Book___iJ\^___ EUROPE AND AMERICA 18 7 0. ALL NEW YORK: PRINTED FOR THE AUTHOR 1870. &f In h $% Wis* Hist. Soc. K^ The following article was written during the spring of 1870, and was intended for publication in the Atlantic Monthly. The war between France and Prussia suddenly broke out before it could ap- pear ; and the writer, seeing the impossibility of adapting it to the present situation of affairs — a situation which is every day changing — but desirous that it should not be altogether lost, offers a few copies in this form for private circulation. It seemed to him, as the result of a jonruey he made through Russia, Turkey, and Egypt at the time of the opening of the Suez Canal, that Americans, for obvious reasons, were kept very ignorant of the true bearings of the Easte rn questio n, and it has been his desire to give them a few facts by which they may be aided in forming their own opinions. It has also struck him that neither Americans nor Europeans were sufficiently alive to the position which the United States is destined soon to hold among the nations of the world, and that they ought to be diligently preparing themselves for it. Having faith that the Great Republic will not only remain undivided, but increase in terri- tory, population and strength, he sees it logically follow that she must later be the controlling power. In her, humanity, commingled together and then reorganized, will practically carry out the idea of self-government, and such a government, if successful, will be irre- sistible. The writer has endeavored to make impartial statements, and as such he trusts they will be received. N. A. EUEOPE AND AMEEICA IN 1870. Waes and rumors of wars must be, it would seem, for many years to come, the staple of talk in Europe. Nor is this remarkable, so many different nationalities and languages, so much intelligence and energy, and so many shades of ambition being concentrated in a small space of territory. Thus far in the history of the Old World those in power have generally sought by arms or statecraft to strengthen the country in whose des- tiny they were interested. Constant wars have been the result. The principles of international interest, of working in harmony to develop the resources of the globe, of which perhaps the best exponent is trade and the necessary concomitant peace, have been unfortu- nately considered beneath the dignity of those who by birth, by fortune, or by talent, have been able to hold leading positions. Happily this is being changed. The great discoveries of the last fifty years have given the 6 world such an impulse as it never received before. The comparative ease of making money and of possess- ing it in safety has caused persons to look after their own interest more than that of those who chanced to be their rulers. But the process of change is slow, and emperors and kings are still able to make wars even in opposition to the will of their subjects. Wars are still not only a possibility but a probability, and every one is on the lookout for them. When there is lack of other business the cabinets of Europe will turn their attention to the always- vexed question of the bal- ance of power. When newspaper editors are in want of interesting matter to fill their sheets they can ever bring out a glowing statement of the Eastern question, or dilate upon the relations existing between France and Prussia. The map of Europe never ceases to be an enter- taining study ; and so a slight review of the present state of affairs there, as seen and judged by the disin- terested traveller, may perhaps offer some points of in- terest to those who are unable to make the journey themselves. No one nation in Europe to-day seems to have a pre- ponderating influence over the others. England and France, for a long time the most powerful, have not, during the last ten years, been making any interna- tional progress ; and if they have not by this been ac- tually losing their influence, they have remained in a state of inaction, while others have made great ad- vances to equal or eclipse them. Nor is there to be seen in them any prospect of changing their policy. Eng- land is so much occupied with domestic questions, es- pecially those relating to Ireland, that she can give little time or thought to any thing else, unless of very great import. In France the holding the various dis- cordant elements in check, and forming out of them a strong and popular government, is absorbing all the talent of her statesmen. The aggressive enterprises that the existing government, or rather that its head, has lately undertaken, have been so fruitless and so doubtfully indorsed by the people, that it is not prob- able any thing of the kind will again be tried, unless upon an almost certainty of success. Prussia may, with a certain show of reason, con- sider herself the leader ; but her (so to speak) inland position, and the consequent difficulty of her having great naval or commercial power, prevent her from taking that place to which her arms and politics might entitle her. Besides this her relations with both Northern and Southern Germany are in & preparatory, but not completed state, and the uncertainty of her fu- ture movements and of how they will be accepted is a present point of weakness. She is recognized to be the strongest German nation, but the smaller indepen- dencies, certain though they may be of becoming event- ually absorbed, are tenacious of preserving their indi- viduality as long as possible. They hesitate about siding with or against Prussia, and, as she cannot well now press the question, matters are more or less at a stand-still. Austria cannot, since the Peace of Prague, be re- garded as a first-class power of Europe; she must regain her lost strength first, and for some time to come she will best attempt this by solidifying her relations with Hungary, and by infusing more ad- vanced principles of government into the authorities at Vienna. In Spain affairs are still holding their uneasy course, and the world looks on astonished at the way the country is taking care of itself; so many forms of government proposed by so many different candidates, that, in reality, there is next to none whatever, but, to balance this, a fair amount of contentment among the people. Not knowing what they wish, the Span- iards drift on very well with what they have. In Italy economy is so necessary to preserve the country that no thought can be given to any foreign ventures, while at Rome all other questions are dropped so long as the (Ecumenical Council is sitting there in state. Denmark, Norway, and Sweden, are engaged in discussing topics of much local interest, and which may, perhaps, result in the unity of the three nations, but they will have little influence upon the general march of events in Europe. Russia remains as the last great nation to be dis- cussed ; and here, on the stepping-stone between East- ern and Western ideas and civilizations, can be found the germs of those movements which, if not immedi- ately forthcoming, will, when they burst forth, startle the world with their grandeur, and essentially change the features of the map of Europe. The Russian Em- pire, as it exists to-day — the Russia of Alexander II. and Gortschakoff, the country which has emancipated twenty million serfs, and offered an equal trial by jury to all its citizens — the nation which, day by day, is in- creasing its territory and influence at home, and which, during a civil war in the other hemisphere, extended a kindly, though many will say a not disinterested hand to the party which represented progressive principles — the Russian Empire, the friend of the American Re- public, has many qualities which might justly entitle it to leadership ; but the strange mixture of European and Asiatic elements in that country, so great in extent 10 and so ambitious of progress, as interpreted by it, is the cause of a confusion of ideas, and prevents that unanimity of action which is necessary to insure the respect and obedience of others. Moreover, although the spirit of the people is extremely democratic, the policy of the government is autocratic, and in the lat- ter part of this century it is imj)ossible for any but a government founded on popular principles, and sup- ported by the people themselves, to command the esteem and the envy of the masses in other portions of the civilized world, and thus to give them laws. The seeds of dominion are there, but it will take time for them to ripen and bear their fruit. From this slight review of the position of the European nations in 1870, one cannot help being struck with the equipoise of power, and concluding that this itself is a strong guarantee of peace. But, in reality, the peace is not well founded, and cannot be abiding. It is an armed peace, and, as such, may cause the people deep anxiety. Several millions of men in Europe to-day are wearing the dress and drawing the pay of soldiers, and all for nothing. Disarming is continually talked of, but is not being begun, nor will it be as long as the nations are mutually afraid of each other. The pursuits of industry and commerce, which would develop with increasing force if j>eace were 11 secure for ten or twenty years, are now, to a great ex- tent, held in check. Capitalists are afraid of embark- ing in great enterprises, as they know not what may take place before they will be completed. Thousands of laborers, able-bodied and intelligent, through fear of being drawn into military service, are leaving the lands of their birth and emigrating to distant shores, there to seek their fortunes ; a great gain to the countries which receive them, but a more than proportionate loss to those they leave, as their places cannot be filled. One should not seriously wish for war except in the most extreme cases, and where the prospect of the good to follow seems more than to compensate for the immediate evil. Without admitting this to be the case now, but believing that the present peace cannot, from the press of circumstances, last many years, let us look a little into the future, and try to divine where it will be first broken, and what will be the results. It is to the east of Europe we must turn our thoughts, and here it seems as if great events would soon be in motion. The problem to be solved is the dismem- berment of the Ottoman Empire, and the consequent independence of one nation, and the increase in power of several others. The actors in the drama will be : Turkey, Russia, Egypt, Greece, and perhaps the Sla- vonic portions of Austria, the theatre will be parts of 12 Europe, Asia, and Africa, and the most interested spectators will be France, England, and the United States. It must be well borne in mind that the integrity of Turkey has been guaranteed for many years, if not actually preserved, by the Cabinets of France and England. So many pamphlets and articles have been written by those representing the interests of those governments on one side, and so little has been said on the opposite side, that it has almost become an acknowledged fact that the carrying out of this idea is necessary for the peace of Europe and of the world. Their arguments are strong, but will not influence him who visits Constantinople with an unprejudiced mind. The key to the riddle is the possession of that city. England and France know that they themselves cannot obtain it, and this being the case, they are determined to do all in their power to prevent any other nation from doing so. It is almost impossible, for one who has not been there himself, to form a fair opinion of what should be the future of that beautiful city of the East ; but once there, the decision is soon reached that it should no longer belong to the Turks, but to some people, whoever they may be, who will do justice to the advantages Nature has given it. Constantinople is so placed that it is one of the keys of the waters of 13 the world, and, as such, it ought to be a great commer- cial centre. The city, as it now is, renders this im- possible, and the Turks, judging from their antece- dents and their present manner of existence, are in- capable of change. A distinguished statesman of the United States one day asked the Turkish minister at Washington if, in his country, there were many per- sons celebrated for their success in finance or business. The minister slowly opened his dark, mysterious eyes, and, with a half-amused, half-pitying gaze, replied : " Sir, my countrymen know nothing of affairs ; the Turks are warriors." In the quiet answer of that Turk, a man who held not only a high position in his own country, but had also seen the active life in America, there is a meaning which one cannot well appreciate, who has not been among the people of whom he spoke. They seem to belong to a different age and world from ours. They know almost nothing of the wonderful things every day done in this nine- teenth century, and, if they are told, they take but little interest, and are incapable of comprehending them. As already stated, the city of Constantinople, until radically changed, does not admit of greatness, and this may need some explanation. From its construction, every thing must be done by retail / operations on a 14 grand scale are impossible. The narrow and dirty streets which traverse the city in every direction, from the numerous hills in the interior to the water which lines the city on one side, and divides it at the Golden Horn, the nights of steps which often take the place of the road when least expected, and the steep ascents and descents, render the circulation of large vehicles, whether moved "by animals or steam, impracticable, and consequently the transportation of bulky mer- chandise is extremely difficult. Every thing is carried piecemeal on the backs of men or animals, a slow work at best, and, were it not that the city swarms with human beings, little could be done. But this need not and should not long continue. Constantinople, in the possession of a strong and intelligent people, in- telligent enough to understand its deficiencies, and strong enough to be able properly to rectify them, could in a short time be made a different place. The principles of Baron Haussmann applied in opening some wide and straight thoroughfares, w r harves and warehouses built on the harbor, gas and water intro- duced, a system of drainage, and a fire department established, railroads running into the interior of the country, and some of the other civilizing appliances of this century judiciously put in movement, would soon change the mysterious city of the Orient, replete 15 with the souvenirs of Constantine and Mohaminecl, into a great commercial mart. The past would be sacrificed for the future, but the sacrifice would be justifiable. Useless Romance would drop her fascinating garment, and stand arrayed as the goddess of Practical Progress. The question, then, is, who will begin the work ? The Turks will certainly not; indeed, their opposition to it will be so strong, that it cannot well be under- taken until they see that their empire is broken, and that their natural refuge is over the water, into Asia, where they belong. The mover of all this will be the nation which has the most to gain from the results — Russia, and fortunately a nation fired with the ambitions of prog- ress, and with sufficient power to be able to carry them out. The intelligent men of Russia know that it is need- ful to the dignity of the nation as a sentiment, to its safety militarily, and to its commercial prosperity, to have all the water rights and privileges in the Black Sea, and in the straits which connect it with those wa- ters which are acknowledged to be the common prop- erty of mankind. Until this is brought about their machinery is clogged, and for this the possession of Con- stantinople is so important as almost to be a necessity. The Russians are already at the work, and the faster it advances the better. Slowly and steadily since the peace was signed at the end of the Crimean 16 war, the government at St. Petersburg, deeply hum- bled then, is preparing for the struggle which will re- store her lost rights and give her many additional Ones. Day by day she is spreading out her net- work of rail- roads, steamboats, telegraphs, and postroads. Imper- ceptibly she is increasing her territory, and this on principles so judiciously arranged for ths conquered, that each fresh Asiatic horde absorbed, soon becomes as proud of the grandeur of Russia as if it had always been a part of the empire. Vessels for the navy and commerce are being built on her northern and south- ern seas, and her large inland rivers ; her grain-trade is rapidly increasing, and her rich mines and other re- sources are being developed. But, besides all this, she has a strong point of safety in the intense feeling of nationality daily swelling, which pervades all the Muscovites. In sentiment the army is a unit, and the entire population of the vast empire shout wildly on every occasion for the health and prosperity of the Czar. There may be something barbaric in all this, but it is the stuff out of which national greatness can be made, and it may cause anxiety to those countries where such a feeling does not exist. The nation most interested after Russia in the division of Turkey (perhaps as much or even more in- terested, because her own independence is the prize she 17 can win) is Egypt, that historic land which, once the mistress of the world, but to-day a vassal, has in the future as fine a destiny as could be desired. The canal lately opened through the Isthmus of Suez has done more for Egypt than fifty ordinary years might have accomplished. It has turned the thoughts of civilized Europe for more than ten years upon that country, it has kept their attention interested, and the result has been more than satisfactory. Europe has not, in modern days, expected to find much good in the coun- try of the Pharaohs ; but it has found that, although matters there are not what the sanguine might wish, they are still, unquestionably, in every point where comparison is possible, very far in advance of Turkey. The infusion of Western ideas into the inhabitants of a land who have been brought up for centuries to despise them, is no easy task, but this the Viceroy of Egypt has been attempting, and with fair success. He appre- ciates the age in which he lives, as any one who has visited Cairo can plainly see, and he feels his superior- ity over the Sultan so strongly, that he is merely wait- ing for the time to be ripe to openly disobey the or- ders from Constantinople and assert his independence. Many thought, and with reason, that at the opening of the Suez Canal the time for this action had come ; but nothing was then done, perhaps because the armed 18 force of the Khedive was insufficient for the attempt, or that having accomplished a great commercial success he hesitated risking a military failure, or, more prob- ably still, because the diplomatic complications were such that he could not make an advantageous alliance. For what is to be done Egypt should go hand in hand with Russia, but at the present time this is a dif- ficult combination to form. In constructing the Suez Canal France has done every thing for Egypt, and the presence of the Empress Eugenie at the opening cere- monies was the natural conrpletion of the work. An alliance between France and Egypt, strong enough to give France a foothold in the East, and thereby to checkmate the power of England, but not binding her to make a rupture with the rulers at Constantinople on the question of Egyptian independence, would be a fine thing for Napoleon, but would do Ismail little good. A rational alliance between Russia and Egypt, each country working for itself and the other, would be desirable enough, but for this it would be necessary to give France the cold shoulder, and in return receive her resentment. Russia, France, and Egypt, cannot now combine together : the results of the Crimean war are not forgotten at St. Petersburg ; and, besides this, the existing relations between Russia and Prussia on other European questions are such that the former 19 cannot yet offer France a friendly hand. The am- bition of Napoleon is boundless ; but he knows that the prestige he would acquire in working out the inde- pendence of Egypt would be overbalanced by what would fall to the share of the Emperor of Russia. England, too, could not keep out of the dispute, and although lately she has been very silent on the East- ern question, at the moment of action, regardless of what she has done in the past, and of her half-promises for the future, she would bring great force to bear, and in such a way as to derive advantage for herself alone. The Austro-Hungarian Empire and Greece have both something to gain from the dismemberment of the Ottoman Empire, but in their present condition they must move in the wake of others, they cannot lead the operations. A masterly brain and arm might unite the different Slavonic elements on the banks of the Danube, part of which now belong to Turkey, and amalgamate them into the Austrian Empire ; but it is doubtful if this would be a desirable move, for while it would give strength in territory and population to Austria, it would tend to weaken the German element of the country, and this would be fatal if she wishes to be regarded as the great South-German nation. The title of Kaiser of Germans always has and could still give prestige, but the same title held by one whose 20 empire was in reality composed of Slaves, would not, but on the contrary aid the government of Prussia in i^s plans of German unity, and unity on a more demo- cratic basis. Austria's best course, therefore, would be to take no active part, but to await the results, and turn them as best she could to her advantage. The Greeks and Turks have never loved each other, and while Greece is too weak for definite action at first, she could later lend a helping hand in the move- ments which would result in restoring to her the prov- inces of Thessaly and Epirus, which, though under the dominion of Turkey, are Greek in every thing but the name. Greece thus regenerated might again become quite an important country, and, with the commerce which the Suez Canal opens to her with the Indies, take her place as a growing maritime nation. There are no other important moves now apparent in the horizon of European politics. As mentioned above, the great powers are too much interested in do- mestic affairs to be able to give much thought to what their neighbors are doing. It has been expected by many that the continued growling heard, both from France and Prussia would, sooner or later, end in open rupture and war ; but one who watches the course of events closely can see that, while they both say they are ready, neither of them desires to break the peace. 21 Neither will be the first to sound the alarm, for they both know they have almost nothing to gain from the result ; for should the war come, it would accomplish little but the destruction of the lives of many thou- sand soldiers. Whichever side was victorious, the boundary-line between the two nations would be but slightly changed. The existing line is the natural one, for it is the line of language and race ; and, although war could move it on one side or the other for a time, it would soon fall back again to the place from which it started. The strength of the two nations is so nearly equal that neither can absorb portions of the other : the Rhine is a German river, and neither diplomacy nor war can make it French. And now, in conclusion, what position should the government, or rather the people, of the United States take in relation to the march of events in Europe? Are we to hold forever to our established principle of non-intervention, when we conscientiously believe that judicious intervention would often advance the cause of progress ? Better at least keep the right of sjDeaking and acting as we please, but use it sparingly, and never hesitate to give sympathy and moral aid (sometimes more helping than actual assistance) to the parties in any struggle which we believe to have justice on their side. 22 But when we look into the future, and a no very distant future at that, and consider that, at the end of this century, without territorial increase, we shall be a nation of one hundred millions, and that it is not im- probable that we shall be the possessors of the entire Northern Continent of America, and give protection to many of the nations in the Southern, and thus have under our control and laws at least two hundred mill- ions, thinking persons can easily see that the pre- ponderance of strength in our favor will be so over- whelming, that non-intervention will be a practical im- possibility. The weak of the earth will come to us for protection, and we shall not wish to throw them off. What a country it will be in 1900 ! One hun- dred million people, all with a strong sense of liberty, but not of license ; all educated, or desirous and able to become so ; all ambitious because the highest j)rizes are within their reach ; nearly all speaking one language ; with private fortunes greater than the world has ever seen, and with the natural resources of the country then in their flower. One cannot dwell upon this pros- pect without swelling with pride, and at the same time almost trembling at its very grandeur. The mighty Republic of the United States, which sprang into exist- ence less than a century ago, will be the acknowledged law-giver and arbiter of the entire world. 23 Perhaps at no time has the temptation for us to mix in the affairs of Europe been so strong as to-da} 7 , because, selfishly speaking, we have every thing to gain and nothing to lose. A mere spark, which could any moment be struck at Washington, would in three months time set Europe in flames. An excuse like the Cuban difficulty, the long-pending question of the Alabama claims, the relations between the Sultan and the Khedive, or the foolishness now going on between France and the United States about the postal treaty or the Atlantic cable, any of these would be sufficient to do the work. And what would be the result? Thousands and thousands of able-bodied men, with no taste for war, and especially war for the gratification of crowned heads, would seize every opportunity of leaving their native lands and hastening to America. It would be impossible to prevent them. Millions and millions of treasure seeking safe investment would find its way to the United States, and all that is wanted to develop the country is hands to work the natural resources, and money to pay for it. America would become, what England has been for many years, the strong oox of the world. England can be so no more. Telegraphs and steam have put her so near the Continent of Europe, that she can no longer be re- garded as a sure land of refuge for men or money. 24 Nay, it is doubtful if she could actually keep out of the conflict. The safe must be separated from the combatants by a broader piece of water than the Straits of Dover. Three thousand miles are not too much for perfect security. The action of the United States could bring on any war it wished, but the coun- try itself would have nothing to fear. Its strength is so great that it could meet fairly in the field any possi- ble combination of the nations of Europe. The feel- ing of animosity between the Northern and Southern States, which has existed during the civil war, but which is happily now almost over, would end in fra- ternal entliusia8m, if the country should engage in a popular war against any other nation. But the car- nage, once begun in Europe, could not be carried over the Atlantic, as there would be enough to keep it there. The United States would be in any case the attacked and not the attacking party, and modern warfare has arrived at the point that, other things being equal, the party which attacks a distant land is almost sure to be worsted. What would fall to the lot of the United States would be the business of the world. The carrying-trade of the nations would be done by her, and the problem of the revival of her shipping be by the action of others solved. All the merchant- vessels which plough through the Atlantic 25 and Pacific Oceans, would claim the protection of the stars and stripes, and this means limitless sums of money poured into her treasury — wealth to the coun- try and wealth to private individuals. The prestige of her flag would be such as none has ever had before. Such is the prospect which opens before the vision of the people of the United States to-day. Deeply conscious of our great power, let us be equally con- scious of our responsibility in best employing that power for the benefit of mankind. Let us remember that our path is the path of peace and not that of war; let us endeavor not to be turned from it by the con- stant temptations of false glory, for, if we are, we shall ourselves suffer for it later, and cause others to suffer too. It is for us to show to Europe not what advan- tages can be derived from war and diplomacy, which are the weapons of the past, but what greater advan- tages can be derived from the weapons of the present and the future, the weapons of our own peculiar fabrica- tion, such as the nobility of labor, and universal educa- tion and freedom. Only by acting thus shall we be able to prove to the nations who are even now " hang- ing breathless on our fate," that we truly carry with us a grander civilization than has ever yet been seen. /ruzt. M