmly and 
 dispassionately as possible, will do well to 
 set aside for a moment all but the bare gen- 
 eral question which he must answer: Can 
 any war be right? 
 
 The militarist answer, that war is a good 
 thing in itself, can be rejected quietly. It 
 belongs to a bygone day. If it were a living 
 contention it should be assassinated and it 
 would be. In so far as it is living we are 
 fighting to kill it. This is the view which 
 Dr. von Luschau, Professor of Anthropology 
 in the University of Berlin, set forth in his 
 paper on " The Anthropological View of 
 Race " at the Universal Races Congress in 
 London in 191 1: " Racial barriers will 
 never cease to exist, and if ever they should 
 show a tendency to disappear, it will certainly 
 be better to preserve than to obliterate them. 
 The brotherhood of man is a good thing, but 
 the struggle for life is a far better one. 
 Athens would never have become what it was 
 without Sparta, and national jealousies and 
 differences, and even the most cruel wars, 
 have ever been the real causes of progress 
 and mental freedom. . . . No Hague Con- 
 ferences, no international tribunals, no inter- 
 national papers and peace societies, no Espe- 
 ranto or other international languages, will 
 ever be able to abolish war. . . . Natural 
 
the Church and the War 13 
 
 law will never allow national boundaries to 
 fall. . . . Nations will come and go, but 
 racial and national antagonism will remain, 
 and this is well, for mankind would become 
 like a herd of sheep if we were to lose our 
 national ambition and cease to look with 
 pride and delight, not only on our industries 
 and science, but also on our splendid soldiers 
 and glorious ironclads." (Report, Univer- 
 sal Races Congress, London, 191 1, p. 23.) 
 This view is uncivilized, barbarous and false. 
 War for national aggrandizement, for the 
 enlargement of territory, or for the expan- 
 sion of trade is wrong. Such war has not 
 been without its advocates. " In every part 
 of the world where British interests are at 
 stake," said Edward Dicey, in an article en- 
 titled " Peace and War in South Africa " in 
 The Nineteenth Century, September, 1899, 
 " I am in favor of advancing and upholding 
 these interests even at the cost of annexation 
 and at the risk of war. The only qualifica- 
 tion I admit is that the country we desire to 
 annex or take under our protection, the claims 
 we choose to assert and the cause we decide 
 to espouse, should be calculated to confer a 
 tangible advantage upon the British Empire." 
 And the same view has been expressed among 
 ourselves in articles in the magazine called 
 Seven Seas (Seven Seas, Sept., 19 15, pp. n, 
 
14 The Christian Man, 
 
 13; Nov., 1 9 1 5 , p. 28.) "World empire," 
 says the writer, " is the only logical and 
 rational aim of a nation. . . . The true 
 militarist believes that pacifism is the mascu- 
 line and humanitarianism is the feminine 
 manifestation of national degeneracy. . . . 
 It is the absolute right of a nation to live to 
 its fullest intensity, to expand, to found 
 colonies, to get richer and richer by any 
 proper means, such as armed conquest, com- 
 merce and diplomacy." We are fighting a 
 great war to destroy this view. 
 
 War for national glory or national pride 
 is wrong. The idea belongs to the same 
 level of morals and jurisprudence as dueling. 
 A nation cannot clear its honor or increase its 
 true glory by war. If it has done right it has 
 no dishonor to clear. If it has done wrong 
 war cannot conceal it or atone for it. And 
 it is a doubtful question both to the Christian 
 conscience and to the political judgment as to 
 whether it is right in itself or helpful to hu- 
 man progress for a nation to fight for its own 
 material rights alone. We may venture 
 to grant to the opponent of all war his 
 claim that such wars also are wrong. If the 
 rights are not mere isolated rights, but the 
 rights of humanity, and if the attack to be 
 resisted is made upon innocent persons and 
 upon human solidarity we will take back the 
 
the Church and the War 15 
 
 concession. But we are anxious to concede 
 as much as may be possible. 
 
 And with all that the hater of war may be 
 able to say against the horror and shame and 
 hellishness of war we will agree, asking only 
 words with which to help him in his denuncia- 
 tion. It is an evil deeper and darker than 
 speech. " I do not merely want to end this 
 war. I want to nail down war in its coffin. 
 Modern war is an intolerable thing. ... It 
 is disaster. It may be a necessary disaster 
 . . . but for all that I insist it remains waste, 
 disorder, disaster." (H. G. Wells, "Italy, 
 France and Britain at War.") 
 
 " Well, then," says the conscience stern 
 against war, " if you hold all this and are 
 ready to go even further, what kind of war 
 can be right? " And we reply, such a war 
 as the American nation believes it is waging 
 now, a war in defense of human rights, of 
 weak nations, of innocent and inoffensive peo- 
 ples, an unselfish war in which the nation 
 seeks absolutely nothing for itself and is 
 willing to spend everything in order that all 
 men, including its enemies, may be free. 
 This is a kind of war which we believe to be 
 justified and right in principle in a world in 
 which, at this time, these ends can only be 
 defended in this way. War is an evil and is 
 not to be tolerated unless the only alternative 
 
1 6 The Christian Man, 
 
 offered is a worse evil. And to let the wrong 
 have free course, to let might triumph over 
 justice is a worse evil than resistance. 
 
 But this is the very issue with many consci- 
 entious Christian men and women who see all 
 this as clearly as any one can, but who, when 
 they put their difficulty into words, say these 
 five things : 
 
 I. "It is wrong to kill. Doing it on a 
 big scale, in the name of the nation and under 
 the form of war, does not alter the fact that 
 it is killing. War is the killing of others 
 and it is wholesale self-killing too. And 
 killing is wrong. The sixth commandment 
 merely expresses a fundamental moral in- 
 stinct of humanity." To this what answer 
 can be made? Several answers. First, it is 
 murder, not death, that is forbidden by the 
 sixth commandment and the moral sense of 
 mankind. The same law which forbade mur- 
 der proclaimed death as the penalty for mur- 
 der. And the moral sense of mankind has 
 always justified killing as a prevention of 
 murder. Second, life is a sacred thing, but 
 there are times when some lives must be sac- 
 rificed that others may be saved. If the 
 Turks are massacreing Armenians, the law of 
 the sacredness of human life requires, not 
 that the assassins shall be allowed to go on 
 with impunity, but that they shall be stopped 
 
the Church and the War 17 
 
 even at the cost of their own lives. That is 
 the way an outraged law works. Third, war 
 is killing, but a war against war is a war 
 against killing. It is a dreadful remedy, 
 but if it is the only remedy, the greater wrong 
 is in flinching from its use. And, fourth, the 
 abstract principle of the inviolability of hu- 
 man life cannot be maintained. If it is, how 
 can God be justified in allowing death or in 
 inflicting it? Fifth, there is no law against 
 self-sacrifice. Regarding His own life, our 
 Lord declared: "I have a right to lay it 
 down of myself." And of His disciples' lives 
 He said: " Greater love hath no man than 
 this, that a man lay down his life for his 
 friends." Would that not justify a man to- 
 day in laying down his life for Belgium or 
 for France ? And last, life is not the great- 
 est thing in the world nor death the most 
 dreadful. " What is a man worse for dy- 
 ing? " asked Scatcherd in Trollope's "Dr. 
 Thorne," " What can I be worse for dying? 
 A man can die but once." Many things are 
 better than life. Duty and righteousness and 
 truth are all worth more than life. Happy 
 are they who are counted " worthy to die for 
 a great cause," said John Brown, " and 
 not merely to pay the debt of nature as all 
 must." 
 
 It is wrong to murder; as wrong as it is 
 
1 8 The Christian Man, 
 
 right to stop those who are doing it, even at 
 the risk of losing their lives and our own. 
 
 2. " It is wrong to use physical force in 
 resisting evil." Why physical? What is 
 the valid moral distinction between physical 
 force and other kinds of influence? It is cer- 
 tainly right to use intellectual and moral and 
 spiritual force to prevent evil. What is the 
 moral difference in using physical force? 
 And if it is wrong to use physical force in 
 resisting evil, why is it not wrong also in 
 doing good? Does any one think of main- 
 taining such a proposition? And further- 
 more, what it is morally right for God to do, 
 is it not morally right for man to do in God's 
 name in the way of duty? God is using 
 physical force every day both to achieve good 
 and to prevent evil. Man may safely act 
 in accord with God in this. " But all use 
 of violence or of physical restraint is an inva- 
 sion of the personality." But which is the 
 worse invasion, a robber's, entering my neigh- 
 bor's house to steal his goods and kill his 
 little children, or mine, meeting the robber 
 at the door and binding him hand and foot? 
 Whose " personality " has the greater right 
 to protection, his or my neighbor's? Even 
 so clear and earnest a pacifist as Mr. Ber- 
 trand Russell sees that " the use of force is 
 justifiable when it is ordered in accordance 
 with law, by a neutral authority in the gen- 
 
the Church and the War 19 
 
 eral interest." (Quoted in The New Repub- 
 lic, April 21, 1917, p. 353-) 
 
 The moral end for which physical force 
 exists is its use in righteous and loving serv- 
 ice. The vital thing is the use to which it is 
 put and the end it serves, not the resistance it 
 meets. If I am going down the street and 
 see a window coping about to fall on the head 
 of a child, it is my right and duty to hold it 
 back whether it is about to fall naturally or is 
 pushed down by a violent man. The moral 
 problem lies in having power to prevent 
 wrong and not using it. 
 
 3. " War is contrary to the teaching and 
 spirit of Jesus. ' Put up thy sword into its 
 place,' He said to the man defending Him 
 from arrest, who used force in the protection 
 of the innocent, ' for all they that take the 
 sword shall perish by the sword/ Jesus 
 taught the duty of absolute non-resistance to 
 evil." Yes, war is contrary to the teaching 
 and spirit of Jesus. The nation that initiates 
 a war is violating His law and His mind. 
 But when it has done so, and war, violating 
 His principles and disregarding and dishon- 
 oring His love, has been let loose, then does 
 it follow that His teaching and spirit require 
 that free and unhindered course must be 
 given to it? Ask John what might happen 
 then. He knew the spirit of Jesus and he 
 
20 The Christian Man, 
 
 declared that he was in that spirit when he 
 wrote what he saw : 
 
 " And I saw the heaven opened ; and behold, a 
 white horse, and He that sat thereon, called Faithful 
 and True; and in righteousness He doth judge and 
 make war. And His eyes are a flame of fire, and 
 upon His head are many diadems; and He hath a 
 name written, which no one knoweth but He Him- 
 self. And He is arrayed in a garment sprinkled 
 with blood: and His name is called The Word of 
 God. And the armies which are in heaven followed 
 Him upon white horses, clothed in fine linen, white 
 and pure. And out of His mouth proceedeth a 
 sharp sword, that with it He should smite the na- 
 tions: and He shall rule them with a rod of iron: 
 and He treadeth the- winepress of the fierceness of 
 the wrath of Almighty God. And He hath on His 
 garment and on His thigh a name written, King of 
 Kings, and Lord of Lords.' (Rev. xix, 11-16.) 
 
 And lest it should be thought that these vast 
 visions are too poetical, remember Jesus' own 
 words regarding wrongs against the innocent 
 and the just feelings and actions of human 
 governments : 
 
 " And whoso shall receive one such little child in 
 My name receiveth Me: but whoso shall cause one 
 of these little ones which believe on Me to stumble, 
 it is profitable for him that a great millstone should 
 be hanged about his neck, and that he should be 
 sunk in the depth of the sea." (Matt, xviii, 5, 6.) 
 
the Church and the War 21 
 
 " Jesus answered, My kingdom is not of this 
 world: if My kingdom were of this world, then 
 would My servants fight, that I should not be deliv- 
 ered to the Jews." (John xviii, 36.) 
 
 We err if we think of Jesus and His Spirit 
 in terms of compassion alone. We must 
 think of Him also in terms of righteousness. 
 He was love and He was also justice and 
 truth. He did indeed surrender His life 
 without resistance to His enemies, but He 
 also again and again pronounced judgment 
 both on sin as such and on men as sinners, as 
 His disciples did in His name (Acts v, 1-1 1 ) . 
 He taught the duty of pity and unselfishness 
 and forgiveness, but He never abrogated or 
 compromised the principles of righteousness. 
 Neither in His example nor in His teaching 
 is there any warrant for the surrender by 
 society of the political order of human life to 
 the power of evil and wrong-doing. Men 
 may and often must do just as Jesus did, in 
 the will of God, but society may not dissolve 
 nor ignore God's just and righteous govern- 
 ment. 
 
 4. " War is an evil. It does not matter 
 how it is justified or what it is fought for. It 
 is always and only evil. It means economic 
 loss and waste. It eats up the accumulated 
 toil of the past. It consumes the resources 
 
22 The Christian Man, 
 
 of the people. It destroys its treasures. It 
 breeds moral disease. It poisons the blood 
 of the nation. It accomplishes nothing. 
 When it is over there is ruin and there is 
 nothing else." Yes, this is a mild statement. 
 It can be qualified perhaps in some particu- 
 lars. But it can also be enlarged a hundred- 
 fold and its color turned from gray into scar- 
 let and lurid night. War is an evil, but I 
 say again there can be a worse evil. It is a 
 worse evil to surrender to war, to let a war- 
 purposing nation have its own unhindered 
 way, to allow the principle of injustice to 
 triumph. It is better to die fighting against 
 Dr. von Luschau's theory of a world order 
 than to live accepting it. The one war that 
 can be right and not all evil is the war that 
 will end war forever. That war is morally 
 just. It is worth any sacrifice. 
 
 5. " Yes, but the only way to stop war is 
 to stop it. You can't stop it by carrying it 
 on. You can only stop it when some nation 
 at any cost refuses to resist its enemy, or 
 when some nation disarms and renounces war 
 for itself forever." Some day this may 
 come true. The nations will " beat their 
 swords into plowshares, and their spears 
 into pruning hooks; nation shall not lift 
 up sword against nation, neither shall 
 they learn war any more." But until that 
 
the Church and the War 23 
 
 day comes the practical question which one 
 nation after another has had to answer and, 
 until we get war killed, will have to continue 
 to answer, will be the question of its duty, 
 resting in its own safety and peace, to other 
 weaker nations in peril and distress. And 
 the weaker nation may really be fighting the 
 battle of the great nation which is at safety 
 and peace, standing between it and its enemy. 
 It is not heroic, it is less than honorable for 
 a nation to throw on such beleaguered nations 
 the burden of making a world-peace by the 
 surrender of all that they are and have, to 
 advise them to yield to the aggressor in the 
 assurance that if they will do so war will end. 
 For three years in this world war the United 
 States refused to arm. It strove by every 
 means to maintain peace. It scrupulously 
 observed all the requirements of neutrality 
 and of international law. Was it secured 
 thereby against assault upon its citizens and 
 upon its peaceful relations with other peo- 
 ples? In a world that will some day come 
 this will be different. It may be that some 
 Telemachus nation may stop the last war, if 
 this war is not the last, by sacrificing itself as 
 the monk did when he ended the gladia- 
 torial shows in Rome. But we have as yet no 
 nation sufficiently holy for such a sacrifice and 
 neither hitherto nor now has submission 
 
24 The Christian Man, 
 
 shamed aggressive nations into peace. And 
 while men innocently suffer the old question 
 will recur: " Shall your brethren go to the 
 war and you sit here? " And the notes of 
 the ancient song return: 
 
 " And the princes of Issachar were with Deborah; 
 
 As was Issachar, so was Barak ; 
 
 Into the valley thy rushed forth at his feet. 
 
 By the watercourses of Reuben 
 
 There were great resolves of heart. 
 
 Why sattest thou among the sheepfolds,' 
 
 To hear the pipings for the flocks? 
 
 At the watercourses of Reuben 
 
 There were great searchings of heart. 
 
 Gilead abode beyond the Jordan: 
 
 And Dan, why did he remain in ships? 
 
 Asher sat still at the haven of the sea 
 
 And abode by his creeks. 
 
 Zebulun was a people that jeoparded their lives unto 
 
 the death, 
 And Naphtali, upon the high places of the field. 
 Curse ye Meroz, said the angel of Jehovah, 
 Curse ye bitterly the inhabitants thereof, 
 Because they came not to the help of Jehovah, 
 To the help of Jehovah against the mighty." 
 
 (Judges v, 15-18, 23.) 
 
 One wants to deal fairly by the Christian 
 man who feels these five difficulties. They 
 are valid objections to a war of aggression. 
 I do not see that they are valid against an 
 unselfish war in defense of human rights. 
 
the Church and the War 25 
 
 But we can go further in our thought on 
 the question, whether in principle war can 
 ever be right in our actual world. 
 
 The past is a record of how God actually 
 has shaped human history. Can any one 
 deny that there have been wars which on one 
 side at least were right? If there is any 
 truth at all in the Old Testament records it 
 is clear from them that again and again men 
 were convinced that they were fighting with 
 the very help and warrant of God. In our 
 own national history, who is prepared to say 
 that both the Revolutionary and the Civil 
 Wars represented no right principle for 
 which the nation was justified in contending 
 even to the death? The New Testament 
 itself recognized the legitimacy of military 
 service for Christian men as it certainly could 
 not have done without sacrifice of its moral 
 authority if it be true that war cannot be 
 morally allowed in human life. And in all 
 later days many of the noblest and purest 
 Christian spirits have been soldiers. 
 
 This fact that God has allowed wars in 
 human history and that Christian men have 
 been soldiers does not prove that war is a 
 good thing and that it is to be accepted as a 
 lasting human institution, a part of the divine 
 order of the world, any more than the exist- 
 ence of polygamy in the Old Testament times 
 
26 The Christian Man, 
 
 and of slavery in New Testament times and 
 for centuries afterwards proves that polyg- 
 amy and slavery are good things and divinely 
 ordered permanent institutions. There is 
 such a thing as world progress. What was 
 allowable and even necessary in one day be- 
 comes wrong and intolerable in another. 
 The day will come when war will be an ana- 
 chronism, a long abandoned evil of the bar- 
 baric times. We are waging the present war 
 to accomplish this very result. But until that 
 day, so long as human law and human life 
 know only the principles of our present order, 
 war cannot be said to be in principle unallow- 
 able. God has allowed it. We did our best 
 to escape it, but it came unsought and un- 
 avoidable. The facts of history justify it 
 to-day. May it be for the last time ! To- 
 morrow, please God, it will be outlawed for- 
 ever. 
 
 Not only does the past refuse to justify the 
 view that Christianity and war are irrecon- 
 ciliable as yet, although God intends and we 
 intend, by His help, that they shall be, but 
 the fundamental Christian principles of trus- 
 teeship and unselfishness require resistance to 
 wrong directed against the weak and the inno- 
 cent. The wrong of war for selfish ends is 
 as clear as sunlight, but in Jesus' words, " Re- 
 sist not evil," there is no warrant for a man, 
 
the Church and the War 27 
 
 as Captain Mahan says, " to surrender the 
 rights of another, still less if he is the trustee 
 of those rights. This applies with double 
 emphasis to rulers and to nations; for these, 
 in this matter, have no personal rights. 
 They are guardians, trustees, and as such are 
 bound to do their best, even to the use of 
 force, if need be, for the rightful interest of 
 their wards. Personally, I go farther, and 
 maintain that the possession of power is a tal- 
 ent committed in trust, for which account will 
 be exacted; and that, under some circum- 
 stances, an obligation to repress evil external 
 to its borders rests upon a nation as responsi- 
 bility for the slums rests upon the rich quar- 
 ters of a city. In this respect I call to wit- 
 ness Armenia, Crete, and Cuba, without, 
 however, presuming to judge the consciences 
 of the nations who witnessed without inter- 
 vention the sufferings of the first two." 
 
 It is in this principle that we get light upon 
 the teaching of Jesus about non-resistance. 
 He clearly bade us to yield our own rights, 
 but he did not bid us to yield our duties. If 
 one smites us on our own cheek we are to 
 turn to him the other, but if he smites a little 
 child on one cheek he will not smite it on the 
 other if we have the strength and love of 
 Christ in us. Set in the duty of service we 
 are to stand immovable, faithful unto death, 
 
28 The Christian Man 
 
 shielding the helpless, protecting the weak, 
 overthrowing the evil. 
 
 Another New Testament conception which 
 makes it impossible for us as yet to set up 
 the thesis of the absolute indefensibility of 
 war is the conception of the state as an ordi- 
 nance of God. Paul held this conception 
 firmly ( Romans xiii, 3-7 ) and he did not hesi- 
 tate to appeal to the state for military pro- 
 tection against violence and crime (Acts xxiii, 
 17-23). The Christian Church in the first 
 century was not called, and never as a Church 
 has been called, to go to war; but nations and 
 ordered governments, whether then or now, 
 are to do justice and to prevent wrong. Paul 
 said this was the divine purpose of govern- 
 ment in the case of Rome (Romans xiii, 4). 
 It is not possible that God should intend a 
 heathen government to prevent evil, but 
 Christian governments to permit it. 
 
 And we cannot absolutely rule out war 
 from the universe on the ground that it em- 
 ploys force and costs human life if at the 
 same time we believe in God. If the uni- 
 verse is not moral, then, of course, no ethical 
 question will trouble us. But if it is moral, 
 if a personal God is back of it, must not the 
 use of force and of human life in the progress 
 of the world be warrantable if He uses them 
 so? Can H/e not allow and authorize this 
 
the Church and the War 29 
 
 war? When he has educated us a little more 
 we may be sure He will rule war out. The 
 God in Whom we believe would have de- 
 stroyed it long ago if He could have done so 
 without destroying man too. But until man- 
 kind comes to the stage where war can be 
 abandoned without abandoning the world to 
 the armed wrong-doer, we cannot say that 
 the use of war for righteous defense is wrong. 
 Still against the armed man of evil-will one 
 may sing: 
 
 " Blessed be Jehovah my rock, 
 Who teacheth my hands to war, 
 And my fingers to fight: 
 My lovingkindness and my fortress, 
 My high tower, and my deliverer ; 
 My shield, and He in whom I take refuge." 
 (Psalm cxliv, 1, 2.) 
 
 Let it be said again that the time will come 
 when all this sort of argumentation will seem 
 to men the talk of a forgotten day. It will 
 be then the talk of a bygone time. But the 
 day is not forgotten now nor the time bygone. 
 It is the reality of life and duty to us. It is 
 in this world that we are living, not in that 
 new and different world. And we shall 
 never bring that other and better day in if 
 we do not do our duty now. Our duty now 
 is to refute the false ideals of military autoc- 
 
30 The Christian Man, 
 
 racy and of willful power, to check and throw 
 back national ambition that ignores the rights 
 of the weak and that aims at usurpation and 
 dominion, to destroy at any cost to ourselves 
 the principle of war, to deliver mankind from 
 the unbearable burden of armaments and 
 dread of attack. It is not tolerable to live in 
 such a world. And if there is no other es- 
 cape from it than by the death of men in war, 
 let us die so, in order that other men may 
 live in a different world. 
 
 But if what is said here is true and we are 
 justified in this one more war to stop war, it 
 does not follow that we are free to yield to 
 the spirit that we set out to destroy. Pre- 
 cisely otherwise. If this view now allows 
 and warrants war, it also warns and cautions 
 and sobers us. It bids us be rid of our preju- 
 dice and passion, to chant no hymns of hate, 
 to keep our aims and our principles free from 
 selfishness and from any national interest 
 which is not also the interest of all nations, 
 to refrain from doing in retaliation and in 
 war the very things we condemn in others, to 
 avoid Prussianism in our national life in the 
 effort to crush Prussianism, to guard against 
 the moral uncleanness which has character- 
 ized past wars as against pestilence, to mag- 
 nify the great constructive and humane serv- 
 ices for which humanity calls in every such 
 
the Church and the War 31 
 
 time of tragedy, to love and pray for our 
 enemies, to realize that the task set for us is 
 not to be discharged in a year or five years, 
 nor by money and ships and guns, but by life, 
 that it is a war to the death against all that 
 makes war possible. We have to replace 
 an order of selfishness and wrong and di- 
 vision with an order of brotherhood and 
 righteousness and unity. Whatever stands 
 in the way of that new order in our 
 nation or in our hearts is an ally of the 
 ideals and spirit against which we contend. 
 To tolerate or to conceal behind our armies 
 the policies, the prejudices or the passions 
 which are before them is disloyalty. To try 
 to make our own hearts pure and our own 
 hands clean so that we may be worthy of 
 being used to achieve victory and peace is loy- 
 alty, and it is the only kind of loyalty that will 
 stand the strain that we must now prepare 
 ourselves to meet. 
 
II 
 
 THE CHURCH AND THE WAR 
 
 The problem of war to the Church is even 
 greater than its problem for the Christian 
 man. All that makes the problem difficult 
 for the individual makes it difficult also for 
 the Church and there is more besides. The 
 social character and international relations of 
 the Church and its sense of universal mission 
 make its implication in war a tragic thing. 
 The problem has become the more difficult 
 to-day also by reason of the great confusion 
 surrounding the character and work of the 
 Church, its aims, its functions, its legitimate 
 business. This confusion is illustrated in the 
 conflicting criticisms which have been directed 
 against the Church. On the one hand it was 
 demanded at the outbreak of the war four 
 years ago that the Church should explain why 
 it and the Christian religion, of which it was 
 the representative, had not prevented the war. 
 If only the Church had applied Christianity 
 to the hearts of rulers and to the relations of 
 32 
 
The Church and the War 33 
 
 nations the war could not have been! No 
 doubt. Likewise, if chloroform had been 
 applied to the rulers. But neither Chris- 
 tianity nor chloroform is self-applying. As 
 the war went on and it became the conviction 
 of more and more people in America that the 
 nation would have to take part in the great 
 struggle, a contrary complaint was made 
 against the Church. Why w r as it so pacific? 
 Why did it not fire the spirit of the nation and 
 force the reluctance of the President and 
 compel the entrance of America into the war? 
 But the President had charged the nation to 
 be neutral and had asked to be allowed to 
 handle the intricate situation without pres- 
 sures which would limit his ability to do the 
 best for the nation and mankind. He was 
 showing the whole world an example of mod- 
 eration and restraint. Was it the business 
 of the Christian Church to refuse loyalty to 
 the head of the nation acting in such a spirit 
 and with tireless purpose to preserve peace 
 until it could no longer be preserved? Was 
 it the Church's true function to precipitate 
 the war or to support in every way the Com- 
 mander-in-Chief of the Army and Navy in 
 his policy to avert war if it might be possible ? 
 The confusion with regard to the real na- 
 ture and function of the Church illustrated in 
 these colliding criticisms with regard to the 
 
34 The Christian Man, 
 
 initiation of the war is revealed also in the 
 various activities urged on the Church now. 
 Many of these are not the duty of the Church 
 at all. They may be the duties of Christian 
 men. If they are patriotic duties they assur- 
 edly are the duties of Christian men, but they 
 are not the business of the institution of the 
 Church. This confusion is not all a bad 
 thing by any means. It has three great ad- 
 vantages. It compels thoughtful men to ask 
 what the Church is and what business it has 
 to do in the world. It requires the Church 
 to ask itself whether it is missing any true 
 human service which it ought to be rendering, 
 whether there are any wide human relations 
 which it is failing to fulfill, or whether on the 
 other hand it is involved in weakening com- 
 promises and is burdening itself with mis- 
 taken tasks. It reveals to the Church the 
 loss from its disunion and inefficiency. 
 
 Let me speak a word as to this loss. Let 
 the gains of division be granted, — the distri- 
 bution of responsibility, the multiplied cen- 
 ters of energy, the flexibility and freedom, 
 the room for the play of unity of spirit in 
 spite of disunity of form, the possibility of 
 progress through emulation and mutual attri- 
 tion, and all else that can be claimed. There 
 is on the other hand the indisputable loss. 
 There are things that the Church cannot do, 
 
the Church and the War 35 
 
 influences it cannot wield, voices it cannot 
 utter, moral demands it cannot make, services 
 it cannot render. It lost the control of edu- 
 cation and of charity through disunion. Our 
 ecclesiastical condition is one which unfits us 
 for this as for so many others of the social 
 functions of the Christian Church. Our rent 
 and divided Christendom could not take di- 
 rection of the forces and resources of elemen- 
 tary education and of charity without such a 
 waste of both as we already see in the direc- 
 tion of the forces and resources devoted to 
 the proper work of the Church; and that the 
 public would not endure. (Thompson's 
 " Divine Order of Human Society," p. 175.) 
 But the loss through this secularization is 
 great. And if the Church were really one 
 now, or were prepared to act as a unity it 
 would render to the nations and the world in 
 this special hour a service which nothing else 
 can give and for the lack of which mankind 
 will suffer for many a day. 
 
 But the Church can come nearer to efficient 
 service of the nation and the world to-day, 
 even divided as we are, by clearing away as 
 much as possible of the confusion of our 
 thought as to what the work of the Church 
 ought to be in this time of war, and what its 
 place is in society. We seem to have for- 
 gotten that there are three divine institutions 
 
36 The Christian Man, 
 
 and we are mixing them up, interchanging 
 and commingling their functions, sometimes 
 raising unwarranted conflicts between them 
 and sometimes allowing unwarranted alli- 
 ances. These three institutions for which, 
 in spite of the old-fashioned sound of it, a 
 special sanction is claimed, are the family, 
 the State and the Church. Their confusion 
 is not unnatural. The same man belongs to 
 all three, and he cannot separate himself 
 from any one of them unless, of course, he 
 becomes an outlaw from his family, an expa- 
 triate of his State, or foregoes his place in the 
 Church. And all three of these institutions 
 are religious, not the Church alone. The 
 family and the State are as truly religious and 
 divine as the Church. If any one of the 
 three is to be picked out as more religious 
 and of diviner sanction than the rest it is the 
 family. It came first. It has its ideal in 
 the nature of God. It satisfies more of the 
 human needs than any other institution. It 
 is the fundamental social unit. It is the goal 
 of human life. In John's vision of the heav- 
 enly city, he saw the nations gathered into the 
 family home of God, but he saw no Church 
 there. And especially do we need to-day to 
 conceive of the State not as supreme and di- 
 vine in that German sense whose shadow we 
 are pushing back across the world, but as a 
 
the Church and the War 37 
 
 divine institute none the less in its own sphere, 
 and bound to the same moral law that binds 
 men and as is witnessed by the Church. Citi- 
 zenship is a sacred and religious thing. And 
 these three institutions are confused not only 
 because the same man is in each one, and be- 
 cause all are alike religious, but also because 
 they cannot be too sharply differentiated in 
 their spheres. Each glides into the others, 
 and through the years there have been con- 
 stant transitions of function. At first the 
 school was entirely in the family, then it 
 passed under the Church, and now from the 
 Church it has passed to the State. The 
 Church itself has moved through a wide 
 range of relationships in connection with the 
 State. But confused as these three institu- 
 tions are, they can and must be seen in some 
 distinction of function for the sake of each 
 and as against the peril, that the interests of 
 mankind may be permanently damaged 
 through the absorption by any one of the busi- 
 ness of the others or the failure of any one 
 to make its own distinctive and necessary con- 
 tribution. Roughly, it suffices to character- 
 ize the family as the institute of the affec- 
 tions, the State as the institute of rights, and 
 the Church as the institute of humanity. 
 
 Our concern here is with the last. As the 
 institute of humanity what shall we say of 
 
38 The Christian Man, 
 
 the character, the function, the work of the 
 Church in America now ? 
 
 First of all, the Church is not one of a 
 hundred agencies. It is one of three. It is 
 not a mere appendage, and tool of the State, 
 to endorse State action just because it is such, 
 to echo the voice of a contemporaneous po- 
 litical policy. Such a theory would soon re- 
 duce the Church to a nullity. Its members 
 belong to other organizations which can ful- 
 fill these functions without the trammels of 
 which the Church cannot divest itself. And 
 these organizations can render a service of 
 this character which would soon obscure any 
 echo which the Church can contribute. Such 
 a theory would destroy the highest service 
 which the Church can render, which is to 
 bring the State the immeasurable support of 
 its independent moral judgment, upholding 
 right and condemning wrong. If a war 
 projected by the State is wrong the Church 
 ought to condemn it. If it is right the 
 Church should support it, not because the 
 State has proposed it, but because it is right. 
 On this basis the Church makes a positive 
 moral contribution to the nation. On any 
 other basis it undermines the nation's moral 
 character. 
 
 But the Church is not a political judge and 
 divider. There have been conceptions of the 
 
the Church and the War 39 
 
 Church which led it to seek such an office. 
 In America we hold it to a different sphere. 
 It has not been easy to do so. There are 
 earnest men who from the outset of the war 
 have dreamed that the Church might in some 
 great utterance prescribe to the world the 
 rearrangements of the life and relations of 
 the nations which would end the struggle and 
 bring us peace. But there has never been a 
 time in this generation, surely not since Janu- 
 ary 1 st, 19 14, when any imaginable state- 
 ment could have done anything of the sort. 
 No statement can do it now. The President 
 has made as admirable statements as can be 
 made and he can be trusted to make others 
 as they become necessary. What is needed 
 is deeds. Only acts, words wrought into 
 life and sacrifice, can avail now. Invaded 
 soil must be restored. Immeasurable wrongs 
 must be repaired. The dead cannot be 
 avenged. Vengeance is mine, I will repay, 
 saith the Lord. But a new world can be 
 brought in where the innocent shall not be 
 slain. But no phrases of speech or clever 
 proclamations can achieve these ends now. 
 We are thrown back reverently on a deeper 
 word than any we can say, the old word which 
 declares that without shedding of blood there 
 is no remission of sins. More truth is to be 
 spoken, but also more life is to be laid down. 
 
4-0 The Christian Man, 
 
 If the Church is not a political echo nor a 
 political judge, what is it? It is a minister 
 of service, a fountain of moral life and duty, 
 a witness to enduring and universal princi- 
 ples. And its faithful fulfillment of these 
 functions now is needed as urgently as ever 
 in its history. A deputation from one of the 
 Churches asked President Wilson how the 
 Church could best support him and serve the 
 nation in this hour. The President replied 
 by " calling upon the Church to remain true 
 to its spiritual ideals and to glorify the prin- 
 ciples of justice and of liberty which have 
 given it birth." 
 
 And what is the service which in this main- 
 tenance of the moral and religious life of the 
 nation at full measure the Church must ren- 
 der? Primarily and preeminently it is the 
 service of keeping elementary principles clear, 
 and especially two of these. Not long ago a 
 friend, a newspaper man, described to me his 
 views of the present social and political order 
 and the way out. The escape was by the lit- 
 eral application of what he conceived to be 
 the teaching and principles of Jesus, which he 
 regarded as the only pure common sense 
 which had ever been uttered. This teaching 
 rested on the assumption of the absolute sa- 
 credness of life, and involved the conse- 
 quent duty of complete non-resistance. He 
 
the Church and the War 41 
 
 was led on to speak of a conversation 
 with his son, who had asked him whether 
 a lie was ever justifiable and to whom 
 he had replied that he had troubles enough 
 of his own without being assaulted with 
 such problems. When, however, the boy 
 expressed the view that a lie even to 
 save life was never right, his father had 
 taken issue with him declaring that the 
 obligation of truth was only relative and that 
 to set it above the obligation of life was to 
 make a fetish of a man's scruples and to sac- 
 rifice duty to it. My friend seemed to me, 
 however, to have exactly reversed the moral 
 principles involved. I believe that Jesus and 
 the New Testament teach the relativity of the 
 right of life and the absoluteness of the claims 
 of truth, and that these are just the funda- 
 mental issues of the present hour. If the 
 principle of life is absolute and of truth rela- 
 tive, why should men die for a cause, how 
 can a cause ask men for their lives? But I 
 believe it is truth and righteousness which is 
 the absolute and sovereign value, for which 
 alone we have a right to war, and to count 
 life in comparison a secondary thing to be 
 poured out without reserve. To these prin- 
 ciples the Church needs to bear an unmistak- 
 able witness and to build them as a great rock 
 under our national thought and purpose. If 
 
42 . The Christian Man, 
 
 presently when the sacrifices multiply and the 
 toll of death is long, men do not hold, on 
 principle, that life is nothing at all in com- 
 parison with truth, and that we had better all 
 die than let wrong triumph, where will our 
 strength be found? The certainty of victory 
 is with those who see the principle of truth as 
 absolute and uncompromisable and who deem 
 life of value only for truth's sake. 
 
 The Church is not only a witness to the 
 elemental moral principles. It is also a min- 
 ister of unselfish service. There are critics 
 of the Church who have been asking what it 
 has been doing or can do when a nation comes 
 to a great struggle such as this where, as it is 
 explained, the real issues are material and 
 economic, and who have derided the Church 
 for its inefficiency and its dissensions. But 
 the facts are different. Never before for 
 many a day have the Churches been drawn 
 together in faith and service as they are to- 
 day. No other agencies in the nation were 
 more promptly or deeply touched with a com- 
 mon spirit of resolve and duty, with a realiza- 
 tion of the need of cooperation and concord 
 in view of the immensity and the unity of the 
 task in the army and in the nation. The 
 necessary forms of common action were at 
 once established. An object adequately great 
 and single showed itself able, as always, to 
 
the Church and the War 43 
 
 unite men. Divisions, however historically 
 significant, were seen to be outworn and un- 
 warranted unless they increased the resources 
 and capacity of all for the one great task. 
 As I have said, there is still a long way to go 
 before the Church is where it ought to be, 
 but in two ways the Church is making prog- 
 ress thither and must make more. (1) 
 First, by the principle of unselfishness and 
 sacrifice. ^ The war represents the suprem- 
 acy of this principle over life, and many men 
 have learned its supremacy over money. 
 When before has a nation embodied the rec- 
 ognition of this in its revenue laws as we 
 have done in the Income Tax Law section on 
 charitable gifts? But we need to learn this 
 lesson as to name and work and institution. 
 In one of the army camps I picked up a copy 
 of a short life of Huxley and read in it this 
 statement of his aims, written in his jour- 
 nal, December 31st, 1856, " To smite all 
 humbug, however big; to give a nobler tone 
 to service; to set an example of abstinence 
 from petty personal controversies and of tol- 
 eration for everything but lying; to be indif- 
 ferent as to whether the work is recognized 
 as mine, so long as it is done." Those 
 agencies, whatever their character, which act 
 with such purpose will emerge from the war 
 strongest. Those which seek in any way 
 
44 The Christian Man, 
 
 their own gain or aggrandizement will pay 
 the price of their self-seeking in a time when 
 the law of sacrifice must be supreme. (2) 
 Secondly, by the spirit of confidence and ap- 
 preciation and trust. The task before the 
 nation is too immense for men to waste time 
 in mere negative criticism. It is a day for 
 appreciation of what men are trying to do, 
 each in his place, in the government and in 
 private life. And the Churches must live and 
 work in the same spirit. All of them com- 
 bined cannot do all the work which is to be 
 done. If some things are attempted in dup- 
 lication it need not be wondered at. It is 
 better that it should be so than that they 
 should not be attempted at all. It is a day to 
 practice, the faith in our fellow men of which 
 Paul speaks (Eph. i, 15). If we cannot do 
 this individually, within the nation, and above 
 all, between the Churches, if we are suspi- 
 cious of one another and question each other's 
 fidelity, or seek our own glory, how can we 
 hope to promote international good faith and 
 the spirit of confidence and trust between race 
 and race? 
 
 And there are services which the nation 
 needs of the Church to-day which, with what- 
 ever unity it can command, the Church must 
 perform, and perform now. 
 . The Church has a work to do in making 
 
the Church and the War 45 
 
 the army. The camps have not been estab- 
 lished to provide a field for evangelistic work 
 for the Church. But the Church exists to do, 
 wherever men are gathered, the work of 
 character building which is essential in creat- 
 ing an army. In a manly and soldierly ad- 
 dress which he made to a group of new of- 
 ficers at Camp Wadsworth, General O'Ryan 
 declared the three things requisite to the 
 building of a strong army to be ( 1 ) personal 
 character, (2) discipline and unity, and (3) 
 equipment and military technique. The 
 fundamental thing was morale and the fiber 
 of character in the individual. The great 
 foes of such character are the vices against 
 which the Church and the nation wage war. 
 Never before in history has a government 
 thrown around the assembling and training of 
 an army such safeguards as those which the 
 United States has used in this emergency. 
 The moral sense of the nation has been given 
 a redoubled confidence in the government by 
 what has been done. And it is necessary not 
 only to provide just outward restraints and 
 protections but also to supply men with in- 
 ward fortitude and resolution. The disci- 
 pline of the army cannot follow each soldier 
 every hour by day and night. There will 
 come times when unless he is fortified by firm 
 purpose and religious principle he will be 
 
46 The Christian Man, 
 
 found unprotected and will be overthrown. 
 And all moral wreckage, the makers of the 
 army clearly see, is folly and waste. To 
 train a man to be a soldier, to spend freely 
 of the public revenue to make him efficient in 
 the work of war, and then to find that he can- 
 not fight at all but must be supported by the 
 government in a hospital, not only a non-com- 
 batant but an incubus upon every fighting man, 
 is not warfare, it is military and economic 
 idiocy. The nation needs religion function- 
 ing with freedom and power in and around 
 the camps in its work of making character. 
 And religion is needed not to make character 
 only but just as much to make power. The 
 best soldiers the nation has had from Wash- 
 ington to our own day have been Christian 
 men. The Civil War produced no general 
 of more remarkable power than Stonewall 
 Jackson, and Colonel Henderson, his biog- 
 rapher, tells us of him that his " religion en- 
 tered into every action of his life. No duty, 
 however trivial, was begun without asking a 
 blessing, or ended without returning thanks. 
 'He had long cultivated,' he said, ' the habit 
 of connecting the most trivial and customary 
 acts of life with a silent prayer.' He took 
 the Bible as his guide. ... He prayed 
 without ceasing, under fire or in camp. . . . 
 
the Church and the War 47 
 
 He prayed for help to do his duty, and he 
 prayed for success. He knew that 
 
 " More things are wrought by prayer 
 Than this world dreams of ; " 
 
 but he knew also, that prayer is not always 
 answered in the way which man would have 
 it. He went into battle with supreme confi- 
 dence, not, as has been alleged, that the Lord 
 had delivered the enemy into his hands, but 
 that whatever happened would be the best 
 that could happen. And he was as free from 
 cant as from self-deception. It may be said 
 of Jackson, as has been said so eloquently of 
 the men whom, in some respects, he closely 
 resembled, that ' his Bible was literally food 
 to his understanding and a guide to his con- 
 duct. He saw the visible finger of God in 
 every incident of life.' " (Henderson, 
 " Life of Stonewall Jackson," Vol. I, pp. 61, 
 73.) At the end of his picture Col. Hen- 
 derson speaks of " the consuming earnestness, 
 the absolute fearlessness, whether of danger 
 or of responsibility, the utter disregard of 
 men and the unquestioning faith in the Al- 
 mighty, which made up the individuality 
 which men called Stonewall Jackson." We 
 need the Stonewalls to-day and it is religion 
 that can make them for us. General Persh- 
 
48 The Christian Man, 
 
 ing evidently so believes. In his dispatch of 
 January 18, 191 8, he advised the State De- 
 partment: " In the fulfillment of its duty to 
 the nation much is expected of our army and 
 nothing should be left undone that will help 
 in keeping it in the highest state of efficiency. 
 I believe the personnel of the army has never 
 been equalled and the conduct has been excel- 
 lent, but to overcome entirely the conditions 
 found here requires fortitude born of great 
 courage and lofty spiritual ideas. Counting 
 myself responsible for the welfare of our 
 men in every respect it is my desire to sur- 
 round them with the best influence possible. 
 In the fulfillment of this solemn trust it seems 
 wise to request the aid of churchmen from 
 home." The Church must do the same work 
 here as in France. 
 
 The Church has a work to do in conserving 
 the religious future of the nation. Its care 
 for the young men enrolled in the army is 
 essential for the making of the army. It is 
 equally essential for the future well being of 
 American life. The Government has justifi- 
 ably lifted these young men out of our homes 
 and communities. The military conscription 
 law was one of the most just and prudent 
 laws ever enacted. Once the task of the na- 
 tion was clear it was the nation's duty to 
 apportion that task among its citizens. The 
 
the Church and the War 49 
 
 financial burden was equitably distributed by 
 taxation and loans. The burden of personal 
 service was equitably distributed by the draft 
 law. It would have been as reasonable to 
 provide the funds needed for the war by vol- 
 untary subscriptions as to provide the troops 
 by voluntary enlistment. And just as the 
 allotment of such taxes is an honor and their 
 payment a sacred privilege so the conscrip- 
 tion of life was an honor and the acceptance 
 of personal service a sacred preferment. If 
 there was any error at all, it was in not mak- 
 ing the conscription cover all other service as 
 well as the service of the army. But this 
 justified and honoring conscription of men 
 laid upon the nation a solemn obligation. It 
 was bound to see that the best influences of 
 home and community life were, as far as pos- 
 sible, provided for these young men. Those 
 to whom it is not given to die for the cause 
 will come back again. They must come back 
 stronger men, ready to carry forward the 
 great traditions and institutions of our Amer- 
 ican life. Their homes and their churches 
 feel that they have a right and a duty to hold 
 them fast for their own sake and for the na- 
 tion's sake, in the interest of to-day and in 
 the interest of to-morrow. And all this is 
 the army's own gain. 
 
 The Church has a work to do in enlarging 
 
50 The Christian Man, 
 
 the moral values and in using to the full the 
 moral resources of the nation. The moral 
 aims of the war need to be clearly seen and 
 the vision must not be allowed to fade. The 
 nation is not fighting the war for the war's 
 sake. We are fighting it for the sake of Bel- 
 gium and France and Armenia and humanity. 
 We are fighting it not because we love war 
 but because we hate it and see no other way 
 of stopping it once and forever. We are 
 fighting it for the sake of ending ideals of 
 false nationalism, of preventing the purpose 
 of world domination by German autocracy. 
 As an advertisement of the National Security 
 League puts it in offering a reward of $1000 
 for " the best suggestion as to how to get to 
 the German masses these facts : 
 
 We are fighting for the German masses, not against 
 them. 
 We are fighting the Prussian Military Autocracy 
 Which is forcing thousands of the German 
 masses to be killed daily — 
 The Autocracy that is making slaves of the masses 
 So that Germany can make vassals 
 Of the rest of the European Nations. 
 That Autocracy that is trying to rule the world by 
 force, 
 The Autocracy that is preventing peace. 
 The United States does not want German land, 
 money or business. 
 
the Church and the War 51 
 
 The United States is fighting for the Liberty of the 
 masses — 
 For our Liberty — for the Liberty of the World. 
 And we will fight until we get 
 
 FREEDOM FOR ALL FOREVER." 
 
 These are some of the clear moral aims of 
 the war. Many influences will obscure 
 them. The Church needs to keep them 
 clear. We are seeking nothing for our- 
 selves that we do not want to share with all 
 peoples, including the German people. 
 
 In such a struggle material and military 
 forces alone will not suffice. There must be 
 behind them and in them a moral purpose 
 and energy and consecration which will save 
 these forces from their own perils and use 
 them for the great ideal ends which the Presi- 
 dent has stated in ways which satisfy the con- 
 science of the American people. It is the 
 business of the Church to awaken and sustain 
 this purpose and energy and consecration. A 
 personal letter from an official of the Govern- 
 ment in Washington will state the matter bet- 
 ter than any words which I can use : 
 
 " I have discovered that there is a very definite 
 limit beyond which it is not proper for the Govern- 
 ment to go in affirming moral ideals and mobilizing 
 the mental and spiritual forces of the country for 
 national service. The State and the Church are 
 
52 The Christian Man, 
 
 officially disunited, and it is well indeed that this 
 is so. 
 
 " But there is a point where the State leaves off 
 and the Church begins. And I, as an individual 
 Christian man, and not as a functionary of the 
 Government, seem to see a great work which the 
 Church, as a whole, might take up, at the very point 
 where the State must, of logical necessity, lay it 
 down. 
 
 " The national propaganda which must be put 
 out to serve the purposes of the Government must 
 appeal to men to volunteer their lives and their 
 services in the national defense ; to give their money 
 to humanitarian ^work made imperative by the 
 operations of war; to buy bonds which furnish 
 money to build armies and navies. 
 
 " All this is necessary to be done, and it is clearly 
 within the province of the State to do this. In 
 securing these results it is also within the province 
 of the State to affirm the accepted national ideals of 
 liberty, justice, truth, fairness, and so on, and to 
 appeal to the nobler instincts of devotion to the 
 common good, self-sacrifice, and standing for prin- 
 ciple at the cost of life and treasure. 
 
 " But, looking upon the net result of all this 
 Government propaganda, I, as a Christian man, and 
 not as a Government functionary, can see that it 
 tends mightily to create throughout the country the 
 sentiment that ' Victory will be on the side of the 
 biggest army.' Therefore we must build the biggest 
 army, and fight in the biggest way possible. 
 
 " The State, as such, can do no otherwise. 
 
 " And we see even ministers of the Gospel catch- 
 
the Church and the War 53 
 
 ing step with this idea which is implied by the 
 Government propaganda, and emphasizing the duties 
 of citizenship just as the Government is doing, 
 which, of course, is all well and good, but they are 
 doing it to the exclusion of their higher function of 
 emphasizing the spiritual fact that, finally, and 
 unquestionably, Right makes might. The biggest 
 army that could be imagined must be wisely directed 
 or its efforts will not win a victory for the Right, 
 and the wisdom which is, therefore, the supreme 
 necessity of the Nation, no matter how big its 
 armies may be, is a spiritual quality, gained by con- 
 tact with the Source of all Wisdom. 
 
 " To give emphasis to this fact, which all spirit- 
 ually minded men can see is a national bulwark of 
 the first order, is not the function of the State but 
 of the Church. 
 
 11 But unless the emphasis which the Church gives 
 to this idea is national in its scope it will not be suffi- 
 cient to offset, or rather balance, the effect of the 
 organized Government propaganda which leaves the 
 impression that we shall win only by having the 
 biggest armies. 
 
 " Everything that tends in a certain direction will, 
 as you know, keep on tending that way, and grow- 
 ing more so, unless something commensurate with 
 it counteracts it. 
 
 " Now this Government propaganda must go 
 right on ; and because it stops short of spiritual 
 things, and their relation to national success, it leaves 
 the inference that ' God is on the side of the greatest 
 armies.' 
 
 " It may not be the intention of the Government 
 
54 The Christian Man, 
 
 to give this impression, and yet because it can not 
 speak frankly -of spiritual forces in relation to the 
 final victory, it has the same effect as if the Govern- 
 ment ignored spiritual forces and avowedly propa- 
 gated the doctrine that ' Victory will be determined 
 by Force.' . . . 
 
 " And yet, if the Church as a whole stands for 
 any one idea about which there could be no dispute, 
 it is the idea that God rules the world and the 
 Universe and determines issues by the superior 
 weight of moral and spiritual force rather than by 
 the preponderance of material forces unsupported 
 by Him. 
 
 " Now, it seems to me, that the State and the 
 Church are not in conflict, but that it takes both of 
 them to produce the perfect balance ; and that if too 
 much weight is being put into one side of the scale, 
 the other side will go up beyond the balance, and the 
 true balance will be lost, and with it all things 
 worth while. 
 
 " The remedy for this situation, this growing ten- 
 dency towards officially imposed materialism, must 
 be found in the constructive action of the Church as 
 a whole. 
 
 " The Church as a whole must be caused to see 
 and feel that the very foundations of spiritual think- 
 ing are threatened if the idea continues to grow by 
 State emphasis that ' Dynamite determines the des- 
 tiny of nations. Therefore have plenty of it.' 
 
 " The Church must, if true to its responsibilities, 
 restore the balance by demonstrating to the minds of 
 men that no matter how big our armies may be they 
 will not win because of their size, but because of 
 
the Church and the War 55 
 
 the spiritual force with which they are directed, and 
 that the wisdom which will make them effective for 
 victory can come only with being right in the sight 
 of God, and seeking His guidance in our efforts, 
 through organized force, to ' make the world safe 
 for democracy.' Can you not devise an organ- 
 ized propaganda for the mobilization of all spirit- 
 ually minded people, in the Churches and out, Cath- 
 olic and Protestant, Jew and Gentile, to reaffirm the 
 spiritual ideal that God really governs and that He 
 will give the victory, at last, on the basis of right 
 tendency, right ideals, and right action. 
 
 " The logical outcome of all spiritual ideas is 
 reliance upon the power of prayer. Here, then, is 
 the high point of the message which the federated 
 Churches should give out to the people as an offset 
 to the inferences being drawn from State propa- 
 ganda. Let them demonstrate, by all the arts 
 known to the Church, that prayer, and the right- 
 eousness that comes from right prayer, is what really 
 won and established every great good that ever came 
 to humanity. Show that Force has been an instru- 
 ment in the hands of Righteousness, but that Force 
 itself has not won any permanent good. Show that 
 what we are fighting for to-day is to dethrone an 
 autocracy which rests upon the assumption that 
 Might makes Right. 
 
 " My heart is with you, but I have other work to 
 do." 
 
 But the Church has this work to do. 
 
 The Church has a work to do also in 
 steadying and holding fast the nation when 
 
$6 The Christian Man, 
 
 the time of tension comes. Superficial en- 
 thusiasm may suffice for a little while. Mo- 
 tives of pride and anger and indignation and 
 interest may last through an hour. But noth- 
 ing but an immovable and unselfish moral 
 purpose will endure all things. When the 
 long struggle really begins, when the casualty 
 lists multiply and the shadows fall across the 
 land, when the light hearted and the selfish 
 grow faint and the temptation to take our 
 hands from the plow and turn back with the 
 furrow unrun comes in like a flood upon us, 
 in that day God pity us if we have no divine 
 faith secure against every strain, no purpose 
 more firm and resolute than hate to hold us 
 true. " Blessed be God," said President 
 Lincoln to a Christian delegation in a dark 
 hour of the Civil War. " Blessed be God, 
 who in an hour like this giveth us the 
 Churches." The Christian Church is the 
 custodian of the forces which wear down and 
 outlast death. All the merely materialistic 
 energies and the motives and purposes which 
 are kindred to them will go down in the time 
 of the last testing. Like John Brown's body 
 they will simply molder under us. But John 
 Brown's soul? What did it do? What is 
 it doing now? Through night and death it 
 has come on and the fountains of life which 
 fed that soul then will feed our souls now and 
 
the Church and the War 57 
 
 until this war is won. They can be fed on 
 nothing else. We need in our nation now 
 the sense of religion-nourished duty which 
 sustained our fathers in the two great past 
 crises of our history and which alone can sus- 
 tain us, a sense of duty which, as Donald 
 Hankey said, does not so much endure diffi- 
 culty as deride it, a sense of duty which no 
 power on earth or under the earth can relax 
 until our work is done. 
 
 I will mention one other service which the 
 Church must render to the nation in connec- 
 tion with the war. It must keep us from de- 
 stroying for ourselves what we are fighting 
 to keep our enemies from destroying for us 
 and for mankind. We are contending 
 against injustice and wrong. Can we be 
 strong for this contest if we ourselves are 
 guilty of wrong and injustice? We are 
 fighting Prussianism. Would it not be a 
 tragedy if in this warfare the very ideals 
 and methods against which we fight should in- 
 sidiously conquer us? The Church at least 
 must believe in a gospel of truth and right- 
 eousness and preach that gospel inflexibly and 
 uncowed. And a gospel of truth and right- 
 eousness is not a gospel of hate. Such a 
 gospel is being preached to us. These sen- 
 tences are from a recent pamphlet: "The 
 only logical conclusion of Germany's career 
 
58 The Christian Man, 
 
 of crime and dirty fighting is, at the close of 
 the war, the contempt, the aversion and the 
 loathing of the civilized world, and a univer- 
 sal policy of non-intercourse. Let Germany 
 go and live with Austria, and the loathsome 
 Turk, in a hell of their own. . . . Through 
 her crimes and her dirty fighting, Germany 
 has earned the contempt and aversion of the 
 world, and it will be paid to her as long as 
 civilization endures. . . . Germany, Austria 
 and Turkey already have the contempt, the 
 scorn and the hatred of the whole world, and 
 after the war they should be ostracised and 
 shunned for a thousand years." 
 
 It is hard to forgive the moral madness 
 beyond belief which brought on the war, its 
 enormous wrongs, its pitiful sufferings. It 
 is hard to see how God Himself can forgive. 
 But He can forgive, and His Spirit and His 
 Spirit alone can enable men to forgive. 
 \ There has been no more noble incident in 
 the war, real or apocryphal, than the story, 
 which Amelia Burr has put into verse, of 
 the Belgian children coming up at the day's 
 ending from their underground school to 
 make their way down the ruined village street 
 in the lulled cannonade of the evening. One 
 older girl led the little flock. Presently they 
 came to a still standing crucifix and like duti- 
 ful children they stopped for their prayer. 
 
the Church and the War 59 
 
 " Our Father," they began, and all went well 
 as far as " our daily bread." Some of the 
 little ones stopped there, for there had been 
 that day no daily bread, but the older girl 
 carried it bravely on until she came to " As 
 we forgive them their trespasses," and then 
 she too halted and stopped. A Belgian sol- 
 dier standing by with his head bowed and his 
 hat in hand while the children prayed heard 
 a man's voice take up the prayer and carry it 
 through. " Forgive us our trespasses as we 
 forgive them their trespasses." The soldier 
 looked up and lo, it was the Belgian King. 
 If Albert of Belgium, wronged beyond us all, \ 
 could forgive, and God more wronged than 
 he, who are we that we should hate ? 
 
 And hate and those who incite the nation 
 to hate are the foes of our life to-day. 
 There cannot be too deep hate of evil prin- 
 ciples, but hatred of persons is bad religion, 
 bad psychology and bad politics. Hate will 
 burn up the national soul in impotence, and 
 scorch the national conscience to cinder at a 
 time when we need all our power of soul and 
 must keep our conscience as clear as the sun. 
 " Hatred," says a government bulletin, 
 " many say, is an emotion necessary to war. 
 The soldier, they say, cannot fight unless he 
 hates. Let them ask the soldier; let them 
 talk to the veteran who has given and re- 
 
Go The Christian Man, 
 
 ceived wounds, and they will find that the 
 greater hatred is among civilians. Passivity 
 makes for an emotion of hatred; a busy man 
 thinks mostly of his job. Furthermore, the 
 characteristic of good fighters is that they are 
 ' good sports.' They know the other men 
 are ordered to fight as they are ordered, and 
 the best soldiers are often those men who 
 thoroughly respect their foe. ... As a 
 matter of practical wisdom, we want abiding 
 truth, for it makes abiding conviction. Emo- 
 tions may wave and surge. They are read- 
 ily stirred by some story, some incident about 
 some individual soldier. Frightful resolves 
 thus are easily inspired. But let the next 
 man come with a better story, let a superior 
 orator appear a few days later and there is 
 a reaction. The emotion subsides or even 
 turns the other way. 
 
 " On the other hand, feelings built on be- 
 liefs, beliefs that are founded on profound 
 convictions, and convictions dug deep into. the 
 rock of fundamental fact — these are not 
 swayed and stirred like waves in a storm. 
 Not an appeal to emotionalism, but an appeal 
 to the emotions through conviction by state- 
 ment of facts secures true converts, converts 
 who when once convinced remain convinced." 
 
 We need all that the Christian Church can 
 do for us to keep our ideals unsullied and un- 
 
the Church arid the War 61 
 
 confused, to make us penitent for our own 
 sins and to win us the strength of those who 
 have sought God's forgiveness, to hold be- 
 fore us and to impose upon us the enduring 
 and universal principles to which we must be 
 true in our own spirit and in all our acts if 
 we are to make those principles prevail in the 
 world. I mean the principles of love and 
 service and freedom, of a righteous social 
 and economic order, of just human relation- 
 ships in the state and among the nations. If 
 the Church has no discernment of these prin- 
 ciples or no courage to utter them we can do 
 without it. If it does discern them and is not 
 afraid to declare them, the world is ready as 
 it never was before to hear its voice. 
 
 There is one thing more to say. It is said 
 in a recent letter from a friend on the other 
 side. " The Church here," he writes, " is in 
 the midst of a vast and terrifying problem. 
 The stage has long since gotten beyond the 
 control of men. If I were not a Christian I 
 would say that all is lost." Our moral duty 
 in this war is clear, but we can never do it 
 except by the power of God living in the 
 Risen Lord. Our need has got beyond the 
 power of man. No human minds or wills 
 are adequate for this work of tearing down 
 an old world and building up a new. It can- 
 not be done by war alone. The war itself 
 
62 The Christian Man 
 
 even cannot accomplish the work which is 
 allotted to it in God's will, unsupplemented 
 by new ideals, new purposes, new conditions, 
 new characters, a new life in men and nations. 
 And that new life is available in one place 
 alone, that is in God in Christ. To believe 
 this and to try to live by this belief is the high- 
 est loyalty. It is the divine spring of the 
 only national loyalty that can meet every 
 strain and fulfill every task. Is the Church 
 ready to pay the price of such loyalty in the 
 love and purity and justice of its moral life in 
 order that it may be the light of the nation in 
 these days of darkness, the soul of the nation 
 in these days of need? 
 
Ill 
 
 THE WORLD PROBLEM AND CHRISTIANITY 
 
 The world problem naturally shapes itself 
 for us to-day as the problem of the world 
 war, in which Germany and her three allies 
 are arrayed against almost all the rest of 
 mankind. And in truth the war does reach 
 in its influence and make that influence con- 
 sciously felt to the remotest corners of the 
 earth. There are few regions where life in 
 its most practical and pressing needs has not 
 seen the consequences of the derangement of 
 exchange and of the processes of trade and 
 industry and the upheaval of humanity occa- 
 sioned by the war. Railroads have stopped 
 in the heart of the jungle because there were 
 no engineers or materials to complete them. 
 Children have starved in unknown villages 
 for want of food which the war has delayed 
 or consumed or left unproduced. The most 
 isolated farmer in our own land, the tribes in 
 inland Africa, country folk in far interior 
 China, and the miners underground have 
 alike been involved. The idea of a divided 
 63 
 
64 The Christian Man, 
 
 human interest is gone forever. We know 
 that for good or for ill the world is one and 
 that it must live a common life. All that 
 happens is of significance to all who live. 
 
 And the issues which are at stake in the 
 war are of concern to all humanity. 
 Whether power or service shall be the domi- 
 nant principle of national life, whether the 
 will to power is self-justifying and exempt 
 from the law of righteousness and love or 
 must be subdued to duty and brotherhood, 
 whether all men are to be free to govern their 
 states or whether a few men are to govern all 
 men through the state, whether or not democ- 
 racy is to be tolerated in the earth — these 
 are questions in whose answers through this 
 war every man in the world and all the men 
 who are to come after us are concerned. 
 
 But while the war is evidence of the unity 
 and magnitude of the world problem it is 
 not the whole world problem. This prob- 
 lem was all here before the war began. It 
 will be here when the war is over. It will be 
 modified. We hope that some elements of 
 it will have disappeared. But it remains to 
 be seen how much war will have done to alter 
 the fundamental qualities. War has its own 
 alchemy and, as we know from our national 
 history, there are some massive and perma- 
 nent effects which it can produce. It can put 
 
the Church and the War 65 
 
 an end to some social and political principles. 
 It can establish against resistance some con- 
 trary principles. But in the main the work 
 of war is structural and not organic, and 
 when this war has been won we shall find our- 
 selves face to face with the old and ever new 
 problems of life and sin. Human nature will 
 be what it is. We shall have cleared the 
 ground of some noxious growths and some 
 intolerable barriers to true human progress. 
 Human institutions will have been given an 
 upward lift in the spiral of history. But 
 how different will man be? 
 
 And even now while the war is in progress 
 it is not the whole of human life. It touches 
 all things, but it does not halt the movement 
 of forces which will affect the whole future 
 for us and for other nations and to which 
 heed must be given now. It is said some- 
 times that the war is like a house afire and 
 that all the owner's attention must be given 
 to that fire. But suppose he owns several 
 houses and while he is absorbed in saving one, 
 incendiaries are kindling fires in the others. 
 Our only relations are not with our allies in 
 peace and our enemies in war. We have now 
 relations with the Far East and with Latin 
 America which must be dealt with in terms 
 of long time. And within America subtle 
 changes are taking place. Great interests 
 
66 The Christian Man, 
 
 are playing their hands with consummate skill 
 behind the unity of our national movement 
 in the war. They are thinking forward and 
 improving every opportunity to prepare the 
 way for what they want when the war is 
 done. Social and economic changes of the 
 deepest meaning are going on. Are they to 
 be left to chance or is thought to be spent 
 upon their wise direction? 
 
 No episode or epoch in history is detach- 
 able, to be separated like a compartment. 
 Every stage grows organically out of what 
 preceded it and leads on organically to what 
 comes after. In our effort to think of the 
 world problem clearly in order to understand 
 it and determine our duty regarding it we 
 have to make the effort to isolate it and to 
 separate its elements, but we need to remind 
 ourselves that this cannot really be done, that 
 life and history are an organic whole, a great 
 web of tissues, causes and consequences, 
 forces and effects inextricably interlaced. 
 What we are living through now is the fruit- 
 age of the long past and we are sowing to- 
 day for our children's reaping to-morrow. 
 
 In this view, if men do not prepare in ad- 
 vance for the solution of their problems it is 
 too late to prepare when the time for the 
 solution arrives. The forces of good which 
 are to cope with forces of evil must be devel- 
 
the Church and the War 67 
 
 oped contemporaneously with them. This is 
 the comfort of our faith in God. We be- 
 lieve that in our national life in the past and 
 to-day, and in the life of all the world, God 
 prepares against all human need and the de- 
 mand of every human problem the supply of 
 His wisdom and strength. 
 
 As we look around us to-day and behind 
 and before, can we discern the outlines of the 
 great world problem which must be worked 
 through and can we find the forces which are 
 adequate for its solution? This is not mere 
 wasteful speculation at this time. We shall 
 find that we need to carry us through this war 
 all the inspiration and deep resolves which 
 great aims and ends can give. One of our 
 dangers is that if the war lasts long and our 
 idealisms fade and we despair of accomplish- 
 ing the results for which we went into the 
 war, if behind the armies men begin to talk of 
 our duty to develop and perpetuate among 
 ourselves the very things which brought on 
 the war and which have crushed the nations 
 — that then the men in the armies will begin 
 to say: " What is the use? Even if we 
 win, we fail. Let us stop now." The only 
 way to meet that danger is to keep clear and 
 bright before men's eyes the hope of a new 
 and different world worth any sacrifice. 
 Motives drawn from the past will decay and 
 
68 The Christian Man, 
 
 die. The-will-that-cannot-be-broken to make 
 right prevail must be fed from hope and faith 
 in a new and better day. Our Lord Himself 
 endured for the joy which was set before 
 Him. If the day after the war is to be like 
 the day before or worse, what, men will ask, 
 was the use of it all? Well, it is not to be 
 the same day. But in order that it may not 
 be we need to try to see what the old and long 
 continuing elements of the world problem are 
 and to find the forces which can contend with 
 them. 
 
 One element in the world problem has been 
 and will continue to be the imperfect develop- 
 ment of democracy. We believe in democ- 
 racy and our belief has a religious basis. 
 The German political theory has rejected it 
 and maintained instead a monarchical ideal 
 with a definite religious and theocratic char- 
 acter. 
 
 " It is not at first apparent what necessary con- 
 nection there is between monarchical government 
 and Christian faith. For Bismarck they were ever 
 inseparably bound together; nothing but religious 
 belief would have reconciled him to a form of gov- 
 ernment so repugnant to natural human reason. 
 ' If I were not a Christian, I would be a Repub- 
 lican,' he said many years later; in Christianity he 
 found the only support against revolution and so- 
 cialism. He was not the man to be beguiled by 
 
the Church and the War 69 
 
 romantic sentiment; he was not a courtier to be 
 blinded by the pomp and ceremony of royalty; he 
 was too stubborn and independent to acquiesce in 
 the arbitrary rule of a single man. He could only 
 obey the king if the king himself held his authority 
 as the representative of a higher power. Bismarck 
 was accustomed to follow out his thought to its 
 conclusions. To whom did the King owe his 
 power? There was only one alternative: to the 
 people or to God. If to the people, then it was a 
 mere question of convenience whether the monarchy 
 were continued in form; there was little to choose 
 between a constitutional monarchy where the king 
 was appointed by the people and controlled by Par- 
 liament, and an avowed republic. This was the 
 principle held by nearly all his contemporaries. He 
 deliberately rejected it. He did not hold that the 
 voice of the people was the voice of God. This be- 
 lief did not satisfy his moral sense ; it seemed in pub- 
 lic life to leave all to interest and ambition and noth- 
 ing to duty. It did not satisfy his critical intellect; 
 the word ' people ' was to him a vague idea. The 
 service of the people or of the King by the Grace of 
 God, this was the struggle which was soon to be 
 fought out. 
 
 "It is this conception of government which un- 
 derlies a speech which Bismarck addressed to the 
 Prussian Chamber in 1848. ' The strife of princi- 
 ples which during this year has shattered Europe to 
 its foundations is one in which no compromise is 
 possible. They rest on opposite bases. The one 
 draws its law from what is called the will of the 
 people, in truth, however, from the law of the 
 
70 The Christian Man, 
 
 strongest on the barricades. The other rests on 
 authority created by God, an authority by the grace 
 of God, and seeks its development in organic connec- 
 tion with the existing and constitutional legal status. 
 . . . The decision on these principles will come not 
 by Parliamentary debate, not by majorities of eleven 
 votes; sooner or later the God who directs the bat- 
 tle will cast his iron dice.' ( Headlam, " Bismarck," 
 PP- l 1 -!!, 53, quoted by Curtis, " The Common- 
 wealth of Nations," p. 85-86.) 
 
 This deliberate rejection of democracy was 
 the perpetuation of the political principle of 
 the " Holy Alliance." The first article of 
 the secret treaty signed at Verona November 
 22, 1822, by the parties to the Alliance read: 
 
 " The high contracting powers, being convinced 
 that the system of representative government is 
 equally as incompatible with the monarchical princi- 
 ples as the maxim of the sovereignty of the people 
 with the divine right, engage mutually, in the most 
 solemn manner, to use all their efforts to put an end 
 to the system of representative governments, in what- 
 ever country it may exist in Europe, and to prevent 
 its being introduced in those countries where it is 
 not yet known." (Quoted by Curtis, "The Com- 
 monwealth of Nations," p. 87.) 
 
 Here, in the interest of a religious theory 
 of government, democracy is rejected. If he 
 had not been a Christian, Bismarck might 
 have believed in democracy ! We believe in 
 democracy because we are Christians. We 
 
the Church and the War 71 
 
 have the Christian faith in man, in equality 
 of opportunity and of privilege, in God's 
 guidance of society and in the accessibility 
 of the common man to the same divine direc- 
 tion which is available for a king. There is 
 no more divine right behind a king than there 
 is behind a carpenter or coal miner or brick- 
 layer, and the massed conscience and convic- 
 tion of many common men honestly seeking 
 their onward way we trust more than the will 
 and wisdom of any king. And we believe 
 that even if the king were right and the mass 
 of common men wrong, it would be better for 
 the world to let the common men govern 
 themselves. It may be a poorer govern- 
 ment, but it will be a better people. We be- 
 lieve in an imperfect democracy as better 
 than any alternative, no matter what it may 
 be. 
 
 But the problem is to perfect our democ- 
 racy. It is far from perfect now. Nation- 
 ally and internationally it is inefficient. We 
 have the advantage of its freedom of move- 
 ment, its fluid adaptiveness, its hopefulness. 
 But we have the disadvantage of its lack of 
 discipline and coordination, its fickleness, its 
 suspicion and distrustfulness. We count the 
 gains greater than the losses, but we cannot 
 figure out yet from our balance sheet any 
 national or international millennium. 
 
72 The Christian Man, 
 
 We are accustomed also to construe our 
 democracy in too narrow terms. Who con- 
 stitute the people ? It is not simply the adult 
 male citizens, nor all the contemporaneous 
 generation. The dead live in us, and also 
 the unborn, and they both have rights. The 
 past and the future are our true environment 
 in history. Loyalty in a democracy too often 
 forgets to look behind and before, and pays 
 the penalty in the inefficiency always due to 
 an organism's imperfect relation to its envi- 
 ronment. 
 
 Our democracy is deficient still in general 
 economic justice. For a generation our life 
 has been a long story of conflict between 
 classes and especially between the classes 
 crudely called " capital " and " labor/' And 
 yet the great majority of us who have had to 
 bear the brunt and pay the cost have not 
 really been counted in either party. The 
 whole democracy has been involved in a 
 struggle between two small minority sections. 
 
 International democracy has been unequal 
 to the forces which have assailed it. In the 
 summer of 19 14 the great masses of common 
 men in the European nations cherished no ill 
 will, nation against nation. Their thoughts 
 were friendly human thoughts and they de- 
 sired only to live at peace in their own homes 
 and to go about their own tasks. But inter- 
 
the Church and the War 73 
 
 ests of dynasties, which did not believe in de- 
 mocracies, manipulating the compulsions of 
 corporate national life and working with 
 weapons of secret diplomacy and of sinister 
 influence which democracy had not yet 
 wrenched from their hands, crushed into ruins 
 the national democratic sentiments and 
 plunged the world into a war which it ab- 
 horred. Crude and groping as it was, the 
 democracy which the world had slowly 
 wrought out would never have made such a 
 mess of the earth. Other forces duped it. 
 It is resolved now to take things in its own 
 hands and to make safe room for its free de- 
 velopment. But can it change and recreate 
 itself? Does it know what it ought to be? 
 Are its purposes right ? Is it willing to make 
 all needful sacrifices? Even if its heart is 
 open to better things has it a mind to discern 
 them and a will to replace them when dis- 
 cerned by still better things that will then be 
 disclosed? If democracy is to be the prin- 
 ciple of society, it must be a wholesome and 
 progressive and righteous democracy. 
 
 A second element in the world problem in 
 the past, from which we are trying to escape 
 and from which escape is appallingly diffi- 
 cult, is the claim of national trusteeship to be 
 above the moral law. This is an old, old 
 claim. There was a time when it was set up 
 
74 The Christian Man, 
 
 as a valid principle for smaller units than 
 nationalities. Great feudal lords acted upon 
 it until at last they were tamed by the move- 
 ment of time and the moral law came to be 
 supreme in relations between class and class 
 and man and man within the modern state. 
 The law was violated often enough, but its 
 obligation was acknowledged and the ac- 
 knowledgment has been working out its own 
 enlarging enforcement. But the state was 
 still held as a super-moral thing and this 
 theory is one of the great issues of the pres- 
 ent struggle. 
 
 In the very struggle itself the danger is 
 that men may accept the theory in order to 
 defeat it. And one wonders whether if one 
 nation allows itself to act contrary to the 
 moral law in order to prevent another nation 
 from doing so, any real contribution has been 
 made to human progress. There are some 
 who say that we must fight with whatever 
 weapons and spirit are necessary to achieve 
 the end. To undo our foe we must outdo 
 him. 
 
 " In order to crush this monstrous growth," says 
 an English preacher whose message is addressed to 
 his day with singular fearlessness and power, " what 
 do we who hate it have to do ? We have kept our- 
 selves free from the more violent outrages of inter- 
 national law, and we believe that our soldiers, even 
 
the Church and the War 75 
 
 if they were let free in the flush of victory upon 
 German soil, would never repeat the story of Belgian 
 atrocities. But we do find that to crush an enemy 
 in war one does have to consider military necessities 
 before ideal principles. Fortunately we have a 
 mighty navy which is able to exert pressure in a 
 quite gentlemanly way. We can trust the chivalry, 
 the humanity, the unfailing good humor of our men 
 to treat the enemy when wounded or prisoners, with 
 kindness and honor. But does any one suppose that 
 in the frightful struggles of a bayonet charge all 
 soldiers do not have to put off the civilized gentle- 
 man and fight like devils? The tragedy is that to 
 crush this monstrous manifestation we have to adopt 
 much the same methods and rely upon the same prim- 
 itive passions. Whoever is responsible for recalling 
 these things to life, they are not dead, and they will 
 not be the quicker extinguished for the temporary 
 license that has had to be granted to them. 
 
 " The truth is, behind the European man, not to 
 mention the European woman, there is a savage, 
 and if we are going to prepare for wars and wage 
 wars, from whatever motive, then we shall want 
 that savage kept alive. With characteristic frank- 
 ness and brutality this has been recognized in Ger- 
 many. It has even become a philosophy. In other 
 countries, and notably in our own, we do not discuss 
 this sort of thing. Like prostitution, it is not talked 
 about in polite circles, but the safety of our homes 
 is built upon it all the same. Germany has thrown 
 over the restraints of sentimentalism and has in 
 greater degree than other nationalities repudiated 
 Christianity as inapplicable to State affairs and In- 
 
J 6 The Christian Man, 
 
 ternational relationships. Other countries have not 
 openly admitted this to be necessary, but in practice 
 we all have to follow much the same course." 
 (Orchard, "The Outlook for Religion," p. 6 f.) 
 
 In our inexperience and unsaddened ideal- 
 ism we do not and will not believe this. We 
 had a great war once, the greatest of all wars 
 until this chaos fell, and in that war soldiers 
 and armies and commanders, North and 
 South, bore themselves as Christian men. It 
 was war and it had the horrors of war, death 
 and havoc and destruction. But honor was 
 alive and chivalry. And we still believe, 
 fresh and untried as we are in this war, that 
 we can keep the spirit of the days of old. 
 And we believe it firmly in the case of the 
 nation. The idealistic moral aims and the 
 broad principles of political justice and the 
 purposes of sincere world service which the 
 President has stated again and again are ac- 
 cepted by the nation. We believe that we 
 are acting as a Christian nation and in a 
 Christian spirit. We are laying down our 
 lives for our brethren. If we are not obey- 
 ing as a nation the same moral law which 
 holds between man and man we are self- 
 deceived. And if any one among ourselves 
 or among our allies is making the war a cloak 
 for selfish or sinister purposes or, in carrying 
 
the Church and the War 77 
 
 on the war, is surrendering the principles 
 which we think we are defending, he is de- 
 ceiving us and betraying the good faith of 
 America. 
 
 It is hard always for the true elements and 
 ideals of a nation to control the nation's pol- 
 icy. There have been voices in our own land 
 which have proclaimed the exemption of the 
 nation from the law of absolute righteousness, 
 and influential voices to-day advocate the 
 frank recognition of the right of the nation to 
 consider first not any sentiment of the moral 
 law, but the supposed right of its self-in- 
 terest. 
 
 " All modern wars between nations," writes " An 
 American Jurist," " are in the last analysis founded 
 on national interest and national honor, which are 
 almost identical terms. Other causes may be as- 
 signed by political parties, and in popular govern- 
 ments other causes are often necessarily assigned 
 when the citizenship is indifferent to the national 
 honor or oblivious of the urgency of the paramount 
 national interest. . . . That America was justified 
 in her declaration of war for many reasons not stated 
 by the President, the world, in the end, will con- 
 cede. Her imperiled national interests alone af- 
 forded ample justification for such a declaration. 
 But in pragmatic England and in practical Amer- 
 ica political and national movements are singularly 
 promoted by sentimental considerations, sometimes 
 pertinent, at others irrevelant, but always skillfully 
 
78 The Christian Man, 
 
 manipulated by those more discerning public men 
 who have closer at heart the national interests and 
 well-being, and who themselves need no other in- 
 centive besides the national interests for even such 
 an extreme action as public war. 
 
 " For the honor of humanity it is sad to have to 
 admit that sentiment of itself is never a valid reason 
 of state for extreme national measures. ... It is 
 the national interest and honor alone which, in the 
 end, control the external actions of a state. In any 
 discussion of the problems involved in this war senti- 
 ment, therefore, should be allowed to play only a 
 minor part. Alliances between nations are not de- 
 termined by considerations of sentiment. Common 
 interests and advantages for the time being afford 
 the sufficient inducement for either defensive or of- 
 fensive alliances of nations." (The New York 
 Times, January 2, 191 8.) 
 
 But it is part of our ancient blindness to 
 assume that national interests must conflict. 
 If we regard the moral law as not binding be- 
 tween states and seek to build a world of 
 antagonistic interests we shall indeed have 
 perpetual strife. But we are sick of this idea 
 and are ready for another long step onward 
 in the way of human progress. We have our 
 opportunity through the war to effect an or- 
 ganization of the nations which should bring 
 them under such a just and mutually helpful 
 order as binds in closer bonds the widely 
 varied interests of our American Union. 
 
the Church and the War 79 
 
 " We believe," says the Report on Reconstruction 
 of the Sub-Committee of the British Labor Party, 
 " that nations are in no way damaged by each other's 
 economic prosperity or commercial progress; but, 
 on the contrary, that they are actually themselves 
 mutually enriched thereby. We would therefore 
 put an end to the old entanglements and mystifica- 
 tions of secret diplomacy and the formation of 
 leagues against leagues. We stand for the immedi- 
 ate establishment, actually as a part of the treaty 
 of peace with which the present war will end, of a 
 universal league or society of nations, a superna- 
 tional authority, with an international high court to 
 try all justiciable issues between nations; an inter- 
 national legislature to enact such common laws as 
 can be mutually agreed upon, and an international 
 council of mediation to endeavor to settle without 
 ultimate conflict even those disputes which are not 
 justiciable. We would have all the nations of the 
 world most solemnly undertake and promise to make 
 common cause against any one of them that broke 
 away from this fundamental agreement. The world 
 has suffered too much from war for the Labor party 
 to have any other policy than that of lasting peace." 
 {The New Republic, February 16, 191 8.) 
 
 And this is not the dream of Christian ideal- 
 ists and labor visionaries. It is the word of 
 the men who saw all that brought on the war, 
 who saw its full inward meaning, and who 
 cannot bear the thought of the transmission 
 of the present world order as a curse to our 
 children. 
 
80 The Christian Man, 
 
 " Permanent peace," says Viscount Grey, " has 
 hitherto been an ideal; will a League of Nations or 
 some concrete proposal of that kind become prac- 
 ticable after this war? Will the ideal come within 
 the limits of practical, effective politics? . . . My 
 own hope and belief is that it will. This war will 
 bring about a new order of things. In domestic af- 
 fairs old questions will be swept off the board of 
 politics by new problems and new questions, to 
 which many of the old phrases, the old formulas 
 and previous points of view will not be applicable, 
 and new men will perhaps be needed to solve the new 
 problems. And in international politics new ideas 
 may prevail, and things hitherto impossible may be- 
 come possible. How much becomes possible will 
 depend upon the change effected by the experience 
 of this war, not so much in men's heads as in their 
 hearts and feelings, and this we shall not know fully 
 till the millions of men who have fought at the front 
 are settled at home again and take their places in 
 civil and political life in free democracies. ... If 
 as a result of this war men of all nations will desire 
 in future to stamp out the first sign of war as they 
 would a forest fire or the plague, then the world may 
 have peace and a security that it has never yet 
 known. If that is not the result, then the lot of 
 mankind in this epoch of its history will be more 
 desperate than in the darkest and most cruel ages, 
 for civilized nations will prepare and perfect the 
 destructive inventions of science, and these will be 
 used to the point of mutual extermination. Militar- 
 ism and civilization are now incompatible, and na- 
 tions must attain some greater measure of interna- 
 
the Church and the War 81 
 
 tional self-control than has previously been thought 
 possible if civilization is to progress or even to be 
 preserved." {International Conciliation, Novem- 
 ber, 19 1 7.) 
 
 The nations must be bound to the moral 
 law. 
 
 A third element in the world problem is the 
 retarding or the breaking down of the proc- 
 esses of social evolution and human progress 
 for want of adequate agents to carry them 
 forward. A case can be made out for theo- 
 cratic government, but it is impracticable, if 
 for no other reason, because no human agent 
 can stand up under the burden of theocratic 
 responsibility. And although democracy dis- 
 tributes the burden widely, the inadequacy of 
 those on whom it is laid makes itself felt as 
 surely and as fatally. We have not failed in 
 the past, nor are we failing now for want of 
 ideals. Our goals stand out clearly. We 
 want peace and justice, equal opportunity, 
 " the democratic control of industry/' " the 
 surplus wealth for the common good," and 
 enough else which it is easy to describe. But 
 how are we to get these things? There are 
 no doubt economic and political processes to 
 be thought out and applied. But will they 
 give them to us ? It is true that the problems 
 of society and of the world cannot be solved 
 
82 The Christian Man, 
 
 by good will alone. But neither can they be 
 solved by economic or legal prescription. 
 They require men both of good will and of 
 intelligence, equal to the weight of the move- 
 ment they must carry forward. 
 
 The acuteness of this need of men is no- 
 where more clearly seen than in China to-day. 
 It is not clearer in America or in Europe. 
 China is seeking to compass in one generation 
 the experience which the Western nations 
 have spread over two thousand years. 
 There is no reason why China should not 
 make this effort. It would be absurd for her 
 to set out to travel the whole road over which 
 we have come as slowly as we have traveled 
 it. If she should try to do so, by the time 
 she had caught up we would be two thousand 
 years more ahead or, at least, apart. But 
 the attempt to condense all this experience, to 
 swing a race through such immense cycles of 
 change in a single generation, is enough to 
 make even the oldest nation dizzy. And the 
 effort has broken down in one place and been 
 blocked in another, not for any want of good 
 will, or clear ideals, but for want of men. 
 And the situation is even more tragic with 
 regard to the women of Asia. A yet more 
 rapid movement is sweeping them on. It 
 may almost be said that they have double the 
 distance to travel that lies before the men. 
 
the Church and the War 83 
 
 Where are the women who are capable of 
 carrying through in a decade or two such 
 millennial processes of transformation? 
 
 And this problem of China is our problem 
 too. We know in part what kind of a world 
 ought to be rebuilt on the ruins of the old. 
 The trouble is that there are not men enough 
 to do the rebuilding. The new order re- 
 quires a new man. Saint Brice, caustically 
 criticizing President Wilson's address before 
 the Senate on January 24, 19 17, declared in 
 the Paris Journal: 
 
 " The situation would appear inextricable if we 
 did not realize how the pursuit of a fixed idea may 
 lead astray. Wilson is haunted by the idea of in- 
 augurating the golden age of universal brotherhood. 
 Naturally, general disarmament is the basis of this 
 system. The only thing lacking for the realization 
 of this admirable conception is a new humanity. 
 Does Wilson pretend to be able to change human- 
 ity?" 
 
 Human progress does not need to wait for 
 the total perfection of humanity. We have 
 got rid of many evils even if humanity has 
 not as yet been so greatly changed and we 
 hope that we can get rid of war too with 
 humanity as it is or as it is going to be after 
 this war. But Saint Brice's demand is just. 
 The President would doubtless join him in it. 
 
84 The Christian Man, 
 
 Man himself is still the greatest element in 
 his own problem. And if we want him 
 changed after the war we must get him to 
 work now on the changes that are necessary 
 and to confront him to-day with the condi- 
 tions which he will have to confront when 
 the objects of the war have been attained and 
 with which he will be able to deal then only 
 if he has seen them and fitted himself for 
 them now. 
 
 " The shallow objection that a nation at war must 
 not think about the object of the war, but only about 
 the waging of it, will be far from a nation that is 
 at war only to establish peace. Nor is thought about 
 the object of the war superfluous. For war de- 
 pends upon prejudices and assumptions which are 
 rooted deep in the minds of all men and women. 
 It is not enough to wish to end war. We must root 
 up the errors that foster it. And that requires a 
 process of intellectual conversion which, if it is to be 
 achieved in time, must be achieved even while the 
 war is raging. It is with no fear that this book may 
 weaken the determination of the reader that I lay 
 it before him. It is in the hope that it may at once 
 strengthen and enlighten him. For, though the war 
 may be won merely by arms, the peace cannot. The 
 peace can only be won by thought and will." (G. 
 Lowes Dickinson, " The Choice Before Us.") 
 
 A fourth tenacious and evil element in the 
 world problem is racial suspicion and inequal- 
 ity. The contraction of the world has in- 
 
the Church and the War 85 
 
 creased this peril. So long as the means of 
 communication were few and the different 
 races occupied separated homes, racial prej- 
 udice and friction were of small consequence. 
 There was irritation here and there along the 
 border lines, but time worked out tolerable 
 adjustments even in the relations of subject 
 Christian nations living in the midst of Mo- 
 hammedans. But as the world shrank 
 through the application of steam and elec- 
 tricity to the processes of inter-communica- 
 tion, the danger of race pride and injustice 
 became ever greater and greater. The 
 emancipation and rapid increase of the negro 
 in the United States produced what Morley 
 in his " Recollections " calls the hardest of all 
 the " insoluble problems " of great states 
 (Morley, " Recollections," Vol. II, p. 336 
 f.) , but which has yet been handled with less 
 friction than any other so great problem any- 
 where. Across a hundred racial chasms the 
 last generation has witnessed the interplay of 
 these passions of misunderstanding and dis- 
 trust. 
 
 The old conceptions of the inevitable hos- 
 tility of trade, of commercial competition as 
 involving, of necessity, disadvantage on one 
 side if there is to be advantage on the other, 
 of the impossibility of friendly rivalry or of 
 international cooperation intensify this peril 
 
86 The Christian Man, 
 
 of race antagonism. The words of Con- 
 gressman Mann in the debate on the Jones 
 Bill relating to our tenure of the Philippine 
 Islands, embodied these old conceptions and 
 warned us of what those who honestly hold 
 these views believe is in store for us. " I 
 have no doubt," said Mr. Mann, " that con- 
 flict will come between the Far East and the 
 Far West across the Pacific Ocean. All 
 which is taking place in the world, the logic 
 of the history of the human race up to now, 
 teaches us that the avoidance of this conflict 
 is impossible. I hope it will be only a com- 
 mercial conflict. I hope war may not come, 
 that there will be no conflict of arms, but I 
 have little faith that in this world of ours 
 people and races are able to meet in competi- 
 tion for a long period without armed conflict. 
 A fight for commercial supremacy leads in the 
 end to a fight with arms, because that is the 
 final arbiter between nations." And one of 
 our newspapers which constantly preaches 
 race suspicion declares emphatically, " The 
 war in Europe, hideous as it is, is merely a 
 family quarrel compared to the terrible strug- 
 gle that will some day be fought to a finish 
 between the white and the yellow races for 
 the domination of the world. . . . The only 
 battles which count are the battles which 
 saved the white races from subjugation by 
 
the Church and the War 87 
 
 the yellow races, and the only thing of real 
 importance to-day is the rescue of the white 
 races from conditions which make their sub- 
 jugation by the yellow races possible. . . . 
 Is it not time that the white nations settled 
 their quarrels among themselves and made 
 preparations to meet their one real danger, 
 the menace to Christianity, to Occidental 
 standards and ideals, to the white man's civ- 
 ilization, which the constantly growing power 
 and aggression of the yellow races contin- 
 ually and increasingly threaten? " And this 
 same paper has put its appeal with regard to 
 the Japanese especially into verse. One 
 stanza and the chorus will suffice: 
 
 "LOOK OUT! CALIFORNIA — BEWARE! 
 
 " They tell us that Uncle Sam 
 Would lie down like a lamb, 
 But he doesn't understand the situation. 
 He says war talk must cease 
 While he feeds the dove of Peace, 
 But he doesn't know the Peril to the Nation. 
 But something's going to happen 
 That will shake things up, perhaps, 
 If we don't start to clean out the Japs ! 
 
 They lurk upon thy shores, California ! 
 They watch behind thy doors, California! 
 They're a hundred thousand strong, 
 And they won't be hiding long ; 
 
88 The Christian Man, 
 
 There's nothing that the dastards would not dare ! 
 They are soldiers to a man, 
 With the schemes of old Japan ! 
 Look out ! California ! Beware ! " 
 
 It may be hoped that this principle of de- 
 liberate race suspicion and injustice will not 
 poison and control our whole national spirit 
 or be allowed to shape national policies. But 
 there have been times before in our history 
 when a spirit of racial unfairness has gained 
 the upperhand of the day and of the 
 wholesome good intent of the American 
 people. Abraham Lincoln and General 
 Grant believed that it had done so in the 
 Mexican War. Our own country has the 
 purest and most honorable history of diplo- 
 matic relations, of treaty making and of 
 treaty keeping of any country in the world, 
 but more than once we have failed in our 
 word. Mr. Taft has summed up the record 
 of failures in the case of China. Bishop 
 Whipple tells in his autobiography of the 
 long struggle, in which he was one of the 
 leaders, for justice to the American In- 
 dian. Little by little his lands were taken 
 from him. He was driven westward from 
 the East and eastward from the West. 
 Hemmed in by the encircling and ever-con- 
 tracting lines of white encroachment his hunt- 
 
the Church and the War 89 
 
 ing-grounds were destroyed, the money prom- 
 ised him was squandered before it reached 
 him, or, if it reached him, was made an occa- 
 sion of debauching him, his manhood was 
 ruined by the trade in liquor, vices of which 
 he never knew were introduced, and the sol- 
 emn treaties made with him by the govern- 
 ment were broken. If this seems now long 
 ago and if we believe that no such history 
 could be repeated, we need to be sure that we 
 are racially fair and just to the Latin-Ameri- 
 can races and to the peoples of the Far East 
 to-day. We shall have no peace and rest in 
 a world where the gulfs of race are unbridged 
 by sympathy and confidence and generosity 
 and justice. 
 
 A fifth element of the world problem is the 
 resistance of national individualism to the 
 spirit of world brotherhood and to the com- 
 mon interest of humanity. Human history 
 is coming about now in one of its great cycles. 
 In the Roman Empire men had nearly real- 
 ized a world state and the Roman peace lay 
 for centuries upon the Mediterranean world. 
 But the Roman Empire broke down. The 
 great adventurers expanded the ranges of the 
 world. New states came into being. For 
 five hundred years men were engrossed in 
 developing the ideas and institutions of na- 
 tionalism. And "ever since the world-state 
 
90 The Christian Man, 
 
 ideals of the Middle Ages were left behind, 
 this principle has been the touchstone of true 
 statesmanship. The reputation of a states- 
 man, as well as his permanent influence on 
 human affairs, depends on his power to un- 
 derstand and aid the historical evolution, 
 from out the mediaeval chaos, of strong na- 
 tional states. Genius could not countervail 
 this law of development. Even Napoleon 
 was unsuccessful whenever his policy opposed 
 the innate strength of nationalism. . . . The 
 cosmopolitanism of the Middle Ages and of 
 the Renaissance, the dreams of world unity, 
 have been replaced by a set of narrower na- 
 tional ideals concerning customs, laws, litera- 
 ture, and art, — by a community of independ- 
 ent states, each striving to realize to the full- 
 est its individual aptitudes and characteristics. 
 It is not necessary to infer from this a uni- 
 versal reign of chauvinism. The idea of the 
 general solidarity of mankind is still strong 
 enough to restrain national action in some 
 measure." (Reinsch, " World Politics," pp. 
 1-6.) Professor Reinsch wrote these words 
 in brighter and more hopeful days when no 
 men believed, except those who were prepar- 
 ing it, that such a day of self-wrought doom 
 could fall upon mankind as we must live 
 through now. We rejoice in all the gains of 
 
the Church and the War 91 
 
 this national differentiation in the past and 
 we do not wish to lose them but we are re- 
 solved to find some way of retaining them 
 and yet of saving a world community too. 
 If this is to be done we see now that two 
 things are essential. One is a new spirit of 
 universalism. We may call it by many 
 names. But however we name it — brother- 
 hood, the spirit of humanity, international- 
 ism — we have to come to it and to accept 
 it as the new principle of human government 
 and relationships. The other necessity is 
 some instrumentality of international asso- 
 ciation by which the gains of a world peace in 
 righteousness may be won and held without 
 sacrifice of national personality. There are 
 multitudes of men engaged in this war and 
 ready to make any sacrifices for its just end- 
 ing who will not be content but will think 
 their sacrifice in some part vain if the war is 
 not followed by a league of nations which, 
 even though it be in the simplest form, will 
 constitute the beginning of our international 
 organization, which will advance disarma- 
 ment, promote arbitration, secure the adjudi- 
 cation of difficulties, and prevent war. Hu- 
 manity has realized that if one of its mem- 
 bers suffers all must suffer. It begins to be 
 resolved that if it must bear the pains of 
 
92 The Christian Man, 
 
 unity it must have its benefits too and must 
 secure them by the agencies which are neces- 
 sary. 
 
 These are some of the long continuing ele- 
 ments of the world problem which must be 
 dealt with after the war and which cannot 
 be postponed to be dealt with then. They 
 must be dealt with now also and the war 
 itself cannot deal with them except in the 
 way of clearing away hindrances. As the 
 Archbishop of York said on his recent visit 
 to New York: " War in itself can only de- 
 stroy not build up, and it devolves upon the 
 allied nations to renew themselves and pre- 
 pare not only for victory in the war, but for 
 the greater task of upbuilding after the con- 
 flict has ended. It would be futile to destroy 
 the autocratic menace and then return to old 
 conditions if that were physically possible. 
 The new spirit, the spirit of humanity, of co- 
 operation, of brotherhood, is needed if the 
 full fruits of the war are to be reaped for the 
 good of mankind. Nothing less will make 
 the battling of to-day worth while." (New 
 York Times, March 7, 19 18.) Some crea- 
 tive power is necessary to deal now and here- 
 after with the ideas and forces which make 
 up the world problem for us. 
 
 The Christian man believes that Christian- 
 ity is the only solution of the problem, not a 
 
the Church and the War 93 
 
 tame, low-tension Christianity, but a root and 
 branch type, a return to the dynamic reality 
 of the faith as it first laid hold on men's 
 hearts and lives. Such Christianity contains 
 the ideals and the energies without which we 
 can neither see the right path nor force our 
 way onward in it. " Surely the future looks 
 black enough," says Mr. Watterson in his 
 editorial in the Louisville Courier-Journal on 
 the fiftieth Christmas in its history, " yet it 
 holds a hope, a single hope. One, and one 
 power only, can arrest the descent and save 
 us. That is the Christian religion. De- 
 mocracy is but a side issue. The paramount 
 issue underlying the issue of Democracy, is 
 the religion of Christ, and Him crucified; the 
 bedrock of civilization; the source and re- 
 source of all that is worth having in the world 
 that is, that gives promise in the world to 
 come; not as an abstraction; not as a huddle 
 of sects and factions; but as a mighty force 
 and principle of being. ... If the world is 
 to be saved from destruction — it will be 
 saved alone by the Christian religion." In 
 welcoming the Archbishop of York Mr. Root 
 said as unequivocally that the fundamental 
 issue is Paganism or Christ. And as Mr. 
 Watterson says it must be the Christian re- *~^ 
 ligion in its reality. And that reality is not 
 a religious system, it is a personal power. 
 
94 The Christian Man, 
 
 It is Jesus Christ. " I am the Way, the 
 Truth and the Life." 
 
 Jesus Christ was and is the righteousness 
 of God. The Apostolic Church called him 
 " that Just One." (Actsiii, 14; vii, 52; xxii, 
 14.) His first demand was for righteous- 
 ness. " Seek ye first the Kingdom of God 
 and His righteousness." Micah's idea of re- 
 ligion was not complete but it called for the 
 first and indispensable essentials. " What 
 doth Jehovah require of thee, but to do justly, 
 and to love kindness, and to walk humbly 
 with thy God? " (Micah vi, 8.) It is be- 
 cause injustice has been done and in order 
 that injustice may not be done with impunity 
 or done again at all that we are at war. 
 There can be no peace without justice on the 
 earth. And there will be justice when men 
 obey Christ. 
 
 Jesus Christ was and is good will. One 
 of His biographies is given in five words, 
 " He went about doing good." He did not 
 go about seeking pleasure, save as He was 
 pleased to do good. He did not seek power. 
 He had it already and used it only for help- 
 fulness. He did not seek wealth, though he 
 taught men industry and thrift and made 
 clearer than any other teacher the responsi- 
 bility of trusteeship. He contrasted as fun- 
 damentally contradictory the pagan ideal and 
 
the Church and the War 95 
 
 His own. " And He said unto them, The 
 kings of the Gentiles have lordship over 
 them; and they that have authority over them 
 are called Benefactors. But ye shall not be 
 so : but he that is the greater among you, let 
 him become as the younger; and he that is 
 chief, as he that doth serve." (Luke xxii, 
 25-27.) ^ This is the complete repudiation 
 of the Nietzsche philosophy and the Treit- 
 schke politics. And it is the judgment of 
 God upon all selfishness of class or person in 
 every nation. 
 
 Jesus Christ was and is a principle of unity. 
 He drew men about Himself in friendship 
 while He was here. His " New Command- 
 ment " was a law of fellowship. It was not 
 a canon of doctrine or of ecclesiastical gov- 
 ernment. It was both the pass-word and the 
 power of a new brotherhood. " A new com- 
 mandment I give unto you, that ye love one 
 another; even as I have loved you, that ye 
 also love one another. By this shall all men 
 know that ye are my disciples, if ye love one 
 another." (John xiii, 34.) From points of 
 view made too familiar to us in the days of 
 easy and barren optimism which have gone 
 past, Christ's words are merely sentimental. 
 They do not belong to the world of practical, 
 economic and material interests. But they 
 are the last words of true social and political 
 
g6 The Christian Man, 
 
 economy none the less. And we shall go on 
 misleading ourselves by our own fabrications 
 until we come to them and accept their simple 
 and sufficient solution of our whole problem 
 of human relations. 
 
 If we are to have an organizing principle 
 of unity in the nation and in the world Jesus 
 Christ must supply it. It was His purpose 
 and expectation to do so. " I, if I be lifted 
 up from the earth," He said, " will draw all 
 men unto me." (John xii, 32.) No 
 Church can do it until at last some Church 
 unfolds which has Him alone for its Head 
 and Life. Paul dreamed of humanity 
 made into such a Church of Christ. " For in 
 Him," says Paul, " were all things created, 
 in the heavens and upon the earth, things 
 visible and things invisible, whether thrones 
 or dominions or principalities or powers; 
 all things have been created through Him 
 and unto Him; and He is before all things, 
 and in Him all things consist. And He 
 is the head of the body, the Church: who 
 is beginning, the first born from the dead; 
 that in all things He might have the pre- 
 eminence. For it was the good pleasure of 
 the Father that in Him should all the fullness 
 dwell, and through Him to reconcile all things 
 unto Himself, having made peace through the 
 blood of His cross; through Him, I say, 
 
the Church and the War 97 
 
 whether things upon the earth, or things in 
 the heavens." (Col. i, 16-20.) " For He 
 is our peace, who made both one, and brake 
 down the middle wall of partition, having 
 abolished in His flesh the enmity, even the 
 law of commandments contained in ordi- 
 nances; that He might create in Himself of 
 the two one new man, so making peace; and 
 might reconcile them both in one body unto 
 God through the cross, having slain the en- 
 mity thereby; and He came and preached 
 peace to you that were far off, and peace to 
 them that were nigh: for through Him we 
 both have our access in one Spirit unto the 
 Father. So then ye are no more strangers 
 and sojourners, but ye are fellow-citizens 
 with the saints, and of the household of God, 
 being built upon the foundation of the apos- 
 tles and prophets, Christ Jesus Himself being 
 the chief corner stone; in whom each several 
 building, fitly framed together, groweth into 
 a holy temple in the Lord; in whom ye also 
 are builded together for a habitation of God 
 in the Spirit." (Eph. i, 16-22.) 
 
 Humanity is far enough away from all this 
 now. And, alas, there is no church estab- 
 lishment on earth which greatly resembles it. 
 But the principle is here and it is more nearly 
 realized in the Christian Church even as 
 we have it than in any other institution or 
 
98 The Christian Man, 
 
 idea. And the war has brought sight of it 
 to many men — not enough to change the 
 world greatly but still enough to make sure 
 that it will be changed some. 
 
 Jesus Christ was and is the embodiment of 
 truth about life and of a spirit of life which 
 in spite of all the tragedy of war and even 
 through the tragedy of war human hearts 
 now widely discern and feel. A godly old 
 man in one of the harassed neutral countries 
 of Europe tries to sum up in a letter what he 
 thinks he sees : 
 
 " Let me precise," he says quaintly, " some points 
 regarding the influence of the war on the Church. 
 
 " 1. Especially in the beginning but also after- 
 wards many have been unpleasantly surprised to see 
 that life is more earnest than they ever dreamt of. 
 I do not think that fear has any really good and 
 reliable moral and religious results, but the distress 
 of these times has turned many hearts to a more 
 serious conception of life, to Christian thoughts, to 
 feel their need of the message of the Gospel. A 
 French friend told me that in the trenches modern 
 literature became tedious and nauseous to him, he 
 could only read the Bible and the classics. I have 
 seen this in fine modern souls not only in belligerent 
 countries but also here in our country. 
 
 " 2. Modern dogmas have failed. Many thought 
 that our civilization went by itself comfortably to 
 heaven. Now they see that it goes to hell, that it 
 must take another path, in order to get saved. Is 
 
the Church and the War 99 
 
 evil real ? The Christian struggle against evil must 
 be more recognized than it was before the war in 
 modern thought. 
 
 " 3. But at the same time the message of the 
 Church about atonement, vicarious suffering, re- 
 deeming love and the enigma of sacrifice has become 
 evident as never before to many minds that despised 
 such Christian ideas as foolish antiquities and that 
 see now that those experiences touch the very deepest 
 realities of life. 
 
 " 4. Notwithstanding cruel enmities, hatred and 
 crimes I think that human solidarity has never been 
 as evidently and deeply recognized as now. It may 
 be that a day will come when humanity has forgotten 
 all the blood and the tears shed now but will bless 
 the victory of Christian principles in international 
 intercourse. 
 
 " Such facts have turned many hearts to Christian- 
 ity. They constrain the Church to contrition and 
 repentance and to loving service. But they give her 
 also wonderful tasks. Therefore I consider it as a 
 holy, but most difficult duty, to make for a common 
 confession of the Church of the supernational impor- 
 tance of Christ's cross." 
 
 Jesus Christ is the inspiration of what is 
 true and worthy in the conception of national- 
 ism. The specialization of achievement and 
 of service which is the true function of na- 
 tionalism draws sanction and power from the 
 spirit and principles of Christ. But Christ's 
 spirit transcends all that is exclusive and self- 
 ish in the nationalistic idea and purifies it of 
 
ioo The Christian Man, 
 
 false ambition and wrong. He lays the law 
 of service and of sacrifice upon nations as 
 upon men. It is significant that in this strain 
 of war the nations have turned in evil hours 
 to their old tribal gods but in every hour of 
 sacrifice to the Christ crucified or to the white 
 figure of the Risen Lord. 
 
 Jesus Christ was and is the solution of the 
 race problem. Is there any other? He 
 teaches races not to subject and exploit but 
 to befriend and serve one another. Nations 
 have been slow to accept this as a principle 
 of statecraft. To maintain troops on alien 
 soil in the necessity of war has been within 
 the constitutional prerogative of the state but 
 to give help in education in days of peace in 
 order to escape the possibility of war has 
 seemed a project of unreality. It would be 
 the most obvious of realities when race rela- 
 tions are converted to Christ. He encour- 
 ages human trust and confidence. Faith 
 once established toward Him extends to 
 other men. The apostolic communities were 
 not content to sing to God " My faith looks 
 up to Thee." Their faith looked out also 
 toward man. And multitudes of men for 
 the first time believed in themselves because 
 some fellow Christian believed in them for 
 Christ's sake. 
 
 And Christ was not content to deal in pre- 
 
the Church and the War 101 
 
 cepts on the problem of race. He had a 
 great and far reaching spiritual purpose to 
 which, in his conception of a biologically uni- 
 fied humanity, Paul gave his whole soul and 
 all the great effort of his life. " I have other 
 sheep," Jesus put it, " which are not of this 
 fold. Them also I must bring and they shall 
 hear my voice and they shall become one 
 flock, one shepherd." (John x, 16.) But 
 He carries His conception further than the 
 metaphor of a flock. " I am the Vine, ye are 
 the branches. Abide in Me and I in you." 
 (John xv, 4, 5.) And Paul states the great 
 principle in still another form. He sees man 
 idealized in a " new man that is being re- 
 newed unto knowledge after the image of 
 Him that created Him: where there cannot 
 be Greek and Jew, circumcision and uncir- 
 cumcision, barbarian, Scythian, bondman, 
 freeman; but Christ is all, and in all." (Col. 
 iii, 10, 11.) This may seem hopelessly mys- 
 tical, beyond connection with any plan of 
 practical politics. But we shall have to come 
 to it or go on paying the price of missing it. 
 The race problem has only three solutions 
 for us, — laissez faire, with the penalty in the 
 future just what it has always been, miscege- 
 nation, with its impossible loss of so many 
 of the gains of the racial differentiation and 
 social progress of the past, and Christianity. 
 
102 The Christian Man, 
 
 Jesus Christ is the one solution of the 
 world problem because He is the one Sav- 
 iour of men. And the root of the whole mat- 
 ter is that men have to be made over again, 
 and that Christ alone can do it. The world 
 has not believed this. It has worked out all 
 sorts of political and social arrangements and 
 turned to education, government, trade, a 
 dozen different devices to bring in the golden 
 age. It has all been a failure. 
 
 The Christian Church has done a little bet- 
 ter. For a generation it has professed to 
 believe in the duty of service and the law of 
 brotherhood. But the profession while sin- 
 cere has lacked the one essential tap root. 
 " In my judgment," said Admiral Mahan, 
 " the Church of to-day, laity and clergy, have 
 made the capital mistake in generalship of 
 reversing the two great commandments of 
 the law; the two fundamental principles of 
 her war, established by Christ Himself. 
 Practically, as I observe, the laity hold, and 
 the clergy teach, that the first and great com- 
 mandment is ' Thou shalt love thy neighbor 
 as thyself/ Incidentally thereto, it is ad- 
 mitted, ' Thou shouldst love the Lord thy 
 God.' It is of course too egregious an ab- 
 surdity openly to call that the second com- 
 mandment. It is simply quietly relegated to 
 a secondary place. 
 
the Church and the War 103 
 
 " Is not the judgment of the world one of 
 indifferent contempt for a man who is trying 
 to save his own soul — his miserable soul, as 
 I have sometimes read? And yet what is a 
 man's soul ? It is the one thing inexpressibly 
 dear to God, for which, if there had been 
 but one, He was content to give His Son, and 
 this He has intrusted to the man as his own 
 particular charge; I do not say his only 
 charge, but the one clearly and solely com- 
 mitted to him to make the most of it. It is 
 the talent which he is to multiply by diligent 
 care; not that he may delight in it himself, 
 but that he may present it to God through 
 Jesus Christ. . . . Because care of one's own 
 soul, by internal effort and discipline, seemed 
 selfish, men have rushed to the extreme of 
 finding in external action, in organized benev- 
 olence, in philanthropic effort, in the love of 
 the neighbor — and particularly of the neigh- 
 bor's body, for the neighbor's soul was nat- 
 urally of not more account than one's own — 
 not merely the fruit of Christian life, but the 
 Christian life itself. That the kingdom of 
 God is within you, an individual matter pri- 
 marily and in essence, and only in conse- 
 quence, and incidentally external, as all activ- 
 ity is but a manifestation of life, and not life 
 itself — all this was forgotten. This I con- 
 ceive to be the state of the Church now," 
 
104 The Christian Man, 
 
 And what the Church may have forgot, the 
 world was not likely to remember. 
 
 Will the Church remember now and lift 
 the light of its witness before the nations? 
 And will the nations accept or reject its wit- 
 ness? Will it be again as it was once be- 
 fore or different? 
 
 Shall it be now as then, " O Jerusalem, Je- 
 rusalem, how often would I have gathered 
 thy children together, even as a hen gathereth 
 her chickens under her wings and ye would 
 not! Behold your house is left unto you 
 desolate. For I say unto you, you shall not 
 see Me henceforth, till ye shall say, Blessed 
 is Hie that cometh in the name of the Lord." 
 (Matt, xxiii, 37-39.) 
 
 Or shall it be that august word, " The voice 
 of a great multitude, and as the voice of many 
 waters, and as the voice of mighty thunders, 
 saying, Hallelujah: for the Lord our God, 
 the Almighty, reignest. Let us rejoice and 
 be exceeding glad, and let us give the glory 
 unto Him: for the marriage of the Lamb is 
 come, and his wife hath made herself ready. 
 And it was given unto her that she should 
 array herself in fine linen, bright and pure: 
 for the fine linen is the righteous acts of the 
 saints. And he saith unto me, Write, 
 Blessed are they that are bidden to the mar- 
 
the Church and the War 105 
 
 riage supper of the Lamb." (Rev. xix, 6^ 
 
 9-) 
 
 " This is mere rhapsody," says Practical 
 
 Politics. 
 
 " This is the ultimate practical politics," 
 
 says History. 
 
 THE END 
 
 PRINTED IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA 
 
The Church and the Man 
 
 By DONALD HANKEY 
 Author of "A Student in Arms" 
 
 Cloth, i2mo, 60 cents 
 
 " Donald Hankey, in his The Church and the Man, strength- 
 ens the hold on our affections won through his earlier book, 
 A Student in Arms. In this new volume are eight brief papers 
 all filled with the wise sincerity of a religious conviction that 
 cares little for creed and miracle, that finds the whole vade 
 mecum of life in the simple facts of Christ's active work among 
 men. And a belief of that kind is the only one that fits all 
 men through its divine perfection of service. It was his hope, 
 as it is to-day that of thousands of men, that out of this war 
 will emerge a renaissance of faith in the possibility of uplifting, 
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 ing burdens." — Boston Transcript. 
 
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 The object of the little book is, as the author says in his 
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 Weapons, Revelations and Common Sense, The Church and Hu- 
 man Relations and Missions are taken up in successive chapters. 
 There is also an introduction by C. H. S. Mathews, in which Mr. 
 Hankey's life is briefly reviewed. 
 
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The New Horizon of Church 
 and State 
 
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 President of Brown University, and Author of 
 
 " The Educational Ideal in the Ministry " 
 
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 " Dr. Drown shows how the different articles of the Creed 
 embody universal truths. The purpose of the creed is to set 
 forth Christ, and its acceptance becomes primarily an expression 
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 deep human need that called the church itself into existence." — 
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Patriotism and Religion 
 
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 Dean of the Divinity School, University of Chicago 
 
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 The close relationship between religion and patriotism 
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 essentially, is to indicate just what a religion for war- 
 time really is. There are few whose interests and 
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 splendidly as does Dr. Mathews, and his book is one 
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 are few minds which can equal Professor Peabody 's in 
 kindling working enthusiasm and virilizing religious 
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Religion in a 
 World at War 
 
 By GEORGE HODGES 
 
 Dean of the Episcopal Theological School, Cambridge, 
 Massachusetts 
 
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 age: 
 
 "The idea that faith has entered now into an un- 
 precedented peril, and that belief in the power and good- 
 ness of God must perish from the creeds of men, can 
 be held only by those who are unacquainted with his- 
 tory." 
 
 The scope of the book, rising from the consideration 
 of the world's bitter ordeal to a sublime conception of 
 the Christian religion as the living manifestation of 
 righteousness, is suggested by the chapter headings : 
 In the Storm of War. Easter in a World at War. 
 Memorial Day in a World at War. All Saints' Day in 
 a World at War. Christmas in a World at War. God 
 and the World's Pain. Pain and the World's Progress. 
 The Everlasting Vitality of the Christian Religion. 
 
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