Class __^_:S3_G15 Book ZKklLs 56th Congress, j SENATE. J Document M Session. \ \ No. 190. LANDS HELD FOR ECCLESIASTICAL OR RELIGIOUS USES' IN THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS, ETC. MESSAGE FROM THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES, TRANSMITTING, IN RESPONSE TO RESOLUTION OF THE SENATE OF JANUARY 26, 1901, A REPORT FROM THE SECRETARY OF WAR, WITH ACCOM- PANYING PAPERS, RELATIVE TO THE LANDS HELD IN MORT- MAliT OR OTHERWISE FOR ECCLESIASTICAL OR RELIGIOUS USES IN THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS; ALSO TRANSMITTING CER- TIFIED COPIES OF THE ACTS OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION, NUMBERS 66 TO 68, INCLUSIVE. February 25, 1901. — Kead, referred to the Committee on the Philippines, and ordered to t>e printed. To the Senate: In response to the resolution of the Senate. of January 26, 1901, as follows : Resolved, That the President, so far as in his judgment may be not inconsistent with the public interest, be requested to communicate to the Senate all information in his power or in that of any of the Executive Departments in regard to the lands held in mortmain or otherwise for ecclesiastical or religious uses in the Philippine Islands, including the character of the title to such lands, the extent and value of the same, and the parts of the islands where they exist; and further, whether he has in behalf of the Government entered into any obligation other than what is set forth in the late treaty with Spain in regard to their disposition or the maintenance of any alleged titles thereto, or has announced or declared any policy to be pursued in deal- ing Math such titles. Also to communicate to the Senate any map of the territory of the Philippine Islands or any part thereof in which these domains are laid down. I transmit herewith a report of the Secretary of War dated February 19, 1901, with accompanying papers. I also transmit certified copies of the acts of the Philippine Commis- sion, numbers 56 to 68,* inclusive. William McKinley. Executive Mansion, February '25, lWi:\ 'V 2 CHURCH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. ' >i '^ -xyS War Department, Washington, Feljruary 19^ 1901. The President: I have the honor to report upon the subject-matter of the following- resolution of the Senate, dated January 26, 1901, forwarded to me by indorsement, dated Executive Mansion, January 28, 1901: • Resolved, That the President, so far as in his judgment may be not inconsistent with the piibHc interest, be requested to communicate to the Senate all information in his poAver or in that of any of the Executive Departments in regard to the lands held in mortmain or otherwise for ecclesiastical or religious uses in the Philippine Islands, including the character of the title to such lands, the extent and value of the same, and the parts of the islands where they exist; and further, w^hether he has in behalf of the Government entered into any obligation other than what is set forth in the late treaty with Spain in regard to their disposition or the maintenance of any alleged titles thereto, or has announced or declared any policy to be pursued in dealing with such titles. Also to communicate to the Senate any map of the terri- tory of the Philippine Islands or any part thereof in which these domains are laid down. 1. The policy of the Executive to be pursued in dealing with titles to the lands held in mortmain or otherwise for ecclesiastical or reli- gious uses in the Philippine Islands was declared in your instructions to the Philippine Commissioners, transmitted to them through me on the 7th of April, 1900, as follows: It will be the duty of the commission to make a thorough investigation into the titles to the large tracts of land held or claimed by individuals or by religious orders; into the justice of the claims and complaints made against such landholders by the people of the island, or any part of the people, and to seek by wise and peaceable measures a just settlement of the controversies and redress of wrongs which have caused strife and bloodshed in the past. In the performance of this duty the com- mission is enjoined to see that no injustice is done; to have regard for substantial rights and equity, disregarding technicalities so far as substantial right permits, and to observe the following rules: That the provision of the treaty of Paris pledging the United States to the protec- tion of all rights of property in the islands, and as well the principle of our own Government, which prohibits the taking of private property without dueprocess of law, shall not be violated; that the w^elfare of the people of the islands, which should be a paramount consideration, shall be attained consistently with this rule of prop- erty right; that if it becomes necessary for the public interest of the people of the islands to dispose of claims to property which the commission finds to be not law- fully acquired and held, disposition shall be made thereof by due legal procedure, in which there shall be full opportunity for fair and impartial hearing and judgment; that if the same public interests require the extinguishment of property rights law- fully acquired and held, due compensation shall be made out of the public treasury therefor; that no form of religion and no minister of religion shall be forced upon any community or upon any citizen of the islands; that upon the other hand no minister of religion shall be interfered with or molested in following his calling, and that the separation between state and church shall be real, entire, and absolute. No one has in behalf of the Government of the United States entered into any obligation, other than that set forth in the late treaty with Spain, in regard to the disposition or maintenance of any alleged titles to such lands, nor has an}^ other policy to be pursued in dealing with such titles been declared or announced. 2. In obedience to the above-cited instructions, the Philippine Com- mission has entered upon an investigation of the titles referred to in the resolution, and in its report, dated November 30, 1900, transmitted by you to Congress on the 25th of January, 1901, it has stated the results of its investigation up to that time as to the character of the title to such lands, the extent and value of the same, and the parts of the islands where they exist. The subdiyision of the report entitled CHURCH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 3 ''The Friars," beginning on page 23 of the printed document, relates especiall}^ to this subject. The subdivisions entitled "Public Lands" and "Land Titles and Registration" also contain matter relevant to the inquiries contained in the resolution. 3. It will appear, by reference to page 16 of the above-cited report, that the commission has investigated specifically the contested title to the lands and buildings of the College of San Jose at Manila. Since the date of the report the commission has announced its conclusion that the claim adverse to the alleged right of the religious control of the said college has sufficient basis to require its submission to judicial decision. A copy of the written decision of the commission, stating the character of the title and the questions to be determined, and a copy of a rule or order adopted by the commission to confer jurisdic- tion of the controversy on the supreme court of the islands and regu- late the procedure therein, are transmitted herewith. 4. The parts of the commission's report above referred to were to a considerable extent based upon testimony taken by the commission and reduced to writing. A copy of such testimony is transmitted herewith. 5. The following reports, which have already been transmitted to Congress, also contain matter relevant to the inquiry of the resolution: (a) The report of the former Philippine Commission, Senate Docu- ment No. 138, Fifty-sixth Congress, first session, part 1, pages 130 to 141 inclusive, the chapter entitled ' ' The Secular College and Religious Orders." Part 2 of the same document contains the evidence on that subject taken by that commission. (f) The report of ]\Iaj. Gen. Elwell S. Otis as military governor of the Philippines for the period ending May 5, 1900, contained in part 4, volume 1, of the report of the War Department for 1900, published as House Document No. 2. {c) The report of Maj. Gen. Arthur MacArthur for the period end- ing October 1, 1900, contained in part 10, volume 1, of the report of the War Department for 1900, published as House Document No. 2. 6. The domains referred to in the resolution are not laid down in any of the maps of the territory of the Philippine Islands, or an}^ part thereof, in the possession or within the knowledge of the War Department. I beg to take this occasion to transmit certified copies of the acts of the Philippine Commission, numbered 56 to 68 inclusive. These, together with the acts which you transmitted to the Senate with 3^our message of Januar}^ 25, 1901, complete the record of acts of the com- mission from its organization to and including the second day of January. Very respectfully, Elihu Root, Secretary of War. United States Philippine Commission, Secretary's Office, Manila^ December 29^ 1900. I hereby certify that the annexed is a correct copy of an act passed by the United States Philippine Commission on the 12th day of Decem- ber, 1900, taken from the original on file in this office. [seal.] a. W. Fergusson, Secretary. 4 CHURCH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. [No. 56.] AN ACT providing for the retention in office of municipal councillors, elected under general order of the military governor No. 40, series of 1900, until a new municipal law shall have been enacted and put in operation. By authority of the President of the United States^ he it enacted hy the United States Philippine Cominission^ that: Section 1. All councillors in municipalities which have been organ- ized under general order of the military governor No. 40, series of 1900, shall continue to hold office until a new municipal law shall have been enacted b}^ the Commission and their successors shall have been elected and shall have qualified in accordance Avith its provisions. Sec. 2. That portion of article 3 of said general order which pro- vides that the seats of councillors of the first class shall be vacated on the first Monda}^ of January, 1901, and that portion of article 8 of said order which provides that general municipal elections shall be held on the first Tuesday in December of each year, are hereb}^ repealed, pro- vided, that nothing herein shall be held to invalidate any elections which ma}^ have taken place before the passage of this act. Sec. 3. This act shall take effect on its passage. Enacted December 12, 1900. United States Philippine Commission, Secretary's Office, Manila^ Pecemher 29, 1900. I hereby certify that the annexed is a correct copy of an act passed by the United States Philippine Commission on the 12th day of Decem- ber, 1900, taken from the original on file in this office. [seal.] a. W. Fergusson, Secretary. [No. 57.] AN ACT requiring the civil service board to report to the United States Philippine Commission a plan for the readjustment of salaries paid in the civil service. Py authority of the President of the United States, he it enacted hy the United States Philippine Commission, that: Section 1. The civil service board shall proceed forthwith to inves- tigate the fairness of the salaries now paid to all the members of the Philippine civil service, and shall report at as early a day as possible a plan for the readjustment of such salaries under which the salaries paid shall be proportioned to the amount of labor and skill required and the responsibility imposed in the discharge of the duties of the respec- tive positions, and which shall afford opportunity for a proper classi- fication of positions under the civil service act. Sec. 2. In the prosecution of the investigation enjoined in the fore- going section, the civil service board is authorized through the mili- tary governor to summon to appear before it the heads of the civil departments and such of their subordinates as may be deemed neces- sary, to answer questions and to produce papers relevant to the inquiry. The board shall append to its report the evidence taken by it. In the execution of this act, the board shall also consider the report of a board CHUECH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 5 of army officers to the military governor upon a readjustment of civil salaries and shall submit a comparison between its adjustment and that of said board of army officers, and where there is a difference, -its reasons. Sec. 3. In its investigation and report the board shall treat the offices, the duties of which are now discharged by officers of the Army or Navy under detail, as if filled by civilians, and shall report the proper salaries for such offices. It shall also investigate and report the salaries that, upon the same basis, should be paid to civilians per- forming clerical or other similar duties in military offices, but who are paid from the insular civil funds. Sec. 4. This act shall take effect on its passage. Enacted December 12, 1900. United States Philippine Commission, Secretary's Office, Manila^ December 29, 1900. I hereby certify that the annexed is a correct copy of an act passed by the United States Philippine Commission on the 12th da}^ of December, 1900, taken from the original on file in this office. [seal.] a. W. Fergusson, Secretary. [No. 58.] AN ACT authorizing the establishment of local police in cities and towns of the Philippine Islands and appropriating one hundred and fifty thousand dollars (§150,000.00) , money of the United States, for their maintenance. JBy authority of the President of the United States, he it enacted hy the United States Philippine Cormnission., that: Section 1. The military governor is hereb}" authorized to establish a police force for the maintenance of law and order in such of the cities and towns of these islands as may by him be deemed desirable and advantageous to the public interests. Sec. 2. The sum of one hundred and fifty thousand dollars (1150,000.00), money of the United States, is hereby appropriated out of an}^ money in the insular treasury, not otherwise appropriated, for the purpose of paying the expenses incident to the organization and maintenance of the police established pursuant to the provisions of section 1 hereof. Sec. 3. This act shall take effect on its passage. Enacted December 12, 1900. United States Philippine Commission, Secretary's Office, Manila, Becemher W, 1900. I hereby certify that the annexed is a correct copy of an act passed \y^ the United States Philippine Commission on the 11th day of Decem- ber, 1900, taken from the original on file in this office. [seal.] a. W. Fergusson, Secretary. 6 CHURCH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. [No. 59.] AN ACT regulating the sale of intoxicating liquors within the city of Manila and its attached barrios. By authority of the President of the United States, he it enacted hy the United States Philipj)hie Coinmission, that: Section 1. All laws and regulations heretofore governing the issue of licenses for the sale of liquor within the jurisdictional limits of the city of Manila are hereb}^ repealed and the following substituted there- for, but nothing herein shall be construed as affecting an}^ outstanding license issued conformably to the laws and regulations formerly exist- ing until such licenses shall have expired or have been revoked for cause. Sec. 2. A license for a period of six (6) months may be issued to a person or persons of good character, authorizing him or them to keep and maintain, at a place to be specified in the license, a saloon, bar or drinking place for the sale of intoxicating liquors, including there- under fermented vinous, fermented malt and spirituous beverages, in quantities less than one gallon (3.78 litres), upon paj^ment in advance of the sum of six hundred (600) pesos. A license of this class shall be known as a "first-class bar license." Sec. 3. A license for a period of six (6) months may be issued to a person or persons of good character, authorizing him or them to keep and maintain, at a place to be specified in the license, a saloon, bar or drinking place for the sale of fermented malt or fermented vinous liquors only, in quantities less than one gallon (3.78 litres), upon pay- ment in advance of the sum of three hundred and fifty (350) pesos. A license of this class shall be known as a '* second-class bar license." Sec. 4. A license for a period of six (6) months may be issued to a person or persons of good character, owning or managing a bona fide theatre, authorizing him or them to keep and maintain a bar in the theatre, for the sale of fermented vinous, fermented malt and spirituous liquors in quantities less than one gallon (3.78 litres), which liquors may be sold or served to bona fide guests of the theatre in their seats or elsewhere on the premises, under such restrictions as to hours as ma}^ be prescribed by the provost-marshal-general, upon payment in advance of the sum of eight hundred (800) pesos. A license of this class shall be known as a " theatre liquor license. " Sec. 5. No application for. a license, or for a renewal thereof, to conduct a first or a second class bar, shall be received until the applicant or applicants shall have, at his or their ovs^n expense, published a notice in six consecutive editions of one Spanish and one English newspaper, to be designated by the provost-marshal-general, which notice shall be in such form as the provost-marshal-gencral ma}^ determine, and shall set forth the fact that on a certain date, it is proposed b}^ such applicant or applicants to make application at the (lepartment of licenses and municipal revenue for a license to conduct a har in the building situ- ated on a specified street and at a specified number. Such notice shall be signed by the applicant or applicants, and copies of the newspapers containing the notice shall be filed with the application. Sec. 6. All saloons, bars and other drinking places shall be closed from such hour at night as the provost-marshal may direct, or, in the absence of such direction, from the "curfew hour," or, in the absence of such direction and if no "curfew hour" be established, then from CHUECH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 7 12 o'clock midnight until 6 o'clock a. m. the following da}^, except that when the following da}^ shall be Sunday they shall remain closed until 6 o'clock a. m. the following Monda}- and it shall be unlawful for any person to sell, give away or otherwise dispose of an}^ fermented, malt, vinous or spirituous or other intoxicating liquors between the above- mentioned hours, except as hereinafter provided for; but the words " give away " where they occur in this act shall not apply to the giving awa}^ of intoxicating liquors by a person in his private dwelling, unless such private dwelling becomes a place of public resort. Sec. 7. («) A license for a period of six (6) months may be issued to a person or persons of good character, owning or managing bona fide hotels, restaurants, or cafes, authorizing him or them to sell, serve, give aw^ay, or otherwise dispose of fermented vinous, fermented malt, and spirituous beverages or liquois in quantities less than one gallon (3.78 litres) to bona fide guests of such hotels, restaurants, or cafes with bona fide meals, at an}" and all hours, upon the paj^ment in advance of the sum of two hundred and fifty (250) pesos. A license of this class shall be known as a "first-class restaurant liquor license." (b) A license for a period of six (6) months ma}- be issued to a per- son or persons of good character, owning or managing bona fide hotels, restaurants, or cafes, authorizing him or them to sell, serve, give away, or otherwise dispose of fermented malt or fermented vinous beverages or liquors in quantities less than one gallon (3.78 litres) to bona fide guests of such hotels, restaurants, or cafes with bona fide meals, at any and all hours, upon the payment in advance of the sum of one hundred and fifty (150) pesos. A license of this class shall be known as a "second-class restaurant liquor license." Sec. 8. {a) A license for a period of six (6) months maybe issued to a person or persons of good character, owning or managing bona fide hotels and holding for such hotel a "first-class restaurant liquor license," authorizing him or them to sell, serve, give away, or other- wise dispose of fermented vinous, fermented malt, and spirituous bev- erages or liquors in quantities less than one gallon (3.78 litres) to bona fide guests of such hotels in their rooms, at any and all hours, upon payment in advance of the sum of two hundred and fifty (250) pesos. A license of this class shall be known as a "first-class hotel liquor license." (Jj) A license for a period of six (6) months ma}' be issued to a per- son or persons of good character, owning or managing bona fide hotels and holding for such hotel a "second-class restaurant liquor license," authorizing him or them to sell, serve, give away, or otherwise dispose of fermented malt and fermented vinous beverages or liquors in quan- tities less than one gallon (3.78 litres) upon payment in advance of the sum of one hundred and fifty (150) pesos. A license of this class shall be known as a "second-class hotel liquor license." Sec. 9. None of the above-mentioned licenses shall be construed to permit the keeping in stock, selling, giving away, or otherwise dispos- ing of an}" of the so-called native wines, such as "vino," " anisado," " tuba," etc., and it shall be unlawful to keep in stock, sell, give away, or otherwise dispose of any such so-called native wines at any place for the keeping or maintaining of which any of the above-mentioned licenses shall have issued. Sec. 10. It shall be unlawful for any person or persons to conduct or maintain any saloon, bar, or drinking place without first having 8 CHURCH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. obtained a license therefor, or to keep in stock, sell, give away, or otherwise dispose of any intoxicating liquors that are not included within the license so obtained; and it shall likewise be unlawful for the proprietor or manager of any hotel, restaurant, or cafe to keep in stock, sell, serve, giv^e away, or otherwise dispose of any intoxicating liquor without having obtained a license therefor as prescribed in this act. It shall be unlawful for any employe or agent of the proprietor of a saloon, bar, drinking place, hotel, restaurant, or cafe to sell or give away liquor when no license has been issued to his principal authorizing the same. Sec. 11. It shall be unlawful to play or permit to be played any musical instrument or conduct or operate or permit to be conducted or operated any gambling device, slot machine, phonograph, billiard or pool table, or other form of amusement in saloons, bars, or drink- ing places, but this shall not be construed as prohibiting music in the dining or other rooms than the barrooms of bona fide hotels holding liquor licenses, or in theatres holding "theatre liquor licenses." It shall be unlawful for the holder of licenses herein provided for to maintain any but a clean, quiet, and orderly place, or to sell or serve or permit to be sold or served any intoxicating liquors to any intoxi- cated person, or to permit such persons to be or remain in or about the premises where such liquors are kept for sale, or to sell or keep therein any wine, beer, or liquor, except such as is of good standard quality and free from adulteration. Sec. 12. A license for a period of six (6) months may be issued to a person or persons of good character, authorizing him or them to maintain a shop for the keeping in stock, selling, giving away, or otherwise disposing of such native wines (so called) and liquors only as are not now or shall not hereafter be prohibited to be manufactured and sold, in quantities less than one gallon (3.78 litres), upon payment in advance of the sum of one and one-half (li) pesos; but no such license shall be construed to include or authorize the keeping in stock, selling, giving away, or otherwise disposing of any of the liquors or beverages included within the licenses provided for in sections 2 and 3 of this act, and it shall be unlawful to keep in stock, sell, give away, or otherwise dispose of any of such liquors or beverages at any place licensed for the sale of native wines and liquors. A license of this class shall be known as a " native-wine license," and it shall be unlaw- ful for any person or persons to sell such native wines or liquors or to maintain a shop for keeping in stock, selling, serving, giving away, or otherwise disposing of any such native wines or liquors without such license, or, having obtained such license, to sell, serve, give away, or otherwise dispose of such wines and liquors except as herein prescribed. Sec. 13. Licenseis for periods of one year may be issued to any per- son or persons of good character operating a regularly licensed, bona fide apothecary shop or drug store, authorizing him or them to sell, give away, or otherwise dispose of fermented malt, fermented vinous, and spirituous liquors in quantities not less than one bottle nor more than one case or one barrel of bottles, and of such intoxicating liquors as may be kept in bulk to sell, give awa}^, or otherwise dispose of not less than two (2) litres nor more than fift}^ (50) litres at any one time or to any one person, upon payment in advance of the sum of one hundred (100) pesos. Such license shall be known as a "druggist's liquor license," and it shall be unlawful for the proprietor of any drug store or apothecary shop or for his employes or agents to sell, serve. CHUKCH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 9 give away, or otherwise dispose of any intoxicating liquors without such license, or, having obtained such license, to sell, serve, give awa}^, or otherwise dispose of such intoxicating liquors except as herein pro- vided, or to allow any such liquors to be drunk upon the premises. Sec. 14. Licenses for periods of one year may be issued to any per- son or persons of good character operating a regularly licensed, bona fide grocery store, authorizing him or them to sell, give away, or otherwise dispose of malt, fermented, vinous, and spirituous liquors in quantities not less than one bottle nor more than one case or one barrel of such bottles, and of such intoxicating liquors as may be kept in bulk to sell, give away, or otherwise dispose of not less than two (2) litres nor more than fift}^ (50) litres at any one time or to any one person, upon payment in advance of the sum of one hundred (100) pesos. Such license shall be known as a "grocery liquor license," and it shall be unlawful for the proprietor of an}^ grocery or any of his emploj^es or servants to sell, serve, give awa}^, or otherwise dispose of any intoxi- cating liquors without such license, or having obtained such license, to sell, serve, give away, or otherwise dispose of such intoxicating liquors except as herein provided, or to allow any such liquors to be drunk upon the premises. Sec. 15. Licenses for periods of one year may be issued to any per- son or persons of good character, authorizing him or them to conduct the business of a brewer and to sell, give away, or otherwise dispose of the products of his or their brewery in quantities of one gallon (3.78 litres) or more, upon payment in advance of the sum of twelve hundred (1,200) pesos. A license of this class shall be known as a " brewer's license," and it shall be unlawful for any person or persons to conduct any brewery without such license, or, having secured such license, to sell, give away, or otherwise dispose of the products of such brewery except as herein prescribed. Sec. 16. Licenses for periods of one year may be issued to an}^ per- son or persons of good character, authorizing him or them to conduct the business of a distiller of alcoholic liquors and to sell, give away, or otherwise dispose of the products of such distillery in quantities of one gallon (3.78 litres) or more, upon payment in advance of the sum of six hundred (600) pesos. A license of this class shall be known as a '' distiller's license," and it shall be unlawful for an}^ person or persons to conduct any distillery for the manufacture of alcoholic liquors with- out such license, or, having secured such license, to sell, give away, or otherwise dispose of the products of such distillery except as herein prescribed. Sec. 17. Licenses for periods of one year may be issued to any per- son or persons of good character, authorizing him or them to keep in stock and sell or give away fermented malt, vinous, and spirituous liq- uors in quantities of one gallon (3.78 litres) or more upon payment in advance of the sum of twelve hundred (1,200) pesos. A license of this class shall be known as a " first-class wholesale liquor license," and it shall be unlawful for any person or persons to sell or otherwise dispose of fermented malt, vinous, and spirituous liquors at wholesale without such license, or, having obtained such license, to sell or other- wise dispose of such liquors except as herein prescribed; but nothing herein shall be construed as prohibiting any person or persons holding a ''brewer's license" or "distiller's license" from disposing of the products of such brewery or distillery. 10 CHURCH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. Sec. 18. Licenses for periods of one year may be issued to any per- son or persons of good character, authorizing him or them to keep in stock and sell or give away fermented malt and fermented vinous liq- uors in quantities of one gallon (3.78 litres) or more upon payment in advance of the sum of six hundred (600) pesos. A license of this class shall be known as a ''second-class wholesale liquor license," and it shall be unlawful for any person or persons to sell or otherwise dispose of fermented malt or fermented vinous liquors at wholesale without such license, or, having obtained such license, to sell or otherwise dispose of any liquor but fermented malt or fermented vinous liquors, or to sell or otherwise dispose of such liquors except as herein prescribed. Sec. 19. Licenses for periods of one year ma}" be issued to any per- son or persons of good character, authorizing him or them to keep in stock fermented vinous liquors, except champagne and other sparkling wines, and to sell such fermented vinous liquors in quantities of not less than one bottle, and of such liquors as are kept in bulk to sell pot less than two (2) litres, not to be drunk upon the premises, upon pay- ment in advance of the sum of fifty-two (52) pesos. Such license shall be known as a "third-class wholesale liquor license," and it shall be unlawful for any person or persons to sell, give awa}^ or otherwise dispose of fermented vinous liquors at wholesale without such license, or, having obtained such license, to sell, give away, or otherwise dis- pose of an}^ liquor but fermented vinous liquor, not including cham- pagne or other sparkling wines, or to sell, give away, or otherwise dispose of such liquor except as herein prescribed. Sec. 20. No license shall be transferred from one person to another or from one place to another except by the written authority of the provost-marshal-general, and no transfer shall be made which involves the addition of privileges. For all authorized transfers ten per cent of the original fee shall be collected. Sec. 21. It shall be the duty of the holder of ever}^ license for the sale of intoxicating liquors to keep it posted in a conspicuous place in the room where the liquors are sold, and the failure to do so is hereby declared unlawful. Sec. 22. All licenses herein provided for shall be issued by the department of licenses and municipal revenue. Sec. 23. No license shall be granted for the sale of any intoxicating liquor in the public markets, kioskos, booths, or stands situated in the public streets or plazas, or to street vendors or peddlers, and no "first-class bar license," "second-class bar license," or "theatre liquor license " shall be issued for any barroom being or having an entrance on any of the following-named streets and plazas: The Escolta, Calle Rosario, Plaza Moraga, Plaza Cervantes, and that portion of Calle Nueva between Calle San Vicente and the Bridge of Spain, and an}^ of the streets, alleys, or passageways lying between Calle San Vicente and the line of that street extended to the Estero de San Jacinto on the north, the Pasig River on the south, Calle Nueva on the west, and the Estero de San Jacinto on the east, all in the district of Binondo. Sec. 24. Nothing in this act shall be construed as authorizing the sale, gift, or other disposal to soldiers of the United States Army of any of the so-called "native wines," such as "vino," " anisado," tuba," etc., which is declared to be unlawful. (,(. CHURCH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 11 Sec. 25. Criminal prosecutions hereunder shall be instituted in the provost courts against the person or persons violating an}^ of the pro- visions of this act, and upon conviction thereof offenders shall be pun- ishable for each offense by line not to exceed two hundred (200) pesos, or imprisonment for a term not exceeding six (6) months, or both, at the discretion of the trial court. In addition to the above penalty, any holder of a license herein pro- vided for, upon being convicted of a violation of any of the provisions of this act, or of any police regulation or law governing the manufac- ture or sale of liquor, now or which shall hereafter be in force in Manila, shall become liable to have his, her, or their license revoked and can- celed by the provost-marshal-general in his discretion; but in case any holder of a license herein provided for shall be convicted of selling, giving away, or otherwise disposing of any intoxicating liquor during the hours wherein the sales of such liquors are prohibited, or shall be convicted of selling, giving away, or otherwise disposing of liquors not included in his, her, or their license, or shall be convicted of selling, giving away, or otherwise disposing of any intoxicating liquor to any intoxicated person, or shall be convicted of violating section 24 of this act, in addition to the above penalty, his, her, or their license shall at once become null and void as a consequence of an}^ such conviction. Sec. 26. The short title of this act shall be "The Manila Liquor Licenses Act." Sec. 27. The provisions of this act shall take effect upon its passage, except the provisions of section 11, which shall take effect on January 1st, 1901, and those of section 23, which shall take effect July 1st, 1901. Enacted December 14:th, 1900. United States Philippine Commission, Secretary's Office, Manila, Dectmber %9, 1900. I hereby certify that the annexed is a correct copy of an act passed by the United States Philippine Commission on the 19th day of Decem- ber, 1900, taken from the original on file in this office. [seal.] a. W. Fergusson, Secretary. [No. 60.] AN ACT appropriating one hundred and twenty-seven dollars and eighty-one cents ($127.81) Mexican money and two hundred and eighty-three thousand five hun- dred and forty-four dollars and fifty-four cents (.1)283,544.54) in money of the United States to pay expenses incurred and salaries earned, not provided for in the general appropriation act for December. By aivtliority of the President of the United States^ he it enacted hy the United States Philippine 'Commission^ that: Section 1. The sum of one hundred and twenty-seven dollars and eighty -one cents (^127.81), in Mexican money, is hereby appropriated out of any money in the insular treasur}^ not otherwise appropriated, to be paid to the collector of internal revenue of the islands for a refund of surtaxes erroneously collected in the third district. Depart- ment of Southern Luzon. 12 CHUECH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. Sec. 2. The following sums in money of the United States are hereby appropriated out of any money in the insular treasury not otherwise appropriated, to pay expenses incurred and salaries earned, not pro- vided for in the general appropriation act for December, and for the purposes and objects hereinafter specified, viz: For the chief quartermaster for the Division of the Philippines: For the construction of additional go-downs for the custom house on ground space omitted in the original contract, four thousand one hun- dred and seventy -seven dollars and sixt3^-one cents (14,177.61); for amount estimated to complete refrigerating and ice plant at Manila, one hundred and seventy-eight thousand three hundred and forty-six dollars and sixty-four cents (^178,346.61); Total for the chief quartermaster for the Division of the Philip- pines, one hundred and eighty-two thousand five hundred and twenty- four dollars and twentj^-tive cents ($182,524.25). For the disbursing quartermaster of civil bureaus: For the purchase of assorted redwood lumber, hereby authorized to be brought from the United States for the use of the civil depart- ment of the Philippine government for the year 1901, twelve thousand dollars (112,000); for salary of additional clerk at one hundred dollars per month, hereby authorized, one hundred dollars ($100); Total for the disbursing quartermaster of civil bureaus, tw^elve thou- sand one hundred dollars ($12,100). For the office of the provost-marshal-general and departments reporting to him: For the department of city public works: For the completion of the Divisoria market, in accordance with the original plans of the city engineer, thirt^'-two thousand and three hun- dred dollars ($32,300). For the department of police: For the employment of two additional interpreters at fifty dollars ($50) per month each, hereby authorized, one hundred dollars ($100). Total for the office of the provost-marshal-general and departments reporting to him, thirty-two thousand and four hundred dollars ($32,400). For the collector of customs of the islands and of the chief port: For the purchase of two steam launches, hereby authorized, twenty thousand dollars ($20,000); for payment of secret service force of the customs office for the month of December, five hundred dollars ($500). Total for the collector of customs of the islands and of the chief port, twent}'' thousand and five hundred dollars ($20,500). For the chief commissary. Division of the Philippines: For reimbursement to subsistence department for the subsistence of native convicts during the months of September, October, and Novem- ber, 1900, fourteen hundred and forty-seven dollars and seventy-nine cents ($1,447.79). For the forestry bureau: For the printing of two thousand (2,000) copies of the work on native woods of the Philippine Islands, hereby authorized, seventeen hundred and fifty dollars ($1,750); for lithographing of the plates for two thousand (2,000) copies of the same, hereby authorized, eighteen hundred and fifty dollars ($1,850). Total for the forestry bureau, three thousand and six hundred dollars ($3,600). CHUECH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 13 For the chief quartermaster of the Department of Northern Luzon: For the purchase of native ponies hereby authorized for the squad- ron of Philippine Cavalry, thirty thousand dollars ($30,000). For the provost-marshal at Cavite: For the pay of ten (10) privates of the provost guard at twelve dollars ($12) per month, and of a janitor for the provost-marshal building at twelve dollars and fift}^ cents ($12.50) per month, one hundred and thirty-two dollars and fifty cents ($132.50). For the chief surgeon at Uoilo: For the purchase of three months' medical supplies for ten thousand (10,000) natives in the Department of the Yisa3^as, seven hundred and fifty dollars ($750). For the militarj^ commander at Balayan, Province of Batangas: For the hire of three school teachers for the months of October, November, and December, 1900, ninety dollars ($90.00). Total of appropriations in mone}^ of the United States, two hundred and eighty-three thousand five hundred and fortj^-four dollars and fifty-four cents ($283,541.51). Sec. 3. The public good requiring the speedj^ enactment of this appropriation bill, the passage of the same is hereby expedited in accordance with section 2 of "An act prescribing the order of pro- cedure by the commission in the enactment of laws," passed September 26, 1900." Sec. 1. This act shall take effect on its passage. Enacted December 19, 1900. United States Philippine Coivimission, Secretary's Office, Ma7iila, December 29, 1900. I hereby certify that the annexed is a correct cop}'' of an act passed by the United States Philippine Commission on the 21st day of Decem- ber, 1900, taken from the original on file in this office. [seal.] a. W. Fergusson, Secretary. [No. 61.] AN ACT authorizing the construction of a highway from the vicinity of the town of Pozorubio, in the province of Pangasinan, to Baguio, in the province of Benguet, and appropriating seventy-five thousand dollars (|75,000) money of the United States for that purpose. Sy authority of the President of the United States^ he it enacted hy the United States Philipvine Commission.^ that: Section 1. The construction of a highway from the vicinit}^ of the town of Pozorubio, in the province of Pangasinan, to the town of Baguio, in the province of Benguet, is hereby authorized and directed, the same to be built under the general supervision of the military governor and the immediate direction of Captain Charles W. Mead, 36th Inf antr}^, U. S. V. , who has been detailed by the military gov- ernor for that purpose, along the general line of surve}^ recently made by Captain Mead for a railroad between said towns. He is hereby authorized and empowered to make all contracts for assistants, labor, 14 CHURCH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. supplies, and material necessaiy and proper for the performance of this work, and will push the same to completion by July 1st, 1901. Sec. 2. The sum of seventy -five thousand dollars ($75,000) money of the United States is hereb}^ appropriated out of any mone}^ now in the insular treasury not otherwise appropriated, for the purpose of defraying the expenses incident to the construction of the highway authorized in section one hereof. Sec. 3. This act shall take effect on its passage. Enacted December 21, 1900. United States Philippine Commission, Secketary's Office, Manila, JDecemler '29, 1900. 1 hereby certify that the annexed is a correct copy of an act passed by the United States Philippine Commission on the 21st day of Decem- ber, 1900, taken from- the original on file in this office. [seal,] a. W. Fergusson, Secretary. [No. 62.] AN ACT authorizing the provost-marshal-general to establish police and health regulations in the nature of municipal ordinances for the city of Manila. By authority of the President of the United States, he it enacted hy the United States Philij)pine Commission, that: Section 1. The provost-marshal -general shall have power, subject to the approval of the military governor, to make and issue police and health regulations in the nature of municipal ordinances for the city of Manila, not in violation of existing orders of the military gov- ernor or legislation of the commission, which he shall, after their issue, report to the commission through the military governor. Sec. 2. Provision ma}^ be made in said regulations for the hearing and punishment of violations of said regulations in the inferior or superior provost courts of Manila, but the punishment for any- such violation shall not exceed one hundred pesos or three months' imprison- ment, or both. Sec. 3. The commission may suspend, amend, or repeal said regu- lations. Sec. 1. This act shall take effect on its passage. Enacted December 21, 1900. United States Philippine Commission, Secretary's Office, Manila, December 29, 1900. I hereby certify that the annexed is a correct copy of an act passed by the United States Philippine Commission on the 21st day of Decem- ber, 1900, taken from the original on file in this office. [seal.] a. W. Fergusson, Secretary CHURCH LAXDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 15 [No. 63.] AN ACT prescribing the method to be adopted in the construction of laws. By authority of the President of the United States^ he it enacted hy the United States Philippine Commission^ that: Section 1. In the construction of all acts which have been or shall be enacted by the United States Philippine Commission the English text shall govern, except that in obvious cases of ambiguity, omission^ or mistake the Spanish text may be consulted to explain the English text. Sec. 2. This act shall take effect on its passage. Enacted December 21, 1900. United States Philippine Commission, Secretary's Office, Manila^ December 29^ 1900. I hereby certif}^ that the annexed is a correct cop}^ of an act passed by the United States Philippine Commission on the 21st day of Decem- ber, 1900, taken from the original on file in this office. [seal.] a. W. Fergusson, Secretary. [No. 64.] AN ACT extending General Order No. 30 of the mihtary governor dated March 10, 1900, relating to customs duties in the Jolo Archipelago, until December 31, 1901, and enlarging its provisions. By aidhority of the President of the United States., he it enacted hy the United States Philijypine Commission., that: Section 1. Whereas the sultan of the Jolo Archipelago and the Moro inhabitants thereof have been loyal to the United States, and have preserved peace and order in a manner unprecedented in the history of the Spanish control of that archipelago; and Whereas the said Moros have, during the past year, suffered severely from loss of cattle by reason of an epidemic disease, in consequence of which Major-General Otis issued General Order No. 30, dated March 10, 1900, suspending until December 31, 1900, the prescribed customs dues on the importation of cattle, articles of food, petroleum, tobacco, matches, clothing and articles for use in the manufacture of the same, sewing machines, agricultural implements, and machinery for use in preparing products of the soil for home consumption or export, pro- vided such articles of consumption, trade or merchandise were owned, imported, and handled b}^ the native inhabitants of the said archipel- ago, and that all business connected therewith in the archipelago was conducted b}^ and between the inhabitants thereof, and further permit- ting the Moro inhabitants of the archipelago to export free of duty all products of the soil where they were solely concerned in person and interest in handling and shipping the same; and Whereas the conditions leading to the issue of General Order No. 30 have not improved, and the necessity for the relief therein extended continued and a somewhat wider relief is demanded — The operation of General Order No. 30, of March 10, 1900, is hereby 16 CHURCH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. extended to December 31, 1901, and is enlarged so as to include within its exemptino- provisions, furniture, lumber and the material for the construction of houses and boats, crockery and glassware, wagons, carts, books, and stationery. Sec. 2. In view of the emergenc}^ presented by the above conditions, and the public good requiring the speedy enactment of this bill, the passage of the same is hereby expedited in accordance with section 2 of ''An act prescribing the order of procedure by the commission in the enactment of laws," passed September 26, 1900. Sec. 3. This act shall take effect on its passage. Enacted, December 21, 1900. United States Philippine Commission, Secretary's Office, Manila^ January 10^ 1901, I hereby certify that the annexed is a correct copy of an act passed by the United States Philippine Commission on the 31st day of De- cember, 1900, taken from the original on file in thisoffice. [seal.] a. W. Fergusson, Secretary. [No. 65.] AN ACT appropriating one hundred and twenty-one thousand and ninety-nine dollars and three cents ($121,099.03), in Mexican money, and one milhon one hundred and ninety-two thousand three hundred and fifty-two dollars and sixty-six cents ($1,192,352.63), in money of the United States, for the payment of sundry expenses incurred for the benefit of the insular government for the first quarter of the year 1901 and other designated periods. By authority of the President of the United States, he it enacted hy the United States Philippine Commission, that: Section 1. The sum of one hundred and twenty-one thousand and ninety-nine dollars and three cents (1121,099.03), in Mexican money, is hereby appropriated out of any money in the insular t?;easury, not otherwise appropriated, to be paid to the chief quartermaster of the United States Army for the Division of the Philippines, for the pur- poses and objects hereinafter expressed, viz: For repairs to the roof of the hospital at Bacoor, thirteen hundred and nine dollars ($1,309); for the construction of dock in depot quar- termaster's office, Southern Luzon, for the construction of wharf at Tayabas, and for the purchase of supplies for government corral, three thousand one hundred and forty-six dollars ($3,116); for repairs to buildings, for purchase of lime for the depot quartermasters, for rent of launch, for telegraph and telephone linemen, for water supply at Mariveles, for funds for the Department of Southern Luzon, for funds for the Department of the Visayas, for miscellaneous expenses and to meet emergency expenses and transfer of funds, one hundred and sixteen thousand six hundred and forty-four dollars and three cents ($116,611.03). Sec. 2. The following sums in money of the United States are hereby appropriated out of any money in the insular treasury, not otherwise appropriated, for the pa3^ment of current expenses of the insular government, for the first quarter of the year 1901 and other CHUECH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 17 designated periods, for the purposes and objects hereinafter expressed, viz: For the chief quartermaster of the United States Army for the Divi- sion of the Philippines: For telegrams and telephones, twenty-seven thousand dollars (127,000); for the cleaning of cesspools, for printing of orders and blanks required in the division, and for the purchase of office furniture and fixtures, twentj^-eight thousand and five hundred dollars ($28,500); for rents and repairs to buildings, for reimbursement for hire of quar- ters in Mindanao and Jolo, for the purchase of two steam rollers, for funds for the Department of Northern Luzon, funds for the Department of Southern Luzon, for funds for the Department of Mindanao and Jolo, for funds for the Department of the Visayas, for funds for the depot quartermaster at Manila, for the Santa Mesa Hospital, and to meet emergenc}^ expenses, three hundred and ninety-two thousand eight hundred and forty dollars ($392,840). Total for the chief quartermaster of the United States Army for the Division of the Philippines, four hundred and forty-eight thousand three hundred and fort}^ dollars ($■448,34:0). For the disbursing quartermaster of ci\dl bureaus: For authorized salaries for the judges, officers, and employes of the court of first instance at Vigan, the court of the peace at Vigan, the court of first instance at Dagupan, the court of the peace at Dagupan, the court of first instance at Bacolor, the court of the peace at Bacolor, the court of first instance at Iloilo, the court of the peace atlloilo, the court of first instance at Cebu, the court of the peace at Cebu, the court of first instance at Cavite, the court of the peace at Cavite, the court of first instance at San Isidro, the court of the peace at San Isidro, the court of first instance at Laoag, the court of the peace Laoag, the court of first instance at La Union, the court of first instance at Balanga, the court of the peace at Balanga, the court of first instance at Bohol, the court of first instance at Tueguegarao, and the court of the peace at Tueguegarao, fourteen thousand eight hundred and fifty-three dollars and thirty cents ($14,853.30). For pay of civil emplo3^es in the offices of the following officers: The board of officers on claims, five hundred and fortj^-nine dollars and ninety-nine cents ($549.99); the chief quartermaster, nine hun- dred and fifty-two dollars and fifty cents ($952.50); the judge-advocate, fifteen hundred and eighty-two dollars and fifty cents ($1,582.50); the military secretary, three thousand five hundred and forty-nine dollars and ninet3^-nine cents ($3,549.99); the officer in charge of insurgent records, one thousand and twenty -four dollars and ninety-eight cents ($1,024.98); the supreme court, three thousand two hundred and eighty- four dollars and one cent ($3,284.01); the inspector-general, seven hundred and twenty -five dollars and one cent ($725.01); the adjutant- general, sixteen thousand five hundred and sixty dollars ($16,560), to be expended as follows: Fourteen hundred dollars ($1,400) to provide additional compensation, hereby authorized, to those clerks considered by the major-general commanding deserving of promotion; four thou- sand nine hundred and ten dollars ($4,910) to enable the commanding general to continue in employment those clerks who have heretofore been paid from the revenue of the islands; ten thousand two hundred and fifty dollars ($10,250) to enable the commanding general to emplo}" such additional clerks at division and department headquarters as he S. Doc. 190 2 18 CHUECH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. may deem necessary; the disbursing quartermaster, two thousand one hundred and eighty dollars and one cent (|2,180.01). For laborers, janitors, and washing towels, eleven hundred and seventy-six dollars and forty -five cents (11,176.45); for supplies for issue and miscellaneous expenses impossible to itemize, seventy-five thousand dollars ($75,000); for rents and repairs to buildings, two thousand two hundred and twenty dollars ($2,220); for transportation, three thousand dollars (|3,000). Total for the disbursing quartermaster of civil bureaus, one hundred and twent3^-six thousand six hundred and fifty-eight dollars and seventy-four cents ($126,658.74). _ For the chief surgeon for the division of the Philippines: For the purchase of medical supplies for sick and indigent natives in the Department of Mindanao and Jolo, six hundred and fifty-six dollars ($656). For the medical-suppl}^ depot of Manila: For laborers, nine hundred dollars ($900). For the medical -supply depot, Department of Northern Luzon: For the pay of fifty (50) vaccinators, at fifteen dollars ($15) per month, twenty-two hundred and fifty dollars ($2,250); for the pur- chase of medicines for use at military prisons at Bacolor, San Isidro, and Lingayen, five hundred dollars ($500); for the purchase of medi- cines for sick and indigent natives and for vaccination, five hundred dollars ($500). Total for the medical-supply depot. Department of Northern Luzon, three thousand two hundred and fifty dollars ($3,250). For the medical- supply depot. Department of Southern Luzon: For the pay of twenty (20) vaccinators, at fifteen dollars ($15) per month, nine hundred dollars ($900) ; for medical supplies for sick and indigent natives, six hundred dollars ($600). Total for the medical -supply depot, Department of Southern Luzon, fifteen hundred dollars ($1,500). For the pathological laborator}^ : For one laborer, fifteen dollars ($15). For the chief ordnance officer: For the erection of a shed for the storage of gun carriages, caissons and limbers, and for rents and repairs, four thousand and five hun- dred dollars ($4,500); for salaries, two thousand five hundred and forty-two dollars and ninety-five cents ($2,542.95); for printing, for office furniture, and for materials that may be required for repairs to buildings, roads, or other purposes in an emergency, thirteen hundred dollars ($1,300). Total for the chief ordnance officer, eight thousand three hundred and forty-two dollars and ninety -five cents ($8,342.95). For the chief signal officer: For purchases and services in connection with the construction and maintenance of telegraph, telephone, and cable lines in the Philippine Islands, fifteen thousand dollars ($15,000); for the hire of native labor for city and suburban construction and repair to telegraph and tele- phone lines and for care of central office, power house, and shops, for messengers, and for hire of native laborers employed in cable work, one thousand and twent}^ dollars ($1,020). Total for the chief signal officer, sixteen thousand and twenty dol- lars ($16,020). CHUECH LANDS TJST PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 19 For the office of the provost-marshal-general and departments reporting to him: For the department of streets, parks, fire, and sanitation: For salaries and wages, twenty-eight thousand and sixty-nine dol- lars and fifty cents ($28,069.50); for the cleaning of Matadero and city markets and for removing night soil, twelve hundred and ninety dollars ($1,290); for the wages of crew of launch towing garbage and stone scows, three hundred and seventy-eight dollars and sevent^^-five cents ($378.75); for night labor on the Calle Rosario and Escolta, four hundred and fifty dollars ($450); for operating the rock quarry at Binangonan, sixteen hundred and twenty dollars ($1,620); for cleaning streets, collecting and disposing of garbage, etc., fourteen thousand two hundred and fiftj^-seven dollars and fifty cents ($11,257.50); for road material, for hire of carts, for forage, shoeing, etc., for the con- tinuation of the opening, cleaning, and repairing of drains and sewers, and for miscellaneous repairs and expenses, forty thousand three hun- dred and eighty-six dollars ($10,386); for the construction of the new Luneta, nine thousand dollars ($9,000); for the rent of land on which the Paco Crematory is located, forty-five dollars ($15); for additional laborers, hereby authorized, for street work and for operating rock quarry at Binangonan, for the purchase of handcarts and for salary of a chief clerk for the department of streets and parks, two thousand three hundred and twenty-five dollars ($2,325). Total for the department of streets, parks, fire, and sanitation, ninety- seven thousand eight hundred and twenty-one dollars and seventy -five cents ($97,821.75). For the department of water supply: For salaries and wages, five thousand three hundred and thirteen dollars ($5,313); for maintenance and supplies, six hundred dollars ($600); for office expenses, seventy -five dollars ($75); for coal, seven thousand and five hundred dollars ($7,500). Total for the department of w^ater supply, thirteen thousand four hundred and eighty-eight dollars ($13,188). For the department of city public works: For salaries and wages, two thousand seven hundred and sixty-seven dollars and fifty cents ($2,767.50); for office expenses, seventy-five dol- lars ($75); for city bridges, fifteen hundred dollars ($1,500); for San- tolan road, four hundred and fifty dollars ($150); for instruments and drawing materials, one hundred and twenty -five dollars ($125); for Luneta seawall, one thousand dollars ($1,000); for map of Manila, three hundred dollars ($300); for Quinta market, forty-one thousand and two hundred dollars ($11,200); for maintenance of stock, seventy- five dollars ($75) ; for office transportation, five hundred and fifty dollars ($550). Total for the department of city public works, forty-eight thousand and forty-two dollars and fifty cents ($48,042.50). For the department of inspection: For salary of one physician to prisoners of war at Fort Santiago, one hundred and fifty dollars ($150); for subsistence and treatment of prisoners of war and others at the San Juan de Dios Hospital, six hun- dred dollars ($600); for subsistence and treatment of indigent and insane natives and Spaniards at Hospicio de San Jose, six thousand seven hundred and fifty dollars ($6,750). Total for the department of inspection, [seven thousand and five hundred dollars ($7,500). 20 CHURCH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. Por the department of prisons: For subsistence of prisoners and lights at Presidio de Manila, four thousand and ninet}^ dollars (^4,090); for salaries of police officers and other emplo^^es, three thousand two hundred and sixty-two dollars and flft}^ cents ($3,262.50); for sundry office supplies and for rents and repairs, two hundred and forty dollars ($240). Total for the Presidio de Manila, seven thousand five hundred and ninet3^-two dollars and fifty cents ($7,592.50). For subsistence of prisoners and lights at the Carcel Publica, three thousand nine hundred and sixty-three dollars ($3,963); for salaries, one thousand and ninety -five dollars ($1,095); for office supplies and miscellaneous repairs, one hundred and eighty-six dollars ($186). Total for the Carcel Publica, five thousand two hundred and forty- four dollars ($5,2M). For Bilibid United States militar}^ prison, for repairs to buildings, transportation, oil, wire, and miscellaneous expenses, one hundred and four dollars ($101:). Total for the department of prisons, twelve thousand nine hundred and forty dollars and fifty cents ($12,940.50). For the department of licenses and municipal revenue: For salaries and wages, for stationery, printing, for transportation, and for incidental expenses, six thousand five hundred and twenty dollars and fifty cents ($6,520.50). For the department of cemeteries: For salaries and wages, rent of keeper's house, burial of paupers, materials, and for incidental expenses, nine hundred and thirteen dol- lars and fifty cents ($913.50). For the department of the board of health for the city of Manila: For salaries and wages of the department and office force, of munic- ipal physicians and midwives, of the San Lazaro hospital, of the San Lazaro leper hospital, of the vaccine station, of the veterinary depart- ment, of the plague hospital, of the steam disinfecting plant, of the inspector's department, of the bacteriological department, of the chemi- cal department, and of one physician at Malabon, ten thousand two hundred and seventy-nine dollars and fifty cents ($10,279.50); for transportation, one thousand and eighty dollars ($1,080); for medicines for municipal dispensary, seven hundred and fifty dollars ($750); for preparing vaccine virus, three hundred dollars ($300) ; for incidental expenses of the veterinary department, of the board of health, of the chemical department, of the bacteriological department, and of the antiplague virus farm, nine hundred and sixty dollars ($960); for run- ning expenses of the San Lazaro leper hospital, of the smallpox hos- pital, and of the plague hospital, two thousand three hundred and fifty dollars ($2,350); for fuel for the plague hospital and for the steam dis- infecting plant, five hundred dollars ($500) ; for printing, one hundred and fort3^-six dollars and twenty-five cents ($146.25). Total for the department of the board of health for the city of Manila, sixteen thousand three hundred and sixty-five dollars and seventy-five cents ($16,365.75). For the department of police: For salaries and wages of officers and privates of Manila police force, for interpreters and other employes, thirty-three thousand five hundred and two dollars and fifty cents ($33,502.50); for medical supplies, two hundred and twenty -five dollars ($225); for contingent fund, seventy - -five dollars ($75). CHUECH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 21 Total for the department of police, thirty -three thousand eight hun- dred and two dollars and fifty cents ($33,802.50). For the department of illumination and telephones: For maintaining street and harbor lights, for maintaining lights in public buildings, general offices, residences, police stations, public markets, and in the Carcel de Bilibid, ten thousand seven hundred and thirt3^-five dollars and ninety -five cents ($10,735.95); for rent of tele- phones, for lights to be installed in Divisoria market and for additional lights in the Carcel de Bilibid, eight hundred and fifty-two dollars and seventy-five cents ($852.75); for material for repairs for existing insulations and for increase of service, seven hundred and six dollars ($706). Total for the department of illuminations and telephones, twelve thousand two hundred and ninety -four dollars and seventv cents- ($12,291.70). For the department of secret service: For salaries and wages, eighteen hundred dollars ($1,800); for trans- portation of agents and for miscellaneous expenses, five hundred and sixt3^-two dollars and fift}^ cents ($562.50). Total for the department of secret service, two thousand three hun- dred and sixty-two dollars and fifty cents ($2,362.50). For the office of the adjutant-general of the provost-marshal-gen- eral : For salaries, fifteen hundred and twenty-five dollars and eighty-four cents ($1,525.81); for fifty orphans, at six dollars and fifty cents ($6.50) per month each at the Santa Isabela College, nine hundred and seventy- five dollars ($975); for meals of political prisoners confined at the Anda street police station, seven hundred and forty-four dollars ($711); for stationery, printing, and advertising and for contingent expenses, twent3^-five hundred dollars ($2,500). Total for the office of the adjutant-general of the provost-marshal- general, five thousand seven hundred and forty-four dollars and eighty- four cents ($5,711.81). For the department of cit}^ schools in Manila: For salaries and wages, nineteen thousand eight hundred and forty- two dollars and 12 cents ($19,812.12); for carromata hire, two hundred and twenty -five dollars, ($225); for books, stationery, and incidental expenses; for furniture and repairs; for oil and for rent of building for girls' school at Pasay, seventeen hundred and ten dollars ($1,710); for expenses in opening new municipal school in North Tondo, nine hundred and thirty dollars ($930); for expenses in opening new school at San Lazaro district, four hundred and twenty-four dollars and fifty cents ($121.50); for expenses in opening new school in Santa Mesa district, four hundred and twent^^-four dollars and fifty cents ($121.50); for expenses in opening new school in San Nicolas district, four hun- dred and twenty-four dollars and fifty cents ($121.50); for new night schools in Ermita and Tondo, twelve hundred and fifteen dollars ($1,215); for additional salary in lieu of rent for certahi teachers neces- sary to be moved with their families from the school buildings, two hundred and seventy dollars ($270); for janitor for municipal schools^ one hundred and thirty-six dollars and fifty cents ($136.50). Total for the department of city schools in Manila, twenty -five thousand six hundred and two dollars and twelve cents ($25,602.12). For the quartermaster of the department of the provost guard: For rent of barracks for civil and military police, including the rent 22 CHURCH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. of three buildino-s in Malabon, seven thousand eight hundred and thirt3^-three dollars and iift}^ cents (17,833.50); for rent of school houses and for rent of the Manila Central Observatory, three thousand one hundred and seventy-three dollars ($3,173); for rent of Sampaloc market and of Arranque market, seventy -live dollars ($75); for expenses of the city morgue, two hundred and seventeen dollars and iift}^ cents ($217.50); for miscellaneous rents, for operating Manila Central Observ- atory, for hire of transportation for officers of the cit}^ government, for forage and shoeing, and for incidental expenses, ten thousand three hundred and fort3^-nine dollars and nineteen cents ($10,319.19); for alteration and repairs to civil and military police stations and for rice for indigent citizens, ^ve thousand and eight hundred dollars ($5,800); for subsistence of militarj^ prisoners, three thousand dollars ($3,000). Total for the quartermaster of the department of the provost guard, thirt}^ thousand four hundred and forty-eight dollars and nineteen cents ($30,148.19). For the department of municipal records: For salaries of the judges of all branches of the supreme court, four thousand five hundred and sixt3"-two dollars and forty-six cents ($4,562.16); for salaries of the attorney-general's department, three thousand nine hundred and nineteen dollars and eighty-six cents ($3,919.86); for the employes in the civil and criminal branches, in the general offices, in the medico-legal department, three thousand four hundred and three dollars and fifty cents ($3,403.50); for the sal- aries of the judges, justices of the peace, bailiffs, and other employes of the district courts of first instance in Binondo, Tondo, Quiapo, and Intramuros, and of the courts of the justices of the peace of Binondo, Tondo, Quiapo, and Intramuros, six thousand nine hundred and five dollars and ninety-seven cents ($6,905.97); for salaries of the superior provost court, of the inferior provost court, of the department of the collector of taxes, of the department of municipal records, and of the department of prison records, two thousand and fifty-five dollars ($2,055). Total for the department of municipal records, twent}^ thousand eight hundred and forty-six dollars and seventj-nine cents ($20,846.79). For the department of hospitals: For salaries and wages in the first reserve hospital, second reserve hospital, hospital number three, and Corregidor convalescent hospital, twelve hundred and fortj^-two dollars ($12,042). Total for the provost-marshal-general and departments reporting to him, three hundred and thirty -five thousand nine hundred and thirty- six dollars and fourteen cents ($335,936.14). For the general superintendent of education: For salaries of the general superintendent of education and employes of his department, including the salaries of two teachers in the pueblo of San Pedro Macati, at twenty dollars ($20) a month each, hereby authorized, two thousand nine hundred and seventy dollars ($2,970); for salaries and expenses of English teachers, ten thousand dollars ($10,000); for salaries of district superintendents, five thousand dollars ($5,000). Total for the general superintendent of education, seventeen thou- sand nine hundred and seventy dollars ($17,970). For the collector of customs of the islands and of the chief port: For regular supplies, eight thousand dollars ($8,000); for incidental CHURCH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 23 expenses, four hundred and sixt3^-three dollars and sixty -two cents (1463.62); for rents and repairs to buildings, eleven hundred and ninet}^- six dollars andfifty cents ($1,196.50); for transportation, two thousand eight hundred and ten dollars and fift}^ cents ($2,810.50) ; for salaries and wages, including the salary of an additional emplo3^e in the secret serv- ice department, hereby authorized, at' one hundred dollars ($100) per month, forty thousand and forty-six dollars and iift}^ cents ($10,016.50); for miscellaneous expenses, twenty-one thousand nine hundred and sevent3^-eight dollars and thirtj-two cents ($21,978.32); for a refund of duties to the Colton Exporting and Importing Compan}^, hereby authorized, eight dollars and nine cents ($8.09). Total for the collector of customs of the islands and of the chief port, seventy-four thousand five hundred and three dollars and fiftj^-three cents ($74,503.53). For the collector of internal revenue of the islands: For regular supplies, two thousand seven hundred and fortj^-nine dollars and ninetj^-nine cents ($2,749.99); for salaries and wages, ten thousand three hundred and twenty-nine dollars and fifty-nine cents ($10,329.59); for rents and repairs, nine hundred and twent}^ dollars and ninety-five cents ($920.95); for miscellaneous and incidental expenses, one hundred and eighty-three dollars and fifteen cents ($183.15); for tax refunds, three dollars ($3); for transportation, one hundred and seventy-one dollars and ninety-six cents ($171.96); for expenses in the fourth district of the Yisavas, twelve hundred and fifteen dollars ($1,215). Total for the collector of internal revenue of the islands for the first quarter of the year 1901, fifteen thousand five hundred and sevent}^- three dollars and sixty -four cents ($15,573.64). For the payment of salaries and expenses for the months of Jul}^, October, November, and December, 1900, by way of deficiency, two hundred and ten dollars and fifty cents ($210.50); for transportation, rents and repairs, retax funds, and miscellaneous expenses for the same months, two hundred and eight3^-six dollars and fortv-one cents ($286.41). Total for the deficiency appropriation for the collector of internal revenue for the islands, four hundred and ninetv-six dollars and ninety- one cents ($496.91). Grand total for the collector of internal revenue for the islands, sixteen thousand and sevent}^ dollars and fiftv-five cents ($16,070.55). For the auditor of the Philippine Islands: For salaries, six thousand eight hundred and sixty -two dollars and fifty cents ($6,862.50); for printing, three thousand dollars ($3,000). Total for the auditor of the Philippine Islands, nine thousand eight hundred and sixty -two dollars and fifty cents ($9,862.50). For the treasurer of the Philippine Islands: For salaries and wages, nine hundred and eighty dollars and one cent ($980.01). For the office of patents, cop^a-ights, and trade-marks: For salary of one clerk, two hundred and twenty-five dollars ($225). For the forestry bureau: For salaries and wages, eight thousand and thirteen dollars ($8,013); for travelling and incidental expenses, fifteen hundred and seventy-five dollars ($1,575); 24 CHURCH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. Total for the forestry bureau, nine thousand five hundred and eighty-eight dollars ($9,588). For the bureau of mining: For salaries and wages, nine hundred and seven dollars and fifty cents ($907.50); for the expenses of examination and inspection of mines and minerals in five districts, four hundred dollars ($400); for trans- portation, ninety dollars ($90); for binding, printing, and incidental expenses, fifty-four dollars ($54); Total for the bureau of mining, fourteen hundred and fifty-one dol- lars and fifty cents ($1,451.50). For the provost-marshal at Cavite: For medicines for sick prisoners confined at United States military prison at Cavite, forty -five dollars ($45); for transportation and inci- dental expenses, twent3^-four dollars ($24); for salaries of interpreter^ translator, clerk, and janitor, two hundred and sixty-two dollars and fifty cents ($262.50); for ten privates of the provost police, at twelve dollars per month each, three hundred and sixty dollars ($360); for a refund for the family of Teodoro Kamirez y Manalo, for clothing burned during the plague at Cavite, one hundred and fifty dollars ($150); Total for the provost-marshal at Cavite, eight hundred and forty- one dollars and fifty cents ($841.50). For the department of posts: For regular supplies, five hundred and sixty-nine dollars and fifty cents ($569.50); for incidental and miscellaneous expenses, fifteen hundred and five dollars ($1,505); for rents and repairs, two thousand three hundred and fifty-five dollars ($2,355); for transportation, seven thousand and six hundred dollars ($7,600); for salaries and wages, twenty-eight thousand and seventy dollars and fifty cents ($28,070.50); Total for the department of posts, forty thousand and one hundred dollars ($40,100). For the captain of the port at Manila: For regular supplies, one hundred and ninety-eight dollars and fifty cents ($198.50;; for salaries, fifteen thousand three hundred and forty- two dollars and seventy-four cents ($15,342.74); Total for the captain of the port at Manila, fifteen thousand five hundred and forty-one dollars and twenty-four cents ($15,541.24). For the chief paymaster. Department of Northern Luzon: For payment of squadron of Philippine cavalry, thirteen thousand dollars ($13,000). For Captain C. W. Mead, 36th Infantry, U. S. V.: To defray expenses of the location survey for the proposed railroad from Dagupan to Baguio, five thousand dollars ($5,000); to defray expenses of the office work on the survev of the same railroad during the month of December, 1900, six hundred dollars ($600); Total for Captain C. W. Mead, 36th Infantry, U. S. Y., five thou- sand and six hundred dollars ($5,600). For the disbursing officer. United States Philippine Commission: For salaries and wages and incidental expenses, forty-five thousand dollars ($45,000). Total of appropriations for all purposes in mone}^ of the United States, one million one hundred and ninety-two thousand three hun- dred and fifty-two dollars and sixty -six cents ($1,192,352.66). Sec. 3. The public good requiring the speedy enactment of this appropriation bill, the passage of the same is hereby expedited in CHURCH LA^DS 11^ PHILIPPINE ISLAIS^DS. 25 accordance with section 2 of ''An act prescribing the order of pro- cedure bv the commission in the enactment of laws," passed Septem- ber 26, 1900. Sec. 4. This act shall take effect upon its passage. Enacted, December 31, 1900. United States Philippine Commission, Secretaky's Office, Jlanila, January 10, 1901. I hereby certify that the annexed is a correct copy of an act passed b}' the United States Philippine Commission on the 2nd da}^ of January, 1901, taken from the original on file in this office. [seal.] a. W. Fergusson, Secretary. [No. m.'] AN ACT amending the second paragraph of Order No. 38 of general orders of the mihtary governor, issued ]Mareh 24, 1900, providing for Hcensing small boats which have a less capacity than fifteen gross tons burden. By authority of the President of the United States, he it enacted hy the United States Philippine Cornniisdon^ that: Section 1. The second paragraph of Order No. 38 of General Orders of the militaiT governor, issued March 21:, 1900, is hereby amended to read as follows: Hereafter any owner of a small boat which has a less capacit\^ than fifteen (15) gross tons burden, who ma} wish to cany on a local trade in an}^ of the equipped ports and near coast points, upon application at the nearest equipped port, and on taking the oath of allegiance to the United States Government, shall be granted a license to run for one year, permitting his vessel to engage in legitimate seacoast traffic between the port where application is made and the near or adjacent seacoast towns and villages, the owner paying for the same one peso per ton for each ton of the vessel's gross tonnage, the payment to be made in cash. The minimum payment shall be one peso. Sec. 2. This act shall take efiect on its passage. Enacted January 2, 1901. United States Philippine Commission, Secretary's Office, Manila, January 10, 1901. I hereby certify that the annexed is a correct copy of an act passed by the United States Philippine Commission on the 2d da}^ of January, 1901, taken from the original on file in this office. [seal] a. W. Fergusson, Secretary. [No. 67.] AN ACT making effective the certificates of registration, issued under General Order No. 58 of the military governor, dated November 16, 1899, during the year 1901, or until further legislation on this subject. By authority of the President of the United States, he it enacted hy the Ignited States Philij^pine Commission., that: Section 1. All certificates of registration issued for the year 1900, under authority of General Order No. 58 of the military governor^ 26 CHURCH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. dated November 16, 1899, shall continue effective for the year 1901 or until such time as further legislation on the suljject is enacted. Sec. 2. Persons who have not taken out certificates of registration under the above order b}" January 1st, 1901, shall take out the same, but such shall have the same effect and legality only as that given by section 1 to certificates lawfully issued during the year 1900. Sec. 3. This act shall take effect on its passage. Enacted Januar}^ 2, 1901. United States Philippine Commission, Secketary's Office, Manila, January 10^ 1901. I hereb}^ certify that the annexed is a correct cop}^ of an act passed by the United States Philippine Commission on the 2d da}" of January, 1901, taken from the original on file in this ofiice. [seal.] a. W. Fergusson, Secretary. [No. 68.] AN ACT supplementary to act number sixty-one authorizing the construction of a highway from Pozorubio to Baguio. By authority of the President of the United States, he it enacted hy the United States Philipiyine Commission, that: Section 1. The army ofiicer detailed by the militar}^ governor to supervise the construction of the highway from Pozorubio, in the prov- ince of Pangasinan, to Baguio, in the province of Benguet, is hereby given authority to act as disbursing officer of the funds to be expended by authorit}^ of act number sixty-one, and is required to submit his accounts as such to the auditor for the islands. Sec. 2. The public good requiring the speedv enactment of this bill, the passage of the same is hereby expedited in accordance with section 2 of ''An act prescribing the order of procedure b}^ the Com- mission in the enactment of laws," passed September 26, 1900. Sec. 3. This act shall take effect on its passage. Enacted January 2, 1901. before the united states PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. T. H. Pardo de Tavera and others, for themselves and other inhabit- ants of the Philippine Islands, against the rector of the University of St. Thomas, a Dominican monk, and the Holv Roman Apostolic Catholic Church, represented by the most reverend the archbishop of Manila, and the most reverend the archbishop of New Orleans, apostolic delegate. (Conclusions announced b}^ the commission.) In the instructions given by the President of the United States to the Secretary of War for the g-uidance of the United States Philippine Commission was the following direction: It will be the duty of the commission to make a thorough investigation into the titles of the large tracts of land held or claimed by individuals or by religious orders; into the justice of the claims and complaints made against such landholders by the CHITECH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 27 people of the island, or any part of the people, and to seek by wise and peaceable measures a just settlement of the controversies and redress of the wrongs which have caused strife and bloodshed in the past. In the performance of this duty the commission is enjoined to see that no injustice is done; to have regard for substantial right and equity, disregarding technicalities as far as substantial right permits, and to observe the following rules: That the provision of the Treaty of Paris, pledging the United States to the pro- tection of all rights of property in the islands, and as well the principle of our own Government, which prohibits the taking of private property without due process of law, shall not be violated; that the welfare of the people of the islands, which should be a paramount consideration, shall be attained consistently with this rule of property right; that if it becomes necessary for the public interest of the people of the island to dispose of claims to property, which the commission finds to be not lawfully acquired and held, disposition shall be made thereof by due legal procedure, in which there shall be full opportunity for fair and impartial hearing and judgment; that if the same public interests require the extinguishment of property rights lawfullj^ acquired and held, due compensation shall be made out of the public treasury there- for; that no form of religion and no minister of religion shall be forced upon any com- munity or upon any citizen of the island; that upon the other hand no minister of religion shall be interfered with or molested in following his calling; and that the separation between State and church shall be real, entire, and absolute. Soon after the commission reached Manila, it was consulted by Gen- eral MacAithur, the military governor, as to the proper course for him to take on the petition of the rector of the University of St. Thomas, asking him to revoke an order made b}^ his predecessor, General Otis, in 1899, which forbade the rector of the University of St. Thomas to continue to maintain a school of medicine and pharmacy" in the buildings of the College of San Jose, and to use its name and income for that purpose. The order of General Otis had been made at the instance of the president and directors of the Philippine Medical Association, who claimed that the foundation of the College of San Jose had been completeh^ under the control and administration of the Spanish Government as a public institution, and passed b}^ virtue of the Treaty of Paris to the United States Government, and that though the Spanish Government had permitted the college to be administered for it by the Dominican order, the United States Government, in which there is a complete separation of church and State, should maintain the administration of a school, with purposes so entireh^ secular as that of the teaching of medicine, free from sectarian and monastic influences. General Otis's order did not take away from the control of the rector of the university the propert}^ of the College of San Jose, but mereh^ forbade the opening of the college as a school of medicine and pharmacy. The property of the foundation, therefore, is still in the possession and under the control of the rector of the University of St. Thomas, except that he is prevented by the terms of the order from opening a college of medicine and pharmacy therein. The corporation of the College of San Jose owns two large hacien-^ das. The issue here presented involves the question of the control of that property. Under the instructions of the President, the commis- sion deemed it its duty to investigate the issue involved and to bring it to a legal settlement. It so advised the military governor and sug- gested that he delay action upon the petition of the rector of the Uni- versity of St. Thomas until the investigation could be had. and that meantime the college might be opened under the joint control of rep- resentatives to be appointed by each party. Joint control was unsat- isfactory to both parties, and the military governor therefore decided not to change the status quo under the order of General Otis until the commission should conclude its hearing and express to him its view of 28 CHURCH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. the proper action to be taken on the petition of the rector of the universit}^ The hearing of the case was begun in July and continued from time to time until October. Dr. T. H. Pardo de tavera appeared as the party complainant, representing the Philippine Medical Asso- ciation and those of the Philippine people interested in secularizing the control of the College of San Jose. The Most Rev. Fr. Bernar- dino Nozaleda de Villa, archbishop of Manila, and the Most Rev. P. L. Chapelle, archbishop of New Orleans and apostolic delegate, appeared in behalf of the Holy Apostolic Roman Catholic Church, and asked that it be substituted as a part}^ to the issue instead of the rec^tor of the University of St. Thomas, on the ground that the rector only repre- sented the church in his control of the college. The archbishops were permitted to appear in this representative capacity and to defend against the prayer of complainants. The pressing engagements of the commission in other matters pre- vented a speedier hearing, and have delayed the announcement of its conclusions until now. - The questions in the case are these: Did the Government of the United States, as claimed by the com- plainants, acquire by the treaty of Paris the right and power to pro- vide for the control and management of the foundation and properties of the College of San Jose, as an institution under the secular and civil control of Spain in the Philippine Islands, so that the United States should now by law give to the college a directory, nonsectarian in character, to maintain and conduct it as a school of medicine and pharmacy ? Or — as claimed on behalf of the Catholic Church — have the foundation and properties of the College of San Jose, under the canonical law and the civil law of Spain, always been subject to the ultimate control of the Church for sectarian charitable purposes — a control exercised by the King of Spain only by virtue of a concordat between him and the Pope, as head of the Catholic Church. It is indispensable to a proper discussion of these questions that the history of the College of San Jose, as shown by the evidence and docu- ments before us, should be stated. It was agreed between the parties that, for the convenience of themselves and the commission, a statement of the facts, made by Lieutenant-Colonel Crowder, military secretary, in a report concerning the status of the college, to the military gov- ernor, should be taken as accurate, but that it might be supplemented by additional documents and evidence to be produced by either party. Additional documents have been produced by the parties and we do not understand that the authenticity of any of the documents adduced on either side has been denied. With the record of the case thus fixed, we proceed now to state, as succinctly as may be, the history of the College of San Jose. On the 8th of June, 1585, the King of Spain, upon information that the Fathers of the Society of Jesus had done much good work in teach- ing in the islands, and that their retention and increase Avas desirable, and that they should be assisted by the establishment of a college, commanded the governor and the bishop of the islands to report to him how the college could be instituted and the necessities of the Jesuit Fathers provided for. In 1601, on the 25th day of August, the provisor and vicar-general of the archbishopric of Manila, upon the application of the Jesuit Father, Louis Gomez, granted permission to the petitioner and his order to found and establish the College of San CHURCH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 31 should upon principles of law revert to the status fixed by its founda- tion. On March 21, 1771, the King* acted on the representation of the audiencia and the protest of the archbishop. He disapproved the seizure and despoliation of the properties of the San Jose College by the governor, but he also disapproved the conversion of the college into a seminary, made subsequently in common accord by the arch- bishop and governor. In the rescript of the King upon the issue thus presented, he held that the action of the governor was entirely con- trar}^ to what was ordered in the instructions for the expulsion of the Jesuit priests, and against the right which those who were in the college at the time, and those who should succeed them in the future, had legitimately acquired to maintain themselves there; that the new order of things in regard to the want of teachers could not serve as an excuse, since priests would not be lacking to be substituted for the present, and in time the}^ would become suitable persons for sustain- ing this laudable foundation; that the spoliation had been a cause of the most serious damage and pernicious consequence, as it was shown that the said college was founded with a view to instructing the sons of leading Spanish subjects of that city in grammar, philosoph}", and theology; that twenty scholarships were created in it for that many more collegians; that their instruction was undertaken and the direc- tion was intrusted to the expelled priests of the society; that the father of the then King had been pleased to receive it under his sovereign protection on May 3, 1722, and to decorate it with the title of royal ad honorem, provided it should have no other patrons, and upon the express condition that it never would or could produce a burden or charge of any kind on the ro5"al treasmy, and that the said Order of the Society of Jesus had no interest in it except the said direction and government; that under the orders of 1769 and 1770, regarding the seizure of the temporalities of the Jesuits, it was decreed ''that no change should be made in the colleges, or the secular houses, whose direction and the instruction therein were in their charge; that the governor and the archbishop had exceeded their authority in erecting a new collegiate seminary in the College of San Jose," and as the College of San Jose had nothing in common with the expelled priests through their only having had its administration and direction, and this having ended with the expulsion, the said governor ought to have appointed an ecclesiast of good standing as rector and administrator from those who had been students in the same college, as being already instructed in its management, with these instructions, to give an account every j^ear without permitting the archbishop to meddle in anything pertaining to the college, ''as it is under my royal protection and therefore totally independent of the ecclesiastical ordinary, as are the other obras pias spoken of by the trindentine." The King accordingly ordered that all things be placed in the col- lege in the same state and condition in which they were before the change took place. At the commencement of the year 1777 the governor appointed as rector and administrator of the College Don Ignacio de Salazar, Canon- ical of the Metropolitan Cathedral, who in that year took charge of the property of the College of San Jose, and from that time down to 1879, the position of rector-administrator of the College of San Jose was always intrusted by appointment of the governor-general to an ecclesiastic of the Cathedral with the duty of reporting the accounts 32 CHUKCH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. of his administration eveiy three years. The management of the col- lege was not successful and the administration of its properties was neg- ligent, and possibly in some of its years corrupt. The field of secondary education which it had attempted to fill came to be occupied by newer and more successful institutions, such as the Municipal Atheneum and the College of San Juan de Letran. Between the years 1860 and 1870, the question of the conversion of the College of St. Joseph into a professional school of some character, of arts, agriculture, or medicine, was much discussed, particularly its conversion into a school of medicine and pharmac3^ Finall}' in 1867 a board consisting of the rectors of the university, Municipal Atheneum, and College of St. Joseph, and one representative each of the profes- sions of medicine and pharmacy, was convened by royal order and charged with the duty of ascertaining the origin and object of St. Joseph's College, its revenues and pious charges, and the best manner of installing therein classes of medicine and pharmac}^ Its condensed finding is thus reported: Result: That there only appears the strict obhgation of supporting three scholar- ships with the estate of Tunasan, and one more when the "Mesa de Misericordia " (Table of Mercy) may guarantee its expenses. As to the studies nothing is said of what kind of faculty they shall be — it is only set forth that sons of well-born Spaniards shall be educated in virtue and letters. Morales de Setien, rector-administrator in 1869, in submitting his report of that year, reaches the same conclusion. He refers to the fact that at that time Manila was provided with five colleges dedicated to secondar}^ instruction, and points to the great advantages which would result if one of these colleges could be devoted to teaching something more adapted to the conditions of the country and the wants of its inhabitants. The rector of the Universit}^ of St. Thomas also expressed the opinion that the diversion of the greater part of the college's funds to the maintenance of classes of medicine and pharmacy was within the provisions of that clause of the will of the founder, declaring that "if the said funds, after paying the board of said boys and the clothing of those who are poor, should show a surplus, the said patron may dispose of the same as he thinks right for said college or the company, or in other pious works, as he may deem best, without being called to account at any time for any cause or reason whatever." In short, it was argued that the specific intention of the founder had failed and that his general intention in favor of educational charity should be effectuated by the government through a cypres application of the funds, or as the canonical phrase is by commutation. In 1870 the Spanish Government adopted the famous decrees con- cerning education in the Philippine Islands known as the Mo ret Decrees, by which it was attempted to secularize most of the institutions of learning. Among other provisions in these decrees, was one directing that the College of San Jose, the College of San Juan de Letran, the Ateneo Municipal should be united in one academy for secondary and entirely secular education, to be known as the Philippine Institute, to be subject to the ultimate control of a superior board of education, which was civil and secular in its character. These decrees were never enforced. They were successfully resisted by those in control of the College of San Jose and the others as an arbitrary and unjust despo- liation. CHUKCH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 33 In 1875, upon the accession to the throne of King Alfonso, new decrees were made by which the Universitj^ of St. Thomas was reor- ganized, though the control of it by the Dominican Order was not disturbed, and the College of San Jose was in a sense incorporated into the university. The history of this is found in Colonel Crowder's report as follows: The incorporation of the College of St. Joseph into the university and the applica- tion of its revenue to the maintenance of the university classes of medicine and phar- macy were accomplished by articles 2 and 12 of this decree of 1875, the former prescribing that ' ' in this university shall be given the necessary studies for the fol- lowing professions: Jurisprudence, canons, medicine, pharmacy, and notary," and the latter that "the branches of medicine and pharmacy, although constituting an integral part of the university, will be taught in the College of St. Joseph, whose revenues, with the deductions of the amounts for pious charges, will be devoted to the expenses of these branches. The five-sixths part of the fees from the registra- tion of these subjects and half of the fees for degrees, titles, and certificates of the alumni will also pertain to the college mentioned. The rest will be applied to the general expenses of the university." These articles conferred a positive benefit and were immediately enforced. Other articles, the effect of which was to impair, to a degree, at least, the Dominican autonomy, were accorded a very different reception, and to these attention will now be invited. The first and most important of these latter articles is article 14, which reads as follows: "The vice-royal patron, upon the recoriimendation of the rector, shall name a director for the College of St. Joseph, confiding to him also the administration of its revenues. In lieu of this functionary the senior professor of the branch of medicine will perform the duties of director-administrator." The rector's first action under this article was the recommendation of Dr. Manuel Clemente, director-administrator of the college, who was appointed by the governor- general. But in 1876-77 there resulted a large deficit in the revenues of the college, and a royal order, dated June 5, 1877, was issued by the minister of colonies recom- mending a more careful management of the college funds. When the governor-general received said royal order he convened a commission, and charged it with studying and making recommendations as to the proper way of maintaining the faculties of medicine and pharmacy with the funds of the college alone if possible. This commission condemned the administration of Clemente as unfit and abandoned, and in its report of September 5, 1877, recommended that the rectorage of the university should immediately take charge of the estates, valuables, and all properties and documents of St. Joseph's College; and that regulations for the management of the same be extended. As a result, the governor-general, on September 28, 1877, decreed that an administrative commission, composed of the rector of the university and the professor of pharmacy, Fernando Benitez, should take charge of the college, conferring upon them the powers necessary to carry out the complete reorganization of St. Joseph's College, such as was provided in the royal order of 1875. This commission commenced its work in October, 1877, and on July 26, 1878, submitted its report, in which it recommended that the office of director- administrator should be made two separate offices, the office of director to be filled by the rector of the university, to be rated ex officio director of St. Joseph's, and that of administrator to be filled by the governor-general upon the recommendation of the rector oi the university of three names to be taken from the professors of medicine and pharmacy. This report was approved by the governor-general in his decree of August 1, 1878, in which he directed that the immediate direction and gov- ernment of the college should be hereafter under the charge of the rector of the uni- versity, and that the administration of said college should continue in the hands of Don Fernando Benitez, professor of pharmacy. This decree of the governor-general was subsequently approved by royal order of March 24, 1880, with the modification that Benitez, in his post of administrator, should be removable, and that his suc- cessors should be named by the governor-general upon the recommendation of the rector of the university of three names, the appointee being always a professor of one of the branches of medicine or pharmacy. By the governor-general's decree of August 1, 1878, the rector was charged with preparing regulations concerning the control and management of the college. It appears that such regulations were issued by the governor-general on October 15, 1879; that title 2 of said regulations gives to the rector of the university, as ex officio director, the control of the properties and finances of the college. S. Doc. 190 3 34 CHUECH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. It has thus happened that article 14 of the decree of 1875, which, although it did not direct, certainly permitted the control and management of St. Joseph's College to be given into the hands of a layman, has been in effect abrogated by subsequent orders of the governor-general, approved at Madrid, which place the management and control of the finances in the rector of the university. Articles 6 to 10 of the decree of 1875 have shared a similar fate. There has never been a competitive examination held either here or at Madrid for vacant professor- ships, and these have been filled by the governor-general upon the recommendation of the rector. Regulations to carry the decree of 1875 into effect, which were to have been published and remitted to the minister of foreign colonies with all urgency, have not yet been published, although the rector claims that a draft of such regula- tions was prepared and forwarded in 1876, and a second draft in 1890. * * ^ The administration of the college properties is separate from that of the university properties. Two accounts are kept, each with its own funds and distinct adminis- tration, but both under the same direction, to wit, that of the rector of the university. * ^ ^ On the whole it seems that the effects of the decree of 1875 upon St. Joseph's College were radical in the extreme when we consider the independence it enjoyed in its earlier history. Its scholarships, which prior to 1870 had been maintained at twenty, were shortly after this decree went into effect reduced to three and trans- ferred to another institution. The instruction formerly given within its walls in "virtue and letters," in accordance with alleged requirements of its foundation, gave way, under that decree, to professional education in medicine and pharmacy. Its revenues, deducting the insignificant portion necessary to maintain three scholar- ships and a few other pious charges, were devoted to the maintenance of the faculties of medicine and pharmacy. But the administration of the college properties was kept distinct; the separate autonomy in this regard remains unimpaired. The income from the property in normal times seems to be about 120,000 gold and to indicate a foundation of about $500,000 gold. ARGUMENTS. In the opening arguments for the complainant the ground was taken, based on the history of the college as recited by one ecclesiastical writer, that the college was founded by the royal decree of 1585 and that f 1,000 a year was devoted from the royal treasury to its support, that the gift of Figueroa was merely in support of the royal founda- tion, and that contributions were made by the government of the islands from time to time to aid the college as a royal college. It was said that such a college was wholly free from ecclesiastical control if the King desired to make it so and that he had shown his desire to do so in the establishment of it as a secular college of medicine and pharmacy without any instruction in morals or religion. The contention on behalf of the complainant that the college was originally of royal foundation by grant of 1,000 pesos annually was denied by the prelates appearing for the Church, and in the reply of the complainant's counsel the commission understood this contention not to be insisted on. We come, therefore, to the argument for the Church, because the issues really presented for decision are more sharply drawn by the argument for the Church and the reply of counsel for the complainant. The argument on behalf of the Church begins with the premise that all ecclesiastical pious works as defined by canonical writers and laws are subject to the ultimate control of the Church, that the method of administering such works was fixed by the decrees of the Council of Trent, and that by decree of Philip II the canonical law formu- lated and declared by this great church council has always been recognized as binding in the Kingdom of Spain, that under such decrees there were two ways in which pious ecclesiastical works were admin- istered by the Church, one through the control of visitatorial power CHURCH LAJSTDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 35 of the ordinaiy or bishop of the Church and the other through the King; that pious works administered through the King were not sub- ject to the control or visits of the bishop except b}" license of the King, but that in controlling such works the King was acting mereh^ as the delegated agent or trustee of the Church. In support of the claim that the foundation of the College of San Jose was a pious ecclesiastical work within the operation of the decrees of the Council of Trent, ref- erences are made to the definitions of such works by writers on the canon law in describing the propert}^ devoted to them as a class of church patrimon}^ The authors cited describe as church patrimony- all property destined to succor the poor and needy, including in its categor}" hospitals, asylums, colleges for the education and training of Christians, religious confraternities, and in general institutions and foundations to works of charity and religion, and say that two things are necessary and sufficient in order that the institutions and founda- tions be ecclesiastical and that their properties pertain to the church; that is to sa}^, that the}" are by full force of right pious ecclesiastical works: First, that they be founded with the license and authority of the diocesan bishop, and second, that the foundations of the said insti- tutions have been made through motiv^es of charity or religion, or what is equivalent, that the}^ have been made with the idea of promot- ing holy religion and providing for some moral and material necessity of the founder's fellow-creatures within the church. The argument distinguishes such foundations from those which in modern states are not ecclesiastical institutions because their founders were not influenced in their action by motives of religion or Christian charit}^ nor did they found them in the exercise of Christian charity, but simply through sentiments of philanthropy and as acts of social benefi- cence, with the unmistakable absence of all christian influence or intention. Attention is called to the bull of Pope Alexander VI in 1501, by which the titles and first fruits of the Indies, with the duty of propagating the faith and endowing the churches and appointing ecclesiastical ministers therein and fulh^ to maintain them, were granted to the Kings of Spain; and to that of Pope Julius in 1508, by which the universal patronage, to wit, that of nominating proper per- sons for churches, cathedrals, monasteries, dignities, colleges, and other ecclesiastical benefices and pious places, was granted to the King of Spain; and to the concordat of 1851 between the Pope and King of Spain, bv which it was agreed that the church should have the right of acquisition by any legitimate title whatever, and its proprietorship in all that it possesses in the present or should acquire in the future should be respected, and that no suppression or fusion should take place without the intervention of the authority of the Holy See; and to the covenant of 1860 between the same parties, b}^ which the Span- ish Government recognized anew, in a formal manner, the full and free right of the church to acquire, hold, and enjoy the usufruct in ownership without limitation or reserve of all kinds of property or values, and consequently annulled by this covenant whatever previous covenant might be contrary to it, stipulating that the propertv which in virtue of this right should be acquired and possessed in future by the church should not be counted in the endowment which had been previoush" assigned to it by the concordat. Upon these premises the argument on behalf of the church proceeds to point out that the foundation of Figueroa fulfilled one of the two 36 CHURCH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. requirements of a pious ecclesiastical work, in that it was a gift by a professing- Catholic for the education of Catholics under the adminis- tration of a Catholic order, which could do nothing except with per- mission of the head of the church, in letters and morals — morals which it is conceded by counsel for complainants were Catholic morals — and therefore that the foundation was made through motives of char- it}" and religion, to promote holy religion and provide some moral need to the founder's fellow-creatures within the church; that the founder's intention to make his gift a pious ecclesiastical work could be clearl}" seen in the will itself, in which he authorizes the patron to devote a surplus of funds to any other pious works, thereby emphat- ically impljdng that he regarded the main foundation as pious work. Reference is also made to the construction placed upon the purpose of the founder in the royal licenses to permit the transmission of funds of the trust from Mexico to the Philippines, and in the decree taking" the college under royal protection, by which the foundation is said to be for education of the youth of Manila, in theology among other things, and the preparation of 3^oung men as ministers of the holy religion. It is then contended that the other requirement of the defi- nition of a pious ecclesiastical work, to wit, that it be founded with the license and authority of the diocesan bishop when fulfilled as to the college of San Jose, because, before the Jesuits founded their col- lege in 1601, they obtained a license from the representative of the arch- bishop of Manila to do so, and in 1610, after the college had become the foundation of Figueroa under his will, the permission originally given in 1601 was confirmed to administer the college under that foundation, and permission was given to say masses in the school. The right of the King to take the college under his protection in 1722, and to provide an administrator for the college in 1768, is attributed to the argument for the church to the control given to the King of Spain over church property and tithes and first fruits by the bull of Pope Alexander VI in 1501, and to the still wider power of universal pat- ronage given the same monarch by the bull of Pope Julius II in 1508, and it is said that the King was merely acting as the pope-appointed royal patron of the college in providing administration for the college after the private patron became incapable under the pragmatic sanction, and that the King recognized the ecclesiastical character of the foun- dation in selecting a priest as administrator. The argument that the Crown of Spain asserted an absolute right to control the purpose of the college free from the church by the decrees of 1870 and 1875 is met by the contention that the decree of 1870 was never enforced, and that of 1875 was only executed so far as to make the college a part of the sectarian and church-managed universit}^ of Saint Thomas, in which the Catholic religion was taught and the Domin- ican rector administered both trusts for the same purpose, to wit, the conduct of a university under the Catholic Church, and that the diver- sion of the funds of the College of San Jose to the various chairs of medicine and pharmacy embraced in such a university is quite in accord with the religious motives of the founder expressed in that clause of his will, in which he authorized his patron, when the original purpose failed or was satisfied, to expend the income in other pious works; but that to use the funds for a medical school under civil and secular con- trol, completely divorced from the church and association with a Cath- olic university would be a complete departure from the terms of the will and a violation of the intentions of the testator. CHUKCH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 37 Another argument made on behalf of the church rests upon the obli- gation of the Government of the United States to observe as sacred contract rights created and secured by the granting and acceptance of a charter of the sovereign. It is said that the College of San Jose, by what was done, was created and became a body corporate, and that the instruments which made up the charter for its existence, including the will and its recognition by royal decree and license, prescribed a clear and well-defined government for the college by the head of a religious order, and that an}^ attempt to take the college out of ecclesiastical control would be a breach of the contract rights acquired by those for whose benefit the trust was to be administered from the civil sovereign, whose obligations in this regard passed to the United States. Much reliance was put on the decision by the Supreme Court of the United States in the well-known case of Woodward v. Dartmouth College, in which it was held not to be competent for the legislature of New Hamp- shire to change b}" legislative act the mode of choosing the trustees of Dartmouth College and their number, as prescribed in a royal charter of the King of England granted before the separation of the United States from the mother country, because the accepted charter was a contract which it was forbidden by the Constitution of the United States to a State to impair by legislative act. The argument for the complainant in reply, assuming, as contended for the church, that the real beginning of the College of San Jose as a corporate entity and a work of charity began with the vesting of the gift under the will of Figueroa, and that the events occurring between 1601 and 1608 did not change or afi'ect the light in which the college should be viewed, and accepting for the sake of the argument the defi- nition of a pious ecclesiastical work given in the argument for the church, was that the foundation of Figueroa fell short of both require- ments stated, in that it was a mere act of philanthropy and secular charity and was not intended to be a provision for the aid of the Holy Catholic religion or to be under the control of the church as an ecclesiastical pious work; that the delegation of the power of con- trol and patronage to the head of the Order of Jesus was a mere description of the person of the administrator, and was not intended to put the control of the institution under its patron as a subordi- nate of the Holy See; that this was most manifest from the express declaration of the testator that no ecclesiastical authority should inter- fere in the management of the college and its properties, and that the words "other pious works," used in the will, could not, in view of this express exclusion of ecclesiastical authority from ultimate con- trol, be construed to mean ecclesiastical pious works. The argu- ment, as continued, was that Figueroa's foundation failed also to fulfill the second requirement of an ecclesiastical pious work, in that it was not licensed by the diocesan authority as such. It was said that license of the vicar-general of the diocese of 1601 was merely personal permission to the provincial of the Jesuits as a priest to con- duct a college and to celebrate masses, and was not a license of an ecclesiastical pious work, for, as conceded in the argument for the church, the college of the Jesuits in 1601 was not an ecclesiastical pious work, for it lacked the substance of a foundation and the per- manence involved in the obligation to continue the college forever. After the foundation by Figueroa it was argued there was no diocesan license or authority for the foundation, that the confirmation of the license of 1601 by a diocesan order of 1610 was a mere repetition of 38 CHURCH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. the personal license of 1601 to the provincial of the order to do that which without the permission of the bishop he could not as a member of his order do. The contention further w^as that as this was a mere private charity for public benefit, the application to the King of Spain for his protection and for the right to be known as a royal college put it under the control of that monarch in the exercise of his royal pre- I'ogative as a sovereign, subject only to the exercise by the provincial of the Order of Jesus of his power as patron, and free from any inter- ference by the Church of Rome. The expulsion of the Jesuits, it is said, deprived the trust of the trustee appointed in the will and placed the burden of providing a trustee upon the sovereignty, who had become the protector of the college and who was by general law the parens patriae and authorized to provide trustees for trusts of this character where the person named in the deed or instrument of foun- dation to execute the trust had become incapable of continuing to exe- cute it. Continuing the argument, it was said that the rescript of the King in which he censured the archbishop of Manila and the governor of the islands for despoiling the properties of the College of San Jose and directed that it be returned to its former status under the will of Figueroa, the administrator to be appointed by the governor, was an assertion by the King of Spain carried into execution of his right in the exercise of his royal prerogative to control the management of the col- lege independently of the archbishop or of the Catholic Church. It was said that the direction to the governor to appoint some ecclesi- astic to control the college was not an admission b}^ the King of his obligation to appoint a religious person to the control of the college, but only a conformit}?^ to the custom then universal of committing educational institutions to the control of members of the clerical pro- fession, who were almost the only persons then capable of teaching, and that there is in the rescript itself an assertion of the right of the King to appoint a secular person, should such a person be suitable. This argument is enforced by reference to the action of the King in the decree of 1875, by which it was held, apparently with the consent of the ecclesiastical persons who were therein concerned, that the King had authority, by Royal order, in view of the fact that the pur- pose of the founder of the college in furnishing a school for secondary education in morals and letters had become impossible, or rather profit- less, because there were other schools which much better discharged these functions in Manila, to change by decree the purpose to which the funds should be devoted and allow them to be used for the con- duct and maintenance of a professional school for the education of ph3\sicians and pharmacists. It is urged that the secular and non- sectarian character of the education in which the funds were thus devoted by order of the King is the strongest indication: First, that the original donation was regarded by those then in authority not as a religious and ecclesiastical charit}^ but only as a philanthropic one; and second, that the effect of the decrees was a final decision that the King might, in the exercise of prerogative, without consulting the head of the Church of Rome or any of his ministers, treat the founda- tion as one completely within his civil control. The argument for the church that all that the King of Spain did or attempted to do in the control of the college was because of his authority as patron of the college under the Papal bull conceding universal patronage in the Indies was met by the contention that ecclesiastical patronage was only the power of presenting a candidate for ecclesiastical benefices or CHURCH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 39 for offices in a religious college, and did not include any control over the ecclesiastical trust funds or the right to call the official incumbents to an account, and did not embrace the right to change the purposes for which the funds should be used; that powers of this kind could only be exercised by the King as a civil sovereign and parens patriae. In reply to the argument for the church based on charter contract rights and principles laid down in the Dartmouth College case, the answer is made that they have no application to the controversy before us, for the reason: First, that it is difficult to find anything in the facts here analogous to the charter in that case, and even if the will could be so regarded, the provision that the college should be managed by the Jesuit provincial had become impossible of execution, for the rea- son that the person described had become incapable and the purpose profitless and impracticable. Reference is made to the decision of the Supreme Court of the United States in the Mormon Church case (136 U. S.), in which it was held that where a trust failed because of impossibility of execution the United States, as sovereign, had power as parens patriae to supply a trustee and to order the application oj the trust funds to a purpose analogous to that originally fixed in the deed of gift or charter. Accordingly here it was urged that as the status of the college at the time of the Treaty of Paris was that of a foundation under the civil control of the sovereign of Spain as parens patriae, the United States in the same capacity had the power to make any suitable pro- vision for the conduct of the college as a school of medicine under any directory it might see fit, and the onl}^ suitable directory in a govern ment in which the church was separate from the state was one free from ecclesiastic or monastic influence. OPINION. We have thus stated the arguments pro and con in this case as fairl}^ as we could, condensing much and possibly in some instances suggesting additional arguments on each side which do not appear in the briefs. We are now to state our conclusions: The Treaty of Paris between Spain and the United States, by which these islands were ceded to the latter Government, provides in article 8, section 2: That the relinquishment or cession, as the case may be, can not in any respect impair the property or rights which by law belong to the peaceful possession of property of all kinds, of provinces, municipalities, public or private establishments, ecclesiastical or civil bodies, or any other associations having legal capacity to acquire and possess property in the aforesaid territories, renounced or ceded, or of private individuals, of whatsoever nationality such individuals may be. The same obligation would rest upon this commission and the military government under the instructions of the President for the guidance of the comrrission, and the question which must be decided finally to settle this controversy is: What was the status of the property and foundation of the College of San Jose at the time of the ratification of the treaty of Paris, by which the sovereignty over these islands was transferred from Spain to the United States, and under which the public propert}^ situate in these islands and the public civil trusts of the Government and Crown of Spain to be performed here were transferred to the Government of the United States? It is conceivable that between the Crown of Spain and the head of the Roman Catholic Church there might have been a controversy as to the 40 CHUECH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. right of control and management by the Crown over certain property within tlie territorial jurisdiction of the Kingdom; but if the views of the Crown had been carried into effect by the usual methods of settling rights according to the laws and customs of the existing sovereignty, and possession and control finally established thereby, it would seem that, so far as the United States is concerned, the controversy must be deemed to have been finally settled and not capable of being reopened under the new sovereignt}^, at least where sufficient time has elapsed to constitute the usual period of prescription. For instance, it could hardly be maintained that the pragmatic sanction, under which the properties of the Jesuit order in 1768 were confiscated and became the property of the Crown of Spain, could now be set aside on the ground that this was an arbitrary act and deprived the order of its property without due process of law. In other words, in a discussion like this, we must have a starting point, and that is the status of the property as settled by the lawful civil decrees of the government whose sovereignty is transferred by the treaty of cession. It is difficult to escape the inference drawn by Lieutenant-Colonel Crowder from the decrees of 1870 that the Government of Spain then supposed it had the right to secularize the College of San Jose, but it is also true, as pointed out by the same gentleman in his very learned and able report on the subject, that the parts of the decree which implied this power were not enforced, and were frustrated by the resistance of the ecclesiastical authorities in these islands ; and the same is to be said of the decrees of 1875 and later years, except so far as it could be said to be a secularization of the properties and foundation of the college to make it a subordinate branch for the teaching of secular subjects in a university conducted by the Dominican order of monks under the ultimate authority of the Pope. It is apparent from the arguments stated above that among the ques- tions which will probably be of importance in the decision of the issue of this case is whether under the canon law the foundation here made in the will of Figueroa was an ecclesiastical pious work subject to the ultimate control of the Church of Rome; another is, whether the power exercised by the King over colleges under his protection to control them without the intervention of the archbishop was necessarily depend- ent upon the papal grant, or was exercised by the Crown as its own without regard to the church. Another question not mu(?h mooted in the discussion before the commission would probably come up for deci- sion on this issue; and that is, whether the right of universal patronage of the Indies exercised by the Crown of Spain over such an institution as the College of San Jose finds its source in the bulls of the Pope in 1493, 1501, and 1508, which have already been referred to, or only finds recognition in those bulls of its existence, when in fact its real source was the right of discovery and sovereignty. This issue is one which has been the subject of profound discussion by learned canonists on the one side, upholding the view that the source of it was entirely ecclesiastical and papal, while on the other the contention of certain civilians, notably the fiscal of the royal audiencia of Cuba, D. Eduardo Alonzo y Colmenares, is that the principal and preeminent titles on which the Kings of Spain base the universal patronage of the Indies are those of discovery and conquest of the dominion and the foundation and endowment of the institution in question; and that the bulls are mere recognitions of a title already established. Another is whether, CHUKCH LAIRDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 41 even if the United States may act as parens patri^, its provision for a trustee and a purpose analogous to that of the founder should not be limited to that of a trustee who is a priest of the same church as the founder and a purpose nearer to the aims of the Catholic Church than a merely secular professional school. And doubtless other difficult questions not now considered may arise in a final argument of the case. In other words, in order to decide the merits of this case, we should probably have to consider and settle a nice question of canonical law, and investigate and discuss the historical and legal relations of the Crown of Spain to the head of the Catholic Church. Neither of these questions do we feel competent now to decide with the materials which are before us and with the time at our disposal, nor do we need to do so. We are not a court. We are only a legislative body. It is our expressly delegated function in just such cases as this to provide a means for the peaceful and just decision of the issues arising. Had we been able to decide clearly and emphatically that the petitioners had no rights here and that their claims were so flimsy as not to merit the assistance of the legislature in bringing them to adju- dication in a court of justice, we might have properly dismissed the petition and taken no action thereon, but we are of opinion, all of us, that the contentions of the petitioners present serious and difficult questions of law, sufficiently doubtful to require that they should be decided by a learned and impartial court of competent jurisdiction, and that it is our dut}^ to make legislative provision for testing the question. If it be true that the United States is either itself the trus- tee to administer these funds, or occupies the relation of parens patriae to them, it becomes its duty to provide for their administration by a proper directory, whose first function will be to assert, in the name and authority of the United States, their right to administer the funds of the college against the adverse claims of the person now in charge, who claims to hold under and by virtue of the control over the funds by the Catholic Church; and this legislative action we now propose to take, not thereby intimating an opinion upon the merits of the case, but merely by this means setting in motion the proper machinery for the ultimate decision by a competent tribunal. The military government, of which we are the legislature, is a pro- visional government; but for all this, pending its existence, it has the power to provide for the conservation of public property and the tem- porary carrying on of trusts with respect to which the sovereign is charged with any duty. The only tribunal which we can provide for deciding this cause is a tribunal over which, by the instructions of the President, we nmst exercise the power of appointment. Lest, therefore, any opinion which we might intimate should be used by either side in the case to be argued and decided as authority in that tribunal, we have been careful to express no other definitive opinion than that the petitioners have presented a case of sufficient dignity and seriousness to warrant its full consideration by a court of justice. We think, moreover, as the United States occupies the relation of general trustee toward the public of the Philippines, in whose behalf the cause is here pressed, that it is not stepping beyond the bounds of impartiality for the com- mission to devote from the public funds a reasonable sum for the pay- ment of the costs and expenses of the conduct of this litigation by the complainant and those whom he represents. He claims to rep- 42 CHURCH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. resent the general public, and, should his petition be granted and his case made, certainly the fund will be administered for the benefit of the general public. In the disturbed condition of the country, when private contributions are difficult to secure, when four years of war have made practicall}" impossible donations for such a purpose sufficient to meet its requirements, it is right that from the public funds provision be made. We think the sum of |5,000 in money of the United States is sufficient for this purpose, and we shall appropriate this amount accordingly to pay the expenses of getting the evidence, preparing the record, printing the briefs, and as fees for professional services. The fund will be enough in view of the provision which we expect to make that the petitioners may call upon the Attorney- General to assist in the prosecution of the case. It is important that the issue be decided as soon as the proper con- sideration of so important a question in the due course of justice can be given to it by a competent tribunal. As the United States is prac- tically a party to the litigation, we do not think it necessary to have resort to the ordinary tribunals of first instance. The case is of such signal importance that it ma}^ very well be heard by the Supreme Court original^, and we shall provide in the act authorizing the bringing of the suit the procedure to be followed, so as to secure an early hearing on the merits. The procedure briefly stated will be as follows: The trustees whom we shall appoint will file their declaration or petition in the Supreme Court, setting forth the legislation under which they act and their appointment, describing the properties of the College of San Jose, stating in a summary manner the history of the college under which they assert the power of the United States to provide control of the property, and praying a decree of the court directing the surrender by the rector of the University of Santo Tomas, in charge of the properties of the College of San Jose, to the peti- tioners. To the petition should be made parties, not only the rector of the university who has charge of the properties, but also the arch- bishop of Manila or the Episcopal administrator of the diocese, the Apostolic delegate, as the representative of the Catholic Church, claim- ing an interest in the property. A summons shall then issue in the usual form, accompanied by a copy of the petition, and shall be served upon the rector of the university and the archbishop, and a return of said summons shall be made by the officer authorized by the court to serve the same, within two weeks after it shall issue. The summons shall require that the parties defendant shall answer the petition within thirty days from the day fixed for the return of the service. Upon the filing of the answer in the supreme court, the petitioners shall have two weeks thereafter to file a reply to new matters set up in the answer by way of defense. New matters set up by way of reply shall be taken as denied without further pleading. After the cause shall be thus at issue and the evidence taken, the supreme court shall give precedence to the hearing of the same and shall set it for as early a date as pos- sible consistent with the proper preparation of the arguments by the opposing parties. Should the court upon final hearing decide that the case of the petitioners is not made out upon law and the evidence, it shall dismiss the petition and award cost against the petitioners. Should the court, on the other hand, decide that the case of the peti- tioners is made out and that the trustees appointed by this commission CHURCH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 43 are entitled to have possession and control of the foundation and properties of the Colleg^e of San Jose and that the Catholic Church, either through the rector of the university or through the arch- bishop, has no interest or right of control in said propert}" for the purpose of carrying on a school of medicine and pharmacy, the court shall enter a decree finding the right of control and management to be in the trustees and directing the dispossession of the rector of the universit}^ of the properties of the College of San Jose, and decree- ing an accounting against him of the rents and profits of the college during his incumbency as administrator of the College of San Jose which have not been expended in conducting the college or preserving its properties, allowing, however, a credit in such accounting of a reasonable sum for counsel fees and the expenses for the litigation by him incurred. The costs of the case shall not include the counsel fees on either side. It is not at all unlikely that before the Congress which was elected in November last and which will meet in December next shall finally adjourn it will conclude to confer upon the Supreme Court of the United States jurisdiction to consider appeals from the supreme court of these islands. The present case, involving a construction of the Treaty of Paris and the efiect upon public trusts of a transfer of sov- ereignty^ from a kingdom in which church and state were united, and one misfht almost sav inextricablv fused, to one in which church and state are kept entirely separate, is of such importance as to make most appropriate the submission of the issue to a court of the dignity, learn- ing, ability, and commanding jurisdiction of the Supreme Court of the United States. This commission has no power to confer such juris- diction upon that court, but it maj^ make a legislative provision which shall prevent the decision of the supreme court of these islands from being so final in its character as to make it impossible for the Congress of the United States, after its rendition, to provide an appeal to the United States Supreme Court. The law to be passed will, therefore, enact that upon the entering of the decree bv the supreme court of the islands it shall be immediately carried into efiect. If against the peti- tioner, the petition shall be dismissed and the costs awarded collected; if against the defendants, and in favor of the petitioners, the decree shall be executed b}^ a change of possession and control of the college and an accounting; but the decree shall not become final so as to pre- vent an appeal, b}^ virtue of a provision of the Congress of the United States, to the Supreme Court of the United States, or some other tri- bunal, until the ttth of March, 1903. There remains to be considered the question involved in the petition to the governor to rescind the order of General Otis suspending the conduct of the college under the rector of the University of St. Thomas. In view of the conclusion which we have reached that there is much to be said on the merits by both parties, it is clear to a demonstration that there is no reason for disturbing or interfering with the posses- sions of the part}^ whose control and ownership is disputed until final decree. Without considering the wisdom or propriety of the order of General Otis, in view of the militar}^ necessitv which was then said to be urgent, we are very clear that no such military necessity now exists. There is no evidence before us that the rector of the universit}" and others in control of the funds and property are wasting them and no reason has been shown for the appointment of a receiver. The admin- 44 CHUECH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. istration of the property by those selected by the Spanish Government may certainly continue for the short time pending the hearing of the case without serious detriment to anyone concerned. The arbitrary operation of an injunctive order made without a judicial hearing should be avoided if possible, especiall}^ where the issue is a doubtful one, and where judges and lawyers may conscientiously differ. Whether the professional education afforded under the management of those ^ho are now in possession of the properties of the college is as advanced as it should be, or not, it is certainly better that the properties should be used for an educational purpose than that they should lie idle. We shall recommend to the military governor that the injunctive order against the opening of the College of San Jose by the rector of the university be rescinded. Before closing, we must fix the number and state the names of the persons to act as trustees to conduct the litigation now about to be begun and to take charge of the college and its estates should the decision and decree of the court be in their favor. The first trustee will be the gentleman who thus far has borne the burden of the con- test for those whom he represents. Dr. T. H. Pardo de Tavera. By appointing him or any other trustee who has manifested a zeal in the cause of the complainant, we only do so in order that the question shall be energetically pushed to a settlement, and not thereby to indi- cate that the trustees represent our views on the issue. As the trus- tees, in a sense, will be asserting the validity of the exercise of power of the Government of the United States, it seems appropriate to make trustee Dr. Charles R. Greenleaf , colonel and chief surgeon. Division of the Philippines, in the United States Army. The third trustee will be Mr. Leon M. Guerrero; the fourth trustee, Manuel Gomez Mar- tinez, M. D., and the fifth Frank S. Bourns, M. D. There has been much popular and political interest in the contro- versy in which we have now stated our conclusions. The questions considered, however, have not had any political color at all. They have been purely questions of law and proper legal procedure, and so will they be in the court to which they are now sent. The decision of the right to control San Jose College can not legitimately be affected by the political feeling which one may have for or against the friars. It is unfortunate that the public should clothe the settlement of an issue purely legal with political significance when it ought not to have and does not have one. But, however this ma}^ be, those charged with settling it can pursue only one path, and that is the path of legal right as they see it. The secretary will now read the bill, which has passed two readings of the commission and which now comes up for a third reading and passage: [No. 69.] AN ACT providing a board of trvistees to conduct the College of San Jose as a school of medicine and ph armacy, to bring an action against the persons now in possession of the property of the college, vesting the supreme court with jurisdiction to determine the controversy, and appropriating five thousand dollars to pay the expenses of the litigation. By authority of the President of the United States, he it enacted by the United States Philip- pine Commission that — Section 1. T. H. Pardo de Tavera, M. D., Charles R. Greenleaf, M. D., colonel and chief surgeon of the Division of the Philippines in the United States Army, Leon M. Guerrero, Manuel Gomez Martinez, M. D., and Frank S. Bourns, M. D., are hereby CHUECH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 45 constituted a board of trustees to take possession of and manage the property and estates of the College of San Jose of the city of Manila, to maintain and conduct in the buildings of said college a school of medicine and pharmacy for the benefit of the qualified members of the public of the Philippine Islands, with power to determine the number of professorial chairs to be established, the number of instructors and demonstrators needed, to appoint professors constituting the faculty, to appoint the necessary instructors and demonstrators and other necessary ofiicers and employes, to fix the curriculum, to fix reasonable tuition and other fees to be collected from the students, to determine the period of study necessary for the conferring of the degrees of doctor of medicine and doctor of pharmacy, and to take any other steps needed in the creation and maintenance of an efficient school of medicine and pharmacy for the Philippine people. Sec. 2. The board hereby constituted shall organize within fourteen days after the passage of this act, shall elect a president and a secretary from its own members, and shall keep minutes of its proceedings. Sec. 3. Whereas there is now in possession of the property and assets of the Col- lege of San Jose a person who is the rector of the University of Santo Tomas, a mem- ber of the Dominican Order, claiming to be in possession by virtue of the ultimate ownership and right of control of said property and estates by the Roman Catholic Church and denying the power of the United States Government either to assume control of said property or to make provision for the administration of the same, as in section one of this act, the board hereby constituted is required, in the discharge of its duties, first, to assert its claim to discharge its duties as imposed by this act in the due and ordinary legal procedure hereinafter set forth, and to take no steps to secure physical possession of the properties and estates of the College of San Jose until the issue between them and the rector of the University of Santo Tomas and the representatives of the Catholic Church shall have been duly decided by the court of competent jurisdiction as hereinafter prescribed. Sec 4. Within thirty days after the passage hereof the board herein constituted shall file its petition in the supreme court of the islands, setting forth the appoint- ment of the board under this act, its powers and duties hereunder, its claim of right to the possession of the properties and estates of the College of San Jose for the pur- pose of discharging such duties, the fact that under a claim of right the property is held by the rector of the University of Santo Tomas, representing the ultimate con- trol of the Roman Catholic Church, setting forth succinctly the history of the college and a statement of the facts upon which the right of the United States to provide for the administration of the college is asserted, and praying that the court shall enter a decree ousting the rector of the University of Santo Tomas or any other minister or representative of the Roman Catholic Church from possession of the properties and estates of said college, and placing the petitioners in possession thereof so as to enable them to discharge the duties imposed upon them by this act. The petition shall make party defendant thereto, not only the rector of the University of Santo Tomas, but also the archbishop of Manila or the archbishop of New Orleans, Apos- tolic Delegate, who in the absence of the archbishop of Manila from the Philippine Islands is the Episcopal administrator of the archiepiscopal province and of the bishopric of Manila, and shall require said archbishop as the representative of the Roman Catholic Church to set up its claim of ownership and right to control the properties and estates of the College of San Jose. Upon the filing of the peti- tion a summons shall issue in the usual form against the rector of the University of Santo Tomds and the archbishop of Manila or the Episcopal administrator thereof, accompanied by a certified copy of the petition. A return of the service of such summons and copy upon the parties defendants shall be made within fifteen days after the issuing of the summons by an officer duly authorized to make the service. Within thirty days after the day fixed for the return of service, the defendants shall file their several answers or a joint answer, as they may elect, stating the facts upon which they deny the right and power of the United States to provide for the admin- istration of said college and its estates and praying a dismissal of the petition at the costs of the petitioners. Within fifteen days after the filing of the answer or answers the petitioners shall have the right to file a reply to any new facts set up in the answer. New averments of the reply shall be considered as denied by the defendants. The cause shall then be at issue and no further pleadings shall be filed. After the cause shall be at issue, the petitioners shall have thirty days in which to take evidence in support of the averments of their petition; the defendants shall have forty-five days in which to take evidence to sustain their answer or answers, and the petitioners fifteen days to take any necessary evidence in reply. The evidence shall be taken in a manner to be prescribed by the supreme court. Within seven days after the cause shall be at issue the parties shall appear before the supreme court and stipu- 46 CHUKCH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. late so far as possible what facts may be taken as agreed upon by all the parties in interest, so as to save the necessity for proof of the same by either party, and this stipulation shall be spread upon the records of the court. When the evidence shall have been submitted, the cause shall be given precedence in the supreme court, and shall be heard at as early a date as possible. Provided, however, That for good cause shown, the supreme court may in its discretion extend any of the periods hereinbefore fixed. Sec. 5. The supreme court of the islands, including all its members, as it is now or may hereafter be constituted, is hereby given jurisdiction to hear the controversy above described and to follow the procedure above defined. After reaching a con- clusion upon the issues made, it shall proceed to enter its decree. If it finds in favor of granting the prayer of the petition, it shall enter a decree ousting the defendants from possession of the properties and estates of the College of San Jose and awarding costs against the defendants, and requiring an accounting by the rector of the Uni- versity of Santo Tomiis of all moneys coming into his hands from such properties and estates, allowing him a credit for all money expended in the conduct of the college, the preservation of its properties and estates, and a credit for the reasonable expenses of defending the suit and costs awarded therein. Should the court find the issues in favor of the defendants, it shall enter a decree dismissing the petition and awarding costs against the petitioners. In no case shall the fees of attorneys, solicitors, or advocates of the successful party be included in the costs adjudged against the losing party. Sec. 6. Upon the rendition of the decree by the supreme court in the suit herein- above provided for, the decree shall be immediately executed. If the decree is for the petitioners, they shall be at once put in the possession of the properties and estates of the College of San Jose, without awaiting the result of the accounting in such case to be decreed, which shall then proceed in due course; if for the defend- ants, the petition shall be at once dismissed and an execution issue for the collection of the costs: Provided, hoirever, That the decree entered shall not be so final in its character as to prevent the Congress of the United States on or before March 3, 1903, from making provision for an appeal from the decree entered by the supreme court under this act to the Supreme Court of the United States or any other court thereof. Sec. 7. The sum of five thousand dollars ($5,000) in money of the United States is hereby appropriated from any funds in the insular treasury not otherwise appro- priated, to pay the costs and expenses of the board of trustees hereby appointed in the litigation herein provided for, including reasonable counsel fees. The money shall be disbursed by the disbursing officer of the commission upon the order of the board, after the money shall have been drawn out of the treasury upon the requisi- tion of the disbursing officer in the manner provided by law. It shall be the duty of the attorney-general of the supreme court to appear as one of the counsel in sup- port of the petition and he shall receive no additional compensation therefor. Sec. 8. The trustees herein appointed shall hold office subject to the will of the commission. Should any vacancies exist or occur in the board by reason of non- acceptance of the appointment, resignation, or death, the same shall be filled by appointment by the commission. Sec. 9. The public good requiring the speedy enactment of this bill, the passage of the same is hereby expedited in accordance with section 2 of "An act prescribing the order of procedure by the commission in the enactment of laws," passed September 26, 1900. Sec 10. This act shall take effect on its passage. Enacted January 5, 1901. TESTIMONY TAKEN BY THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION RELATING TO RELIGIOUS ORDERS. INDEX IN EE FRIARS. 1. Dominicans — Santiago Paya. 2. Franciscans — Rev. Juan Villegas. 3. Augustinians — The Very Eev. Jose Lobo., 4. Recolletos — Very Rev. Francisco Araya. 5. Capuchino — Padre Alphonso Maria de Morertin. 6. Benedictino — Padre Juan Sabater. 7. Paulist — 8. Jesuits — Miguel Saderra Mata. 9. The archbishop of Manila. 10. The bishop of Jaro. 11. The bishop of Vigan. 12. Don Felipe Calderon. 13. Jose Roderigues Infante. 14. Nozario Constantino of Bigaa. 15. Maximo Viola, of San Miguel de Mayumo. 16. Dr. T. H. Pardo de Tavera. 17. Pedro Surano Laktaw. 18. Ambrosia Flores. 19. Phelps Whitmarsh. 20. Ceferino Jovan, alcalde of Bacolor. 21. Gen. R. P. Hughes. 22. Col. William H. Beck. 23. Florentino Torres, attorney-general. 24. Jose Ros. 25. Francisco Gonzales. 26. Leading residents of the town of Aringay. 27. Jose Templo. 28. Jorge Garcia del Fierro. 29. Col. Charles W. Hood. 30. Brig. Gen. Jas. F. Smith. 31. P. R. Mercado. 32. Jose C. Mijares. 33. Francisco Alvarez. 34. Raymundo Melliza Angulo. 35. Felipe G. Calderon. 36. Wm. H. Taft. 37. Hermenegildo J. Torres. 38. C. W. Minor. July 31, 1900. DOMINICANS— INTERVIEW OF SANTIAGO PAYA. Q. Will you please state your full name, the order to which you belong, and the position you hold in that order. A. Santiago Paya, provincial of the Dominicans. Q. How long have you been in the Philippines ? 47 48 CHURCH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. A. I arrived in 1871, but eight years since then I have spent in Spain. Q. You have spent more than half your life here? A. Yes. I would like to go a little into the history of the Dominicans, if ^ou will be good enough. How long has that order been in the Philippines ? The first men arrived in 1587. Some 5^ears prior to that, in 1581, the first bishop of Manila and a companion, who were Domini- cans, arrived in Manila. Q. And the order has been continuously here since that time? A. Yes, sir. The order was founded in the beginning of the thir- teenth ^-entury. The order was confirmed in 1261 by Pope Holoriues. The purposes of the order are incorporated in bulls and other docu- ments issued by papal authority, and they are printed in a set of nine volumes, which they term the Hulario of the order. It is a compila- tion of all documents relating to the order Q. Is not the chief function of the order to do missionary work to enlarge the usefulness of the church? ~-^A. The saving of souls through preaching and teaching, etc. Q. And in carrying the limits of the church or its influence beyond where it was at the time of organization ? A. In carrying missions to the farthermost ends of the earth. Q. In other words, they undertake to carry the church into new countries rather than to remain where the secular priests were con- ducting the ordinary exercises of the church? A, Preaching in countries not only already Catholic, but also to the unfaithful. The Dominicans have missionaries in Tonkin, China, For- mosa, and other places in the Orient. Q. Have any of your priests sufi'ered in China? A. There are Dominicans in Foochow and Soochow, and none have been molested that I am aware of. Q. I have been told the Jesuits have lost several priests? A. Yes, sir; they are farther north. Q. Has the order laymen as well as priests ? A. They have, of course, regular ordained priests, and they also have lay priests, who take the same oath, but the}^ are not ordained. Q. But they can not administer all the sacraments ? A. No, sir. Q. There are no Filipino members of the order? A. No, sir. Q. Are there any lay members who are Filipinos? A. No. There is what is called a third order, composed of private individuals, married, who take no vows, but they never could become ordained. They have certain religious usages or practices, but they are not bound by any vows or ties. Q. They are only auxiliary members? A. They are entirely independent, because they are not subject to the rules superior and do not take any vows. Q. Were you a parish priest in these islands before you became the head of the order? , A. No; I was a teacher in the university. / Q. And now you are also the head of the University of Santo T omas ? I A. I was the president of the university until I was made provincial of this order, but even now I have a superintendence over me. CHUECH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 49 Q. What is his name ? A. Paimundo Yalacques, the head of the university. Q. How many priests were there in your order in 1896, when the revolution began ? ^ -A. Two hundred and four fathers and 29 lay brothers. Q. Can you give me a list pf the towns and villages in the Philip- pines in which the priests of your order acted as parish priests ? A. Every year we published a register giving the places and the number of souls, etc., in the islands where our order was engaged in saving souls. Q. Does that include the whole order or only in these islands? A. It includes the order in the Orient. Q. What civil or political functions did the priests of your order exercise under the Spanish Crown in the parishes to which they were assigned ? / A. They exercised no civil or political duties at all. The only thing / the parish priest did was to act as inspector of schools, which was not i by law exactly, but the Spanish law recognized that, because they devoted themselves to the public service. Q. Was not there a provision in the Spanish law of the government of the municipalities that the parish priests, without respect to the order to which they belonged, should serve on civil committees of the municipalities ? A. In 1893, by a charter act, they reorganized the laws relating to municipalities; and according to the terms of that law of reorganiza- tion the provincials here were members of that council of administra- tion, and in the provinces the provincials there also became a member of that council in the municipalit3\ The parish priest became a member of the local board corresponding to the council of administra- tion, but the parish priest paid ver}^ little attention to that, as it was a new element to him; by reason of things which ensued they had no chance; but prior to that time they exercised no civil duties at all. Q. Is it not a fact that the priest, and I am now referring to jour order, although it applies to all orders of the islands, probabh% was the most intelligent man, the man most acquainted with general affairs in the town, and whether every public thing that was done was first submitted to him. I mean in the small country towns. / A. Naturally the parish priests were all men of great influence, moral influence, b}^ reason of their holy office, and they were not only the parish priests, but they were even sometimes judges, because oftentimes the Filipino would prefer to submit their questions in liti- gation to the parish priests than to their own judges; and consequently the Spanish Government, recognizing this moral hold — this moral influ- ence that the priest had over the people — took advantage of it so as to get the people to pay their taxes and comply with law, but they never exercised an}^ political or civil charges; but the Government itself took advantage of these facts to get them to keep the men within the law. Q. Is it not a fact that there were a great many parishes in these islands in which there were no Spanish soldiers at all? A. The greater part. In the immense majority there were neither soldiers nor civilians, and only the parish priests, and this in towns up to 20,000. Q. Did not the Spanish Government, then, come to rely on the priests as the best means the}^ had to enforce law and order? S. Doc. 190 4 50 CHURCH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. A. Yes, sir. It was the principal element that they relied on, but through the moral element of the priest. Q. Is not it difficult in exercising power of that sort to make a dis- tinction between the moral influence and the actual influence exercised by reason of that position i A. Of course the priest was backed up by the Government nat- uralh% and the people recognized that. Q. I have understood that it is one of the principles of 3^our order and of the Catholic Church generally that the civil authority, where it does not attempt to interfere with the rights of the church, is to be supported by the members of the order and the members of the church ? A. All lawfully constituted authority has the support of the church. Q. And, of course, this is an order of the church, and is one of the aims of the church to carry that principle wherever they go? A. Yes, sir; to such an extent that even in China, where the author- ities are pagans, the priests advise their flocks to obe}" the laws of the land. That law is not so much a principle of the church as it is a divine or natural principle. We always have to respect the authority which is lawfully constituted. Q. I remember in the case of France, though the monarchial party was favorable to the Papal power, nevertheless the Pope advised the Catholics of France to submit to the Republic and support that power. A. Yes, sir. Q. And, therefore, the members of your order in administering the offices they had to administer and in exercising the influence their position gave them, both civil and religious, were loyal to Spain during the two revolutions? A. Defending the fatherland as a duty toward one's own conscience, there was not a single exception. Q. Did it not, therefore, come to pass that to those who were engaged in the revolution, and especially in that large part of the country where the Spanish soldiers did not go, that the parish priests represented to the people the Crown of Spain and loyalty to that Crown ? A. The priest was oftentimes the only Spaniard in the town, but he onh^ exercised moral suasion. The civ^il authority was represented by what was known as the gobernadorcillo. Q. We are dealing with facts, with substance, and did not the priest represent the real authority in favor of law and order and preservance of the rights of Spain, especially after the gobernadorcillo had turned his coat and gone over to the revolutionists? A. As a fact the gobernadorcillo did not do anything without con- sulting the parish priest. Q. Until he became a revolutionist? A. That has onl}" been latel3^ Q. I am speaking now of 1896 and 1898. A. In '96 and '98, in many of the towns the people remained at least apparently favorable to Spain and were in communication with their parish priest. The generality of people in the provinces are uneducated and very simple folk, and more sincere, but the Indian is a little false, rather deceitful, and has a little head. Q. How were the priests of your order supported during the time they acted as parish priests? CHURCH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 51 A. They had a stipend from the Spanish Government. Q. Can 3'ou state generally what that amounted to for each priest? A. It depended upon the class of the parish. Some received §500, others §600, others §700, and others §800. There were some, a very few, like that of Manila and Bindondo, who received f'?l,200 per annum. Q. 1 do not know how far that amount would go in 1896, but I know it would not go very far now with present prices. A. Aside from that, he received another revenue in the form of fees which were paid for certain offices performed by him, which fees were fixed by the bishop with the approval of the government [pre- sents a written statement on the subject]. Q. Let me look over that statement, if I may. I suppose there was a fee for marriage ? A. For marriages, §3.62. One-eighth of that was for the church and the other for the parish priest and his support. For burials, §1.50 for children, for adults, §2.25. For christening, 12i cents, including the cost of the candle. These were the ordinary' prices, but when a person wanted pomp and show, there was a special price. Even these fees were sometimes not charged in the case of poor people, either in whole or in part. Q. You have read from a list. I suppose that was a list formulated by a bishop in a particular diocese, but it represents the general charges throughout the island? A. The list is over 100 years old. There is very little difi'erence in all the dioceses. Spaniards paid the most, the mestizo paid a little higher than the Indian, and the Indian paid the least. Q. Were there any voluntary contributions by the members of the congregation each Sunday? Did they take up a collection? A. It was not the custom. Q. Who built the churches in which the parish priests officiated and the conventos in which they lived ? A. The parishioners always built the churches. All the towns here were formed little by little, and when they had sufficient population they would erect a church. The parish priest had to act as the head carpenter, the head mason, and had to direct the brickwork, and at times had to go out and show them how to cut the lumber down. The conventos were also built in that way. Q. They call it convento here. In the United States a convent means a place where the nuns live — the sisters. A. Here and in the provinces they call the parish house the convent. Q. Was the title to the churches and conventos put in the Crown of Spain ? A. In some cases the churches and parsonages were erected with funds furnished b}^ the order itself, in case of mission churches. Q. Do you know how man}^ there were erected by 3^our order? A. In that statement you have it specifies mission churches and mission parsonages. They were built with the funds of the order. The other parsonages and churches were erected by general church funds, and oftentimes the parish priest would make a contribution. The congregation would assist most!}' b}^ manual labor, and the gov- ernment at times would cause men who had to do government work on public buildings to assist in the work, thereby contributing its share as patron of the church instead of paying money. Q. Do you know how the title was secured to the land on which 52 CHURCH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. the churches were erected ? Did not they ordinarily build on the open square of the town ? A. Land here at first was of course free to ever3^body . Oftentimes the parish priest would buy the land and in other cases the land belonged to the town. Q. How have the deeds been registered ? A. Only a few years ago in the provinces did the}^ begin to have any deeds. No records at all were kept until a few years ago. Q. How have they been made since the practice of making deeds ? A. Of all those recorded in there as mission churches and parson- ages, I do not know of a single instance where they have been recorded. They were erected, and the}^ have been used for the proper purposes, and the parish priest has been living in the parsonages — nobody has disputed the title and nothing has ever arisen under it. Q. Of course, as a lawyer, I want to know where the title is. Wherever the title, there is no doubt that the church and convent are to be devoted to the purposes for which they were built — the Catholic religion— but the duty of the Government of the United States, with respect to property to which it may have acquired title by transfer, will be varied, as it finds out where that title is. If it has title in itself it will be the duty of the Government to transfer that title to someone for the church or the people of the church. A. As up to a very few years ago there were hardl}^ any Spaniards in the provinces, this matter was done without any titles at all. There were no Spaniards, no lawyers, no notaries, and no records in the provinces. Q. In the United States it has been the habit of the Catholic Church to carry the title of land which belongs to the church in the name of the bishop of the diocese. A. Yes, sir; as he is the representative. So far as the property belonging to the corporation, the order, I have a deed and it is recorded. Q. I have heard that the title of the cathedral and of the arch- bishop's residence is in the Crown of Spain. A. It belongs to the church of Manila. The fact is, the Govern- ment contributed sums of money toward the building of both by the obligation that it had assumed with the Holy See and as the patron of the church ; but it never occurred to the Spanish Government to claim any part of the land, as they recognized that it belonged to the Catholic Church. Q. There is no doubt that that is where it belongs. It is only a question where the legal title rests. A. I think it is in the name of the archbishop. Q. I have heard from Colonel Crowder that the title was in the Crown of Spain, but you can rest assured that the Government of the United States will not take advantage of this to deprive the Catholic Church of any property to which it may be entitled. A. Heretofore everything was left to the good faith of the people, because no one ever doubted that they did not belong to the church. Q. As to the properties which the order owned in the islands: First, what agricultural lands did your order own? A. The president is already apprised of the fact that the lands in Cavite, Laguna, Bulacan, and Bataan no longer belong to us. Q. I had not that in mind, and I would be glad to have you state to me again. CHUECH LAIRDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 53 A. These lands belonged to us previously. Q. Can you tell me how man}^ haciendas you had in Cavite province ? A. Two; a little sugar cane was cultivated, but mostly all rice. The names of those two were Naic and Santa Cruz. Binan, Santa Rosa, and Calamba in Laguna. Lomboy, Parti, Orion in Bataan. Q. How many acres were there in the hacienda of Naic? A. The whole of them were about 50,000 hectares. Q. Can you give me approximate figures as to each? A. (Presents to the president a tabular statement containing this information.) On all of them generally rice is cultivated; in Laguna some sugar, and on some considerable timber. Q. (President examining statement.) Does this list represent all of the agricultural lands which the order owned in the islands except Orion ? A. Yes, sir; except a little sanctuary at San Juan del Monte. It has been stated around that we recently acquired these. Some of them have been ours for two centuries. Colonel Crowder has, by direction of General Otis, looked up the titles and he has seen them all. Q. Have you title deeds to all of these ? A. Yes, sir. This statement shows the pages from which they were taken, all properly drawn up and recorded. Q. How did you farm these properties before you sold them to the corporations ? A. On each hacienda we had one or two lay brothers who were the administrators. Q. Did the parish priests have anything to do with them? A. Nothing whatever. Q. Were they rented on shares? A. All farmed out; we did not cultivate anything. Q. Were they farmed on shares or on a monthly rental? A. They were farmed out this way: It was left to the will of the tenants to either pay in money or in rice, as he pleased— that is, rice lands. For lands cultivated with sugar cane they alwa^^s paid in mone3^ Q. Did vou have any tobacco lands ? A. No. '^ Q. Any coffee? A. A little. Q. You did not own any cattle ? A. In Santa Cruz we had a lot of cattle, but the insurgents carried them off'. Q. What did you do with the cattle? Did they graze on your own land? A. In Calamba and Santa Cruz there was a great deal of unculti- vated grazing land. Q. And you owned the herds? A. Yes, sir. Q. And the lay brothers saw to the grazing of them and then sold them in the markets? A. Yes, sir. Q. As to your tenants; did you permit one family to remain for several generations on the same piece of land? A. Yes, sir; way back to great-grandparents. At times these ten- ants would sulDlet to others the right to cultivate the ground, and at a good price, too. 54 CHURCH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. Q. Did the tenants put in any improvements? A. No; in eveiy instance the corporation has made all the improve- ments, such as drainage canals, dams, and irrigation works. Q. Those were all put in by the corporation, the tenants did not put them in at all? A. No. Q. How about rice lands? Does it grow better each year? A. Yes, sir; it hardly needs an}^ fertilizing at all after a few crops. Q. Would not sometimes one famil}^ which occupied rice lands transfer its rights to another family, that is, sell out his right of tenancy to another? A. That was prohibited, but they often did that, sometimes with the consent of the administrator and sometimes without. Q. Was the tenancy regarded with such privilege that the person going in paid to the person going out any sum of money? A. The tenants themselves considered that a great privilege and charged sometimes as much as the property was worth. Q. So that they had among the tenants, without respect to the original order, what we call the tenant's right? A. Strictly speaking the tenant had no right whatever. Contracts were made for three years, and after that they were tenants at will. Q. But what I want to get at is the feeling and impression among the tenants themselves, not the legal rights. I mean, what was the right as between the tenants themselves ? They, I suppose, came to think that they might retain the lands as long as they chose in their family, and that that privilege of retention was a valuable privilege, and so regarded among them, and they sold that privilege from one to another? A. There is no doubt that these tenants held the privilege which they had at a very high value and they would get a number of acres. One man would go to the administrator and say, 1 will rent 20 acres and then he would sell that privilege of his, which was only for three years, at a high figure, and so long as he paid his annual rental he would not be disturbed. But there have been several cases in Calamba where the only persons they could look to for payment of the rent, the tenant, was ejected for nonpayment. They understood that they had no legal right to it after the three years. Q. They also knew that the custom of the order had been to give them this privilege continuously, and they relied on that themselves? A. Yes; that is true. So much was that the fact that sometimes a father who had 5 hectares and 5 sons would will those 5 hectares, one to each son. Q. Now, as to the sale of all this propert3^ To whom did you sell this property ? A. Mr. Andrews, with an obligation on his part to form an associa- tion and then to sell as man}^ shares of the stock as he could, and the order agreed to take as part pa3^ment the shares remaining in the company. Q. You were paid in shares, so that you own a majority of the shares of the corporation now? ' A. Yes. Q. Is there any agricultural property owned b}'^ the order not included here, and which is in the name of someone else? A. We did not own anything except what is in there, aside from this little sanctuarj^ at San Juan del Monte. CHUECH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 55 Q. As to improved property the order owns in Manila or other cities for rental purposes? A. In Binondo we own a few houses. We did own a few here but they were destroyed by fire, and in the port of Cavite we also owned a few houses under rent. Q. Are they business houses or residences ? A. Residences. Q. You do not own any property on the Escolta? A. The houses which surround the Banco Espanol Filipino; all those on that block except the bank building belong to us. Q. Is not that very valuable propert}^ ? A. Yes, sir. Q. And since the Americans came it has risen in value? A. We have gone up very little in rents. Q. If you had American tenants, j^ou would? A. Some of them have leases for a number of j^ears. Q. I do not press the question, but I would like to know what prop- erty you own for the habitation of the priests, the members of the order, and for religious worship. A. The church and convent of Santo Domingo is used b}" the mem- bers. Q. Do you own that handsome building in Venetian colors overlook- ing the wall? A. No; that is the Augustinians'. We have the university just adjoining this building. Q. What is this building just opposite the ayuntamiento ? A. A nunnery. The College of Latron is also occupied by the Dominicans. We have a sanctuary and parsonage in Cavite in half ruins which still belongs to the order. Q. Have you in any other cities ? A. In San Juan del Monte a sanctuary. I have alread}^ spoken of that several times. There was a father living there, but now it is occupied by American troops. In Pangasinan we have a church and convent, a college in Dagupan, in Linguyan a college and house. All of those places last mentioned are occupied by Americans, and the}^ have not paid any rents so far. In Caga3^an, at the capital, we have a large college and two houses, which the Americans also occupy. That is all. Q. I am coming to some questions that I do not insist on your answering, but I put them because the archbishop said to me that the former commission had not been fair in its treatment of the reli- gious orders in that it did not give them an opportunity to be heard through their heads, and for that reason I put these questions; but I leave entirely with 3"ou whether or not 3^ou shall answer them. A. I shall be glad to answer any question and furnish an^^ informa- tion I can. Q. W^hat supervision was exercised b}^ the order over its members engaged in parish work? A. The first answer to that is that the order presented the names of parish priests to the vice-patron — the captain -general. The}- were subject to transfer from one parish to another under the order, or they could be removed from parish work or sent back to Spain at the pleasure of the order. They could be shifted around. 56 CHUECH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. Q. Did 3^ou have an inspector or one of the .order who went around among the parishes to see how work was being carried on ? A. The order has always had great watchfulness over the parishes. The provincials made visits around the parishes, and in every province there was a vicar provincial who represented the provincial here. Before this time 1 was a provincial and visited all of Luzon. Q. Were cases of immoralit}^ among members of the order brought to the attention of the order and disciplined ? A. There has been a great deal of talk about immorality among the parish priests. Of course, undoubtedl}^, there may have been some cases where a priest has failed to carry out his vows, but those cases were alwa3^s brought to the attention of the provincial and investi- gated, and in case the charges were found well grounded they were chastised, either by separation from their office or removal some- where. The greater part of the cases have been exaggerations of some fault or made out of the whole cloth, because it seems that the people trump up charges against the priests so as to make them unpopular in the provinces. As a proof of the fact that these charges were not made by people who were imbued with great religious fervor or love of exemplary living, in nearly every case charges were brought by men against exemplar}^ priests who were always in the coterie of immoral priests, so to speak. Q. In the investigation, so far as I have been able to make it, I have reached the conclusion that the charges of immorality are not the real bases of the hostility to the priests, if that hostility exists among the people, and my conclusion as to that is based on the fact, as I under- stand it, that the present persons who are exercising the offices of parish priests, that against those persons charges of immorality might much more generally be brought than against the former parish priests ? A. Yes, sir. The Filipinos themselves say the same thing. Q. I have talked with Filipino priests and with Filipinos; and I find it pretty generally conceded that the Filipino priests in the islands are not well educated, and that the standard of morality among them is not high. A. They neither have the character nor the capacity nor the idea of morals that exists in a European. Now, you can notice in the clerg}^- men who are acting as parish priests, they do just what the local presidente wants them to do. Q. They are active politicians ? A. Yes, sir. Q. Is not the danger to the church here in the fact that the order of intellect and education of the native priests is, to say the least, so moderate that the people will revert to idolatry and fetichism under the administration of ignorant Filipino priests ? A. Yes, sir; that is what is happening in the remote provinces, even where there are Christians. Q. What preparation was made to fit these priests in the matter of education before going to work in these distant parishes? A. After entering the order they studied for eight or nine years in the college in Spain prior to coming out here. Q. What preparation was made in the matter of languages ? A. When a new man was sent out to do parish work, he was sent with an older priest who had already learned the language of the people, to learn the customs, language, and habits. CHUECH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 57 Q. How long did it take a bright man, such as 3^ou have in your order, to learn the language of the locality ? A. So as to treat with the natives on the outside, about six months; to perfect one's self to preach in it, some time. Q. But in six months the^^ learned enough to confess the parish- ioners ? A. Yes, sir. One of the proofs of the morality of the clergymen and of the orders lies in the character of the Filipinos themselves. Everybody will admit that the Filipinos, as a whole, are moral and religious, and they have had no teacher other than the members of the order to teach them — not only in religious but secular matters; and if the}^ were an immoral set, how could they have brought these people to this state 'i Q. It has been quite gratifying to me to understand that there is a very general chastit}^ among the women in these islands, but I have understood that while it is true that there is no general want of chas- tity among the women, there is among the people a feeling that a man and a woman may associate together for a definite time, if the woman remain faithful to the man, and regard that as a kind of marriage without the sanction of the sacrament; and that the same feeling, in how many cases I do not know, has seemed to justif}^ that kind of rela- tion existing between a priest and a woman. 1 just throw out that as a suggestion, and ask for your opinion on it. A. 1 do not claim that there have not been priests who have not, but the large majorit}^ of them have preached, not only by words, but by action, morality and religion. I think that the living together in concubinage of a priest and a woman is very, very rare. That there may have been some weak priests who have fallen once — they might be less rare. Q. An army oiBcer related this to me as happening in Ilocos Norte: He says that he now lives in the house of a woman who is entirely respectable, who would never be described as unchaste, who had two daughters, and who stated without hesitation and not as a badge of shame, that those daughters were the daughters of a padre who for- merly lived there but who now had been obliged to go away. Now, while of course that relation is deplorable, nevertheless it illustrates a very different state of society from that where there is promiscuous illicit intercourse, and illustrates that in the mind of the natives there is a very great difference between general unchastity and lo^^alty to one person. That is what I have gathered from persons with whom I have talked; that is what is in my mind from the evidence I have already gathered. A. I do not deny that there have not been such cases, but I do deny that there has been that promiscuous and general immorality on the part of the priests with which they have been charged. Q. While there is a very great difference between the United States and the Philippine Islands, I suppose that human nature is not alto- gether different here from what it is at home, and therefore those who do not take religion very seriously are ver}^ glad to seize individual instances of falling away by the priests, and are quite disposed from these few individual instances to make general charges against the whole class. A. My only answer is the same as before, that there may have been a few isolated cases of immorality, but nothing upon which general charges could be based. 58 CHUECH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. Q. Was it possible under the Spanish regime for the parish priest to notify the captain general of the presence in the community of a dangerous character and to have him deported? A. The initial steps were never taken by the parish priests. That the Government would in some instances ask for a report on some of the people in the town, and that the parish priest very often did not reply to him because the gobernadorcillo would say to the man upon whom suspicion has fallen that the parish priest was tr3dng to get rid of him, was sometimes true. When the parish priest was asked about certain men and they found it better for the moral and healthy tone of the town they would send in such a report to the governor-general, but never without being requested. Q. And the governor-general would then deport him ? A. More often it was a case for the parish priest to intercede to pre- vent deportation than to carry it out. The priest often realized the fact that charges against one of their parishioners were based on no intrigue of the guardia civil and officers of the municipality, and they interceded in his behalf oftener than to have him transported. The parish priest was the father of the locality, and although very pleasant relations usually existed between the Spanish civil authorities and the Spanish priests there were cases when the priests had to take issue in behalf of some parishioners. Q. How many priests of 3^our order were assaulted by the revolu- tionists during 1896-1898? A. The only one we lost was the parish priest of Hermosa, in Bataan, who was assassinated. This is the only one. Q. Were any of them imprisoned? A. Everybod}^ became a prisoner. Q. Did not Aguinaldo keep a lot of priests in prison for some time who were subsequently released by the Americans? A. None of ours. One hundred and fifteen Dominicans were held prisoners for a year and a half in the provinces, from Julj^, 1888, till December last, when they were released. Q. How were they released? A. Because the American troops advanced and they let them go. Q. They were held by the insurgents? A. Yes, sir. Q. Were any of them maltreated during that time? A. Yes, sir. Q. Were they whipped ? A. Some of them were whipped and others they filled full of water with a funnel in their mouths. Some of them had their ankles bound together and tied in a position for da3'S. Billa and Le3"ba, the two most cruel men who have been in the valley of the Cagayan, who are both aids of Aguinaldo. Q. Is the bishop of Vigan a Dominican? A. Yes, sir; and this man Billa is the man who broke two sticks on the arm of the bishop. Nine have died during their imprisonment, mostly from bad treatment. Q. Do 3"ou think that the priests of 3^our order could return to their parishes and assume their sacerdotal functions? A. So far as the mass of the people in the northern part of the islands is concerned, Nueva Ecija, Pangasinan, there would be no trouble whatever. The only thing to look out for would be the arrival CHUECH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 59 of some Katipunaii and his working up the people. In Batanes eight have gone back and they were well received and there are no American soldiers there. Q. Have an}" returned in the island of Luzon? A. These same priests who went to Batanes were a few days in Aparri and the people came down and asked them when they were going to return, that the}" wanted them to return. Q. Are any of the members of your order in Dagupan? A. No, sir. Q. But you have churches there? A. Yes, sir; all the province of Pangasinan was administered by Dominicans. Q. To what do you attribute the feeling against the members of your order generally, if it exists ? A. As a matter of fact, among the mass of people this hatred does not exist. It does exist among the Katipunans and here and there among the better class, but the whole reason of the hatred of this class against the priests lies in the fact that they were the bulwarks of Spain's sovereignty in the islands, and these people recognizing their loyalty to their Government say that in order to break down the sover- eignty of Spain it was necessary to cast odium upon the religious orders and have them possibly expelled from the country. Q. Do you think any feeling exists against them because of the immorality of its members ? A. No Indian has ever made a complaint of immorality on the part of a priest except in the case of revenge. When the provincial makes a visit they do not say a word. As soon as they have any little trouble with the parish priest then they will present a lot of testimony and report charges against the parish priests. Q. Is not it true that a good many of these tenants would be willing to have the land which they occupy for nothing, and do they not have the natural feeling which exists sometimes between tenants and landlords ? A. That feeling not only exists against the religious corporations, but against every owner of property. We have petitions from several of the pueblos in which the inhabitants ask us not to convey their prop- erty away, because they do not want to have anything to do with any other land proprietors but us. All they had to pay in the way of rental was about one-sixth or one-fifth of the value. Hence, in the towns where our haciendas were located, you would find better houses, better people, and more wealth. Q. I suppose it is true here, as elsewhere, that it is easy to cultivate among the debtors unpopularity for the creditors. A. Oh, yes; everywhere. Q. How are the members of your order at present supported? A. We have the savings of several years, and also the rental of houses, and a few other sources of income. Q. Did the insurgent government at Malolos pass a law confiscating your property ? A. Law, strictly speaking, no. They did put an additional article onto their constitution by the terms of which they appropriated all our property, but we paid no attention to that because we recognized here only two sovereigns— formerly the Spaniards and now the Americans. Q. Have not agents of that so-called government actually collected rents for the property owned by the corporation ? 60 CHURCH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. A. Yes, sir; they have taken charge of the haciendas and have made the tenants pay rent. Q. And rather higher rent than you were accustomed to collect? A. Yes, sir; the money they have made out of those lands has been a great element in carrying on the war for them. To take the hacien- das away from them now will be a hard stroke against the revolution. Q. If the insurgents had been successful, do you think you could have remained in the islands? A. We never even thought here that the revolutionists ever would be successful, and so took no steps. Q. But the controlling spirits in the revolution were very hostile toward you? A. Yes, sir; and if they had secured their independence we would have had to leave, not because of the common people, but because of these leaders. The mass of the people like us, but they do not know how to move — how to do anything at all. Q. Suppose the United States Government were to establish a pro- tectorate here, by which we should defend the islands against outside influence, but let the people take care of their internal affairs; how much protection to property would exist here ? A. We would have to leave. The people like us, but do not defend us, on account of their inaction. Q. Leaving out the question of the orders, how much protection to general property would there be in these islands under such a govern- ment ? A. If they had their independence it would be chaos. In four dsLjs they would be fighting each other — the different elements. The first thing would be that the half-castes with a little Spanish blood would want to get the power in their own hands, but would be overcome by the natives. The true backbone of the insurrection is the state of terror which the officers now in the field have forced on the people, who have been enlisted by terror to take up arms against the Ameri- cans; and, although I do not desire to give any advice to the American Government, I think that the only wa}'^ to settle the question is to bring a greater terror to bear upon them than that now imposed by the insurgent government. Q. Is not one trouble among the people a doubt as to the policy the Americans are going to pursue to retain control of these islands ? A. Partly that; but in a greater way the lies that are told in the provinces. Out there the idea prevails that Aguinaldo's forces are going to succeed. They tell of battles in which one hundred Americans are killed, and the people believe that. Here in Manila the half- educated people of the capital believe that the Government will give them their independence. If, last December, when the American troops made the advance toward the north, they had gone farther and more energetically, the thing would have been solved by this time, because the people in the towns, who were downtrodden and terrorized by the insurgent officers, want somebody to come and lift this burden from off them; but the American troops went a little ways north, and then went off to the coast towns. Q. How many members of your order have left the islands since 1898? ^ . . A. Sixty-seven; forty-five to Spain and twenty-two to China. Q. None have gone to South America? A. No. CHURCH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 61 Q. I put a question suggested by a remark made by the archbishop that in 1898 somebody went to Rome and professed to represent the American Government, and proposed to buy all the property belong- ing to the religious orders here, and that Cardinal Rampola telegraphed to the islands to have an inventory made of the property which it was thus proposed to buy. Can you give me a copy of that inventory ? A. When the last commission was here they asked for it and it was given them, the same which was sent to RampoUa, but 1 will send you a copy of it. Q. What do you consider the value, generally speaking, of the agricultural lands of the Dominican Order? A. It is very difficult to arrive at. They may have increased or diminished in value. Q. What did you consider the value in 1896, before the revolution? A. It is hard to give any estimate; j^ou might say before, four and five millions in agricultural lands alone. Q. You have sold already to a corporation, but of course you con- trol that corporation because you hold a majority of the stock; there- fore you could for that corporation sell this property to the Govern- ment. A. All we have now, of course, is shares of stock. Q. Yes; but that majority stock gives you the right to control the the corporation; would you be willing to sell that to the Government? A. We have the obligation which we have complied with to sell to Andrews; the sale was made to Andrews, and he afterwards got up the company. Q. But with the understanding that he was to get up the company? A. That was one of the clauses in the contract — that he would form an association and that we would take a part of the stock. Q. Of course you know that the Government could take the prop- erty if it chooses; that is, for school purposes; that is, as thej^ say in the Spanish law, "expropriate," as we say in America, "condemn" it, paying its value. But it is a great deal better if we conclude that we need it to settle the matter out of the courts, for court proceedings involve expenses, and it leaves a better feeling to settle the matter by contract, and I would like to know if you are in a situation to arrive at an agreement if we want the propert}^ ? A. Besides the understanding we have with Andrews we would have to consult the Hoty See. Q. The Holy See has the good sense to trust to the discretion of the able head of the order who is here. It has been suggested — a Senator of the United States suggested it to me — that one of the means of avoiding the trouble which seemed to exist here was to purchase the property of the religious orders, and that if that evidence of their ownership was removed and the lands made Government propert}^ by the payment of money, a large part of the feeling against the orders would be removed. I only ask it with a view to bringing before the commission the exact state of the case so that we ma}" judge of that suggestion. A. The real reason why we conveyed our property to another party was to have nothing further to do with the administration of these agricultural lands and to remove that complaint which was made against us that the friars owned all the lands and were making all the money. 62 CHUECH LANDS IK PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. Q. I have no doubt that that was the purpose, but I do doubt if it will remove the entire difficulty if it became known that the friars owned the majority of the stock. I think it will be more effectually removed if the Government owned the property and sold it out in small parcels. A. The public see that we no longer have any ostensible ownership, do not administer it, and have no interference in its management. Besides that, whenever money was paid for the hacienda we would invest somewhere. . , Q. Yes, but don't 3^ou think you could get more returns than from these haciendas? A. We could not invest it here. Q. Suppose you withdrew from parish work altogether. I suppose you could find a lot of missionary work to do in these islands and elsewhere ? A. Yes, sir; we would have plenty of mission work. Q. Archbishop Chapelle has told me that many of the order were anxious to leave, and that they remained largely at his suggestion. A. Yes, sir; he has advised them to remain here. Q. There are two funds in the cit}^ the obras pias, and another obras pias called the miter fund. Has your order an interest in these funds 'i Do you draw an income in those funds which you administer in charitable work? A. We receive the donation or alms which are paid by parties for these obras pias, such as for saying mass. Q. Now, that money is paid in and forms a fund which is invested by the head of the order? A. These obras pias are composed in this wa}^: Spaniards who have died and left in their will instructions for so many masses to be said and the money. That money is partly placed in bank and they get interest on it. The money is paid out to the different reli- gious corporations to carry out the instructions in the will of these people. For instance, a man says he wants one hundred masses a year for the repose of his soul. They are paid for that out of this fund. Q. And that fund is managed by a corporation? A. There is a board of directors. Q. It is really a corporation ? A. It is managed by a board composed of the archbishop and a member from each of the other orders. Q. And from accumulations it is now a very large fund? A. I do not know how much, but I think quite large. Q. Two or three million ? A. No, sir; I do not believe the income from it is over thirty thou- sand a year for the entire amount. Q. Did not the obras pias build this building now occupied by the provost-marshal-general ? A. No, sir; it was constructed out of the miter fund. Q. Is not the miter fund the same kind of fund? A. It is composed of donations, but is managed by the archbishop in person. Q. But the income is distributed among the different orders for the same purposes? A. Yes, sir; they are about the same thing, except that the sacred miter is administered by the archbishop himself. CHUECH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 63 Q. There is one more question: What is the income of the property of your order, both agricultural and otherwise; that is, in 1896? A. The income from the haciendas is shown in the pamphlet which I have given you. The rental of houses does not exceed thirt}^ thou- sand a year. Q. That included this property in Binondo ? A. Yes, sir; that is the principal source of income; the others do not amount to much. Q. How long have 3^ou owned that property ? A. The houses were built by us one hundred and fifty years ago. Q. But the rental from that has increased since 1896 ? A. I think it has gone up very little. The purpose is to have them go up because ever3^thing has become so dear. I have been informed b}' a banker that a good deal of money has been lent by some of the religious orders on hemp. They have not speculated in it, but they have lent the money and taken the hemp as security. Q. Have 3^ou engaged in that? A. No; we have not. (With expressions of thanks.) REPORT OF IKTERYIEW HAD BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE COM- MISSION WITH REV. JUAN VILLEGAS, HEAD OF THE FRANCIS- CAN CORPORATION IN THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. The President. I suppose }^ou understand that the questions which I sent to the archbishop, and which were doubtless shown to you, are questions which you are entire!}^ at libertv to answer or not. I pre- pared them with a view to covering the subject-matter which has been discussed publich^ and to give 3"ou, as representing the Franciscan Order, an opportunity to state j^our views concerning that matter. Father Villegas. I thank you for this meeting and for the oppor- tunit}^ given to us to replv. The President. When was yoiiv order founded? Father Villegas. It was founded b}" the Pope, viva voce, in 1210, and by papal bull in 1223. The President. When was your order established in the Philip- pines ? Father Villegas. June 24, 1577. The President. I suppose that its functions and powers under the papal authorit}^ are to be found in a number of papal bulls. Father Villegas. Yes, sir. The President. Generall}^ the object of the order is of a mission- ary character ? Father Villegas. Yes, sir; and to civilize the individual. The President. And they are charged with the dut}^ of enlarging the usefulness of the church in foreign parts. Father Villegas. Yes; and to preserve and keep in the faith those who have been converted. We have missions all over the world. The President. Have you la}" members as well as priests ? Father Villegas. Yes, sir; but only a few, relatively; they are mostly used for service in the houses of the members of the order. The President. How many priests did you have in the order in the Philippine Islands in 1896? (The reverend father stated that a pamphlet, or book, had been 64 CHUKCH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. prepared, giving this and much other data concerning the Franciscan order, but, not having been home since morning, he did not have it with him. A messenger was sent for the pamphlet; pending his return the conversation proceeded as follows:) The President. What political or civil functions did the priests exercise under the Spanish Crown in the parishes to which they were assigned ? Father Villegas. None; that is, except in so far as duties were intrusted to them, or required of them, by the Government, for the reason that the parish priest was the party in whom they had the most confidence. The President. I understand that. It is that actual authority which they exercised under the Government that I would like to have explained. Father Villegas. The following may be mentioned as among the principal duties or powers exercised by the parish priest: He was inspector of primary schools; president of the health board and board of charities; president of the board of urban taxation (this was estab- lished lately); inspector of taxation; previously he was the actual president, but latel}^ honorar}^ president, of the board of public works. He certified to the correctness of the cedulas— seeing that they con- formed to the entries in the parish books. They did not have civil registration here and so they had to depend upon the books of the parish priest. These books were sent in for the purpose of this cedula taxation, but were not received by the authorities unless viseed by the priest. He was president of the board of statistics, because he was the only person who had any education. He was asked to do this work so that better results could be obtained. It was against the will of the parish priest to do this, but he could only do as he was told. If they refused, they were told that they were unpatriotic and not Spaniards. If they had declined, they would have been removed from their charge. He was president of the census taking of the town. Under the Spanish law every man had to be furnished with a cer- tificate of character. If a man was imprisoned and he was from another town, they would send to that other town for his antecedents, and the court would examine whether the}^ were good or bad. They would not be received, however, unless the parish priest had his vise on them. The priest also certified as to the civil status of persons. Every year they drew lots for those who were to serve in the army, every fifth man drawn being taken. The parish priest would certify as to that man's condition. The President. That develops a new fact that I have not known before. They raised the army here, then, by impressment; it was not optional ? Father Villegas. All by ballot. Every year they would go to what they call the sacramental books and get the names of all those who were 20 years of age. This list being certified to by the parish priest, the names were placed in an urn and then drawn out. Ever}" fifth man was taken. The President. Was the service disliked by those selected, or did they regard it as an opportunity? Father Villegas. They disliked it. Many of them would take to the woods, and the civil guard would have to go after them and bring CHURCH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 65 them back. They would be put in jail and guarded until the}^ could be taken to the capital city. There were many cases of desertion. The President. They never served an^^where except in the islands? Father Yillegas. Only in the islands? The President. Were they in the habit of having the regiments enlisted in one part of the islands serve in another part? Father Yillegas. All the men were brought to Manila and the regiments formed were very much mixed. (It developed that Reverend Villegas spoke with authorit}^ in this matter, as he had been curate for twenty years in the northern parts, and had been t wen t}^ -five years in the country, and always in the provinces.) The President. Were you always in one part of the islands ? Father Villegas. Yes; I was where Tagalog was spoken. Those who spoke Tagalog had to reside where Tagalog was spoken. They sent the priests to the different parts as young men to learn the language, and, having learned a particular language, he was left to labor among those who spoke it all his life. The President. How long did it take a 3^oung priest to learn enough Tagalog to confess a parishioner? Father Yillegas. In four or five months they could frequentl}^ understand each other perfectly; in from eight months to a year they could preach in the native tongue. They learned rapidl}^ as the}^ had no opportunity to speak or hear any other language. [Proceeding with the enumeration of duties of the priest:] By law he had to be present when there were elections for municipal offices. Yer}^ often the parish priest did not want to go, but the people would come to him and say: "Come, for there will be disturb- ances, and you will settle man}^ difficulties." He was censor of the municipal budgets before they were sent to the provincial governor. A great many of the duties I am now enumerating were given to the priests by the municipal law of Maura. He was also counselor for the municipal counsel when that body met. They would notify him that they were going to hold a meeting and invite him to be present. The priests were supervisors of the election of the police force. This also had to be submitted to the provincial governor. He was examiner of the scholars attending the first and second grades in the public schools. He was censor of the pla^^s, comedies, and dramas in the language of the country, deciding whether they were against the public peace or the public morals. These plays were presented at the various fiestas of the people. He was president of the prison board, and inspector (in turn) of the food provided for the prisoners. He was a member of the provincial board. Besides the parish priest there were two curates who served on this board. Before the provin- cial board came all matters relating to public works and other cognate matters. All estimates for public buildings in the municipalities were submitted to this board. He was also a member of the board for partitioning Crown lands. After the land was surveyed and divided, and a person wanted to sell his land, he would present his certificate and the board would pass upon S. D09. 190 5 66 CHUKCH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. the question whether or not he was the owner. This would be viseed by the board for purposes of taxation. When a private individual wanted to bm^ Government land he would apply to the proper officer, pay his mone}^, and the board would determine whether the transfer was according to law. In some cases the parish priests in the capitals of the provinces would act as auditors. In some of these places there would be only the administrator, and then the curate would come in and act as auditor. Besides the above there were other small things which devolved upon the priest. It might be said that there were times, however, when nothing of moment was done in the towns. The President. Was this before the Maura law ? Father Villegas. Yes ; very often they interfered in these matters for the benefit of the town itself. Of course the only thing intrusted to them was the spiritual welfare of the people, but they had to do this other work because asked to do so by the Government. The President. They were the best educated men in the town and men of force; indeed, the only class who knew how to conduct matters. Father Villegas. The parish priest did not learn business while studying theology, but after he entered upon his charge it was forced upon him. The President. I am told that one of the rules of the Catholic Church is that the existing civil authority is to be supported, and that it is a rule of your order as well. Father Villegas. Yes; it is a rule of our church, laid down by the Pope and by Jesus Christ. The President. Were all the members of your order loyal to Spain while it was sovereign of the islands ? Father Villegas. Yes, sir. The President. Were there any but Spaniards members of the order in these islands ? Father Villegas. The}^ were all Spaniards but one, a mestizo, who was born in the islands but was raised and educated in Spain. The President. The fact is, is it not, that the members of the Fran- ciscan Order were relied upon by the Spanish Government to maintain its authority in the parishes where the members officiated, and that there were many parishes where there were no soldiers, the priests being the only ones who represented the sovereignty of Spain ? Father Villegas. Yes; for two hundred and sixty years there were no Spanish soldiers here at all. The President. Did it not result by reason of this, that when the revolution came on those in favor of the revolution were hostile to the members of your order because they did represent the Spanish Gov- ernment ? Father Villegas. That is not the case so far as the Franciscans are concerned, for, when the insurrection broke out, the natives got them out of the way so there would be no trouble. Even the money they had in their houses was sent to them to Manila by the insurgents. The President. Were any of the order imprisoned? Father Villegas. In the first insurrection nothing happened to them. In the second (1898) some were imprisoned. The President. How many were imprisoned, and for how long? Father Villegas. Seventy-eight were imprisoned, some three months, some fifteen, and some have just came in to-day. All are now released. CHURCH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 67 The President. Will you kindly refer to your statement (brought by the messenger), and tell me the number of members of your order who were here in 1896 ? Father Villegas. In 1896 there were 21:0 members. The President. Does that include lay members ? Father Villegas. Yes, sir. The President. How many lay members were there as compared with the priests? Father Villegas. There were but eleven lay members. The President. How were the priests of your order supported dur- ing the time they acted as parish priests ? Father Villegas. Those in Manila connected with the Society of St. Frances were supported by what was left of the alms given to the parish priests in the provinces. The President. Did the Government pay any salaries to the priests ? Father Villegas. In the provinces they were paid salaries — what- ever the governor would apportion them. If there was anything left over from this it was sent to Manila to support the community of St. Frances. The President. What did those salaries amount to ? Father Villegas. From five hundred to twelve hundred dollars, according to the size of the town. The President. Then I suppose there were certain fees charged for the administration of the sacrament? Father Villegas. There was no charge for the sacrament, but where it was administered in connection with marriage there was a fee for the trouble of performing the marriage ceremony. These fees were for the church, for the choir, for the sexton, etc. The President. Did not the priest use any of this for himself ? Father Villegas. Yes, sir ; he had a certain proportion. The President. Were the fees to be charged fixed by the bishop? Father Villegas. By the bishop, and approved by the captain- general. The President. Who built the churches in which the members of your order officiated? Father Villegas. They were built with the revenues of the parish, by donations from the people and the priest. The governor also apportioned certain funds for church building. The President. And there were voluntary donations by the parish- ioners ? Father Villegas. Yes ; by the parishioners and by the priests them- selves. Some of the parish priests have themselves remained without a cent because they spent all their salary in building the church. The President. Were the churches built on a public square — usually on the plaza in the middle of the town ? Father Villegas. The governor would designate the spot where the church was to be built. The President. And that was on Government property ? Father Villegas. If it was anything but Government property it was paid for out of the funds of the church. The President. When you purchased land in this way, in whom was the title placed? Father Villegas. It was placed in the name of the parish priest ; but as parish priest, and not in his individual right. 68 CHUECH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. The Peesident. Will j^ou kindl}^ state what agricultural lands or haciendas your order owns in the islands 'i Father Villegas. We do not own any. The Peesident. Have you never owned haciendas? Father Villegas. No, sir ; we are not allowed to own them. It is for this reason that all the members of the order who live in Manila are supported by what is left over from what is given the parish priests. The Peesident. You did not own any property before 1895 ? Father Villegas. Only the houses in which we live. We do not own any suburban property at all. We have here in Manila, near Sam paloc, a convent or parsonage, a half convent at Santa Ana, and two infirmaries, one at Santa Cruz and one at Nueva Caceras. The Peesident. Do you own any property in the city of Manila, or in any other parts of the islands, used for rental purposes ? Father Villegas. We do not. We are not allowed to hold land. The Peesident. You own no property, therefore, except houses which are used by you to live in and churches used for devotional purposes ? Father Villegas. That is all. The Peesident. Is there farming land in connection with them? Father Villegas. Nothing but kitchen gardens. In the province of Albaya we had a college for secondaiy instruction, but that has been burned. The Peesident. When a priest was assigned to work in a certain parish, was there any rotation? Did he go to another town after he had , served in one for a number of years ? Father Villegas. There was no rotation. Some of the priests remained in the same place until they died. Some have lived in the same town for thirt}^ or forty years; elsewhere, as long as the people wanted them. The Peesident. Was there a supervision exercised over the priests engaged in parish work? Father Villegas. A supervision was exercised over them. The provincial visited every one of them once a year. The Peesident. Were cases of immorality ever brought to the atten- tion of the order and disciplined? Father Villegas. That was the very purpose of these yearl}^ visits on the part of the provincial. Besides this he had representatives in the province who kept a close supervision over these people. If found delinquent they would be punished, and even expelled from the order. The Peesident. Were there any cases of immorality; and if so, how many, speaking generally? Father Villegas. There have been cases, but they were rare. I can not tell how many. The Peesident. I do not ask the question to condemn you. A priest, living in this wild country, far removed from his home and people, is liable to fall. They are human. Father Villegas. That is understood. The Peesident. It has been said that one of the grounds for the reported hostility to the religious orders generalh^ has been the fact that there was immorality among the priests. What have you to say to that? CHURCH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 69 Father Yillegas. They who accuse should prove. I do not believe that is the real cause for the hostility. The President. I do not believe it, either. Father Villegas. I have been a parish priest for a long time, and I can truthfully say that, as a matter of fact, the Indians have no com- plaint to make on this ground. It is only when they get angry that they make these accusations. One of the proofs of this is the general chastity of the Filipino women. They are what they have seen and what they have been taught. The President. I have been ver}^ much gratified to hear that the women of the Philippines generalh^ are chaste in their way. I believe it is owing greath" to the teachings of the church. But the Filipino women seem to have a little difierent idea of chastity from that which prevails in other countries. For instance, they do not always insist on the existence of the sacrament of marriage before living with a man. Father Villegas. I do not believe there has been much of that. When they do go to live with men in that way they know it is against the teachings of the church. The President. Has the example set by the Filipino priests in this respect been particularly good ? Is not the Filipino priesthood a dis- tinctly inferior set intellectually, both in matter of learning and in matter of morality ? Father Villegas. You are to judge of that. The commanders of the garrisons in the difierent towns can inform you. If the da}^ should ever come when the regular clergy should return to their parishes, then the commanders of the American forces can see and appreciate the difierence between the present priests and the former ones. The towns already remember. The President. It has been suggested to me, and it is a very strong- argument, that the charges of immorality brought against the friars is not the real cause of hostility against them, because an argument much stronger than that could be brought against the Filipino priests, yet they do not seem to share that hostility. If the people are so sensitive upon that subject, they have much stronger reason for it now. Father Villegas. The whole thing is a question of color. The Americans as well as Spaniards are getting it because of our color and features. The President. Was it possible under the Spanish regime to secure the deportation of any member of his parish by representing to the goA^ernor that the party was a dangerous member of society ? Father Villegas. No, sir. The President. Was this never done? Father Villegas. In our bodv it was never done. Sometimes they would ask for a report from the priest as to the standing of a party. Of his own motion a parish priest would never sanction a thing of that kind. The greatest trouble experienced by the parish priests with the €ivil authorities has been the protection of the members of their cor- poration from being unjustly used by the arbitrar}^ exercise of author- ity on the part of the governing body. The President. Will you be kind enough to state, generally, the parts of the islands in which the members of j^our order have officiated? Father Villegas. The whole of the island of Samar was ours, and about half of Levte. In the Cammarines there is nothing but Fran- 70 CHURCH LANDS IN PHILirPINE ISLANDS. ciscan friars and the regular clergy; most of Luzon in the south, twenty-one towns in the province of Laguna. We have none in north- ern Luzon, except one town in Cayagan near the coast. The President. Do you think that priests of j^our order, assigned to parishes in the islands, could assume their sacerdotal functions now without danger of personal violence? Father Villegas. There would be no fear or trouble whatever if only the town people were concerned — if there were no orders sent from Manila. The President. Political orders? Father Villegas. Yes; the people who do not like us. Our own parishioners are coming here every day to visit us. The President. Do you communicate with your old parishioners ? Father Villegas. Yes, sir. The President. Does not the feeling seem to be mostly against those who own property? Father Villegas. There was something of that. Some fellow who was a little brighter than the others would say: ''That hacienda belongs to the father; we will kick him out and you will take half and I will take half." Now that the revolution has lasted quite a time, and there has been no division of the propert}^, the}" have begun to think nothing has been gained. The President. Was not the property belonging to your order respected longer than that of most of the orders ? For instance, the college that was burned. Father Villegas. The burning of that place was the act of an indi- vidual — of a secular clergyman; a Filipino, who is now a general in the rebel army. The President. What is his name ? Father Villegas. General Natera, a Spanish mestizo. The President. Up to that time, although there were insurgents about, they did not disturb other property ? Father Villegas. No; and they set fire to the college on the ap- proach of the Americans, so there would be nothing there when the Americans arrived. The President. How many of your order have remained in the islands ? Father Villegas. After the capitulation of Manila a great many left; some had left before that time. Onl}^ 82 are now in the islands. The President. Where did the others go ? Father Villegas. They all returned to Spain, and from there were sent to South America, to Cuba, and two were sent to China. These latter were up the river beyond Shanghai, and are now cut off. The President. Is your order largely represented in China? Father Villegas. There are quite a number. The President. Did the insurgent government at Malolos pass any law against your order, or against ^^our property? Father Villegas. The only thing it did was to concede liberty to the priests who were imprisoned, but the law was not carried into effect at once. The President. Did not the parliament at Malolos pass a law con- fiscating the property of the religious orders ? Did this apply to your order or properties ? Father Villegas. Not having any property, it did not affect us. The question of funds and property has never troubled us. CHURCH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 71 The President. There is one other question 1 want to ask. Has your order any interest in the Obras Pias? Father Villegas. No interest. The President. None of the revenues are distributed to you? Father Yillegas. All that we have is such as is given to us in the way of alms, as is given to the poor. The President. Have you a representative on the board of the Obras Pias? Father Villegas. The third order, which is not composed of anointed priests, has a representative on the board, but they do not belong to our order. The President. Is the third order a Franciscan order? Father Villegas. While related to the Franciscans, they do not belong to the order. The President. Does this third order own any propert}^ ? Father Villegas. Yes, sir. The President. Do they own haciendas ? Father Villegas. They own property as private individuals. The President. But they have a representative on the board of the Obras Pias? Father Villegas. Yes, sir. The President. Out of the income received by the Obras Pias they receive a part of the mone}^ ? Father Villegas. Yes; they receive something from the Obras Pias. The President. Does the third order give you anything ? Father Villegas. The}^ give us a small donation. They also give to maidens who have no dowr}" to get married, who belong to the order, and to 3^oung men to go to school, etc. For instance, I am a private individual and die; in my will I leave $100 to be distributed at the rate of $2 a 3^ear to the poor. The mone}^ is placed in the bank, and out of the proceeds $2 is paid every year. The mone}^ is apportioned out, and we get a certain portion. The corporation itself is entirely for- eign to it. The President. I am very much obliged to you for coming to see me, and for the interesting facts which j^ou have communicated. I am sorry to have taken so much of your time. Father Villegas. It has been a pleasure to us to meet you and to tell 3^ou what we knew. We are entirely at your service, and will be glad at any time to furnish you whatever information is within our power. August 2, 1900. THE ORDER OF AUGUSTINIANS— THE VERY REVEREND JOSE LOBO. Q. I am very much obliged to 3^ou and the father for coming. A. There is no reason for it whatever; we are glad to give you any information we have. Q. How old is your order? A. We are the first ones that came here with the conquerer, Legaspi. Q. Not in the A. From the fourth centur}^, named after the great Agustin. Q. When did the order come to the Philippines? 72 CHURCH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. A. In 1565 — that is to the island of Cebu — we came to Manila in 1571, the foundation of the city. Q. Are its powers and functions contained in one instrument, or in a number of papal bulls? A. After the approval of the order b}^ the Pope, there was a consti- tution made for the order, and that constitution we have now, but it is a very large book and is written in Latin. Q. And it has been amended from time to time ? A. Corrections are made in the constitution. Q. Now, I presume the constitution authorized j^ou to do mission- ary work and enlarge the usefulness of the church? A. Yes, sir; we are organized for missionary work. Manila is the principal point, and from here we have organized various departments. (Gives the president a book of the order in the Orient.) Q. Has the order lay members as well as priests ? A. Yes, sir; quite a few — about 21; that is, there were 21 at one time. Now there are about 8 or 10. Q. How many priests had the order in the islands in 1896 ? A. Three hundred and eighteen priests, including lay members, those studying to become priests, provincial priests, and those in Manila. Q. I shall also find in this book which you have kindly given me a list of the cities and towns in which the Augustinians had parish priests. A. Yes, sir. In Ilocos Norte and Sur, Union, Pampanga, Bulacan, Nueva Ecija, Tarlac, 9 in Manila, 7 or 8 in Batangas, one-half the island of Cebu, Iloilo, Antingua, Capiz, and the district of Conception. Q. What civil or political functions did the priests of your order exercise under the Spanish Crown in the parishes over which they pre- sided ? I do not mean what was written in the law, but the actual functions which they discharged ? A. The provincial, whoever he might be, was the adviser of the administration. Whenever he desired to leave the town he asked per- mission of the captain-general or governor of the province. The priests intervened or took part in the election of local presidentes; in the levy of soldiers; they also formed schedules that indicated the names of all the individuals who were subject to taxation; they took part in the inspection of schools; in public works. They exercised these functions by order of the governor of the archipelago or by order of the Government of Spain. Q. One of the rules of the church, as I have heard it expounded, and doubtless of your order, is that the existing constituted authority shall always be respected? A. The law of the gospel is that everyone shall pay due respect to the organized government and to all laws that are in existence. Q. And the members of your order were loyal to Spain during the revolution ? A. Yes, sir; every one of them. Q. I omitted to ask whether you have any natives in j^our order? A. No; all Spaniards. We had in the past century a few natives in the order, but they did not prove very efficient and we let them go. Q. Was it not a fact that in a greater part of these islands there were no Spanish soldiers and no Spanish police to maintain the sov- ereignty of Spain? A. There were very few Spanish soldiers here, the priests in each CHURCH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 73 province being a sort of a colonel, and at the time I came there were 7,000 or 8,000 native militia. Q. So that in a great majorit}^ of towns where the parish priests of your order officiated, those priests were really the only representa- tives of Spanish sovereignty? A. The priest was the only Spaniard in a great many of the towns. I myself have exercised priestly functions in four or ^ye cities where I have been the onh^ man with a white face. Q. Did not this fact arouse against the members of 'your order the enmity of those engaged in the revolutions of 1896 and 1898 ? A. Yes, sir ; that is a fact. Rizal, Bloomentil, Gregorio del Pilar (now dead) began a movement against the friars, knowing ver}" well that if they removed the pedestal or foundation of sovereignty of Spain in these islands that at that moment the whole structure would topple over, and in their secret order thej^ began a movement against the friars, creating a bad feeling against them. Q. How were the priests of your order acting as parish priests supported ? A. As there was unity between the church and the state ; the state gave to the parish priests certain compensation, and beyond this the church had fixed tarifi's — for instance, from singing; the people in some cases making them presents, and between these sources of revenue they maintained themselves. Q. In 3"our order how large a salary was paid to the priests by the Government ? A. They were organized into three classes; the first received ^1,200 per annum; the second, S800, and the third, $600, and then you must deduct from that 10 per cent, money that was returned to the Gov- ernment. Q. That is, the Government paid out a salary and then took part of it back? A. This 10 per cent tax was imposed on all salaries, not only the priests but the military department, to fight any revolution. It was a temporary afi'air. Q. You received fees for christening, for burials, and for marriages ? How were the amounts fixed ? A. The priest himself charged nothing for the rite of baptism, except that he received the tribute of one-eighth of a dollar, and this money went to the funds of the church. It did not become the personal prop- erty of the priest. For marriages he received $2.25, but out of this he had to turn into the funds of the church the eighth portion of $2, being the sum of 25 cents; and the other 25 cents he also had to turn in, therefore he had remaining the sum of $1.75. For the burial of a child the fee was 75 cents; for the burial of an adult, $1.50. These were the tarifi's that were imposed as a rule, but if the person to be married, or if the relatives of the person to be buried, desired greater services, more music, more ringing of bells, then we levied a special fee. Q. Who built the churches and the conventos in which the priests of your order officiated as parish priests ? A. These edifices were constructed from the funds of the church. Q. That is, funds of the particular parish ? A. Each parish had its own particular funds, and from these funds they were constructed. In times gone by tributes were levied called " dies- mos," and from these funds edifices were constructed. It happens that 74 CHURCH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. in all countries acquired b}^ Spain, in Mexico, in South America, this ' ' diesmos " tax has been imposed for the purpose of erecting edifices ; but Pope suppressed the levy of this tax, and recently a tax called "santorum" has been levied. I can not be certain that the Pope suppressed this, but I know that he gave the kings authority to impose the ''santorum." These funds were placed at the disposal of the parish priests. The bishop exercised general authority, but there were certain funds each parish had. Q. Now the " santorum," or what was before that the "diesmos," was a contribution levied on the people of the parish to build the churches. Was that a voluntary contribution, or was it a regular tax? A. All Catholic residents of the parish were required to pay it. Q. And they were all Catholics? A. Yes, sir; it was a special fee imposed on all Catholics of the parish. Q. Now, coming to the twelfth question, what agricultural proper- ties did the Augustinian order own in the islands ? A. At the present time it owns two small haciendas, one in Angat and the other in Guadalupe. But this one in Guadalupe is a very small affair, and can hardly be called a hacienda. The one in Angat is also very small. Q. How much propert}^ had 3^ou before the revolution of 1896? A. In 1893 we sold the greater portion of our propertj^. Q. To whom were the}'' sold? A. To a Spanish corporation. I think there was an Englishman in the corporation. Q. And you took as part pa3^ment stock in the new corporation ? A. Yes, sir; we have more than half the stock. Q. Now, if you will go back before 1893, 1 would like to know what agricultural lands you owned? A. A great many and very good ones. Here in Manila we had three or four good ones. Taking all the acreage we had, cultivated and uncultivated, probably 60,000 hectares throughout the archipelago. Q. Can you distribute that acreage ? A. The large one was in Cagayen, 20,000 hectares, called "St. Augustin Colony." This hacienda is in the province of Isabela, but it is generally called Cagayen. Tobacco alone was raised, but coffee and sugar could be raised. Only a small portion was cultivated. In Cavite: San Francisco de Malabon, 13,000 hectares, cultivated in rice and sugar. In Manila: Malinta, 12,233 hectares; Mandaloa, 4,033 hectares, and Monte Lupa, 2,556 hectares, cultivated chiefly rice. In Cebu: Talisay, 6,645 hectares, sugar and rice; a great deal of sugar. We had a plant and machinery. There were two parcels of land, but they were under one name; simply one administration of the entire property. In Bulacan: Two small haciendas under rice cultivation. Angat, 600 hectares; Quingua, 987; and Guinto, 900 hectares. Those I have mentioned do not belong to us now, except the ones at Angat and Guadalupe, of which I first spoke. Q. Are there any others you have sold except those mentioned here? A. Yes, sir; one called Pasa}^, 480 hectares, was sold years ago to Warner, Barnes & Co. Q. And you have no interest in that ? CHURCH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 75 A. No, sir; it was an absolute sale. This includes all the property we now own or have owned. Q. How were these properties farmed when j^ou owned them; how did you get income from them? A. We cultivated the lands, and on properties that were dry we built ditches and canals and irrigated all the property. For instance, at Malabon we spent $4,000 in the building of ditches and dams. Q. Now, did you rent that propert}^ after improving it or did you farm it yourselves ? A. We rented out the estates to different tenants, but generally these rentals did not amount to more than one-half what ordinary individuals paid for other properties. Q. Did the same tenant continue to use these parcels, and did it go down in the family from one generation to another? A. Yes, sir; the property went from father to son, and thej retained possession for many years, and there were great efforts made to secure these properties. Q. And suppose a family that had such a privilege desired to sell it, were they able to do so? A. They could not without the permission of the administrator, because we would expose ourselves to the possibility of someone coming in who would damage the property. Q. You retained the control to say who should be tenants, but was not the privilege of being a tenant on certain pieces of land regarded as valuable, so that that privilege was sold by one to another, provided the consent for the transfer was obtained from the administrator? A. They always retained possession of these properties after once securing them because they received more benefits from this property than from occupying other property. Q. I fear you have not made my question clear to the father. (Re- peats question.) A. Of that I can give 3^ou no particular information because I have not been on the haciendas, but I will say that without the consent of the administrator he could not sell, but if he secured the consent of the administrator he certainly could. Q. Who collected the rents? Was it the parish priests in the imme- diate neighborhood, or did you have persons especially delegated for that particular purpose ? A. In Angat there is a native of the town that collects the rents; in San Francisco de Malabon it was a lay member; in Malinta a lay member; in Mandaloa a lay member; in Quingua and Guinto the same parish priest received and collected the rents because they were small places and the natives were very good in pa3ang their rents. Q. How long had the order held these various estates before they sold them? A. The oldest records are those that were made in the sixteenth century. We have some of the eighteenth. In the year 1877 the cor- poration acquired possession of the hacienda at San Francisco de Mala- bon by purchase from the Count of Avelache and various other owners, and another portion of this same estate was acquired from Mons. Cazal by exchange of property. Q. Those were purchases, and not benefits? A. Yes, sir; we have bought all of our propert3^ Very few pieces of property have ever been given to the corporation. 76 CHURCH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. Q. Now, this estate in Caga3^en. Have you held that for a long time ? A. I wish to except the estate in Cagayen, for this property was ceded to us b}^ the Government of Spain on the 25th of April, 1880, as will appear from royal order of that day. We spent an immense sum of money on this estate and have had but slight returns for it. We have cleared up the lands, and it has been placed in a state of cultivation. Q. Now, Cagayen was ceded in 1880; San Francisco de Malabon in 1877. Now, how about these estates in Manila? A. These four in Manila are very old; Malinta in 1745, and a por- tion in 1833. Q. Were these purchases? A. Yes, sir; all purchases. Q. Mandaloa? A. One-half of the property was acquired by an exchange of prop- erty from the Dominican fathers. We exchanged an hacienda with them for this property in the year 1692; another portion of it was acquired by purchase in 1654, and still another portion was acquired by purchase in 1675, and another small piece was secured in 1699. Q. Monte Lupa? A. Purchased in the vear 1665 by the corporation. Q. Cebu? A. Purchased in the year 1734. Q. Quingua? A. Purchased at public auction in 1834. Q. Angat? A. The date does not appear in the record, but it appears that part of it was secured by purchase and part by exchange. I believe it was in the century past, but I am not sure. Q. Guinto? A. Possession acquired in 1754 by purchase. Q. How much is the estate at Guadalupe ? A. It contains 85 hectares, part acquired by purchase and part through pious donations. Q. What property, whether improved or not, did you own in the city of Manila for rental purposes ? A. We own the convent of the sixteenth century. It is the most solid structure in the Philippines — the church and convent. The one with the bridge across the street. The buildings on both sides are ours. W^e have 30 members of the order living in this house, and just as soon as I am able to decrease the number under my care I want to sell this house. I am very anxious to sell it. The first house is ours, but just adjoining is the house of the Jesuits. The bridge communicates Q. I understand you to say that you own no improved property of any sort in Manila for rental purposes ? A. No. Q. Do you own any vacant lots in the city ? A. The lot in San Marcilino only. It contains 29,516 square meters, bought by the corporation in 1883. It was bought for the purpose of erecting an orphanage asylum. Q. Do you own an}^ improved property in other cities in the islands ? CHUECH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 77 A. In Cebu we own some lots, but the rents are very small. We have a magnificent structure in Iloilo that cost $150,000, but at the beginning of the present trouble it was taken possession of, and now it is used as a barracks. Q. Was that contemplated for a habitation for monks? A. It was built for the purpose of teaching, to be a sort of college, and when it was finished the war with America came on, and this structure being out of town was not burned, and it is now occupied by American troops. They are no more. Q. As to the custom of the order in retaining the same priest in the same parish, was there rotation, or was a priest allowed to remain in the same parish until he died or was superannuated ? A. No, sir; j^oung men started out by taking small parishes, and as they grew older better parishes are given, and when they get old so that they are unable to perform their duties they retire to Manila. They have better parishes as they get older. Q. How much education is required before the members go out to take a parish; I do not mean theological education, but what knowl- edge of the language of the country are the^^ required to have? A. Their theological education is received in the course of nine or ten years, but their linguistic education the}^ receive b}^ going to the parish with a priest who knows the language of that parish and learn the language from him, and at the end of five or six months the old priest sends in a document stating that this young man knows the language and is qualified to be the priest of the parish. Q. How long, ordinarily, did it take an average priest to learn the Tagalog or Visayan dialect? A. About eight months, on an average, for preaching and taking confessions. Q. Was there an inspector in your order who went about among the parishes each year to superintend and supervise the work of the parish priest? A. In each province there was a provincial vicar aside from the general vicar here in Manila who had charge of all the work in the district. Q. Was his knowledge such that if a priest had been guilty of immo- rality he would know it; I mean openly living as man and wife? A. Anything like that as you state, notoriousl}^, of course he would find it out, but anything secretly of course would take time to find out. Q. I do not mean to press these questions, if you do not desire to answer them, but in talking with the Archbishop he said it was not just or fair not to call upon the orders to give them an opportunity to say on these general subjects, if they desire it, what was the truth, and it is with that in mind that I ask the question ? A. There is no need of making a secret of anything. Q. Have cases of immorality in parish priests been disciplined by the order? A. Whenever we have been able to prove that he was living with a woman in the way you have indicated he has been chastised, but there have been cases where we were unable to prove it. Q. Was it possible for parish priests under the Spanish regime to secure the deportation or imprisonment of a man on the ground that he was a menace to the sovereignt}^ of Spain or a dangerous man in the communit}^? 78 CHUECH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. A. Such a thing was possible, but instances are rare where the mem- bers of the religious orders promoted the deportation of anyone. In the thirty years that I have been in the archipelago, I believe that the cases will not exceed two in each department. Generally, it can be said that there were many men that remained here who were to be deported, through the efforts of the priests, more than those who were sent out by the priests; the priests interceded with the governor-gen- eral for them. Q. What do you think about the charge that the hostility felt toward the members of 3"our order and of the others is in part due to the immorality of the parish priests? A. The most immoral ones are those who have received the protec- tion of the chiefs of the revolution. Just at present I have three apostates who have done immoral acts and they have been doing what they could to promote the revolution. It would appear that those who are under the direct influence of the revolutionary chiefs are the most immoral ones. Q. They are renegade Augustinian monks ? A. Yes, sir; three renegades that were favored by the revolutionary chiefs. Q. What is the moral condition of the native priests who have stepped in to take the place of the Spanish priests ? A. They are like the other powerful natives of the country, ordi- narily they are very immoral, and they are exciting and helping the revolution. Of course there are a few exceptions. Q. Is not the danger of the church in the fact that the standard of both religion and morals in the Filipino priests are such that the peo- ple may go down to idolatry and fetichism? A. There is a danger, but I hardly think it will go to that extreme. Q. What do you think would happen, assuming that the insurrec- tion were suppressed and the people came in, should the priests of your order seek to return to the parishes to which they were origi- nally assigned? A. As soon as the Government of the United States has established its laws and there is personal security, so that a person is able to go to these towns, I can state that the people are anxious to receive their priests back; the people are anxious to receive their priests back in their old parishes. Q. Are you in communication with the people back in the parishes? A. Yes, sir; we receive many letters from them. A great many from the various provinces I have mentioned come here and visit us and tell us about what is going on and say that we can go back at any time, but at the present time there is no personal security, and the whole thing is controlled by the Katipunans. Q. How many priests of the Augustinian order were assaulted dur- ing the revolutions of 1896 and 1898 ? A. Fourteen were killed and 119 taken prisoners. Four of them died in prison of natural diseases. At the beginning of the insurrec- tion in 1896 three fathers were imprisoned and after a short time the}^ were foully assassinated by Bonifacio. These three are included in the fourteen. Two were assassinated at the beginning of the revolu- tion in Cebu ; three in the uprising in Ilocos Sur; five in Bulacan, one in Mexico in the province of Pampanga. Q. Were the 119 prisoners maltreated? CHURCH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 79 A. The revolutionists believing that the priests had a great many valuables, some of them tortured them to see if by this means they would not reveal their whereabouts. As a rule they received many gifts and things to eat from the Indians, and afterwards they were well treated. At the beginning they were badly treated. Q. I think you have answered the question as to the cause of hos- tility against the priests, but I ma}^ ask again whether you attribute it to the political position that the priests necessarily occupied in the parishes representing the Spanish crown. A. The Government of Spain in the Philippines can be compared to a round table having but one leg, and that leg in the center of the table, the friar here being the leg and the sole support of the main body of the table. The heads of the Katipunan organization, realizing that to tumble the whole structure it was necessary first to destroy the foundation, began this disturbance by calumniating the friars, telling lies about them, and for this reason the hostility arose toward the friars; but the Katipunan heads were the only ones that really had any hostility toward the friars, as is proven by the fact that the peo- ple in the parish are anxious for their return. Q. How many members of your order are now in the islands, and where are they living ? A. One hundred and forty, and they live in these two houses we have talked of. In Hongkong we have six or seven studying English, and in Macao we have twenty-six or twenty-seven. Originally we were three hundred and eighteen, as I have stated. Q. Considering those killed and those remaining in the islands, how many have left here, have gone back to Spain, to South America, or elsewhere ? A. Since the year 1898 there have left, to Spain ninety-eight, to Macao twent3^-six, to the Chinese missions in the province of Hunan three, to the Republic of Colombia ten, to Brazil eight, Peru five, Hong- kong six. The total of those who have left the islands is one hun- dred and fifty-six. There may be an error or so, but this is approxi- matelj^ correct. Q. They are at present supported, I suppose, in Manila here by the funds of the order ? A. Yes, sir. Q. Did the insurgent government at Malolos pass a law confiscating the property of your order ? A. Yes, indeed; they passed many laws confiscating everything we had. Q. Did they attempt to collect rents from those haciendas that are held by the corporations to whom you transferred your property ? A. I can not state as to that, but I suppose that they did. Q. At least that was the case with respect to the Dominican estates; so I am informed by Mr. Andrews, to whom they were sold? A. Yes, sir; I suppose that is true, but with reference to our own property I can not state positively. Q. Can you tell me the value of your agricultural property — the 60,000 hectares — before it was sold — just a general estimate? A. The haciendas possessed by the Augustinian fathers were the best in the Philippines. I can not tell you exactly — some millions — possibly ten or twelve millions. If sold at a time when we had peace and prop- erties were good, they would be worth a great deal more. 80 CHUKCH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. Q. Can 3^ou give me the income from those haciendas ? A. The total rental we secured in the year 1891 amounted to $150,000. Of course these properties were never rented at the figure we could have obtained, as we charged considerably less than others. Q. Do 3^ou think that the corporations that own the property now would be willing to sell to the Government? A. Yes, sir; they do not desire to administer the property. They are willing to sell in my opinion to the one offering the most. Q. Does your order insist on doing parish work, or would you be be willing to do missionary work alone ? A. Whatever the pope or apostolic delegate says. Q. I have understood, I think, from the apostolic delegate that the members of the orders would prefer to go elsewhere, but that he had detained them ? A. Whatever is commanded, whatever is ordered. Q. Now about the ' * obras pias. " How large a share of the obras pias did your order obtain? Does it vary or is it fixed? A. I am the president of the board myself, and we only handle $90,000, a very small amount, and we, as an order, secure nothing from this fund. Q. But I suppose when there are sacraments to be performed by reason of requirements in wills of deceased — masses to be said — that they assign that work to the different orders and a certain amount is paid to the order for performing that service? A. Well, suppose that a person dies and leaves $1,200 so that masses should be said. This money goes to the province where the sacraments are performed. For instance, in a certain province so much money is left, then so many masses are said. Q. Have you a large amount of money lent out here on hemp and such things? A. No. Q. The miter, I believe, is administered by the archbishop? A. Yes, sir. Q. And he assigns the work to be done under the provisions of that fund? A. We have charge of the pios fund, and works that are erected, edifices constructed, by the miter fund — we have charge of those works. That is the board of which I am president. The President. Expression of thanks. The Provincial. We are always glad to give you any information that we have, and you may rest assured that the information we give you — those that wear the cassock — will be the truth, and you will find out at the termination of your examination that what information we have given you has been more reliable than what 3^ou have procured from the meztizos. August 2, 1900. RECOLETOS— PROVINCIAL VERY REV. FRANCISCO ARAYA. When was your order first organized? The order was founded in the year 1602. When did it first come to the Philippines? In 1606, four years after its foundation, and it has been here con- tinuously since then. CHURCH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 81 I presume that its functions and powers in the church are defined by a charter or constitution granted b}^ the Pope ? In the year 1602 the constitution under which the organization was founded was approved b}^ Pope Clementine the Eighth. And that constitution with amendments established it as a religious order within the Catholic Church for the purpose of enlarging the work and doing missionary work ? Yes, sir; under the constitution approved by the Pope the order is a religious one, having in view the civilization of people who require or need it and the Christianizing of all individuals. And 3^our work lies chiefly along missionar}^ lines? Yes, sir. Have you branches of your order in other parts of the world besides the Philippines ? We have a college in Spain to educate the young men, enabling them to join our order. We have also a college in the United States, and they are sent here as a general rule. We have the head of our order in Rome, but of course above him is the Pope. We are doing missionary work in Panama, Republic of Colombia, Brazil, and in some other South American countries. Has the order lay members as well as priests? We have about nine lay members here. How many priests had the order in the islands in 1896, before the revolution began? In 1896 we had 313, and of this number 26 were lay members. And this book, to which reference has been made, I presume, con- tains a statement of the towns and villages in which 3^ our members officiated as parish priests? Yes, sir; and I present it to you with pleasure. What civil and political functions did the priests of your order exercise in their parishes under the Government of Spain ? The priests of their own will exercised no political functions, but at the request of the authorities they exercised msnay functions. For instance, they might obtain the number in a settlement who should pa}^ taxes; they also might formulate a census; the}^ also might send a report to the governor as to the number of legal actions that had taken place in the courts of first instance there. Did they ever exercise judicial functions at all? No, sir; they exercised no judicial functions, but when the authori- ties wanted to know about an}^ criminal acts the}^ would send to the " little governor" and then go to the priest for confirmation. Did they have any duty in connection with enlisting men for the army ? No, sir; those who formed the army here would appear to do so by chance. They had cards and drew lots to see who should form the army, and the priest supervised that drawing. W^hat part did thej^ have in the administration of the schools? They were local inspectors that visited the schools and found out after careful investigation as to whether or not the teachers were per- forming their duties properly and whether or not the children were attending. Were they called in as advisors in matters of public works? Speaking of government works, there have been few performed in the islands. Outside public roads there have been none, and in tliat S. Doc. 190 6 82 CHURCH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. reports were asked of the parish priests as to whether the work was performed according to specifications. In how many towns in which your order officiated as parish priests were there soldiers or other people representing the Crown of Spain beside the priest? Soldiers, they had none; recently they had a sort of civil guard. That guardia civil was a bad thing ? Yes, sir; they abused their privilege. The institution is a good one, but they abused their authority. Was not it a fact that for a great many years in these islands the parish priests represented Spain, the Government, in all that there was of law and order in the parishes ? Absolutely. Up to the year 1879-1880, when they sent this guardia civil; — seven or eight men in each town — the}^ had no one to represent the Spanish Government outside the priest. At the capital of the different provinces they had a few soldiers, but outside that none. So that any hostility to the Crown of Spain among the people was against the priest as representing the Government of Spain? Absolutely. There has been no resentment and no ill feeling or hostility against the priests whatever up to the time of the revolution, and that feeling has germinated right here in Manila and has been spread through sources here in Manila. But the revolutionists, those active in getting it up and those who sympathized with them in their attacks on Spain, did cultivate a hos- tility against the priests because they represented the power of Spain. There was really no feeling in the provinces against the priests, and as I have said before, this feeling was spread by the heads of the rev- olution, by those who had political aspirations, and something to gain by a revolution. A great many of them came from Manila. They formed or were a part of the Spanish Government — that is, clerks, some of them in the courts — and they went to the small towns, and knowing a little more than the simple country people, they spread rumors against the priests, and the priests made efforts to protect the people and this brought up hostile feeling. How were the priests of your order supported when the}^ acted as parish priests? They were supported by the stipend paid by the Government and also by the tariff's and by the charges imposed upon burials, marriages, and baptisms. This stipend varied, as I have understood, from |500 to |1,200, according to the size of the parish ? Yes, sir; and 10 per cent is deducted. As to the charges, who fixed the amount of those charges? The bishop determined the rates or charges, and those rates had to be approved by the governor-general here. The tariff for marriage was %2, one-eighth of which was for the church fund; burial for adults $3.50, out of which the priest received $1. 50 and the rest was paid out to others taking part in the ceremony. For christening 12i cents, leaving the priest nothing, because the can- dle cost 6 cents and the paper on which he had to record the fact that the child had been baptized cost 5 cents. These were fixed rates, but there were other charges depending (entirely on the amount of work involved and the extent of ceremony. Who built the churches in which your priests officiated ? CHUECH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 83 The Government was charged to erect edifices for public worship; but the Government, being so poor, was negligent, and it compelled us to build the churches out of church funds. There was a church erected in Manila that was built from the proceeds of an hacienda, and the churches on the outside were built by funds belonging to the church and by the aid of day laborers who gave their labor. Some of these funds were taken from the " anctorum" fund. The church in the parish was built either by contributions or by the labor of the parishioners of that parish. Isn't that true generally? The parishioners generally gave the funds to build the churches, because the government was poor and gave nothing. Sometimes, of course, where the parish was poor, then the bishop donated certain funds. When you speak of the churches you include the conventos also ? Yes, sir; that is the house for the priest. The people, realizing and appreciating the fact that the church was a benefit to them and would improve the moral condition of the people, donated their services free of charge. For instance, in a church where I officiated the people went 6 miles to bring the lumber out of which to construct it. What agricultural lands or haciendas does your order own in the islands ? We had one in Mindoro called San Jose, 23,666 hectares. This hacienda is about to be sold. We also have on this hacienda a herd of cattle. The insurgents have taken a great many — just how many we do not know. Is this only a grazing estate, or did you produce rice or tobacco ? A small part was under rice cultivation. At present time none is cultivated. Are you to sell it to a corporation ? A representative of the order has made an agreement to sell to an American in Madrid, Mr. Christy. Is that Mr. Christy to form a corporation ? He is the representative of a corporation. And in that new corporation I suppose the order is to obtain some shares of the stock? The sale has not yet been concluded, of course, but an absolute sale is contemplated. How many and what haciendas did the order own before 1896 ? The hacienda in Inmus was sold to a corporation in 1894, in the province of Cavite, 11,000 hectares. It was sold to a Spanish corpo- ration organized to develop agriculture in the Philippines. Now, in that corporation I suppose that the order owned a majority of the stock? This Spanish corporation in turn sold this hacienda to an English corporation called British Manila Corporation Company, Limited. Was not a Mr. McGregor the representative of this company ? Yes, sir; Mr. McGregor is the representative of the English com- pany, and he has come here to see the estate, and I believe some docu- ments have been sent to the Washington Government and in turn forwarded here to General Otis; but of that I do not know. Now, in that English corporation the order owns how much, stock? Yes, sir; it owns stock. In other words, this establishment of a corporation was for the pur- pose of interesting other people in the property and at the same time 84 CHUECH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. of enabling the order to obtain a regular income and be relieved from the burden of collecting the rents and managing the property ? The sale has been made absolute. Yes, but of course if you own a majority of the stock you obtain control of the corporation? The sale to the English corporation was absolute. Yes, but does not the order have some stock in that corporation ? I can not say definitely what proportion of stock we own, but we own a certain proportion. Was that property improved? A large proportion of it was under cultivation with improvements, many ditches, many dams. A large house that we had has been burned, but at the present time there are shacks in which Americans are living. Is that the house in which the priests were killed? Yes, sir. When did you acquire possession of this estate? In 1686. Had this property been owned by the Jesuits before this ? No; the Jesuits had nothing to do with it whatever. The property belonged to Dona Maria. She had inherited the estate herself. And she gave it to the order ? The property was mortgaged for $9,000 and that indebtedness was assumed and besides the sum of $12,500 was paid. A gentleman by the name of De Camos represented the corporation and paid the sum of $21,500, the church assuming that. Did you own any other property which you have sold in the same way? A piece of property— the name being San Nicholas — was donated to the church at one time, but under a decree of the general government a public auction was held, and the order bought it in full for $27,500 in the year 1812. Have you spent money in improving that property ? In dams and canals that have been built for carrying water we have spent more than a million dollars. There are 45 dams. The house was a magnificent one. There were also 3 warehouses. We had also constructed underground ditches. The greater portion in rice culti- vation; a little sugar. Had you any other hacienda except that of Imus which you have sold? The hacienda of Monte Lupa possession, acquired in the year 1695 for $12,300. This is a small hacienda, probably 600 or 800 hectares; I do not think it will reach 1,000, but a greater portion was not culti- vated. This was sold in 1897. Was it sold to the same Spanish company ? No; it was sold to a Spaniard in Manila. Where did you get the estate of San Jose? There are two parcels that constituted this hacienda, one was ob- tained by royal order 619 of May 15, 1897, and the other portion, consisting of 1,664 hectares, was acquired by purchase on the 15th of July, 1894, the sum paid being $43,250. The hacienda de Talajala, in the district of Morong in the lake region. The property originally belonged to a French subject and was heavily encumbered with debts, and he not being able to meet his obligations, the chief creditor, the chartered bank, became possessed of it on August 12, 1896. The CHURCH LAia)S IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 85 order also being, a creditor purchased from the bank in 1897 the hacienda for the sum of 150,000. This was sold March 16, 1900, to Don Juan Ma. Poizat, an agreement of sale having been made some time before for 166,000, but we lost in the transaction because we had spent many thousands in developing the property. How many acres were there ? The records do not show the number of acres that it contained, but I believe it had somewhere in the neighborhood of 4,000 or 5,000. I can say there were 3,000 under cultivation. Were there an}^ others? No others. It is true that this order did not receive any of the property of the Jesuits, which was confiscated when they were expelled from the islands? Absolutely none. Now what propert}^ have you in lands and in improved property in the cities held for rental purposes? The order owned quite a number of properties, but those from which rental is received are those in Cavite, the property in Cebu being a convent. But didn't you own some vacant property in Manila? None. And no rental property ? None. The properties in Cavite are rented. How much did 3"ou own in Cavite ? There are seven pieces of propert}" from which we secure rent, the total rent amounting to $350 a month. We have an agent who has charge of this property and he gives us $350 a month. If he makes anything I am not aware of it. You have deeds for all this property ? At the time of the blockade of Manila the insurrectos destroyed all the records and the titles, and at the present time we are investigating the records and getting therefrom titles to the property from the old original documents. This property you have had for a long time? For at least two hundred years. And are the}^ still held by the order or have they been conveyed to the Spanish company that took the Imus hacienda ? They belong to the order. Now, is there any agricultural property that is held in the name of someone else that really belongs to the order ? Nothing. In the town of Bakolod, in Negros, we purchased a lot for the purpose of erecting a college, but up to the present time it is vacant. To change the subject: I would ask if the priests of your order were in the habit of remaining in the parish to which thej were assigned for a great number of 3^ ears. They were under the direct control of the superior, and if he con- sidered it advisable to order them away to some other parish he would do so. Was there an officer of the order who traveled about to the various parishes and made himself familiar with the conduct of the parish by the priest assigned to it? Depending upon the size of the province, there were one, two, or 86 CHUECH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. three officers who went around and inspected and made a report to the head vicar of the province about once in three years. Of course, some of the provinces were quite large, and it took quite a while to inspect all the provinces. Some districts it took four months to make an inspection. Now, I am going to ask a question or two on a subject that neither of us cares to go into, and I do not press the questions. You do not have to answer them if you do not choose to, but I think you wish to answer them as I wish to ask them. Are cases of immorality by mem- bers of your order assigned to parish work brought to the attention of the head of the order and disciplined? There has been a great deal of talk about this matter I want you to speak as fully as you will. But I can say to you truthfully that the cases have been very rare, and this has been due to the conditions existing where a parish priest lives, due to the fact that they were isolated. I can attribute it to that fact. I want to give you an opportunity to answer the charges made gen- erally as to the fact whether a great many members of the order have been immoral, and what you know about it. Take, for instance, in Romblon, in Mindoro, in Paragua ; these islands are widely separated and without communication, without social intercourse whatever, and naturally enough the priests there were dis- satisfied and disgusted, and cases have been where they have lived an immoral life. These cases, though, have been very exceptional and rare, and the moment that the superior became cognizant of the fact they were brought here to Manila and after an investigation, if found guilty, were chastised and reprimanded. The moment that communication or inter- course in these islands became more frequent that moment the cases became fewer, and now they are very rare indeed. But that is not the basis of the calumnies that are hurled against these priests, because he was appreciated more by the people who lived in the neighborhood if he lived in this manner. No complaint has ever been made of a priest who lived an immoral life. Instead of that the people have sympa- thized with him to a greater extent than before, for the reason that if the curate or priest lived a dissolute life they in turn secured more liberty and they could do as they liked. The Katipunans found no objection to his method of living, because they could then do what they liked without interference from the priest, and for this reason there is more sympathy existing between the people and curate if he leads an immoral life than otherwise. The basis or bottom of all this talk and lies and calumny is the fact that in all these little towns a head or chief- tain of the organization known as the ''Katipunan Society" is to be found, and he generally goes to the curate and makes effort to secure favors, and when the curate denies him the favor — generally to bor- row mone}^ for they are nearly always broke — from that moment com- mences all the talk and disturbance. Cases have been recorded where this head or chieftain has formulated a petition and had this petition signed by a great many of the residents of the town and forwarded to the vicar, making charges therein of immorality on the part of the curate, and when the vicar demanded the presence of the curate in Manila the people changed their minds and requested him to stay. That is the manner of the Indian — to-day he is of one mind, to-morrow CHURCH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 87 of another. 1 make this point for the reason that I do not want you to pay too much importance to what the Indian tells you. Are you generally familiar with the character of the native priests who have moved in and taken the places of the friars ? They are very bad men, very bad. In most cases the least number of wives one is satisfied with is three, and they are at the head of the revolution in these towns where they are. Would not that seem to refute the charge that the cause of the hos- tility against the friar is immorality — that is, that immorality does not seem to arouse the hostility of the native against his own native priests ? That is not the basis of their hostility. That is clearly evident when, as I have indicated to you before, they appreciate a man who is immo- ral, when he lives in these vile conditions. Was it possible under the Spanish Government for a parish priest to secure the deportation of any man in his parish by recommending to the governor-general that he was a bad man and ought to be removed? No, sir; but the curate, being an instrument of the governor, filed reports with the governor as to the conduct and life of those who lived in his parish. The governor-general, being the head of the Spanish Government in the islands, sent to the curates for reports to various persons and the curates in turn filed reports with him. And the governor-general in turn acted on these reports? The reports had to be made and were compulsory from the"f act that the governor-general requested of the vicar a report, and he in turn the bishop and the bishop the curate, and whether or not he wanted to make the report it was practically compulsory. Do you think the priests of your order could go back to the parishes where the}^ were before and assume their sacerdotal functions with- out fear of personal violence, assuming that the American army will, in a reasonably short time, end the insurrection ? Yes, sir; that would be a very easy matter, indeed, for the reason that the people living in these towns are anxious for the return of the priests from the fact that the native priests, who are there now, are ver}^ much despised and hated by the people. How do you know this? The bishop of Jaro, who is now here with us, has letters that are simply horrible, indicating the actions of these native priests and showing the desire of the people to have the Spanish priests return to them. The native priests now, of course, having no head, do as they like. It is a good deal like an army without a head. How many priests of your order were assaulted during the revolu- tion of 1896 and 1898. Twenty -five of our priests were assassinated. There are three causes that may explain this large number: The first being that in Cavitc the revolution began and the priests who were in the interior had no time to make their escape. Those who lived close to the sea made their escape, and the very priest who had charge of the parish in which Aguinaldo lived was delivered of the insurrectos by Auginaldo him- self, he furnishing the means of escape, a boat being placed at the disposal of this priest by Aguinaldo himself; and Bonifacio, who was the instigator of these crimes, was in turn killed by Aguinaldo for having killed these priests. Fourteen killed in the province of Cavito; in Bataan, 2; Zambales, 7; Tarlac, 1; Cebu, 1. 88 CHURCH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. How maii}^ were imprisoned? The great number of deaths among the priests can be explained awa}^ also by another reason. The fact that the priests when they saw that there was no remed}^ joined the army and necessarily ran the same risks as the soldiers. There were 91 prisoners. That is, joined the army of Spain? Yes, sir; the precise nmnber has never been determined. Were any of the prisoners maltreated ? Out of 40 that were imprisoned in Negros 3 of them were maltreated and assaulted. The rest of them were made to work in the prison; those that had been in prison in Negros were given their liberty at the expiration of three months; the rest of the priests who have been in prison have received their liberty whenever the various towns in which they have been imprisoned have been taken by the Americans. Did you have any priests to join the insurgents? Thank God, not a one. The Augustinians had three renegade priests. Do you know whether the}^ are the only ones in the islands ? We have one who is in a town that is now in the hands of the insur- gents, but he takes no sides whatever and performs his regular duties. Is the bishop of Jaro a member of jonr order? Yes, sir; the bishop of Vigan, a Dominican; the archbishop, a Dominican; bishop of Cebu, a Franciscan; bishop of the Camarines, an Augustinian; the administrator of the Camarines is an Augustinian; and the bishop is sick in Spain. •How man}^ members of your order have left the islands since the revolution began ? In the year 1896 we had 343 members, 26 of which were laymen. Since 1898, 173 have left for Spain, 21 to America, and 8 to Macao. Then there were 25 killed? Yes, sir; there are 94 here at the present time, and the difference between this number and 343 have died. Did the insurgent government pass a law confiscating your prop- erty ? I can not answer that question positively, but it was generally stated, I believe, and published in the newspapers that laws affecting not only our property rights but the property right of all the relig- ious corporations were passed. Have not agents of the insurgent government been collecting rents from the tenants of jour former estates? We have heard that, and we know positively that with reference to the propert}^ at Imus some of the heads of the revolution have been charging not onl}^ what we charged but a great deal more. This I can not say as positively true, but we have heard it. ; It is true that your order is desirous of leaving the islands, but that you have deferred vour departure at the suggestion of Archbishop Chapelle ? We have been anxious to leave, but the Pope at Rome has given his order and there is no recourse except to obey. You would be entirely willing to do missionar}^ work instead of parish work, I presume? The functions are the same and it would make no difference to us. Of course the missionaries have work of lesser importance to perform than those in charge of parishes, but it would make no difference to us. CHUECH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 89 I suppose you have a representative on the board that administers the funds under the " Obras pias?" We have what is called a "vocal," somebody to represent the order. He in conjunction with the others disposes of this fund, but they are limited to certain kinds of work — charitable institutions and religious edifices and things of that kind. What relation is there between the Recolectos and the Augustinians? Were the Recolectos originally a branch of the Augustinians ? Yes, sir; they are called the bare-footed Augustinians. What is the meaning of the word ' ' Recolectos ? " It is taken from the verb ''to recover," "to regain," "to bring in," "to do missionary work." Then the Recolectos sprung out of the Augustinians ? The Recolectos are a branch of the Augustinians, and they sprung from them from the fact and for the reason that the Augustinians led a gay life. 1 am not saying that they were bad men, but their spirits were very high, and for that reason the Recolectos sprung from them — not because they were bad men and we good men, but because their spirits were high and fiery. Our original ancestors or fathers were Augustinians. We follow the same rules that thej^ follow, but they have their own head and we have our own, but they in turn are subject to the orders of the Pope at Rome. In the paper you have there (pointing) have you the tracing of your titles? If you have no objection I would be glad to keep that as a memorandum. It has been freely charged, apparently, by men who have very little knowledge on the subject, that you have no title to the land which you have heretofore enjoyed the usufruct of. I want to report on that issue, and it will assist me to have the data contained in that paper. With pleasure. We appreciate your kindness in this respect, indi- cating to us your desire to do us justice. Expressions of thanks. Adjourned. August 4, 1900. CAPUCHINO— PADRE ALPHONSO MARIA DE MORERTIN. How old is your order? Since the fifteenth centur3^ Properly speaking the order dates from the thirteenth centur3^ W^e are the same as the Franciscans. The 29th of November, of 1209, the formation of the body was approved. Are you organized for missionary work like the other orders ? Yes, sir. Has the order lay members, as well as priests ? Yes, sir. They are the same as the fathers, with the single exception that they are not ordained. In ever}^ other particular the}^ are the same, living the same and wearing the same habit. How many lay members and priests were there in the islands before the revolution of 1896? Very few, because our field of labor was not in the Philippines, but in the Carolines, but we had a house here for the purpose of assisting in any missionary labors. 90 CHUECH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. Can you give me a general idea of the number? Ten, up to 1896. How many are there now ? Six. Did they do any parish work? No; we only arrived here in 1886. There has been no hostile feeling against your order at all, has there? It has not reached my ears. You own no property, I presume, except the house in which you live? The house where we live only. I have a quasi-property title to a small piece of land just beyond Malate, which was given to me by word of mouth by some friends, but no legal documents were drawn up, and consequently it has not been recorded and the propert}^ still remains in the name of the donors, but whenever I desire it the title will be conveyed to me. It is only a little garden with a very small house, and at the outbreak of the trouble with the Filipinos they destroyed the little house. I have not heard any charges of an}?- immorality brought against any member of your order, and therefore I will not touch on that subject. Yes, sir; many thanks. I might ask you if you can tell me the reason why there is a diifer- ence of feeling against 3^our order as against the larger orders which have been here for a long time. There may be many reasons, but I will endeavor to reply as to my opinion. The first reason would be that the few take up a very little space, whereas the many would cover a great deal more. But I do not believe there really exists the hatred and hostility that the Fili- pinos would make believe exists against the religious orders as a whole. Don't you think that such as does exist arises largely from the polit- ical power which the old orders exercised by reason of the fact that their members were parish priests and represented throughout the country very largely the government of Spain, in a civil way ? I do not believe so, because the political functions exercised by them were very slight. But is not it a fact that in most of the towns of the Islands where they officiated there was no representative of the Government of Spain except the parish priests ? That might very well have been the case, but still there was a civil authority there even though he might have been only a native. The two authorities, civil and ecclesiastical, were never combined. Was it not a fact that the captain-general relied greatly on the padres, and kept putting on additional duties of various kinds of a civil character upon the padres ? On the contrary, he was always reducing them. The padres took part in what might be termed "mixed matters," such as school mat- ters. He was inspector of schools, acd he was one of the members of the board of election. He was an inspector to preserve order more than anj^hing else. It must be remembered also that he per- formed these duties because the government ordered him to, and not because he interfered, seeking the authority. CHUECH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 91 It might be termed unofficial action; for instance, about 1897, after the other revolution broke out, I received a private and secret letter as superintendent of the order from the governor-general, which let- ter was also sent to all parish priests throughout the archipelago, in which it said that whenever the parish priests believed that it would be proper to remove some local officer of the government they should apprise the governor-general of the fact with the reasons therefor, but on the other hand the same kind of a letter was sent to the governor of the different pueblos telling him if there was any rea- son for having the parish priests removed they should also inform him him of the fact. Expression of thanks. Adjourned. August 4, 1900. BENEDICTINOS— PADRE JUAN SABATER. How long has your order been here ? From 1895. How many were there in the order in these islands ? Eight padres and 6 lay brothers. Afterwards up to 17 priests came and 11 lay members. Are the}^ here now? Now 8 priests and 6 lay brothers. Do you own any property here ? Only the house in which we live and the chapel. I have alwaj^s had more or less of an interest in the Benedictine order because when I first went on the bench in a State court at Cin- cinnati, I had to consider the question of the ownership of the trade- mark for the Benedictine liqueur. The person that was forging the trade-mark claimed that the person who asserted the right to it had no right to it in that he said that the liqueur was made from a receipt made by the Benedictine order. But they proved that the liqueur was made not by the Benedictine priests now, but according to a receipt which the Benedictine order had followed in making their liqueurs some eighty years before? At the time of the French Revolution, when the Benedictinos had to leave their place, they sold their receipt, and that is the one now being followed. For that reason you still find on the trade -mark the arms of the abbey, which of course could not be counterfeited. I supported that. Very often they endeavor to counterfeit it. I know that the French manufacturers of that liqueur send agents all around Europe to find out if it is being counterfeited. I wish your order was getting some of the monej^ being made out of it. The fact is our order does not care for it at all. We have another receipt, which we do not care to exploit. In Spain we have been told that the other receipt would be a gold mine, but we only manufacture a little for our own use, and do not put it on the market. It is as good as the best grade of Benedictine; but if we manufactured it and put it on the market the people will say we are not following religious vocations, but are merchants. But you might have a royalty on the trade-mark without selling the 92 CHUECH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. liqueur. We have a sajdng in America that would appl}^ to this, espe- cially where the fathers would use the mone}^ to the best purposes, that ''Money does not smell.'' For instance, take the place of the monks that manufacture the Grande Chartreuse. The}^ live very modestl}^ and do not need any mone}^, and they payout of the proceeds of that liqueur 1,000,000 francs a year to the Hoh^ Father, and all the roads and other improvements around the place where they live are paid for hj them, and all the money is given to godly work and public improvements. And also what the French Government receives by way of taxation. That is why they have not been fired out of the country. Once the prefect of that district went to Chartreuse, and the fathers had heard that they were going to be expelled, and they found the prior of the monastery studying ver}^ intently the map of England, and the prefect asked, "What are jon doing?" He said, "We are studying a place to move to;" and he said, "No, you must not go." He did not want to kill the goose that lay the golden Qgg: Expression of thanks. Adjourned. August 4, 1900. ST. VINCENTE OF PAULIST. I think you have very few members in the islands ? Very few, 38 in the entire archipelago. How old is your order? From 1625. How long have you been in the Philippines ? Since 1862. Your functions are of a missionary nature ? Missionary and seminary work. Have you a school here ? We have one theological seminary elsewhere, and other seminaries. Where are they located ? In Nueva Caceres, Cebu, and Jaro. These are seminaries of secondary education ? ' Yes, sir. They take young boys and carry them clear through as the}^ graduate ? Yes, sir; in the third I mentioned that is the course. Have any of the members of your order acted as parish priests ? No; not up to the present time; but now we have some parish priests since February of last year. But you had none before the revolution ? None. That will shorten a great deal the question I wish to ask. How many did you say there were acting as parish priests now ? Two only, in the same parish. Does the order own any agricultural property in the islands ? We own nothing in the islands except the house in which we live and a garden. You own the house in which you have the seminary? No; only the house on San Marcelino and a little garden. The rest belongs to the prelates of the church. If these circumstances were the same in respect to all the orders, I CHURCH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 93 would not be bothering any of the others. Isn't it true that there is no feeling of hostility against your order among the people of any kind? So far as we know there is absolutely none. And there would be no difficulty about the members of your order going anywhere about the islands? No; so far as I know. ^ Were any of them imprisoned or assaulted during the re H tion ? S None. 1 was there for a year and a half whe (£ cans came, and I was not molested; and those do I, ceres have been there two years and have not % and Cebu the same way. ^ I would like to ask if you can tell the "S no hostility against 3"our order and ^ feeling against the larger orders ft Now I do not press that question o the information? The reason is because on the one hand, and on the other hand because we have not come in contact with the Masons, who are the real element against the order. Is not the real reason this — that you have not attempted to exercise political power and have not, in the sense the other people have, repre- sented the Government and the sovereignty of Spain in many civil functions ? That undoubtedly had great influence, because we have not exer- cised any political functions whatever. That is the principal reason. I wish we had fifteen hundred of your order. We are very few. Have you not a branch of your order in the United States ? Quite a number in the United States — New York, Philadelphia^ New Orleans. Can not you induce them to come out here ? I think it is difficult. We have not enough people over there. The learning of the language of the natives is difficult. Every province has its own distinct language. But in six months they could learn so as to converse. For working purposes six months would be sufficient, but not for preaching. But in one year 3^ou could preach ? Yes, sir. I have never heard it said that any of your members were ever charged with immorality in the islands. Is that true? Never. How is your order supported ? By exercise of the ministry by the seminaries themselves. The students pay tuition. In what parts of the islands are you located now? Nueva Caceres, Cebu, Jaro, and Manila. Are there as many of the order in the islands now as there were in 1896? Eleven have left for Spain. Ten left last year and 1 this year, and now we have 38. We had 49. Expression of thanks. Adjourned. 94 CHURCH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. JESUITS.— MIGUEL SADERRA MATA, FOR SUPERIOR OF THE JESUITS WHO IS ILL. August 4, 1900. Q. When did your order come to the Philippines? A. The}^ came here at two dilfferent periods; 1581 first, and remained to 1768, and in 1859 we returned again. Q. How many priests did you have in the islands in 1896 before the revolution began? [Presents the president with a book containing this information, 167 including the lay brothers; in Manila 24 priests, L3 scholastics, and 25 laymen, and in Mindanao 62 priests and 43 lay- men. These scholastics are not students themselves but are teachers.] Q. How many were lay members ? A. Sixty-eight. Q. What are the duties of the lay brothers ? A. Among the Jesuits a priest is always a lay brother who manages the household. Q. Of course it is included in that book, but I would like to know generally in what towns and villages the members of your order acted as parish priests ? A. Only in Mindanao and the adjacent islands, but they are not properl}^ speaking parish priests; they are missionaries. Q. Was there imposed upon your order when they came back to the islands a condition that the}^ should act only as missionaries and should own no property ? A. That condition was imposed upon themselves by themselves. Q. Was there a condition imposed by the Government as to the ownership of property ? A. They say that there is a condition that we should not claim any- thing in the way of property. Q. Did the priests of your order that acted as missionaries receive a stipend from the Government? A. Yes, sir. Q. Did that vary from $500 to $1,200? A. I believe from |500 to $800, which was the highest. Q. Who built the missionary churches in which the members of your order officiated? A. The missionaries themselves generall}^. Q. You mean out of funds that they collected in the church? A. It was done both by church funds and by the work which as per- formed by those deputized by the Government to do it in its position as vice patron. We also ourselves performed work because we placed brothers who acted as architects and as master carpenters and master masons, and from funds of the missionaries themselves and alms. Q. Is not it a fact that the Jesuit order requires a longer and more thorough education than an}^ of the other orders of the church ? A. As to its being better I do not know, but as to more time being employed in the education, yes. Q. It is at least nine years? A. It is sixteen years. Q. Before they officiated as priests ? A. Before ordination sixteen years. Q. Does your order own any agricultural property in the islands? CHUECH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. % A. Here is an inventory of the [handing]. None of them are what you would call agricultural lands. They are mostly in cities and necessary adjuncts to buildings. Q. Do you own any property in Benguet? A. Yes, sir. Q. Is that down in this list? A. No; as we have not got it, it is not down there. The Benguet property would be like the sanatorium in . We own no prop- erty which produces anything. All our property is for the purposes of the order and not for the collection of income. We had a place in Mindanao so that when students left the college they were furnished with a small piece of land. Q. Is not it true that practically no charges of immorality have been brought against the members of j^our order in these islands ? A. It is true that none have been made. I recall that the secretary" to Augustine, the governor-general, said to me that against me there was no anonymous letter. Q. Have you any reason to doubt that if the members of your order returned to their parishes they would be received without violence by the people to whom they should be assigned? A. We have eleven in Mindanao now, and they are working unmo- lested, and where they have no Jesuit priests we are receiving letters continuously asking to have them sent there. We have letters from General Bates and General Kobbe stating that the people there have been asking for them. The governors of the towns there have sent letters stating that they wanted them to be there. Q. How many of your order remain in the islands now? ^^"-^A^Ninety-three. Q. Where have the others gone? A. They returned into Spain, but from there they have been ordered to different places. Q. Why did they go away? A. Because there was nothing for them to do here. The head of this mission is in Spain, and when there is nothing to do here they are recalled by the head of the mission in Spain. Q. You mean nothing to do on account of the state of war ? / A. Yes, sir; because conditions were so upset. Fifty-three of the / remaining 93 are in the municipal atheneum, 4 of them are provision- / ally administering parishes in the province of Cavite, 29 in the normal ( school and observatory, 2 in the Ermita parish, 2 absent in the United \ States, and the remaining 11 are in the missions of Mindanao. ^ The \parish here in Ermita was imposed on us by the archbishop. We did iLot have this parish before. Q. I want to ask you one question more, and then I am done. What makes the difference in the feeling of the people, or the reputed feeling of the people, between your order and the four larger orders here ? A. I have given that before in this way: In the first place, we have no haciendas; and another reason is that nothing has been said against our habits up to the present time; and further, the fact of our teaching. Q. Is not another reason that they did not mingle in politics and were not used by the governor-general for political purposes ?^ A. I will answer that question by stating what an Indian said to me yesterday: ''You people always went into these questions when it was for the benefit of the people at large and not for the individual." 96 CHURCH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. Father Doyle. That is a hard question, for I myself can not at the time understand this popular feeling of the people. Q. Where a popular feeling is made up of a good many elements, and judging from what the priests say, the Spanish Government used those people as the representatives of their power, and when they wanted anything done they left it to the priests, and consequently when the feeling against Spain grew bitter the feeling against the friars grew bitter. Of course that is only one element and then how far the feeling actually exists is another question. Father Doyle. In many towns there were no garrisons and no white man but the priest. The Government was sometimes almost obliged to do that. The difference may be that we are not parish work- ers, but missionaries. Our principal work was missionary work. Q. I think if the}^ had had two friars to every parish, as you had, things might have been different? A. As to the political functions exercised by our order, the Spanish Government, it is true, did confer some trusts and demand some func- tions of a civil order from the parish priests and missionaries, such as the inspection of schools and participation in certain provincial or local boards of charity, proceeds of corporation, etc. We come within this latter part more than the other, and in the new towns and in new Christian Settlements, represented the mace of authority from the Government of Spain to those selected by the Government of Spain to have it. That was all the missionaries ever had to do. Expression of thanks. Adjourned. ARCHBISHOP OF MANILA. Your grace, how long have you been in the Philippines ? Twenty-six years, with an interval of eighteen months, when I made a trip to Europe. Have you ever had a parish in the islands? No; formerly I was professor in Manila. How long have you been archbishop ? Since 1889. Were you a bishop before that time ? No. As I understand it, the archbishop is (1) the bishop of the See of Manila, and (2) the metropolitan of the other bishoprics in the archi- pelago ? He has a certain intervention, rather limited in fact, in all of the other bishoprics. I presume that the See of Manila is the largest in the archipelago in point of population, and probably also in point of the number of parishes? Yes, in both. Does it include more than the province of Manila? Many other provinces: Bulacan, Pampanga, part of Tarlac, all of Zambales, Cavite, Laguna, Batangas and Bataan, and the island of Mindoro. The other part of the province of Tarlac was a part of the See of Nueva Segovia. It is the custom, I think, and always has been, for the Church to give to the bishoprics and the archbishoprics the name of the largest city ? They are named after the civil capital. CHURCH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 97 Do YOU speak Tagalog? Very little. The Tagalog language can not be known with an}^ degree of perfection unless yon live in the provinces. Not going out of Manila, one does not learn it readih'. It has no literature? A very imperfect literature; some romances — idyls that they sing in the towns. Have 3"ou observed the character of the Tagalogs and the other races in the islands ? Naturally; because one living in the Philippines would notice the differences which exist between the different races. I have asked this because I find that through the priests, and the bishops of the church especially, I can get more accurate information as to the character of the inhabitants than through almost anyone else. Naturally; as thej come in closer contact with the people they will appreciate the differences. The}^ are what might be termed more essentially differences in trait and character than ''zoological" diff'er- ences. The same differences that exist between the white and the black races are not observed among these people. They are a bright race in learning — at least as children ? Yes, sir; they lend themselves to education. They learn languages with very little difficulty ? The}^ never learn a language profoundly or philosophically, but for social purposes and conversation they are very apt — ver}^ quick to learn. To show my meaning in this particular — that the}^ are quick to learn mere conversational matter and no deeper subject — there is a case of a ^''oung native who was brought up in one of the schools here, and who was absoluteh" protected and surrounded by all safeguards to pre- vent him from speaking his own language. This child needed three years to become cognizant of what was meant by any written signs which needed thought to appreciate what the eye was reading; and that term of three years may be put down as the average time neces- sary for a native to grasp knowingly a foreign language; but the power to speak it superficially they can acquire verj^ rapidly. It is true, nevertheless, that were they educated outside their own country, where their surroundings would be entireh^ different from those at home, the}^ would learn more rapidh^ for despite all the efforts to keep them from contact with those who speak their own language, whenever they get together they will always speak in their own tongue. I suppose when they talk they mix in a good deal of Spanish? Yes, sir. So that the Tagalog is full of Spanish expressions ? Yes, sir; very naturally, for all these languages here are very poor, especiall}^ in terms expressing abstract ideas — which they could not express at all in their own language except by paraphrasing, so that they were forced to take to Spanish — such as "God," '' religion," the word ''republican," that would need a great man}^ words to express it in their own language. " Revolution," "insurrecto," also are Span- ish. They stick to the latter word with a great deal of force. Are they rather a light-hearted race, easil}^ affected by pleasure, dancing, music, and such things? The}^ are. They differ greatly from the European race in that S. Doc. 190 7 98 CHUKCH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. innate feeling which moves Europeans. They are more impelled by extra-neous influences than by innate influence or impulse. They are easily moA^ed, then ? I have never seen, of course, all tribes, but I have seen nearly all of the Malayan race, and I do not know of any race existing which is more responsive to its surroundings. There being no proper individuality, if the}^ live in good surroundings, they will be good, and if the}" live in bad surroundings, they will be bad. They have very little tenacity or moral stamina^ There is an absolute want of character. They can not grasp an idea and by their own mental efi'ort determine whether it is proper or improper. They have not the logical faculty developed at all ? They have just sufficient of the logical faculty to be rational beings. I have observed in a number of them who have been educated a desire to rush into abstract principles, as if that was the atmosphere they loved, without much capacity to reason on the subject? They have not sufficient mental capacity to digest any abstract question. But they like to live in that atmosphere? The idealists. A noticeable feature of the native people, and also of the mixed races, is that they lack the capacity to apply knowledge or scientific research or thought to objects which surround them. In other words, prudence and discretion are absolutel}^ unknown to them. This is in all the races and in all the paths of life. For instance, a law- yer comes from his law school with brilliant attainments, profound acquisition of knowledge, but when he is about to take a case he can not apply those principles to the facts in the case. They lack practicability ? Yes, sir. And their life is a series of fleeting impressions, with actions founded on them? Exactly. Another noticeable feature of the race is that very soon after they leave an educated atmosphere, they lose all they have learned. I take the libert}^ of making one suggestion which I think should be borne in mind by all Government officials — their proneness to sugges- tions from others. That, perhaps, is their most remarkable and all- absorbing character. If a man appears whom they consider a great man among the people — some person who occupies a topmost position^ they idolize him; think him something divine. They never stop to reason, but follow him blindly, as if he was of divine origin. Are they variable in the sense that a single misstep will change it all ? It is the only way for the idol to sufier a fall. What the Spaniards did in America, and which was considered a most barbarous thing, was to burn all the idols of the Indians, so that they could no longer follow them, and that is what will have to be done here — burn their idols. Metaphorically speaking ? Oh, naturally. They are an artistic race, are they not? They could hardly be called an artistic race except in a very limited degree. They can not devise anything themselves, but in imitation they are very good. They enjo}^ music very much, do they not? They have a marvelous faculty for retaining music, and they are CHURCH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 99 very responsive to music, but originality in the creation of music they have none. For instance, an Indian will hear a melod}^ on the Luneta and he will retain it to such an extent that he will write it out after- wards — hours afterwards. They have sufficient knowledge of music to read it? Many of them. They have a prodigious memory, but a majority play by ear. This prodigious memory is noticeable in other things as well as music. They need it in their language, don't they ? I have had students, sacerdotal students, who could take a book and learn it from beginning to end and repeat it like a parrot and not know one word of what it meant. In that they are marvelous. Many who make up these orchestras here— they must read music as well as play by ear ? There are many conductors of orchestras that have been in the Spanish regimental bands and a great many of the men themselves ean read music, but there is a large number who play by ear. Do they have a fondness for a particular kind of music, or does all music please them? They love all music, but they are particularly entranced by this light music. Do you think their taste for classical music could be improved by hearing it? Yes, sir. The}^ will never interpret it with the soul and feeling of a person of the white race, but they will interpret it mechanically, all of it, without leaving an3^thing out. I have observed that the painters, these day laborers, reall}^ have considerable faculty with the brush on the walls. The pinnacle the master has reached, they have reached, but always imitative. They never can go beyond their teacher. Do they make good copies from the old masters ? I have never seen what might be called a copy of superior worth, but I have seen some what might be termed fair. I have some rather good ones in my house. I have understood that they have considerable faculty in mechanical engineering, in running engines and such things. They have very skillful hands for any work of that kind. Are they pretty good surveyors and railroad engineers — of that sort which requires much originalit}^? Entering upon avocations which require mathematical knowledge, they are not so good. The science of mathematics is one they can not grasp. That requires too much of the logical faculty ? Yes, sir. That is beyond them. In merely elementary arithmetic they are fairly good, but when you get to higher mathematics, where the reasoning faculties are brought into play, they can not cope with them. I think their taste for music must have been developed by the Span- ish language. What your grace is now saying to me sounds like melody. No; that is innate with them. This development of their innate musical sense is largety attributable to the religious exercises. At the beginning, when the missionaries first came here, they conducted their services with a great deal of singing to attract the natives. Most of 100 CHUECH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. the musicians who have shown any aptitude in their art have been graduates of the Cathedral College, w^here music was taught, and up to a few years ago that was the onl}^ institution where music was taught at all. Is music taught in other places now throughout the archipelago ? There has always been a musical school here called the School of Singing, which is an annex to the cathedral. This is sacred music? It is sacred music after instruction in the elementary principles. Are the people much affected by religious emotions '( Oh, yes, sir. Do they take to it and then lose it rapidly ? As they have no social life except in their religious observances, the daily and extraordinary religious functions have become a necessity to them. They are very much affected by the imagery and grandeur of the Catholic ceremony, are they not? Yes, sir; to such an extent that I believe it would be useless to endeavor to implant here any religion which did not have that optical grandeur and spendor which our church has. As a proof of this, in a town where it is customary to have a religious procession and take out a saint with candles, etc., if there is a failure to do that, there is a general saddened feeling existant throughout the people of the town. They miss something. So great was the attraction of these outside religious functions in the time of the Spaniards in Manila, when they had these great religious processions, it would attract these spirits from the mountains, and the}^ would come down to town in great numbers, and that was the time for the authorities to get hold of them and tax them, and then hie them back to the woods. So much is their musical taste an innate faculty, and so responsive are they to it, that the way the original missionary fathers succeeded in getting religious thoughts inculcated into the people was b}^ translating the Bible into their language and putting it in the form of song and the entire sacred testament was thus made plain to them, and they sang it enthusiastically from Genesis to Revelations. That plan was brought from Mexico. They are a curious race, because they present such inconsistencies. At least so it seems to me. In manner they are quite imperturbable, and in suffering and that sort of thing. On the outside they are imperturbable, but it is affected. It is not what it seems. That is one great error into which those who observe them are likely to fall — to be led by that imperturbability to imagine that they are valiant, that they have stamina, when they have not. In domestic ways they are affectionate to their children, 1 have observed. Even in that particular they are very peculiar. Their affection for their children is more that of the animal than human. It is very expressive, the same as an animal, but even then, to show that it par- takes more of the animal than the human, they sometimes become ferocious and go to extremes that only animals would go to in the treatment of their offspring. As between themselves, and toward animals, too, the}" seem to be without compassion. There is absolutely no sincerity in their friendship and the}^ have no pity. During the revolution I have observed that they have rarely violated CHURCH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 101 the laws of war toward the Americans, but in terrorizing their own people they have been guilty of the most outrageous brutality ? Yes, even to the extent of burying them alive, cutting off their arms, their legs, and cutting out their tongues. How many parishes are there in your diocese? There are 219 priests. There are three kinds of parishes — parishes, mission parishes, and active missions; but some of them are very large parishes by reason of the want of priests. • Can you tell me, generally, how these parishes are officiated — b}^ what orders and by what classes of priests, I mean, before 1896? Augustinians, 75; Recoletos, 59; Franciscans, 47; Dominicans, 11, and secular clergymen, 21. Were the secular clergy natives? All. Outside of the regular orders the rest of the clergy were all natives. Here [handing statement to president] is a statement which shows the number of parish priests and missionaries in the archipelago, another giving the number of priests in each diocese, and lastly the number of souls in each diocese, which 1 have brought for you. Was it not a fact, b}^ reason of the absence of other Spaniards in most of the parishes, that the Spanish Government came to rely on the Spanish priest as the strongest support of the Government throughout the islands ? Yes; as the onl}^ element in which the Government could place any confidence and who had any intelligence. And, as a consequence, the Government was in the habit of imposing civil functions, either by law or by custom, upon most of the parish priests ? We have interrogated a number of gentlemen who preceded your grace, and I suppose you concur in their evidence that they were inspectors of schools, that they took the census, and that they were, in a sense, police agents, upon whom the Government called for informa- tion concerning the character of the people in their parishes? That is all very true, except that these parish priests gave no reports as to the private life of the individual, because that would be contrary to the tenets of the church. I want to ask one question, if it is not going beyond the bounds — that is, if these people were sincere in their confessions ? I think so. They were affected by their religious emotions. Those who draw near to the confessional are all sincere, but all do not draw near. It is a great thing to get some things into the character of the peo- ple that are genuine and true, for upon that you can gradually build up to what is worth something. That is very true. The parish priests also were really the advisers of everybody in the village, official and otherwise? That is true. And being loyal to Spain and representing the Government of Spain in so man}^ capacities, was it not natural that those who began the insurrection against Spain should have a hostility toward these repre- sentatives ? It is very natural. All the more so since this feeling of enmity was not so much that of the great mass of the people as those who consti- tuted this revolting element against the sovereignt}^ of Spain. I want to ask your grace about the relative proportion among the 102 CHURCH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. people of this active revolting element to which reference has been made. You would have to run over the entire archipelago in your mind to arrive at that figure. In the beginning it was only the Tagalogs; now it has spread, and yet it is only a minute proportion, because this element of disturbance is only composed of those people who call themselves educated, and even from those people you have to subtract a certain proportion. That is what 1 want to find out. Of course, your grace can not say exactly, but I would like to get your idea of the proportion of the so-called educated Tagalogs to the mass. Judging from the data collected by ecclesiastics, which is the only data on which any reliance can be placed up to the present time, the Filipino population, leaving out of course those who are in a semisav- age state in the forest, is about 7,000,000. The so-called educated element does not amount to 6,000. That excludes, of course, those who know onl}^ how to read and write, and includes only those who have had a college education — those who have taken a secondary course and who are in the professions. The masses who are in the insurrec- tionary ranks you would not have to pay any attention to; they are either led by fear or by ignorance. I want to tell 3^ou a conversation I had with a young educated Fil- ipino, who was going to the United States to continue his studies. I said to him that I was glad he was going, because I wanted him to go to a countr}^ where he should understand what real individual liberty was; that there he would find out that it was possible for a minority to live under the rule of the majority and enjoy the same rights as the majority; that his idea or the idea of the Filipino as to liberty was the right of the majority to rule and imprison or cut the throats of the minorit}^ and he responded to me, with considerable impatience, that that was the feeling, possibly, among the masses, but that among the governing and educated element there was a very different feeling, and that between the educated Filipino and the masses there was an immen- sity of space that we could not appreciate. What can be said is that the masses of the people still retain a little bit of common sense; whereas, those who boast of being the high and mighty have lost it entirely. It is a pity, but it is true. The}^ are nothing but overgrown children, who by mimicking civilization believe that they have reached the height of civilization. Are not the mass of the people, as are most rural communities, sim- ple, and have that kind of honesty which comes with simplicity ? Within the conditions of their race, they have that native honesty and simplicit}^ In times gone by, prior to the revolution of 1896, the mass of the people had a simplicity that was really enchanting. One could travel around without a guard into the provinces and go through an immense lot of people, and they would always receive him with open arms. They were very hospitable and the first house 3"0u came to you could take and use as your own. They are generally a ver}^ hospitable race, are the}" not';! Yes, sir. They get that from the Spaniards? By no means. Of course, the Christian civilization the Spaniards have brought them has developed this, but in all the Malayan races you will find a certain innate kindliness and hospitality. CHURCH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 103 They certainly have derived from the Spaniards the courtesy of manners and politeness ? Of course, they may have learned some of that. Have they not more skill in instrumental music than in vocal music? Their voices are hardly trained? A great deal more, for I have never known in adults of a single case where a voice might be called a superior yoice; but among the 3^oung children, when their voices are what might be called soprano, there have been some that would attract attention anywhere. Then the}^ make fine choir boys ? Yes, sir. They have no chests. The}^ are a very pusillanimous race. There have been cases where a man has died of fright. It could not be otherwise, for look at what they have to live on — a little bit of rice and a small piece of fish — and the spirit has to be in relation with the physical organism. They are very temperate, are they not? Yes, sir. They do not eat much and do not drink much. On some feast days they may fill themselves without measure, but that is about once a j^ear. They eat for a whole month. The strain of a Filipino lunch I have undergone m3\self, with the great number of courses they have. Whenever the}^ eat at sombody's else expense they always eat well, and when they give a banquet or anything of that kind it is to an exag- gerated degree, but after the banquet is over all they eat in the house is a little bit of fish and a little bit of rice. This fact makes them very subject to being carried oif by epidemics? Yes; and their method of living in nonh3"gienic surroundings. They are cleanly in their person, are they not? Otherwise the smell of their bodies would be unendurable. Those who are extremely careless about their personal condition are the Chi- nese. All of this goes to prove that the climatic conditions of Manila are remarkably good, because the hygienic conditions have been any- thing but good and would rather invite epidemics, and 3^et the}^ have escaped them. I agree with you in that. I think it is one of the most remarkable archipelagos in the world. Yes, sir; you have a diversit}^ of climate here, and while you do not get the frigid climate you have all the temperate zone temperatures. The percentage of illness in the Arm}^ is lower than it would be in the southern portion of the United States? Yes, sir; and that, too, when the conditions in the field are anything but the best. Now, about the stipend paid the parish priests bv the Government of Spain— that varied from |500 to |1,200. The highest salary paid was $1,200, which was paid to from ten to twelve parishes in the entire archipelago. The others were $900, $800, $600, and $500. How were the churches built in your see'^ The same as in all the rest of the archipelago. Usually at the ini- tiative of the parish priests, who usuall}" utilized an amount which was appropriated by the Government of Spain for a church-building fund, which was five, six, and eight hundred dollars, according to the category of the parish. In fact in the majority of cases, b}' the aid of 104 CHURCH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. the parishioners themselves, because it was always the greatest ambi tion of the inhabitants of a barrio to become first a municipalit}^ by themselves and next a parish, and very often for the purpose of get- ting a government for themselves the}^ would advance funds for a church— help to build a church. A parish usually had one church in the main part of the town ? Each town contained one parish church. The civil unit was also the ecclesiastical unit. The parish and the pueblo were identical. And the pueblo was like our township in the United States and the province was made up of pueblos, each with a number of barrios? Yes, sir; and at times these barrios surrounded the pueblo. Now, in the barrios, could not they have churches as well as in towns? No. Only a species of chapels — just for the purpose of having once a year a function in honor of the titular saint of that barrio, and also for the use of those who by reason of their distance from the central church could not go there to perform their religious devotions. I believe the ordinary canonical rule was that a person was not obliged to attend church by going more than 4 or 5 miles ? That was not an obligation. It was only a recommendation. About 4 leagues. That was only a recommendation, so that enough churches might be built to prevent anybody from going more than 4 leagues. In whose name is the land on which the churches stand ? In the name of the superior authority of the diocese, who was the bishop. But, as a matter of fact, there were no written deeds, because the church, the seminary, and the parsonage were considered as pub- lic buildings, so that even after the registration was instituted they were not recorded, and this grows out of the provision of the Spanish law, which is based on the provision of the canonical law, that every- thing which is devoted to worship is outside of commerce and trade. Now, the house in which you live — is the title to that registered? I do not know of any registration of it. History recounts, so far as I have been able to investigate, that in the seventeenth century the plot on which the former residence stood (for it had been changed in time) a Mexican secular priest built the house out of his own funds, and in his will left it to his successor. The reason this Mexican bishop had to build it out of his own pocket was that there were not sufficient government funds, as it was an obligation of the Spanish Government to build churches, provide seminaries, and conventos, and build a pal- ace for the bishop, all of which grows out of a compact between the Pope and the Government of Spain that they should endow churches and priests to carry on religious teachings. Now, the cathedral is held in the same way? This cathedral has been destroyed four times by fire and earth- quakes, but it was not built by public funds originally, but by several archbishops. The Government has, however, invested about $200 in one or two reconstructions of it. And the land on which it stands — that is what ordinarily makes the title to the building? That was government land. All of these islands were called royal lands. My questions are directed toward a straightening out of the titles, because where there is separation of church and state, you have got to have separate titles. Yes, sir; now it has got to assume another form. CHURCH LAIRDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 105 What my question leads up to is the proper form of action to be taken by the government of the islands, representing the Government of the United States, to give to the church and to the Catholics of the parish the legal title to the property used for worship and to the par- sonages and seminaries, because we are not here to rob the Catholic Church. The Government may make mistakes, but it will never do an injus- tice. I have been so certain of this that I did not, like others, take any precaution to assure the title to my property, for I felt certain the Government would protect me in the matter. I understand that b}^ the canonical law the person in whose name the property belonging to the chvirch should stand is the bishop — that is, he is the person representing the church in the diocese, and that it is the duty of each bishop to make a will securing the property to his successor ? That is correct. We have had communication from various people in the provinces who sa}^ "we built this church," and yet it stands on State property, and we should like to have the title cleared up in some way. Now, would this kind of conveyance express the real title: "To the arch- bishop or to the bishop of the diocese, for the use of the Catholic residents of the particular pueblo"? Yes; that is the proper way to proceed. Of course, the only questions that are likely to arise will be (like the San Jose case) with respect to such other properties, 1 am told, to which complete religious character is not assured; but with respect to all property used for worship or mere necessary adjuncts to worship — the seminary, the parsonage — there will not be the slightest trouble about our giving to the church that propert}^ and giving the church a legal title. I do not mean to intimate that the other property may not be of the same character, but of this there can be no doubt. Yes; this is very clear, and the rest will go on clearing up, too. Now, what I want our grace to explain to me is the "obras pias" and the "obras mitre." Those funds whose administration is directly and exclusively in the hands of the bishop are called "obras pias of the mitre," but those known generally as "obras pias" are intrusted to the administration of another party, or of another entity under the jurisdiction of the bishop. Sometimes it is controlled by a single person and sometimes by a board; ordinarily it is a board. That is the only difference between what is known as the "mitre" fund and the "obras pias" fund. Now, what goes to make up the " obras pias?" In the 3^ear 1850 several "obras pias," which were intended for separate objects and which are administered by different people, were brought together and centralized and put under one direction. The funds which constitute what is known here as the "general obras pias" are four: Santo Domingo, San Francisco, Isabel, and the Recol- letos. These four funds were managed by four different people, and when the funds were all joined together these four formed a board for the management of them all. The joining or bringing together of these four funds was by order of the Spanish Government, whose idea was to found this Spanish-Filipino Bank, and which, as a matter of fact, was founded bv the union of these four funds. The government 106 CHUKCH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. was very anxious to establish a bank, and they bethought themselves that the easiest way (recognizing their right of intervention in ecclesi- astical matter by Pontifical authority) was to unite the four funds. Under the b3^-laws these four funds are to be managed so as to pro- duce the greatest benefit for the objects for which they are intended. They are usually employed in advancing money upon mortgages to land- property titles. The archbishop presides over the annual meet- ing of this board, but they have to render account to him at all times. The income of the fund is used to pay expenses of the masses, to build charitable institutions, and to discharge other pious works, as I understand it'^ Yes, sir. All of these funds were originated by Spaniards. There are no natives interested whatever in it. Aside from the religious and pious ends to which the income of these funds are devoted they also pay yearly portions of the income to the descendants of the original makers of those funds according to the will of the man who founded the fund. They do not, however, turn over any of the income to the general treasury of the religious orders except for services rendered in giving mass and that sort of thing. The only amounts which are paid over to the treasury of the differ- ent orders are such as the founders of the fund themselves ordered should be paid over at certain times, and those are handed directly over to the different orders for different purposes, according to the behests of the founders of the fund, under the supervision of the archbishop. There are some of these funds destined every year to the convent of Santa Clara, and some to missionary work in China. The regular orders here are no more beneficiaries than any other bene- ficiary of a will would be. As I understand it, the fund of the "obras pias" is principally occupied in supporting the larger part of the capital of the Filipino Bank. Is it still there? There have been large accretions to the original fund, and 1 do not know now what proportion of the capital it represents, but in the beginning it was the capital of the bank. I do not remember the fig- ures very well, but I have an idea that when the several funds were paid over at first for establishing the bank they amounted to $600,000. Would your grace be willing to give me a general estimate as to the amount the " obras pias" has now reached and its annual income ? I can not tell you offhand, but 1 can get it for you and furnish it to you in writing. There is a great deal of misinformation on the general subject of ecclesiastical ownership of property here, and I want to clear it up if I can. I understand that very well and fully recognize myself the aptness and proneness of the people in this society to attribute wrongdoings and evil impulses to everybod3^ I have always proceeded on the plan to give out everything and will be glad to have the opportunit3^ As to the "miter fund," is that like the other, except that your grace administers it as archbishop and it was provided in the fund that 3^ou should administer it? ' It is administered by the secretary of the archbishop. This " miter fund," or what goes to make the "miter fund" now, was originally known as a fund, administered by different for different purposes. It was public^ administered and a certain archbishop CHURCH LANDS i:N^ PHILIPPIN^E ISLANDS. 107 ordered it to be united and made into one fund and put under the direct supervision of the archbishop. What was the source of the fund ? It is a pious legacy, given for mass only. And that is under the direct control of the secretary- for the arch- bishop \ Yes, sir. It has now grown to be a large fund ? The onh" wa}^ in which it has grown is b}^ the enhanced value of the property" from which the legac^^ flows. But I suppose the contributions of those who died and left these leo'acies continued and increased^ There are also losses h\ typhoons, fires, and earthquakes. Have 3^ou any agricultural property in either of these funds i In the general "obras pias,-' not in the "miter.'' Yes, but it is all recorded. Would you object to giving me a statement of that? I shall be glad to. A man who can tell you more about that than I is the chief justice of the supreme court. Up to his appointment he was the administrator. Then I will ask him to give me a statement, if you do not object. The data I will furnish myself, because it is all in the secretary's office, but if 3"ou want anj" interpretation, I would suggest that you ask Judge Arellano. I have found in my judicial experience that there is a great dif- ference between rumors and facts. I want to get the facts. You will find that difl:'erence to be greater in the Philippines than an3"where else, because Manila is a city of lies. Will 3^ou be good enough in this statement, which you say you will prepare for me, to give me a general statement of the income of the two funds before 1896? I do not want to go into details, but in round numbers. What was the S3^stem with respect to the assignment of priests in the parishes? Were the}^ ordinarily kept in the same parish during their life or were they rotated ? There was a difierent method of designating men for the differ- ent parishes, but no one ever staj^ed in one parish for a lifetime. They were under the jurisdiction of the superior. AVhat has heretofore been called the ? The and also the provincials. The provincials exercised an authority then under the archbishop with respect to the rotation of the priests ? Yes, sir. The provincial of the order would recommend to the archbishop a change, and then it would be made with his concurrence? Exactly. So that the immediate discipline of the parish priests was under the provincial of the order, and that was under the supervision of the archbishop ? Yes, sir. Of course the secular priests were directh^ under the supervision of the archbishop? Yes, sir. Were anv charoes of immoralitv ever made during vour incumbencv against the priests in your see i Yes; accusations — man3\ 108 CHURCH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. And the}^ were, of course, investigated? All investigated; but with results in only seven or eight cases. Do you think it possible that immorality might have existed among others and the provincials of the order not know it? A few cases might have existed, but, generally speaking, it would have been very difficult. But the great difficulty here, as the Ameri- can authorities will soon discover, is to get at the truth of the charges. It has often happened when 1 have been investigating certain rumors regarding the priests to find the natives likely to say "yes" to-day and " no " to-morrow. In certain cases I have had papers from Indians bearing their signatures, making accusations against parish priests, and when asked if they signed that paper they would say ""Yes," and then I would ask if it was so, and they would say " No," that they signed it because someone asked them to do so. Another serious obstruction to the administration of justice in these cases is that even when actual guilt exists they will, in making the charges, surround them with so man}^ lies and immaterial accusations that to sift out the truth is almost an impossibilit}^ and they really render the charges useless by this false and infamous calumny. Do you think that the immorality, such as existed, was the cause of any hostility on the part of the parishioners against the priests? Absolutely none at all, because they have no moral sense. The principle in this lies in that they do not ever complain against a priest, no matter whether he has this or that ugly vice. The only time they complain is when the}^ have a little revenge to reap. Do they complain against the native priests ? Sometimes, verj^^ seldom, where there is a clash of interests. Other- wise they never accuse them. On the whole, the native priests are much less rigid in their moral- ity than the Spanish priests, are they not? A great deal less. As in the physical sense he is weaker, so also is he in the moral. It must also be recognized as a fact that a native priest at the head of the parish has much less prestige than a white priest. Now, as to the chastity of the Philippine women ; they are not gen- erally and promiscuously unchaste, are they? No, they are not. It is true of all people that there is more chas- tity in women than in men, but here it is especially noticeable. I have observed that they are quite modest according to their lights. Now, while they are not promiscuously unchaste, I have heard it said that there is a good deal of disregard for the necessit}^ of the ceremony of marriage before they begin to live together as man and wife. But in turn the Indian woman living in concubinage is always rest- less. She wants to have her marriage solemnized in order to legiti- matize the children. And she is usually faithful to the man with whom she is living ? Generally, yes; and generally the man is not. The Avoman is bet- ter than the man here in every way. In intelligence, in virtue, and in labor; and a great deal more economical. She is ver}^ much given to trade and trafficking. If an 3^ rights or privileges are to be granted to the natives, do not give them to the men but to the women. Then you think it would be much better to give the women the right to vote than the men? Oh, much more. Why, even in the fields, it is the women who do the work. The men go to the cockfights and gamble. CHUECH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 109 And the men have no hesitancy about living on the earnings of the women 'i The woman is the one who supports the man here; so every law of justice demands that even in political life they should have the privi- lege over the men. You have to conform to nature. I must render just tribute to the American army here. I have noticed all along the consideration they have had for the women. It is worthy of com- ment. If they had been Spaniards, or Italians, or Frenchmen, they would have committed more breaches in the line of moralit}^ than the American soldier has. Throughout the provinces the rumor had run that the American soldier was a beast in ever}" way — a savage. As to the looting of the churches — how much was done by the vol- unteers? I have understood that they have been very severely pun- ished for what the}^ did. The dislike of the native women to the American is due a great deal to this despoliation of the churches, for, as in other countries, she is more religious naturalh^ than the man, and a great deal of that was done. What has created the greatest outcry against the American troops was the treatment of the sacred images in the churches — tear- ing olf arms and throwing them outside like a puppet. That has ceased since the volunteers went away ? Yes. There were very many good men among those former volun- teers; but, naturally, the bad element controlled. As to the possibility of the parish priests obtaining the deportation of men whom they thought ought to be banished from the community by application to the governor-general — will you kindly give me your views on that? Those are very rare cases. There have been a few. Upon the peti- tion of a parish priest any deportation ensuing is a ver}" rare case. As to the deportation of men by the civil authorities upon their own investigation, assisted in a wa}" by the parish priests, but not upon his initiative, there were several; but the civil authorities generall}^ made the accusation against the man, and the governor-general would ask the parish priest to report upon the facts in the case, and he rendered that report, and it was understood to be entirely confidential, and it might be for or against the man, and afterwards, when deportation ensued, very often the local civil authority would give it out that the parish priest made the accusation, and naturally it brought upon him the dread of the community. That has been done in all sections of the island, but principally among the Tagalogs. Now, I want to talk with your grace a little on the school question ? That is ver}^ important. We are charged with the duty of establishing a public school system here, and the only way we can make it a good system at all is to lev}^ substantial taxes. I think that the time when that will be proper proceeding will be delayed considerabh^ It is true that the best use that can be made of the proceeds of taxation is in education. You have laid down the prin- ciple that the best thing to do at the beginning is to establish a good public school system, and I will lay down the principle that you ^yill have to do it independently of the Indians. To give the administration of the schools to him is to throw the mone}^ in the fire. Q. We expect to retain sufiicient control over the system to prevent that if we can, but what we need most is the cooperation of the church. A. It has alwavs been the desire of the church to instruct the chil 110 CHURCH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. dren in order to make a good foundation for religious training, and you want to awaken the intelligence of the child suflficient to enable him to grasp the civil side of life. Q. You know the restrictions placed upon the disbursement of money in America raised by taxation in that it must be nonsectarian. But this is a Catholic country, and it will be a better country as it is a better Catholic country, and we wish to give as full opportunity as we can, subject to the restrictions I have mentioned, for the instruc- tion of the school children, either before or after the regular instruc- tion, by the priest or teacher whom the church will select, in morality and religion, and we wish to give the same opportunity to other churches. Now, such a system has worked in some parts of America. In a great many parts of America no religious instruction is permitted in the schools at all, but we are in a different country, and so long as we keep within the line of not ourselves paying people for instruction in a particular religion, we want to give full opportunity to the opera- tion of the church in moral and religious instruction to the children, and we have said to our superintendent of instruction that while it is not possible, of course, to discriminate in favor of Catholic teachers in selecting those whom we hope to bring out here, we are very anxious in any legitimate way to make that number a just and fair proportion. A. That is a ver}^ good idea. Q. We are very anxious, in every way that we can legitimately, to secure the powerful cooperation of the Catholic Church in educational and other measures. A. The Government may rely upon that naturally, for if only for our own pride we would endeavor to cultivate religious principles. Q. How man}^ priests in your see were assaulted or imprisoned uring the revolutions of 1896 and 1898? A. Nearly all of them outside of Manila. Q. How long were they kept in prison ? A. Almost up to the time this rescue took place, when the Americans advanced up to the north and down to the Camarines. Were any of them killed? At the beginning, in Zambales, -the}^ killed three. Afterwards the leaders of the insurrectory movement in the field treated them as badly as they could, but the mass of the people treated them very well — so much so that they gave them everything they had. So much so that the Spanish officers and soldiers came to get the crumbs of hospitality, which goes to prove that the people do not hate the priests as much as the Katipunans would make one believe. To what do you attribute this hostility against the friars — such as existed ? Because the parish priest was always the terror to evil doers, and the few who had ideas of independence and could explain them did not want any European witness of what they were tr^dng to do with the mass of the people. The missionary, be he a friar or secular priest, was always an agent of order and morality, and that is what they dis- liked. Those who liked to live by fishing in troubled waters did not want any missionary around them. Another reason for the hatred of the friars is that all of these Katipunans, who want independence, want nothing but native priests, because the}^ can manage them and make them their instruments, and they know that the}^ could not CHURCH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. Ill manage the white priests, and therefore they are trying to make the people hate the white priests. It has been charged that some of the feeling against the friars was due to the reported action of the friars against Rizal. Will you be good enough to tell me — to give me an account of the proceedings against Rizal from the standpoint of the Spanish Government and of a Spaniard who was here? I will be very glad to do so, because it is one of the greatest calum- nies that has been cast upon the church. The case of Rizal is one in which the church had no interference whatever, beginning with the archbishop down to the lowest friar. The}" have all made the effort to hang that accusation upon the friars. Rizal was in Europe and he came over to the Philippines and organized what he called the '" Philip- pine League," and the Government sought to see in that an element of uprising among the people, and they bethought themselves of sending him to Dapit, off the coast of Mindanao. Hethen asked permission of General Blanco to go to Cuba as a volunteer surgeon. That permis- sion was granted and he came up from the island of Dapit to Manila, but they did net let him come on shore, but held him here until the Spanish mail steamer arrived and then went to Barcelona. While he was on his way to Barcelona the uprising of 1896 occurred. The mili- tar}^ authorities, by order of General Blanco, instituted an inquiry before a military tribunal, which was entireW military, and it appeared that Rizal was complicated in this insurrectory movement. When they discovered from the result of this investigation that he was impli- cated in it, the civil governor telegraphed to have him apprehended at Barcelona on his arrival and returned to Manila. The inquiry was continued at this time, not only against him, but others who were also alleged to be implicated with him, and the result of the military tri- bunal w^as the sentence of death. In the whole of that trial there was no written or verbal testimony by anyone connected with the priests. It was a military tribunal, hearing a case without the slightest inter- vention of the religious orders; but, following the usual custom of attributing everything that was arduous, that was bad, that was wrong, to the religious element, they cast this slander upon them, which has no foundation in fact whatever; and, besides, I myself took personal pains in behalf of some others who were charged about that (but not with him) with complicity in this insurrectory movement, and I succeeded in saving their lives, but not one ever said anything about that, and the}'^ are walking around Manila daily. It has always been the custom to attribute ever}^ killing by judicial decree for political offenses in the islands to the friars without any ground whatever. Do you know Aguinaldo ? Yes, sir. In Cavite, when he was presidente, he honored me a great deal with music. What kind of a man is he ? He is poor. I can not say whether he is cultured or uncultured. He has onh^ had three years' course in secondary instruction, without any benefit to himself. Does he speak Spanish ? I do not know whether he has learned any since he has been in the field, but before he could not follow a conversation in Spanish. But hasn't he more force of character than the men he has gathered about him ? 112 CHUECH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. Not at all. Circumstances have favored him. No especial personal merit at all. His only claim was due to the fact that he was the first to rise against the Spanish Government and kill a few men of the guardia civil in Cavite, which, with their proneness to exaggerating everything, they construed into a great victory, and he was carried on the flood tides of popularity. He has no personal valor whatever. Expression of thanks. August 7, 1900. THE BISHOP OF JARO. Q. How large is 3^our diocese? A. All the island of Panay, of Negros, the district of Romblon, and Zamboanga and Jolo. Q. You have a beautiful part of the archipelago, I am told? A. Yes, sir. Q. How many parish priests were there in your diocese before the revolution ? A. About 200, including the missions. Q. Can you state generally how those priests were divided with relation to the religious orders? A. As follows: Twenty-six parishes were presided over by native priests. Three parishes, which were next adjoining the see and two neighboring islands and all of what is known as the district of Eclan, which is more than one-half the province of Capiz. All the rest of the island of Panay, which is composed of three provinces, lloilo, Capiz, and Antique, were with the Augustinian fathers. The Recole- tos were in the district of Romblon, Palawan, and the island of Bolava. The Jesuits were in Mindinao and Jolo. I will send you to-morrow the number of each order in the districts mentioned. The bishopric did not have to be presided over by the members of am^ order. My predecessor was a Recoleto, but the one prior to him was not. Jaro is the most recent bishopric. Q. It was created out of the diocese of Cebu ? A. Yes, sir. Q. What civil or political functions did the priests in your diocese actually perform ? I do not mean what the law required them to per- form, but what was thrust on them by the Spanish Government, and what did they actually do ? A. By reason of the fact that there were hardly any educated men at all in the provinces, the priests were called upon to perform almost every ofiice, administrative and executive, of a civil character, but he usually occupied the position of presiding officer of provincial boards. For instance, when I arrived here in 1875 and was designated to go to the Visayas to learn the language, in a province of 300,000 there were only four Spaniards, and consequently they had to rely on the parish priests to make a connection between the government and the people. Q. How long did it take you to learn the Visayan language ? A. Fourteen months. Q. You learned it sufficiently well in that time to preach in it ? A. Yes, sir; in four months you could learn enough to transact business. CHURCH LANDS 11^ PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 113 Q. Is it more difficult than the Tagalog? A. They are all about the same. Q. What do you think of the characteristics of the Yisayans as compared with the Tagalogs? A. More pacific and quiet. They are more humble and submissive. One of the proofs of that is that all of the Tagalogs that go from here immediately impose on the people and get the best out of them. It ma}^ be that the Tagalogs have a more worldly knowledge than the Visayans. It must also be borne in mind that the Tagalogs in this part of the islands have had more rubbing up against the foreign element. When I went there and up to a very recent time there were no foreigners in that section. Q. How are they as to industry? Do the Visayans like work any better than the Tagalogs ? A. I believe perhaps a Visayan is less addicted to work even thana. Tagalog because they have ever.y thing at hand and nothing calling for work. Nevertheless, in those places where progress demands more needs the}^ are working very well, and in the twenty-two years I have lived there the advance in agriculture has been very great. Q. And 3"ou think they are capable of being trained to work? A. Yes, sir. The proof of that is that the great sugar plantations owned by foreigners are worked by the Visayans. Q. Are the}^ skillful mechanics ? A. For imitative purposes, 3^es. Initiative they have none. Even in agriculture they do not evolve anything themselves. Q. How is it as compared with the Tagalogs as to their lack of appreciation of the difi'erence between meum and tuum? A. About the same. You can see that after all the time the parish priests have spent in trying to bring them up in proper ways they immediately^ assert themselves as the owners of ever3^thing and want to appropriate ever^^thing to themselves. As most of the population live either on river banks or the seashore, where in a half an hour they can get one or two fish and a little salt and with some herbs that grow spontaneously, thej^ do not have to work, and if a native has some- thing they want they just take it. The climate itself is very favor- able — they hardly have to wear any clothes. With the introduction of new elements, new civilization and the necessity of being clothed in public will bring about new conditions, but now climatic conditions and all are to the contrary. Q. As servants are they pilferers? A. Yes, sir. Here, for instance, the Ilocanos are considered as good servants and others as bad servants, but speaking broadly they are all the same. Those who have been nearer to the priests have learned to be a little more honest. Q. Do 3^ou think that the Ilocanos do make better servants ? A. Yes, sir; I think so. The3^ are better morall3^ and the3Mvill stick to a place longer. For instance, there is an Ilocano who had been twenty 3'ears in the convent, and some 3^ears ago in cleaning up the house he became lame and was sent to the hospital and recovered, but he is the onh^ one who has not left during the revolution. In industry, in fidelit3^, and morality the Ilocanos are the best. Q. I suppose the priests in 3^our diocese receiTe the same. stipend as the priests throughout other parts of the island ? A. Yes, sir; the same. S. Doc. 190 8 114 CHURCH LAIRDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. Q. And the building of the churches was made in the same way? A. Yes, sir; the church government is the same in all the island. Q. With reference to the title to the churches, are there deeds? A. Generally speaking, no. These lands were just donated to the church by the government or by private parties, and everybody recog- nized that fact, so there was no necessity. Q. So that there is no right, except that of prescription ? A. Yes, sir; and occupation. We can bring proofs of the posses- sion, of course. Q. Oh, yes; I understand, but I ask the question with reference to this: We must clear up the titles in these islands; we must have the public lands surveyed, and we must secure the registry of proper titles. I fancy that 3^ou can correct me if I am wrong, that the land on which most of the churches stand, so far as the records show, is Government land? A. I believe that is the fact, because twent3^-two years ago, when I went to my parish, there was no church, or convents, or anything; there was just the plan of a town made by the Government, with the different lots laid out and designated for certain purposes — a lot for the church and for the convents. Q. Of course, the Government of the United States is not here to deprive the church of its property, or to deprive the people of the right in perpetuity to the use of the church, and my questions were put with a view of determining what steps ought to be taken to make the proper titles for the land upon which the churches stand. It has occurred to me that the best way to do that would be for the Govern- ment to convey each convento and church to the bishop of the diocese for the use of the particular parish in which the church and convento stand. Would that not accord with both the rights of the parishioners who contributed to the erection of the church and to the rules of the church with reference to the holding of propert}^ ? A. Yes, sir; it should be conveyed to the office and not to the person. Q. To the bishop for the use of the parishioners who live in that particular parish? A. That is proper. That would simplify the work. For instance, ten or fifteen families live in a settlement. They ask the bishop to send a priest. He goes there, and there is no church, and there is no house, and they give him ground for the church and for the convento. They send people to get the lost souls in the forest and as they gain souls, they gain property for church purposes. Q. I suppose usually the church and convento stand on the public square ? A. Yes, sir. Very often you can tell the central part of the town by seeing the church and convento. Very often there is nothing but the church and the convento in the town. Some one asked another who had been over the archipelago what he had seen and he said nothing but churches and conventos. Q. Really the only substantial buildings in the countr}^ are the churches and conventos. The houses seem to be built of unsubstantial material ? A. The answer to that is to ask where the American troops are all quartered now. Q. In your diocese did any of the religious orders own haciendas? A. None at all. The only thing in the way of property owned by CHURCH LA:N^DS in PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 115 the orders is a small piece of property in Mindanao owned by the Jesuits — an orphanage with a piece of ground to instruct them in agriculture. Q. Did any of the orders own property for rental purposes in Iloilo and other towns ? A. Nothing at all. Q. How did it happen you are bishop of Jaro and not of Iloilo ? A. Iloilo at the time the see was founded was an unimportant place. It happened, however, to be at the mouth of the river. Three miles up the river was Jaro, and consequent!}^ when the see was formed the seat was placed at Jaro instead of Iloilo. Iloilo has only • begun to become important and grow in the last twenty years. In the 5^ear 1876 it was nothing but a group of houses. It is only 3 kilometers from Jaro. Q. I have been informed by military officers whom I have seen and talked with, and, indeed, by some of the Spanish residents here, that there was a kind of slavery enforced b}" the wealthy natives by lending money to people whom the}^ desired to employ as servants by having the debt thus contracted increased and never paid, and having it worked out from time to time b}^ the children, and that in this way the native wealthy families were enabled to have retainers that really were very little short of peons. A. That system is not contined, by any means, to my diocese, but is general throughout the archipelago. The reason that it is said to be more general there is because Jaro is a great place for weaving, and the men up there are always borrowing money. For instance, two girls would go to a wealth v man and ask for a few dollars, and as they only received a real a day in weaving it would take a long time to pay it. In the matter of house servants, their salar}^ was small, and if they broke a plate or anything it was charged against them, so that they were practically in slavery. A great man}" of these mat factories in Jaro secured employees in that wa}^, and that was why they could sell so cheap. The wonderful thing is that the people seemed to be better satislied, and would rather work that way than for a Spaniard at a higher salar}^ The owners of these so-called slaves took good care to feed them well, and care for them so that they could do good work. Q. And did they ever try to get away ? A. There are some few cases. There have been cases where a girl wanted to get married, and they would not let her because she might lose some time from her work and then she has run away with the man. Q. Have they ever tried the matter in the law? A. The law tolerates it, but the}^ have never appealed to the law. It is just a custom. The}" are perfectly satisfied, because they are well fed and well cared for and another great fact is the respect of these young people for their parents, which is the natural Catholic training and has been enhanced by the teachings of the Catholic Church. Q. I fancy if this system had prevailed in the Spanish families, we would have heard much more about it as a cause for the revolution ? A. There are two reasons why it has not existed: Because they did not want to work for the Spaniards and the Spaniards, however bad they may be, did not want a man to work in that way. If there has 116 CHURCH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. been any case of that kind, it has been where Spaniards have married Filipino women, and then it was through the women. Q. Does it prevail now among the richer Filipino families? A. It is disappearing fast — very little of it is left now. Q. How many people were well-to-do in your diocese? A. There are a great many wealthy people there. The island of Panay with its three provinces is naturally a ver}^ rich country, and there are many people who are well-to-do, as well as on the island of Negros. Q. Are the}^ wealthy landowners ? A. Yes, sir. Q. And that is the way they made their wealth? A. Yes, sir. Q. Do they keep the money at home — do they secrete it? A. No; they are all spendthrifts. The best part of the island of Negros is almost entirel}^ possessed by natives — a few Spaniards and a few other foreigners, but largely owned b}^ natives. Answering the question about their saving their money, they do not save it all, but the great majority with good lands are alwaj^s borrowing money on their crops. As a proof of that, I take the case of a Spanish mestizo family in the island of Negros. The father died and left a great deal of money, and a fine hacienda, and in two or three years they did not have anything. Fortunately, about the year 1896, the grand prize of the lottery fell to one of the brothers, $100,000, and in a year after he did not have a cent. They go to the banks in one town and another and get all the money they can and when the crop is harvested they owe it all. Q. What do they do with their money ? A. Above all, gambling. Q. Do they live extravagantly? A. They spend it on jewelry — tine diamonds they can not resist — also disorderly living. What do you think of a little child 7 years old carrying a coronet on her head that cost $9,000? Only by talking in this way can 3^ou get at the true characteristics of these people. Q. Yes, and I thank you, very much. A. Those who come here spontaneously and uncalled for to tell you about the country are not to be believed as quickl}^ as those who appear when called upon and express true ideas of the conditions. For instance, all we can wish for is the peace, tranquility, and the good of the country, and if we do not tell the full truth tomorrow the authorities would find otherwise. Q. There are no set of men that know the country better than the priests over whom you preside. A. That is true. Q. Because with the confidential and the close associations between the priests and the people, they can learn to know them better than any other. A. In many cases a priest is out living among them with no one to talk to except these people, and there is mutual interchange of confi- dences. Q. How is it as to the chastity of the Visayans? A. Aside from climatic influences and natural disposition, the chast- it}" among the women is considerable. I refer now to yesterday and not to to-day, for then we had not only the force of authorit}^, but the CHUECH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 117 authority of force, and to-day we have nothing; so we can not respond as to what is going on to-da3\ Concubinage is what w^e had to struggle against more than an3"thing else. The parents did not care. The priests would find them living openly in concubinage and make them get married. Q. Of course, there are degrees in unchastity; there is a promiscu- ous licentiousness where a woman will yield to the approaches of any man, and then there is a kind of un chastity" that disregards the mar- riage Yows in not insisting on a church ceremon}^ before associating as man and wife, and yet which regards that relation as one which pre- vents the woman and the man from violating their promise to each other; and my impression has been that only the second of the two kinds of chastity, or unchastit3^ as n^ou may call it, prevails in these islands, and that the absence of the first kind is due largely to the influ- ence of the Catholic church, for elsewhere 3"ou find people of a similar race as these, 3"ou do find general licentiousness. A. You have stated the case exactly as it is. The natural tendenc3" of these women, the climatic conditions assisting them, is rather toward licentiousness than to living with one man. We have even got them to marry when they were living in concubinage, and we were bettering them all the time. In general terms, it can be stated that the married women are chaste. This living together without the ceremon3^ of the church is due to several causes — to objection on the part of the parents, for instance — previously the priest was the father of the people, and the authorities assisted the priest, but now, with the separation of church and state, we will have to attain the same ends b3^ different means. Q. Are the Visayan men of a jealous nature? A. Not as a rule. Q. He is not like the Ilocano? A. No. I have had two cases in nw jurisdiction — one of a man who killed his wife for unfaithfulness, and another of a man who was out fishing and was sunstruck and went home and killed his wife and another man, evidentl3^ without cause. Q. What course was pursued with reference to the occupanc3^ of one parish b3^ one parish priest, or were the3^ rotated in office ? A. There have been cases where priests have remained in one parish all their lives, but that depended on what was done b3^ the chapter, which met ever3^ four 3^ears. Q. And this chapter was made up of priests of the diocese? A. Of the presiding members of the religious bodies. The3^ would move them at there will, but their have been cases where the3^ have remained in one parish during their lives. Those that were onl3^ occu- pying temporar3^ posts were removed at the will of the bishop. Accord- ing to canonical law, there were some who could not be removed except for cause, and then they would be removed b3^ the chapter. In other words, there were charges which were for life or during good behavior. That applied to the secular priests, to the natives and to the Spaniards. There is one man in Jaro who is a native priest, and who has been fort3' vears in one pueblo. Q. How did 3^ou determine the selection of native priests, and how man3^ ordinaril3^ were there in a parish with the Spanish priests ? ^ A. There are now Q6 native priests serving parishes in nw jurisdic- tion. There were TO, but 4: have died recently. The bishop himself 118 CHURCH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. would examine these natives in view of the examination he had passed in the seminary, and then assign them to the different parishes. Ordi- naril}" the course was with these native priests for the bishop to examine them and then habilitate them for one year, and at the end of one year reexamine them and assign them to some place. Q. What do you think of the natives intellectually; are they bright in learning and in retaining knowledge? A. I would hardly like to answer that question categorically, for there are some few of these natives that stand out among their brethren. There are some natives that are very bright men. I do not want to cast any reflection on them because of those who have remarkable aptitude. Q. Are the children quick to learn ? A. Yes, sir; they are quick to learn, generally speaking. They have an extraordinary capacity for learning a foreign language- — Spanish at first, and now English. Q. What supervision has the bishop over the diocese in each parish ? Did 3^ou visit each parish each year? A. We make a visit to each parish. I have not been able to, because I was elevated about the time this trouble arose. By reason of the blockade I was kept in Iloilo. Visits are made once in every three years because it is impossible to visit them all every year. As you can travel only about six months in the year on account of the rainy season, it takes about three years to go around. The bishop has a large fol- lowing, and as he has to perform ceremonies at each town, and as he has to visit the towns so as to arrive when the people are in the towns, it takes about two years. The arrival of a bishop in a town in olden times meant one or two feast days, and in times of harvest it would disturb the people. Usually they traveled between November and May. Q. Within your knowledge, have an}^ charges been made to the bishop of immorality among the parish priests 'i A. So far as I know, there have been no accusations made there. For a long number of years I was the vicar-general down there, hav- ing charge, under the bishop, of the different parishes, and I have not heard any case of an accusation of that kind. All the time I served as vicar-general the bishop sent me only three papers making accusa- tions of that character against the priests, and they were all anonymous, and I paid no attention to them. Whenever a parish priest wanted to get some disturbing spirits in a town before him, and they did not care to come, out of vengeance they would send a paper to the bishop accusing him of all kinds of immorality. There is a great inclination in this country toward anon3mious communications. Q. Then no priests in the diocese who have been disciplined for immorality, so far as you know? A. I know of none of my own knowledge, but among such a large number there must have been some disciplined, but I have been bishop only a short time and have never taken charge of the See. You must bear in mind it would be very strange if some priests should not fall. To send a young man out to what might be termed a desert, the only white man in the neighborhood, surrounded by elements of licentious- ness, with nobody but the Almighty to look to, with the climatic con- ditions urging him to follow the same practices as surround him, it is a miracle if he does not fall. For instance, you take a 3^oung man CHURCH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 119 here in the seminary, who is reading his breviary all the time in the cloister, under discipline all the time, seeing nobody, and suddenly transplant him to a place where he is monarch of all he surveys, he sees the women half-clothed, and as he is consulted on all questions, even of morality and immoralit}^ his eves are opened, and if he is not strong, he will fall. When a curate is a hail-fellow well met and mixes in with the people, there is never a word said, but let him try to sta}^ apart and lead them to a better life, to elevate their thoughts in bringing them closer to religious views, and whether he is just as pure as anything can possibly be, they will accuse him of immorality. The very fact that if he is free and easy with them, and he knows if he is so, he can do anything, if he is prone to fall, that is another rea- son that would lead him astray. Q. In other words, as was suggested by the Reverend Provincial of the Recolotos, immorality, instead of making the people hostile to him, rather makes him popular with them? A. The only time when the}^ object to the priest is when he tries to make them perform their dut3^ All those who do like strict living are of course against him when he himself is rigid. Q. To what do jon attribute such hostility as exists against the friars in these islands ? A. Antagonism or hostility on the part of the mass of the people does not exist. There is hostility against them on the part of these few half-educated men who have been conspirators against the Spanish Government to the extent even of being sent away from the islands. The real reason is, sa}^ what j^ou mav, the supporter of the Spanish sovereignty here was the priests, and that is the reason that these peo- ple and not the masses were against them. So much is that so that General Rios, who was here in 1898, said ^'send your priests back into the parishes, for each priest in the parish is worth half a battalion to me and I have nothing but the priests to rely upon." Q. Do you know of any instance where the priests were the initiative cause of the deportation of a man from the parish ? A. No, sir; I do not. They were always called upon to report when charges were made b}^ the civil branch. This was the case not only with the Spanish parish priests, but also with the Filipino priests. Of course, the reports of the Filipino priests in these cases were looked at more closel3\ I do not know of a case where the initiative step was taken by the priest, but I do know of hundreds of cases where the priests stepped in to prevent deportation. When I answer this ques- tion you mast bear in mind that I refer to the islands in general, for so far as the Visayas are concerned, there have been no deportations whatever. Everything there was more peaceful and quiet. Q. What do you think of the morality of the native priests? A. My duty is to defend them and to chastise them when found guilty, but I will say it is bad. Being Indians, they can take their habits off and get in with the other Indians unknown, whereas a Spaniard with a white face would be recognized as not one of them. The Spaniard does not have the chance for evil doing as the native priest. There are very few, it is true, but still, there are some native priests down there now, and they are moving heaven and earth to keep me from going back to my diocese, for the}^ are having a great time in their parish, and they are arousing the newspapers to say that everything is well, and trying in every way to prevent my coming. 120 CHURCH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. I sent one of these men down to look matters up, but he is an Indian, and he himself has now joined with them and writing me letters. General Hughes knows this man. When I go down there I will let you know a little more. As I get the protection of the American arms, 1 am going to let them know what is going on. Q. Do you think the priests under you can return to the parishes (supposing the insurrection is suppressed)? Would the}^ be well received by the people? A. I think they can all return when the insurrection is at an end, but when is the insurrection going to end ? We receive daily letters from the provinces asking us to come back, but there are always two, three, or four of this disturbing element in these towns tr3ang to get the men up against us. There is no securit}" for any foreigner in any part of the Archipelago. We do not care to go back until things are settled. The day that the American Government shall establish a government throughout the Archipelago which shall insure security to life there will be no trouble at all for the priests to return, because the people there are even now comparing their peaceful, orderl}", quiet life to what they have been compelled to go through the last four years. There is a reason why the insurrectionists are against the priests, whether he belongs to an order or not; that is because he upholds the constituted authority; they preach that — the maintenance of law and order — and these insurrectos know that if they return and keep their power and advocate the maintenance of law and order the}^ will win the people to the support of the American Government. They do not want that, so they are tr3^ing to keep them awa3^ My own present representative in the Visayas, as the ecclesiastical gov- ernor, is an uncle of Silas (?), who was the most cruel of ail the insur- gents down there, and 1 feel sure that this gentleman of the cloth is down there disseminating revolutionary ideas. It will be a little premature to send the priests back to all their curacies now; but, for instance, to the island of Romblon, they could return to-morrow. There is an American garrison there and the people are quiet and orderl}^ In the three towns on the island of Tablas the}^ could go to only one. I do not think they could go to the island of Negros, especially the western part, where the government is now. The ones who are now in the government there are bitterly opposed to the friars. Carrying out the argument why they can not return to western Negros, I have lived there for twenty-two years and thought nothing was going to happen there, but the ver}^ men who were first to go into the insurgent ranks were those we thought beyond reproach, and the first thing they did was to go into the churches and steal everything; and the very man who is now presidente in that town never had a place to eat out of or a cup to drink out of. He has taken the plate and silver service of the convento, and if I were to return I woukl sa}^ he was a thief; and so they want us to be kept away, so that we can not recognize our property and throw it in their faces that they are thieves. I can prove l3y records that the}" have stolen at least $100,000 belonging to the different parishes, besides all of the plate belonging to the different conventos and churches. Q. On the subject of schools, we are directed to set up a system of public instruction ; and that is one of our most delicate missions, because it is a Catholic country, and it is likel}" to alwaj^s remain so, unless, as has been suggested to me by Archbishop Chappelle, the CHURCH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 121 influence of the native priests may be toward idolatry and fetichism. Now, we are very anxious to establish amicable relations in regard to this school system with the church, and j^et we are restrained from doing certain things that the church would like to have us do by reason of the character of our Government, and we want, if possible, to recon- cile the desires of the church with the public-school system which we are here to establish. Now, in the United States there has been a system which has worked in some places by which all the difi'erent churches were given opportunity at the time the school was assembled to have a teacher or a priest to instruct the scholars one-half hour before they entered upon the regular curriculum of the school, or one-half hour afterwards, and it has been suggested that some such system as that might work harmoniously here. I would be obliged to you if you would think that over and understand the spirit in which we come here and see if it is not possible to reconcile the school system on the one hand to the views of the church and on the other hand to the restrictions that we are obliged to operate on. A. Under the Spanish system the Spanish priest had no salary whatever. He was an inspector of schools. He would go to see if the methods pursued were proper ones, but there was no salary attached. Q. While, of course, we can not make invidious distinctions with respect to teachers coming out here, we hope to have certainly a fair proportion of Catholics among them. We are not a Catholic countrj^ — that is, a majorit}^ are not Catholics. Nevertheless, we do justice to every sect, and we expect here that a fair proportion of the teachers will be Catholics. A. It is one thing to demand a thing to be done and another to sa}^ that there is no objection to its being done. There might be no set rule with respect to that at all and let the bishop and the parish priest continue as they are now, for there would be no objection on the part of the parents of the children. Q. I know that these matters are usually arranged with the bishop ; that they are largely in his control, and I am very anxious to have the bishop understand that we are not here for the purpose of proselyting, and what we want to do is to adapt the schools we contemplate intro- ducing as nearly as we can to conditions here. A. Much would be gained by leaving out of the school law any ref- erence to religion whatever, because if it is stated there that there must be no religious subject treated in the school, that would make it possible for anyone in the town to bring the danger before the people and make some trouble, but it would be much better to omit entirely in the school law any reference to religion. That is a question that will have to be handled with gloves. Here it has been the custom to teach reading, writing, the catechism, and a little arithmetic, and if the American authorities say that there will be no religion taught in the schools it will be a fatal mistake, for they will say they even wipe out our religion, the religion of our forefathers. Q. W^e hope to avoid any bad mistake of that kind, but you must understand that there are restrictions on the other side that I have referred to — that there is a large constituency in the United States which is not Catholic, and has a right to insist that public-school teaching paid for out of the public funds be nonsectarian — and we have to pursue a middle and just course, which I think we can possibly arrive at by making concessions on both sides, and still not ofl'end either view. 122 CHURCH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. A. That is the very thing I say; not to require by law that doctrine shall be left out, but to keep silent on it entirely. Q. My opinion is that sensible men when they get together can accomplish a good deal, and 1 shall be glad when the matter comes up more acutely to have further conference with you and your colleagues on the subject. A. I am at your disposition at an^^ time. Q. How many of the priests of your diocese were assaulted or in prison during the revolution ? A. Three in Iloilo and 37 in Negros. Most of those in Iloilo were able to get out of the way before they were caught. As we have such great confidence in the inhabitants of Negros, we did not leave there, and the revolution began there in all the towns on the same day, and so the}^ were caught. Those in Negros were in prison for three months. Those three in Iloilo were from the interior and did not have time to leave the countr3\ The}^ were Augustinians. Those in Negros w^ere Recolletos. Our duty now is to the American Government, to obey it and further its interests to the best of our ability. [Gives the presi- dent a list of the property of the church in his diocese — all devoted to religious purposes. Nothing rented at all. They are occupied by American troops now and maybe possibly they will pay.] Q. Is there an obras pias and a miter fund in A^our diocese? A. Only in the island of Negros — there is a parcel of six hectares left by a priest for the purpose of worshiping St. Joseph, and another left by a Spaniard to the church at Jaro. Expressions of thanks. August 7, 1900. BISHOP OF VIGAN. Q. What is- your diocese ? A. Nueva Segovia, in the island of Luzon. The residence is in Yigan, and I am usually known as the Bishop of Vigan. Q. And you are a member of the Augustinians? A. The Dominicans, and the person accompanying me is the vicar- general of the Dominican order. Q. What actual political function had the parish priests got into the habit of exercising under the Spanish Government? A. The parish priests acted as intermediary between the people and the Government; as they were in nearly every case the onl}^ edu- cated Spaniards in the different towns, the}^ were called upon by the Government to act as interpreter of all laws and to perform certain political functions. With the exception of perhaps seven towns in my diocese, where there were a few Spaniards besides the priests, the others were places where the priest, being a person well versed in philosoph}", canonical law, etc., was called upon to be the medium of interchange of communication between the Government and the people. Q. The Government had no representative in many of the villages upon whom it could depend except the priests? A. Only in the capitals or provincial seats. All the statistics that were requested by the Government were obtained and furnished by the parish priests. CHURCH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 123 Q. And the Government kept putting more and more duties of a civil nature upon the priests ? A. Constantly; and very naturally man}^ of the dislikes engendered in the people against the friars was due to this putting upon the priests civil functions which the}" were realh^ not called upon to perform. Q. Now, how man}^ native priests were there and how were the}^ dis- tributed throughout \'our diocese? A. In the 3'ear 1896 there were 131 ordained priests, 5 deacons, and 12 subdeacons, all natives; 66 Augustinian priests, 91 Dominicans, and 1 Franciscan; secular priests, 7. These were all Europeans. Six we call here missions were not, properly speaking, parishes. Q. That was the case with Benguet? A. Yes, sir. There were three missions in Benguet, and as they became influenced by the Christian religion they were brought into settlements. Q. And you will let me keep this book to which you are referring? A. Yes, sir. In 1896 the diocese of Nueva Segovia had 997,629 Christians subject to my ecclesiastical control. There were at that time 172,383 pagans. Q. In Benguet and up in the mountains? A. Within all the district within my jurisdiction. Two thousand foar hundred and ninety-nine were in Benguet. Very few there had been reduced to Christian influence. Q. The Government of Spain paid a stipend to its priests ? A. Yes, sir. The bishops, parish priests, and missionaries. Q. And the salaries of the parish priests, I have heard, varied from ^500 to $1,200. A. Yes, sir; the majority between |500 and |800, according to the class of the town. Q. What rule, if an}", was followed with respect to assigning native priests to parishes? How did you distribute them? Did jon furnish one or two to each parish priest? A. Aside from the seven who were parish priests, the other hundred natives were distributed among the other parishes as coadjutors or assistors to the Spanish priests under the bishops, who could move them around as the}" pleased. Q. A¥as there general rotation among the parish priests, or did a man stay until he was superannuated in the place to which he was first assigned ? A. There were two classes of parish priests, those designated in a temporary capacity to serve as parish priests and those who were per- manent priests. The latter could not be removed except after some accusation and after trial and found guilty. Q. How did the number of permanent parish priests compare with the number of temporary parish priests ? A. As a matter of fact there never was any person who occupied a permanent position, for every four years there was held a chapter, when they elected a new provincial and other officials of the order, and at that time it was determined how the priests should be distrib- uted around. Now, with the Augustinians they might be called permanent priests, but with respect to the Dominicans they occupied temporary charges more than otherwise. Q. How were the churches and conventos built? A. The churches, where either razed to the ground by any typhoon or earthquake, or in the case of new parishes the churches and the 124 CHURCH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. conventos were built by order of the bishop. Acting as the patron, the Government was under obligation to pay a certain amount — usually about $500 — for new missions; but very often the Government failed to pay over the money, but they furnished it in labor. They would take men who had not worked out their road tax; they would take two out of each district, and in this diocese there were 40 districts, which would make 80 men, to work on conventos and churches, which was considered public work. The parish priests would provide the sub- sistence of these men while working there. Very often the funds were supplied by the parishioners themselves, and very often the parishion- ers would go and do day-labor on the building. In some parishes there were sometimes many thousands of dollars collected for the church fund, and where churches weie demolished by earthquakes or typhoons in other districts, the bishop, who had charge of these church funds, would order them to another parish to restore demolished propert3\ Q. On what lands were the churches and conventos built? A. Either the Government or the municipal authorities, in case of the foundation of new parishes, would convey to the church the ground upon which the church and convento were built, and sometimes the ground was bought, but very rarely. In the large majority of cases the Government or the town itself donated the land. Q. It was usually on the public square? A. Alongside the plaza, and if it was the provincial seat, it was on one side of the plaza opposite the Government house. Q. In whose name was that land ordinarily taken ? Was there a deed, or was it one of those cases where a deed was not considered necessary ? A. Up to a very few years ago there was no such thing as the record- ing of title deeds, and consequentl}^ no deeds were given. Most was held b}^ right of prescription, for there being no recorder's office it was passed from one to anothei' by word of mouth. Q. Now, in the United States (for I do not know how it is in other countries), the title of the church is usually in the name of the bishop or the archbishop. Is that followed in these islands ? A. That is the custom here also. Q. And the bishop, when he dies, makes a will in which he conveys his propert}^ to his successor? A. The same here. According to canonical law the bishop is the representative of the church. Q. We want to do justice here and we want to have the property to go to the person to whom it belongs, even though the records may not be straight. Now, don't you think it would be in accordance with canonical law, and in accordance with the equit}^ and justice of the case, should the title of the churches and conventos now in the Govern- ment of the United States by transmission from the Government of Spain be transferred by the authorized representative of the United States to the bishop of the diocese for the use of the Catholic inhab- itants of the parish? I assume there are man}^ places where there is no title, and there are probably cases where the churches and conventos were built on public lands. A. The cases are very few where there is any doubt as to the own- ership of the property, and I believe the idea suggested is a ver}^ good one. In the majority of cases the title resides in the church and can be proven by the very people in the parishes, because they can show CHURCH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 125 tUey have had it from time immemorial. That plan would be very well thought of also by all of the parishioners, because they are all Catholics. Q. And the better Catholics the}' are the better citizens the}^ will make? A. Yes, sir; because the teachings of the church are to alwa3^s respect the constituted authority'. Q. But we hear from parishioners in various parts of the islands that the}' built the churches and therefore they should be held for their use. Now, if it is given to the bishop for their use that satisfies the laws of the church on one side and the statement of the use satisfies their views on the other? A. It is a ver}' good idea. When these Indians or parishioners worked upon these church buildings they gratuitoush' offered to do it for the church; consequently they divested themselves of an}" title. Q. But they knew it was for their use ? A. Yes, sir; and it will never be taken away from them. Suppose I should die, or go to Spain, the churches will remain here for their use. Q. How much agricultural land, how many haciendas, were owned by the orders in your diocese? A. There is but one hacienda which is owned by the orders, and that by the Augustinians, in the province of La Isabela, in the valley of the Cagayan. In the year 1878, when Morenias was governor-gen- eral here, he desired of his own motion to encourage the planting and raising of tobacco, and gave to each of the different religious orders in the islands a hacienda. He even wanted to do that with the Fran- ciscans, but they said they could not accept it, but the governor said you must. I do not know what became of that. Afterwards, Primo de Riviera came here and he wanted it all back, and they all gave it back except the Augustinians, who declined to give it up, saying it was given voluntarily, and they never have given it up. It is about 28 milles in length and 14 miles in width. Very good land, but very few inhabitants, not more than 200. Q. Has the order spent a good deal of money on it ? A. It has spent some, but not much, as there are very few people there. As there are a great many inhabitants in Ilocos, they spent sev- eral thousand dollars in taking families from Ilocos down to this land. This is all valley land and among the best in the islands. At the point where this hacienda is located there are 30 leagues of level plain coun- try. Those three provinces known as the valley of the Cagayan, although the richest and finest in Luzon, only contain about 170,000 inhabitants, and they can easily support 1,000,000. The great river Cagayan is navigable up to the lower part of the province of Isabela. Q. The tobacco company owns largely up there? A. They only own two towns up here — the hacienda of San Anto- nio and of Santa Isabela. Q. Is there a good deal of public land up there ? A. Yes, sir; a great deal of uncultivated and public lands. Anybody who wanted to secure land up there had to buy it from the State. They would sell it very cheaply; they would give thousands of hec- tares for half a dollar. They wanted to encourage the entry of the land by Ilocanos. Q. The Ilocanos are a better race than the Tagalogs ? A. Yes, sir; and much more saving, more economical, more indus- trious. 126 CHUECH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. Q. The}^ don't stop working when the}" have earned a little, as the Tagalog does ? A. The}" are all tarred with the same tar in that respect; they don't work too mach, but they work more than the Tagalogs. They won't •die working. Q. Are they more honest than the Tagalogs ? A. Yes, sir, generally. In Cagayan and Ilocos they are very sub- missive. Unfortunately, the Tagalogs have a little gathering of philosophers here who are disseminating these ideas among the peo- ple which has caused everything to be lost. Q. We have a saying in America that ''A little knowledge is a dan- gerous thing?" A. We were for sixteen months prisoners of the Tagalogs in Cagayan. Q. And you were subjected to many great indignities? A. Yes, sir; many. A man who graduated in medicine in 1898 from the university was one. Because I declined to ordain certain natives, because under the canonical law they were not ripe for ordination, he kicked me, and broke a cane over my left arm, kept that up for three hours, because I would not ordain the priests. This man, known as Villa, was military governor of Isabela. When he assaulted me he was nothing. He came there without any authority, and asked me why I did not ordain these native priests. I replied that I was pro- hibited by the canonical law, as they did not come up to the require- ments, and he said, "You will ordain them to-morrow, because I say so." I replied that I would not even if he killed me, and because I did not do it, on the following day he assaulted me very severely. Q. Do you suppose that that was encouraged by the insurgent general or colonel who was in charge? A. The colonel who was in command of the entire valley was pres- ent at the time and said nothing. Q. Who was the colonel? A. Daniel Tirona. He kicked me in the stomach several times, but I protected myself with my arm, and it took two months to recover. The day following this he took a steamer and came down this way and that is the last we have heard from him. That was just the eve of the outbreak of hostilities in Manila, February 3, 1899. Q. From what you have stated, I assume that there was no such general ownership by the religious orders in your diocese of lands and agricultural properties as to attract the hostility of the parish- ioners on the ground that the priests occupied the relation of land- lord to the people ? A. No. Q. These estates you have referred to are so far removed and in an uninhabited country that they would not have any effect generally on the people? A. All we had there were 200 men, one priest, and a lay brother on the entire hacienda. There was no parish. . Q. And that was the only place in the entire diocese where there was property? A. The only one. There are in some cases small parcels of land which have been donated to the Church for saying one mass a year for the repose of departed souls. The proceeds of tilling the ground and cultivating would only be at the most about $100 a year. CHURCH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 127 , Q. Is there improved property in the cit}^ of Vigan, in Aparri, and in San Fernando del Union, or in Loag, that is used for rental pur- poses b}" an}^ of the orders ? A. We own nothing except church propert}^ which is now occupied l)y the American troops. The Dominicans have two colleges, one in Dagupan for secondary instruction of males, and one in Lingayen which is a girls' school. The Sisters used to go there to teach the girls. At Togagaro there is a large girls' school now occupied by American troops. The teaching in this school was conducted b}^ the Dominican Sisters here from Manila. The bishop built a ver}^ good school for girls in Vigan, now occupied by American troops, and the Episcopal palace and the seminar}^ also is occupied by American troops. If 3^ou desire it, I have here the answers to all the questions. It is badly written, but I shall be glad to present it to you. Q. Now, as to the question of what part the priests plaj^ed in the deportation of citizens of the islands who were sent out by order of the captain-general? A. The guardia civil, which was a body known during the Spanish rule, would often report to the civil governor that certain persons were a disturbing element in the neighborhood. The civil governor would then report to the governor-general, who would ask for a report, and the antecedents of the party so accused, of the parish priests, and in view of the report of the civil governor and the parish priest the governor-general would act, but no one was ever expelled upon the exclusive report of the parish priest. Very often the parish priest would intercede in behalf of some person accused by the guardia civil upon groundless charges, and would succeed b}' appealing to the governor-general in preventing him from being deported, and the archbishop here in Manila, who was right on the ground, succeeded in preventing a great many men from being unjustly expelled. Q. Is it a fact that the priests never initiated such action ? A. I believe so. I know of no single case where parish priests did initiate such charges. I have never been advised of one, and if there has been a case it is rare. Q. You have mentioned the "guardia civil." Will 3^ou be good enough to tell me what that was ? A. The guardia civil was a body at once civil and militar3\ The}^ had military uniforms, equipment, and arms, but they w^ere under the civil governor. In the entire island of Luzon they had no arni}^. The army was in Mindanao. These men performed police duty as well as garrison duty. Q. The}^ were a provincial constabularj^ ? A. Yes, sir; the men in the regular army who had the best record were taken to form this guardia civil. Q. Were they all natives ? A. No; all the noncommissioned officers and commissioned officers were Spaniards, and the others all natives. Q. Did not it occur that the}^ frequently abused their power? A. Yes, sir; the natives are always prone to abuse their authority. If some one here is not above them they will abuse their authority all the time. Q. They squeeze? A. Yes, sir; the}^ are terrible to their own people — very tja-ants. The presidentes of towns who are natives themselves held their sub- ordinates in terror. Thej^ govern by fear here. 128 CHURCH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. Q. They were paid nothing and were expected to get it out of the people? A. Yes, sir; that is true. The presidentes were not paid any salary; it was an honorar}^ position, but they made their money out of the people. The natives are great abusers of authority always. Q. It seems to me that the appointment of an officer who has a good deal to do without providing a salary is an intimation that he is expected to make his money that way. A. That is true. When they do speak sincerely to the priest and let themselves out they admit that they can not govern themselves. Very often when we were in prison they would say "We can not gov- ern ourselves." They prefer to dominate the others by force, and they have no compassion. Q. Have they not been guilty of extreme cruelty to their own people during the war? A. Terribly so. It can hardly be explained how they could go to such extremes, and for that reason they have got the mass of the people unable to move; they are afraid. I have been a curate and speak the Tagalog language and the}^ used to tell me, "We have no respect for a man at all; we would just as soon kill a man as a chicken." Prior to 1896 homicides were ver}^ rare. Those were all for jealousy, for some man taking their women away from them, and the small criminal record they had was admirable. Q. Are they a jealous race ? A. Yes, sir; the Ilocanos are the worst. They become absolutely insane, and they are never satisfied till they kill the party. Even the Igorrottes have the death penalty for women who are unfaithful. Q. Now, about the Igorrotte», they are a quiet people, are they not? A. Some of those who had been Christianized had a very respectful bearing toward the priests and the few Spaniards who mixed among them; but the Igorrottes in the mountains are a wild and savage people and they will cut anybody's head off they find. It is a great glory and honor to cut anj^body's head off. I do not think that of these savage head hunters there are over 100,000 in Benguet. The only tribute they paid was two reales, a recognition of vassalage, in Benguet, Lepanto, Bontoc, and Abra. Some of them did really pay 50 cents — those who had become Christians, but that only since 1893. Q. Were there cases of immorality among the priests of your diocese ? A. I have been there ten j^ears as a bishop. There have only been two cases brought to my attention and I reported them for correction. They were both Augustinians. There was also one case of a Domin- ican, and he was chastised also. Whenever a case was brought to the notice of the bishop, and it was established, this chastisement was administered; but very often cases were brought out of revenge on the part of the Indians which were not entitled to credence, because they were always accompanied by calumnies. Q. Would it have been possible for such things to have occurred without being brovight to your attention, or being discovered by the provincial ? A. Some may have, I do not know. As soon as there was any rumor of a case it was always investigated. Ever}^ year the bishop not onl}^ paid a visit to all the parishes, but also to all the orders as well as to the provincial of the order. CHUECH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 129 Q. Did each order have a house in each diocese ? A. The}" have at parishes only. The head houses are all here. Q. Do jou know pretty well now the character of the native priests who have taken the place of the parish priests ? A. I know nearly all of them personally, and 1 have often visited the different places. Q. Is the standard of education and character lower with them than with the parish priests ? A. Very much lower; no comparison. They are educated in the seminaries. They learn quickly, but the^^ forget quickly, and they have not much capacity. They are from twelve to fourteen 3"ears in the seminary learning- and they have to pass a good examination before being sent out, but the}^ are not out long before they forget it. Q. Are they given to immoral practices? A. They are yery weak, very frail. The immense majority of the men in the regular orders are pure and good. It is just the opposite with these: the immense majoritj^ are frail and weak. Even in the case of white Spaniards, who might have had a weakness with respect to women, still he had a good head and never allowed the matter to create a scandal. It was never known of men, but these people did not care. Q. Do 3'ou think that a weakness of that sort on the part either of a Spanish priest or of a native priest would render him particularly unpopular in the region in which he lived? A. Not at all. In the immense majority of cases of that kind the people have not made any complaint. I had to go and find out about these things. I did not investigate them judicially, but had to go about it in an irregular way to find out the truth. There never has been a formal accusation of immorality made in my diocese. When the}" wanted to wreak their revenge on a priest they bring this out and a thousand other charges of all kinds of heinous immorality. When formal charges have been made by several residents of a community, and they have signed a paper, they are brought up before the bishop, and when they are requested to take an oath the}^ say they were de- ceived, they did not want to sign the paper. Q. So that the suggestion that the hostility against the Spanish priests in their parishes is due to immorality-, you do not think there is anything in that at all, even assuming that it exists? A. Not at all; undoubtedly not. They do not care a hang about it. Q. It was suggested b}- the provincial of the recoletos that it rather made a man popular than otherwise, because it prevented him from being particularly strict with the rest of the parish. A. There is a good deal in that. They have a ver}^ meager idea of public morality. Q. But the women, on the whole, in a certain way, are very chaste, are they not? A. Yes, sir; in public. At reunions they do not even like a sug- gestive word, but in secret their virtue is not so great. Q. Are not the husbands of the women jealous of attentions to them b}^ other men ? A. Ordinarily; yes. The Ilocanos are ver}^ jealous — even when they are unfaithful themselves they are so. Q. Are you still in communication with a large part of the parishes in 3"our diocese? Have you letters from some of your parishioners? S. Doc. 190 9 130 CHURCH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. A. Yes, sir; 1 received two letters to-day from Pangasinan. I have communication with all of them, not only with the people, but also with the native priests. They are all desirous that they shall return there soon. The only thing we are afraid of is the Katicunans. Q. Do you think you could assume your sacerdotal functions with- out fear of personal violence? A. In the two Ilocos there is considerable disturbance yet, and the people are giving- much trouble to the American troops and even the native priests are fearful of attack from the Katapunans. They also fear the American troops because they have an idea that the Americans think they are in with the insurgents. Four of the priests are being held by the Americans for complicity with the insurrectionary forces. Gregoria Agllipan is a native of Ilocos Norte. He was ordained in Manila. He was in Manila as coadjutor of several parishes, and when the revolution broke out he joined the revolutionary forces. Q. Is he a man of any force ? A. He has not a good presence; he is a plain man; nor is he half as well educated as many other native priests.' They made him a vicar- general in the Malolos government. He wanted to expel the arch- bishop and all the bishops. There is an officer in Spain called a vicar- general, appointed by the Pope, whose particular jurisdiction is con- fined to the army and the navy, and that is what that man wanted to be. He gave himself that name and went over to the insurgents about September, 1898. In November he came to Cagayan to talk to me. While there he was kept in close confinement and not allowed to communicate with any one, not even those in the town. He sent for me and had me brought down to Aparri, and there presented us with several letters from priests he had named in difi'erent parts of the diocese, saying that it would be very advisable to have him, Gregorio, appointed the ecclesiastical governor for that diocese, under the pre- text that by being named ecclesiastical governor, the bishop himself being in sole confinement, he could secure from the government of Malolos the release of all these ecclesiastical prisoners. As I could not communicate with other places, the authority was relegated to this man. That is, some authority. Armed with this authority he went to Malolos and claimed to be above the bishop from whom the authority flowed; but they would not even listen to mass by him. Since then he has been excommunicated. When all these things reached the ears of the archbishop he publicly excommunicated him and when that news reached Nueva Segovia and other places the insurrectors said that would not hold water and they protested against it; but a greater part of the superior officers of the insurrection and a large part of the faithful believed it perfectly and that his holy order should be taken away from him. Q. Where is he now? A. In Ilocos Norte, at the head of a large body of insurgents in the mountains. In the month of April last he went down to Loag, a town of 40,000 inhabitants. He has no prestige among the Christians now because he has been excommunicated; some of the clergy fear him, but they have no regard for him whatever. If there were a little more energy on the part of the military when they caught some people to chastise them, the people would be better satisfied. During the latter months of our imprisonment and confinement General Tirona gave us a great deal more freedom, allowed us to walk around CHURCH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 131 and to meet our parishioners, and all of them, without exception, would say they were tired to death of the impositions of the Katapu- nans and the war, and they were only waiting the arrival of the Ameri- cans to pursue their avocations in peace. Q. How long were you confined ? A. Sixteen months. Q. Then you have only recently been released? A. The 1st of January. I was released by the arrival of the Ameri- can troops. Some navy boats went around to Aparri, the commander of the Helena and troops went up on the other side from Nueva Ecija through to Isabella, and then Tirona said we had better get out of here, and finding that he did not have sufficient force to expel the Americans, he surrendered at Aparri. Q. What kind of a man do you think he is? A. He is a peculiar man; he has very little stamina to act for him- self, but lets other people do it. When Tirona's forces arrived at Aparri, which was being defended by the Spaniards, they drew up articles of capitulation, and the first thing after they left they broke every one of those articles. Sixty priests had gone down there from Ilocos and they proceeded to rob them of everything they possessed. Q. How many priests in your diocese were assaulted or imprisoned ? A. All of those in the valley of the Cagayan were imprisoned and nearly every one of them was assaulted and robbed. And in Ilocos the same wa3^ When the insurrectionary forces advanced I called all those from Ilocos to come down to Vigan, because steamers sometimes called there from Hongkong. We waited there eight days, when the insurrec- tionary forces came down and captured us in a steamer which belonged to a tobacco company here. The crew mutinied and killed the Spanish officers and came up there. Then they sent that steamer back to Cavite and 600 of the insurrectionary forces got on board and came up. Q. I want to get from you the proportion of the Spanish priests in your diocese that were imprisoned? A. One hundred and thirty were imprisoned. Most of them were at Aparri. Q. How many of those priests have since left the islands? A. Many of them have left for Spain by reason of the disease con- tracted during this imprisonment and the hardships to which they were subjected. Some of them were horribly maltreated. Between 25 and 30 have left. Q. Were any of the priests of your diocese killed ? A. None were killed, but one died of wounds received. There is one father here in the convent of Santo Domingo who was beaten 8,000 times in a few days. It is a wonder he has not died. Q. Has he regained his strength ? A. Yes, sir; he is in fairly good condition now. They carried him on foot 40 leagues up the valley of the Cagayan and 40 leagues back. Prior to that he suffered a great deal with his stomach; now it is a great deal better. This beating with a stick brought all the impurities out of him. Q. How many Spanish priests were there in your diocese ? A. About 165. Q. Is this rather a small diocese? A. It is larger than the one in Nueva Caceres, but smaller than the one in Jaro or Cebu. The archbishopric has 2,000,000 souls, with four 132 CHURCH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. bishops. The one at Cebu has about 1,400,000, and Jaro 1,200,000. Eveiy year the bishop made a statement more in detail than this; that is, one cop3^ was sent to the governor-general and one to the archbishop. Q. The archbishop, as I understand it, is superior to all other bishops in the islands ? A. Yes, sir ; he is the metropolitan. Q. But he has a diocese of his own? A. Yes, sir ; he is a bishop for his diocese and the archbishop over all. Some questions come to him on appeal from the bishops. With respect to the ordinary jurisdiction within our own diocese the bishop has the same jurisdiction as the archbishop over his. Q. There are the bishops of Vigan, of Nueva Caceres, of Cebu, and of Jaro ; and the bishop of Cebu is the bishop over Mindanao — or is that missionary ? A. Partly under the bishop of Cebu and partly under the bishop of Jaro. Before 1867 it was under Cebu, and then, when they sent a bishop to Jaro they divided it between them. Q. And the bishop of Jaro has all of the island of Panay ? A. Yes, sir. Q. Have you anything to do with the '"' obras pias" in Manila? A. No, sir ; only those little pieces of land left for saying mass about once a year. Q. And you have nothing to do with the "miter fund" here? A. No ; nothing. Such proportion of the miter fund as was nec- essary to aid the church was sent from here to the diocese. The miter fund is administered here. If there were a miter fund in my diocese, I would administer it. Here the miter fund has several houses which are administered by the archbishop, but in my diocese there are none. Q. There is one question I would like to ask you: To what do you attribute the hostility, such as exists, to the parish priests ? A. It comes from what we call the impious element. For some years past they have been planting freer ideas in the Philippine Islands — ideas that are nonreligious and non-Catholic, and a few half-educated people have espoused those ideas, and as the}^ convert everything into politics, they have converted that into politics and they have dissemi- nated the idea that Catholicism is to be put to an end here, and they have endeavored to sow the seeds of discord among the six millions Catholic souls in these islands, and, too, notwithstanding the great majority of the people liked the priests and would like to have them back. If you take away from the islands about 1,000 persons who are sowing these seeds of discord the remaining 6,000,000 will be perfectly satisfied. In Manila this element is most largely represented. Q. We are charged with the duty of raising money by taxation to establish a system of education. We realize fully that this is a Catho- lic country, and if it ceases to be a Catholic country it is much more likely in some regions to go into idolatry than to Protestantism, and I am therefore anxious, so far as I may, to establish a school system that will meet the views of the church, ithat is, that will not be hostile to the views of the church, but we are restricted by the principles of our Government from the direct presence of the church in the schools, and I am attempting to devise some method to suggest to the commission by which we shall reconcile the consciences of the Catholics to the pub- lic school and still follow the principles we have suggested, and there- CHUECH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 133 fore I have thought that if we were to invite the Catholic Church and other churches, if any in the neighborhood, to send teachers of their respective religions to the schools half an hour before school and half an hour after school, there to give such religious instruction as the parents of the children may desire, whether that system would not, if conducted with fairness and justice, perhaps reconcile our system of public education to the views of the Catholic Church? A. The best way to do that would be to teach them the catechism as a Christian doctrine. That s37-stem mig-ht work all right in another country, but I do not think it will work here, because, among the Indians, if the}^ are called upon to contribute to the support of a public- school system they naturally, being Catholics, will want Catholic ideas to be communicated by the teachers provided by their money, and they will say, "These teachers do not teach any Christian doctrine. If we pa}^ for instruction we want our children instructed in the Catholic faith." Now, if the Government is going to pay the party who goes there to instruct them in the Catholic faith, that will be entirely different. Q. But I fear we do not have the power to pay for that instruction. We hope to get a proper proportion of Catholic teachers. Of course we can not go into the United States and advertise for Catholic teach- ers, but we can exert our authority to see that selections are made in such a way as to secure a fair proportion. But when it comes to religious instruction, I fear we can not put the public funds to that purpose. A. It is better to stud}^ the question. Q. Yes; I would like to have you think it over, and we count on the assistance of the Catholic Church to aid us in the difficult problem we have to meet. Some of the difficulties of that problem are made by the conditions in these islands, and others are made by the restrictions of the Constitution of the United States. A. Yes, sir; we understand that the conditions have entirely changed and, following out the tenets of our church, we will respect the constituted authority, and we will see that all coming under the ban of the church respect that authority, and we will endeavor to see if some means can not be discovered for harmonizing the old ways and the new. Expressions of thanks. INTERVIEW WITH SENOR DON FELIPE CALDER6N, OCTOBER 17, 1900. Q. How long have you lived in the Philippines ? A. Thirt}^ years — just my age — except for a period of eight months, when I made a few trips in the British possessions. Q. In what part of the islands have you lived ? A. I was born in the province of Cavite and was educated in Manila, but I have been through nearly all the Tagalog provinces of Luzon. I have resided in Manila, you might say, continuously, with the excep- tion of a few trips to Batangas. Q. Mrs. Calderon came from Batangas ? A. Yes. Q. And you have visited your wife's relatives ? 134 CHURCH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. A. Yes. Q. How much personal opportunity had you before the 3^ear 1896 to observe the relations between the friars and the people of their parishes in a religious, social, and a political way ? A. Much; because I have lived, as I have stated, in Manila nearly all ni}^ life, and in view of the conditions prevailing here, where the friar is intimately connected with all the social, political, and other life, I have been able to judge of him in all those three lines; and the same ma}^ be said of the provinces. Q. How man}^ friars have you known personally — a good many? A. Very many. In the first place, I have known nearly all the Jesuits, because I was educated by them, but I may add that the Jesuits are not friars. 1 have known all the friars of Santo Tomas, beginning with Archbishop Nozaleda, who was one of my professors. Q. And you have the degree of the university ? A. Like all the other lawyers here, because there was no other col- lege. All professional men received their degrees from that university, because it was the only one. Q. What class of society were the friars drawn from in Spain ? A. I can not state of my own knowledge, but quoting the friars themselves and persons who have traveled extensively in Spain, I should say that they came from the lowest orders of society; and this is corroborated by the fact that the majority, if not all of them, when they first come have not the slightest conception of social forms or etiquette, and it might be said they have the hair of the dog on them. Q. Were there not a good many well-educated friars ? A. The fact is that they are almost totally unconscious of proper social forms. They act indecently and use indecent expressions in the presence of ladies in public to such an extent that I was forced on one occasion to throw out a friar who was not only using indecent lan- guage, but acting indecently in the presence of my wife. Educated men there are among them, but nearly all of them lack social polish, which corroborates the fact that they are from the lowest orders. Q. Do the orders differ at all in this respect? A. They do differ considerably. You could draw distinctions. For instance, it may be said that the Augustinians, the Recolletos, the Dominicans, and the Franciscans are the four orders that have the least education. Q. I mean as between those four. A. Of these four it seems that the Augustinians have a little more social polish, but the Franciscans are the last link of the chain. They are absolutely bereft of any idea even of social polish or etiquette. The Jesuits, for instance, have, it may be said, a very fair conception of social forms, and it is said they are chosen from the upper families. I know several of them, and 1 am certain that they come from distin- guished families. The Paulist fathers also have more culture and better conceptions of social forms. Q. Have you any knowledge of the agricultural property belonging to the friars, or any order of them, from which they derive revenue ? I mean other than general rumor. A. The Augustinians, the Dominicans, and the RecoUetos have agri- cultural properties. Let us begin with the Dominicans. They have haciendas in the provinces of Cavite, Bulacan, Laguna, Manila, and in Cagayan. In the province of Cavite they have the following haci- CHURCH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 135 endas: Naic and Santa Cruz de Malabon. The hacienda of Naic includes all the pueblo of Naic and a part of a neighboring pueblo. The second embraces the town of the same name — all of it — and part of the pueblo of San Francisco and of Salinas. In the province of Laguna they have the following haciendas: Binang, which includes Binang, Santa Rosa, and Cabuyao; the hacienda of Calamba, which includes the towns of Calamba and part of Los Banos Bay. In the province of Manila the}^ have the hacienda of San Juan del Monte, which includes the town of the same name, a part of that of San Felipe Nari. In Malabon the}^ have the hacienda of Nabotas, which includes a part of the town of the same name. In the province of Bulacan they have the Lomboy, which includes a part of the pueblos of Polo and Me3^canayan. In the province of Cagayan they have the hacienda of Tuguegarao. The Augustinians have in the province of Manila the hacienda of Mandolayo, San Pedro Macati, and Gaudalupe, which is a very profita- ble one because of the stone quarries it has. Nearly the whole of the province of Cavite is in the hands of the friars; that is the reason that the revolution was concentrated there. There is the hacienda of San Francisco de Malano, known as Teijero. In the province of Malabon they have Malinta, which includes the pueblos of Bocane and Cruinto. In Cagayan they also have a tobacco plantation. The Recolletos have in the province of Cavite the haciendas of Salitran, which includes part of the pueblo Bacoor and the pueblo of Imus, reaching almost to Monte Lupa; of San Juan, which includes part of the pueblo of Imus; and of Perez das Marinas. In Mindoro they have a fine plantation with a live-stock range; this was stocked with live stock, but it has disappeared since the revo- lution. I had almost forgotten to mention that the Augustinians always had in the Visa3"as and in Cebu .the hacienda known as Talisa}^ For fear that some of the haciendas may have escaped my memory I will present to 3^ou a table setting forth all the haciendas, together with the number of hectares, the number of inhabitants, and the yield of products. Q. I will be much obliged. I have a statement from the friars, and would like to compare it with the one you send. A. It seems that the Dominicans have made a simulated sale to Andrews. Q. Haven't they all done the same thing? A. As a matter of m}^ own knowledge I can only say as to the Dominicans. I have seen the abstract of title of the lands of the Dominicans and also the deed. Q. Is it not true that the friars have held these estates, most of them, for over one hundred years? A. Some, A^es. Q. Or at least over fifty 3^ears ? A. Yes; but although they have held this land under a possessory title, as a matter of fact in many cases, like that of the hacienda of Calamba, the}^ did not even have a possessory title, for they held it under the color of furnishing irrigation. The idea is that originall}^ all the lands in the Philippines belonged to the Crown of Spain, and the friars, under a pretext of furnishing irrigation for those lands, 136 CHURCH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. first commenced charging the possessors of the different Government lands a small quota for the use of this water that they furnished them. Then after a number of years they commenced applying the money which was paid for water to the purchase price of the land, which land did not belong to the friars, but belonged to the State, and the friars retained that money, and the persons who were in possession of the lands believed that they were paying for the lands. Q. That is the case at Calamba? A. And also at Imus. From the very incipiency of Spanish sov- ereignty in this archipelago under Philip the Second of Spain every pueblo was given a certain amount of land in common for the benefit of the vicinage, and now in nearly every instance all of that land is in the hands of the friars. The question is, how did it get there without any record of any sale on the part of any one of the pueblos? This does not mean to say that they have acquired all the haciendas in the same way. For instance, the hacienda of Teijero in Cavite was pur- chased from its former owner by the Augustinians. Q. What is the statute of limitations or of prescription here ? A. Ten years among those who are present and twenty years among absent persons. Q. Don't you think that that defense could be made successfully by the friars to most of the claims against the land. I am asking as a question of law? A. Strictly speaking, in the eye of the civil law, I am of the opinion that their lands can not be taken from them, for they can rely not only on prescription, but also upon a possessory title of very long standing. Q. I got that impression from hearing their evidence. I have a tabu- lar statement, which I have not examined caref ull}^, and do not expect to examine carefully until I take up all the papers in the matter for examination, in which they give the dates of the deeds conveying the lands to the different orders. A. Besides all of these facts, their title was sold by the royal decree issued in the time of Fabie, before mentioned, when they were allowed to alienate these lands, and that, naturally being one of the rights of a fee-simple proprietor, it recognized that title, and therefore I state that in the eyes of the civil law you can not attack their title. Q. What do you think their land is worth, assuming that they can go on it without being shot? A. It is better for the Filipinos to lose the land than to have them here. Q. What was it worth in 1896? A. Land has gone up a good deal now. Of all the religious corpo- rations, from three million up in 1896. That is Mexican. They claimed they had five million worth. You could proceed from this basis that every kinon, which is a land measure here, of irrigated rice land is worth 1,000 pesos; in other words, one Mexican dollar for every square meter of land; that is the legal standard, and besides they are the best lands in the archipelago. Q. Suppose we could get the land for 15,000,000 — that is, the whole of it — could we sell it for that by selling it off in small parcels to the persons who live on it? A. You could get a great deal more than that. By selling it in small parcels, giving the preference of buying it to the men who are already on and cultivating it, you can make much more than that out CHURCH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 137 of it. Speaking of the landholders in the province of Cavite, with many of whom I have spoken, they are willing to pay to the Govern- ment of the United States what they are now paying in the wa}" of a tax to the friars upon the condition that the friars do not return to these lands and have nothing to do with them; but this is not so much through animosit}^ to the friars as to their contracts. I will explain the contract with the friars: An individual takes a parcel of land. The first thing the friar does is to object to any legal document being drawn concerning it, because they have already some printed contracts drawn up by themselves, and those are what the}^ demand the lessee shall sign. The fact is that the friars stipulate in their printed leases, in the teeth of ever}^ legal provision, that they ma}" take the lands away from the lessee whenever they please, even though he complies with all legal requisites. Q. The friars stated to me that they charged considerably less rent than any other landlord. How is that? A. I do not believe that is true, and I will recount a certain thing which will show that the friars not only charge for the land itself but for the air over it. I will produce one of the contracts which I have in my house. For instance, a certain amount is paid as rent for the ground, and if on that ground there is a mango tree, the lessee pays 3 reals a year for that mango tree irrespective of what he pays for the ground. Therefore I sa}" that they not only pay for the ground but for the air. If there happens to be on this ground any bamboo sticks, they are also paid for. Q. Is the bamboo a profitable tree? A. My Santa Ana house is all built of bamboo. The present price is ^12.50 per hundred for small ones. The large ones are worth half a dollar a piece. If through any accident, fortuitous or otherwise, the mango tree should die, it is the lessee's duty to replace it, and the same is true as to the bamboo; but that is not the strangest thing, for the whole time that the mango tree fails to bear he has to keep on paying. Moreover, every year the lands under the lease are meas- ured, and there is a saying among the people of the province of Cavite that the land grows ever}^ year. What I sa}- I can corroborate by written instruments signed by the friars. Besides all this, the rental must be paid in products of the soil, and it must be paid when those products are cheapest in the market. To measure grains, for instance, they have in the provinces what is known as the cavan of the devil, which is of a larger size than the legal measure. A cavan holds a lit- tle more than 25 liters, dry measure, but the devil's cavan, which the friars used to collect their rent, has 26 liters. Besides all of this, in every quantit}^ of cavans paid in the way of rent there has to be added a number of these to make up for the losses in the storage houses through what rats or other rodents have eaten up. That is one of the conditions of the contract, what the rats eat up in the granaries. So much is this so that after they have measured out the proper number to meet the rent, they sa}": "There is some more for the rats." I am not quoting hearsay. I am speaking because I have seen it m3"self. This rice that the}" take is always washed before they measure it, but in the interest of brevity I will leave out details and proceed. If the friars state that the\" are the best land- lords here — and there are a number of landlords — wh}" is the animosity all directed against the friars and not the other landlords ? 138 CHUECH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. Q. I would be glad to go on and ask a good many other questions that your answers suggest, but I must cut it down within reasonable limits. A. Yes, that is onl}^ a skeleton sketch, because a man is known through details. Q. I will ask one other question, which I asked the friars when they were here, and that is whether there was anything recognized by the friars such as our tenant right, sometimes called in Ireland ulster- tenant right, where a man takes a place from year to year and has no title other than that of holding from year to year; and ^'-et the proba- bility that he will be continued is recognized as something of value, which may be sold from one man to another, or which will go from father to son, and 1 could not learn from the friars whether any such thing existed or not. I got the impression that it did not. A. I will answer that by saying that such a system does exist, but always subject to the discretion of the friars. Still, the custom pre- vails of not only passing this tenant right from father to son, but also conveying it to another person, usuall}^ as a matter of bargain and sale, and the new purchaser generally pays more for improvements made by the lessee; but all of this, of course, is subject to the approval of the original landlord, the friar. Q. What political functions were actually exercised by the friars in the islands under Spanish rule? A. Aside from those political functions, which the laws recognize in them and which are many — and began with the vise which they put upon the credentials of moral character of every inhabitant of the pueblo and terminated in the friar being a member of the fishing board, which is rather an interminable chain — their extra legal func- tions embraced everything. Beginning with the municipal organiza- tion, he is supervisor of everything connected with the municipality. His opinion is asked with respect to the appointment of municipal officers. When information as to a man's moral standing is requested, if the credentials don't bear the vise by the friar the}^ are of no effect. He is inspector of the schools, a member of all the boards— the for- estry board, the municipal boards, and all other boards. In Manila, in the central government, the archbishop and bishops are members of the board of authorities. The four provincials are members of the board of the council of administration. The whole thing is said when I stated that they belonged to the board of fisheries — and Heaven knows what a friar has got to do with fish. To refer again to the extra legal duties self-imposed by the friars, I may put it in a word by sa3dng that the governor-general who does not act in conformity with the friars is a dead man, as evidenced by the case of General Lalon Despujol, of very recent date; and when I say governor-general, I include all the authorities beneath him. Q. What were the relations between the heads of the Spanish Gov- ernment here and the heads of the church ? A. When we consider the intimate linking of the church and the state which prevailed under the Spanish regime, it is unnecessary for me to state that, after all, the friar was the first authority in the Philippines. Q. What fees were actually collected by the parish priests for mar- riages and births? A. There really existed a schedule of fees, which was promulgated CHURCH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 139 by an archbishop named Don Balio Sancho de Santo Justa y Rufina. That schedule is still in force, and is posted in the cathedral now, but that schedule of fees was never carried out, and every friar charged just what he thought best. I don't make this statement from hearsay, but from personal knowledge, because I was a member of a society whose purpose it was to bring about marriages between those who were living together but were unmarried, and I have personally wit- nessed many weddings where the fees were always far beyond the legal schedule, and in all the long time that I have been a member of this society I have never yet found a single case where the friar has condoned or exempted the party from payment of fees, even when he knew that most of the marriages were conducted under the auspices of the society and that the fees were paid by the society. Q. Do you think that the fees imposed had an}^ effect on preventing marriages ? A. Few were the influences that it had considering the custom among the people here, because they would get the money for these fees, even if they had to steal it. If any evil results were noticeable from these fees, the}^ were limited almost exclusively to Manila, but in the provinces, even if they had to steal it, they would get the money. Q. Now, as to the morality of the friars, have you had much oppor- tunity to observe as to this ? A. Considerable, from my earliest j^outh. With respect to their morality in general, it was such a common thing to see children of friars that no one ever paid any attention to it or thought of it, and so depraved had the people become in this regard that the women who were the mistresses of friars really felt great pride in it and had no compunction in speaking of it. So general had this thing become that it may be said that even now the rule is for a friar to have a mistress and children, and he who is not is the rare exception, and if it is desired that I give names, I could cite right now 100 children of friars. Q. In Manila or in the provinces? A. In Manila and in the provinces. Everywhere. Manj^ of my sweethearts have been daughters of friars. Q. Are the friars living in the islands still who have had those children ? Q. Yes; and 1 can give their names if necessary, and I can give the names of the children, too. Beginning with myself, m3Miiother is the daughter of a Franciscan friar. I do not dishonor mj^self by sa^dng this, because my famih^ begins with myself. Q. I will be much obliged for a list. A. I can give it to you right now: In Pandacan, Isidro Mendoza, son of the Bishop Pedro Payo, when he was the parish curate of the Pueblo of Samar; in Imus, the wife of Cayetano Tot azio, daughter of a Recolecto friar of Mindoro; in Zambales, Louise Lasaca, now in Zimbales, and several sisters and brothers were children of Friar Benito Tutor, a Recolecto friar in Bulacan; in Quingua, I can not remember the last name, the first name is Manuela, a godchild of m}^ mother, is a daughter of an Augustinian friar named Alvaro; in Cavite, a certain Patrocinio Berjes is a daughter of Friar Rivas, a Dominican friar; Colonel Aguillar, who is on the Spanish board of liquidation, is the son of Father Ferrer, an Augustinian monk. Q. How do you know these things? A. In some cases through family relations, others because they were 140 CHUECH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. godchildren of 1113^ father, and others I became possessed of the facts through being attorney. I myself have acted as godfather for three children of friars. I am now managing an estate of $40,000 that came from a friar for his three children. A family lives with me who are all children of friars. Q. Dr. Gonzales was the son of a friar, was he not? A. Yes; I didn't care to mention him. Referring to this matter, I must recognize that we ought to be thankful to the friars, because they have bettered our race. Q. That was not the subject, was it, of great condemnation by the people ? A. By no means. Q. It was a kind of departure from the celibacy of the clergy, wasn't that it? A. It was merely an infraction of the canonical law. Q. It was not a general licentiousness on the part of the friars ? A. It was a general licentiousness, because, as I have said, the exception as to the rule among the friars was not to have a mistress and be the father of children by her. The friar who was not mixed up with a woman in some wa}^ or other was like a snowbird in summer, but it must be confessed that for the past ten years they have improved somewhat in this regard. Q. How do they compare with the native clergy in this matter? A. To tell the truth, they almost run together, although it must be said also that the latter, the native priests, are not so bare faced about it. They have a certain fear. But in this regard, they were merely following the general rule and the general example. Q. That would seem to indicate that the immorality of the friars is not the chief ground of the hostility of the people against them, would it not? A. That is not, by any means, because the moral sense of the whole people here had been absolutely perverted. So frequent were these infractions of the moral laws on the part of the friars that really no one ever cared or took any notice of them; and this acquiescence on the part of the people was imposed upon them, for woe be unto him who should ever murmur anything against the friars, and even the young Filipino women had their senses perverted, because when attending school they had often and often seen the friars come in to speak to their openly avowed daughters, who often were their own playmates. Q. Is it not a fact that the hostility against the friars does exist? A. Certainly. Q. Is it confined to the educated classes? A. It extends to even the lowest classes, but the case with the lower classes is that they are a great deal like a private soldier. They can not avow it, for they fear that they will be treated very harshly. Q. Do not the friars still retain a good deal of influence among the women of the lower class and of the higher, too ? A. Only to a slight degree. This is due to the fact that they see in the friar a minister of their own religion, and that naturally calls for certain respect. Q. I suppose the women here, as the women everywhere, are more religious than the men ? A. Of course; and besides, they are not possessed of a great many details of an indecent character, of which the men are possessed. CHURCH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 141 Q. Now, it seems to me from the examination that I have been able to make, from the friars and others, that the chief ground of hostility against the friars is because the}^ represent the Kingdom of Spain to most of the people in these islands, in all the oppressive measures that that Kingdom adopted in the government of the people here. A. Yes. They were the expression of the most exaggerated des- potism, not of the Government of Spain, but of their own despotism, which they exercised, using the name of the Kingdom of Spain, because their system was to deceive both Spain and the people. That was the line the}^ had laid down, and, unfortunately, they are still following it, and thej^ used it during the time of the Spanish regime. They would say to the people, "If it were not for me the Government would annihilate you," and then they would say to the Government, ''If it were not for me the people would overthrow you." And even at the present time there is not the slightest doubt that they have said to the American authorities that all of the Filipino people were a lot of anarchists and insurgents who were conspiring to overthrow constituted authorit}^, while to the people of the Philippines they sslj the American Govern- ment will place a chain around the waist of each of them; I do not make this assertion as an emanation from myself. I have seen it in writing. In the confessional they say to them, "How can you be in favor of the Americans when they are absolutely the enemies of our religion?" And the}^ say that constantly to the secular clergy, adding that woe belides the poor Filipinos who deliver themselves over uncon- ditionally to the American Government, and I have heard this from the very lips of Monsieur Chapelle. Q. Is there a difference in the feeling against the different orders? A. Oh, yes. For example, this feeling is general as against the Augustinians, the Dominicans, the RecoUetos, and the Franciscans. Then, on the other hand, there are the Jesuits, which, as my friend says, are the worst, but there is no animosit}^; the Capuchins, against whom there is no animosity; the Benedictines, against whom there is no animosity; and the Paulist fathers also, and all of these are Span- iards, and still there is no animosity against them; but the animosit}^ is against the first named. Q. These others were not parish priests ? A. The latter named never occupied the parish priests, and conse- quently had no preponderance in the government. Q. And that really explains the difference? A. Yes, sir. And so far as the Jesuits are concerned they are even recognized as benefactors of the country, and they are also recognized as those who have given the greatest impulse to education, and that is one of the reasons why these four corporations first named are at war with the other corporations, and principally with the Jesuits. Q. What do you know of deportation due to the complaints of the friars ? A. They have had a great deal of intervention in the deportation, and they were the moving element always in deportations when they did not like anybody. Q. They occasionally intervened to prevent deportations ? A. I have known of cases; for instance, the case of the bishop of Cebu and the Camarines. The former bishop interceded in behalf of Torres and Llorente, who was one of the justices of the supreme court. Q. Are the native priests well educated ? 142 CHURCH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS.. A. There must be two or more stages considered in answering that question, because of different conditions that have prevailed at differ- ent times. All the native clergy who have donned the ecclesiastical garb since 18Y2, the time of the revolution of Cavite, leave much to be desired. In the first place, because all of those who chose the cloth for their livelihood were the worst students in the university. In the second place, because the instruction in the theological seminaries was very poor indeed. There was a moving cause in all this; for instance, the instruction in the theological seminaries was made purposely defi- cient because the archbishops desired to show the authorities in Rome that none of the natives were ever capable of assuming charge of the curacies in the provinces, and therefore rendering it necessary for the friars alone to be named. The reason why only the poorer students of the university became priests was because those who were quicker mentally and were brighter every way would not go into the priest- hood because they knew of the unhappy conditions that would prevail afterwards. Q. What do you think would be the result of the friars attempting to go back to their parishes ? A. I will answer that by stating what a countryman told me: He says that all the friars have to do is to go back to their parishes and sleep one night, and the chances are that they would never awaken. I do not mean to say by this that every pueblo in all the provinces would cut the throats of the returning parish priests, but, even sup- posing there were but three pueblos in each province that were antago- nistic to the return of the parish priests, they would begin the under- taking of inciting all the others until they had gotten them in the condition where they would do the same. Q. What do you think of the establishment of a public-school system allowing half an hour before or half an hour after school for religious instruction ? Would that satisfy the Catholics of the island ? A. So long as the instruction was only in the Catholic religion, of course. Q. The instruction would not be by the public-school teacher. The opportunity would be given to everyone; but as there would be none there but priests, I suppose the Catholics would be the only ones to go. The children would only go and receive the instruction that their parents desired. A. I have always entertained the idea that the separation of church and state in this island is one of the most difficult undertakings. Pos- sibly it is the most arduous problem that there is here, and I believe that the establishment of free religious instruction would produce a bad effect on the people. Q. You do not quite understand the system I mean. Under the Constitution of the United States it is not possible for us to spend any public money for any religious instruction, but the Catholic clergy seem to feel that instruction ought to be accompanied by religious instruction. Now, then, if we give to the Catholic priest the oppor- tunity to go and meet the pupils, either before or after the regular curriculum, for half an hour or an hour as he sees fit to give them instruction, will that act meet the desires of the people for the union of education and religion ? A. It would be satisfactory to the people, provided it were only the Catholic priests who went there. CHURCH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 148 Q. It would practicalh^ amount to that, for no child would be com- pelled to listen to an}^ religious instruction which their parents did not desire them to listen to. It is wholly within the control of the parents. A. This question would be very easy of solution and would be under- stood perfectly by an educated people, but the people we have here are not reasoning enough to grasp all of that, and would think that what is a perfectly free function w^as something that was compulsory; and there is another thing that would arise, and that is that in the Catholic clergy themselves there would be found those who would object to that because it is free, and an}^ member of an}^ religion could go there and the}" would establish their own schools. The people are surprised that they don't teach the catechism in the public schools, for it has been the custom of the children to learn to read out of the cate- chism, and that is what renders this a ver}" difficult problem, and perhaps the permitting of free religious instruction in the schools may redound to the injury of those schools, and this because the people confound what is perfectly free and what is obligatory. Q. There are but two courses open — one to give that opportunity to have religious instruction, and the other to have schools without it at all? A. I believe it is preferable to suppress it entirel}^ and to give the religious instruction in churches. Q. I am glad to get your opinion, for it is a very difficult question. A. It is the most arduous question in these interrogatories, and presents the gravest problem, for we are treating with a fanatical Catholic people, and then, besides, we are confronted by a grossl}^ ignorant people. Q. Tending some of them to fetichism? A. Yes. The fact is that the people at large have not grasped the true inspiration of Catholicism — it is tinsel dazzling before their e3"es. Certain things come up and immediateh^ the people turn over to fetichism and idolatr}^ There is a sect called the Color um — in the provinces of Batangas, Laguna, Mindoro, and Ta^^abas — which has more than 100,000 proselytes, which is an adulteration of the third order of St. Francis admixed with ancient idolatries, and that is the real cause of the tremendous fanaticism that exists in those four provinces. It is not confined to these four — it is pretty genera) . Q. Does it not need the influence of a cultivated clergy ? A. That is true if you were treating of a people who could under- stand you. What you need here is not great knowledge, but to attract them by the affection. You can not thrust aside or obliterate all these notions by any cold reason. Q. No ; but a cultivated, high-toned clergy that was well educated could not but exercise a good influence if they used common sense in a community like that. A. That is very true, but if the people don't take kindly to that clerg}^ the problem is still unsolved. Q. What do ^^ou think about introducing American clergy here ? A. It depends entirely upon how they conduct themselves. Q. Now as to the eff'ect of the government either buying or exap- propriating the agricultural propert}^ of the friars and selling it out in small parcels and using the proceeds for a school fund — do you think that a practicable idea? A. That is practicable, and the only solution to the problem, and 144 CHURCH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. that would also solve the agrarian and social aspect of the revolution. Q. Is not that, so far as it relates to the friars, confined to the provinces of Cavite, Batangas, Manila, and Bulacan ? 1 mean largel}^ ? A. Yes; where the friars have haciendas, but still it has spread somewhat to other provinces where they hold no land, but it is of little importance. October 18, 1900. INTERVIEW WITH JOSE EODERIGTJES INFANTE. Q. How long have you lived in the Philippines ? A. I have resided here all my life — thirty -six years — with the excep- tion of twenty months, when I made a tour of the world — ^ America, France, Switzerland, etc. I made this tour during the 3"ears 1893 and 1891. Q. You were educated at the University of Santo Thomas ? A. Yes; and I have my legal degree from there also. Q. Have you practiced law? A. As I had inherited a little money from my father and sonae plantations, 1 thought that the legal profession would not add much to my income, and so I have not practiced law. Q. You did, however, take a full course in law? A. Yes; and 1 am a licentiate of laws. Q. And you have, since reaching manhood, with the exception of the twenty months spent in travel, managed haciendas in the province of Pampanga ? A. I commenced to manage the estate of my father in the year 1888. Q. And you have been quite familiar with everj^thing that went on in Pampanga, and generally in Luzon ? A. I am well acquainted with the conditions prevailing in the prov- ince of Pampanga and also in the Visayas. During the Spanish regime persons who had a high social position and were well educated were not looked upon with any great favor by the Spaniards. If they traveled they were charged with being filibusters or with desiring to disrupt the public order and Spanish control, and consequent!}^ I have spent most of my time in my own province and between that and Manila. Q. Have you been in the Visayas; and, if so, did you spend some time there? A. I onl}^ know of the Visayas b}^ hearsay. Q. Have you had considerable opportunity to observe the relations between the friars and the people of their parishes in a religious, social, and political way ? A. In my own province. Q. This was before the year 1896 ? A. Yes, sir. I have had ver}^ many opportunities to observe the relations existing between the parish friars and their flocks, not only in the province of Pampanga, but also in Bulacan, where I have a large number of friends whom I have often visited. Q. Have you known a good many friars personally ? A. 1 have not known very many because I have no very great lean- ing toward them, but I have known a number. CHURCH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 145 Q. Do you know what class of society they were drawn from in Spain ? A. I do not know a large number, but I have heard from a very good source that a very large majority of them are Asturians from the mountains of Spain. Q. Do the different orders differ at all in this respect? A. I really had no chance to judge, except of the Jesuits, because they were my teachers, and of the Augustinians, of which order the friars in my province are, and one Recolleto friar in Montalban, prov- ince of Manila, who verv nearly got us all into jail up there in the year 1886. Q. Do you know anj^thing about the property owned by the friars in the Philippines? A. I can onl}^ state that from trustworthy sources I have heard that they own a great deal of landed property, and I have m^^self visited three or four of their estates, at Imus, Malinta, and Lolomboy. On these estates I have been even in the manor houses, but I do not know the extent of their holdings. Q. They have none in Pampanga? A. They have not even one foot of land in Pampanga. Q. What in Pampanga did the friars do in the wa}^ of political con- trol of the town ? A. In the first place they had direct intervention in what might be called the private life of every individual. If they desired that he live at ease, he could live uninterrupted in the pursuit of his occupa- tions; if they did not, they could make his life a torment. The friars directed most of their attention, if not all of it, to those persons in each pueblo who were of the upper class hy reason of their property or education — such as did not need the friars to aid them in any of their plans. The friars usually watched these people very closely so as to discover any way at all in which to either get land or money from them by making accusations against them. The methods pursued by the friars in the pueblos to show their prowess to the gobernador- cillos was something after this fashion : When a new gobernadorcillo was named, the friars would go to the provincial governor and say that he ought to impose a fine on the gobernadorcillo because he did not keep the roads within his jurisdiction in a proper condition. Act- ing upon this, the provincial governor would impose the fine, and the gobernadorcillo would apply to the parish friar to intercede for him with the governor. This the friar would do, asking the provincial governor to remit the fine, which he would do. In this way the friar would ingratiate himself with the gobernadorcillo, and also show to him what a power he had over all the political authorities. If the friar happened to be at outs with the provincial governor, he would utilize his influence over the gobernadorcillo to the end that the latter would show him all the orders that he received from the pro- vincial governor before he executed the same, and if any of these orders met his views he would instruct the gobernadorcillo to obe}" them; if not, he would tell him to pay no attention to them. If matters came to a crisis, the friar would advise the gobernadorcillo to either take to the woods or to come to Manila and become a guest of the monastery of his order there, and then he would prepare charges against the provincial governor and have it signed by all the principal people in the pueblo. Another method of the friars related to the S. Doc. 190 10 146 CHURCH LANDS EN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. collection of their fees or stipends. They formed all the lists of the population of their different districts from the parish baptismal register and purposely avoided any reference to the death register, conse- quentl}^' whoever was baptised in that place could live forever, and was returned always as being alive and a resident of that place, even though he had died or moved, and he compelled the cabezas barangay, who were the tax collectors, to turn over to them their stipend based upon these public returns, and if they failed to turn the stipends over on the ground that no such population existed, thej were put in jail through the friars and bereft of their position. The basis for the pay- ment of the stipend to the curates in former times was the population, and every year a list of the population of the pueblo was made up ostensibly by the gobernadoi'cillo, but the only statistics there were in these pueblos were the parish registers kept by the friars, and the friars compelled the gobernadorcillos, therefore, to come to them and let them vise the lists that were sent in to the provincial governor and naturally increased them so as to increase salary. Q. So to swell the taxes, they robbed the cradle and the grave? A. They augmented the cradle, but diminished the grave. The friars had a S3^stem of blackmail, by which the}^ held the rod over all the citizens of a pueblo, about whose habits and closet skeletons they learned through making little girls of from 5 to 6 and 7 years of age^ who could barely speak and who were naturally and must have been sinless, come to the confessional and relate to them everything that they knew of the private life in their own homes and in places that they might visit. Q. Did they take an active part in the improvements or whatever was done in the town ? A. It may be said that they had full direction and charge of all the public works in their different jurisdictions, except such as were of a nature demanding the supervision of a corps of engineers under the board of public works at Manila, who were always Spaniards naturally, to direct the public works in the pueblos, they always had to live in the convent with the friars so as to get into their good graces, for if they did not the friars would report them as being derelict in their duty or with misappropriating funds. Q. What can you say about the fees collected by the priests for marriages, etc. ? A. I can not state positively what the fees charged are, but I can say that they are very heavy and always increasing, because I have to pav the birth, marriage, and burial fees of all of my tenants and serv- ants, and they are charged on an ever-increasing scale. The slightest improvement made to a church or convent is used as a pretext for enormously increasing these fees. The fees are ver}^ burdensome to the landed proprietor, for the Filipino, unfortunately, when he gets an idea acts on it without caring for the consequences, and if he feels like getting married, even though he is very poor, he will get married and have children, for all of which his landlord has to pa}^ Q. What do you know about the morality or immorality of the friars ? A. Too much. I have nothing to add to what Senor Calderon says^ save to cite some more names. Q. Have you known a good many young women and young men who were the reputed daughters and sons of friars ? CHUECH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 147 A. I have known a great many and now have living on my own estate six children of a friar. Q. Were all the friars licentious ? A. I believe that they all are. Q. Do you think that was the ground of hostility against the friars ? A. No, sir; Csesarism was. Everything was dependent upon them, and I may say that even the process of eating was under their super- vision. Naturally, their immorality had a slight influence in the case, but it became so common that it passed unnoticed. Q. Does the hostility exist against all the orders? A. Only against the four. The Augustinians in my province, the Recolletos, the Dominicans — it existed against the Dominicans in Pangasinan for I have heard people living there speak of it when I visited them — and the Franciscans. Q. Why did it exist against the four and not against the Jesuits, Paulist Fathers, and Benedictines? A. Because the latter not having any parishes, the people did not know whether they were the same or not; although we know historic- ally that the Jesuits are the worst, but we have never had any palpa- ble evidence. Q. You have never heard charges of immorality against the Jesuits ? A. No. Q. Was this feeling in Pampanga against the friars confined to the leading men in each town, to four or five, or did it permeate the lower classes ? A. In former times only the upper class would express their opinions with respect to the friars, but since the friars have left their curacies, the pent-up feeling of all classes of society is expressed, and the mur- ders of priests and the attacks upon priests which have recently occur- red are due entirely to the lower classes of society and not even connived at or instigated by the upper classes. Q. Charges have been made against the friars that they caused deportations of Filipinos. Do you know of such instances? A. Yes, sir. In my own province it was seen that the large majority of the friars, and more especially the now deceased friar Antonio Bra,bo, had great influence in the deportation of many influential citi- zens, as also in the incarceration of several of them in order to subse- quently have them released so as to show their power with the authorities. I myself at the instigation of friars have been the victim of their machinations for they wanted me sent to Manila to be crimi- nally prosecuted, but thanks to the governor, and to my father-in- law, who was a European, I escaped. Q- It is charged, also, that they were guilty of physical cruelty to their own members and others. What do you know about it? A. They were cruel, not only in their treatment of their servants by beating them, but they also took great delight in being eyewitnesses to tortures and beatings of men in prisons and jails by the civil author- ities. They were always, when witnessing these acts, accompanied by some of the higher Spanish civil authorities, and these acts were usually carried out at the instigation of the friars. One of the proofs that my own province behaved better than all the others — because it was under the governorship of Seiior Canovas, who was a just man — is that it was the last to rise up in arms against Spain. Q. What have you to say of the morality of the native priests as compared with that of the friars ? 148 CHUECH LANDS IN PHILIPPHSTE ISLANDS. A. They are about on an even footing. All these priests now offici- ating have the same vices, and when 3^ou take into account that they were purposel}^ kept from following their natural bent to obtain an education by the friars, in order to show the Pope that there was a natural want of capacit}" in the Filipino, it can be seen why they became easy tools of the Spanish priests and great mimics of them in their loose life. This design to keep native priests from gaining a good education began in 1872. Q. Did all of the friars change for the worse about that time? A. 1 am informed that the}" were bad before that time. Q. What do 3^ou think would be the result should the friars attempt lo return to their parishes? A. I believe that the Carbonari methods would be applied to them. Q. And now about this school question, do 3^ou agree with Senor €alderon? A. Yes, sir. As the people are eminently catholic in feeling, they would be pleased to have religious instruction, provided it were not compulsory, or they thought it were not compulsory. Q. You think possibly the arrangement by which the instruction should be permitted by the priest or ministers of any religion, for half an hour before or half an hour after school, might, if the people understood it, work? A. My impression is that when you speak of ministers of any religion, the people would not look well upon instruction being given in public schools. Q. 1 suppose you understand that all that is done and all that is pro- posed to be done in this matter is to say that the minister of any religion can come to teach the children who desire to be taught b}^ that particular minister, and as there are likely to be few ministers in this island except the Catholic, it would probably work out that no one would go but the Catholics. A. Might it not be that owing to the dearth of churches and having a ready-made congregation, the ministers of the different churches would fight to see who would get there first ? Q. It would depend upon the wishes of the parents; in other words, if they were all Catholics that is the only instruction that would be gfiven there. A. I believe it would. Q. Will it not much change the relation of the priest to the people from what it was under Spanish times, when it comes to be understood that the churches must be supported by voluntar}^ contribution and that the Government offers no more protection to the priest than to any other member of the community, and that the priest occupies no political function whatever? A. I believe it would solve the whole problem. Q. I understood you to stay that the orders own nothing in Pampanga ? A. None. Q. The agrarian question mentioned by Mr. Calderon is really a local question, affecting Cavite, Batangas, Bulacan, and Lagun^i? A. Yes, sir; and in the province of Manila. Q. It really plays very little part in Pampanga? A. It may be said that Pampanga has always been happy, and even in the matter of curates we have had fairly good men as a rule. Q. From your general knowledge, do you think the purchase of the and would help out the agrarian question ? CHURCH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 149 A. Yes; that would solve the problem; but the United States ought not to pay more for the lands than the price that private individuals here have had to pay, and the friars got them at a lower figure, ^1 for a square meter of first-class rice lands with irrigation. Q. I suppose people in the islands — honest men — could be had to appraise these lands at what they are really worth '^ A. The}^ ought to be appraised at what they were worth formerly and not what they are worth to-day. Q. Are they worth more to-day? A. A great deal more. Under the right of eminent domain, they ought to be compelled to sell their lands at a fair price above what they paid for them, but not what they are worth now. Q. They have sold their lands, in a way, haven't they? A. I can not state of my own knowledge, but it is a very current public rumor that some of them have made a fictitious sale so as to get them in the name of another. Expressions of thanks. October 19, 1900. INTEEVIEW WITH SEtOR ITOZARIO CONSTANTINO, OF BIGAN, PROVINCE OF BULACAN, NOW RESIDING IN MANILA. Q. How long have you lived in the Philippines ? A. I was born here, and 1 am now 58, never having left the islands. Q. Where were you born? A. In Bigan, but when I became a lawyer I came down to live in Manila. Q. Have you been in the habit of going back to Bulacan ? A. Constantly. All my interests and lands are there. Q. How much personal opportunity had j^ou before 1896 to know the relations, and the social, religious, and political attitude of the friars toward the people and the people toward the friars ? A. I have had many opportunities. What the friars acting as parish priests have done for many years prior to 1896 is to commit flagrant abuses both in their private and public life. Q, Have you known a good many friars personally? A. I have known a great many. Q. Do you know what class of society the}^ were generally drawn from in Spain ? A. I do not know. Some of them show they have received a fair education, but many others show that the}" only came over here under the cloak of religion to gain a living. Q. Do you know of any agricultural, business, or residence prop- erty owned by any order of the friars from which the}" derive revenue ? A. I know that they own city property and also suburban property. They have a multitude of country estates. In Bulacan they have at least three or four, perhaps five, haciendas. Q. Can you tell the different orders owning estates in Bulacan ? A. In the province of Bulacan is the hacienda of Pandi, Lolomboy, belonging to the Dominicans; Malinta, Danepol, and Trece, to the Augustinians. Those are the shod Augustinians, as distinguished 150 CHURCH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. from those who go barefooted. The name of the Recolletos is "unshod Augustinians." Q. What political functions did the friars discharge before 1896 in the villages in which they were parish priests '( A. The political functions that the}^ exercised were those of ruling the entire country, every authority and everybody having to be sub- servient to their caprice. Q. Do you know what were the relations between the heads of the Spanish Government and the heads of the church here? A. Generalh^ speaking the governor-general had to keep on the good side of the head of the church here, for he knew full well that if he should do anything which was displeasing to the archbishop that he would last a very short time in the Philippines. Q. What were the fees actually collected for the marriages and births and burials? Were they oppressive or otherwise? A. That depended entireh^ upon the caprice of the parish friar and the ability to pay of the person needing his services. Many times the latter would have to pay four times the official schedule. Q. What was the morality of the friars ? A. There was no morality whatever, and the story of the immorality would take too long to recount. Great immorality and corruption. (I desire to say here that, speaking thus frankly about the habits of the priests, the witnesses would fear that they might be persecuted by the priest if it should ever get out what they were saying here.) Judge Taft. I don't expect to publish it. I expect to use it to make a report to the commission. Q. Have you known of the children of friars being about in Bulacan ? A. Yes, sir. About the year 1810 and the year 50 ever}^ friar curate in the province of Bulacan had his concubine. Dr. Joaquin Gonzales was the son of a curate of Baliuag, and he has three sisters here and another brother, all children of the same friar. We do not look upon that as a discredit to a man. The multitude of friars who came here from 1876 to 1896 and 1898 were all of the same kind, and to name the number of children that they have would take up an immense lot of space. There was a case, for instance, of the governor of the province of Bulacan (and I know whereof 1 speak, for 1 have practiced law there for many years) who was named Canova, and he was a man who was very strict in the per- formance of his official duty — an honest and an upright man. He endeavored to put a stop to the deportations of the friars, and they combined and called upon him in a body and asked him in a threaten- ing manner if he desired to remain as governor of that province. He told them to go to hell; and they said. Now, if you don't want to stay here you better ask to be transferred to another province, because if you don't leave voluntarily you will not remain here three months longer. A very short time after that he had to leave. Q. Did not the people become so accustomed to the relations which the friars had with the women that it realty paid very little part in their hostility to the friars, assuming that the hostility did exist? A. That contributed somewhat to the hostility of the people, and they carried things in this regard with a ver}" high hand, for if the}^ should desire the wife or daughter of a man, and the husband and father opposed such advances, they would endeavor to have the man deported by bringing up false charges of being a filibuster or a Mason, CHURCH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. ' 151 and after succeeding in getting rid of the husband, the}^ would, by foul or fair means, accomplish their purposes, and I will cite a case that actually happened to us. It was the case of a first cousin of mine, Dona Soponce, who married a girl from Baliuag and went to live in Agonoy, and there the local friar curate who was pursuing his wife got him the position as registrar of the church in order to have him occupied in order that he might continue his advances with the wife. He was fortunate in this undertaking and succeeded in getting the wife away from the husband and afterwards had the husband deported to Puerto Princesa, near Jolo, where he was shot as an insurgent, and the friar continued to live with the widow and she bore him children. The friar's name is Jose Martin, an Augustinian friar. Q. Is he still in the islands? A. He was an old man, and he has gone over to Spain. This was in the year 1891, 1892, or perhaps 1893. Q. I want to ask you whether the hostilit}^ against the friars is con- fined to the educated and the better element among the people? A. It permeates all classes of society, and principall}^ the lower, for they can do nothing. The upper class, by reason of their education, can stand them off better than the lower classes, and this is the reason that the friars don't want the public to become educated. Q. Do the friars still retain any influence over the women of the lower orders ? A. Over some very fanatical women, yes. Q. But you think that feeling is not general among them ? A. The hatred is general. The commission may find the proof of this by sending a trustworthy man to every pueblo in the archipelago to ask of the inhabitants if they want a friar curate, and all of them will answer no. Q. Does the feeling exist against all the orders ? A. Yes, against all the orders; but of course principally against all the orders who have acted as curates. Of course, it is true there can be no great hatred of those who have remained in their cloisters and have not had an opportunity to commit the acts. Q. I have understood feeling against the Jesuits, Paulists, and Benedictines did not exist generally ? A. Up to this time I know nothing of them, because thej^ have not occupied any of the curacies, but I have understood that where the Jesuits have occupied there have been some of them prone to commit abuses. Q. Do 3"ou know of other cases of deportations by the friars? A. Many, a very great many deportations, but I can not trace abso- lutely to the friars all these deportations, for they are very skillful in throwing the stones and hiding the hand; but there has been a large number of deportations that were due to no other known cause but the friars, for no other animosity, except on the part of the friars, existed against the parties deported. Q. What would 3^ou say as to the statement that the people desired the return of the friars, but that the only real opposition to it was among the native clergy ? A. Nothing of the kind. The clerg}^ contributed in no way what- ever to the feeling against the friars. The people are unalterably opposed to the return of these men to their parishes. The clergy are rather on the fence waiting to see what the (jrovernment is going to 152 CHUKCH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. do, but as a fact they have no part whatever in the animosity against the friars. Q. What do you think would be the result were the church to send here some American priests, secular priests, who understood the con- duct of the church under the system of separation of church and state and who understood what it is to live in a free country ? A. The only thing that might be said to that is that no matter where the honest and upright priests come from, whether America or the Philippines or anywhere else, so long as he did not commit abuses such as the friars committed, and so long as he was not a member of a monastic order, the people would continue to be Catholics and would not inquire into the nationality of their priests. Q. What about the morality of the native priests as compared with the friars ? A. There is no comparison at all. Even when the native priest, following in the footsteps of his teacher, commits abuses and immorali- ties, he does it less openly or shamelessly than the friar. One of the great reasons for the objections to the friar is that the spirit of union and solidarity which holds their religious communities together pre- vents punishment from being visited upon the unworthy. If 1 were to go to the provincial of an order and lodge charges of heinous offenses against the curate of my pueblo he would say, ''I will fix that," and eternity would pass before it was fixed; and in some cases where outrageous conduct has been charged against the curate, and public opinion was unanimous in crying for condign punishment against the culprit, the provincial has arranged the matter by taking the culprit away from that town and sending him to a better one. This is public and notorious. In this very case that I spoke of, of Friar Jose Martin with my first cousin, the latter went to Archbishop Nozaleda with letters which had passed between the friar and his wife. The letters were written in cipher understood only by the woman and the friar, and with locks of his hair and his photograph, which had been sent to his wife. My cousin wanted him to discipline this man and to prevent him from encroaching upon his household. Arch- bishop Nozaleda said that the case was within the jurisdiction of the vicar of the province, residing at Baliuac, and that was the end of the case. Nothing was ever done by the archbishop or the vicar, except, as I have said before, the husband was deported to Puerto Princessa. I desire to say that this has never been published. It is a skeleton in a closet. Q. What would be the result if the friars should attempt to go back to their parishes'^ A. I can not tell for a certainty, but I believe that it would be fatal. Q. Don't you think that the people in the islands are sincere Catholics? A. Yes, sir; sincerely Catholic; and if to-day there are a few other religions gaining an entrance to the islands the fault lies wholly at the door of the friars. Q.- Do the people want education ? A. I should say so; yes, sir. They are very anxious to have it. Q. Would they like education in English? A. If it were possible, in all languages. The proof of this fact is seen in the tremendous attendance at the night schools which have recently been opened to give instruction in English. A large number OHUECH LAIRDS IJ^ PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 153 of persons who would like to attend are unable to do so, because they have to work hard to gain a livelihood for their parents, who are unable to work. Q. Do they have to work nights ? A. Yes; some of them; like many of the small water-carriers and shoemakers. We intend to give as much opportunity as we can to those night schools and to enlarge them. We have application for another now, and we are going to establish it. We are confronted in starting an extended system of education all through the islands with this diffi- cult}^: Under the American system of government there is a complete separation of church and state; the church conducts its affairs, and the people pursue religious worship as they please. On the other hand, the church has no influence with the state and the state is not permitted to furnish religious instruction to the youth of the country. We encounter a feeling here, manifested through the Jesuits, and perhaps, people generally, that they are opposed to a system of education with- out instruction in the Catholic religion. In order to meet that objec- tion it has been suggested that we should have public schools in which no religion is taught by the public school-teacher, but we should give authorit}^ to have religious instruction of these people, with the consent of their parents, a half an hour before the school hour and half an hour afterwards, but not make it obligatory. I would like to know 3^our opinion as to how that would work and would satisfy- the feeling among the Catholics that the}^ must unite religious instruction with education ? It is not even necessar}^ to have any religious instruction at all in the public schools, because all the people of the Philippines are deeply religious from a Catholic standpoint; this is deep rooted in their hearts, and they drink it in with their mother's milk, and they know no instruction in school. They can get all the instruction they need in matters religious from their own parents or their own homes. Q. Then you think it better not to attempt that other ? A. Entireh", for the people of the country are naturally religious. To show how deep rooted this religion is, it has become a fanaticism. Q. How would it work out in this way: Suppose we establish good public schools, pa}^ teachers well, and have a good system, not like the old, and suppose the church were to sa}^ or the church authorities were to say, "'You can not send your children to these schools because there is no religion taught in them," where would the people stand in an instruction like that'^ A. The Filipino people would flock to where the}^ could get instruc- tion, irrespective of what the priests should wish. Q. Would it not affect the standing of the priests very much and the influence of the priests, whoever they are, if it becomes known to the people, as it must become known, that the only wa}^ the priests can be paid is by the voluntary contributions of the people and that the priests will exercise no political functions whatever, and if as now under General Order No. 4o, and as it probably will be under any other law, thej^ are denied the right to hold office ? After three or four years will that not very much change the view of the people as to the importance of who the priests are in the town ? A. No, sir; I believe that the priests could stiU continue to live through the voluntary contributions of the people. Undoubtedly the influence they may have wielded in a political way would naturally 154 CHURCH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. disappear, but they would have considerable religious influence, because when the Filipino is given liberty of action and freedom of conscience and is at liberty to choose any religion, as the Catholic is the one he knows or cares to know, he would remain a Catholic, and if the priest would say: "I am bereft of the support of any government and I have to live upon voluntary contributions," the majority of the people would gladly provide them with money and make good donations to them. Q. You have not gotten what I want. Let us assume that the friar went back. If he were deprived of his political functions and dependent upon people for contributions on which to live, would not his position be very much changed from what it was before? Not that I mean that a friar is going back, but let us assume it. In other words, would it not draw his fangs? A. You have to proceed from the hypothesis that the great mass of the people here are ignorant, and if a friar goes back and goes to work on that ignorance he is possessed of the dexterity and cleverness to make it redound to his credit and to get money, and you must remem- ber that ignorance is all pervading here. In a pueblo there may be 20 men who are educated, and the friars working upon that ignorance would get up slowly but certainly a feud between the educated and the ignorant. Q. What would be the effect if the Government were to make a con- tract with the friars, or by condemnation were to bu}'- the property of the friars and sell it out to the tenants in small divisions and use the money for a school fund? A. A very favorable result would ensue from that and there would be general contentment. Expressions of thanks. October 20, 1900. INTERVIEW WITH MAXIMO VIOLA, OF SAN MIGUEL DE MAYUMO. Q. Were you born in the Philippines? A. Yes. O. In what part of the islands have you lived? A. Except the time I spent in Europe to finish my education (a little over four years) I have lived nearly the whole time in the prov- ince of Bulacan. Q. About what is your age ? A. I am 43 years old. Q. What is your profession? A. I am a physician. Q. You studied in France? A. Principally in Spain, although I have been in France, Germany, and Austria. Q. What vears were you in Vienna? A. In the^ear 1887. Q. Have you practiced your profession in Bulacan? A. I have practiced my profession constantly from the latter part of 1887 until 1891 in Bulacan, when through persecutions of the friars I was driven to Manila, where I remained practicing until 1899, then returning to Bulacan, where I continued the practice. CHURCH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 155 Q. How far is San Miguel de Mayumo from here ? A. There are two wo^js of getting there: One is by going by train from Manila to Calumpit and from there by steamer to Candaba and from Candaba to San Miguel in banca; the other way is to go from Manila to Calumpit by train, to Bulacan in carromata and from there to San Miguel in carromata, about eight hours for the whole trip, or four hours the last part. I came in August, and on account of the conditions caused by rains I was five days in banca. Q. How much opportunity did you have to know the doings and lives of the friars in the Philippines before 1896? A. I was the ph^^sician of some friars. I have also had relations with all the friars who have been in my town and also in neighboring towns. Q. I suppose 3^our practice is generall}^ through the province ? A. Yes, sir; and even extends to adjoining provinces and in Nueva Ecija also. Q. They say the knowledge of a physician of the inner life of the people is more intimate than that of an v other profession ? A. Naturally. Hence, I shall onh^ make references to their public life, for their private and secret life is professional in its nature. Q. Do 3"ou know from what class of society the friars were drawn in Spain? A. In Spain I knew several friars who were sons of poor families with a large number of children, and who in order to get a profession and livelihood would go to the theological seminaries attached to the convents. In these seminaries they begin with the rudiments of an education until they are graduated, but the}" never see anybody except fellow friars and have no touch with the world, and the only thing they know in the waj^ of treatment is the treatment of the superior to the inferior. When they come over they become despots and they understand no other relation. Q. Have you any particular information about the agricultural prop- erty owned by the friars ? A. Yes, sir. For instance, the hacienda of Tampol in the pueblo of Quingua and also another hacienda in Santa Maria de Pandi, both these belonging to the Augustinians and Dominicans. Q. Are they large ? A. Yes, sir. Q. Have you any idea how large? A. The first named hacienda is a sugar plantation and is of consid- erable extent. The other hacienda is made up of rice land and is also of considerable size. Q. What political functions did the friars actually exercise in your parish ? A. They exercised all functions. The}^ were the lieutenants of the civil guard, the captain of the pueblo, the governor of the province. To show this, the frair would always watch the elections, and if an}^ provincial governor or an}" municipal authority were elected by the people whom he did not desire to hold office, he would for subordinate officers appeal to the provincial governor and for these governors to the governor-general, and state that if these officers who had been elected were permitted to assume their offices that the public order would be endangered because they were Masons, or any other specious argument would be advanced so as to make the superior authorities set 156 CHUKCH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. at naught the will of the people and appoint whoever might be thought suitable or f riendl}^ to the friar, but often this was not necessary, as the friar would so wield the elections as to get only those to vote who were his blind followers. He performed the duties of lieutenant of the civil guard by demanding of every person who came to him to be either married or to have a child baptized or for a burial, their cedula, which he would retain until such a time as the fees were paid, and then he would report the person whose cedula he had retained to the lieuten- • ant of the civil guard as being without a cedula, and he would be jailed until such time as he should get another cedula. Q. What was the morality of the parish priests? A. There was no morality. If I was to rehearse the whole history it would be interminable; but I shall confine myself to concrete cases, beginning with the vows of chastit}^ which everyone knows they have to take. Upon this point it were better to consult the children of friars in every town where there are at least four or five or more, who have cost their mother's many bitter tears for having brought them into the world, not only because of the dishonor, but also because of the num- erous deportations brought about by the friars to get rid of them. The vow of poverty is also loudly commented on by the fact that in every town, however poor it may be, the convent is the finest building,, whereas in Europe or elsewhere the schoolhouse is the finest building. With regard to other little caprices of the friars, I might say that whenever a wealthy resident of the town is in his death throes the Filipino coadjutor of the friar is never permitted to go to his bedside and confess him, the Spanish friar always goes, and there he paints to the penitent the torments of hell and the consequences of an evil life, thus adding to the terrors of the deathbed. He also states his soul may be saved b}^ donating either real or personal property to the church. There are hundreds of donations of this kind which still exist. For instance, in the town of Bigaa, the altar in the church is of silver, a donation from the Constantine family ; and in San Miguel the silver alter is a donation from the family of Don Cefanno de Leon, the grandfather having donated mone^ sufficient to pay for it on his deathbed; and if the patient dies the family is compelled to have a most expensive funeral, with all the incidental expenses which go to the church, or be threatened with deportation or imprison- ment; and if the dead person is a pauper, and has naturally nothing to pay with, or if he is a servant or a tenant, the master or employer has to pay or he will be deported, as happened to my brother-in-law, Moises Santiago, who was a pharmacist, and was deported in the month of November, 1895, because he did not pay the funeral expenses of the son of the female servant in his house. The father of this child was a laborer, and had funds sufiicient to defray the burial expenses, and the friar was so informed by my brother-in-law, and they said they had nothing to do with that, and that he was his master and would have to pay or sufi'er the consequences, which he did. I myself came very near being deported under the following circumstances: A woman heavy with child died in the fifth month of gestation. The friar curate demanded that I should perform the Caesarian operation upon the corpse, in order to baptize the foetus. I declined to perform the oper- ation, because I had a wound in my finger and feared blood poisoning. He told me it was my duty to m3^self and to my conscience to perform the operation, in order that he might baptize the foetus, and I told him CHUECH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 157 my conscience did not so impel me, and 1 declined to do it, and he said, "Take care." Those two words were sufficient to send me hur- riedly to Manila, where I remained from 1895, the 3^ear in which this occurred, to 1899. If the dying person is a pauper, with no one to pay fees, the Spanish friar does not go to confess him, but sends the Filipino, and when he dies without burial fees his corpse is often allowed to rot, and there have been manj^ cases where the sacristans of the church have been ordered b}" the friar to hang the corpse publicly, so that the rela- tives may be thus compelled to seek the fees somewhere sufficient to bury the corpse. Q. What proportion of the friars do you think violated their vows of celibacy? A. I do not know of a single one of all those I have known in the province of Bulacan who has not violated his vow of celibacy. The very large majority of the mestizos in the interior are sons of friars. Q. Does a hostility exist among the people against the friars ? A. A great deal. If you were to ask the inhabitants of the Philip- pines, one by one, that question, they would all say the same that they hated the friars, because there is scarcely a person living here who has not in one way or another suffered at their hands. Q. What is the chief ground of that hostility? A. The despotism and the immoralit3\ p Q. Had other cases than the immoralit}^ not existed, do you think the immorality was sufficient? A. Yes; that would be a sufficient cause, for the simple reason that the immoralit}^ brings as a natural consequence in its train despotism, intimidation, and force to carry out their desires and designs; for all may be reduced to this that the Filipino who did not bow his head in acquiescence had it cut off from his shoulders. Q. In other words, this was only a manifestation of the power they exercised over the people. That was one end toward which they used their power ? A. Immoralit}" was the chief end. Q. What have you to say of the morality of the native priests? A. They blindly obeyed whatever the friar says; they have neither individual will nor thought. Q. Are the}^ also loose in their relations with women ? A. Many of them, also. From my own personal experience I think all the priests and friars are on the same level. I have never seen one that was pure. I don't deny there may be exceptions, but I have not seen them. The large majority hav^e violated their vows of celi- bacy and chastity. For this reason I believe that Protestantism will have a very good field here, for one reason alone, and that is that the Protestant ministers marry and that will eradicate all fear of attacks upon the Filipino families on their part. Q. What education and preparation for the discharge of their duties have the native priests ? A. They are sufficiently well educated to discharge their sacred offices, but heretofore they have been overshadowed by the friars and prevented from exercising their own discretion in the management of the parishes. Q. What do you think about the possibility of establishing a sj^stem of public education without an}^ religious instruction in it? A. That would be satisfactory to the people, because the Catholic 158 CHURCH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. religion is very deep rooted here and the parents would always bring- the children up in that religion, no matter whether it was taught in the schools or elsewhere. The fact is, that until they arrive at years of discretion, and allow their own consciences to control them, the Catholic religion will always prevail in these islands. Q. What do you think would be the effect of the buying of the haciendas of the religious orders by the Government and selling them out in small parcels to the present tenants ? A. That would give ver}^ good results, and if the proceeds of these funds were applied to a fund for public schools it would be a matter for which the Filipino people, all of them, would be very grateful. Expressions of thanks. October 23, 1900. INTERVIEW WITH DR. T. H. PARDO DE TAVERA. Q. How long have you lived in the Philippine Islands? A. 1 was born in the Philippine Islands and left here at 16 years of age. Q. And when did you return ? A. I was absent twenty years, returning here in the year 1891. Q. You are by profession a physician, and 3^ou were pursuing your studies as such abroad? A. Yes, sir. I was pursuing my medical studies in Paris, but while 1 was in Paris I did not lose any of the happenings of my country, for 1 have alwa3^s followed them with a very close eye. I have followed them politically, socially, and historically. Q. Have j^ou had a good deal of opportunity personally to know the friars ? A. Yes; because I was a student of the University of Santo Thomas, and naturally was in close contact. ^ Q. Your home is in Manila? A. Yes. Q. You were born in Manila? A. Yes. Q. Do you know, either from knowledge derived from here or abroad, from what class of society the friars were drawn ? A. They were drawn from the lowest class. There are some from the middle class, but they are rare exceptions. Q. Are they well educated ? A. No; they are very ordinary people, and are mostly educated here in Manila. In the college we could tell the recently arrived friar by his bucolic manners — a rough kind of admixture of egotism and mysticism. Q. Have you any definite information about the property of the friars ? A. No; I know generally that the}^ have a great deal of property here, and that recently an association or syndicate was formed for the purpose of purchasing the property of the Dominicans, and a pam- phlet was published giving a list of those properties, and from that I have come to know what they were, so far as the Dominicans are con- CHURCH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 159 cerned. The other orders I know have large holdings of real estate outside of Manila and in the provinces and also in the city. Q. Do 3"ou know from personal experience what political functions- and powers were exercised by the friars in the parishes ? A. Of course, I do not know b}" actual observation in the outside parishes, for I have never lived there, but by conversation and treat- ing with persons from the outlying provinces and parishes I have gained a considerable knowledge. Besides, it was no secret that the friars had a great influence in all matters of a political or administra- tive nature. Q. Do 3^ou know what influence the heads of the church had with the heads of the civil government in Manila "i A. Yer}" great were the influences, for the archbishops and bishops, by reason of their ecclesiastical hierarchy, formed a part of what was known here in Manila as the board of authorities. This board was composed of the captain-general, the attorney -general, the military governor, the commander of the naval forces, the secretary of the general government, the president of the audiencia, the director- general of the civil administration, the treasurer, and the archbishop and bishops, and in recent times there were added the civil governor of the province of Manila and the provincials of the different monastic orders. The above constituted the board of authorities. Q. What functions did the}^ have ? A. The duties of this board were principally to investigate matters of urgent moment, and in times of crises to advise the governor- general. The archbishop and bishops also formed a part of the council of administration, a body analogous to the council of state of Spain and of France. Q. Were the ecclesiastics prone to assert influence, or did the}^ con- fine their attention to relioious affairs? A. The}^ did not confine their influence to their ecclesiastical func- tions, and to understand this it will be necessar}^ to form an idea of the political make-up of Spain. In America, the different religions have nothing to do with the state. In Spain, the religion and the state are one and the same thing. To give a better idea it would be well to bring' to mind the old pontifical state, where the Pope was the head of the church and state, and that was Spain. The King of Spain in order to avoid any difficulties with Rome had caused himself to be given the right of Yojail patronage , whereb}^ the King of Spain became a sort of authority in the church. If there are some states which separate church and state to avoid complications with Rome, Spain joined the church and state for the ver}- same purpose. Q. How much political power did the friars exercise in the country parishes ? A. It flows from this explanation, that the Spaniard could never separate himself from the influence which the church had upon him, and the result of that was that the friars wielded all the influence political and ecclesiastical in the parishes. I do not refer now to the moral influence of the friar, because the friar curate had to put his vise or O. K. on every administrative document that was issued, such as census documents, etc., and personal recommendations of every individual within his jurisdiction who desired to take a public office. His opinion was sought upon every conceivable subject. I say this so as to avoid going into too many details. This placing his O. K. on 160 CHURCH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. all these documents was not in response to any instructions or duties, but just because it suited his sacerdotal pleasure. I believe that is the political influence which it is sought to get at in the question. Q. Was it generally understood that the friars as a body exercised much political influence in the central government? A. 1 should say so. For from the time of their arrival here they were the only ones who treated with the Indians. They were the only interpreters between them and the Government. Moreover, it may be said that there was no continuous administrative policy as regards this colony. At one time the head of the colony would be here and govern in one way, and he would be superseded by another who would govern in another way — in other words, there was no set policy. On the other hand, in these monastic corporations the men died, but the principles and the government went on forever, and therefore they, perforce, governed the country, because they followed traditional lines without change. Q. The individuals in the church hierarchy remained a great deal longer than the individuals in the civil government? A. For the simple reason that they have always vaunted the fact that they expelled anyone in the civil government that they pleased. Q. Have you much personal knowledge of the morality or immo- rality of the friars? A. I ought to draw a distinction, for in the American sense of the word " immorality " it embraces several departures from the right path, while in the Filipino sense it simply meant sexual departures from moralit3^ Larceny, robbery, etc., were another kind of immo- rality. The friars had great notoriety as immoral men in the Filipino sense. It was so common that hardly any notice was taken of it. Some of the younger friars said it was merely human weakness, but nevertheless with that peculiar Spanish spirit, they prided themselves upon these facts. Q. It is not true that they were all immoral? A. Oh, by no means. Q. There were some who were very well educated and refined and who obeyed their vows, were there not? A. Yes; and many, especiall}^ among the Dominicans, were of that kind. Q. Did the common people not accept this thing as a matter of fact, and not regard it as a reason in one way or the other for influencing their feeling against the friars ? A. Of course. Q. What was the real ground for the feeling of the people against the friars? A. I have before said that the friars were the sovereigns of the country. The}^ did everything, so that as the country was dissatisfied with the conditions that prevailed, with the injustice, persecutions, and abuses of ever}^ kind, they hated the friar because they saw in the friar the responsible head of afi'airs. At the beginning the friar was the protector of the Indians, and the Indians were governed by the friars and accepted unquestionably every one of his acts, but after- wards when they began to suffer the consequences of every kind of abuse on the part of the friars, they began to think where all these hardships and grievances came from and the}^ discovered that they CHURCH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 161 came from the friars, and there was a regular torrent of hatred against them. Q. As representative of the opinion against the Spanish? A. As representatives and the source. The fact is, if the Philip- pines had been a country governed with justice, the friars would have enjoyed the glory of it, but as it has been miserably exploited, they must bear the responsibility. This is very historical. In Malolos, for instance, the municipal authorities were expelled because they were not favorable to the friars and were not religious, and I have here a letter of the governor-general in which he makes that charge, and I will add that the man who sent this letter, Ramon Blanco, was a free thinker and a liberal man. Q. Do you think that the friars were responsible, or otherwise, for the deportation of a good man}" people ? A. Oh, 3"es. It is entirely beyond doubt from the Calamba case, the Binondo feast at this very time of the year in 1887, and the expul- sion of the municipal authorities at Malolos. Q. What do you think of the native priests as compared with the friars ? A. They are as ignorant and as immoral, and have all the same defects and vices as the friars, as they were educated by the friars. Q. Have the}" less education ? A. Perhaps a little less. Q. What do you think would be the result generally if the friars attempted to go back to their parishes ? A. I have heard many persons say that they would assassinate any friars who returned. Q. I have heard it said by people whose opportunities for observa- tion on one side of the question would be fairly good, that this oppo- sition to the friars is due to the native priests and to a few men in each village, and that it does not permeate the mass of the people. To the Katipunans- A. I would like to ask those persons who have expressed this opin- ion, how many men they think belonged to the Katipunans. In the Tagalog provinces alone there were over 200,000, and it must be remem- bered that these members of the Katipunan society not only had resolved to attack the friars, but also to go into a revolution in which they exposed their lives, and there were many other enemies of the friars in the pueblos who were not bold enough to enter into the Katipunan society; so I do not believe the number of the enemies of the friars is so small. Q. You think, then, it does go through the masses of the people ? A. I believe so. There are exceptions, notably in the provinces of Pangasinan and Ilocos, where the friars kept the people in absolute ignorance, and they respected them like priests whose actions they never dared to discuss, and I believe it is in those provinces that the friars desire to make an effort to return. Q. We are not permitted to pay anybody to teach religion as a part of the public-school system. Now we can either establish public schools in which no religion is taught at all, or we can permit the Catholic priest or anyone selected by him to come there for a half an hour or an hour, as he may see fit, once every day or once every week to give religious, instruction to the children of parents who desire it, S. Doc. 190 11 162 CHURCH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. either before or after school hours. What do you think of these two systems, and which would be the better? A. The latter is the better. To allow them to come. To permit any minister to come. Q. That is what I intended, but naturally it will be the Catholic minister in ninety-nine cases out of a hundred. A. It must be borne in mind that the people of these islands have been used to having everything explained to them through proclama- tions, public documents, and circulars, and the thing that ought to be done in this instance is to thoroughly explain the matter beforehand, letting them know that the Government is not to give religious instruc- tion, but that the people are at perfect liberty to listen to religious instruction from the people that they themselves may select to give it. Q. What do you think would be the effect of the Government's con- demning the agricultural property of the friars and selling it out in small parcels, using the proceeds for a school fund ? A. I believe it would be excellent. The Filipinos as a whole believe it is so excellent a thing that they don't believe it can hardly happen. I am now referring to the ignorant people. Expressions of thanks. OCTOBEE 22, 1900. PEDRO SURANO LAKTAW. Q. When were you born ? A. I was born in October, 1853, and am 47 3^ears of age. Q. You are a young man. A. Worn-out with fatigues and efforts to overcome people who have tried to down me; but I have forgiven them all. It was not their fault, it was the fault of the times. Q. Will you state your profession ? A. I am a teacher. My degree as a teacher of elementary schools I. got in Manila; the degree of superior teacher I received in Salamanca, Spain, and degree as instructor of normal schools I got in Madrid. Q. Are you teaching now? A. I am now engaged in getting up a new commercial corporation with Don Pedro Paterno. In order to gain a livelihood during the late Spanish regime, I secured a position as teacher of one of the schools in Manila after a competitive examination. During the governor- generalship of Despujol I was charged with being in politics, and the school I had in Binondo was taken from me, but Governor-General Roman Blanco, upon my proving that I was innocent, gave me a school in Quiapo, which I also lost later on in the time of the insurrection under his administration, and I was sent to jail for a year under similar charges. At the end of this time I proved my innocence and I was released, but I was never given any other school. Q. You were born in these islands and have lived here, with the exception of the four years ? A. I was born in the capital pueblo of Bulacan, showing that I am a pure Tagalog. Q. How long did you live in Bulacan ? A. All my life except the time I spent in Europe and educating my- CHUUCH LANDS 11^ PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 168 self in Manila, and nine months that I taught school in Pampanga. Since I lost my last teachership in Manila I have remained here, but every year I have made a trip to my home. Q. Do you think you know enough about the friars to testify as to them ? A. I think I am in a position to know more about them than any other Filipino, because through my position as a teacher I was brought in constant contact with them. I have prepared a written statement of all the principal points in my contact with the friars during my life here, which I will leave with the commission if they desire it. A. We will ask the questions first and then see whether they cover what we desire. Q. This statement is really a set of answers to the questions, and the three accompanjdng documents are historical sketches referring to the same subject. 1 thought it better to put down my answers in writing so that the humble opinion I have to express might not be distorted. Q. I will have your manuscript translated, but will first get it in form by the usual questions and answers — that is, briefly. A. The first statement contains my own personal answers; the sec- ond document, which I presented to Don Esteros, the Subsecretary of tne colonies of Spain, is a collection of historical data, first, prov- ing that the Philippines never belonged to Spain in any wa}^; and, second, that the friars would never obey the civil authorities, and that ecclesiastically they were all breaking their vows. It is filled with citations in support of my assertions from histories written by the friars themselves. I have drunk from no other source. The last doc- ument is a refutation based upon the work of a Jesuit, reviewing the assertion of an Augustinian friar that the Filipinos were all bad and that the friars were always their friends. These documents all prove that from the time of the very first governer-general in the Philippines down to the last that the friars were always the same. Q. Do you know definitely what property the friars own here? If you do not know except generally, I will not trouble you to answer, for I have other means of getting that answer. A. I have mentioned some in my manuscript. I can not answer except generally. Q. What political functions did the friars actually exercise in the pueblos ? A. All, without exception. Even those which the governor-general was not able to exercise. One of the most terrible arms that the friars wielded in the provinces was the secret investigation and report upon the private life and conduct of a person. For instance, if someone had made accusations against a resident of a pueblo and laid them before the governor-general, he would have private instructions sent to the curate of the town to investigate and report upon the private life of that resident, stating that he had been charged with conspiring against the Spanish sovereignt}^ This resident was having his private life investigated without any notice to him whatever and in a secret way, and the report was always sent secret!}^ to the governor-general, and he might be the intimate friend of the governor of the province or of the gobernadorcillo of the town or of the commander of the civil guard in his town. He would render reports openly very favor- able to him, but notwithstanding this the governor-general would 164 CHURCH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. receive the secret report of the friar and act upon it. For instance, there have been many cases in pueblos where a large number of the inhabitants have attended a feast in honor of the birthday of the gov- ernor of the province and have partaken of his hospitality, being inti- mate friends of his, and three or four days later nearly all of them have been arrested and imprisoned, charged with being conspirators against the life of the governor and against the continuance of the Spanish sovereignty through secret information received from the friar curate. This is the secret of their great political influence in the country, for from the governor-general down to the lowest subordi- nate of the Spanish Government they feared the influence of the friar at home, which was very great, owing either to social position there or to power of money here, and I mj^self have seen several officers of high rank in the army and officials of prominence under the Govern- ment sent back long before their times of service had expired at the instigation of the friars. For instance, the governor-general, Despu- jol, who was an upright, honest, and just man, and who only remained here fifteen months because he showed his friendship for the Filipino, and I desire to add that no man has treated me more harshly than Despujol, on the ground that I was a Mason and he was a very ardent Catholic, but notwithstanding his ardent Catholicism he only stayed here fifteen months. Q. What do you know as to the morality of the friars? A. 1 have already related in my statement a few cases, and 1 would prefer to answer the question by sa3dng that the details of the immoral- ity of the friars are so base and so indecent that instead of smirching the friars I would smirch myself by relating them. When 1 was a boy of seven years of age, on the opposite side of the street from my house two ladies lived. They were Filipinos, and I noticed two little children there and I would ask my mother and the servants why it was that they were prettier than we or anybody in the town, and I was told that the friar would know, and I learned he had as his mistresses two sisters living under one roof, and that these children were the children of either one or both of them; and this was done publicly, for leaving out the question of his avowed celibacy and chastity, he had broken another vow which would not permit anj^- one to marry a deceased wife's sister, and here this man was living with two sisters at the same time. Q. Do you think all the friars were like that? Were there not some who obeyed their vows and were virtuous and lived pious lives ? A. I have already referred to that in my statement, for I desire to be just under all circumstances. Before replying further to this question I should like to complete the answer to the last. In the quarters of a town farthest removed from the center, the family life is purer there. There may be a few cases of concubinage, but there are comparatively very few, while in the center of the towns the cases of this kind are very numerous, as are also robbery and other crimes. In a word, it can be truthfulty said that the morality of the Filipino people becomes looser and looser as it nears the neigh- borhood of the convent. In answer to the second question, I may say that there are excep- tions, but they are unfortunately very few. I recall one instance of the friar curate of Apalit, in Pampanga, who was named Gamarra, and who was an upright and thoroughly religious man. He would marry CHURCH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 165 all those who were living in concubinage free ; he would bury the poor free, and perform man}^ charitable and Christian acts, and would stand between the authorities and the unjustly accused. The fact is that while he was the curate there there was not a single deportation. He visited the sick, he comforted all those who came to him in trouble; he was, in a word, a pure Christian minister of God, but as he was the one shining light amid the darkness of those who sang in chorus the airs of immo- rality, he was through their machinations brought to Manila and placed in charge of a convent; but this was done so as not to injure his feel- ings in an}" wo^j or make him believe that there was an^^thing behind the removal. Q. There were other instances? A. In that same pueblo of Apalit, which has been very fortunate in this regard, there was another friar curate of the same character, but unfortunate^ I can not recall his name at this moment. There was also another in the pueblo of Paombong, province of Bulacan, whose name I also have forgotten for the moment, but the fact is that they remained, unfortunately, in their pueblos but a ver}" short time. The good friar never remains long in his field of work. Q. Do you know much about the native clergy? A. Quite a good deal. Q. Did each friar have with him a native assistant? A. Not all of them. In the large towns they did. In the smaller towns they had none and in some of the ver}" smallest towns they had neither friars nor secular clergy. There are a ver}" few native priests now. At one time there were quite a number, but since the garroting of the three native priests in 1872, because they requested that native priests be placed over the curacies, there has been no incentive for natives to enter the priesthood, because they do not wish to be treated as servants and domineered over at a very small salary. I remember a ver}^ wise Filipino who was made a bishop, but unfortunately he became blind before assuming the episcopal chair. His name was Mariam Gracia. There have been a number of highly educated native priests in days gone by. This man whom I mentioned b}" name had been a ver}" deep student and was a very pious man. He could even, after becoming blind, come out of his house unattended, enter his car- riage, get out and go to the altar, say mass and return home again. He had a servant in his house who was studying Latin, and so wonder- ful was the memory of this man that when the servant would say that he wanted to look in the dictionary for a Avord, he would tell him it was on a certain page and on such a line, but since 1872 the incentive to become a »priest has entirely disappeared. This man was the last Filipino bishop. Before him there had been many. Q. Are not the present clergy inferior, in that the}" have not suffi- cient education and that their morals are not unlike those of the friars with whom they associated? A. I have also answered those questions. In the desire to be just I have stated in my answer that the present Filipino priest, saving a very few exceptions, has all the defects of the friar and none of his good points. Q. I want to ask whether the deep-seated hostility to the friars which many seem to entertain extends to the masses of the people ? A. While we who claim to be somewhat educated dislike the friar and would be unwilling to have him suffer what he has made us suffer, 166 CHURCH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. the masses, who are unthinking to a certain extent and who are but the beasts of burden and have therefore suffered in a certain way more than the others, are the most uncompromising and the most vengeful against the friars. Q. Do you think it would be safe for the friars to go back to their parishes ? A. I do not believe that they can ever return safely to their parishes, and I will say further that I fear that some uprising against the friars may be misinterpreted by the American Government as an uprising against it, which would be disastrous. The same thing happened in the revolution against Spain which was directed entirely against the friars, who, however, made the Government believe that it was against it, and this was so untrue that in the treaty of Biacana Bato all that the Filipinos asked was the expulsion of the friars. They did not ask for independence, and were willing to remain under the sovereignty of Spain if the friars were expelled; but seeing that the Government did not carry out its promises, and determined to get rid of the friars, they rose up in arms against it. As a son of the people, I have heard it stated that one of the most prominent reasons why the Filipinos under arms do not desire to lay them down and why a large number of those who are not in arms are standing aloof is that the fear, or perhaps it were better said, for a suspicion, that the American Government is befriending the friar, not openly but covertly, and 1 have regretted very much that this idea has become so general throughout the islands. What has grieved me more, perhaps, than any other one thing is the trip of Monsignor Chapelle a day or two ago to Dagupan, taking with him at his side a Dominican friar, and also two other friars, who, it is reported, are to take the place of the secular priest Garces. now the curate of Dagu- pan. The people of the Philippine Islands are Catholics, and their efforts now are directed against the classes or orders of that religion. They have not yet determined upon going a step further and taking the religion of their fathers, but if the friars remain here and are sup- ported by the Government 1 have no doubt that the large majority of the people of the islands will then fight even their religion. The friar can return to his parish without any fear of being attacked or med- dled with by the thinking classes of the Filipinos, because they recog- nize the fact that under American institutions he will have to rely upon voluntary contributions for his support and that before the Gov- ernment he will have no more standing and no more claim for protec- tion than the minister of any other religion or any other citizen; but the unthinking classes, the masses of the people, who know nothing of these things, will merely look upon the fact of his return as retrograde action and a revival of the times of absolutism, when the friars were in the ascendancy, and although, following out his natural bent, he may bow his head and be quiet for a time, what is greatly to be feared is that some day a tremendous explosion will occur, brought on by this very return of the friars to their parishes. Q. What do you think would be the result, should we establish a system of education without any religious instruction and the hierarchy of the church through the priests should denounce that system and order their parishoners not to send their children to the schools which we establish? What do you think would be the result? A. I shall answer that question in two ways. Up to the present the country still remains Catholic, save that it does not want the friar, CHUECH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 167 and being' accustomed to hear at all times in classes and out of classes, at home and away from home, moral and Christian precepts and teachings, the people have become absolutely accustomed to it. They are further accustomed to pray at every moment before beoin- ning recitations in every book, and the Filipino children or their fathers would like to have it continued, but they don't want the friar to have an}^ part in it. For this reason and because the Filipino people are very conservative, we still see in all their homes the effigies of saints, either printed or painted, and statues of saints, and the rosary being said at all hours, and let not libertas or the friar lay the flattering unction to his soul that the large attendance at the procession was due to him, as he claims, but only to that great con- servatism and Catholicism which still exists in these islands. How- ever, a short time before the coming of the Americans to these islands there was a group of Filipinos, relatively small, who were freethinkers and very much opposed to Catholicism. Their numbers may be grow- ing, but not very appreciably up to the present time. My idea is that when the fathers of children request it instruction in religion from a Catholic standpoint should be given their children in the public schools, and that when they are silent on this matter they should receive no religious instruction whatever. One of the reasons which has con- tributed to the separation and the keeping separate of the Americans and the Filipinos is a proclamation issued just prior to the arrival of the Americans by Archbishop Nozaleda, in which he informed the faithful that the enemies of our religion, the American heretics, were about to appear among us. This was printed in the Ecclesiastical Bulletin of the archbishopric. Let me insert here, before I forget it, that when we Filipinos refer to the friars we do not mean all the monastic bodies, but only four of them — the Augustinians, the Domini- cans, the Franciscans, and the Recolectos. The Jesuits are not disliked at all by the Filipinos, because it may be said that they brought the first instruction and education to the Filipinos, and, by the way, the first ones who introduced jackets of this kind, which are called Ameri- cana, and educated the j^outh of the country, having graduated the best scholars among the people here, including Rizal and many others. Q. What would be the result of that controvers}^ that I suggested? A. Even now in the public schools under the American system a large number of parents do not send their children because religion is not taught there, and by reason of these facts, I have stated above, they would have a certain suspicion of the intentions of the American Government about education. Q. If provision were made for religious instruction to be given by anybody appointed by the church for a half an hour before and a half an hour after school hours, would that satisfy the people? A. It would not be necessary to devote a half an hour every day to that, but following the custom under the Spanish rule, to devote half an hour every Saturday for ecclesiasts. I think that would suffice. However, I believe that if the people at large were informed first of what free instruction under American institutions is and that no reli- gious instruction is to be paid for by the government in any way, that good results would flow from it; but this must be made very clear beforehand to the people. Q. What do you think would be the effect of buying all the lands of the friars, to be sold to the tenants now on the lands, and to have the proceeds used as a school fund? 168 CHUECH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. A. I think very good results would come of this if the precaution were taken before purchasing to find out what belonged to the friars, because the great thing now is to find out what they do own. Expressions of thanks. OCTOBEE 24, 1900. INTERVIEW WITH AMBROSIA FLORES. Q. How long have you been in the islands ? A. All of my life, for I have never left the islands. Q. In what provinces have you lived ? A. In Manila, Vigan, Lepanto, Cavite, Cebu, Zamboanga, Jolo, Par- aqua, Bulacan, Pampanga, Tarlac, Pangasinan, Nueva Ecija. Q. You were a general in the insurgent army? A. Yes; I was. Q. How long were you in that capacity ? A. I was a general from May, 1898. Q. I meant how long were you in the army ? A. I was a general in 1898, and I afterwards discharged a civil office — civil governor, environs of Manila. Q. What were you doing before the revolution of 1896 ? A. I was a retired officer in the Spanish army. Q. Were you in the provinces you have named before or after 1896 ? A. In some before and some afterwards. After 1896 I was in the provinces of Cavite, Bulacan, Pampanga, Tarlac, Pangasinan, and Nueva Ecija. Q. Had you an opportunity before 1896 to know the friars and their relations to the people? A. Although by natural inclination and conviction I always desired to eschew close contact with the friars, I have, through the discharge of militar}^ and civil duties, been brought into rather close contact with them. Q. Do you know what actual authority of a political character they exercised before 1896 in their parishes? A. The political functions they discharged officially in their parishes were intervention and counsel in the local elections, reporting on the capacity and conduct of those elected, and, I might add in this regard, that this report was looked upon by the superior authorities in Manila with far more confidence than upon the unanimous vote of the people; confidential reports regarding the private life of the faithful in their parishes, which were made upon the investigations by the friars with- out the knowledge or intervention of the civil authorities; the O K-ing of all documents demanded or issued by the civil authorities, with single exception of notarial documents; extraofficially the}^ meddled in everything— they meddled in ever3^thing, without any responsibility whatever to anyone. Q. Is there a feeling of hostility or otherwise among the people against the friars ? A. A great feeling of hostility. Q. Does that afi'ect educated people only or the mass of the people? A. The feeling of animosity is common to all classes of society. During the Spanish rule among the lower classes it was not so notice CHURCH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 169 able, because they could not express their feelings, but now it is very noticeable and is common to all classes. Q. I have heard from a person high in authority in the church that the feeling against the friars is chiefly due to the inciting by the native priests and that the body of the people desired their return. What is your opinion as to this? A. No, sir; that is not the fact, because there are many native priests who have incurred the illfeeling of the people by reason of favoring the friars. This may be caused by a fear on the part of these native priests of the return of the friars, but the fact is very patent that there is a great deal of feeling against them for espousing or apparently espousing the cause of the friars. Q. Does the feeling against the friars difi'er in different localities ? A. There is a difference undoubtedly, but it is due to the fact that in some provinces there is fanaticism carried to such an extent, like in Pangasinan, for instance, where the Dominicans have been able to keep the people under the influence of blind superstition and where they believe that the priest is a veritable god and absolutely impecca- ble; but in the great majority of the provinces the feeling of hatred against the friars permeates all classes. Q. Do you know whether there are in these islands a great many descendants of the friars ? A. Yes, sir. Q. Is that generally understood? A. Yes, sir. Q. Do you know the persons and know who their fathers were ? A. I know several sons of friars, but at this moment remember one. I can furnish a long list of them, but now I think of but one. Q. Do you think the immorality was general or not — whether or not with a great many exceptions ? A. Yes, there were exceptions, but they were very rare. Q. What was the ground of the hostility against the friars ? A. The reasons for this hostility were many. In the first place, the haughty, overbearing, despotic manner of the friars. Then the ques- tion of the haciendas, because the conditions of their tenantry were very terrible. Then there was the fact of the fear which beset every man, even those who through fear were nearest to the friars, that if his eyes should light upon his wife or his daughter in an envious way that if he did not give them up he was lost. Another reason was that they were inimical to educating the people. Then again because of the parish fees, because they were very excessive, always compelling the rich to have the greatest amount of ceremony in their weddings, baptisms, and interments — whether they wanted it or not — and cost them thereby a good deal, and if they did not accede to the payment they would say they were Masons or filibusters. Q. Was the chief reason for the feeling of the people against the friars such as you have stated; that is, that they represented to the people the oppressive power of the Spanish people ? A. Yes, sir; exactly. Q. Do you think that if there were no other reason their great immorality would have made them unpopular? A. That would be sufiicient for this reason: That the means which they used to carry out their purposes with respect to women were the most grievous and oppressive. If thej^ had merel}^ desired a woman 170 CHURCH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. and courted her, nothing would have been said, but if the woman declined to allow their advances they used every effort in their power to compel her and her relatives to succumb. Q. How do the native priests compare in point of morality with the friars ? A. The present native priests are naturally contaminated by the friars, but although many of them have their amorous relations with women they do it in a quieter way. They don't use any force to carry out their ends. Q. How is it as to their education and capacity ? I am speaking as to the native priests. A. Their education is quite deficient, and it is due principally to the fact that there have been no theological seminaries here. When the Paulist fathers endeavored to give them instruction in theology, and seemed to be getting good results, the ecclesiastical authorities attacked the Paulist fathers, showing they had a deliberate intention to prevent the natives from securing education sufficient for sacerdotal functions. Q. Do the people desire to be educated? A. Very much so, and they have also shown a great desire to instruct themselves and educate themselves. Q. Are they all Catholics? A. All except those that live in the forests, like the Igorrotes, are Catholics. Q. And much attached to the church ? A. Yes; very much attached. Q. Do they regard religious teaching as a necessary part of a public- school system? A. To tell the truth about the matter, the people have never had a chance to express themselves upon that subject; but it is my own private opinion that the people would be pleased if some opportunity for religious instruction were afforded them in the schools. Q. Under the United States Government it would be impossible for us to devote public funds to the teaching of any particular religion; but we might (and that system prevails in some of the States in the United States) give to the priests an opportunity to instruct the chil- dren in religion, but after the regular school hours, should the parents of the children desire it. Do you think that would satisfy the people? A. Yes, that would satisfy them; but I think an hour or an half an hour for religious instruction every day is too much. I think that one day a week would satisfy them. I have thought a great deal upon this matter, and I have come to the conclusion that it would be wise to devote the morning of Thursday, which is the holiday here, to reli- gious instruction. Q. Of course, you understand that the Government could not pay the priests, or any teachei' appointed by them, to give this religious instruction. That would be the work of the Catholic Church, if it chose to employ a person for that purpose. A. I so understand, and I believe the Catholic Church should take that matter in hand. Q. You understand that we are not here to make them anything but Catholics. We want them to have the religion that they desire to have. A. We already understand that. As a matter of fact, during the late regime religion was taught here — rather, 1 should say, was not CHUECH LANDS IN PHILTPPII^E TSLAIN-DS. l7l taught, because all that the pupils were taught was to pray and to commit to memory the catechism of Father Astete, and nothing more. There was no opening of the mind to truths, and what the people desire would be a dedication of certain hours in the week to religious instruction and religious training upon a scientific basis, so that those who had the capacit}^ could understand it. Q. You have mentioned the fact that the ownership of the haciendas is one ground for the popular feeling against the friars. Was not that confined large!}" to the provinces of Manila, Cavite, Laguna de Bay, and Bulacan, perhaps Batangas also? A. That is true, but as there are innumerable cases of this hatred throughout all the islands; it is a general feeling, and in these prov- inces where the haciendas are situated it is from that fact more accen- tuated. Q. Yes, but I want to know if in those provinces I have named the feeling did not partake of an agrarian spirit also ? A. Yes, sir. Q. What would the effect be if the Government should be able to buy these lands and the haciendas of the friars and sell them out in small parcels to the tenants on the lands and devote the proceeds to establishing a school fund? A. It would be very well received by the people; but if I may be permitted to make a remark upon the subject of buying lands, I believe that in many cases the friars can not prove any title whatever to the lands in question, thereby rendering it unnecessary to purchase them. Q. Of course, if they have no title, then the people who really own them might contest that title with them. As to the statute of limitation. In the American legislation, as well as Spanish, the plea of prescription can be made to prevail after the holding of property for many years adversely; but the point that suggests itself in this connection is that they have not held that land peacefully; that if there has been no contention against their title or against their holding the land it is because of the conditions that they created which prevented them from asserting their title. (Expressions of thanks.) NOVEJUBER 3, 1900. INTERVIEW WITH H. PHELPS WHITMARSH. Q. Will you please state your name ? A. H. Phelps Whitmarsh. Q. And where you were born ? A. In Canada — Medoc, Canada. Q. Are you a citizen of the United States? A. Yes; my father is an American. Q. Your profession is what? A. A writer and journalist. Q. What periodicals or journals have you corresponded for? A. Mainly the Centmy, Atlantic Monthly, and Outlook. Q. How long have you been in the Philippines? A. I have been in the Philippines about thirteen months. 172 CHURCH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. Q. During the thirteen months of your stsij have you visited a great many different towns ? A. Yes, a great many. I have been all through the part of the archipelago occupied by the American troops and a good deal of that not occupied. Q. Have you come into contact with the inhabitants ? A. I have lived practically with them. Q. Have you a knowledge of Spanish sufficient to converse with them ? A. Yes; I can talk with them. I learned that in Cuba. Q. And 3"our living with them and going among them was to observe their habits, views, and opinions. A. Yes; for that and nothing else. Q. I want to ask you to direct your attention to their views of ecclesiastical matters. At the time you were with them who was con- ducting the religious functions, if any, in the majority of cases? A. In Luzon, generally, the religious functions were conducted by the Filipino priests, but I think I can not say in the majority of cases, for in the Visayas, Mindanao, and Jolo there were no priests. Q. Did you talk with the people of their sentiments toward the parish priests under the Spanish regime? A. I did. Q. What did you find their feeling to be with respect to them? A. I think with one exception, which stands out because it is an exception, the people always declared themselves to be not in favor of having the friars back. Q. Did they state the reasons ? A. They told me lots of stories about the friars. Q. Were they the common people ? A. Yes; the very commonest people. All are very bitter, except one town of northern Luzon. They are very bitter, and I have always asked them as to this matter. Q. What grounds did they give for their hostility ? A. Mainly that the priest held them under, oppressed them, robbed them, and that they used their women and daughters just as they pleased. Q. Did they specify the methods of oppression? A. I can not remember distinct instances just now. Q. Did you hear of instances of deportation through the agency of the priest ? A. Yes; I have heard that nobody was allowed in certain sections to go away from the town without the permit of the friars, and that the friar often sent him away and they were under the thumb of the friar. Q. How did the friar rob them ? A. He robbed them in the vicinity of the railroads by forcing the people to sell their rice to him at the prices which the friar made, and not allowing the people to send their own products to the market. Q. Was there anything said about the fees which were charged for religious functions? A. Yes; I heard a great many complaints about that. They were usually made according to a man's station. The friar charged what he pleased, and if he said a certain sum was necessary, that sum had to be paid or he would not conduct the burials, etc. Q. What did you hear as to the morality of the priests ? CHURCH LANDS 1^ PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. l73 A. Nothing that was good, with few exceptions. Q. Were you referred to instances where the illegitimate sons of the friars were known ? A. Yes; there was scarcely a town that I did not either see or hear of the children of friars. Q. Did you hear anything as to the moralit}" of the native priests? A. Yes. Q. Whatas to that? A. As a rule, that the}^ are not much better in regard to morality. Q. Could 3"ou not infer, therefore, that, had those acts of the friars which were subject to criticism been confined to immorality, it prob- abh^ would not have produced such a feeling ? A. No; I don't think it was wholly morality. Q. The people were used to that? A. The people did not object to it. I have had the people show me their white children and be proud of them. Q. Be more specific as to the number of towns you think you have visited in northern Luzon and in the Visayas. The number of provinces. A. For instance, in Luzon I have been in Uocos Sur, Bontoc, Lepanto, Benguet, La Union, Pangasinan, Tarlac, Zambales, Bataan, Pampanga, Bulacan, Cavite, Batangas, Tayabas, and Manila. Q. Were 3^ou in the Camarines ? A. Yes; in South Camarines, Albay, Laguna, and Batangas. Q. Now, the islands in which you have been ? A. Marinduque, Masbate, Panay, Cebu, Komblon, and the whole Sulu Archipelago. In every principal one, not in all the little ones. Q. Have 3'ou been in Mindanao? A. The fourteen ports of Mindanao. Q. Samar and Leyte? A. No. Q. As to Mindanao, I understand that only Jesuits are there ? Did you discover any distinction between the feeling toward the Jesuits and the other four orders, Dominicans, etc. ? A. The Visa3^ans, I am sure, don't feel so bitter toward the friars as the people north. I came into one town where the Jesuits had just been returned. The town was in charge of a young captain who did not take much interest in things, and the friars in the two weeks were running it to their own satisfaction. I talked with the presidente about schools. I found schools, school-teachers, benches in the schools, but no mone}" for the teachers, and the priests had advised the teachers not to teach until they were paid. The presidente quoted the friar about every two minutes during our conversation. Q. Did 3^ou discover a difference in the feeling toward the friars in the provinces where the friars own large haciendas ? A. No; it is just as bitter in Pangasinan, where they own nothing, and the people own small parcels of land. Q. But is the occasion for it a little different? Does it partake of an agrarian feeling in Cavite and Bulacan ? A. In Cavite and Bulacan, that ma}^ have something to do with it. Q. I ask the question to aid us in reaching a conclusion as to whether the purchase of the friar lands and the sale of them in small plats to the tenants would help matters generally — whether it would rid them of that which they regard as oppression now. Did you give much attention to that? 174 CHUECH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. A. Yes; I don't think it would make much difference. I don't think they consider that question. Q. You think the basis of their feeling is another ground? A. Yes; on other grounds. Q. Did you talk with them about public schools? A. Yes; I talked everywhere about schools, and all are anxious for them. Q. Do 3^ou think it would be possible to reconcile them to public schools without any religion being taught? A. Yes; I think it would be hard to reconcile them to anything else. Q. You know the Faribault plan, attributed to Archbishop Ireland, in which half an hour is given to any denomination that may wish to send religious teachers to talk to and instruct them with the consent of the parents. How do you think that would work? A. I think it would work badly, because if you allow an}^ priest of any denomination to go into the school.it would be looked upon b}^ the people as something the Government had forced upon them ; and if the priests were allowed to go back under any conditions, they would be able to influence the people and the pupils very largely, and I think it would hinder rather than help the civilization of these people. Q. You think these people are not so subject to the control of the ministers of the Catholic religion that they might be prevented from availing themselves of educational opportunities if they were offered without any religious teaching. Could not the priests, if they chose to exert such an influence, prevent their going to the public schools? A. If the friars were allowed to go back, they undoubtedly would. Q. But when Catholic priests go who were not friars, but who were anxious to support the Catholic religion and to conform to the views of their church, which looks with suspicion and hostility on nonsecta- rian influence, how would that be ? A. They could use a great deal of influence. Q. Suppose we could get the favor of the church, or avoid its hos- tility, were we to give a half an hour for religious instruction, you still think it would be better to decline ? A. I think it would be better not to allow them. I am neither one thing nor the other, personally, and am unprejudiced. Q. It is only a question of policy ? A. I am thinking simply of the idea of elevating this people. Expressions of thanks. OCTOBEK 19, 1900. MEMORANDUM OF CONFERENCE WITH CEFERINO JOVAN, ALCALDE OF BACOLOR, PROVINCE OF PAMPANGA. After referring to the conditions prevailing in the province of Pam- panga, and especially in the pueblo of Bacolor, from a political stand- point, several questions were addressed to the alcalde regarding the friar question in that portion of the island of Luzon. In reply to these questions, Senor Jovan stated that he had known a large number of friars living in concubinage with women, and a num- ber of children the fruit of such illicit relations. That the animosity against the friars extended throughout every strata of society down to CHUECH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. l75 the very lowest, and was not confined b}" any means to the educated and hi^'her classes of society. That, so far as his own pueblo was con- cerned, a return of the friars to their parishes would not result in their occup^dng the influential positions they held under the Spanish regime, for the people were beginning to learn what the separation of church and state meant, and that he, as the head of the pueblo, would receive no orders from the friar should he endeavor to assert the authority he held under Spanish rule, and if he were to come with credentials from the archbishop or even the pope, he would set them at naught, if they (the ecclesiastical functionaries mentioned) tried to intermeddle in matters in which the}" had no concern. That he him- self was an ardent Catholic, and followed to the best of his abilit}" the teachings of Jesus Christ, whom he recognized as the head of the church and from whom he received his inspirations. That if the friars endeavored to intermeddle in matters temporal he would tell his peo- ple that under the American Constitution and laws no protection was vouchsafed to an}^ religion or sect other than the protection guaranteed every citizen; that the friars must live from voluntary contributions entirely, and that the faithful were free to attend church or not, as their own consciences might dictate. That the province of Pampanga had been one of the favored portions of the island, in that the friars owned no property there, and consequently did not subject their ten- ants to the grievous burdens laid upon them elsewhere. NOVEIMBER 6, 1900. INTERVIEW OF BRIG. GEN. R. P. HUGHES, U. S. V., COMMANDING HEADaUARTERS AT ILOILO, ISLAND OF PANAY. Q. You are a citizen of the United States and general officer in the Regular Army ? A. A colonel in the Regular Army and a general officer in the Volunteers. Q. How long have you been in the islands ? A. I have been in the islands about twentv-seven months. Q. You served as provost-marshal-general of Manila, did you not? A. Of Manila, yes, for nine months, when it was first occupied, from September 1, 1898, until June 1, 1899. Q. Where was 3^our service after that? A. I commanded in lloilo, originally as a district, now as a depart- ment, and have been there since — for about eighteen months. Q. And that carries ^^ou over other islands than Panay ? A. It includes now Leyte, Bohol, Cebu, Negros, and Panay. Q. You have made it 5^our business to make yourself familiar with the conditions prevailing, have you not? A. Yes; I have to know the conditions. Q. Have you had occasion to investigate the attitude of the people toward the friars? A. I have made it my business to do it, looking to what course might be the most prudent if I were called upon for any advice in the matter, and in traveling over the different islands I have questioned a great many people as to the situation and the feeling on that subject, 176 CHURCH LAIN-DS IN" PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. more especially in the islands that have been brought more nearly under subjection, looking to a settlement. Then it has come to me in other waA^s, where the presidentes get into trouble with the priests; that has come up in discussion, and I have reached a ver}^ decided opinion on the subject. Q. Suppose it was said to you, General, that the feeling with respect to the friars was confined to the three or four leading men in each town who for political reasons were prejudiced against the friars and who througfh the instrumentality of the Katipunan society or some other society prevented the friars from being received back, merely by a conspiracy, and that the mass of the people were anxious to have the friars returned. Would you say that was correct ? A. I should say it was absolutely erroneous. Q. What do 3^ou think is the attitude of the common people toward the return of the friars to their parishes ? A. So far as I know, the}^ are very strongly opposed to it. Q. And you would not confine the statement of that feeling to the men whom I have designated as the three or four leading men in each town ? A. I know it is not so. Q. Were you able to arrive at a conclusion satisfactory to yourself as to the cause of the feeling against the friars? A. I have been able to arrive at a conclusion as to some of the causes. Two of them seem to be cardinal points, as 1 understand the people in the Visayas: One is that they were very apt to corrupt the families of their parishioners; the other was that they were a very money-making lot. Q. What political power do j^ou understand from talking with the people that the friars exercise, if any? I mean actual power. A. I don't think that they had any, except as they could bring it to bear through their parishioners — but that among these people was very great. Q. Were the friars loyal to Spain, or otherwise? A. I think they were loyal to themselves. Q. And Spain was their instrument? A. That is it — Spain was the instrument. They worked for them- selves. Q. You have said that they corrupted the families. You refer to their immorality? A. Yes. Q. How much evidence have you had as to the immorality of the friars ? A. You always have to make wide margins in these things, but it was a very general complaint that they corrupted the daughters of families. It was very general. I think, so far as I know, there are but two friars down there. I have found but two; there may be others. I have been through the departments thoroughly. Those I made inquiries about especially. One is at Talesay, in Negros, a man whose life has been pure, and when they drove the others out he simply said he would not go, and he is there now, treated with the same respect and as free as ever. The other is in Culasi. He has married a native woman and has led an upright life, and is treated and honored as any man would be. Q. He violated his vows of celibacy ? CHUECH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 177 A. Yes; but otherwise he has led a pure life. Q. He maintained himself faithful to the woman he married ? A. Yes; and he has a family. Q. Who are performing the religious functions through the Visayas now? A. Native priests, as a rule. There has latel}^ come a bishop to Iloilo; a Spaniard. Q. Bishop of Jaro? A. Yes. Q. And the bishop of Cebu returned? He is a popular man, is he not? A. Yes; but the bishop of Jaro was not received with any warm reception when he returned. Q. What do you think will be the result if the friars attempt to go back to their parishes ? A. Knowing the temper of the people, if they were to go back I should forbid their going to any town not occupied by American troops, for, being responsible for their lives, 1 would not allow it. Q. Does your jurisdiction reach down to the place where the Jesuits have had missions ? A. They have had missions in former days in Samar, Leyte, and Cebu, but I think they have all gone to Mindanao. I never have found any of their missions in our department, but I think there are several in Mindanao, for nine of the Jesuits came up to see me at Manila when the}^ were driven out of Negros. I received them all. The Jesuits have received a good deal of respect from the people. Q. Do you know much about the character of the native priests — first, as to their morality? A. Well, I have had to remove one or two because the congregation said they would not stand it, and to preserve peace I had them moved away. Q. What was the occasion of their indignation ? A. In some cases women, and in others drunkenness. Q. On the whole, do you think their tone is any better than that of the friars? A. To be plain. Judge, there is no moralit}^ in them, not a particle. They gamble in their convents; they send for members of their con- gregations to gamble with them. There is no morality. Q. They are generally strong insurgents, are they not? A. They are the soul of the insurgents. Q. Is there a motive — or what do you think of that — on their part to support the insurgents because they fear other priests will come in should the insurrection fail? A. I think it is one of self-interest purely. They have always had an income, and they know that under our system of government we are not going to provide for that, and I think it is purel}^ self-interest. Q. To go back again; I omitted to get through the causes of hostil- ity to the friars. I want to ask about their money-making tendency above referred to. How do you mean they made themselves obnoxious ? A. I have never gone into the details of it. The people have merely spoken of the desire of the priests to get rich, but I have never gone into the details of it. It is one of the charges made against them. Q. How far has the bishop of Jaro in his return to his diocese S. Doc. 190 12 178 CHUECH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. received the subordination and respect of the people — of the priests and parishioners'^ A. In lloilo, where he resides, there is quite a sprinkling of Span- iards and Spanish mestizos, etc., who were rather glad to see him, I think. After his return they petitioned us to vacate the convent in order that he might come, but outside of that class of people I don't think he received a welcome from anybody. The active bishop, the native priest, did not even call on him. He had to send for him. The ordinary people would not take off their hats to him when he landed. There was no respect of the natives shown at all. Q. That was a contrast to the reception of the bishop of Cebu, was it not ? A. Entirely. The bishop of Cebu was welcomed by the whole town. Q. Do you know the bishop? A. I never met the one at Cebu. Q. They regard him with reverence? A. Yes. He has done good work. The one in lloilo can not have any influence at all. I think any action of his would be resisted sim- ply because it came from him, if for no other cause. Q. Have you been putting into operation schools in your department ? A. We have schools I think probably in 99 per cent of the towns that we occupied. In lloilo we had quite a struggle to get a school. They had burned the town and we had no schoolhouses and no place to put them. I had a census of the town taken as to the school chil- dren of school age. I found that there were about 500 in taking this census. I had it taken by officers, so as to find out the facts. They inquired if the people would send their children voluntarily. They were usually asked if English would be taught, and when told it would be they stated they would go. We had to build a schoolhouse, and when that was finished we opened the school, I think on the 1st of September or the 1st of August. Of the 500 that were of school age, without making it compulsor}^ at all, they have now 438 in the school. Q. Have you encountered any trouble in your schools because you did not give religious instruction ? A. Not at all. Q. Any complaints among the priests ? A. We did not hear any, and the people have not shown any dispo- sition to keep their children away on that account, not a particle. It is purely voluntary. I wanted to try to find out how many of the 500 would go and we have 438. I asked as to the shortage, and they said some were large enough to have to work. Q. Has the result been similar in Cebu? A. The school results in Cebu have not been satisfactory, mainly due to the fact, I think — I discussed it with the town council to find out what the matter was — and the main obstacle to the better condition of schools there is due to the fact that we can not get English teachers. I have tried and can not get them. Q. Have you talked with Atkinson? A. I have not met him. I tried at Cebu and lloilo. I wrote to people, and finally wrote a letter asking that I be allowed to send 200 youngsters home to America and educate them and let them come back and go to teaching. Q. But, on the whole, you think that in the country we should CHUECH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 179 encounter little difficulty in making popular English schools with no religion being taught? A. No difficulty at all. All we have to do is to open the schools and the children will go. To make a Visa^^an an Englishman is difficult. We will have to have English teachers. I had a good man at Iloilo, but he got a commission the other day and I had to hunt another. One-half of my troubles come from lack of being able to communi- cate to these people. Expressions of thanks. November 9, 1900. INTERVIEW WITH WILLIAM H. BECK, COLONEL FOUTY-NINTH INFANTRY. Q. Will you please state your name and office ? A. Col. William H. Beck, Forty-ninth Infantry, U. S. V., com- manding subdistrict of second district of northern Luzon, with head- quarters at Tuguegarao, province of Cagayan. Q. Does your district include all of the province of Cagayan ? A. Very nearly. The larger part of it. Q. You have been in the islands how long? A. Since the 2d of January, 1900. I have been at Tuguegarao since the 20th of March, 1900 — nine months. Q. Has it been part of your dut}^ as commander of the subdistrict to observe the customs and opinions of the people of all classes? A. Very IsLVgoly. Q. Have you had occasion to consider the views of the common people and their feeling toward the priests of the Catholic Church who were Spanish friars and who acted as parish priests in these islands before the revolution ? A. Yes. There was an order issued from the office of the military governor directing that information relative to the Philippine Islands be furnished. Some of the inquiries in the blank furnished in accord- ance with the order were relative to church property. In ascertain- ing to whom the churches and buildings pertaining to the friars actu- ally belonged, I inquired of the presidentes of the eight towns in my subdistrict, and others, who generally claimed that the buildings were upon property belonging to the people, and that the subscriptions of the money which the buildings cost to erect were taken from the people, in some cases by an arbitrary tax and in others by volun- tary subscriptions, but generall}" — in all cases I think in m}^ subdis- trict — they claimed that the buildings and property belonged to the people, and it is so regarded in the replies in the blank referred to. I might add that I found upon inquir}^ that almost all the Filipinos in that subdistrict objected to the friars and their methods, and that they do not desire them to return, saying that they have Filipino priests who suit them better and are as well educated and can educate their children quite as w«ll. Q. What do you say as to the feeling against the friars; is it bitter or not? A. It is very bitter. 180 CHUECH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. Q. Do you think it would be safe for the friars to return to their parishes which they occupied in your province? A. That would largety depend upon the attitude of the United States troops there. There is no doubt that in some of the outlying districts of small pueblos the}^ might be in some danger, but in the larger towns, notably Tuguegarao, the fact that the Government of the United States permitted or indorsed their return would largely tend to their safety, as also the fact that prominent citizens, the presidente, the vice-presidente, chiefs of barrios have taken the oath of allegiance. Q. I suppose there is considerable difficulty in making the people understand the difference between allowing the friars to go back with- out indorsing their return and actually indorsing their return? A. It would be extremely difficult, for the reason that for hundreds of years they have recognized that the friars have been under the pro- tection of their Government, and although they have been assured that we have separated church and state, it still holds in their minds that that which is protected under our flag is indorsed by us. Q. Are there any friars in your subdistrict? A. They have all disappeared. The padres are all Filipinos. The Spanish priests have left. Q. You are not prejudiced one way or the other in the matter are you? A. I have no prejudice, and from the fact that my wife is a Roman- ist I am quite tolerant and have many priests for friends. Q. What would be the effect if the church were to send American priests to the islands, not to take the place of the native padres, but to work with them and where they have none? A. I think if the heads of the Philippine church — that is, the priests, such as the archbishops of provinces, etc., could be induced to indorse that plan it would be largely beneficial, but the difficulty comes in from the fact that the present chief padre of the province is a man who has relatives who have been in local positions as presidente of the pueblos * * * the sudden separation of church and state, as he regards it, might induce him to look upon it with a favored eye, but from my knowledge of him he controls all the province of the val- ley of the Cagayan, including Isabela. If the chief here, whom I pre- sume is the archbishop, could be induced to indorse that plan he would render all assistance. He would have taken the oath of allegiance and told me so, but he would like the authority of the archbishop. I transmitted for him a request asking the permission of the archbishop, but it was never replied to by the archbishop. This priest is past 70 years of age now.- I believe he is one of the best of men. His name is Guzman. Expression of thanks. EVIDENCE OF FLORENTINO TORRES, ATTORNEY-GENERAL OF THE ISLANDS UNDER THE MILITARY GOVERNMENT OF THE UNITED STATES. ANSWEKS TO THE INTEEKOGATORIES. 1. I have been living in these islands ever since I was born in this capital of Manila. 2. I have resided the greater part of my life in Manila, although I CHURCH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 181 lived about seven months in Bigan, capital of Ilocos Sur; about two years in Bacolor, provincial seat of Papanga, and six years and some months in the city of Cebu, capital of the island of the same name. 3. I have had occasion to personally observe during my residence in this capital, and in the seats of the three provinces mentioned in Luzon, and the Yisayas, prior to the year 1896, the kind and character of the religious, social, and political relations which existed between the friars and the people of the parishes under them. As regards the religious relation, saving a few exceptions, where sincerity and good faith were noted in the conduct of certain friar curates in the matter of teaching the rudiments of the Catholic reli- gion, and everything relating to worship and its rites, the large majority discharged their ministry according to monastic traditions in a routine way, tending to the ends of the order, and, taking no care to make clear the foundation and essence of the Catholic dogma and beliefs, they endeavored only to effect external manifestations, such as processions and church ceremonies, with the constant view of adding to their profits through parochial fees, of influencing and dominating the minds of the faithful and believers and of always favoring their personal interests, and those of the community to which they belonged, exploiting the piety and fanaticism of the pueblos in the name of heaven and to the positive benefit of the friar. It is not the spread of the faith nor the salvation of souls which were as a general rule the object pursued, but rather the preponderance and the predominance of the monastic corporations, and the incessant accumulation of con- siderable wealth, improving religion and their capacity as ministers of God as the sure means to realize, through multiple and diverse means, the decided purposes of the communities. The meager education of many of the Filipino priests is due to the devices of the friars, since the latter, in order to possess themselves of the best curacies or parishes, adopted fifty years ago the systematic plan of the seminaries rendering difficult the entry of aspirants, restrict- ing instruction and sending out few in number and capacity, while the best priests who followed them were persecuted and slandered in order that they might assert before the world, as the delegate of the Pope has, that there are not priests enough in number, and of those there are few fitted to be parish priests, and all with the diabolical and Pharisaical intention of being able to say that the friars are necessary in this unhappy country to uphold Catholicism. They lie with the effrontery of always, and are and will be responsible before God and history for every injury the Catholic Church may suffer. The artlessness and deficient culture of a great part of the inhabi- tants of this archipelago are circumstances of which the friars have taken advantage, for, as is known, they take care to have it always believed that they can hurl excommunications and command the ter- rible punishments of heaven, with the power to cast the disobedient into the uttermost depths of hell. As a general rule charity and love of the neighbor have disap- peared, save in the rarest cases, and when the name of God is invoked before the multitudes He is represented not as the just and merciful God, but as the vengeful and exterminating, giving the believers to understand that unless the}^ submitted themselves w^holly to the will and caprice of the friar curate their souls after death would not enter into heaven. The social relations which the friars have maintained with the Fill- 182 CHUECH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. pinos are the most injurious, and opposed to culture and the moral and material progress of the latter. Ministers of a religion whose founder proclaimed charity to the limits of sacrifice and equality among men nave preached the contrary and sustained by their works the inequal- ity and difference between races, impeding and ridiculing every notion or idea of dignity conceived by a Filipino. They have endeavored to keep the Filipinos in ignorance, opposing, wherever they could bring their pressure to bear, the teaching of the Spanish language by primary school-teachers. They have condemned in their preachings and private conversation every desire for culture and civilization, antagonizing the best purposes of the Madrid Government or of that of these islands, as well in the faint and meager reforms in behalf of the progress and education of the Filipinos as in the economical measures which to a certain extent affect the interests of the corporations, although they may redound to the great benefit of the people; and having arrogated to themselves the title of mentors and directors of this society, instead of teaching the Filipinos cultured social behavior becoming to civilized men, they educated and formed them morally with that narrow char- acter, little frank and distrustful, which is noticeable in the generality of the people, especially in the more ignorant, making them stubborn and suspicious of intercourse and relations with foreigners. It can be asserted without exaggeration that the friars have been and are a fatal hindrance to the advancement, moral and material, of this country, from the very fact that they have devoted themselves to keeping this society in ignorance, as though it lived in the middle ages or in the mediaeval epoch of remote centuries; and lastly, as priests and cu- rates the majority of them were living examples of immorality, of disorder in the towns, and of disobedience and resistance to the con- stituted powers and the authorities, encouraged by the impunity guaranteed in the anachronistic ecclesiastical jurisdiction, by the weak- ness of the governors and officials vitiated with fetichism and hypoc- risy, and by the irresistible omnipotence of each monachal corporation, possessing immense wealth. The curate friars were agents and repre- sentatives of a powerful theocratic feudalism, which has been ruling this country for many centuries back without any sign of responsibil- ity of any kind through civil and military officials appointed by the Spanish Government with the more or less direct intervention of the commissary friars residing in the capital of Spain. And as the Cath- olic Church in these islands was and still is completely monopolized and dominated by them, and to that end they secured from the com- plaisant and suicidal Governments of Madrid and from the deceived Roman curia that the majority of archbishops and bishops of this country should be always friars, and in this centur}^, or at least dur- ing the past forty years, the friar succeeded in monopolizing absolutely the miter to the extent that the priests were wholly excluded from the bishoprics, including Peninsular priests, despite the exalted Spanish patriotism which the friars preach. From all these antecedents it is very easily deduced what were the political relations existing between the friars and the Filipinos. Incrustated and coexistant with the Spanish sovereignty was to be found the monachal sovereignt}", and hence the friar archbishop and bishops intervened in the government of the country in general and in turn the friar curates did the same in the administration of the provinces and pueblos, since the first-named formed an official part of CHIJECH LA:N^DS in PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 183 the superior junta of authorities and the latter of the provincial and and municipal junta, the friar curates constituting themselves into mentors and inspirers of the local authorities, without, however, con- tracting responsibilities. For all of which reasons it is patent that the political relations between the friars and the Filipinos had to exist by reason of the strength, omnipotence, and predominance of the for- mer feudal lords and the obedience and submission, bordering on slavery, of the latter, thanks to the complicit}^ or impotence of the Government officials. There were undoubtedly praiseworthy exceptions, for amid so much laxity some made themselves known as, and there are to-day, friars honest, humble, and full of knowledge and virtue, and are truly reli- gious; but the exceptional qualities of these few men only brought out more prominently the antisocial and impolite demeanor of the majority as prejudicial to Catholicism. It was asserted as a positive fact during the late regime that the dis- content and hatred for the friars existed only among the rich and enlightened Filipinos and the mestizo race, and that the great majority of the natives of less culture, especially the country people and the great mass of the settlements with slight social education, were decidedly favorable to the friar; but when the revolution broke out in August, 1896, the bandage, growing progressively denser, which covered the eyes of the Spanish governors and statesmen fell, and studious and thinking men of all races were convinced that this representation, believed like an article of faith because it was guaranteed by the friars, the only ones — according to their affiliates — who knew this country, was nothing more than a stroke of monkish rhetoric and an antipatriotic artifice to prop up and sustain the monachal interests and the conventionalism wrought between the deceivers and the deceived, for then they all saw that those who discharged guns, handled bolos, and managed lances and even cannon, were not the rich, the enlight- ened, and the mestizillos, as the most reverend apostolic delegate repeated a few days since in the argument in the San Jose College case, echoing the friar with whom he has identified himself with admirable promptness in all and for all, but rather that mass of poor and little-enlightened natives in much their greater part, who impress a socialistic character on the revolution, essentially political, the while they showed tenacious eagerness in retaining the Spanish friars, soldiers, and civilians who fell into their hands, they took possession of the haciendas of the friars for purposes of recovery despite the conciliatory and prudent advice of the enlightened and of the mestizos. Nearly all, if not all, of the inhabitants of the island, at least of the present generation, bear hatred and resentment against the friars and are prepared against returning to their infamous yoke, some for per- sonal injuries received, and the rest, even the indifierent and the descendants of the very friars, injured in their dignit}^ and manly amour prop, find themselves more or less convinced that it would not be possible to live with dignity, prudent liberty, and legal guarant}^ for the human personality or hope for progress and prosper it}^ in this country while the friars govern or can have influence over those who govern in order to continue their gloomy policy against the Filipinos. The very few Filipinos who have shown themselves favorable to the friars, and who do not apparently feel these moral moods, some through religious fanaticism and others through natural bonds, by 184 CHURCH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. reason of the interests which united them or through gratitude in exchange for important favors or benefits received. 4. I knew and treated with many friars of the several communities existing in these islands in the capital as well as in the provinces. 5. The personnel of the orders, as a general rule, was composed of men from the common classes of the Peninsula; those from the rich and cultured class were few. But during their convent life and the exercise of the parochial ministry they succeeded in improving and bettering their knowledge; many acquired social experience and polish, and some have become notable in the arts and sciences, the Augustin- ian and Dominican friars distinguishing themselves in this, especially with regard to the cleanliness and pulchritude with which they appeared in society, and the former in the cleanly conditions of their rooms. 6. The friars had the immense tracts of land they possessed devoted to agriculture through tenants or on shares, utilizing them for the rais- ing of rice and sugar cane in order to get profits out of the lands, and the city real estate in this capital was rented or leased. In many pueblos of some of the provinces of Luzon the friar curates advanced money on the sugar and rice crops, which staples they then sold to whoever offered the best price. There have also been cases where they have loaned money on articles of value, especially to those who had families in the pueblos. The lay friars, who managed the great monastic plantations, received the rental or tax of the lands leased to the tenants in kind — that is, in rice or sugar, which they stored in the warehouses and then sold on account of the corporation. 7. The friars more or less intervened directly in the elections of the former and modern municipal ofl[icers. Their intervention and '' O. K." were indispensable on all the reports which the governor and other authorities required of the former gobernadorcillos of the pueblos. Their personal report, verbal or written, made in a sense contrary to the report of the council of headmen and gobernadorcillos, was the general rule, and in the majority of cases it prevailed over the latter and was followed by the authorities, because of the fact that the informant was a friar. That in view of this great paramountcy which jointly and almost unanimously the government and civil and military employ- ees accorded to the friars, the gobernadorcillos, and other municipal officers of lower grade, to the end that they might always count upon the support of so important a personage, who could open and close the doors of Heaven, and who enjoyed near the authorities and func- tionaries of all grades and categories of decided and never-disputed influence, because behind the friar curate was the convent corporation, which, as has been seen always, whenever ic was to the interest of the monastic order, accomplished the transfer or change of residence, the suspension or removal of any officer, civil or military, from the simple copyist or soldier to the captain-general of the islands, as can be shown by many civil and military employees — among them the governors- general of these islands, Senores Despujols and Blanco — the said local authorities took no step, obeyed no superior orders, and did not per- form the duties of their office without previous advice, permission, or knowledge of the friar curate, since the protection of the latter suf- ficed at times to defy the anger of the governor of the province and paralyze or evade the action of justice. And, in order to shorten and close, I shall only make mention of the most important matters, that is, CHURCH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 185 questions of treason or filibusterism, which has been the cause of so much bloodshed and of the committing of innumerable and incredible outrages and iniquities, thanks to the Spanish jingoistic patriotism, the friars occu- pying a preeminent place in the system of accusations, who arrogated to themselves the right to issue certificates of "Spanishism" or fili- busterism in such a way that the most worthy and upright man who should merit the characterization of filibuster was lost and became the object of all manner of governmental actions, of military proceedings, and of the cruelest outrages and vexations, because against him who , was accused of being a filibuster all manner of ill treatment, imprison- ment, deportation, and even assassination was permitted. And the protection or good report of a friar sufficed for the most perverse and immoral resident to be considered the most ardent supporter of the Spanish cause and secure the best positions or the place of a local authority, even though he were the enemy of Spain to the very mar- row of his bones. The foregoing facts are most certain and absolute!}^ true, and I do not doubt that they will be confirmed by all Filipinos and individuals of other races who want to tell the truth and be rigidly impartial. These are the reasons and the true causes for the hate, the suspicions, and the marked animosity the Filipinos entertain with respect to the return of the friars to the pueblos, because, despite the complete sep- aration of the church and state, and of the absolute liberty of con- science, as well as the promises of some friars that in the curacies they may now return to direct they will no longer act as they did during the past Spanish regime, and the suggestions in the same sense of the most reverend apostolic delegate, the Filipinos of this generation, with their wounds still recent, not having yet forgotten the iniquities and infamies of which they have been the victims, if not all, many of them (there still being in this land numbers of their cassocked execu- tioners) retain a well-founded and most justifiable fear that if the friars return to the parishes they would repeat their former conduct, from the very fact that they have not changed and continue to be despots, revengeful even beyond the tomb, haughty and domineering, char- acteristics they have ever had here, following the monachal spirit, and now more so with the decided support of the apostolic delegate. 8. The answer to this question has already been given in the responses to the third and fourth of these interrogatories. The rela- tions between the heads of the Spanish Government and of the church in this country were ordinarily cordial and afi'ectionate, but always interested, and hence the friars, masters of the situation, succeeded in realizing their purposes to the prejudice mostty of the country and its inhabitants. But when these relations changed and became strained or were ruptured, then the struggle arose in which the head of the government or the public official always lost because there was not a monachal community behind the latter to support them. Thus it is that the Filipino, seeing the frequent outcome of such contests in which the official of the insular government alwa3^s lost because of the complacency of the Madrid Government, and that the triumphant friar was customarily rewarded with the best curacy or with a miter — as was the case with the friar, now bishop, Jose Hevia, for always having fought with the civil governor of Manila, Seiior Centeno, when the former was a friar — ended by becoming convinced that if the Span- ish Government was to be always firmly bound and continuously linked 186 CHUECH LAIRDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. in matters of government and administration of this country with the monastic community, the only remedy to free himself from so grave and chronic an evil would be separation and emancipation from the mother country, since the Spanish Government could not free itself — through national idiosyncrasy — of so damaging a ballast, that is, the friar element, w^hich came to be the upas tree that parches and dries up everything in this unhappy land. It was a vulgar saying or apo- thegm which was repeated among the natives here in the bosom of the familj^ and never given the lie in reality that at the end of the fights that arose between the friars and the Spanish authorities or officials, the latter disappeared from the scene and were replaced by others who generally upheld neither the spirit nor the purposes of their pred- ecessors, while the friar remains at his post or goes to another better one with greater power to fight, and another friar who replaced him in the post he had left carried on the same system and spirit of his predecessor, and both were always supported by the community. For this reason the Filipino, if he could not remain neutral in such strug- gles, took the part of the friar as more profitable to his interests and in order to avoid the revenge of the friar and his brethren, so long as the governor or official who was contesting could not defend him efficaciously and permanently. The poor and defenseless school-teachers of both sexes, planted between the government which requires of them the teaching of Span- ish, and the friar-curates, opposed thereto in their majority, obeyed the latter, in order to be free from their revenges and persecutions, noting the impotence of the Spanish Government, which was under the necessity of declaring those who opposed the teaching of Spanish antipatriotic, and all in vain and fruitless, for the friars were more powerful. 9. There is a general schedule showing the fees the parish priests could charge for marriages, burials, and baptisms, which schedule was established, as is well known, by the best of the metropolitan arch- bishops ever in Manila, the most illustrious Seiior Don Basilio Sancho de Santa Justa y Rufina, a secular priest; but this printed schedule, which it was ordered should be in public view, was never seen or known in the majority of the parishes, and in many of them fees were charged at the caprice and at the will of the parish priests and their agents, who exercised considerable influence under the shadow of the friar- curate. The more or less heavy fees that were charged for the solemnization of marriages, the want of zeal in the parish priests, and other causes of social moral character, as well as ceremonies at times unnecessary, were the reasons for unwillingness to contract matrimony. 10. With respect to the morality of the parish friars, the conduct of the majority left much to be desired, and in each town and locality the manner of living of the curate-friar was publicly known and talked of; for if there are any leading an exemplary life, of constant and crude virtue, and of irreproachable conduct, there were others to a fair number who were designated by public opinion as living examples of scandalous abuses, vice, and corruption. Gaming, concubinage, and orgies, or loose diversions in company with persons of the other sex, were well known to parish priests, especially in the provinces and in pueblos somewhat removed from the residences of the bishops. Jn many pueblos the concubine and children of the friars were publicly known and pointed CHUECH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 187 out, and the colleges existing in this capital used to be, and still are, filled with youths of both sexes whose features reveal their origin and birth. 11. I believe that the principal cause of the hostility of this country to the friars was the interference of the latter in the administration, and especially in politics, by constituting themselves as police agents, denouncers of political offenses, and as the advisers and impelling force of the Government agents and officials, wherefor there were attributed to them the outrages, deportations, ill-treatment, and crimes executed against the persons of those denounced. The hostility against the communities or corporations whose individual members served as parish priests was and is very general and almost unanimous, an animosity which up to this time is not noticeable with respect to the Jesuits, the Paulists, and the Benedictines, notwithstanding the intolerance of all of them, and especiall}^ of the first named, and the knowledge of the Filipino people that they all made common cause with the friars, and it is true that they could not place themselves before the latter. 12. It has always been the unanimous public sentiment in the archi- pelago that the greater proportion of the deportations, ill-treatment, and outrages suffered hj some residents, parishioners of the parish served by friar-curates, was due to the scheming and maneuvers of the latter, for although it is not possible to prove by trustworthy means or documents that a curate-friar was the cause of an outrage or a deportation, because the friar was not accustomed to issue signed documents in such undertakings, and did not choose the moment when eyewitnesses were present to get the ear of some Government official or employee. Notwithstanding this, public opinion customarily attrib- uted the fact to the friar when there had occurred no action which could determine the deportation or outrage, save the prejudice of the friar or ill-feeling existing between him and the victim. When the friar, in order to make himself more feared in the localities, would pride himself upon being the author of the fact, or when the friar was the only one who got any profit or advantage out of the absence of the father or the husband of the house, which the friar usually frequented to offer to the fatherless and husbandless family support and protec- tion ; but without interesting himself efficiently in the return or libera- tion of the absent one, and when despite the secret and reserved record made up b}^ the governor, the rumor was extant to the effect that the said governor, or some employee of the Government, had adopted the measures against this or that person on the complaint of the friar- curate. No specific cases occurring in any given localit}" are cited in this answer because they are innumerable, and have been known for centuries; but the confidence is entertained that the assertions made in these answers would be wholh^ confirmed b}^ any Filipino or resident who would impartial!}^ tell the truth. The detective work of the friar curates and their false accusations and slanders sent many and an innumerable number of the peacefully inclined to the revolutionar}^ ranks, because between the horrible pun- ishments and outrages which produced death slowly and death in the open field, many preferred the latter. The greater part of the well- to-do and cultured people of the provinces and man}^ from this capital embraced the cause of the rebellion, forced thereto by the persecutions and false accusations made b}^ many jingoistic Spanish patriots and the friars, rather than of their own notion, and also because of the 188 CHURCH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. outrages, ferocious punishments, and most severe penalties imposed on persons that the people believed to be innocent. The animosity and prejudice entertained by the friars against the cultured and wealthy Filipinos were due to the fact that the latter, despite the risk they ran, were accustomed to discuss and censure pub- licly the immoral, domineering, and prejudicial conduct of the friars with irrefutable proofs, which the ignorant poor and their country folk, who barely made bold to comment upon it in the privacy of their homes, were not wont to do; so that the explosion of 1896 was more terrible among the latter. 13. The morality of the native priests is more or less on a par with that of the friars, their directors and masters, but out of regard for truth it may be said that as a general rule the pupils did not need their teachers in immoral practices and conduct, for the priests, being con- vinced that they would be upheld by no corporation and that they would never enjoy immunity in their abuses and faults, as did their teachers, for fear of the punishment and the scorn of their fellow- citizens took greater care and endeavored to create fewer scandals, so when they took to themselves a concubine and had children they did not seek ostentation or publicity, as did many of the friars. Itt. The education and preparatory instruction of the Filipino youths who aspired to the priesthood have been very deficient and limited for some forty years past, almost ever since the Paulist Fathers assumed charge of the seminaries. Previous to this they were under the charge of Spanish and native priests, and under their direction the seminaries, especially that of this capital, furnished priests full of knowledge and virtue, who did much honor to the Philippine church, and the names of many of them rightfully figure in the chronicles of this country. The decadence of the native clergy is not old; it is recent, and dates from about the second half of this century, or since the seminaries came under the management of the Spanish Paulist Fathers, who, contrary to all charity and justice, became consciously or unconsciously the instruments of the friars to carry into efi'ect the diabolical system or plan of diminishing the number and quality of the Filipino clergy, restricting their instruction to the end that they might become pos- sessed of nearly all the curacies or parishes, for — as the friars have been preaching and the most reverend apostolic delegate now believes through them — the priests were and are few and unqualified to preside over parishes, and the latter had necessarily to come into the hands of the friars. Thus did the friars purpose becoming possessed of the parishes, all presided over by priests, ofiicially and in private conversations dis- crediting them and proclaiming their want of capacity; but intent only on accumulating landed estates and great wealth they did not count upon God, just and omnipotent, for the revolution of the year 1896 providentially broke out, and ambition burst the sack, and as a result they lost their parishes forever, including those they already had originally. If the native Filipino is capable of the most cultured education and instruction for the acquirement of all knowledge in the arts and sciences, can he be denied justifiably, as the friars interestedly deny him, aptitude for receiving canonico -religious instruction, preparatory and tending to the exercise of priesthood and parochial ministry? CHUECH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 189 Undoubtedly not; for to assert the contrary would be an absurd con- tradiction. If the Filipinos of to-day are more or less civilized and cultured, and possess the capacity to advance and rule their own desti- nies with more or less skill, they can also, now or later, aspire to the priesthood of their religion in their own country, just because it is not pleasant to them to have foreign friars continuing to exercise pre- dominance and tutelage over them under the pretext of religion in order to continue exploiting the faith and beliefs of this people. Let the seminaries, especially that of this capital, be opened and reorganized, and place at the head thereof American and Filipino priests, or aliens who do not belong to any monastic corporation, and from to-day the assurance may be had that at the end of four or six 3^ears there will be priests ready to discharge their sacerdotal duties and belie the infamous friarage calumny directed against a whole race. If the worth}^ delegate, separating himself from the friars, should undertake so charitable and good a work as opening and reorganizing the seminaries, and in the first place that of this capital, he will have done his duty as a representative of the Pope, done a great good to the Filipino church and merited the gratitude of the great people of the United States, by having contributed to honoring their liberal and humanitarian purposes in this country. 15. The return of the friars to their former parishes, in view of the resistance to admitting them on the part of the great majority of the pueblos of Luzon and Visa3^as, is a concrete political problem, as well as religious, put before the Filipino country and the Government of the United States. It is difficult and venturesome for the friars to return to their par- ishes by themselves, without the aid of the authorities and armed forces, for, in view of the very general and almost unanimous senti- ment of the Filipinos, only brute force can return the friars to their parishes; and, if despite the abnormal status, still unsettled, in which the country finds itself, the pueblos were compelled by the Govern- ment to receive friar curates, it is to be feared that such a measure, notoriously absurd and beyond belief that it will be adopted by a truly liberal and democratic government, would be another cause for dis- turbance, which would retard the return of peace, it being impossible to predict what the personal fate of the friar curates, in the midst of pueblos that hate and reject them for serious and justifiable causes, would be. Moreover, it is not to be expected that the American Government will sacrifice the fundamental and political principles of the people of the United States and the rights and liberties of the Filipino people, in order to favor foreign friars who afford no positive benefit to their own country of origin, while they prejudice the native clergy. 16. An American archbishop should come at once to these islands, so that with a spirit of impartialit}^, of uprightness, of justice, and, above all, of charity, he may govern the Philippine church, liberating her in fact and wholly from the prejudicial influence of the friars, who are aliens on this soil, and afford charitable protection to the poor and defenseless Filipino clergy, who are in great need of it in a country in open revolution, upset morally and materially. I do not now endeavor to excuse faults and mistakes committed by some Filipino priests; but in order to appreciate and rightly and impar- tially judge the political conduct of the same with respect to the Amer- 190 CHURCH LA.NDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. ican Government, it is strictl}^ just to bear in mind that the Filipino priests are natives of the country, and have more or less the same aspiration, sound or mistaken, as the generality of its inhabitants, and are intimatel}^ bound to them by ties of relationship, sympathy, and many other moral or social reasons, and it is not at all strange that some of them should support the cause of the revolutionists. The strange and surprising fact is that these should be only a few, very few, and that the greater part, the large majority of the Filipino priests, have either wholly abstained from politics, keeping aloof from the revolutionists, or have accepted and unconditionally adhered to American laws and sovereignty, at the great personal risk of those residing in distant pueblos, and this despite the total and studied aban- donment in which the archbishop and bishops gathered in this capital left them. The most illustrious Archbishop Nozaleda, who, prior to the arrival of the American army on these islands, was pleased to issue his cele- brated bellicose pastoral, or rather defamatory libel, published by the periodical press, inciting the clergy and inhabitants of the coun- try against the North Americans — who, according to the famous allocution, would commit savage deeds, violating and desecrating tem- ples, trampling upon graves, and insulting peaceful people, etc. — did not address to the Filipino clergy who took charge of the parishes any pastoral letter giving them advice and rules of conduct, religious, civil, and political, and they well needed them in the midst of the great disturbance in which they lived, but he enveloped himself in mutinous and studied silence, totall}^ abandoning to their fate, at least in religious matters, the Filipino people and clergy, so assaulted and defamed, doubtless with the little charitable purpose of its erring in its actions, conducting itself improperly, and losing itself com- pletely in the whirlwind of the struggle between the Americans and the Filipinos, in order that the return of the friars to their parishes might soon iDecome necessary. A like course was pursued by the bishops of Ilocos Sur and Jaro, and, sad it is to have to say it, they were imitated in this by the most reverend apostolic delegate, who could now raise his voice, were he actuated by sincerity, sending salutary counsels and inciting zeal in the performance of duty on the part of the Filipino clergy, to the benefit of the church and of Catho- lic beliefs. Let an archbishop come at once, filled with an American Catholic spirit, who does not belong to any monastic corporation, who shall know how to free himself and become independent of the influ- ence of the friars, and whose purpose it shall be to govern the Philip- pine church pursuant to American and Filipino interests, to the exclusion of alien interests; reestablish ecclesiastical discipline, and treat the Filipino clergy with impartialty, kindness, and justice; and it will soon be seen that it is a clergy obedient, deeply Catholic, docile, and susceptible of every manner of improvement in the performance of its ministry, for up to this time its members have been treated always by their superiors and bishops as pariahs, inferior beings, and slaves. 17. It is traditional in this archipelago to associate the teaching of religion with primary and secondary public instruction, these having been governed and directed by the corporation clergy, and for this reason, so as not to radically break off this tradition, it will not be too much to permit religious instruction in the schools of the pupils, if not daily, two or three times at least per week, in the judgment of CHUECH LANDS IT^ PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 191 the parish priest, who should agree in the premises with the school teacher or the head of the institution, without prejudice to what may be at the proper time determined by the assembly or body of repre- sentatives of the country that may be legally established for the judicious determination of the latter in accordance with the will of the great majority of the Filipinos. 18. The problem of the present and the future in the questions con- cerning worship and the Catholic clergy of the immense majority of the inhabitants of the Philippines, is for the clerg}^, and especially the parish curates, to live and exercise their functions and parochial min- istry entirely independent of politics and public administration; for them to adjust their conduct to the doctrine and rules of the Catholic Church, and especially to those proclaimed by His Holiness Pope Leo- XIII, respecting constituted governments and authorities; to abstain from taking part in political questions, or in the public opinions of the militad parties existing in the country, and to intermingle and live with their neighbors in such a way that if the latter believe in the necessity of having in their pueblo ministers of their faith and beliefs the latter should at the same time be convinced of the necessity of maintaining harmony and good relations within the limits allowed by the ecclesiastical laws with their parishioners, since the latter are the ones called upon to provide them with proper sustenance, and since in the system of absolute separation of church and state and complete liberty of conscience the old theocratic predominance, which the par- ish priests arrogated to themselves by constituting themselves into the feudal lords of their parishioners, can not exist. 19. The socialistic character of the revolution of 1896, maintained up to date against the American sovereignty, is a patent and positive fact, for although the rebellion was promoted morally through the propaganda of the middle class of certain towns in the center of Luzon, where it found decided support and has since then up to date relied on arms to materially sustain the struggle with the agents of authority, was among the plebeians or the laboring people that worked and labored in the fields and towns, and this socialistic character is due in part to- the existence and manner of being of many haciendas belonging to the religious communities of these islands, for reasons which require special study; hence it was that the first acts of the revolutionists upon the outbreak of the rebellion to the north as well as to the south of the center of Luzon was to take possession of the haciendas and proper- ties of the friars, wherefore, in order to put an end to the evil noted, the expropriation of all the estates and properties of the friars would be a highly political move, of economico-social transcendency, and of good future results, and all the more worthy if the proceeds of the sale in small lots of the monastic properties were devoted to the encourage- ment of public instruction of the inhabitants of this country, as sug- gested in the question. Even though the amounts used for the purchase of the estates expro- priated from the friars were to be soon reimbursed from Philippine funds, it would be a great economical solution, as well as a political- social solution, leading to peace to expropriate the real estate of such hated corporations, a measure which should be adopted with all expe- dition, in order to secure normal conditions to the benefit of this dis- turbed country. Floekntino ToeeeSv Manila, October SI, 1900. 192 CHURCH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. JOS^ ROS. [Translation.] To the American Civil CoTnmission: Being apprised of the interrogatories published by the newspapers of this capital, and in the hypothesis that the said document emanates from the commission, as is asserted, I have the honor to transmit to it, in compliance with the duty of a Filipino patriot, the following answers to the points embraced by the said interrogatories: 1 and 2. A son of the Philippines, and having always lived in these islands up to the present time (and I am now 54 years of age); I have resided almost constantly in my native pueblo, Bagayan de Misanis, in Mindanao. I am acquainted with the provinces of Manila and Cebu by reason of having resided some time in their capitals and by making frequent trips thereto. I am also somewhat acquainted with the prov- inces of Surigao in Mindanao, Iloilo, Leyte, and Samar in Visayas, and Laguna and Tayabas in this province of Luzon, having been in some of the towns thereof while making trips. Being anxious to secure some rest for my body and spirit, and with the decided purpose to take no active part in the events which are now being developed in the archipelago, I transferred my residence to this capital since the middle of the month of May last. 3. Enjoying a fairl}^ good social position within my province, and having conducted up to a short time ago businesses of comparative importance therein, I have been in constant contact with the greater part of the curates of those pueblos who were Recoletos and Jesuits up to the end of 1898, when they abandoned the town. I retain a goodly number of letters from them, having carried on almost friendly relations with some of them. 4. I have personally known nearly all the friar curates that suc- ceeded each other in those pueblos from 1863 to 1898, and estimate their number to be no less than 70 individuals. 5. By their own confession, and also revealing itself in their habits and customs, and manner of life, the Recoletos come from the rural class — at least the large majority thereof — and from families having very meager fortune; the Jesuits come from the different social classes in Spain. I understand that the personnel of the other bodies was also recruited from the same class as the Recoletos. 6. I am not wholly acquainted with any property exploited by the said orders, so as to give information thereon without fear of falling into error, for in my province there is no real estate belonging to them, except two parcels of cultivated land acquired of recent years by the Jesuits in the pueblo of Balingasag, of which I will speak in the next answer; but I deduce from the way in which these parcels were acquired that the great haciendas possessed in other provinces by other orders were not acquired in the most proper way, and were not worked within the spirit of Christain charity, which should be the standard of conduct for persons who claimed and claim to be the standard bearers of Christianity. 7. It was the friar curates who really governed the pueblos, not in matters connected with their ministry, but in every path of life, with- out excepting private life; for although there existed in each pueblo an administrative authority, assisted by a board known by the name of CHUECH LAISTDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 193 ^'Comun de principales" (council of the head men of the village), and of late years justices' courts were created, nevertheless all authorities, with very rare exceptions, were completel^^ under the dominion of the former, for they were absolutely satisfied that any opposition to the slightest desire of the curate would sooner or later bring upon them serious trouble. Frequently the local authority was punished by the provincial authority for disobedience to its orders, the former prefer- ring to break with its chief rather than with the friar. This supremacy of the friar was above the family and the individual, and by abusing it, and in the certainty of his impunity, he committed so man}" and such serious acts which really constituted oli'enses, and even crimes, that he caused the hatred which the Filipino feels for the friar. I could cite here many cases to prove my assertion, but m}^ paper would be interminable. Therefore, I believe it sufficient to mention two or three cases which occurred after the insurrection of 1896 had broken out. The curate friar of Loculan ordered the ' ' cabezas de barangay " (officials who had in charge the collecting of the head tax from a group of fifty families, and some other duties — an office which was consid- ered, in the phraseology of the Spanish administration, as '' honorable and gratuitous," and as such, and owing to the pecuniar}^ responsi- bility he contracted, he was selected from among the best known and well-to-do residents) to furnish gratuitous!}^ a certain number of pieces of lumber for the construction of a parsonage and church ; and one of them could not, on the day designated, deliver the pieces falling to his lot, as he had had to employ a part of his time in caring for his own interests, although he had the lumber already cut and even ready to be transported to the pueblo. This individual was punished by having lashes administered to him in the middle of the public plaza, laid face down on a bench constructed ad hoc, he being attached thereto by the shoulders and feet by means of stocks, so that he could not rise or even change position while undergoing punishment, which was inflicted on a Sunday at the very moment that the people were coming out of church after hearing mass. The curate of Catorman ordered that all the residents of the pueblo should take up their residence within the central parts of the town in order to have them all as though held within his grasp; ordering that those whose houses should be located outside the limits by him desig- nated should transfer them within the same and within the time named by him. Because a resident either could not or would not obey the order, and had his house in a cocoanut grove belonging to him, the curate ordered it to be raised bodily, to transfer it to the pueblo, being left half-way abandoned in a gorge, where, I believe, it can be seen to this day. The house was a frame and not a cane building. The curate of Balingasay, who was a Jesuit (the two mentioned previously being Recoletos), because a joint owner of a piece of land which the friar's order had appropriated because it was owed a sum of money by the Spaniard, who requested the return of his property of the government, and he could not pay the rent of the parcel of ground he was working, burned his house, the curate himself applying the torch, and ordering that all the corn which had been sowed and the cocoanut trees, planted three or four years before, to be cut down. In short, everything the poor man had on the ground was destroyed. This same curate compelled a poor widow to sell , at a price named S. Doc. 190 13 194 CHUECH LAND3 IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. by him, a piece of ground out of which she made a living for herself and her little ones, threatening her with punishment in this world and the next in case of refusal. 8. The relations between the provincial heads and the friars were generally of mutual opposition; but this opposition was by no means due to the desire of each to comply with the duties of his respective office, but because their interests and purposes were antagonistic. The authorities were indifferent as to killing the cow so long as they milked her as dry as they could, for they knew that in three years at the most (rarely did they last that long) they had to give their place to others, while it was more advisable for the friars to milk her every day, thus succeeding in getting the greatest possible quantity of milk. Neither did good harmony reign between the superior authorities when the governor-general was upright and honorable and did not truckle to the exigencies of the friars. A proof of this was the worthy General Despujols, who a few months after entering upon his duties was ignominiousl}^ relieved through the work of and thanks to the friars. 9. Fees were charged higher than those appearing in the schedule framed by the Archbishop Santa Justa y Ruiina, which was the legal schedule that was known — that is to say, that was published — although it was said by those interested that they were fully authorized. I know of one who charged not less than ff 30 to marry a man who had not performed the duties of sacristan, which the curates compelled all youths between the ages of fourteen and eighteen to perform, inter- preting in their own way an old administrative provision which ordered that the people should furnish eight youths for the service of the church. 10. With regard to the moral conduct of the friars in ways other than those mentioned, books might be written upon the subject. Out of respect for truth I ought, nevertheless, to record that the Jesuits never consented to any such failings on the part of any individuals of their order. The author of the only case I know of that happened in my province was not only relieved of the charge he held, but, as is currently reported, he was sent out of the archipelago. 11. The hatred of the Filipino for the friar recognizes as its prin- cipal cause the constant tendency of the latter to humble us, and to accomplish this he has sought by every means within his reach to divorce us from the peninsular or Spanish elements, to which end he always placed obstacles in the way of the Filipino learning the official language, going to the extreme of harshly reprimanding his parishioners if they greeted him in Spanish (saying: ''Buenos dias; buenas noches"). I know of one who, in order to compel a school-teacher graduated from the Normal School, who came into his pueblo with his degree and appointment to take charge of the municipal school of the pueblo, to leave town, made him live in his house and eat with the servants and clean the floors, thus accomplishing his purpose. The hatred for the friar extends to all who are known as such, with- out excluding the Jesuits, although they call themselves the regular clergy, because all the individuals, without any distinction whatever, (at least among the seventy more or less that I have known), have always wished to humiliate the Filipino, to destroy his personality. If there is less animosity displayed against the Jesuits in Manila and other provinces of Luzon and Visayas, it is because the inhabitants of these regions know them only in the atheneum, normal school, and CHURCH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 195 observatoiT, where, opportunists as they are, they observe a conduct different from the other orders. But in their curacies and missions in Mindanao the}" behave worse than the others, and as to their procedure in making proselytes among the idolators I could relate curious things. 12. It is very true that the friars were the cause of the persecutions and deportations of man}" parishioners of theirs, more or less displeased with Spain, which it will be easy for the Commission to prove in this very capital, where many parties reside who were victims of these persecutions. I ought to confess, however, that in my province I know of but one case of deportation which was carried into effect, because of the report which the Jesuit curate rendered in the admin- istrative record, which was made up, the victim being a party who exercised the local authority and who distinguished himself during his term of office through not wishing to subordinate his acts to the will of the curate. 13 and 14. I can say nothing specifically as to the morality of the Filipino clergy, as I have never resided in a parish governed by them, and there being in my province not a single individual of the secular clergy. I ought, nevertheless, to admit that they are not wholly exempt from the faults of the friars, as the latter assert in a loud voice, for they are men and not angels, subject always to their dio- cesans, who are and ever were friars in modern times; and as such always looked with suspicion upon the former, not passing over the smallest fault that might reach their ears through public or private channels, while as to their cogeners they not onh" boasted that they paid no attention to the complaints of the pueblos and the individuals agreed, but very often the guilty were rewarded with better curacies and even Avith a miter. The faults of the former can not reach the proportions of those of the latter. As regards the education of the clergy, I can say at once that it is very deficient generally, but are they or their superiors at fault for this deficiency ? And as regards their preparation for the exercise of their sacred ministry, I can not make any assertion without fear of falling into an error, but 1 understand, if any fault exists in the premises, the moral, canonical, and social responsibility is not theirs. 15. I do not waver in asserting that the return of the friars to their former curacies would be most direful to the Catholic religion, and in parts of Luzon (Tagalism) and of Visayas (Panay, Cebu, Negros), dan- gerous even to the public order, for knowing the friar as I do I believe him incapable of betterment. So soon as the friars shall find them- selves in the pueblos they Avill begin to boast of their triumph, and in order to continue reigning absolutely they will lay hold of all the means within their reach, above all of what is termed the "'lever of the century," to bring to their side the most prominent element, and when they shall have accomplished it the}^ will begin their actions anew. 16. An American prelate would be better received by the Filipino people than a Spaniard and a friar, but he will onl}- captivate the affec- tion of the people in time by his conduct. 17. I think the S3^stem suggested in the question for religious instruc- tion in the schools is sufficient, for its complement should be found by the children in the usages and examples in the bosoms of their families. 18. The curates being friars, even though they be despoiled of their political functions and influence, will not bring moral peace to the pueblos, for they will seek both, by legitimate means if possible, and if not, also. 196 CHUECH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. It is undoubted that the relations between the parish priest and the people will change from the fact that the carrying on of worship must be supported by voluntary contributions. But if the parish priest is a Filipino or a foreign priest, in the event of a lack of natives, this change in nw humble judgment will redound to the benefit of religion, for hypocrisy, the lowest of all vices, will disappear, and the true believers will be separated from those who appear to be believers through convenience or imposition; and so, if in the Philippines there are reared churches made of marble from the foundations to the top- most point of the cupola, it will not be at the expense of the sweat and fatigue of the unfortunate who are forced to work through threats of deportation and denial of spiritual aid in the hour of death, and compelled to work gratuitously for three days a week; but they will be built at the expense of the rich and poor, though freely and spon- taneously, as is the case in the United States. 19. If it be true that the properties of the friars were always the cause of trouble between them and the tenants, and the manner or method of acquiring the same was not in harmony with the principles of justice — of which facts I have not sufficient data to deny or affirm them — if the}^ are not like the cases which I have cited as occurring in Balingasay, the expropriation of such property, and the subsequent sale in small parcels, and the devoting of the proceeds thereof to the creation of funds for public instruction will merit the regard of the inhabitants of the regions where such properties are situated. Speaking again of the religious question, I am assured that many pueblos, so soon as order is reestablished and the curacies are perma- nently filled — not with friars, but with secular priests — the pueblos will immediately endeavor to create revenues for the maintenance of worship, so long as no obstacles are interposed, not in the administra- tion of the propert}^, but in the wa}^ of intervention for the purpose of putting them to uses other than those originally intended. And it is probable that the other pueblos who are in a position to imitate the former will do the same, and those which can not so act because of their poverty, let them be added to other pueblos, this acting as a stimulus toward the betterment of the situation. I do not believe that the reduction of parishes because of financial difiSculties will be a great obstacle to good spiritual administration, above all if the public administration opens new means of communication, and improves those now existing. These are my humble opinions upon the points embodied in the inter- rogatories, expressed with sincerity and frankness and without feeling, which I lay before the commission, expressing the hope that they may serve in some way for the good of my country. If in the course of this writing I have recorded any phrase or word that in the slightest way can wound the most worthy persons compos- ing the commission, I beg that it will be pleased to pardon me and consider them as withdrawn, as also the inaccuracies it suffers for my slight education and want of time have prevented me from properl}^ correcting them. I improve this occasion to offer to all and each one of the gentlemen composing the American Civil Commission in the Philippines the most respectful consideration of their humble servant. Jose Ros. Manila, September W, 1900. CHUECH LAISTDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 197 FRANCO. GONZALES. Note. — The following answers to the questions prepared by the president of the commission were transmitted in a letter from Dr. T. H. Pardo de Tavera, in which he says that the signer of the answers, Sehor Francisco Gonzales, is a promi- nent Filipino (a Spaliish mestizo), over 60 years of age, who is a very large landed proprietor in Nueva Ecija. [Translation.] ANSWERS IN NUMERICAL ORDER TO THE INTERROGATOIIIES ANNEXED. Nos. 1, 2, 3, 4, and 5. My long stay (over forty-five years) in the provinces of Bulacan, Nueva Ecija, and Pangasinan; my continued trips to the pueblos thereof, dealing in domestic products; the man- agement of my hacienda, situated in the two last-named provinces; and the necessitj^ a provincial has to treat with the parish priests, afforded me the opportunity to personally know the majority of these priests, and I can assert that I never had an opportunity of finding one belonging to the distinguished Spanish class. All of them belong- to the humblest class of their "country, Dominicans, Augustinians, and Franciscans alike; the three orders that occupied parishes in the said provinces. 6. The Dalayap Dampol and Lolomboy haciendas, situated in the pueblos of Bulacan, Candaba, Guingua, and Biga, respectively, belong- to the Augustinian order. I can not specify the importance of the said haciendas. In Cabanatuan (Nueva Ecija) Fr. Jose Lafuente, Augus- tinian and friar curate of the said pueblo, possesses a sugar-cane plan- tation of an approximate value of $100,000, with the warehouses, grinding machiner}", and refiner}^. 7. Replying to this question, I can say that all the local governments, administrations, public works, and schools had to pass through the fine sieve of the parish curate of each pueblo. 8. By reason of these influences of the friars, their relations with the Spanish authorities were strained. 9. Two things principall}^ acted as a discouragement to the con- tracting of matrimony — the bad example of the curates, and the abuses of the fees, these going to the extent of charging hundreds of dollars for the mere matrimonial religious services. There was no fixed rate in this particular, nor for baptisms and interments. 10. Here is sought the narration of some fact, and although the scandalous immorality of the parish friar is a current thing in these pueblos, I shall relate what I remember about Father Cienfuegos, a Dominican friar, curate of the pueblo of Tayug (Pangasenan) about the years 1881 and 1885. This friar, addicted to petticoats, was accustomed to pW "monte" with his mistress and other neighbors in his own convent; and being asked one day by a Spaniard wh}^ he per- mitted gambling in his house, the good father replied, between drinks, that he needed resources for his wife, and that he found this means very profitable. 11. The principle cause for the hostility against the friar curates in the said provinces has been egotism, unbridled license, illtreatment, and contempt for the Filipino. 12. As a sample of what a displeased parish priest is capable of, I shall relate what I witnessed about the year 1867 or 1868 in Rosales (Neuva Ecija) on a feast day after high mass at the very moment in 198 CHURCH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. which the people were leaving the church. The curate of this pueblo, Fr. Raimundo Gallardo, a Franciscan, with his sleeves rolled up, was in front of the principal entrance to the church belaboring the shoul- ders of a man standing, though strongly tied to a stepladder, with a rattan. I left that repugnant spectacle, which lasted, as I subsequently learned, until the curate no longer had strength to continue. The cause for so brutal a punishment was due to his having dared to col- lect in the said town for masses for the famous Virgin Manauag (Pangasenan). That unhappy man was the agent of the parish priest of Manauag. 13 and 14. The Filipino priest generally possesses the immorality he learned from the friar, and the latter's ignorance; but the pueblos do not take them as yet, and they may be made more easily to conform to the new conditions should an American archbishop provide what is indicated in question No. 18 and the Government carry out all that is proposed in question No. 19. The "Guardias de Honor" had their origin in the sanctuary of Manauag (Pangasenan), of which they were formerly cof raters, the head thereof, Antonio Valdes, steward of the curate of the said sanc- tuary, having becomie excited in 1898 and attacked the Spaniards in Bayanban and other pueblos of the said province. They have been known to make counter revolutions, particularly when the Americans advanced toward Pangasenan, and afterwards they devoted themselves to pillage and murder throughout the whole of the central part of Luzon. This association is made up of the indigent population of those towns, being an element most leaning toward anarchy. Its political object is to become dominant, and later reestablish the friars in their curacies, although not one of them knows for certain the object he pursues, making himself the easy instrument of him who offers to secure for them all they desire. Franco. Gonzalez. Manila, October 7, 1900. HEADMEN AND LEADING RESIDENTS. [Translation,] In the town house of Aringay, province of La Union, on the 24th of October, 1900, at about 8 a. m., the headmen and leading residents of this town, being met together, under the presidency of the local chief, who invited them to express everything they knew regarding the questions set forth in the annexed interrogatories relating to the friars, transmitted by Seiior Calderon, a prominent attorney of the supreme court of justice — which was translated and explained by Senor Don Escolastico de Guzman, municipal secretary, in the dialect of the people, in order that all present might state what they had observed as to the life and conduct of the friars who have had charge of this parochial church — unanimously expressed themselves as follows, in viva voce: 1. How long have you lived in the Philippines? A. The majority of those present subscribers hereto, are the oldest landowners and leaders of this pueblo. 2. In what part of the islands have you lived? CHURCH LAIRDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 199 A. Aring-ay. 3. How much personal opportunity had you before 1896 to observe the relations existing between the friars and the people of their par- ishes in a religious, in a social, and in a political way? A. The majority are ex-captains, cabezas de barangay, landowners, and leading residents of the pueblo. As to the religious relations, all the sacerdotal and parochial duties were cast upon the coadjutors; no burials took place, even though the bod}^ should rot, until the fees were paid, however poor the family of the deceased might be, thus preju- dicing public hygiene, charity being absent, and violating the canonical laws. He (the friar) would not furnish the last necessary spiritual needs, and as to the confession and communion of the ill, he left it to his coadjutor, and the latter is not able to attend to so many. They compelled everybody, without exception, to kiss their hands on greet- ing them, and he who disobeyed would receive a slap, and they revenged themselves as far as they possibly could. As to the social relations, they treated the people of the town grossly, belittling those who dressed decently by saying that it was not proper for them so to do, as they should only wear the salocot and calapaio (palm hat and rain coat) to follow carabaos and plows; and they treated their coadjutors worse than slaves. As to the political relations, they absolutely prohibit the children learning Spanish, and look unfavorably upon those who know some- thing, advising the fathers of families not to send their children to Manila to be educated, as they would become useless. In a word, they greatW oppose all manner of enlightenment. 4. How many friars have you known personally ? A. Many; and particularly those who have been parish priests of this pueblo. 5. From what class of society were they drawn in Spain ? Do the different orders differ at all in this respect ? A. We do not know. 6. What agricultural or business or residence property in any part of the islands do you know from which any order of friars has drawn income ? Describe it as well as you can. A. In this pueblo they do not possess any property; it is in the Tagalo provinces where thej^ possess many and extensive lands and other kinds of property. 7. What political functions were actually exercised b}^ the parish priests in the islands under Spanish rule ? A. The}^ were appointed honorar}^ presidents and local inspectors of schools and public works, but in reality they were the governors, judges, presidents, and headmen; for whatever they wanted they got, and the}^ ruled the municipal presidents, who could not exercise any of their rights without the consent and under the control of the friar, so that whatever they wished to be done was done. The}^ taught the authorities to commit abuses, outrages, and robberies, so that in this way they might have reasons for revenging themselves when the latter did not carry out what the}?^ wished. 8. What, usuall}^, were the relations between the heads of the Spanish Government here and the heads of the church ? A. The friars had the heads of the Spanish Government under their order. The latter were the cause of many vexations, and with their 200 CHUECH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. own hands chastised and beat alleged culprits, and whenever a Spanish authorit}^ did not second or conform to the wishes of the friars all the orders contributed large sums of money to have him removed, and this is the true cause of the Filipino revolution. 9. What fees were actually collected by the parish priests for mar- riages, burials, and christenings? A. The fees they charged for marriages, burials, and christenings were adjusted (to the schedule?), but when there was singing they charged excessive fees at will. The fees were established in council held in Manila, presided over by the Most Illustrious and Reverend Senor Don Basilio de Santa Justa y Rufina, then archbishop. The poor, who could not find mone}^ with which to pay the fees, lived openly without marrying canonical^, and therefore many lived in con- cubinage. 10. What was the morality of the friars as parish priests, etc. A. The morality of the friars generally left much to be desired; it was a cause for scandal among their parishioners — the way in which they broke their vows of chastity and poverty. This free life of the friars was so notorious that nothing was hidden from their parishion- ers, who had everything before their eyes on all occasions. We shall cite some cases : They compelled all the spinsters to go up into the con- vent on Sundays and feast days, and there they exhorted them regard- ing matters which were not advisable, and, not satisfied with this, they advised them to confess frequently, and they relied upon this means to profane the house of God, and, if they did not secure their disor- dered ends, they sought means, even though it were calumny, to secure the deportation of the fathers of families, and if the women were mar- ried their husbands, as happened to a former captain, Don Miguel Revollo, and others. To show how far their astuteness went, there still exists in the convent of this pueblo two secret stairways, the door being in the form of a wardrobe, which when opened formed means of escape — one communicating with the vault and leading from the choir of the church to the sacristy, and the other in the sleeping room of the curate, which led to a storehouse which is now used as the ofiice of the local presidente. This was the idea of a friar to carry out his impure and disordered passions. It can be said that there were two curates of this pueblo who were so cruel and inhuman that even without any reason they verbally illtreated whoever had the misfor- tune to have an34hing to do with them, not to say anything of their servants, sacristans, and singers, without respecting the sanctity of the place and of religious functions; wherefor, by reason of our con- sciences as good Catholics, we can not but not protest under pain of threatening the demoralization and corruption of our holy religion. They abused all kinds of females without distinction of class or age, and when some of them became with child they gave them medicines to kill the foetus. 11. What do you think is the chief ground for hostility to the friars as parish priests ? A. One of the principal causes for the hostility against the friars was their despotism, and this hostility was directed against all the religious orders. 12. Charges have been made against the friars that many of their number caused the deportation of Filipinos, members of their parishes, CHUECH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 201 and that in some instances they were guilty of physical cruelty. Whaty if anything, do 3^ou know on these subjects? A. The parish friars were the only cause of the deportation of many Filipinos, who in this town were Senors Anacleto Diaz, former cap- tain; Juan Baltasar, also former captain; Florienzo Baltasar, ex- justice of the peace and merchant; Don Roman Florentino, Candido Resurec- tion, present headmen, and Agripino Carbonel, proprietor, and man}- others priests and private individuals who have been deported, and some of whom were sentenced to be shot. 13. What is to be said of the morality of the native priests? A. The morality of the native priests is incomparably better than that of the friars, although some few, through human weakness, have been known to break their vow of chastity. 14. What as to their education and preparation to discharge clerical duties ? A. As to the instruction and preparation of the native priests, they have a sufficiency to discharge clerical duties. 15. What do you think would be the result of an attempt of the friars to return to their parishes? A. The result of the effort of the friars to return to their parishes would be that they would not be received and accepted in their par- ishes, and they would be the objects of countless vengeances, etc. 16. What do you think would be the effect in the islands of the appointment of an American archbishop? A. The effect would be indifference. IT. What do 3^ou think of the establishment of schools, etc. ? A. The Filipino people being eminently Catholic, it would be advisa- ble not to disregard the religious instruction of the Catholic b}^ the ministers of the Church, for it is the one that has been transmitted from generation to generation, and if it is somewhat demoralized it is the fault of the friars. 18. Will not the fact that the parish priests, etc.^ A. Distinction: If they are friars, it is impossible for them not to meddle in politics, and they will not be contented with voluntary con- tributions, but they will impose forced contributions. As to other priests, I believe it would. 19. What do you think would be the effect of the Government expropriating the agricultural property, etc. ? A. This is left to the prudence and judgment of the proper parties. Nevertheless, as our opinion is asked, we may state that for the good of the inhabitants of these islands it woald be better for the Govern- ment to pay their value, to sell them in small lots within the reach of all, and to create funds for education, charity, and other meritorious purposes with the proceeds. And in order that it may become of record, we sign these presents in honor of truth, in duplicate, one to be transmitted to Senor Cal- deron, attorney of the supreme court of justice, and the other for the archives of this townhall, to which we certify it. [Ninety-seven signatures.] Before me: EscoLASTico DE GuzMAN, Secretary. Senor Escolastico de Guzman y Tabora, municipal secretary of this pueblo of Aringay, province of La Union, certifieth and witnesseth: That the seals and the signatures of the head men, officers, and 202 CHUECH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. residents, together with that of the local president of this pueblo, appearing at the foot of the report or interrogatories relating to the friars, are in fact those they customarily attach to documents and other analogous things; and to make it a record, I certify and wit- ness, and sign with the seal of the townhall in Aringay, on the twenty- fourth da}'' of October of nineteen hundred. [seal.] ESCOLASTICO DE GuZMAN. JOSE TEMPLO. [Translation.] The undersigned, a native and resident of tbe city of Lipa, in the province of Batangas, a landed proprietor and agriculturist, frames for himself and in representation of the said city, answers to the questions contained in the following: INTERROGATORIES. 1. How long have you lived in the Philippines? A. Fifty-three years, as I am a native of them. 2. In what parts of the islands have you lived ? A. In this city, where I was born, in the capital of Manila, for fifteen years, as I took in the University of Santo Tomas the courses of philosophy, canonical law, and Spanish civil law; in the capital of Batangas, and in some of the pueblos of the province of Laguna. 3. How much personal opportunity had you before 1896 to observe the relations existing between the friars and the people of their parishes in a religious, in a social, and in a political way? A. As regards the religious relations, the friar-curates, if they had :a coadjutor or coadjutors, did hardly anything in their parishes except to confess a few penitents outside of the Lenten season, if they were so disposed; the administering of the other sacraments, a great part of the penitents, and also of the preaching, being performed by the coadjutors. The practical acts of the friars with respect to religion were not responsive to their pious calling of missionaries and teachers of the natives. They ought rather to be called the corrupters of j^outh. For this reason, in the administration of the sacraments they exercised only the penitential, as in these they experienced delights and pleas- ures through their shameless and incredible solicitations. In Lenten time, which was the period when the country folk came in to confess, the parish friar would give strict orders to the scribes of the church to the end that in the distribution or giving out of the certificates to the penitents among himself and the coadjutors, the}^ should give him the young unmarried country women and servant penitents, whom he obscenely solicited through words and manipulations in the v.onfes- sional, which they always had cornered and buried in the darkest part of the church, thus setting at naught the severe and wise constitutions of the popes, Paul IV Clement VIII, Paul V, Gregory XV, Alex- ander VII, and, lastly, Benedict XIV, against soliciting confessors. Is a proof of this desired as clear as the light of midday ? Here are the thousands of solicited females, of which I have some examples in my house, ready to depose if necessary in accordance with what is here denounced. CHURCH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 203 In the social life the parish friars had introduced from a very early date the custom — very humiliating to the Filipinos — of compelling the municipal authorities and headmen of the pueblos to present them- selves in the convent after the high mass on Sundays and other feast days to kiss his hand, without allowing them the consolation of being- received in the salons of the building, as the friar received them on the stairs without offering them a seat. Here all the parish friars, without distinction, who successive!}^ governed this flock thou'd all the natives without distinction or classes. If any resident or parishioner visited the parish priest in his convent, and there happened to be a Spaniard present paying a call, the visiting parishioner had to remain standing even though the visit should last a day. An aged and old curate of this city, an ex-definer for better iden- tification, having died, there came to provisionally fill the curacy a friar coming, according to public report, from the pueblo of Bustos. Natu- rally all the local authorities and residents in this cit}^ out of courtesy and good feeling, ought to have greeted and welcomed him, and in fact the judge of the first instance and the district attorney of this district went to see the new curate in the convent, and the subscriber, at the time justice of the peace of the city, not desiring to show himself less courteous and gallant on such an occasion, also went to greet him; but, O God! upon endeavoring to take the father's hand, the latter placed it in the pocket of his habit. This in the presence of the two function- aries above mentioned and of some leading residents. Nevertheless the subscriber knew how to console himself for the cut, with the thought, taken from the Gospel, that he who came out smirched and with inciv- ility was the monk, and that the salutation refused returned and hon- ored onl}" him who made it. The periodical visits of the provincials of the order of St. Augustin were most grievous to the pueblos — object of the visit — as the provin- cials could not enter the pueblos without being sought and received at the entrance thereof by the head men and maidens, or young women with wreaths and sincabanes made many days before the arrival of the prelate, with costly flowers and material, and thence conducted to the mansion of the parish priest. And I say most grievous, because, during the stav of the provincial in the locality, the municipal govern- ment, from the municipal captain, formerly gobernadorcillo, to the constable, could not attend to the duties of their offices, as the}^ were always under the immediate orders of the parish priest, who demanded, now horses, now carriages, and carts for the service of the provincial and his retinue, now communal laborers for other work that might be needed. And it being one of the objects of the visit of the Provincial to inform himself as to the conduct of the parish priest with respect to his parishioners, the former did not take the slightest trouble to make any investigation whatever. And if some complaint were made against a curate it produced no results, even when based upon a serious matter. Politically the friars were the masters of the pueblos in their par- ishes, but masters cursed below the breath, and venerated and deified outwardly for the simple reason that they were the friends and patrons of the heads of the province, and even feared by them, and even b}^ the governors-general of the islands, because of their powerful influence in the court where they had, and each corporation has, a procurator- general, who maintains their prestige safe and their inviolability. They are feared and hated by the natives for their intriguing policy 204 CHURCH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. of preferring slanderous charges before the Spanish authorities of attempts to rebel against the integrity of the Spanish Monarchy on the part of the natives — acts that were not even dreamed of, as was the case of the 3^ear 1886, if I am not in error, when the parish friar made charges before the highest authority in the islands that the leading and well-to-do residents of the city were endeavoring to promote an upris- ing, when in fact the latter sought nothing more than tranquillit}^ as they then had their agriculture in a flourishing state, above all, that of coffee, which was the envy of many neighboring pueblos. The charges, in a few words, were found to be slanderous and nothing came of them. There were governors of this province who spoke atrociously of the friars. One of them said to me, " You Filipinos have not known how to make an insurrection, because you have left the friars with life." 4. How many friars have you known personally? A. Many; very many. Justice must be done to all. Among those I have known and had relations with there were some who were very good and virtuous, the recollection of whom is always accompanied with praise; but these good friars w^ere in the proportion of one to a hundred bad and detestable, so that the former were the exception and the latter the general rule. Hence, in the answers I make to these interrogatories, I refer to the bad friars, who constitute the general rule. It is to be noted that unfortunately the virtuous friars who sought the moral and material well-being of their parishioners did not last in the curacies. 5. From what class of society were they drawn in Spain? A. To my mind, and according to the admission of some of them, they belong to the humble class. Q. Do the different orders differ at all in this respect ? A. There must be, for they say that there are orders that count among them sons of illustrious cradles. 6. What agricultural, or business, or residence property in any part of the islands do you know from which any order of friars has derived income? A. The order of calced Augustinians, to which the parish friar of this city belonged, did not possess, nor does it possess, here, proper- ties of any kind, but this lack of property the parish friar knew well how to supply ingeniously, converting the church itself into an ele- ment for his speculation — quite lucrative — for he had a monopoly on the sale of candles so that no parishioner could bring or light a candle in the church which did not bear the parochial mark or* seal, the acolytes rejecting all candles not bearing the said seal. Moreover the parish friar had all the sacristans cautioned when All Saints' Day and the commemoration of the faithful saints arrived to lay hold of the candles — the offering of the parishioners — at the doors of the church, and not to light them (except some few, which reall}^ were lighted until they were consumed for the consolation of the public) and to bring them out again through the doors of the sacristy to resell them, the parish priest vainly endeavoring to justify this diabolical action by saying that if the}^ were to be lighted they would be missed by the other purchasers. The image of the Holy Patron Saint Sebastian, martyr, was another element of inexhaustible industry and immense profit to the friar curate. Inside the town and outside, or in the barrios, it was carried on a platform by a custodian, a canting fellow, going from house CHUKCH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 205 to house and asking alms in the name of the image; alms consisting of mone}^, according to the following invariable tariff: For leaving' the image in a house from the morning till the evening, telling the rosar\' on its arrival and another rosar}^ on its departure, 2 pesos. For staying in a house half an hour, telling one rosar}^, half a peso. For remaining in a house a whole night, to go to bed, as they said, telling' the rosary twice, 2 pesos. This peregrination of the image or of the saint, as the generality of the people said, was continuous, having been converted from time immemorial into a modus vivendi of the friar, who had ordered the custodian to turn in ever}^ Sunda}" of the week a sum not less than 28 pesos. These domiciliary visits of the image were considered by the people as a divine mercy, and their giving of alms as a virtue; wherefor the poorest houses that did not possess one cent raised a wind, although in a ruinous manner, in order to have the satisfaction of sheltering the image and its custodian during its peregrinations through the barrios of this parish. I shall relate here a comical adventure which occurred to the image and the custodian. It came the turn of the saint to visit the barrio of San Francisco, abutting on the jurisdiction of the pueblo of Roasrio, and the image once there, a resident of another barrio, known as Tangob, within the limits of the said pueblo of Roasrio, and adjoining that where the said image was, as he was especialh^ devoted to it, having been a resident of this cit}^, invited it and caused it to be conducted to his house. At this, the lieutenant of the barrio of Tangob, zealous of the integ- rity of the rights of visit of the image of the titular patron of his pueblo (for in this province each parish of friars had its image of a male or female saint for the purpose in question, each rivaling the other in propagating a flood of miracles), so soon as he saw the image which was visiting his barrio was not that of the virgin of the rosary, but that of St. Sebastian, reported the fact to his curate, who was also a friar. This occurred about the 3"ear 1885 or 1886. The latter, upon learning of so unjust and unexpected an intrusion, sent Cuadrilleros to the said barrio of Tangob, with orders to arrest the image and the custodian. The latter, being apprised or informed of the danger, succeeded in restoring the image to its own barrio, that is, of San Francisco, thus escaping detection. This fanaticising practice of the friars in causing the images of the saints to be carried around for the purpose of making money is em- phatically anathematized by the Valentine concilium, which, in its fourth section, title three, chapter eight, orders: "That under pain of excommunication neither from the temples nor even from the monas- teries shall be taken from the altar relics of saints to a place where they shall be presented to the people in order to make lucre out of them." 7. What political functions were actually exercised by the parish priests in the islands under Spanish rule ? A. Besides those they were legally called upon to perform, interven- ing in msinj acts of the municipal government, such as putting their ''O. K." on the reports prepared by the former, taking part in the municipal elections, they acted ultravires, committing the gravest abuses and scandals. If the municipal captains, formerly known as gobernadorcillos, did not follow the suggestions, good or bad, of the friar, whatever their purport, they had one foot in jail and the other 206 CHUECH LAIRDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. in their house. If the municipal captain did not get the sympathy of the friar, but rather his antipathy, through ignorance of how to get along with the latter, or for other reasons, he was treated with harsh- ness and frequently lined by the governor, and as a slave by the com- mander of the detachment of the civil guard, although the latter might be a mere corporal. By reason of these vexations to be appointed municipal captain was considered, at least toward the end of the Spanish rule, as a calamity and ruinous; and I know many municipal captains who, in order to get rid of the office, adroitly caused themselves to be prosecuted for the simulated offense of pre- varication, the punishment for such offense being nothing more than disqualification. In the matter of actions, either civil or criminal, if the parish friar interested himself on behalf of either of the parties litigant, whether he were right or wrong, the opposing party ran the risk of losing the case, because ever3^one abandoned him. His lawyer abandoned him if he were a Filipino, and the district attorney and even the judge would declare themselves against him. The friars enjoyed the greatest influence, for they were feared as men having power. Many governors-general have ceased to act in these islands long before completing their legal term of office, because they have incurred the displeasure of the friars. The same thing happened to a greater degree with the heads of the provinces who incurred the ill feeling of the parish priests. Everybody, including the Peninsular Spaniards, dared not incur the enmity of the friars unless they desired to see themselves some day wounded in their personal dignity. Here is a disagreeable case of this kind: A certain judge of the first instance of this district, one of the most worthy and upright officials I have ever known, against whom it seemed the parish priest harbored ill will, was one day in the parish house through one of those special circumstances where courtesy overrides valor, together with some gentlemen, friends and satellites of the friar. It happened that it was the hour for preparing the table for dinner and the friar, following the saying that "Everyone has a right to his own opinion," called his steward before the assembled guests, and said to him in Tagalo: ''Look here, boy; you put four covers on the table, one for me, another for Mr. H., another for Mr. D., another for Mr. C, and for the Judge, nothing." Having given the order he repeated it to the steward, translating it literally into Spanish, in order that the official, who hardly understood the Tagalo, should understand it better. A certain governor of the province, a participator in the infliction of fines, in bribes, and other oppressions, arrived at the convent one day seeking shelter as was his custom. The parish friar received him on the stairway, and after greeting him dryl}^ said: "My governor, you don't fit in here an}^ more; there are 20 fathers here and there are no beds for governors." The poor gov- ernor left and sought shelter in the house of a resident, whom he had just thrown into prison for an imaginary attempt at sedition. This same friar could not look with favorable eyes upon any poor Peninsular Spaniard living in the localit}^, especially if he were a friend of the people, thinking that he would dim the Spanish luster. Take the case of an ex-sergeant of carbineers, a native of Valencia, an honest man, and a friend of all of Lipa, in whose presence the curate felt himself humiliated because he showed the Tagalos that among the poor Spaniards there were no superf ormed humble officers — he was CHURCH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 207 the gaff fitter of the cockpit. As the friar could not find any means to expel the good Spaniard from this place and the latter paid no attention to his talk he made use of the governor, who, with false promises of securing him a good place at the provincial capital, sent him to the province of Laguna. 8. What usually were the relations between the heads of the Span- ish Government here and the heads of the church ? A. The most cordial, if the measures emanating from the heads of the Government favorably affected the prestige and the revenues of the monastic corporation, but if otherwise, even though they were bene- ficial to the whole country — farewell monastic gentleness! When the civil code was put in force in these islands, and it is the most complete and perfect legislation j^et published relating to civil matters, the friars of this province seeing that through the establish- ment of civil registration and civil matrimony — institutions contained in the said code — their intervention in the performance of the canon- ical marriage cermony was lessened and their canonical registers and entries regarding this sacrament, and those of baptism and burial, of no legal value, and the profitable income that was formerly theirs, arising from copies they made of the said entries in the canonical registers, gone forever, and that the civil matrimony would some day lessen the canonical marriages, became excited as the depths are stirred. In view of all this, the friars met together in the parish house pre- sided over by their foreign vicar, holding a little council trimmed with mummeries, banquets, dances, and shoutings, and representing the Spanish minister of the colonies by a servant running around on all fours and ridden by a friar, while the rest of the fathers threw stones at the quadrupedal minister, and also bones and crumbs from the table, shouting amid open-mouthed guffaws: " Gnaw those bones with art, B — ." Never have there been seen within this convent so many monks together who, formerly humble, threw aside the mask of their alleged gentleness and, furious, defied the power of a whole cabinet. Satiated with so much diatribe against the poor minister, and affecting gravity like the fathers of an ecumenical council, who were about to treat of a heres}^, they determined to send an eloquent appeal to the first authority of the islands, in which, declaring themselves the faithful interpreters of the sentiments of these pueblos, they set forth that the implanting in the country of the civil registration and civil matrimony would inevitabl}^ produce a serious change in the public order; where- for, they stated, the natives rejected them as disturbing and attacking" their traditional and pious practices, and ended by praying that the said civil code in so far as it related to civil registration and civil matri- mony, as above, should be suspended. Either as the result of this petition, or as that of many others which were undoubtedly sent by the friars of other provinces to the same superior authority, the celebrated civil registration and civil matrimony were declared in suspense by the Government of the motherland. I shall not fail to record here that these pueblos, notwithstanding the protest of the friars, did not refuse the said implantation which, although it introduced a great novelty in their manner of life, was esteemed as a caress from an eminentl}^ liberal Government. When a zealous director-general of the civil administration decreed as a sanitary measure that bodies should not be exposed within the churches, and that funeral ceremonies in the presence of the body 208 CHURCH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. should not be conducted, as this wise measure also attacked the treasury of the friars, the latter became excited like an immense ant-hill (guya- mangpula) that is trod upon, not desiring to obey the said decree but rather a communication from the archbishop establishing precisely the contrary, alleging that the latter was their superior. Such is the harmony that existed between the friars and their prelates and the governors of Spain in these islands. 9. What fees were actually collected by the parish priests for mar- riages, burials, and christenings? A. During the Spanish rule the parish priest of this cit}^ charged: For each marriage, six pesos and fifty cents, besides the presents made b}^ the wedded couple, consisting of chickens and hens; for burials, according to the following tariff: For each burial, with prayers, of an adult, if the latter were a pure native, three pesos fifty cents; for the burial of a Chinese mestizo, with prayers, ^yg pesos; for the burial of a child of native parents, two pesos fifty-six cents; for burial of a child of Chinese mestizos, three pesos sevent3^-five cents; for first-class in- terment of a child, with coffin and in a pantheon or niche, thirty-seven pesos and fifty cents; if the deceased were the child of Chinese mesti- zos, a larger amount was charged; for a third-class interment of an adult, with coffin and in a niche, fifty-four pesos and thirty cents; for a second-class interment of an adult, with coffin and niche, ninety pesos and thirty cents; for a first-class interment with coffin and niche of an adult, up to two hundred and twenty pesos was charged. It should be noted that for interments of Chinese mestizos of any kind, adults and children, a larger sum was charged than that designated in each scale for natives. These fees were arbitrary and very excessive, for the parish priest kept from the public the legitimate schedule of fees published by the worthy archbishop of Manila, Senor Don Basa- lio S. de Santa Justa y Rufina, so as not to be governed thereby, as it did not yield so much money. In order that it may be seen how excessive were the parochial fees charged by the friar, I state that in the schedules of the said arch- bishop Santa Justa y Rufina, which I have read, the charge for a bap- tism was only a candle, valued at about 6 cents; for a marriage, about 5 pesos; for the interment, with prayers, of a child, 1^ pesos; for each interment, with prayers, of an adult, double this amount — that is, 3 pesos; for each first-class burial there was no charge greater than 25 pesos, if I am not mistaken. Besides, the parish friar of this city, when any person died (and this was the most hateful act and the most worthy of public animadversion and of the anathema of all peoples) caused to be investigated, through his best familiar or sacristan, the amount of the estate of the deceased. Should the latter have been wealthy or well-to-do, he compelled (and no tears or sobs could stay him) the family thereof to have a funeral of the highest possible class, and never allowing it to be of a lower class — with one prayer, for instance. Ever}^ rich resident who should violate this Draconian mandate would be " thou'd" by the friar as though he were a great filibuster; that is, a great enemy, not of his, but of Spain. One day a fairly well-to-do resident (as the saying goes) died, and as his death occurred in Holy Week and the interment should have been made of necessity on Good Friday, it was performed with but one prayer, since the solemnity of the day would not permit any other CHURCH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 209 kind of interment, but the artful friar, desiring to get what he failed to secure through providential chance, compelled the famih^ of the deceased to give the church 40 pesos for masses at ^1 each, notwith- standing the fact that the fees chargeable for the interment had been paid. This satanic act has left bitter traces in nw soul, as I was one of the bereaved and a relative of the deceased. Could a greater in- iquity have been committed? Q. How were they (the fees) fixed, if you know? A. By the friars themselves at their own sweet will. Q. What, if an}', was the effect of such fees upon marriages? A. None; because as this sacrament produced pleasure and the hon- eymoon, there are no fees, however high, to restrain it. 11. What do you think is the chief ground for hostility to the friars as parish priests ? A. The abuses, tyrannies, and countless immoralities committed safely, synthacized in the facts recorded and in man}' others no doubt worse, of which the deponent has no knowledge, as the}' were committed elsewhere, and must have partaken of another character owing to a diversity of conditions; and I say ''safely" because in the Philippines no one could call the friar to account for his acts. And if any governor allowed himself at any time to bridle the friars his rashness cost him dearly, he being discharged from his office. Q. Does it (the hostility) exist against all the orders ? A. Against the Augustinians, calced and uncalced; Dominicans and Franciscans. I believe it did not exist against the Paulists, because their mission being solely to manage the conciliary seminaries — the nursery of the native clergy — they have no occasion, living as- they do outside the century, to allow their conduct to be known to the pueblo. With respect to the Jesuits, I do not make bold to assert whether or not such hostility exists, since they have not occupied curacies in this island of Luzon since their expulsion, but only in that of Mindanao, although I am inclined to believe that the Jesuits enjoy here in Luzon public esteem as good teachers of youth. With regard to the Capucins, the Carolines will take care to judge them. Q. Why the difference ? A. It is due to the circumstances already set forth in the foregoing answer. 12. Charges have been made against the friars that many of their number caused the deportation of Filipinos, members of their parishes, and that in some instances they were guilty of physical cruelty. What, if anything, do you know on these subjects? A. The deportations of thousands of Filipinos to the distant islands in the south of the Archipelago, to the Marianas, and even to the Spanish colonies in Africa, were in great part the work of the friars. And now to the proof: A few of the residents of Villa, finding our- selves one night gathered in the convent, between 6 and 7 o'clock, carrying out against our will the tiresome custom of occasionally exhibiting ourselves to the friar to erase from his feverish imagination the evil preoccupation that he might perhaps have conceived against us, believing us to be filibusters. Among the group was a cultured young man a short time before arrived from the Peninsula, qualified to be admitted as a licentiate in civil law, who had followed his law studies partly in the University of Santo Tomas and partly in the University of Madrid, having passed many of the years of his youth in the cap- S. Doc. 190 11 210 CHURCH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. ital of Spain and in that of Valencia, and as the friar did not know him, and it being the first time that he had seen him — and the last — he asked him: ''And who art thou?-' To which the youth replied: "I, Father, am one of ." "Of the branded?" inquired the monk. "No, Father, I am a resident of the barrio of Mataasnalupa, at the command of your reverence." Two weeks had hardly passed when I learned, to the great sorrow of my soul, that the poor young man, who divided his time between books and chicken raising, was taken from his house by a couple of municipal guards by order of the parish friar and taken to the capital of this province, where he was placed in the hands of the governor, who, not knowing what to do with him, transferred him to Manila. He, after sufi'ering incredible miseries inherent to a long voyage, eventually landed in one of the Spanish colonies in Africa, where he died, wept by the Spanish gov- ernor of the colony because of his learning and fine traits of charac- ter and the services he had rendered in the dependencies of the Gov- ernment as an amanuensis. 13. What is to be said of the moralit}^ of the native priests? A. The few native priests that exercised the duties of curates of souls, it may be stated with certainty, had among them— as they could not but have in view of human frailty- — some who, forgetting their sacred character, smirched their name with acts reprehensible to mo- ralit}^ and good habits, but they never reached the degree of perversion of the friars, because they did not rely, like the latter, upon immu- nity, prestige, and influence. Moreover, the native priests always divided with their coadjutors — if they -had them — the labors and duties of their parishes. This is undeniable, for it is notorious to natives and foreigners. As regards the native coadjutors, I do not think it would be back-biting or slan- derous to divide them into virtuous priests and priests without virtue, in view of the weakness of human nature, as has already been said, but as they did not fill in the parishes anything but a secondary place, as their name indicates, it may be asserted that illy could they have given the public serious reason for criticising their actions, as it may be also asserted that they were under the watchfulness of their parish friar. The prior, although he plays cards, never wants the friars to do it. 14. What as to their education and preparation to discharge cleri- cal duties? A. There is no doubt that the native priests are instructed in the ecclesiastical discipline, singing, ecclesiastical rituals, holy writ, sacred works, homilies of the saints, and the formalities for conducting the sacramental ceremonies, especially such as referred to the hearing of confession, and other rites and ceremonies, since they were educated in the conciliary seminaries, instituted pursuant to the method pre- scribed in chapter 28, section 23, of the council of Trent, followed in Spain and, therefore, in these islands as law, whose decisions as regards this point were the result of persuasion and of the mind of a Catholic senate, and of several eminent men in piety and doctrine. The native clergy as coadjutors in the parishes governed by friars, besides supplying the place of the latter, as has been already said, in all the matters relating to the labors of administration of the sacra- ments, penitence, communion, baptism, and matrimony, and inter- ments, and preaching within the church, discharged further, with the CHURCH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 211 greatest abnegation, laborious services beyond the town or in the bar- rios of the parish, removed sometimes one, two, or three leagues there- from, suffering the rigors of this climate, seeking out dying parish- ioners in order to give them the solace of our most holy religion. I know that some of these laborers in the vineyard of the Lord found their death in their evangelical work, some through the rolling over of the horse they were riding, and others through the contagion of epidemic diseases, with which the dying were attacked. And the saddest thing after all was that the native clergy only received from the hands of the friar the meager pittance of 16 pesos a month for all his necessities. I shall not proceed without making mention of a portion of this native clerg}^ so unjustly attacked by the monachal clergj^, which, shown by reason of their signal knowledge, solid virtue, and vast learn- ing, merited a distinguished seat in the capitulary chapter of this holy metropolitan church, like the illustrious Senor Don Mariano Garcia, doctor of sacred theology, rector of the College of San Jose, honorary auditor of the rota of the nunciature in Spain, and the dignity of choir leader; Don Vicente Garcia, also a doctor of theology, pro visor of the bishopric of Nueva Caceres, and later penitentiary canon by competi- tive examination; Don Telesfero Trinidad, choirmaster; Don Sabino Padailla, treasurer; Don Simon Ramires Ledo, canon; Don Pedro Pelaz, doctor of theology, canon and capitulary vicar in a vacant see of this archbishop; Don Gregorio Ballesteros, doctor of theology, and in sacred canons, prebend; Don Faustino Billafranca, doctor of theolog}"; Don Mariano Sevilla, also doctor of theolog}^; Don Manuel Rojas, licentiate of theology, and many others I have forgotten. There were also native priests who flourished in the university cloisters of the pontifical uni- versity of Santo Tomas of Manila, such as the imperishable and unfor- tunate Senor Don Jose Burgos, prince and leading light of the said cloister, doctor of philosophy and theology, prebend of the said cathe- dral church, who died on the scaffold, together with the no less illus- trious priests, Senor Don Jacinto Zamora, curate of the chapel of the said cathedral church, and Senor Don Mariano Gomez, parish curate of the pueblo of Bacoor in Cavite, victims, these three, of the hatred of the vengeful friars, Fathers Abaya, Buendia, and others difficult to mention. 15. What do you think would be the result of an attempt of the friars to return to their parishes ? A. The continuance of this disastrous war, assassinations, profaning with them sacred places, in view of the constant ebullition of mind of the Filipinos against these habited people ; and in many pueblos, if not in all, the suspension of worship and of many highest practices on the part of the native faithful, and, above all, apostacy. That in the event, which 1 do not anticipate, of the Government of the United States determining on the return of the friars to their curacies, it would commit a political error of incalculable gravit}^ consisting in the division of the hold over the persons of the Filipinos, wherein the friar curates, who will not cease to be considered as foreigners, even though they be secularized, as they have their convents and principal semina- ries in Spain, would have the sway over the soul — which is the most noble part of man — the said Government remaining with the body, the result of this being that the country would be governed politically and religiously by two elements of distinct nationality, which would give rise to grave disturbances. 212 CHURCH LANDS 11!^ PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 16. What do you think would be the effect in the islands of the appointment of an American archbishop ? A. The outcome will tell. 17. What do j^ou think of the establishment of schools in which opportunity would be given the ministers of any church to instruct the pupils in religion half an hour before the regular hour? A. The idea seems to me to be good and laudable, because the simultaneous teaching of religion and of other sciences would save time in behalf of the pupil and would result in economy in the public expenses. Q. Would this satisfy the Catholics of the islands in their de'sire to unite religion with education? A. Greatly; for the very simple reason that religion would be taught by competent persons of recognized ability, and the la}^ pro- fessors could devote themselves in turn to the benefit of all — to teach- ing the other branches of learning intrusted to them. 18. Will not the fact that parish priests, whoever they may be, will have no political functions to perform, and no political influence, and must depend on the voluntary contributions of their parishioners for their support, very much change the relation of the pi'iest to the people ? A. There is no doubt that it would result in a ver}^ great change in those relations, and this change to my mind would be very salutary for the soul, because the measure would accord with what is established in the sacred canons and in ecclesiastical discipline, which order that the priests shall not meddle in temporal things in order that the}^ may not be swerved from the exercise of their sacred ministry. 19. What do you think would be the effect of the Government expropriating the agricultural property justly belonging to the friars, paying what it is worth, selling it out in small parcels, and using the proceeds for a school fund? A. The Government may decree the expropriation mentioned in the question. If it can not be carried into effect owing to the thousand difficulties that may arise, the Government may then temporarily lease the said properties and sublease them in parcels to small holders, appointing employees and establishing special offices for the adminis- tration of the same. Jose Templo. Villa of Lipa, Septemler ^If,, 1900. [Translation.] THE PROBLEM OF THE FRIARS. In the newspaper called El Progreso, of the 4:th of the present month of September, I have read that the civil commission on entering on the discharge of its duties, distributed among several prominent Fili- pinos some interrogatories, the questions in which were limited to the pending problem of the religious orders. Proceeding upon the hypothesis that the civil commission desires to hear every Filipino upon the said questions, I proceed to reply to the 29 questions of the said interrogatories, although I have not received directly any copy thereof: CHURCH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 213 1. How long have you lived in the Philippines? A. Since I was born. J am 65 years of age. 2. In what parts of the islands have you lived? A. In Zambales, where I first saw the light, Manila, Cavite, Bula- can, Pampanga, Pangasinan, Tayabas, La Laguna, Morong, Ilocos Sur, Albay, Iloilo, Bohol, Cebu, and the two Camarines, in the capital of which, the city Nueva Caceres, I have been established since the year 1893. 3. How much personal opportunity had you before 1896 to observe the relations existing between the friars and the people of their par- ishes in a religious, in a social, and in a political way ? A. So very many were the personal opportunities I had to make the said observations mentioned in the question that it is in every way impossible for me to specify the number of such opportunities. Suf- fice it to say that from the age of 15 years (I repeat that I am 65), I have almost daily witnessed acts which have made more deep-seated in me the conviction that the friar, or rather the sj^stem which gives as a result the friar, is incompatible with the liberty and happiness of the people. 4. How many friars have you known personally ? A. I have known man}" Dominican, Augustinian, Recolletto, and Franciscan friars; perhaps 200 of them, and having been in rather intimate relations with some of them, and I can assert that the best of them was a tyrant, who found much pleasure in sa^dng: "The Filipino must be given bread with one hand, and rattan beatings with the other." In Spain, by merely cutting off a thousand heads, Don Carlos would reign, and consequently the kingdom of peace, of order, and of justice would prevail. 5. From what class of society were they drawn in Spain? Do the different orders differ at all in this respect ? A. Those I have known belonged to farmers' families, and of them some Spaniards were wont to say : ' ' They were caught with a lasso on the field of Spain." In this regard there is no difference appreciable to my mind between the different religious orders; and although it is to be presumed that among the friars there ma}^ be one or more from a distinguished family, I have not had the pleasure of knowing any individual of this class. 6. What agricultural, or business, or residence property in an}" part of the islands do you know from which any order of friars has derived income ? Describe it as well as you can ? A. The friars have properties devoted to agriculture in the pueblos of Calamba, Binan, and San Pedro Tunasan de la Laguna; in Muntin- lupa, province of Manila; in Guadalupe and San Felipe Ner3^ where the}" also have quarries, being worked by lessees; in Imus, and other pueblos of Cavite; in Bulacan, and in Cagayan. In Manila and Cebu they must have business property yielding an income. As regards business, they sell scapularies in the sanctuary of San Sebastian, girdles in doorway of San Augustin, rosaries in that of Santo Domingo, and old habits and roses of Jericho in that of San Francisco. I am unable to describe the suburban and urban properties of the friars. 7. What political functions were actually exercised by the parish priests in the islands under Spanish rule? A. The following: Their report was decisive for the incarceration and deportation of a Filipino without his being apprised of the reason, 214 CHURCH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. or permitted to present his defense. Their report also determined the appointment of a public official, so that no one could be a local author- it}^ justice of the peace, cabeza de baranga}", etc., without their will and acquiescence. More than this, without the "O. K." of the curate friar the accounts of a gobernadorcillo, teniente, or municipal captain were not approved. The friar enjoyed immunity as regards his reports, and hence he rendered them just as he pleased when treating of an enenty or of an individual who had been appointed to an office against the former's will. The Philippine laws granted the friars intervention in all matters, and intervention which made them masters of the life and the liberty of the Filipinos. So powerful were they that Don Marcelino Orza, Spanish governor-general of the Philippines, said on a certain occasion to the King of Spain: ''Send me, Your Majesty, forty-five; they will serve me better than forty battalions." And the same gen- eral, or another, also said: " Y. M. has an arni}^ in each friar." 8. What usually were the relations between the heads of the Span- ish Government here and the heads of the church ? A. Cordial as a rule; but at times the ecclesiasts made their will prevail. Daniel Moraza, director of civil administration, issued a cir- cular providing for all the school-teachers to teach the Spanish language, to which the majority of the friars were opposed, the result being that Senor Moraza was removed. Later, Don Benigno Quiroga Ballesteros, also director of civil administration, essayed the same, it being pub- licly stated that he had in view the secularization of the University of Santo Tomas, of Manila, and filling its professorships by competitive examination, in order that the chairs might be filled not by those who should beat their breasts more and pray longer, but by those who should have more scientific attainments and greater professional apti- tude. The removal of Senor Quiroga did not have to be awaited long. Recently the governor-general, Senor Despujol, having displeased the friars because he did not shoot anyone and deported no one, was relieved. I recall that in 1892, while I was in France, I read in several newspapers a telegram from the Archbishop of Manila, wherein, after the sender asserted that Senor Despujol was an inconvenience in the Philippines, he said to the Spanish Government: "Either General Despujol leaves here or we, the Archbishop of Manila, and all the friars, will leave." The history of the Philippines records two signifi- cant facts: The imprisonment of a governor-general, carried into effect by the friars, who loaded him down with chains and shipped him to Mexico, which he did not reach, having died en route, and the assas- sination of another governor-general and his son. 9. What fees were actually collected by the parish priests for mar- riages, burials, and christenings? How were they fixed, if you know? What, if any, was the effect of such fees upon marriages? A. The fees actually and really charged by the curate friars for marriages and interments were excessive, not subject to any tariff, and the worst of all was the way in which they were collected. At times the corpse would be left unburied for many hour« because the curate did not wish the burial to be carried into effect without the fees he charged being first paid. The fees for marriages and interments were established by the Archbishop of Manila, Don Basilio de Santa Justa y Rufina; but the friars did not govern themselves thereby, rather collecting fees as they pleased; thus it was that cases arose in which in some parishes higher fees were charged and in others lower, scandal being the natural result. In 1866 or 1867, Dona Lucia del CHURCH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 215 Fierro died in the pueblo of Lindol, province of Zambales, and was buried in the pueblo of San Felipe, to which parish the pueblo of Lindol belonged. The curate, who was a Recoleto friar, Fra}^ Mariano Rincon, presented a bill which at the first glance showed it was most excessive, sending word to the family that the deceased would not be buried if the bill were not first paid. He was told that he would be paid immediately, but to kindly produce the tariff in order to see what was chargeable for each item, it being worthy of note that the bill only contained the aggregate of the fees, and did not set forth the account in detail. The curate replied that he would present the tariff during the burial, which he again asserted would not be carried out if he did not receive the fees beforehand. The curate was paid to his entire satisfaction, but he did not produce the tariff, and the subscriber became the object of his animosit}^ because he believed that as I was a nephew of Doiia Lucia, the idea of asking him for a detailed account and the production of the tariff had come from me. At that time I wished to ask for American naturalization, and I made steps looking toward it for fear of being deported; but Father Rincon fell into disgrace among the friars, going, it seems, to the extent of fleeing from the Convent of Recoletos, and this relieved me of his revenge, my relatives and friends succeeding in causing me to desist from my purpose of changing nationalit}^ They did not charge fees for bap- tisms, but for the candles they furnished, or for the sounding of the bells, or for the playing of the organ of the church. The fees which impose a burden on marriages were the cause of the poor not marry- ing and living in concubinage. In order to put an end to this evil, which reduced the income of the curate, the friars succeeded in securing from General Terrero, if my memor}^ does not deceive me, the depor- tation of all who were living in concubinage. How manj^ thus living departed from Zambales never more to return to their countr}" through having had to live in an unhealthy and deadl}^ place. The pretext for this was the moralit}", the purity of the customs, and the cleaning out from the provinces of filibusters; but the fact was that the friars were defending their income, and to him who wished to marry and did not pay in advance they were wont to say: "You either pay, or go to deportation for concubinage." 10. What was the moralit}^ of the friars as parish priests ? How much opportunit}^ have you had to observe ? Can j^ou give me instances ? If so, please do so. A. I have known curate friars, who were of exemplary conduct, highly virtuous, religious, and good Catholics. But I have also known many friars so immoral and cynical that they were wont to sa}", confi- dentialh^, when the}^ were intoxicated, that they had a great advantage over those who were not priests in the conquest of good-looking women, as they relied on the confessional, and through it they became apprised of facts which made eas}" the attack, assault, and taking of the strong- hold. In 1850, when I was 15 years of age, Don Jose Sanchez Guer- rero, alcalde mayor of Zambales, began a war without truce against the friars of that province, and all of them, except one, were carried to Manila, not only because the}" had women and children, but also because of their scandalous life, without caring a whit whether the whole world were apprised of the fact that they had what the}" called their wife and progeny. Vide in the work of Cafiamaque, '' Recuer- dos de Filipinas," an appendix relative to the friars. 11. What do you think is the chief ground for hostility to the friars 21(^ CHUECH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. as parish priests? Does it exist against all the orders? Why the difference ? A. The principal cause for the animosity and hatred of the friars lies in the abuses committed by them as curates, relying on the exist- ing legislation, which elevated them to the category of petty kings of the pueblos, where only that was done which seemed to them advis- able. Fray Sebastian Mayuar, a Recoleto, acting parish curate of the pueblo of San Narcisco, in Zambales, once said to a gobernadorcillo, when I was present, ''This order of the alcalde mayor will be obeyed, but will not be carried out." This statement gave one to understand that immediately succeeding the signature of the alcalde mayor it had to be stated that the order would be obeyed; the gobernadorcillo limit- ing himself to this formality, leaving in a quiet and passive manner the order received to become a dead letter. Neither the Paulist Fathers, nor the Capuchins, are disliked in the islands of Luzon, Visayas, and Mindanao; neither are the Jesuits in the two islands first named, and in my judgment this difference is due, with respect to the Paulists, to their having devoted themselves solely to teaching; with respect to the Capuchins, to their being new in the country and never having filled any curacy in the Philippines, and as regards the Jesuits, they are liked in Luzon and Visayas because they limit themselves on these islands to teaching, like the Paulist Fathers; but on Mindanao, where they had curacies, they are as much disliked and hated as the individ- uals of the other religious orders. 12. Chai'ges have been made against the friars that many of their number have caused the deportation of Filipinos, members of their parishes, and that in some instances they were guilty of physical cruelty. What, if anything, do you know on these subjects? A. A Filipino prayer, written by me long before I had any notice of the interrogatories to which I am replying, will answer this question satisfactorily. Here is the said Filipino prayer: "My God and Master! Have compassion upon us, the Filipinos; protect us from the Dominicans, Augustinians, Recoletos, and Fran- ciscans. By instigations of these friars thousands of Filipinos have been torn from their homes, some to eat the hard and black bread, or the pinaua of deportation, and others to shed blood in streams at exe- cutions. They were conducted to the calabooses, and there they were suspended from a beam with a pile of rocks on their shoulders, and several others hanging from their feet and their hands. Suddenly the cord by which they were suspended was loosened, and they fell in a heap on the floor, where, if they were not killed, they suffered dis- locations and fractures. Later they were lashed on the soles of the feet, on the calves, on the backside, on the shoulders, and on the stomach. Their fingers and toes and privates were squeezed and mangled with pincers. They were given electric shocks. They were given to drink vinegar or warm water with salt in excessive quantities, so that they might vomit whatever they had eaten, and which had not passed through the pylorus into the small intestine. Their feet were placed in the stocks, and they were compelled to lie on the ground without even a bad mat, the mosquitos, chinch-bugs, fleas, and other insects sucking their blood, and the rats, at times, coming in their mad race and biting to render worse their sorry and afflicted situation. They were given nothing to eat or drink except from one afternoon to another, the unhappy imprisoned Filipinos thus experiencing the CHURCH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 217 tortures of hunger and of thirst. And after causing them to suffer other horrible tortures invented by the inquisition of ominous memor}^ squalid, careworn, extenuated, hardly able to stand erect, many were taken to the field, where they died by shooting, for such was the will of the friars, who every day asked for blood — Filipino blood — the blood of those who in this country stood out by reason of their knowl- edge, their virtue, their uprightness, or their wealth. Thou knowest, my God, that in 1872 the Filipino fathers Don Mariano Gomez, Don Jose Burgos, and Don Jacinto Zamora died on the scaffold because they opposed the friars usurping the curacies of the priests, as in the end they did usurp them, because the friars were almost omnipotent at that time, and there was no human power to arrest their will. Neither are we ignorant, my God, that in 1897 there were shot to death on the field of Bagumbayan the Filipino priests Don Severino Diaz, Don Gabriel Prieto, and Don Inocencio Herrera, because the two first-named objected to the curate of Naga, a Franciscan friar, collecting some parochial fees belonging to the said Father Diaz, as curate of the cathedral of Nueva Caceres. Thou also knowest, my God and my Lord, that not- withstanding that Dr. Don Jose Rizal, the unfortunate, Macario Va- lentin, and innumerable other Filipinos were wholly innocent, they also succumbed on the field of Bagumbayan, shot to death. Neither is it unknown to Thee, my God, that a multitude of Filipinos have remained marked forever as the result of blows and cruel treatment they have received, among them General Lucban, who has a rib sprung, and will probably carry it through life. Inspire, Lord, the American authori- ties with the idea of making an examination and excavations in the Monastery of Santa Clara of Manila, for about fifteen years or more ago a nun went upon the roof of the said monastery and there loudly begged for help — a scandalous fact which many Manilaites can not but recall. Expel, Lord, expel from the Philippines the friars, before there is powdered glass in the rice we eat and poison in the water we drink, and before Dr. Manuel Jerez Burgos, to whom an anonymous missive was addressed saying: 'Lara died to-day; thou shalt die to-morrow,' shall be assassinated. Take, Lord, take from our sight the habits of the friars, which recall to us days of mourning and affliction, days of prisons, deportations, tortures, and executions of beings who are dear to us, whose unhappy end still draws tears from our e3^es and fills our hearts with anguish. Do more yet, my Lord and God, dis- solve, annihilate, destroy throughout the world the monastic order whose by-laws constitute a woeful system which produces, and neces- sarily must produce, men hypocritical, perverse, covetous, and cruel oppressors of humanity, as is evidenced by histor}^ and recently by the present war in China, occasioned by the abuses, arbitrariness, and excesses of the friars. We supplicate and pray Thee, my God, that Thou cast out from the Philippines forever the friars that again are attempting to take possession of the curacies of the Philippines, to treat anew our priests as though they were their servants. Amen." 13. What is to be said of the morality of the native priests? A. The duty of speaking the truth imposes upon me the necessity of stating that the native priests are on the same footing as the friars, for there are Filipino priests of exemplary conduct, as there are also many who leave much to be desired in the way of morality. Were the Catholic priests allowed to marry, like the Protestant pastors, we should not have, as at present, spectacles b}" no means edifying. 218 CHURCH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 14. What as to their education and preparation to discharge clerical duties ? A. The Filipino clergy are educated, and can become more educated, for, let the friars say what the}^ niay, the Filipinos have a capacity for the sciences, as is at once apparent, for man is the same everywhere, except in localities where heat or cold are very excessive, and this truth may be proven in this country, where we have wise men in all the branches of human knowledge. They are already sufficiently pre- pared for the discharge of clerical duty. When, in 1835, the friars were put to death in the Peninsula it was not Spanish friars, but Filipino priests who discharged the curacies in the Philippines. Subsequently friars came to relieve them, although they could not know as much as they, since, through a dispensation of the Pope, they became priests after four or two years of study — I do not remember exactly, and the notes I had jotted down in the premises have disappeared in conse- quence of the present revolution. 15. What do you think would be the result of an attempt of the friars to return to their parishes? A. The result of that attempt would be fatal; and there might be a reproduction here of the disturbances in the Peninsula in 1835. The mission of the friars has terminated in the Philippines, and everybody in this country except the women, the children, the relatives, and the friends of the friars are tenaciously and obstinately opposed not only to their returning to their parishes, but also to their remaining in the Philippines. We Filipinos are disagreed on many points; but as to the expulsion of the friars, man}^, very many, ardently desire it, and request it with vehemence. Let this matter be submitted to a vote in the Philippines, and the result would undoubtedly be a majority of millions of votes. 16. What do you think would be the effect in the islands of the ap- pointment of an American archbishop? A. To my mind it would produce a good effect, provided he is not a friar. All the Catholics would accept him with veneration and respect, and as to the non-Catholics, as they would not see in him a represen- tative of despotism and tj^ranny, they could not but applaud his selec- tion and appointment. 17. What do you think of the establishment of schools in which opportunity would be given the ministers of any church to instruct the pupils in religion half an hour before the regular hour? Would this satisfy the Catholics of the islands in their desire to unite religion with education? A. As 1 am one of those who oppose the freedom of conscience, I find the idea of establishing schools in the manner indicated in the question an excellent one, which is also advisable in order that there may be equality before the law. The Catholic is not compelled to be- come a Protestant, and why should the Protestant be compelled to become a Catholic? Whv should Catholicism alone be taugfht? It is clear that such a determination would not satisfy the Catholic of the islands, because everywhere the Catholic is intransigeant and head- strong, and never ceases preaching that liberalism is a sin, without seeing that he confounds religion with politics and that he thereby declares himself incompatible with liberty and progress, he finding himself in his element where absolutism and the magister dixit reign. To m}^ mind the said schools should be established without regard to the Catholics; for it is just that all should enjoy the same benefits of CHUECH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 219 instruction in their respective religion, since all are to contribute to the popular and state burdens. 18. Will not the fact that parish priests, whoever they may be, will have no political functions to perform, and no political influence, and must depend on the voluntary contributions of their parishioners for their support, very much change the relation of the priest to the people ? A. Yes, sir; but bearing in mind that the friar is deeply hated, and that his presence alone suffices to anger the educated people of the country, if the curate is a friar, sooner or later there will be a dis- turbance of public order, notwithstanding the new conditions, for a special and important circumstance must not be lost sight of. Very rare is the Filipino famil}^ that has no cause for complaint against the friar, either because he was influential in the deportation or execution of some individual thereof, or because it has received some other kind of serious ofiense. 19. What do you think would be the efi'ect of the Government expropriating the agricultural property justh^ belonging to the friars, -psijing what it is worth, selling it out in small parcels, and using the proceeds for a school fund? A. The real estate of the friars was illegalh^ secured, as I expect will be proved at the proper time by those interested; but supposing there are agricultural properties justlv belonging to them, the expro- priation to which the question refers would be a special and signal favor done by the American Government to the Philippines, which would be very grateful for it. Expel the friars; sell the real estate thej^ withhold, and I am either seeing visions, or a great step toward the peace we all long for will have been taken. Jorge Garcia del Fierro. NuEVA Caceres, Sejpteiiiber 11^ 1900. Office of the United States Military Governor in the Philippines, Manila, P. Z, May 3, 1900. To His Grace, the Eight Reverend P. L. Chapelle, Arclibishop of Neio Orleans, Delegate Apostolic to Cuba, Porto Rico, cmd the Philipinnes, Manila, P. I. Sir: I have the honor to inclose a copy of a letter just received from the military governor of the province of Caga3'an, Isabela, and Nueva Viscaya, Aparri, P. I., for your information. Very respectfullv, ^ E. S. Otis, Major- General, United States Volunteers, Military Governor. Office of the Military Governor, Provinces of Cagayan, Isabela, and Nueva Viscaya, Aparri, Luzon, P. I., Ap)ril 25, 1900. The Secretary to the Military Governor IN THE Philippines, Manila, P. I. Sir: I have the honor to inform you that the Tarlac arrived here on the 21th instant, bringing four Di)minican fathers en route to the Batanes Islands. 220 CHURCH LANDS 11^ PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. I would respectfully request that no more of these fathers or friars be allowed to come to these provinces for the present. There is a deep-seated and strong antipathy, distrust of, and dislike for these fathers by the native inhabitants, who believe the ^' padres" to be the cause of their troubles in the past, and a menace to their progress in every way. In my opinion their return here at the present time would be a serious mistake, and an incentive to the natives to rise in active rebellion. The native padres conduct the services, which are well attended, and are loved and respected by the people. It is not believed here that the dislike to the padres is from the insurgent element in these provinces, but from the natives, taken as a whole. From the date of my arrival in the provinces, in December last, to this time, I have yet to hear of a single word in favor of the Spanish clergy, and the constant plea and prayer of the people of all the prov- inces have been that the friars be not permitted to return to their former charges, to which I have made no response, awaiting develop- ments. I can not conceive anything which would more speedily bring about trouble, dissension, and perhaps revolution, than that of reestablishing them in their former positions. They had charge of all the churches, convents, and church lands along the valley of the Cagayan, and, being supported by the Spanish army, dominated the natives in such manner that it is not believed to-day that a single one of them would be welcomed back in his former parish. I have permitted the four friars mentioned to proceed to Batanes Islands on the Tarlac. I inclose copy of a letter received by me on this subject from Arch- bishop Chapelle. Very respectfully, Charles C. Hood, Colonel Sixteenth U. S. Infantry^ Military Governor. Pamplona, April 31, 1900. To the Politico-Military Governor OF THE Valley of the Cagayan: The undersigned, the presidente, counselors, and the inhabitants en masse of the town of Pamplona, province of Cagayan, Luzon, Philip- pine Islands, respectfully, and with the greatest consideration, state to you that having been informed creditably of the design of the Spanish friars to obtain the return to them of the curacies of these towns from which they were expelled by the recent political revolution against the Spanish sovereignty and domination in these islands, which had for its object the shaking oJff' of the galling and hated 3^oke of the friars, who were maintained against the people by the despotic Spanish Govern- ment, can not refrain from making a most earnest protest and asking you to interpose your valuable influence and authority to" the end that these pretensions be rejected by the person called upon to encourage Catholicism in this archipelago and watch over the interests of the Catholic faith. We also ask that you support the rights of the Philip- pine secular clergy, native to tJie country, that they may remain in CHUECH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 221 charge of the parishes from which the Spanish ecclesiastics were expelled and of which they have had temporar}^ charge as the pastors of our souls since the beginning of the revolution against the sover- eignty of Spain and of the friars who were protected by the repre- sentatives of that nation in this archipelago. For this we appeal to justice and equity of your excellency, whose life ma}" God preserve man}" years for the welfare of those you gov- ern, that the undying splendor of the Catholic faith we profess may be preserved. Clemente Mapuraya, and 72 others. [First indorsement.] Office Military Governor, Second District, Department of Northern Luzon, Aparri, P. /., May 12, 1900. Respectfully forwarded to the secretary to the military governor in the Philippines, Manila, P. I. Two more friars arrived here to-day en route to Batanes Islands, making six in all. In a letter handed me by one of the friars from Archbishop Chapelle for perusal, the archbishop says, in effect, that only politicians are opposed to the friars. I invite attention in this connection to my letter to you of recent date, stating that all the people are opposed to their return to this valley. From that time to the present 1 have been more firmly con- vinced than ever of the sincerity of the people in the matter of the return to their parishes and former duties of the friars. It would I'eally be well to prevent their return for the present at least, when the whole sentiment of the community is against them. Charles C. Hood, Colonel Sixteenth U. S. Infantry.^ Military GoveT7im\ Manila, April 16, 1900. Colonel Hood, U. S. A., Cmnmanding at Ajparri, P. I. Dear Colonel: This note will be handed to you by the Dominican fathers whom I am sending to the Batanes Islands with the full knowledge and approbation of Major-General Otis. As they will stop a couple of days in Aparri, they will do themselves the honor to call to present you their respects and to learn from you whether, accord- ing to your judgment, it would be well for me to send soon other fathers to administer to the spiritual needs of the people within your district. The insurgents have made war against the religious orders, because they felt that wherever their members would have charge of parishes they would be absolutely loyal and powerful supporters of American authority. No blame can attach to them for having as Spaniards been loyal to th^ir country; but now, as a matter of duty, they all feel bound to oppose insurrection, to keep the people from entering into any blood covenant against us, and in the interest of law, order, and of religion to support American authority. The accusations adduced against them are the merest pretexts of shrewd and anti-American Filipino politicians. 222 CHURCH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. Bishop Garcia, who is a Franciscan, returned to Cebu latel}^, and Colonel Sn3-der showed him some courtesy at the suggestion of General Otis, who acted on ni}^ advice. The bishop was received by the people with enthusiasm, and his presence there is most beneficial to American interests. Some days before the bishop's arrival the president of the junta popular, representing the Katipunan Society, told the colonel that if the bishop came there would be trouble. The former answered that if there was trouble the latter and his few companions would have to bear all the responsibility. The result was that these very men joined the people in acclaiming the bishop at his coming. As you know, it is sufiicient for three or four men to mislead a whole town in these islands. I am glad, however, that the mass of the people begin to see that the}' have been misled and that American officers are not now ready to give credence to the representations made to them by wily educated Filipinos who, whilst professing to be amigos, would put us Americans out of the country, or cut our throats if they could. I therefore bespeak for the four fathers who will come to see you a kind reception and any courtesy which you will be able to show them. The}' are highly educated and most worthy clergymen. Your obedient servant, P. L. Chapelle, Archhishop J^eic Orleans^ Delegate Apostolic Cuba^ Porto Rico^ and Philippines. A true copy. C. L. Beckwith, Captain.^ Sixteenth U. S. Infantry^ Acting Adjutant, Office of the United States Military Governor in the Philippines, Manila^ P. Z, Jidy 6^ 1900. To the Commanding General, Department of Northern Luzon. Sir: I have the honor, by direction of the military governor, to acknowledge receipt of a communication from the commanding officer, second district, of your department, dated April 25 last, informing this office of the arrival at Aparri of four Dominican friars, en route to the Batanes Islands, and requesting that no more friars be permit- ted to go to the provinces within said district, expressing in connection his very grave apprehension that trouble, dissension, and perhaps revolution would be the result of reestablishing the friars in their for- mer positions; also a communication from Pamplona, numerously signed by citizens of that place, protesting against the return of the friars, which communication was forwarded on May 12 by the com- manding officer of the second district of your department, and in which he renewed his recommendations of April 25 as to placing a prohibition upon the return of friars to their former parishes. Replying to these two communications, the military governor directs me to state that he is prepared to assure the native citizens of the Philippine Islands that the following provision will be embodied in an}' form of civil government which may hereafter be established in the archipelago: As under the Constitution of the United States complete religious CHUECH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 223 freedom is guaranteed, and no minister of religion can be interfered with or molested in following his calling in a peaceful and lawful manner, and there must be a complete separation of church and state, so here the civil government of these islands hereafter to be established will give the same security to the citizens thereof, and guarantee that no form of religion shall be forced by the government upon any com- munity or upon any citizen of the islands; that no minister of religion in following his calling in a peaceful and lawful manner shall be inter- fered with or molested by the government or any person; that no public funds shall be used for the support of religious organization or any member thereof; that no official process shall be used to collect contributions from the people for the support of any church, priest, or religious order; that no minister of religion, b}^ virtue of his being a minister, shall exercise anj^ public or governmental office or authority, and that the separation of church and state must be complete and entire. In pursuance of the policy embodied in the foregoing paragraph, it is apparent that congregations, by independent individual action, so far as any governmental interference is concerned, may reject any clerg}^- man who is not acceptable to the majorit}^ of the communicants of the parish, and prevent his ministrations therein b}^ such means as are suitable to accomplish the purpose, provided that any action in the premises be not accompanied by application of violence. You are therefore authorized and requested to communicate to all commanding officers the substance of this communication, to the end that information may be widely disseminated among the jjeople in such a manner as to reach all concerned. Very respectfully, E. H. Ckowder, Lieutenant- Colonel^ Thirty-ninth Infantry^ U. /S. v.. Secretary. Sto. Domingo, Batanes Islands, June 21, 1900. Teolilo Coslillejos replies to letter of June 13, 1900, from military governor, second district. Department of Northern Luzon, relative to friars that have recently landed on above-named islands. Is of the opinion that they should be dispensed with until barrio representatives assemble and take the matter into consideration. Pending institution of a new form of government, can not decide favorable as to their per- manent stay. [First indorsement.] Hdqrs. Second District, Northern Luzon, Aparri, P. /., June m, 1900. Forwarded to the secretary to the military governor in the Philip- pines, Manila, P. I. , requesting instructions. Eight friars have passed through here for Batanes Islands. I consider it very undesirable that they should remain. Charles Hood, Colonel Sixteenth Infantry, United States, Coiainandina Second District. 224 CHURCH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. [Second indorsement.] Office Military Governor, Manila, F. I. , July 11, 1900. Returned to the commanding officer, second district, Department of Northern Luzon, whose attention is invited to copy of letter sent to commanding general. Department of Northern Luzon, explaining the views entertained by the military governor on the subject-matter of the within communication. You are advised that the effect of the recent order establishing the Division of the Philippines and its several departments and districts is to supersede the provisions of orders under which you were designated "military governor" of certain provinces, and in all matters in which you have heretofore acted as such military governor you will hereaf- ter act as commanding officer of the second district, Department of Northern Luzon. E. H. Crowder, Lieutenant- Colonel Thirty -ninth Infantry, U. S. Y., Secretary. [Translation.] Tayabas, April 1, 1900. To His Reverence, Apostolic Delegate Mons. Sr. P. I. Chapelle: The leading men and residents of Tayabas respectfully state to your reverence that they declare themselves to be Apostolic Roman Cath- olics, and as such do not hate the friars as ecclesiastics; but being fully convinced of the injury which they have done the country and which they would doubtless still do were they to be returned to the curacies, not only as regards public order, but also as regards morality and the welfare of the people, they implore your paternal authority not to permit the parish of this town to be administered b}" any friar. If the charity which we have learned from our holy religion did not prohibit us from relating the abuses and crimes committed by those ministers of the Lord, we would do so herein as a matter of informa- tion, if for no other purpose; but we refrain from so doing, because, aside from such an action being contrary to Christian charity, our reasons for asking for the exclusion of the friars from the administra- tion of the parishes are known to all. We must advise your reverence that we make this statement with Christian sincerity, not obe^dng any partisan spirit, and we have the sat- isfaction of stating that none of the undersigned, and none of the 17,000 inhabitants, more or less, of this town belongs to the Masonic order. May God guard your reverence many years. SoFio Alemdt, and others. [First indorsement.] Office Military Governor, Manila, P. L, April 18, 1900. Referred to the Rt. Rev. P. L. Chapelle, archbishop of New Orleans and apostolic delegate for Cuba, Porto Rico, and the Philippines. I know nothing of the facts presented in this petition, nor of the char- acter of the petitioners. As it appears to be respectable in tone, I simply present it in accordance with petitioner's request. E. S. Otis, Major- General, U. S. Volunteers, Military Governor. CHURCH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 225 NuEVA Casceeas, May — , 1900. To the Governok-Genekal, Military Governor of this Province, The local presidente of this city and its municipality and residents who sign this have the honor to lay before you, as the representative of the American Government of this province, the sincere arid ener- getic protest against the return of the vicar and friars to this diocese, having in view the establishment of ecclesiastical rules in the same, and of which they were deprived by the last revolution against Spain, and who had by their acts rendered their remaining not only in these towns, but throughout the Philippines, incompatible with the main- tenance of their moral and material welfare, as these religionists had been and continue to be the cause of the disturbed conditions of the country, and which the American authorities are laboring to settle. They beg that you will please consider the loyalty of the residents of this place and to communicate with the apostolic delegate sent by Pope Leo XIII to these islands, that he may take such measures as he may deem proper in this question of such vital interest. (Eighty-two signatures.) [First indorsement.] Headquarters Third District, Department of Southern Luzon, N'ueva Casceres^ P. I. , June 1, 1900. Respectfully forwarded to the military governor, Philippine Islands (through military channels). James M. Bell, Brigadier- General, U. S. Yohmteers.^ Commanding. [Second indorsement.] Hdqrs. Department Southern Luzon, Manila, P. Z, Jun^e m, 1900. Respectfully forwarded to the secretary to the United States military governor in the Philippine Islands. J. C. Bates, Major- General, TJ. S. Yohinteers, Commanding. Office of the United States Military Governor in the Philippines, Manila, P. I., July 6, 1900. To the Commanding General, Department of Southern Luzon. Sir: I have the honor to acknowledge receipt of the communica- tion of recent date of the president and residents of Nueva Caccras, North Camarines, protesting against the return of the vicar and friars to that diocese, and representing that any attempt to reestab- lish ecclesiastical rules in said diocese or elsewhere in the Philippines would result in disturbed conditions which would materially retard the pacification of the islands. Replying thereto, the military governor directs me to state that he is prepared to assure the native citizens of the Philippine Islands thiit S. Doc. 190 15 226 CHURCH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. the following provision will be embodied in any form of civil govern- ment which may hereafter be established in the archipelago. As under the Constitution of the United States complete religious freedom is guaranteed and no minister of religion can be interfered with or molested in following his calling in a peaceful and lawful man- ner, and there must be a complete separation of church and state, so here the civil government of these islands hereafter to be established will give the same security to the citizens thereof and guarantee that no form of religion shall be forced by the government upon any com- munity or upon any citizen of the islands; that no minister of religion in following his calling in a peaceful and lawful manner shall be interfered with or molested by the Government or any person; that no public funds shall be used for the support of religious organiza- tions or any member thereof; that no official process shall be used to collect contributions from the people for the support of any church, priest, or religious order; that no minister of religion shall exercise any public or governmental office or authority; and that the separa- tion of church and state must be complete and entire. In pursuance of the policy embodied in the foregoing paragraph, it is apparent that congregation by independent individual action so far as any governmental interference is concerned may reject any clergy- man who is not acceptable to a majority of the communicants of the parish and prevent his ministrations therein by such means as are suit- able to accomplish the purpose, provided that any action taken in the •premises be not accompanied by application of violence. You are therefore authorized and requested to communicate to all commanding officers the substance of this communication to the end that information may be widely disseminated among the people in such manner as to reach all concerned. Very respectfully, E. H. Crowdek, Lieutenant- Colonel Thirty-ninth Infantry^ U. S.V.^ Secretary. Copy of the foregoing communication furnished all departmental commanders. Calamba, p. I., July 17, 1900. Hall, Robert, brigadier-general, U. S. Volunteers, commanding Second District, Southern Luzon, recommends that letter of the 6th iniitant from office United States military governor in matter of reli- gious freedom of the citizens be translated into Tagalog and given the widest possible circulation. [First indorsement.] Hdqrs. Department Southern Luzon, Manila, P. Z, July m, 1900. Forwarded to the adjutant-general, Division of the Philippines. J. C. Bates, Major- General, U. S. Volunteei's, Commanding. 1 CHURCH LANDS ITn^ PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. '227 [Second indorsement.] Hdqrs. Division of the Philippines. Manila, P. /., July 26, 1900. To militaiy secretary. [Third indorsement.] Office U. S. Military Governor in the Philippines, Manila, P. Z, July 30, 1900. Respectfull}^ returned to the commanding general Department of Southern Luzon. While it is not deemed expedient to publish the Tagalog translation of the letter of Juh' 6, referred to within, there is no objection to that letter receiving suitable circulation among the people. Department or district commanders may take appropriate action to that end. By command of Major-General MacArthur: E. H. Crowder, Lieutenant- Colonel Thirty-ninth Infantry^ U. S.Y., Secretary. TESTIMONY OF GENERAL SMITH. Judge Taft asks General Smith in relation to condition of forests. Professor Worcester. I have alread}" been talking with the Gen- eral a little about that in my room, and he says it is a matter of neces- sity. This business of burning timber to get a patch to cultivate has inflicted heav}" damage, and something ought to be done with a view of having a stop put to these depredations of burning timber. Judge Taft. I suppose it would be better from what the General said to me the other da}^ before making changes of that sort to change the government itself, which, as I understood 3^ou, the}^ expect will be changed when there is a general system of government adopted for the islands. General Smith. That is, their idea is that their government remain in effect as it is now until some form of government is adopted for the entire archipelago. I do not think they would wish to be placed under the provisional government adopted to meet the situation exist- ing elsewhere. They would not wish on 'their part to be placed on the same grade. Judge Taft. In other words, 3^ou think the better policy for us to pursue is to just treat them as organized separately for the time until we can adopt a general system which shall include all the islands. General Smith. Yes; and purel}" on the ground of expediency, and as a reward for their steadfastness. General Wright. There have never been any hostilities in that island ? General Smith. Yes; there have been three risings altogether among the natives, one occurring soon after our arrival and after the provi- sional government itself had raised the flag. The provisional govern- ment of the natives was formed on the 6th da}^ of November, 1898, after having overpowered the Spanish garrisons and obtained a 228 CHURCH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. capitulation from the Spanish general who was acting as military gov- ernor of the island. The insurgents were then attacking the Spanish forces in Iloilo, but the Spanish forces there had still at their disposi- tion sufficient gunboats to have made it interesting for the natives of Negros, if they had wished to do so. The middle of Februar}^, after the taking of Iloilo by the Americans, the people of Negros sent a commission here, and after the return of the commission there was a rising. This rising was inaugurated by people living in Silay, who had come from Molo, Panay, and who had gone over there to live. About 28 of them went out with their rifles. This party was subse- quently augmented to about 60; they remained perfectly quiet until August, 1899, when they began operations which continued until about the end of September, when they retired from the island, after losing some 39 of their men. On the east coast of Negros nothing was done by us at first. No troops were sent nor was any missionary work done in that part of Negros. The province on the east coast, known as Oriental Negros, was supposed to be under the central government at Bacolod; but there had been no communication between the two prov- inces from November, 1898, and so, in the process of time, the insur- gents of Luzon and Panay were able to get in a certain amount of missionary work in Oriental Negros to our disadvantage. In fact, in April or May, 1899, the legislative body of Oriental Negros at Duma- guete was considering the advisability of adopting the Filipino consti- tution as projected by Aguinaldo. Just at that time, the present sec- retary of agriculture of Negros, Sr. Juan Araneta, was sent to the oriental coast for the purpose of bringing about a better understanding between the two provinces of the island. He carried with him a draft of the constitution which the people of Occidental Negros were then considering at Bacolod, and submitted it to the legislature of Occiden- tal Negros at Dumaguete. As the result of Araneta's work, the deputies of Oriental Negros declared in favor of the United States and sent delegates from Dumaguete, their capital, to what might be called the constitutional convention at Bacolod. After the adjourn- ment of the convention at Bacolod the delegates from the oriental province returned, carrying with them some American flags, which they proposed to raise in every pueblo in the province; but when they attempted to raise the flag at Bais the people there said to them, ''You have been the strongest adherents of Aguinaldo and among the strong- est opponents of the Americans, and we can not understand your change of heart." A force of about 1,500 men (nearly all bolomen) immedi- ately gathered at Bais and Tanpay, and vowed that American flags should not float in Oriental Negros, whatever might be done on the west coast. In this contingency, Larena, former presidente of the oriental province, returned to Bacolod and reported there the condi- tion of affairs in his bailiwick. In consequence of the information given by him I sent a battalion to Oriental Negros, Lieutenant-Colonel JDuboce, First Cavalry Volunteers, commanding. Colonel Duboce was able to effectuate, without the shedding of any blood whatsoever, the complete dispersion of all insurgent gatherings, and from that time down to the present there has never been any disturbance what- ever in eastern Negros. The third rising occurred in Valladolid, and was the result of work done by the Hongkong junta and emissaries from Panay and Luzon. A landing of insurgent troops from Panay was effected at Ginigiran, in Negros, on December 6, and on January 15 the entire force had either surrendered or had been dispersed. CHURCH LANDS 1^ PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 229 Judge Taft. You have had pretty large forces of ladrones, haven't you, in the mountains? General Smith. There have been, according to my estimate, from 1,000 to 1,500 of these people; I mean for the entire island. Professor Worcester. When I was there in 1891 there was said to be 2,000 in one band up in the mountains. General Smith. That is the same part}"; that is about the number. Some run it up about as high as 3,000, but I think a conservative esti- mate would fix the number at from 1,500 to 2,000. We inherited from Spain from 1,000 to 2,000, and, of course, present conditions through- out the islands have not tended to diminish that number. Judge Taft. Killed a good manj^ ? General Smith. About 450. Professor Worcester. Where are they making their headquarters now? General Smith. There is a small band in the northwest of the island in and about Escalante and down as far as Saga}^ The band keeps high up on the mountain, dividing and scattering along the trails when pursued. General Wright. Do the}^ raid American posts ? General Smith. There has been but one assault on an American post in Negros, and that was made by insurgent troops at Ginigaran. The Tuisanes confine themselves solel}^ and exclusivel}^ to robbing their own people, defenseless barrios, and rich haciendas, but they never assault American stations or attack American troops. Professor Worcester. Are they back of Dumaguete? General Smith. No, sir; that party has gone over the mountain to Isabella, into what might be called the Isabella district. General Wright. Is it a wild country? General Smith. Very wild. Professor Worcester. Is the old trail clear? General Smith. Yes; the trail along the pass which comes in at Isa- bella from Guijulungan is still practicable. With the exception of the pass from Yalle Hermosa to Castellano that is the best pass of the many passes. Professor Worcester. Have the Monteses (so-called wild people of Malayan origin in the islands) had anything to do with this Baibailane business ? General Smith. Many of the Monteses are Baibailanes; in fact, nearly all; but all are not lawless. Professor Worcester. I never have understood altogether clearly the origin of the so-called Baibailanism, and I was wondering how much they had to do with that. General Smith. Well, Baibailanism is the aboriginal fetishism, more or less modified by certain Christian dogmas ingrafted upon it. Papa Scio is the head of the Baibailanes. Professor Worcester. Is it known where he is holding forth at the present time? General Smith. He is now in or about Sipala}" and the unknown country in southwest Negros. He has been so persistently pursued, however, that he never remains long in one place. Judge Taft. What do you think of the possibility of ' organizing native troops in Negros ? General Smith. They have been organized there. Judge Taft. How largely ? 230 . CHUECH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS, General Smith. Two hundred. Judge Taft. Have they done well? General Smith. They have; they are amenable to drill and disci- pline — that is, to a measurable extent. With American troops they are effective and eificient as scouts. Operating alone, they can hardly be trusted. They are disposed to commit grave abuses on their own people. Judge Taft. Do you have American officers for them ? General Smith. The command of the entire body is under one Amer- ican officer. My own idea is that, for the present and for some years, the command of them will have to be under an American officer. Judge Taft. You think that American captains would be enough to give them the courage and the discipline which in a battle is necessary? General Smith. A certain proportion of noncommissioned officers mixed up with them, or better, a certain proportion of American troops, would probably give them the necessary stiffening to make an aggressive campaign. Their first impulse, however, is to adopt the Filipino method of fighting; that is, to fire and then retire, and keep retiring. They do not understand, nor can they ever well be taught, except by force of example, the aggressive policy. Judge Taft. What General Mac Arthur calls the policy of "shock." Professor Moses. Do you find it advisable to have the companies as large in these native troops as in the American troops? General Smith. A company of 100 men with 1 captain and 3 lieuten- ants I think would be about right. General Wkight. They, generallv, would be white lieutenants at first? General Smith. I would begin by selecting men who have the mili- tary spirit and letting them know that promotion could and would come to them if they, proved deserving. Probably the promotion or chance of promotion to lieutenancies would give them the necessary stimulus to do good work. Professor Worcester. But suppose 3^our captain was killed or seri- ously hurt; the natural sequence would be that he would succeed the captain. General Smith. Yes, but of course no promotion of a native should be made to a lieutenancy until he has perfectly demonstrated his ability to command. Judge Ide. What kind of service have those native troops been used for? General Smith. They have been used in skirmishes and engagements, but nearly always with American troops. Professor Worcester. Have you had trouble with their committing abuses when they were off on their scouting operation ? General Smith. Yes, sir. General Wright. You have got that checked and under control? General Smith. Yes, sir; I have now. Originally the idea was to let them operate alone for scouting purposes, but we found that they were the worst enemies of their own people and that they committed the most shocking abuses. The}^ would enter a house and take what pro- visions they wanted without paying for them, and practically whatever they required. They had no respect for the rights of the citizen, so that now the order in Negros is that no scouts be sent out except under the command of an American officer or noncommissioned officer with a certain proportion of American troops, generally not less than 6. CHURCH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 231 Judge Ide. Who do they skirmish with — with the ladrones? General Sjvhth. With ladrones and insurgents. There have been in all three engagements with insurgents. With ladrones there have been many. The heaviest engagement with ladrones took place in July, 1899, at Bobong, where the}' numbered 800 bolomen and some- thing like 30 rifles. They were attacked by 50 American troops in the early morning. In that engagement it was doubtful for sonae minutes whether the American troops would be successful or be destroyed. They were ultimately successful and killed 116 o:^ the ladrone or Tulisane element. Judge Ide. How long ago? General Smith. That was in July; I think about July 13. Judge Ide. This year? General Smith. No; 1899. They were attacked in their village. They were the people who destro3"ed these haciendas. Papa Scio, immediatel}^ after our occupation of Negros, commenced missionary work among the employees of various haciendas, exciting them to the idea of destroying the property and reducing the haciendas to their original condition — that is, to a state of nature. He didn't wish any- more sugar planted, neither did he wish any but pure-blooded Fili- pinos to live in the island. As a result of his propaganda the laborers on haciendas destroyed the haciendas first, and then went out to join Papa Scio's Baibailanes. The force at Bobong numbered 800, com- posed of Baibailanes, robbers, and the laborers who had been seduced into joining them. Professor Moses. They were attacked b}^ 50 ? General Smith. Fifty Americans. At the first onslaught on this village these people poured out of their houses. They were taken by surprise, but so much did they outnumber the detachment that they soon got confidence and came on bravely enough. Fifteen Americans had gone into the town over a narrow footbridge spanning a ravine; but so fiercely were they met that they began to retreat. One of the corporals was cut and stabbed 36 times and then the detachment started to retreat; but the}" never got across the bridge. The present Lieu- tenant-Colonel Byrne stopped them and forced them back into the town to renew the attack. And in the meantime other reenforcements came across the bridge to aid. The engagement was so close that drilled, disciplined men like a first sergeant were forced to fire from the hip — there was no time for anything else. One soldier is said to have killed three men in this last charge. Judge Ide. What kind of services have they had to render the last six or eight months, those native police? General Smith. They have been doing almost exclusively scout duty, in conjunction with American troops. Judge Taft. Are they pretty efiicient scouts? General Smith. Yes, sir. Judge Taft. They chase the people into the mountains ? General Smith. Yes, sir. Judge Taft. And get information ? General Smith. Yes, sir; they get information and pursue ladrones. They are able to approach them much nearer than our troops, who, are recognized at a long distance. General Wright. It is a pretty hard job to exterminate these rob- ber bands? 232 CHURCH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. General Smith. Yes, sir; there are whole villages composed of banded robbers. Judge Taft. And they always have been there ? General Smith. Yes, sir. General Wright. There is only one wa}^ to do, and that is to move them out into some other island. General Smith. Well, since that subject has been mentioned, I might say that that is the only solution of the difficult3^ Once a rob- ber always a robber is the rule with these people. General Wright. They are simply whole families that for genera- tions have been nothing but robbers, and the}^ do not know any other mode of life. General Smith. And they are frequently led by educated men who have become outlaws. Judge Taft. Have you lost any by desertion from your native troops ? General Smith. No, sir; among the native police we have never lost a man by desertion, and they have been submitted to very potent temptations and very powerful influences. Judge Taft. Have you lost any of your Government troops ? General Smith. No; we have not lost any American troops. There have been some of them that have disappeared. There is one who is said to have deserted to the insurgents, but we are not certain whether he has deserted with the idea of going back to the United States, or whether he deserted with the idea of going out and robbing the natives, or whether he joined the insurgents — we do not know. As he deserted several months ago and we have not heard from him, we have come to the conclusion that he either deserted with the idea of going to the United States or Hongkong, or that the ladrones disposed of him. Professor Worcester. What are these bad towns of which you speak? General Smith. Well, for instance, the pueblo of Murcia. Professor Worcester. In what part of the island is that? General Smith. Within 15 miles of the coast, and east of Bacolod. It was originally a town composed of men who had been tried for various offenses, from petty larceny to murder. They settled in that pueblo (as far as 1 can learn from residents at Bacolod), where the officials and justices of the province of Bacolod protected them. If any of them got arrested for any offense, it was seen to that he either escaped or, when tried, that he was acquitted. Subsequentl}^ Murcia became a full-fledged pueblo, having its own administrative offices, and, of course, the same course was pursued. Of course, there were and are some good people in Murcia. Professor Worcester. When was that change, from a barrio to a pueblo ? General Smith. During the Spanish occupation, I think. At an}^ rate, prior to the coming of the Americans to the island. Professor Moses. You say that there are good people in Murcia? General Smith. Yes, sir. Professor Moses. Do they manifest any sympathy with the United States, or what is their attitude in respect to the people? General Smith. The attitude of the people in Negros who have something to lose is favorable to the United States. Of course, way CHUECH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 233 down deep in their hearts is the sympath}^ of race for those who are strug'gling — that is, they realize that it is not for their best interests to stand alone, and the}^ realize that they have everything to lose by the continuance of these hostilities; but, at the same time, they have a certain amount of sj^mpath}^ for a true insurgent, and I venture to say that if any chief or chieftain of known renown came into Negros to-morrow that the hearts of the people would go out to him. Although they realize that the insurrection is a mistake, they have the human sympathy which all have for their own blood battling in a wrong cause. That was the thing which many military" officers in charge of stations could not understand or did not appreciate. They expected that these men, with these sympathies (probabl}^ having brothers or relatives in the field), would not only openly but aggres- siA^ely espouse the American cause. General Weight. It would be ver}^ unnatural for them to. General Smith. They are in favor of the United States. T won't say that the}^ would be offensive partisans against the insurgent gov- ernment, however. Judge Taft. But they would be glad to have it over? General Smith. Thej^ would be glad to have the thing over, with the United States in control. Judge Taft. As w^e expressed it in our message which we sent to the President, at his request, a very large majorit}- of the people of these islands long for peace and were willing to accept the sovereignty of the United States. General Smith. That is it. Judge Taft. Now, don't you think that is a fair statement of it? General Smith. That is perfect; at least, so far as Kegros is concerned. They are absoluteh^ anxious to see these hostilities cease and that some form of government be established. Of course, there is this to be taken into consideration also, in judging their attitude, that many of these men can not be aggressive against the insurgents: First, because of the sentiment; and, second, because of the lurking suspicion in their minds that we are not going to stay. The^^ reason it out that if the}^ are not demonstrativeh^ American and we don't stay, they can patch up matters with Aguinaldo & Co. If we do sta}^ and the insur- rection is definitely stamped out there will be plent}^ of time to make their peace with us. Professor Worcester. I notice the town of Murcia is one of the inland towns. Most of 3^our towns are coast towns; how is it with them ? General Smith. The}^ are law abiding. Professor Worcester. Would there be any difficult}^ in a man getting on a horse and riding around the island I General Smith. I have been over a considerable portion of it; but never around it, except in a boat. Professor AVorcester. How^ long does it take to get around the island? General Smith. It would take about fifteen da^^s to go from Jimi- maylan to Dumaguete, taking the coast road and proceeding without delay. I would not undertake the trip in less than fifteen daA^s — that is, considering the condition of the roads and the number of streams. It would take about a month to go all around the island, following the coast. 234 CHURCH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. Professor Worcester. How are the Spaniards regarded there, men who used to have extensive sugar plantations; can they return and work their plantations ? General Smith. Yes; except those plantations which are near the mountains. Professor Worcester. How about Bago and Dumaguete? General Smith. There is no trouble on the eastern coast at all. Professor Worcester. How about Montenegro ? General Smith. The Montenegro family was very wealthy and had money loaned out. Of course, it was a mortal offense with some of those people to attempt to collect a dollar, and his attempt to collect what was due him brought about the assault which was made on him. But that was before any Americans had gone to Oriental Negros. Judge Taft. As to the religious question. You are a member of the Catholic Church? General Smith. Yes, sir. Judge Taft. Who are administering the sacraments and performing religious functions in the island now? General Smith. Native clergy, with probably one exception. Judge Taft. Are all the parishes full; have they priests in every parish ? General Smith. No, sir; there is a great lack of priests. Judge Taft. Can you give any idea of how many priests are now in Negros ? General Smith. There are at least [counting] five. They need at least forty. Judge Taft. How do you think they would receive American priests there? General Smith. They would be well received; their methods are altogether different from those of the native clergy; the native clergy are all arbitrary. They have been accustomed to control. They are educated men, and the rank and file with whom they deal are not. Judge Taft. They are educated? General Smith. Yes, sir; they are. Judge Taft. And I suppose they follow in the footsteps of the friars who were before them? General Smith. Yes, sir; of course the};^ exercise no civil functions whatever now — that is, the natives; they have nothing to do with the civil. But so far as religious matters are concerned, the}^ exercise the same religious functions as did the friars. General Wright. The native clergy, as a rule, are very sympathetic with the revolution, aren't they? General Smith. I think I don't trespass when I say almost to a man. General Wright. I can understand very readily why they are. It would not be human nature if they were not. Judge Taft. They are very anxious to retain the authority they have had? General Wright. That is the whole thing. General Smith. There is not any question but what that is so. Judge Taft. Do you think it would be safe for the friars to go back? General Smith. It might be possible to secure their safety, of course, by means of troops. I should not like to take the responsibility of sending them to any of those towns unannounced or unprotected, or without some understanding. CHURCH LAIRDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 235 Judge Taft. Do 3-011 realh^ think there is a popular feeling against them ? General Smith. There is a popular feeling against them. Judge Taft. Due to the fact that they have exercised what has been regarded as political power ? General Smith. Due in a large measure, according to my under- standing, that they were practicall}^ the civil power. Judge Taft. And represented Spain? General Smith. Represented Spain. In other words, by virtue of the civil power which they have exercised, they were unable to give that sympathy and that merciful interposition which would have otherwise fallen to their lot as priests. Judge Taft. They were made responsible for everj^thing that went on in the way of civil oppression ? General Smith. Yes, sir. Judge Taft. I have understood, by examining the archbishops and the bishops of the church and the heads of the religious orders, that the captain-general, or the governor-general, whatever he was called here, was in the habit of using the friars for obtaining information, and it was understood that every charge against a person in a partic- ular town was presented to the friars, and if ultimately the civil authorities dealt severely with the person in question it was charged by the popular opinion and suspicion to the enmit}" of the friar himself. General Sishth. Oh, yes; that is unquestionable. That was the ori- gin in a large degree of the deep-seated and, I might almost say, undy- ing animosity of the people toward them. There were other things, of course. Judge Taft. But that was the chief ? General Smith. Yes, sir. Judge Taft. The other things probably would not be mentioned if this had not existed? General Smith. No, sir; never would be mentioned. And the other things were certainly not the rule; they were the exceptional instance which, occurring in a religious body or a religious confraternity, reflected on the entire community. Judge Taft. And was made the text of an attack upon the entire body, because of its being so much opposed to the menbers of the body. General Smith. That was used as an additional argument. They would pick out an isolated case or they would pick out three or four friars, and abuses that had been committed by them, and represent them as types of the religious community to which they belonged. Of course, there were man}- things that should not have occurred. Judge Taft. What bishopric was Negros in? General Smith. In the bishopric of Jaro, I think. Judge Taft. Atlloilo? General Smith. Yes. Professor Worcester. What sort of a municipal government has been established in Negros? General Smith. The municipal government that has been established there is a government that is composed of the presidente of the town, a justice of the peace, and six con.^ejeros from the pueblo, with one delegate additional from each barrio in the jurisdiction of the place. The pueblo corresponds ahiiost to our counties. Professor Worcester. Did the delegates and consejeros have the same functions in the council? 236 CHURCH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. General Smith. Yes, sir; when the council of the pueblo met for the purpose of discussing municipal business. That is, the delegates represented the barrios in the municipal council; otherwise, the entire pueblo money would be devoted simpl}^ to improvements of the ^'casco" (or body of the pueblo), to the detriment of the outljdng villages. Professor Wokcestee. We have had that provision in mind in forming the municipal law, and we have also provided that each coun- cilor shall be placed in charge of a barrio; where the number of coun- cilors is larger, that the}^ shall be grouped into districts, and he shall be empowered to appoint a man in each one of those barrios. General Smith. That is probably the better plan. It is very diffi- cult to encounter men of sufficient understanding in the barrios that are located near the mountains. Professor Worcester. How is the municipal government working as a matter of fact'^ Are they getting sufficient funds for carrying on the affairs of the town comfortably ? General Smith. Yes, sir. This year the government has been sup- ported since the 6th day of November down to the present time, and has a surplus in the treasury of probabl}^ 135,000, and that with three months of grace which was given for the collection of cedulas. The grace does not expire until the latter part of November. Professor Worcester. They have restored the cedula tax? General Smith. There is a cedula tax of $3 a head, and the women are exempted, and those under 18 years of age. Professor Worcester. What age do they hold that a man begins to pa}^ it? General Smith. Eighteen years. Professor Worcester. What other tax has been used? Have the funds of the municipality raised there been expended there, or turned into some general treasury and reimbursed ? General Smith. The cedulas are issued by the central government to the presidente of the town, to the extent of his bond. He collects the cedulas. He must account for every cedula which he has received. If it is burned, or lost, or otherwise destroyed or disposed of, or sold, nevertheless he must pay for it. They are all numbered and he must account for every number, either with the money or the cedula itself. Of the moneys that are collected, one-third is devoted to municipal pur- poses, and two-thirds of it is sent to the central government. Professor Worcester. That money raised for the municipal treasury stays in the town ? General Smith. Yes; it is administered from the town. Judge Taft. How much do you raise for Negros ? General Smith. The income, up to the present time, has been about $140,000, Mexican, from cedulas and revenues from the forests, and what corresponds to our license tax. Professor Moses. These cedulas correspond to what? General Smith. They correspond practically to our poll tax. The original idea was to devote that fund entirely to schools. It would bareh^ put the schools into good condition. Professor Moses. Do 3"ou find any objection to that form of taxation, cedula taxes? General Smith. No, sir; I think that every man ought to pa}^ a head tax to some amount; whether it is excessive or not is another matter, especially if that tax is to be used in furthering free education. CHURCH LANDS I:N^ PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 237 Judge Taft. What do you say to the feeling of the people with respect to the land tax ? General Smith. Of the people I can not say; of the property owners I can sa}^ that they are reluctant to have it. Judge Taft. But they recognize it as a necessity ? General Smith. Yes, sir; I found great difficulty, up to the time of my departure, in forcing upon them the idea of proportionally assum- ing their fair burden of the government. As it now stands, prac- ticall}^ the entire burden of the government falls upon the poor man, who has nothing, and the rich man, who has everything, has but little to pa}^ Of course, he pays the cedula tax for all his laborers, who seldom repay it religiously; but he charges it up against them and uses the claim as a whip to keep them in order and in his emplo3\ Judge Ide. Are those large property owners mostly Spaniards or Filipinos ? Judge Taft. Hacienderos? General Smith. They are mostly Filipinos, of the mestizo type. In this subject of taxation it must be remembered that they pay on their sugar (which is almost the sole profit of Negros) 16^ cents for every picul that leaves the island; that amounts to $320,000 a year in pros- perous years. Judge Ide. Is all that export tax? General Smith. Yes, sir; an export tax and the harbor tax. Judge Taft. Is that levied by the assembly ? General Smith. The United States Government gets it. Judge Taft. That is, under the general laws ? General Smith. The United States gets it, I believe, under the gen- eral laws. Professor Moses. It comes into the insular treasury ? General Smith. Into the custom-house at Iloilo, I believe, and cap- tain of the port's office. Judge Ide. At the present price of sugar and its cost of production in Negros, is that a highly profitable industry? General Smith. Yes, sir. Judge Ide. So that they could stand the land taxation and still leave a business profit? General Smith. Yes, sir. Professor Moses. What about the continuance of the export duty; do you think it advisable? General Smith. No, sir. Professor Moses. We have got to cut it off, then ? General Smith. That is my idea, that when the Government is firmly established here that tax ought to be taken away in order to release the producer of a burden which he ought not to bear. Judge Ide. And have a land tax to take the place of it? General Smith. Yes, sir. Judge Ide. What is done for schools there; have j^ou any teachers of English? General Smith. We have teachers of English practically in every station where we have American troops. They are soldiers. Professor Worcester. Are the people anxious to learn English? General Smith. They are. We have been besieged by various schools for professors of English. They organized there an institution of what they call the "segunda ensenanza," a higher education; but they have been unable to get a professor of English yet. 238 CHURCH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. tTudge Ide. What is done in the schools about religious instruction? General Smith. Religious instruction does not form any part of the curriculum. Judge Taft. Do they have religious instruction before or after the schools ? General Smith. They have some instruction in some of the primary schools in the catechism. Judge Taft. That is, the priests come? General Smith. No, the teachers. The civil government, prior to our coming, decreed the separation of church and state. Judge Ide. That is the law they enacted themselves? General Smith. Yes, sir; they have decreed the separation of church and state. Judge Ide. And would the public sentiment among the people warrant the entire elimination of any religious instruction from the schools ? General Smith. That is hard to say, and the reason it is hard to say is that on that subject they preach one doctrine and then do exactly the opposite. Judge Ide. Suppose that they had opportunity for religious instruc- tion before the school hour, or after the school hour, for those who wished to receive it, how would that do ? General Smith. I think that would be sufficient. Judge Ide. I mean from the priests. General Smith. I think that would be sufficient. Professor Worcestek. What has been your experience with their central legislative body — what sort of work does it do, as a matter of fact ? General Smith. The men of the advisory council are not men who understand the artificial drafting of laws. They understand what is for the benefit of the country, but when it comes to putting it into words and sentences, they find some difficulty in accomplishing their purpose; not more so, however, than our own legislators, I think. Judge Taft. Are they orators? Do they talk much? General Smith. They do not talk so much, but sometimes they talk with a good deal of force. They get into squabbles among themselves. Judge Taft. Are they politicians ? General Smith. Yes. Judge Taft. Are they as much politicians as the Tagalogs ? General Smith. I think it is in the entire race — diplomacy and political manipulation. Judge Taft. You said the other day that you thought the Visayan had a much more reliable character than the Tagalog. General Smith. That is my opinion, although I may be doing an injustice to the Tagalog, because I lived here at the time of high ten- sion between the two peoples; we wxre in actual hostilities and our experience with the Tagalogs had been such as to produce strong prejudice. My experience with the Visayans has been to the contrary. In nineteen months I never had but two men break their word of honor; men kept their word even where the}^ were to come back for punishment after being allowed to visit their homes. Judge Taft. What kind of courts do you have in Negros ? General Smith. We have a court there that is composed of men in whom I have the most complete confidence as to learning and as to CHURCH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 239 honesty. But there is but little judicial material. In case of death or disabilit}^ it would be hard to fill a vacancy in the court. Judge Taft. That is, you have got all in that court that can be found in the islands. What do j^ou think would be the effect of appointing American judges? General Smith. I would approve of a mixture. Judge Taft. That is, you would prefer not to have a rule as to American judges"^ General Smith. Yes, sir. Judge Ide. How many courts of first instance are there in the island of Negros? General Smith. There are three judges that are assigned to dis- tricts — the district of the north, of the south, and the oriental dis- trict. The oriental district comprises all of Oriental Negros, or what was formerly the province of Oriental Negros. Judge Ide. How man}^ provinces are there in the island? General Smith. Two original provinces — Oriental Negros and the province of Occidental Negros. The last has been divided into two judicial districts or departments. The court sits in banc for the pur- pose of hearing appeals. Judge Ide. Are those judges all natives? General Smith. Yes. Judge Taft. What are their names ? General Smith. Estanislao Yusay. Judge Taft. Is he a full-blooded Yisaj^an ? General Smith. I think he is of mixed blood. Yecentes Hilado, Yicente Jocson. Professor Worcestek. What is Luzuriaga doing down there now ? General Smith. He is auditor of the island. Professor Worcester. What sort of an official does he make? General Smith. He is one of the ablest men in the islands. He is an able man; he understands finance. Judge Taft. What kind of a department governor would he make ? General Smith. According to my idea, a splendid one. Professor Worcester. Is he showing himself to be an honest man ? General Smith. In this administration, perfectl}^ so. Professor Worcester. Has he any back history that is against him? General Smith. It is said he has. Professor Worcester. It is prett}' hard to find a man that has not. General Smith. I think that he bore the same relation to the Span- ish officials as other men did in the islands. I judge that both from what has been charged against him and from what I know myself. Under the Spanish administration, as far as Negros was concerned, to procure right and justice there was only one wa}" of doing it, and from that habit many were probably led to procuring injustice in the same way. Judge Taft. When kissing comes by favor, wh}^ General Smith. So far as my connection with him is concerned, he has been scrupulously honest, to the dividing of a cent. He has made an excellent auditor. I do not think that in ni}" own country there could be found an auditor that was more careful and more painstaking in investigating accounts and refusing pajmient unless it was abso- lutely clear, from the letter of the law, that payment should be made — that is, if they failed to get into their laws what thej^ intended, that 240 CHURCH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. did not cut any figure with him. He did just exactly what the law said — nothing' more nor less. Judge Ide. Is he the auditor for the whole island? General Smith. Yes, sir; for all insular expenses. Professor Worcester. Who is j^our civil governor? General Smith. Melecio Severino. Professor Worcester. What sort of a man is he? General Smith. Melecio Severino and his whole family belonged originally to what is known as the Insurgent Party; in fact, two of his nephews were concerned in the first rising in Negros, and they have been anxiously sought for ever since. He was elected by the popular vote^by 28 votes plurality. Judge Taft. What did the vote run up to? General Smith. Five thousand, on less than a week's registration. I think there were fully 15,000 or 20,000 votes on the island; that is, with the educational and property qualifications. Severino, during his term of office as governor, has acted consistently. He has been energetic; he has worked hard for the people, and he has tried to save the poor people from oppression and abuses wherever he could. He has visited nearly all the towns, not once, but oftener, as occasion demanded, and I am perfectly satisfied with his administrative capacity. Judge Ide. If there was a reformed legal procedure so that cases could be tried with expedition as they are in the United States, would there be any difficulty in having all the work of the courts of first instance done by one judge holding sessions in the different provinces or localities ? General Smith. At present there would be difficulty, and until the lines of communication are better, it would be impossible, even in the future, except at a very large expense to the island. Judge Ide. There is difficulty of getting from one locality to another, and the expense would be great? General Smith. Yes, sir. Judge Ide. What are the means of communication? General Smith. Water communication, principally. Judge Ide. Is there a regular water communication ? General Smith. No, sir; steamers touch at all the ports (except three) only when it pleases their fancy or the trade compels. Judge Ide. How much of a trip is it from Bacolod to Dumaguete? General Smith. It is quite expensive and costs about |34. Professor Worcester. Is there any government launch capable of doing that? General Smith. There is a government launch, but it is practically a commissary boat; it is used almost exclusively in delivering commis- sary supplies. Professor Worcester. Have you any other men down there of Luzuriaga's caliber? General Smith. Leandro Locson, secretary of the interior, a true patriot and an able, honest man. Juan Araneta, secretary of agri- culture, who has the method of the dictator; but, in all my experience with him, I found him to be perfectly honest and perfectly straight- forward, and very industrious and energetic. Agostin Montella, the treasurer, Demetrio Larena, secretary of public instruction, and Dromcid Mapa are also very good men. Professor W^orcester. The Araneta family is a very influential familv there? CHURCH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 241 General Smith. Yes, sir; but as a family it is more influential in lloilo. Professor Worcester. Is Juan Aran eta the man that was head of the military department there under the provisional government? General Smith. Yes, sir. Professor Worcester. He carried a bolo on both shoulders for a while ? General Smith. No; he was one of the two men that I absolutely relied on, and I have never found fault with. In the beginning I relied upon two men absolutely and implicitly; one of them was Araneta. Even when letters were placed in my hands purporting to be signed b}^ Araneta (and of a highly revolutionary character), I still retained my confidence in him, and I was always glad that I did, because 1 soon discovered that the letters had been written by the very insurgents who had gone out from Salay. Salay was the seat of the first disturbance, and they cut the telegraph wire after we arrived, and said that they would not raise the flag. Araneta sent them word that unless they raised the flag and restored the telegraph wire by the next morning he would reduce the town to ashes. Well, it is needless to say they restored the wire, and there was no friction. Judge Taft. If you wanted to bring one of them up here to assist the central government, which one should you take ? General Smith. If it is for legislative duty, I should take Luzuriaga. Judge Taft. This proposition has been made: That the form of gov- ernment ultimately should be a mixed form like that of Porto Rico, in which there should be a popular assembly, one branch of legislative power, and a legislative council to be appointed by the governor, con- sisting half of Filipinos and half of Americans. Now, suppose you wished to get a Yisayan representative for the legislative council, would you take Luzuriaga? General Smith. As the best all round man, yes. Professor Worcester. Do you know personally anything about Mapa, over at lloilo ? General Smith. Yes, sir; he is not a resident of Negros. Professor Worcester. I know he is not a resident, but I did not know but what you might have some knowledge of him personally. General Smith. I have. Professor Worcester. What is your impression of him? General Smith. Next to Arellano, I consider him the ablest man in the islands. Judge Taft. He has been a bit doubtful in his allegiance? General Smith. He is a man of honor, I think. There is no ques- tion that even to-day he is simply submitting to the inevitable and that he still believes in independence for his people. But I believe him to be honest in his opinions. He is a man of lofty ideas, of lofty senti- ments; of course his education and all that sort of thing would lead him to hope for, nay to believe in, the practicability of nationality for the people. By his own elevated station, as an able and learned man, he judges of the capabilities and natural abilities of all his countiy men. Judge Taft. Is he a practical man ? General Smith. He is a practical lawyer. How far he may be prac- tical in adopting legislation for executive or administrative purposes, I can not say; but he is a practical law3xr and, next to Arellano, I consider him the ablest lawyer in the islands. S. Doc. 190 16 242 CHUECH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. Judge Taft. He would be a good man for the supreme court? General Smith. Unquestionably. Judge Taft. Didn't the ujilitary governor offer him a position through Arellano? Professor Worcestee. I don't know. Arellano told us he had been in negotiations with him. Judge Taft. Is he a man of wealth ? General Smith. He was. He was a man of independent position, and I think he is yet. Professor Worcester. Do you know the record of Melessa since he returned from his short service on the supreme court up here? General Smith. I have never taken much stock in Melessa. The old gentleman is unquestionably a man of great and very powerful influence, but I believe he aids the insurgent cause, as far as it may be safe, and that his whole heart is with the insurrectionary movement. I don't think he looks on it as a lost cause. Judge Taft. That is, the father? General Smith. I don't know whether he is the father or not. I believe he is, however. Professor Worcester. It is the father. I know there is a father who had property. General Smith. He is immensely wealthy. My judgment upon the Melessas should not be given any great amount of weight, because I have not been thrown into intimate enough contact with them, and I have learned that it is very unsafe to take rumors, statements, or appar- ently credible evidence, without actual experience with the men them- selves. I had veiy little experience with old man Melessa. Judge Taft. How much experience have you had with Mapa? General Smith. I have met him now and then, sociall}^ and had opportunities to talk with him. General Wright. Do you speak Spanish? General Smith. Enough to get along. I was finalh^ able to dispense with an interpreter except in matters which required delicac}^ I was able to get along with them all and understand what they said, and they seemed to understand me. Professor Worcester. Did you have any trouble in finding honest officials ? General Smith. It is the weak spot, and will be the weak spot, in all these municipal governments. When you get a man that is ready and able, why, he won't have much respect for honest methods. At least, that was the experience we have had with many presidentes. Professor Moses. You spoke a moment ago, General, of the funds of the island going into the United States Treasuiy. I supposed the insular treasury got them; that is, the export duty? Is there any other money now going out of the island into the insular treasury? General Smith. I meant that the export tax and harbor dues did not go into the treasury of Negros Island. The identification cedula or peseta cedula is the only tax which is collected by the militaiy power in Negros. The export tax and harbor dues are, of course, collected at Iloilo. Professor Moses. The identification cedula is collected in addition to the other? General Smith. Yes, sir. Professor Moses. Then is the old cedula tax modified? CHUECH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 2.1:3 General Smith. Yes, sir. Professor Worcester. Do the}^ raise among themselves an}" special taxes? Do they have an3'thing corresponding with the old road tax? General Smith-. No, sir; there is the cedula tax, which corresponds to our poll tax, and also the patente tax, which corresponds to our license tax. There are no taxes especially collected for road purposes. Once collected, the money is set apart for specific purposes by appro- priation bills. Professor Worcester. Now, these cedula taxes are usually indus- trial taxes ? General Smith. The patente tax and some of the pueblo taxes (such as the tax on tuba, on fish, corals, etc.) are essentially industrial taxes. Just before I left a land tax was adopted in Negros, but the tax on land was so disproportionate to what it should have been that I returned it to the advisory council without approval and recommend- ing that the tax on land be increased. Judge Taft. How much did they impose ? General Smith. They imposed, I think, about ^2 on a thousand. No, it was even less than that. I estimated that, under the proposed law, the whole tax would be about ^30,000 on a total valuation of the island of $30,000,000. I therefore returned the bill disapproved. Judge Taft. It was an ad valorem tax ? General Smith. Yes, sir. Judge Ide. Did you control their legislation? General Smith. JBy veto. Judge Ide. I mean otherwise; did you practicalh^ control it? General Smith. No, sir. Professor Worcester. Did 3'ou have occasion to use the veto with a good deal of f requeue}"? General Smith. I used it sparingly at first. In cases where I saw there would be no substantial injury done to the public, I sometimes approved defective laws, at the same time pointing out the defect. When the operation of such laws disclosed the defects, as prophesied, a certain amount of respect was given my forecasts and I was enabled to use the veto power more vigorously. Where any injury was likely to ensue to the public, I always used the veto privilege unhesitatingly. I think probably I vetoed about one-third of the number of bills presented for approval. Professor Worcester. Didn't you find that you could, to some considerable extent, control them in the way that you have mentioned? General Smith. Yes. Judge Ide. That is what I meant; I didn't mean whether you used a strong hand with them, but whether you used it in that way. General Smith. Yes, sir; they were very amenable to advice and counsel, except where there was some question that was purely politi- cal. If there was a difference between the political factions, they were not disposed to accept any advice which would result to the political benefit of an opponent. Judge Taft. They didn't see any use of having power if they did not exercise it? General Smith. That was about the measure of it, especially against a political adversary. Judge Ide. Suppose some measure was important and ought to be adopted, did you take some means of calling that to their attention? 244 CHURCH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. General Smith. Generally b}^ messages. Gambling was a pet vice and had reached huge proportions; 3^et, when their attention was called to it in a message, gambling was at once prohibited under a penalty of at least ^500 fine; even the sale of playing cards is forbidden. Judge Taft. How did it work ? General Smith. It has repressed gambling. They may gamble on the sly in private houses, but gambling as a public vice has ceased to exist. The}^ discussed very soberly the question of licensing gam- bling and limiting it to certain days, but they finally came to the con- clusion to prohibit it altogether. Professor Moses. In case of the establishment of a civil govern- ment, should the absolute veto be held by the governor? General Smith. The absolute veto — that depends upon the composi- tion of your legislative body. If you have an ideal legislative body, I would not be in favor of an absolute veto. Professor Moses. You think this is a good place to get an ideal legislative bod}^? General Smith. I don't think so. Judge Ide. Suppose it was necessary for legislation to pass through both houses, and one of the houses was appointed, or a considerable portion of it? General Smith. If 3^ou have a body of men who are conservative, who would not be controlled either by motives of revenge or by a fond remembrance of the insurrection, a modified veto might be suffi- cient. If your legislative body is entirely conservative and composed of men who will not chafe under the remembrance of defeat, why the probabilities are that the veto power might be restricted to a certain extent. If both legislative chambers are to be chosen by popular vote, or by conventions elected for the purpose, a restricted veto would be a menace to the public safety. The bitterness engendered by the con- flict here will not pass away in a day, and it will make itself felt in any legislative body directly or even indirectly elected by the people. Of course, if you have one chamber composed of appointive members, and you are sure of the men, and that ulterior motives will not influence their consideration of legislation, the veto power could be restricted. Judge Ide. It would require a two-thirds or three-fourths vote to pass. General Smith. Under the conditions I have indicated, there might be no danger; but if the legislative chambers are to be elected by the people, I should hesitate to put it in their power to override the veto. Professor Moses. You are aware, of course, that the moral effect of a defeat of the will of the Government will be very great? General Smith. The moral effect would be very great. There is still in the hearts of the people, and will linger for years to come, a certain amount of hostility to the American Government and to its representative. For many years to come, men who are under a cloud with the Government, or who are charged with political offenses, or even with crimes perpetrated in the interests of politics, will have con- siderable popular support. Three hundred years of arbitrary power and severity have stripped the jail of odium, and the man who wears chains has the popular sympathy. Judge Taft. Even if he were to steal, I suppose it would be regarded as pardonable ? CHUECH LANDS K^ PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 245 General Smith. If there was the slightest question about his culpabil- ity his neighbors and acquaintances would think it incumbent on them to vindicate his character by some public professions of faith in him. Professor Worcester. How do 3^ou think the people on the whole are satisfied with the result of their experiments; what do they think about themselves ? General Smith. Their ideas are a bit mixed. They are not entirel}^ convinced that governmental machinery is as simple as it looks. The raising of monej^ to keep the government in operation and the judi- cious expenditure of it when once raised have been found to present questions not unmixed with difficulty. There is a disposition to have too man}^ officials, to spend too much money on salaries and to expend too little on the public and for the public benefit. An idea of this can be had when I sa}" that one pueblo, with an estimated revenue of §8,000, proposed to expend only §800 on the town. Each pueblo in Negros must send its estimates of receipts and expenditures to Bacolod for approval. Professor Worcester. How could it be made available for us, the municipal records ? General Smith. The estimates are here, on file with the military governor. A great deal of expense is entailed on municipalities by the unnecessary correspondence indulged in b}^ officials. The^^ have inherited the custom from Spain of writing official letters on an}^ con- ceivable excuse, no matter how trivial the occasion. The cost of clerks and special messengers to deliver these communications is not light. General Wright. You would be kept busy day and night answering letters. General Smith. Yes, sir; sometimes the three officials of the same town would write letters to me on the verv same subject. Professor Worcester. How is the feeling between the soldiers and the natives down there? General Smith. Very good in most all of the districts. Judge Taft. It depends upon your officers^ General Smith. The people are just as sensitive as children — I was going to say as sensitive as women — to anything that ofiends. Anyone who offends their dip-nitv or their self-love immediatelv loses his inilu- ence. The educated people and the people ot means understand to a nicety the little amenities that go to make life pleasant, and a person who does not respect them finds himself unappreciated. Even pun- ishment leaves no rancor, if the conventionalities are observed and the delinquent is fairly treated and impartialh^ heard. Judge Taft. But it must be done in a polite wa}' ? General Smith. Yes, sir. Professor Worcester. I have been very much surprised in the course of events in the islands east of you, because the people there were good, decent, quiet people originally, too, from my certain knowledge. What has been the explanation of that. Have the Tagalogs gotten in there? Why is it we have so much trouble there? General Smith. Yes, sir: I think it may he accounted for in that way. I think the Filipinos are ver}^ credulous and very suspicious. They are as credulous and as suspicious as children. Every stor}^ has its weight, and the last tale is best believed. They are human barometers and are as susceptible to the rumor, the canard, and the proclama as is the weather to the influence of pressure. 246 CHUECH LAT^DS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. General Wright. Have vou got into your seat at the custom-house yet? General Smith. Oh, yes. The only real complaint the merchants have is on account of the lack of space in the godowns. Judge Taft. Well, General, we are very much obliged to you for this picture you have given us, for it is of great assistance. We have a municipal code, but it has been delayed by orders from Washington until they can advise with us about some features, and it may be we will want to call on jon again for some suggestions. General Smith. Of course, it is impossible, 1 will say to the com- mission, even though we have good judges and they work from 8 o'clock in the morning until sunset; under the Spanish procedure it is impossible. Judge Taft. We are going to put in a code something like our American code. Are there any lawyers in Negros? General Smith. There are, I think, three or four besides the judges. General Wright. And of respectability? General Smith. The judges are men of honesty and ability. Some of the attorneys, however, were connected with the Spanish courts as escribanos or as escribientes, and the people don't seem to have any great confidence in them. General Wright. What is an escribiente? General Smith. Clerk. The escribano, as I understand, performed many functions which are performed by the clerks of our courts of record, as well as some functions which pertain to our sheriffs and con- stables. Judge Taft. Is he a notary ? General Smith. He was not a notary; but by virtue of his of&ce I believe he exercised many, if not all, the powers of a notary. General Wright. They are great people for multiplying offices ? General Smith. They had more offices in Negros in one pueblo than 1 had for the purpose of the civil and military administration of the whole island. Judge Ide. Was the business in the courts mainly criminal? General Smith. Largely criminal, and principally robbery. Under the Spanish regime, before these revolutions, robbery would be about 2 per cent of the crimes; now the percentage of robbery is much greater. Of course, that results from the disturbed conditions. General Wright. You have got to bear down pretty heavily on these crimes; I am inclined to think it ought to be a death penalty. General Smith. They had it a death penalty in Negros until we came there; robbery or theft; they made it death for any theft. Professor Moses. It didn't stop the business? General Smith. They didn't have much robbery until Papa Scio began his propaganda. Judge Taft. Severity of punishment depends upon its reasonable character. General Smith. And justice. Judge Taft. If you favor the death penalty at all, it is pretty hard to say why it should not be applied to a man who commits murder for the purpose of committing his robbeiy. General Smith. They should do it. Robbery usually results in badly boloing a man, if he is not killed outright. Judge Ide. The theory of it merely seems to be that the best method is to kill the man first and rob him afterwards. CHUECH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 247 Judge Taft. Is rape at all common among them? General Smith. No; very rare. Rape is a rare crime, so far as I can see. General Wright. No necessity for it. Judge Taft. Have any of the soldiers married the Visayan women? General Smith. I think one has. General Wright. I suppose they live with them, a great many of them? General Smith. If so, it is done secretly. The higher class of Fili- pinos, of course, won't tolerate immorality among their women. Immoral women are tabooed. They are about as strict among the higher classes as we are. Professor Moses. What is the general sentiment among the soldiers with respect to establishment of relations between soldiers and native women ? General Smith. I think from 2 to 5 per cent would cover cases of soldiers who have mistresses. Of course, that does not include the temporary cohabitations. With regard to such temporary relations, I don't think many soldiers are overburdened by scruples of conscience. Judge Taft. Well, I can't help rememberin^g what the bishop of Jaro said about the temptation to which the 5^oung friar was exposed when he went out into a village like that. I think the temptations of a soldier are greater and the restraint less, 10,000 miles away from home, and east of Suez. General Smith. There is not any publicity to these things; it is all subrosa. I have heard the talk that this or that soldier had a mistress, but I never probed very deeply into the matter. Judge Taft. Were you called upon to act at all in regard to the social evil? General Smith. No, sir. There are no houses of prostitution in Negros. Judge Taft. And how about the saloons ? General Smith. The saloon only exists in Bacolod, in Carlotta, and some of the larger towns. Judge Taft. What legislation did they pass with regard to that? Did they impose a pretty heavy tax? General Smith. A high license. Judge Ide. Isn't vino sold? General Smith. Yes; principally by Chinese; but the soldiers do not indulge in the native drinks to any extent where there is a canteen established. The natives are a very sober people; don't indulge much in any liquor, except tuba, and that is taken by the laborer in moderate quantities. Judge Taft. Is that a fermented liquor ? General Smith. It is a fermented liquor. It is taken by the labor- ing man after his day's work. If it is taken moderateh^ it acts as a mild stimulant and creates a slight exhilaration. Fruit or other liquor should not be taken immediately before or after drinking tuba. Judge Taft. Does it taste like beer? General Smith. It is something like beer in appearance, but tickles the throat like champagne, only more so. Its odor is not agreeable. Professor Worcester. Sweet tuba is very nourishing. General Smith. So I have heard; and I know from experience that where the soldiers have taken it in moderation, after a long march, that it has produced a good effect. 248 CHURCH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. General Wright. You can not eat fruit with it? General Smith. No, sir; especially bananas. Judge Taft. Do they raise tobacco in Negros at all? General Smith. Yes, sir. Judge Taft. Does everybody smoke? General Smith. Not every bod3^ Judge Taft. How would a tax on tobacco or cigars do? General Smith. That is, if the tax was imposed upon the package after made up? Judge Taft. Yes. General Smith. I see no objection to that. I think the indirect tax is the best form of taxation for these islands and the least likely to excite friction or discontent. Any revenue intended to be collected and expended by the United States, without intervention of the insu- lar government, I think should certainly be derived from indirect taxation. General Wright. The direct tax — I think, as far as I am concerned, you better not touch any direct tax, except such as administered by the government here. Judge Taft. Well, the land tax is a pretty direct tax? General Smith. That goes into the home treasur3^ That goes into the support of their own government; that is imposed by themselves and on themselves; hence, there will be less room for criticism. General Wright. Is the identification cedula tax unpopular with them? General Smith. They like it better than their own |3 cedula tax. The United States cedula operates as a passport and is convenient for them. Its cost is small, and hence it is not unpopular. Professor Worcester. What do you estimate your population in Negros ? General Smith. The estimate is in my annual report. I estimate the population of Negros to-day from about 250,000 to 275,000 ; that includes all. General Wright. What is the number of square miles? General Smith. Four thousand four hundred and something. Professor Worcester. Is there any difficulty in getting into the mountain districts now? General Smith. Oh, no ; our troops are right there. Of course, I wouldn't advise any civilian or person that is unarmed, or even a single armed individual, to travel through the mountains unaccompanied. I think five armed men could go through the island, or any part of it, without being molested. General Wright. Would these ladrones attack you? General Smith. They won't attack any armed parties. General Wright. How do they live — on little patches around vil- lages ? General Smith. There are two classes of ladrones — the ladrones pure and simple, and the revolutionary ladrones (the ladrone who travels under the guise of a revolutionist, but who never does any revolting); the ladrone who robs for the lust of robbing and without pretense, and the insurrecto robber who lives exclusively on extortion and pillage. The ladrone who pretends to be nothing else plants a little rice and some camotes in the mountains and falls back on that resource when grass is short and robbing becomes unprofitable or dangerous. The insurrecto robber never works — that would be infra dig. CHURCH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 249 Judge Ide. Do the people resist them at all? General S^iith. One armed man could enter a pueblo of 8,000 population and rob it. "General AVeight. Don't they have any police force? General Smith. The pueblo police force (not the United States native police) seldom offer resistance against a man with a reputation. General Weight. Do the}' have any rural guards there i General Smith. Yes. Every pueblo has its ^'rondas" and its police; but they are very retiring in the face of danger. The}^ are no earthly use unless they have a percentage of Government troops with them. I won't say that as a whole, because some pueblos have good police and use them— the pueblos of Maso and Icio, for instance. Judge Ide. Do the people have arms there, in those towns? General Smith. Yes, sir. Judge Ide. To defend themselves with. ANSWERS TO INTERROGATORIES. 1. I lived fort^'-nine years in the Philippines, excepting eight months, which I passed in Hongkong. 2. In the provinces of La Laguna, Manila, Bulacan, Mindoro, and Jolo. 3. As a student I was four 3^ears in contact with friar professors of the Universit}^ of Santo Tomas, as an agriculturalist for sixteen years in a certain communit}^ which appeared to be their property, and as a neighbor and parishioner all m}' life has been one of continual observation. 4:. I have known lots of friars, but can not state how many. 5. I am ignorant of this, never having been in Spain. Some who pretend to be better informed say that they came from the lower classes of the people. If they are to be judged by their exterior, not all come from the same class of societ}^ because the Augustinians and Dominican friars are a little neater than the Recoletos, and they in turn are neater than the Franciscans. 6. They derived their income in the province of Manila from the estates of Mandaloyon, San Juan del Monte, Guadaloupe, and Muntin- lupa; in the province of Bulacan, from Malinta, Lolombo}^ Santa Maria de Pandi, Santa Isabel, and from a part of the towns of Gui- guinto, Quingua, and Bali wag; in the province of La Laguna, from the estates of Binan, Santa Rosa, and Kalamba; in the province of Cavite, from Imus, San Francisco de Malabon, Santa Cruz de Mala- bon, and Naic; in the province of Morong, from Jala- Jala, and in the province of Mindoro, from the Mangaring estate. All these estates were essentially agricultural, excepting Mangaring, which is dedicated to the pasture of cattle, and Jala-Jala to the felling of trees and haul- ing of firewood. Besides those mentioned, the}^ possess numerous urban lands in Manila and suburbs. It is to be presumed that the religious corporations obtained their numerous properties in two ways, namely: The recent acquisitions through purchase, as the ones of San Francisco de Malabon, and Jala- Jala; and the ones possessed by them since immemorial times. The}^ obtained some through the piety of the faithful: others, like Bifian and Santa Rosa, were ceded to the friar college with the condition that the 250 OHUECH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. youth of those towns, or at least the children of the donors, should be sheltered there, and educated gratuitously. Other lands again were appropriated by them, by virtue of having celebrated an agreement between the friars and the property owners, by which the first raised a dike and the latter paid a certain amount for the water they used, a contribution which in time came to be an incumbrance on the propert}^. It is impossible that the donors of these estates should have been the sole proprietors of all the lands embracing the boundaries of the whole town, in which everyone has his grain-producing field, and it is equally impossible to suppose or believe that all proprietors without exception should have agreed to donate their fields to them. It is more probable that some one or ones lacking heirs, and from motives of piety donated his or their fields to some of those corporations, which corporations, thanks to the ignorance of the neighboring owners and the unconditional support of the Government, extended, absorbing with impunity all others, until arriving at the actual state of afi'airs. These estates, although belonging to different corporations, have with but little difference the same contracts, by means of which they subdue the farmers. For a piece of irrigated land measuring 1 quinon (about 730 square yards) they charged i>150 or more, according to the market price of rice; for uncultivated land they charged |10, f 20, ^30, and 140, according to classification, and in many estates %1 for each foot of mango, and 25 cents for each foot of cane or bamboo wood. For lands included in the radius of the population and exclusively intended for building purposes they charged from %1 to ^10 for every 200 square yards, according to the building erected or the pleasure of the administrator. All this was specified in a four years' contract, at the termination of which they were at liberty to transfer it to another. Rents: It is difficult to ascertain the amount of rents the friars obtained from their estates, and as the tenth part of such rents had to be paid to the Government, they not onh^ concealed the aggregate amounts, but also did everything in their power to reduce same in the books set apart for this purpose, in order to pay less. 7. The priests in their respective parishes are the official inspectors of public instruction and of public works in the locality; they assisted at the formation of the public census, which served as a basis for the personal taxes; placed their ''O. K." on all reports concerning conduct and deportment, and, possessing confidential information, decided in the majority of cases the nominations of the local officials, in this way often annulling the popular vote. Through those same informations many innocents were deported. The friars were the self-appointed advisers to the local officials in all matters pertaining to their office. In this wa}^ the priest, except in rare cases, was the one to make or unmake everything without assuming any responsibility, which always rested with the local officials. 8. The relations between the heads of the Spanish Government and the heads of the church were those existing between two entities, helping and protecting each other. The Spanish Government believed the religious corporations to be the principal support of the colonial government here. Those corporations, to strengthen this belief, denounced rebellions when such existed, and if not, invented some for the purpose; and for this they, in their turn, were greatly sustained by the Government against the just attacks of the pueblos. CHURCH LAT^DS ]N PHILIPPINE ISLA:N'DS. 251 At this point there must have been a kind of alliance between the two heads that was more or less efficacious, according to the greater or less credit which the Government allowed the said corporations. 9. About ^7 for marriages, $3 for interments, and 50 cents for bap- tisms. This last price applied to the poor and the real distressed. The rich were charged according to the extravagances of the church arrangements; some interments cost as much as $500. There is no doubt that in the early days of the conquest these new converts to Christianity not only failed to pay these taxes, but, more- over, received small presents in order that they might submit to bap- tism, etc., but after the people had embraced this new faith the religious orders commenced also to collect smalJ sums, which were soon con- verted into a regular, fixed charge, in proof of which I cite the tariff decreed about the middle of the last century by the Archbishop of Santa Justa and Rufina, in order to undoubtedly correct the arbitrariness and abuses in the collection of the taxes imposed at that time, because if this were not true there would have been no need for drawing up such a tariff. It is not known if this tariff was executed at the time of said archbishop; certain it is that in our days it is considered a dead letter by the friars. The procuring of the required fees was more a cause of delay to the poor than a means of preventing them to marry. With the exception of a few cases the moralit}^ of the friars was not in accord with their self-imposed rules. 10. Submitted to a rigorous system of living, thej^ felt the human frailties and desires more violently than perhaps we do. This may be the reason their moral level was so much lower than the one of the respectable dwellers of the pueblos, to whom they should be an example. The opportunity I had to observe the morals of the friars is stated in answer to question number three. What took place in the interior of the convents under cover of the confessional and the certain deeds committed every now and then and commented upon in whispers by the people of the neighborhood, and which the Government and administration of justice hastened to cover up, are better adapted to figuring in the chronicle of convent scandals than in the present interrogatories. 11. That of impeding the education of the Filipinos and being the cause of innumerable deportations of innocents. Yes; this hostility exists against all religious orders, but is more pro- nounced against some than others. The friars hated intelligence and prosperity in a Filipino, convinced that it would cause their separation from the archiepiscopal church; the deportation of people from the rich and cultured pueblos were therefore more frequent than the ones of the poor towns, where the ignorant people lived, and for this reason Augus- tine and Dominican parish friars were more hated than the Franciscans, who served the former. 12. It is certain that many friars were the principal causes of the greater part of the deportations of Filipinos, who could not prefer charges before a court of competent jurisdiction against the friars, as the administrative measures were in full vigor, nor could they appeal to the public opinion, as this was prohibited by the previous censorship. In Madrid efforts were made to procure the liberation of some whose only crimes were contesting orders to vacate premises, but the only result obtained was their being transferred to another and worse place, in this manner to preserve, as they said, the principle of authority. 252 CHUECH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE IwSLANDS. It is better to preserve silence of the cruelties and abuses committed, because they would fill volumes. 13. It is sad to say that, as priests, the morality of not a few of them leaves much to be desired. This ma}^ be owing to the fact that nearly all were coadjutors under the orders of the parish friars, who served as models and teachers to man}^ of the native priests. 14. The knowledge possessed by the native clergy is more than sufficient to suitably discharge their incumbent duties among the ignorant masses of the population, but is insufficient for the free- thinkers and enlightened classes. 15. I am not able to presage what the results would be should the friars return to their parishes. Perhaps they could, by dint of force or abrupt change of opinion, live secure in their convents, or perhaps this endeavor would prove fatal not only to the new parsons but to the entire Catholicism in the Philippine Islands. Nevertheless, it is not advisable to trust to eventualities, but it would be far better to listen to the voice of the people than to the exactions of a few. A Filipino, in a semimonthly paper, wrote to the Spanish Govern- ment in 1890 respecting the friars, saying, " Have a care." The people are against the friars. If the Government sides unconditionallv with the friars, they not only make enemies of the people, but likewise confess being against their progress. At the end of six years this animosity was changed into hostility. Likely the sensibleness of the American Government will make it unnecessary for an}^ Filipino to address it in similar language, for in that case the actual state of affairs, already insupportable on their own accord, would be rendered still more intolerable. 16. This appointment would only signify that the country has passed from one control to another, because in the time of the Spaniards all prelates were of that nationality, although there were some among the Filipino clergy, more dignified and of greater capacity than the former, on account of their virtue and illustration. Should it be possible to ignore the American Catholics and conse- quently their votes in the future Presidential election, and under the existing circumstances appoint a Filipino archbishop, it would have a tendency to soften to some extent the existing strained relations. It would also be a token, even to the insurgents, of the sincerity of the American Government's intentions to guide the Filipino people in the difficult science of government, commencing with the religion. 17. Religious liberty once given to the country, the Catholic clergy would naturally be offended, but no more than that. This measure, well regulated and intrusted to prudent and, moreover, tolerant ministers, would give the youth an opportunity to compare the different religious sects and choose for themselves the most suitable one. If religious instructions of whatever kind and attention thereto on the part of the pupils should be made obligatory, it is clear to see that this not only would fail to satisfy the people, but would be hateful to the Catholics, as well as to those of other beliefs. Everybody would be satisfied if at liberty to receive instructions or not in this or another religion. 18. The class of priests occupying themselves merely with purely religious matters and living on the proceeds of the voluntary contribu- CHURCH LAN^DS 11^ PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 253 tions of their parishioners is precise!}^ the class that served the parishes of the countr}^ from the middle of 1898 until the present dsij. If any change has taken place between the priests and the people it has favor- abl}^ affected the latter. 19. The measures proposed in the last part of this question would prove highh^ beneficial to the towns if in their realization would not be found an obstacle. On account of the extreme poverty of the people the owners of small lots will not be in condition to verif}^ immediate pa}^- ment of the value of their respective lands, and then, instead of being beneficial to man}^, it would only be a good occasion for a few rich people, who, taking advantage of the actual miser}^, would grasp the best lands, prejudicial to those who cleared and improved them. If installment payments on these lands would be conceded to the people, and the proceeds of these payments would be dedicated to the instruc- tion of the 3"outh, then not only would these measures be of great advantage to some pueblos, but to all the Philippine Islands. P. R. Mercado. Manila, P. I., Octoher 3, 1900. [Translation.] ANSWERS TO THE ATTACHED INTERROGATORIES. Don Jose C. Mijares, a resident of Bacolod, capital of the island of Negros, an agriculturist and owner of city and suburban properties, informs as follows: 1. I have lived, and continue living, in the Philippines sixty-three years. 2. In Laguna, Tayabas, Iloilo, and Negros. 3. Since the year 1853, when for the first time I left Tuyapa (Manila) to reside successfully in the other provinces above named, up to 1895. The cases and things of the friar curates I have seen would cause the very stones to blush, were they to have the power of blushing, for which reason I beg the commission to pardon me from giving cate- gorical answer by relating facts which, because of their nastiness and repugnancy, the pen refuses to describe. I am glad, however, to be able to recall having known in Tayabas a Franciscan parish priest who — rare exception — was a model friar, of exemplary conduct and aastere life, whose hand was kissed with respect by all, from the governor down to the humblest Spanish employee. Unfortunately for my coun- try, I have never again known another possessing the qualities of that blessed friar. 4. So numerous are the friars I have known that I have lost the count. 5. I have never trod the territory of Spain, but through several Spaniards I have learned that the friars of the several corporations that have come to the Philippines in greater part have come from the peasant, shepherd, and rustic class of Spain. 6. From my earl}^ 3^outh I have known that in the jurisdiction of Cavite, Laguna, and other provinces of Luzon the friars possess vast landholdings, the rents of which, called canon, produced great sums of money, and the}^ also secured a good income from the many parcels of improved real estate they had in Manila and its additions. 254 CHUECH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 7. The friar curates, usurping the attributes of the local authorities, not only intervened but exercised joint action with the said authori- ties in the three branches, administrative, judicial, and economical. The gobernadorcillo or justice of the peace who should have dared to disobe}^ the curate friar was certain to land in jail within a few days if he were not deported, to which end the reverend friars always had on hand, like a panacea against them, the accusation of being a filibus- terer and anti-Spanish. 8. The heads of the Spanish Government, to the detriment of their dignity, became servile tools, because they knew that the friar, with the powerful lever of their mone}^ treasured up in the convents of Manila, were above the law; therefore, more powerful than the very governor-general of the islands. 9. In some parish houses I have seen printed schedules published by Archbishop Sancho de Santa Justa y Rulina. I also had occasion to observe that several curates have charged parish fees at will and without fixed standard, exceeding what was designated in said schedule. I do not know whether this may have been the cause in some cases for reluc- tance to contract ecclesiastical matrimony, although in my judgment what mostly influenced this reluctance is that some reverend friars had arrogated to themselves rights which in feudal times were called rights of " pernada." (The right asserted by certain feudal lords to enter the marriage bed of a newly wedded bride before the husband.) Far from my mind is the idea of injuring or slandering, for I can cite specific and concrete facts, with the names and descriptions of the parties inter- ested, should I be compelled thereto. 10. Speaking generall}^, and with rare exceptions, their morality was detestable, as I have said above. 11. The causes I have set forth above, and many others, have pro- duced in the masses of the Filipino people an intense hatred for the four religious commtinities, the Augustinians, Recolettos, Dominicans, and Franciscans. 12. In this respect I repeat my foregoing answer. 13. For many years past the friars have taken possession of nearly all the curacies in the Philippines formerly occupied by native priests, the latter being relegated to the position of coadjutors and carr3dng on their shoulders all the weight of the ecclesiastical labors and occu- pation for the meagre remuneration of fifteen pesos per month, which was the most the}^ earned. In the meanwhile their immediate chief, the friar curate, filled in his idle moments with corporal enjoyments and pleasures, and at times saying to the patient subordinate: "Do as I say, and not as I do." 14. I remember, as a young man, having seen in the reception room of the old college or seminary of San Jose, Magellanes street, in the walled city of Manila, large oil portraits of Filipino prelates, whose names, which I can not now recall, appeared in the lower part of the said paintings. In those days I personally knew several canons of the cathedral chapter of Manila, some of them showing the tassel of a doctor, and I ought to add that they were all sons of the Philippines. From the foregoing the capacity of the Filipino priests who occupy the highest ecclesiastical posts in the Philippines is demonstrated. 15. The injury which would result to the country through the return of the friars to their parishes is incalculable, even should the}^ become secularized, as the people would only see the external diflference from CHURCH LA:N^DS 1^ PHILIPPINE ISLAISTDS. 255 the costume, although at bottom they would not cease to be what they have been, are, and alwa^^s will be, friars. 16. Provided the American archbishop were a Catholic, he would, in m}^ opinion, be more acceptable in case he did not allow himself to be carried away b}^ the suggestions of the friars, who, unfortunateh^, still proudly promenade through the environs of Manila. 17. I think what is proposed in this question is an excellent idea. 18. This system, as I look at it, can establish a firm bond of union between the people and the ministers of the church. 19. On this point I can express no specific opinion. Jose C. Mijares. Bacolod, November i5, 1900. [Translation.] ANSWERS TO THE INTERROGATORIES. To the Honorable American Civil Commission: The undersigned, a resident of Nueva Caceres, the capital of the province of both Camarines, ex-clerk of the court of the first instance of the terminated Government of Spain, ex-councillor of justice under the Filipino Government, now under the United States, proprietor of and speculator in foreign and domestic fruits and produce, having informed himself through the newspaper El Progreso of the inter- rogatories relating to the social Philippine friar problem, formulated b}^ the said illustrious corporation, believes in performing a patriotic duty by replying in the most categoric manner possible to each and all of the questions therein contained, and complies as follows: 1. Says he has lived all his life in the Philippines, that being forty- eight years. 2. That since bo^^hood he has lived successively in this province, the one of Manila, and at difierent times in the one of Alba3\ 3. Prior to the epoch cited I had man}^ opportunities to personalh^ observe the religious, social, and political relations which existed between the friars and the people of their parishes, particularly in the provinces of both Camarines and Alba}^, in both of which I success- fully performed the duties of clerk and subaltern emploj^ee of the courts of the first instance. tt. Have personally known nearly all those who have been parsons of the two mentioned provinces belonging to the Franciscan order, although I did not have personal dealings with all of them. 5. The undersigned limits himself to the Franciscan friars. Though as a general rule the}^ claim to have originated from noble families in Spain, and as such some wished to appear before the Filipinos, not- withstanding all this it is believed, and many of their countrymen so affirm, that the majorit}^ come from humble families of the countr}^, already discredited and hated in Spain since the beginning of this cen- tury, as are the religious orders from which the here-discussed friars originated, and the members of distinguished and rich families abstained from entering. In this respect there can not be a great difi'erence in the several religious orders which exist in the country. 6. It is publicly notorious among the inhabitants of the capital that the friar convents established therein possess and hold dedicated to 256 CHURCH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. agriculture great landed properties, particularly the ones of San Augus- tine and Santo Domingo, in the provinces of Manila, Cavite, La Laguna, Bulacan, and others which 1 do not remember at present, as well as many urban estates within the walled cit}^ as well as in the suburbs, all of which produce abundant rents. As an official proof of the exist- ence of the former, in the pueblo of Calamba, province of La Laguna, exists a report signed by the mayor of that pueblo, which was pub- lished by the newspapers of this capital, the undersigned does not remember if in El Liberal or in El Progreso. As regards the real estate holdings of the Franciscan order in this province, of both Camarines, and Albay, where the informant has resided at different times, they only have, according to his knowledge, in the first province the hacienda de Palestina, together with the building which serves with its chapel as a leprous hospital, and in the second, in the town of Guinobatan, the college formerly used as a grammar school, erected with capital and material given by the residents of this and other pueblos of the said province of Albay, under the direction of him who was rector of that town, Fray Carlos Cabido, who by and for himself and without they knowing it ceded the property of the building after being finished to the Franciscan order, of which pro- ceeding the others used to avail themselves in like cases, acquiring the possession of the largest building in Guinobatan. 7. In the towns of their respective parishes the friars exercised under the Spanish Government the political functions of local inspect- ors of public schools, maintained with funds of the commonwealth. In virtue of those attributes, which were considered as a part of their parish duties, they subjected to the whim of their will the teachers in primary instruction in their towns. Entirely upon them depended the existence of said teachers, because the reports of the friars determined the suspension, dismissal, or disqualification of these teachers. The friars, who in their writings figured as decided champions of instruction of the Filipino people, being parsons, they, through indi- rect means, placed all kinds of obstacles in the way, so that the instruc- tion given to the people should be as limited as possible, and under- standing, as is natural, that the principal means of obtaining same during the time of the Spaniards was for the children not to acquire a knowledge of the Spanish language, and they advised and even threatened the teachers not to instruct the pupils therein, and if in complying with the orders of the Spanish Government they laid aside such perfidious disloyal insinuations they made themselves objects of the friars' vengeance, who pursued them until bringing about the separation or dismissal of the teacher and his substitution by another, who at least to them did not possess those defects. To this is owing the deplorable backwardness of the instruction in many of the towns, removed some distance from the capitals of the provinces. Besides those faculties which in practice allowed the parish friars to direct at their pleasure the intellectual movements of the Filipino peo- ple, they were vested with others which ought not to have a precedent in any other country of the world. One of those, the most principal one, of course, and the one which in time degenerated into an inex- haustible spring of abuses, was the faculty of authorizing with their " O. K." (a kind of censorship) every public act of the municipalities of their parishes, without which indorsements the documents certifying to those acts were lacking in legal value in the eyes of the Spanish Gov- CHUECH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 257 -ernment. This resulted in the friars absorbing ever3^thing' in the towns ; and as those acts referred also to the moral, political, and religious con- duct of the inhabitants of each pueblo, and as the goodness and honest}" of the citizen reduced itself to his being devoted and submissive to the friar, anybody will understand the pernicious consequences of such terrible preponderance, much more so since the friars in the towns of their parish devoted themselves more to the cultivation of the temporal possessions than to the spiritual welfare. In the course of time such a corrupt system produced acute evils in the country. Little b}^ little the Filipinos understood that to be a "'somebod}"" in the several sta- tions of civil, municipal, political, economical, and judicial life in a pueblo ruled by a parish friar it was requisite to fawn upon and be sub- ject to him in everything. An}- contrary proceeding would mean to €ourt the loss of reputation, downfall, and even death, which almost invariable" resulted. Especiall}^ in the 3"ear 1896 these evils were ren- dered more evident, the year in which the patience of the Filipinos having come to an end, they emitted the first sparks of the revolution, vv^hich, in delivering its blows against the friars, had, as an inevitable consequence, to strike the Spanish Government. Let us put it in this way, because the religious orders from which the parish friars came had absorbed the Spanish Government. We infer from all this that the alliance of the state and the church in the Philippines was nothing else than placing such favored orders over the state and the country in such a wa}" that the Spanish Govern- ment may, without fear of making a mistake, be called a theocratic colonial government. Under those conditions all public employees, from the highest official to the lowest clerk of the court of justice or town halls in the pueblos of the islands, although committing all the abuses and irregu- larities possible, if friends of the friars, were, notwithstanding all that, considered as honest, wise, and without reproach, and vice versa in the opposite case. 8. This question is answered by what I have already said of the position held by the religious orders to which the parish friars belonged. Respecting the governors of the country-, and in some cases the real honest Spanish emploj-ees who opposed some of the said religious orders or some member thereof, they invariably succumbed on account of the amount of influence the friars enjoyed in the country and near the Spanish Government, to whose monarch the bishops and chiefs of religious orders established in the Philippines were his councilors, and who had on their side the Carlistic newspapers of Spain, as well as most of those of other beliefs, and which were subventioned bv them for this purpose. The four heads of the orders of Augustinians, Dominicans, Francis- cans, and Recolletos were a part of the board of government, together with the archbishop of Manila. 9. Generally they levied exorbitant taxes in an arbitrar}" manner, not so much on marriages and baptisms as on interments of the rich persons. The family of the late Senor Laurencio Cea, a rich property owner of Aigain, of this province of Ambos Camarinos, told the undersigned that Fray Rafael Gascon, former parish friar of that town, demanded the sum of ^1,000, and so on, in many other cases, according to public opinion, in notorious violation of the ecclesiastical tariff, published the S. Doc. 190 17 258 CHURCH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 19th of November, 1871, by the illustrious and virtuous archbishop, then of Manila, Don Basilio Sancho de Santa Justa j Rufina. One of these dispositions beginning the rules was that in every parish an authentic copy and another plain one, translated into the dialect of the countr}", will be placed in a public place. Nevertheless, in no friar convent I ever went to have I seen such a cop}^ Apparently so unknown was this ecclesiastical tariff among the friars that many were not aware of its existence, they governing themselves in this respect by the customs more or less authentic in such pueblo or dio- cese. The undersigned is ignorant whether the tariff of the archbishop, Senor Don Basilio Sancho de Santa Justa y Kufina, has been modified or superseded by a later one. Regarding the collecting of fees, the parish friars were generally very exacting, and when the parties concerned could not pay in cash, on account of the large sums, the friars admitted instead payments of farms and cattle, and through such and similar means they in time managed to acquire the possessions of those lands, now actually pos- sessed b}" the convents. How these fees were established is well said in the preamble of the circular accompanying the before-mentioned tariff' of the archbishop, and which is here copied in part by the depositor. "The common enemy has always procured to discredit the ministers of God, to infuse into their minds the spirit of avarice, taking advantage of spiritual things. At the same time the devoted pastors of the church have always procure^, either by themselves, or also by the diocese or pro- vincial and general s^^nods, to remove from the ecclesiastical name the slightest shadow of simony, etc." Although criticised by the country, nobody dared to protest seriously against those exorbitant fees for fear of the friars' vengeance, and what happened in some cases, when those called upon to pay were poor, was to postpone indefinitel}^ the consummation of their marriage until, for instance, the marrying couple had sufficient money. 10. The moralit}^ of the friars in the pueblos of the Philippines was, with few exceptions, very scandalous, and reached the incredible in some pueblos of this province and Albay. The parish friar placed in the position already described b}^ the undersigned regarding his parish converted himself, up to a certain point, into an absolute lord, master of lives and property, and, if so willed, he made and unmade everything according to his fancy. Master of the will of the people, more through fear than out of love for him, he nominated town authorities who pleased him, which nomi- nation resulted almost always in the greatest flatterer of all his parish- ioners, and it is plain that all weighty determinations dictated by the municipal authorities were not proper initiatives but those of his amours. Invested with this power, who would dare to resist an}^ of his whims and those frailties of man of flesh and bone? If dominated by the temptation of an unhol}^ love, neither the sacredness of the bridal chamber nor the modesty of a virgin or widow detained him. Cases personally witnessed by the undersigned unfortunately confirm the veracity of his assertions. A certain Fray Damaso Martinez was a foreign vicar in the years 1870 to 1872 in the district of Lagonoy of this province, with residence in that of Goa, and he was so despotic and wicked to the people of his pueblo — may God forgive him — that CHURCH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 259 when going to the house of a married woman he ordered the husband to leave the house in order to be able to speak alone with his wife, and in this way he managed to seduce many, although he did so only to those he knew to be ignorant. But, if this vicar friar only committed these abuses on the ignorant and uninstructed people, I have to relate another case, of which a dis- tinguished lady was the victim, who passed as and was, in fact, a very honest woman. It was the work of the machinations of a friar, violently enamored of her. It happened in the pueblo of Polangui, province of Albay, and whose parish friar was the friar Fray Eusebio Platero. The lady was the widow of a Spaniard, and belonged to one of the first families of that town. She had a brother more enlightened than the friar, and who was opposed to the latter's desires. Being aware of the friar's evil intentions toward his sister, the widow, he forbade her any kind of relation with him, particularl}^ the frequent visits the friar made. Aware of this, the priest at once contrived to bring a false accusation of assassination against the brother, which caused the latter to be pursued by the civil guard and the court of the first instance, and thanks to his being able to furnish the proofs of his innocence in time, the blow did not reach him, but he could not escape from all the dailj^ vexations which did not cease to pursue him. Strong in his resolution to conquer the widow, who from the begin- ning exhibited the greatest contempt for his amorous pretensions, the friar did not delay to resort to the last recourse of sowing a mortal hatred between the brother and sister, and, withdrawn in this way from the influence of her brother, who saw himself obliged to threaten her with grave chastisements, she soon made common cause with the priest against her brother and fell into the snare, bringing shame upon her family and occasioning for that reason the premature death of her brother. This ignoble action of the friar is very fresh in the memory of the people of Polangui (Alba}^). 11. The undersigned believes the same hostility does not exist against all the religious orders, and it does only against the ones of the Augustinians, Dominicans, Recolletos, and Franciscans, the ones who in different parts of the archipelago performed the duties of parsons or parish priests; and, as principal cause of said hostility, can be pointed out the tyrannical behavior pursued in the parishes by the friars in the ministry of their political religious office. The friars, in their parishes as well as in the convents of the com- munities to which they belonged, devoted themselves more than an}"- thing else to acquire riches for their convents, and for this purpose they made use of all the means in their power in all the ranks of the administration, doing it under the mask of religion, before which the ignorance the}^ at all cost desired to maintain among the common people, and the fanaticism fomenting in the countr}^, had to keep silence like meek lambs. Little by little the people discovered these shameless acts, and on fixed occasions made manifestations of their complaints before the Spanish authorities, who, if they did not pay any attention, served only to strengthen more every time the friars' influence, who, on the other side, encouraged by impunity, they repaid the off'enses of the bold with a strong vengeance. If they were enlightened people they fell under the weight of the accusation of being freemasons and free- booters, and were deported to some of the inhospitable Spanish pos- 260 CHURCH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. sessions, or shot as traitors to the country by sentence of a court- martial. The Filipino people knew that all this and the bad times the}^ experienced in their pueblos under the Spanish rule were owing to the friars' intrigues and false reports, and therefore the people attacked them as their principal enemy. Through religious fanaticism the friars obtained from many a child or childless devotee, in the name of the Catholic Church, rich dona- tions of mone}^, jewelry, and valuable estates, but after receiving same they transferred them to the convents of their orders, and it is probable. that in this way the great wealth they possess in the coun- try was accumulated in the course of time. All the world knows that the friar, upon entering his religious order, :makes voavs of poverty and can acquire nothing, neither for himself mor for his family or heirs. But once friar of a pueblo he believes himself entitled to acquire all kinds of treasures, and dying he leaves everything to his order. The Filipino people also know that the friars can not be priests or parsons of any pueblo, on account of their canonical education, and if they succeeded in obtaining parishes in the Philippines it was on account of privileges ceded by the Pope Paulo III or IV, if I remember right, in consideration of the want of native personalities that naturally existed in the beginning. ' Time passed by and the secular Filipino clergy multiplied in greater number than the existing parishes in the country, and there were some clergymen, as, for example, the priest Pedro Pelaes and the most unfortunate Father Burgos and others, who permitted themselves to affirm, and even to maintain in their publications, that the time had come when the clergymen should perform the duties of the parishes in the Philippines, instead of the friars, whose concessions on this sub- ject ought to be extinct. But what would have become of Father Pelaes if he would not have sunk under the ruins of the Manila cathe- dral during the earthquake of the year 1863? Without doubt he would have shared the same fate as had the unfortunate native priests, Fathers Jose Burgos, Jose Gomez, Jacinto Zamiro, Severino Diaz, Gabriel Prieto, and Inocencia Herrera, the first three, as is public and notorious, dying in 1872 by the garrote, and the others shot in the field of Bagonbayan in 1896 for a false political reason, veritable friar intrigues. JBut if illegally to maintain themselves in the possession of the ecclesiastical privileges, against the laws of progress, that the friars committed so many assassinations among the Filipino secular clergy, it was also in order to preserve the political prerogatives, which gave them the preponderance in the Spanish administration, that they committed all kinds of abuses and like assassinations, with the death of hundreds of children of illustrious Filipinos for analogous causes. One of those was the never sufficiently lamented Doctor Don Jose Rizal, a genuine representative of the intellectual progress of the country and its noble aspirations. Those deeds and others derived were the apparent reasons for the hostility of the Filipinos against the before-hientioned corporations; but there exist other secret ones of another order, which consist in having propagated among the populous masses, by means of writers subsidized by them, as for instance a certain Guioquinap or Pablo Feced, a Spaniard, the doctrine of the superiorit}^ of races, applied to the Filipinos, as giving insidiously to understand that the people of CHURCH LAIS^DS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 261 an inferior race are not called upon by nature to enjoy the social advantages which are enjoyed by the ones of a superior race, among whom they naturally placed the Spaniards, derived from this differ- ence the greater or lesser aptitude or capacity of the Filipino to exer- cise determinate social functions which only belonged to the people of a superior race. Thus the native clergy was not acknowledged to have aptitude to fill the office of parish priests, as it was necessary that this should be exercised by friars of the superior race, and the same was pretended with regard to other public offices. Although this doctrine, anathematized b}^ science, by religion, and by experience, could not make an impression upon the good sense of the most ignorant of the Filipinos, nevertheless it contributed not a little to the exasperation of the mind against their authors or inspira- tors, who by this demonstrated once more their being real descendants of the famous hidalgo, Don Quijote de la Mancha. The reason why no hostility exists against the other religious orders living in the country, as the ones of the Paulists and Jesuits, can, in the opinion of the undersigned, be ascribed to the fact that their indi- viduals did not mix themselves so ostensibly in politics as the before- mentioned friars, inasmuch as it is known in the country that they only dedicated themselves to the instruction, the Paulists to make worthy clergymen who already excelled the friars in science and virtue, and the Jesuits for having taken great pains in the instruction of the Filipino youth by a plan and a proceeding notably superior to the ones of the other colleges governed b}^ Dominicans, Augustinians, and Franciscans, and although the Jesuits were also in charge of parishes in the missions of Mindanao, it is not known that they did commit those abuses of which the other parish friars were accused, the public opinion is in favor of the former. 12. Justified are the charges made against the friars, that they were the cause of the deportation of some Filipino parishioners, and in affirming so, I reckon with the testimony of many who have been deported in the year 1896, especially with one of the ex-teachers of the children of Guinobatan (Albay). Senor Enrique Villareal, who assures in a categoric manner that in said year the Spanish governor of Albay, after having him arrested by the civil guard and brought before him, declared that the priest of his town, Fray Carlos Cabido, was the one who accused him (Villareal) of being a Freemason and freebooter, and therefore, he can not trust to the promises of protec- tion said friar had offered him. Said Senor Villareal with many others, to the amount of 240 Filipinos, was a companion of the under- signed in Fernando Po, in the Gulf of Guinea (Africa), to which place he was deported with the others; half of them perished there, through the inclemency of the climate and the bad and insufficient nourishment, during the period of one year; also some of them fell victims to the cruel treatment on the part of the Spanish soldier, Jose Fernandez, charged with the vigilance over the deported. Though in regard to the deportation of the undersigned, it is not possible to point out that the principal cause of such has been some one of the man}^ friars of this province, it can be assured, without fear of being mistaken, that the apprehension by the Spanish authorities of pacific or innocent neighbors in the Philippines effected in the year 1896, some to be shot and others to be deported, was advised or instigated by the parish friars and the bishop, together with the 262 CHURCH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. Spanish residents of the country, and the proof can be deduced from the following deeds: (1) Before the said jear 1896 a kind of inquisitorial investigation was in vogue among the parish friars in their parishes of who were Freemasons, and those were recorded b}^ the civil guard in what that bod}^ called the "Green Book," because, according to the friars, Free- mason in that epoch was synonymous with freebooter. In all the trials formed by the military tribunals, on account of the political events referred to in the year 1896, they accused the condemned or indicted if they were or were not Freemasons. (2) The month before the discovery of the famous revolutionary con- spiracy by the noted priest of Tondo, Fray Mariano Gil, the Franciscan friars of the near-by pueblos of this capital did not cease to celebrate secret reunions, which used to be the forerunners of surpassing deeds in the country. (3) That a month prior it was already confusedly whispered in the towns of the parish friars that days of mourning and blood were approaching the Philippines, which nobody knew how to explain. (1) That, while the undersigned was in one of the departments of Bilibid with a hundred political prisoners, tied with chains and obliged to lay down upon the tiled floor, with the pavement for a bed, a friar — the narrator does not remember if he was an Augustinian or Dominican — with a military officer, entered one afternoon, passed through the hall of the sufferings of so many luckless, as we were there, innocent the greater part, and in place of lavishing a few words of consolation to the unfortunates, which is a duty of a minister of the religion of the Crucified, he passed on, casting right and left glances of contempt, scorn, and ill-will, which froze the blood of the imprisoned ones, in this way making their situation more serious. He was to all appearances an emissary of the friars, to acquaint himself if their poor victims were treated as they wished. (5) The orders of the parish friars in the Philippines are, according to public opinion in Spain, large shareholders in the enterprise of the trans-Atlantic Spaniards, who wished to retain in their possession the official transport ships of mail, troops, and deported prisoners, all of which were entitled to passage at the expense of the commonwealth. The undersigned, with several hundred of deported to the Spanish possessions in Africa, were on several voyages embarked on Spanish trans-Atlantic liners, and to all of us it was given to understand that the ill-treatment the deported will receive on board, from officers as well as from the sailors, having us tied together two and two, elbow to elbow, day and night, until arriving at the port of Barcelona, was owing to the fact that we were considered rather the enemies of the friars than of Spain, and the same was told to us by the pious Maris- tas of the Sacred Heart of Maria, established in the island of Fernando Po, that in consideration of their brothers in the Philippines they abstain in public from sustaining any intercourse with the deported, until orders were received from the Spanish Government releasing us from the deportation and allowing us to return to our homes, after the peace agreed upon in Biaenabato. The religious intolerance and mistrustfulness of the policy of the Spanish Government, and its consequent weakness, induced it in 1896 to commit all kinds of injustices, which had to produce the fall of its secular colonial empire in the Philippines, since the first cannon shot CHURCH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 263 discharged in the waters of Gavite b}^ the powerful American squad- ron, bearer of the hymn of liberty repeated in chorus by ten million Filipinos. And as a partial proof of one of those injustices, without precedent in the nineteenth centur}^ is the deportation imposed upon the undersigned, Seiior Antonio Arejola and Seiior Tomas Valenciano, residents of Nueva Caceres. I never was a partisan of the revolution, although I was of the evo- lution, and the accusation which in the first signification made me personal enemies of Spaniards united with the friars, as has been said before, ought of a necessity to be removed in the cause in which he was implicated. This was realized, and dictated the suspension consequential in my favor and others on the 27th day of October, 1896, as the commission will be able to see by the annexed copy of said resolution, which in Fernando Po was handed me at being notified of it, after almost a year; and on the same day they embarked me and some 76 companions on the trans-Atlantic liner Ida de Luzon for the deportation, which I endured with the patience and resignation of an honest man and father of a numerous family, which, through my just two years' absence, was left in the greatest misery. (6) Lastly, it is also true that some of the said friars were the authors of insults and cruel punishments caused to some unfortunate clergymen of the bishopric of Vigan, Ylocos Stir— Fathers Garces, Dacanay, and Seiior Don Bartolome Espiritu, and others — as can be proved by the statement of their sufferings published in several news- papers of this capital, and as those clergymen still live, they could confirm the deposition with their testimony. The clergymen of Nueva Caceres — Severino Dias, Gabriel Priesto, Inocencio Herrera suffered like insults prior to being shot, and Don Severo Estrada, who had the luck of being placed in liberty during the confinement they suffered in the cellars of the San Augustin convent of this capital, constant!}^ watched by the friars of said community. 13. Respecting the morality of the native clergy: As the majority were under the orders of the parish friars as coadjutors, there were some who participated in the corruption of their principals, although there were also many who, notwithstanding all that, excelled in sciences and godliness. 11:. With regard to the knowledge and provision of said clergymen to discharge clerical duties: Coming almost all from the conciliar sem- inaries, governed by the Paulist fathers, dedicated expressly to make priests, after having frequented the colleges of secondary instruction in this capital and in the provinces, no Filipino, unless those addicted to the friars, who have always placed a great diligence in taking awa}^ the prestige, has ever doubted the knowledge and sufficiency of the same, to duly discharge their clerical duties, and resting upon them, as was always a great part of the religious duties, that should have been performed by their masters, the parish friars in their parishes, it is evident that the greater part of those coadjutors surpassed the former. However, as the opinion of the undersigned in his character of Filipino might appear partial to the illustrious commission who reads this, my poor work, and to avoid this inconvenience, I make bold to call its overtaxed attention to the work of the religious father, Don Salvador Pons, who proves with indisputable date and documents, the knowledge, sufficiency, and virtues of the Filipino clerg}", said work is entitled "Defense of the Filipino Clergy." 264 CHURCH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 15. Thinks that the efforts made by the friars to return to their parishes, if any, are in the opinion of the undersigned, owing to purely political and terrestial motives, because if made out of love for their religious mission, they have a vast field in which they can win laurels that would make them worthy of the glory of heaven without causing harm to a pueblo that heartily hates them. Such are, for instance, the missions of China and other countries of infidels. Who knows the Philippines, and really desires their peace and wel- fare, should tremble at the mere idea that the friars can return to their parishes; because in this, the same reasons would subsist, that obliged the Filipinos to take up arms against Spain, and would retard indefi- nitely the high and noble purposes that animate the magnanimous American nation to reestablish the peace and cultivate the prosperity of this unhappy soil. God grant that I am mistaken in thinking that those who wish or work for the return of the friars to their parishes have an interest in placing obstacles in the way of the American politic. 16. Taking in consideration that one of the bases of the American politic in the Philippines is the separation of the church from the state, the undei signed is of the opinion that, while the peace is not definitely established in the countr}^, it is not advantageous for the archbishop to be an American nor a Spaniard. The author of this humble work, making himself the echo of the thoughts of many of his countr3"men, desires he should be at present of a neutral country like Switzerland, should it not be possible to find in the Philippines a clergyman worthy of such high post in the ecclesiastic hierarchy. 17. Referring to the establishment of schools in which opportunity would be given to ministers of any church to instruct the children in religion half an hour before the ordinary one, the undersigned who, as an apostolic Roman Catholic, is a partisan of the real liberty, judges this establishment very opportune, always conceding to the fathers the liberty of choosing any ministers of the church to give religious instruction to his children. Under this condition he is sure that the establishment would satisfy the Catholics of these islands. 18. If the parish priests are not friars, or not proceeding from them, it is possible that the relations between the pueblo and the clergymen would not change very much, but being friars, or coming from them, the answerer can not anticipate his opinion, owing to the fact that the countr}^ has already lost confidence in said friars, though they may return in a different dress. 19. The undersigned is of the opinion that the rural properties pos- sessed by the friars or their convents are not theirs by right, because their acquisitions are of invalid right, the more so as said friars at being admitted make a formal and solemn renunciation of all their earthly rights to the world, and because it is expressly forbidden to convents and religious communities by a decree of the provincial Span- ish Government in force to-da}^ as law of the loth of October, 1868, to acquire and possess property, especiall}^ real estate. In conclusion, the informant believes the country would applaud with enthusiasm a confiscation of the said properties and its return to the Government in the name of the Filipino people, better than the expro- priation with the high social objects proposed in the interrogatory, more yet if a good part of the funds obtained by the sale in lots of the lands would be adjudged in favor of the secular Filipino clergy for CHUECH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 265 the erection and maintenance of conciliar seminaries in greater multi- tude than at present in existence for the instruction of the secular native clergy. This is ail the information I can give accordmg to true knowledge and understanding. Francisco Alvarez. NuEVA Caceres, October ^, 1900. FRANCISCO RODRIGUEZ GOMEZ. Francisco Rodriguez Gomez, first corporal of marines, and secretary to notify the attestation of suspension to the Filipinos, Francisco Alvarez and Tomas Valenciano, of which is instructing judge the ensign, Don Francisco de Alba Gallardo. Certify that in page No. 3 of said process and in the report of the auditor of Manila, and first paragraph, is the judgment, which liter- ally copied says: First. The provisional suspension referring to the proscribed Don Manuel Pardo, Ramon Martin, Eduardo Robles, Francisco Alvarez, Tomas Valenciano, and Antonio Arejola, regarding whom no just cause exists to maintain the accusation, in accordance with article No. 538, number 2 of the code of military justice, I likewise certify that in page No. 5 is copied the provisional judgment of the captain- general of Manila, which says: Manila, 27th of October, 1896. In accord with the previous report, supersede provisionally the process referring to the proscribed Manuel Pardo, Ramon Martin, Eduardo Roble, Francisco Alvarez, Tomas Valenciano, and Antonio Arejola, contained in the first paragraph of this decree. And, at the petition of the parties interested, I issue the present copy, in Santa Isabel de Fernando Poo, the 18th of December, 1897. Francisco Rodriguez. RAYMUNDO MELLIZA ANGULO. [Translation.] The undersigned American citizen, in order to tell the truth, and for the welfare of the United States and the Philippines, has the honor to answer the questions hereto attached: 1. From his birth until he attained the age of 20 3^ears, when he went to Europe, residing here again after the age of 27 until the pres- ent time, fifteen }■ ears. 2. In almost the entire Philippine Archipelago, from Ilocos Norte to Misamis, in Mindanao. 3. Through official positions which he has held since 1882. 4. The curates of the island of Negros, those of Misamis, Cebu, Bulacan, Ilocos Norte and Sur, about seventy. 5. It is not easy to fix definitely the class of Spanish society to which they belong, because they were not communicative as to their origin, but judging from their manner of speaking, working, thinking, and from their relatives who came to live with them, the majorit}^ of 266 CHURCH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. them belong to the lower classes in Spain. This, nevertheless, does not prove anything as to the damage they caused, because they all did damage, whether they proceeded from a plebeian or aristocratic origin. The difference which is noted between friars, properly speaking, and the Paulists and Jesuits, with the exception of the Capucins, whom the writer is not acquainted with on account of their recent establishment here, consists of the fact that the Jesuits and Paulists are much more learned and disciplined than the friars, and naturally these qualities make them much more commendable, and do away with the natural fear of their being wrongdoers. 6. He states that as a matter of fact he never knew anything about the rents and properties of the friars, because he never cared to know or think anything about other people's business. But judging from their actions, they appeared to be the wealthiest people in the Philippines. At this moment he only recalls the estates of Santo Nino, in Cebu; of Malinta, in Bulacan; of San Francisco de Malabon, in Cavite, which belongs to the Augustinians; those of Lolomboy and of Santa Maria de Pandi, in Bulacan, which belongs to the Dominicans, and that of Imus, in Cavite, which belongs to the Recoletos. It is to be supposed that they possess other properties and receive other rents, which could be ascertained definitely by examination of the documents which ought to be in the offices of the administrators of the different convents. 7. He states that the law never conceded them political, administra- tive, or judicial rights, except those of merely giving information, as by placing their approval on reports rendered by chiefs of the towns, or attending local meetings of the governments of the provinces in order to give their opinion and vote on some economic, governmental, and administrative matters, but not in all cases thereof. Provision is made in the colonial legislation of Rodriguez San Pedro, and the laws of the Indies, for participation in the preparation of a list of taxpayers, in the inspection of jails, and matters regarding sanitation and public schools. As a matter of fact, they were the absolute possessors of all power in the Philippines, and this is the cause of the disastrous results which we are now experiencing through their interference in the moral, €ivil, and political education of the archipelago. They were the rep- resentatives of the entire power of the islands, because through their sacerdotal power they were able to impose their views on the minds of the ignorant. This is why they hated free discussion and investiga- tion, being very much inclined to their own personal judgment, affected always by worldly interests, to which they always adjusted the rules of their orders, adulterating them with privileges secured in under- handed methods either from the popes or kings to whom they pre- sented false and sophistical statements, as, for example, the insuffi- ciency of the Filipino clergy in number and their personal incapacity to govern the parishes. They did not state, in addition to not telling the truth, that those very clergymen were serving them as coadjutors and assistants in the saving of souls, and that almost all the parishes had one such clergymen, that is to say, not as the parish curate, but as a subordinate, which clergymen managed the affairs of the parish for entire weeks, while the curate went around the countr^^ or arranged political matters with the governor in the capital of the province. They also availed themselves of the consciences of the civil employees, using them as tools by means of their money and influence with the Government at Madrid, where they had their representatives, to sustain CHUECH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 267 them in the condition in which thej^ were found when the revolution in the Philippines burst upon them. Their authority, through having the civil emplo3^ees of this archipelago at their disposal, was completed by subjecting the enlightened Filipinos by the fear of unjust punish- ment and deportation, which powers the civil employees placed at their disposal. Thus is demonstrated how they came to be the ruling power of the archipelago without written or recognized political rights, in a direct or indirect manner, according to individual cases. 8. The said persons had intimate relations of mutual complacency. 9. It is not easy to answer this, through not having exact knowl- edge of the fees which the parish priests collected nor the effects thereof. 10. For the most part they observed a political morality. That is, as I have observed in their manner, a morality governed by mere con- venience and social appearances. 11. The cause was that they constituted themselves feudal proprie- tors in the pueblos where they ruled, and justice was not obtained at their hands, or at the hands of their superiors or the Spanish Gov- ernment, because there was no one to correct the abuses. The hos- tilitjns not the same against all the friars. It is generally only against those who occupy curacies, and of these the greater number there was in the town, and the more learned they were, the greater was the impression made b}^ their atrocities and outrages on thinking people. 12. It is not eas}^ to prove that the deportations were the work of the friars, because the civil authorities ordered and executed them; but sometimes, when it suited them, some friars stated that they had caused certain deportations. In addition to this, the most obtuse intellect well knew that they were the persons who brought about the deportations, because the enemies of the friars generally underwent this punishment, and it was generally carried out by the authorities friendly to the latter. By this, however, we do not mean to imph^ that any Spanish official, at that time, friend or not, would not do the friars this barbarous favor, because it must be borne in mind that both in^vil and in good the Spaniards and the friars were as one and alwa3^s worked together, or in this matter with complete freedom. 13. Those native priests who did not have the fortune to be inspired by the real spirit of Christ had to adopt the morals of the friar as I have described them in answer No. 10, and it is natural that the pupil should learn from his teacher, the worse the teaching the sooner, because, as is said, evil is easily and quickly learned. But it can not be denied that there are virtuous and learned native priests, as the histor}" of the past and present teaches us, with a knowledge of dog- matic theology, which affirms that God spreads his grace over all the sons of Adam. Up to the present time no other science as worthy as this has stated that the Filipino priests are not descendants of Adam because they do not participate in his grace. 14. This question is similar t» the preceding and therefore its answer will be a consequence of the preceding answer. Granting as sufficient the morality and knowledge stated there, we must admit that the native clergy will be as capable in every sense of the word for discharging their clerical duties. 15. The result will be that those returning to parishes inhabited by civilized persons will end by becoming civilized like them and will then fit them like a glove, because in a land of morality and civilization the 268 CHUKCH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. majority rules, for an entire pueblo is much, very much, greater and stronger than a friar, although he should be greater than Goliath, the gaint of Christian tradition. But the one that goes to a backward pueblo will only be able to live at the most ten years, at the end of which time, if he does not die and God does not help him, he will be the victim, along with the government, of the slight advance to civili- zation brought about by him, as his love of self will prevent his enlightening the pueblo, and in the same manner as slaves produce tyrants, will come about the same sad spectacle of a second or third edition of the present revolution, because the progress of a pueblo can not be blocked, it must necessarily come, and the moral and reli- gious influence of the priest has a large and decisive influence. If the parish friar who goes to a backward pueblo is personally known by the people to be good, by great efi'orts and by the assistance of divine grace, he will be able to convert his pueblo to civilization. But at this time it occurs to me to ask in m}^ turn: In this century of materi- alism where will that friar be found to be curate of a backward pueblo ? 16. It is not the nationality that brings about either good or bad, but the morality and wisdom of the individual, who is affected by two influences — reward for his good actions and punishment for the bad; so that, la3dng this before the eyes of the American, Spanish, Filipino, or Lapland archbishop, and letting him know that his course will soon receive its deserts, any of them can be appointed who has suflS.- cient moral or intellectual capacit}^ for the position. 17. That would be proper, just, and practical, because man com- posed of soul and body can not cut himself off' from religion; but so as not to offend their ideas or to attack real liberty, it is necessary that the ministers be of the same religion as the fathers of the children if they are under 7 years of age, or that the latter nva^y select after pass- ing that age, when, according to moralists and theologians, the human being assumes the responsibility for his own sins. 18. Of course by this fact the relations between the parish priests and their parishioners would be changed to the benefit of the latter. But this is not enough, because the parish curate who sins has the advantage over his victim, especially among Catholics, through the moral ascendency which the dogmas and canons give him. Therefore, it would be necessary to prepare an official code of punishable acts and to proceed against him oflacially, without awaiting the private action of the person offended, which in man}^ cases would be prevented by that above-mentioned ascendency. 19. It is somewhat unsafe to give an opinion upon this matter, not knowing exactly if the friars used the fruits of their numerous proper- ties for the true service of the Lord, as the evangelists teach us to do, in which event it is clear that that object would be better than the one mentioned in the question we are answering, and they should not be deprived of the property that they employ in such a great work. But if they do not use the rents of their properties in the service of the Lord, certainly they use them wrongfully, because it appears to me that they use them just as little for the benefit of man in society, which is the object of the question, and, therefore, it were well for the Govern- ment to deprive them of their property and use it for the object indi- cated in the question. The first supposition must be established by the books of expenses and through the Apostolic delegate, finding out where they have spent their rents and their money, and if they have CHURCH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 269 not been spent in the service of the Lord, it is to be supposed that they would not be employed in that way in the future; the second €ase, that the}^ have not used the property for the benefit of man in societ3as self-evident, and what is clear does not have to be investigated. Raymundo Melliza Angulo, LL. D. [Translation.] OBSERVATIONS UPON THE HACIENDA OF IMUS. The pueblo of Imus was a barrio of Old Cavite prior to this centur}^, whose chapel was erected in the place known as Toclon, still a barrio of the same name within the limits of Imus, and since that time a large amount of land has been cultivated b}^ the natives in the places known as Medicion, Toclon, Alapan, Bucandala, Balaiigon, and Anabu, and in different places within the boundaries of Imus, the land for the most part being devoted to the sowing of pala3\ At that time the^e was no dam or means of retaining water; but after many 3^ears had elapsed, when the barrio had a sufficient number of inhabitants and sufficient means to support a pueblo, on the petition of the natives, the Spanish Government declared the pueblo civilly independent of the town of Old Cavite. The spiritual administration continued pertaining to the curacy of Old Cavite for man}^ years, the natives constructed a pro- visional church and a court in the place known as the barrio of Pueblo Yiejo (old pueblo), where was established the pueblo of Imus. The production of palay having rapidl}" extended, it being raised up to the vicinity of Tampus, now the pueblo of Perez Dasmariilas, still there was no dam or means of retaining water in the entire territory of Imus. During this time a Peninsular Spaniard, whose name and sur- name I do not recall, with his wife, named Dona Augustina, who were said to be punished b}^ the Government of Spain, arrived from Spain. But it was evident from his kindly and amiable treatment of the natives and his manner of living that he was a person of high rank. He selected for his residence the site near Tampus, now known as Perez Dasmarinas. It is supposed that he had preferred this place on account of its temperate climate. He lived a ver}^ peaceful life during the entire period of his life in this pueblo, was very fond of riding horseback, and so he bought a large number of horses. He sowed grass for their feed, but there came a time when from the month of December to the end of the month of January it did not rain, and therefore caused the grass to die. The Spaniard decided to register that place if he had an}^ means of irrigat- ing his grass, and he found a suitable place, where he then constructed a dam composed of stone and wood, and although this dam is not now in existence there still remain traces of it. There, in the months of October and November of the year in which the construction of the dam was completed, the time in which the pala}^ was beginning to be formed, there was a scarcity" of rain, on account of which the farmers of the place known as Malagasang, now barrio of Malagasang, appealed to the Spaniard and asked for water to irrigate their crops. He, see- ing that he had more than enough water for his grass, furnished water to the farmers, charging $1 per cavan of seed sown which they irrigated 270 CHURCH LANDS IN PHIIJPPINE ISLANDS. and maintained with the water from the dam; and in time this water was not only used by the inhabitants of Malagasan, but also by those of Bucandala. Dona Augustina died in the year 1795 or 1796, accord- ing to estimates, Friar Francisco de Santiago being first friar curate of Imus, recently appointed, to whom the Spaniard intrusted the administration of the dam on leaving for Spain. This father admin- istered and collected the dues for the use of the water from the dam for a period of two or three years without changing the amount which they had formerly paid to the Spaniard. This practice was continued until Fr. Alonzo Tubera de la Concepcion came to occupy the curacy, who likewise undertook the administration and col- lection of the dues for the use of water from the dam. And this curate, observing that the collection of the dues for the use of water was being delayed by the low price of pala}^, admonished the farmers to pay in grain and just equivalent to the %1 which they formerly paid to his predecessor, and as the price of palay was only from 3 to 1 reals per cavan, the farmers, in accordance with the indi- cation of the friar curate, paid in the following year two cavans of palay for each cavan of seed which they irrigated or maintained with the water from the dam, this being the equivalent value of $1. This curate was much esteemed by his parishioners through his frank and agreeable character. Being talking one day with some leading men of the pueblo at a wedding, one of them, it is not known why, had the curiosit}^ to ask the curate when the Spaniard, the owner of the dam, was going to return to Imus. The curate answered that perhaps he would not return to the Philippines, as he was a member of a very rich family in Spain, and owned estates. The same leading person again asked if any member of the family was coming to collect the product of the dues of the dam. The curate said that no one would come of the family for the product of the dam, as its owner had dedi- cated the earnings to the sustaining of the Church of Nuestra Senora del Pilar de Imus, and, therefore, you, the farmers, who pa}^ your portions for the use of the water of the dam, should always be punc- tual in the payment of two cavans of pala}^ for each cavan of seed which you irrigate or maintain b}^ that water, as this amount you do not pay to the Spaniard, or to the curate, but to the Virgin of Pilar herself. After a lapse of two or three years Friar Manuel de San Miguel took the place of Father Alonzo in the curacy as well as in the management of the dam, and in the following }- ear, as is handed down, he constructed the dam of Salitran, upon the completion of which the farmers of Anabu received water therefrom for their crops. The curate collected three cavans of palay for each cavan of seed; he like- wise collected the same quantity of palay from those of Malagasan, Bucandala, and the other places where water was obtained from the dam. At the expiration of three or five 3"ears another came to fill the curacy of Imus, named Friar Mariano de San Miguel. This curate respected the above custom regarding the payment for the water, neither raising nor diminishing the figure during the ten or twelve years that he occupied the curacy. It is supposed that he is the one who ordered the construction of the dam of Julian, and upon its completion the inhabitants of Medicion, Balangon, and Toclon likewise paid an amount of palay equal to that paid b}^ the others; but after some years he caused four cavans to be paid for each cavan of seed which was irrigated from the water of the CHURCH LANDS IT^ PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 27 1 first dam and that of Julian. And it is to be noted that this friar cur- ate remained many years in the curacy, when he was replaced by another, who did not alter the charge for water and remained incum- bent but for a very short time. Then Padre Nicolas Becerra de la Montana took his place in the curacy, and it is stated that he was at the same time provincial of the corporation of discalced Augustinians, and there came with him a lay brother of the same corporation, known as Santiago, who assisted him in the administration and collection of the charges for the use of water. After this provincial curate had been in charge of the curac}^ some months, he called all the leaders of the pueblo together to treat upon the moving of the pueblo to the place where it is situated to-day. At the meeting he stated the idea to them, showing them the convenience of the change and the benefits and advantages to be derived therefrom by the pueblo. After the leading men had been thoroughl}" informed on the matter and being in accord with him, the Government did not delay in ordering the change of the site of the pueblo to where it is situated to-day. On his own account the friar curate convoked the leaders again and informed them of the necessity of the entire pueblo contributing in a bodv accord- ing to their resources to the speedy construction of a church and parish house. That is to say, that the males over the age of 12 years should take their turns in working a week at a time, in accordance with their number and according to the division of the work that should be made, and the headmen of Barangay were obliged to present the individuals to work each week. In addition to this, all those possessing lands were to contribute a talacsan of wood for each cavan of seed, having to make the payment along with that for the use of the water. Anyone w^ho could not pay with that article would do it in equivalent in cash at the ordinary value, which is ^1 per talacsan, besides increasing the pay for use of water to 5 cavans of palay for every cavan of seed. The headmen agreeing to all the propositions of the friar curate, they imme- diately began to bring in and pay the talacsans when they paid for the water. By this act there was immediately erected a temporar}^ church and house for the curate of light materials. It should be noted the talacsan of wood was used in the manufacture of brick and lime neces- sary for the construction of a church and parish residence of masonry. The work on the church was commenced in the vear 1820 or 1821, according to estimates, but upon the completion of the church and the parish house and after the period of one or two }' ears they still con- tinued demanding the payment of the talacsan of wood. The chiefs demanded of the very same curate himself that they be exempted from the payment of the talacsan, who not only did not pay an}" attention to their complaints, but threatened them with the stocks and other punishments if they ceased bringing in or paying the talacsan until the termination of the construction of a private house of the faithful, the house now called the hacienda of San Juan de Imus. And the chiefs having noticed the hard nature of the bishop, did not complain again, but continued to pay their talacsans. But becoming tired of so man}" sacrifices, the chiefs had a secret meeting and appointed six of them to present a complaint in the court of first instance of Cavite against the abuses of the friar curate. Upon the filing of the complaint and the prepara- tion of the record, some of the poor chiefs w^ere put in jail, and the others who had been prevented by some reason or other from appear- 272 CHUECH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. ing on the day fixed by the judge were persecuted by the curate. But although they continued to hide themselves, the other chiefs continued with the case, assisted by an influential woman of Manila, and it is known that there was a favorable decision on the complaints of the chiefs by the royal audiencia of Manila after some years of litigation. The litigants remained absent from their pueblo until the curate died, and it is said that the death of this curate was occasioned by the deci- sion of the royal audiencia in favor of the chiefs, as he died suddenly foaming at the mouth on the very day on which he was notified of the decision of the audiencia, and on this account the opinion prevailed that the death was suicide by means of poison. Upon the death of the curate disappeared the paj^ment of the talacsan; from this time the proprietors of land ceased to pay the talacsan on that account. This curate allowed the pueblo to see his real influence with the govern- ment, for as soon as a criminal could reach him and seek his protec- tion that was enough to make him free from all responsibility. So he was the close friend of the most celebrated pardoned criminals of the district; and when he went to Manila his carriage was drawn by two pairs of horses and he was generally escorted by these people. On his return he was escorted by two or three pairs of cavalry. There- fore he was very greatly feared by the residents of the vicinity. Returning now to the assistant administrator, named Santiago, a l^j brother, who collected and administered the charge for the water; he did not make a single change during his occupancy except to only increase the charge by one cavan of palay, which was done at the will of the Parish Curate Becerra. There afterwards came another lay- man named Matias Carbonel to take his place, Father Becerra still being friar-curate, and in time he built the dam of San Augustin and Lancaan in order to increase the force of the water of the first above- mentioned dam; and so they continued constructing dams down to that of the landing place. Lastly, this lay biT>ther seems to have carried on the business as an administrator appointed by the provincial curate; therefore he disposed f reel}^ in all matters concerning the use of water. In time the collection of $1 for each house site was commenced, and it is stated that they have the right to collect, as they were using the water from the dams; and afterwards they went on to collect from the house sites in the barrios at the rate of 2 reals each. Although the neighbors were surprised by this new tax, they did not protest through the fear entertained by them of suffering the same experience as was meted out to the leading men when they complained against the talacsan, some of whom, in addition to being impoverished, were placed in jail, and the others concealed themselves for a long time. This same lay brother was the one who invented the contract docu- ments for the watering of the crops, with the house site included, after the time of the collection of the new tax. They accepted the con- tracts because they believed that by this means they would avoid in the future the continuous increase of the pay for the watering of the crops. The contrary resulted, however, because each administrator demanded an increase and a new contract, the most expensive of all being the one who introduced reforms in his administration, and the charges ascending according to the reforms introduced, as will be seen later. On the death of the lay brother Matias Carbonel, his assistant suc- ceeded him, another layman named Joaquin, who reformed the documents of contract regarding water for crops and house sites by CHUECH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 273 abolishing the manuscripts and substituting printed ones. He increased the cost of the water 1 cavan, so that the 5 cavans for each cavan of seed was made 6. Then he measured the meadows and the house sites, and after this measurement he collected according to the num- ber of balitas or quinones in each parcel possessed by the farmers, abol- ishing then the custom of collecting according to the number of cavans of seed, there resulting thereb}^ a considerable increase of the charge for the use of water and house sites. The entire population became alarmed at this, but after manj" deliberations the}^ changed their ideas to only protesting against the proceeding of the administrator, because they saw that the influence of the friars was more powerful than theirs with the authorities. Because they saw from these reasons that any complaint would be useless which could be made against the friars, and the natives were right in their calculations, because Father Becerra, still being curate, avoided an}^ attempt to complain, on account of the experiences of the chiefs when the}^ protested on the talacsan of wood, for the old men had warned the young and their successors that they should never have an}^ trouble with the friars, and much more so when they are curates, and, therefore, the}^ paid according to the demands of the lay administrator, both for the house sites and the meadows. The provincial curate died in the 3^ear 1839 or 181:0 and was succeeded by Friar Manuel Zubire; but before this time there was a substitute, whose name I do not recall, who managed the affairs for a short time. Nevertheless the lay administrator continued the same, and Curate Zubire did not give an}^ reason for complaint to the natives during the time he was curate. Besides, he became friendh^ with his parish- ioners, even having many compadres, because he was accustomed to be god-father at the baptism of the sons of leading men, which mul- tiplied the names of Manuel and Manuela, because he gave his own name to god-children. After this curate, according to the statement of the natives, the administration of the water was entirely separated from the parish, and the la}^ brother, Joaquin, freely carried out his task after that time, as did his successors. In the year 1819 Father Guillermo Ra3"o occupied the curac}^, the same laj^man, Joaquin, being administrator, and the curate did not intervene in any way in the administration of the water. During the term of this curate there occurred nothing strange as regards the administration and collection for the use of water. In the year 1861 Father Jose Varela occupied the parish — an upright priest who carried out his duties with entire justice, and was very greatl}^ beloved b}^ his parishioners, who likewise didn't meddle in matters pertaining to the administration of the water or in the affairs of the municipal captain; for he often refused to place his "O. K." on documents and accounts of the tribunal, giving as a reason that he was a curate of souls, and that his intervention in civil matters was not just, because this demand for his signature was only on account of the lack of confidence in the local chiefs of the government, and lack of confidence is the mother of distrust and makes thieves. All his acts are worth}^ of mention, and the pueblo in mass bless him every time that they think of hini. He showed the people the uselessness of the money spent in the fiestas, as it produced nothing more than the misery of the pueblo. On various occasions he showed the vanity of pompous burials. He became indignant at the exorbitant price of the water for the fields, and exclaiming, said: ''Where will the infernal souls of S. Doc. 190 18 274 CHURCH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. the administrators of the water go ? " May God take the soul of this holy man to his bosom! It was about the year 1865 or 1866 when the provincial of the uncalced Augustinians ordered a tax on mangas and cane, Father Villa being the administrator of the water. He was the faithful executor of the acts of the provincial, the said Curate Varela, who defended the pueblo, so that that new tax of two reales for each manga tree and one real for each mata of cane should not be carried into efiect, and the result was a very great disgust on the part of the blessed father; and the pueblo had to carry the weight of the new tax, although the residents already were aware of the illegality of the said tax, through the simple reason that, if they protested, the tax might disappear; yes, but on the other hand they might increase the cost of water for the fields, and it would be worse for them. On account of these considerations they crossed their arms and paid, cursing the author of the idea. It is likewise supposed that the same priest who was administrator reduced two very honorable families of the pueblo to misery, despoiling them of their fields. These families continued to implore the clemency of the authorities, and of the same provincial, but accomplished nothing. From this fact the more intelligent of the pueblo suspected and figured that the pay for the use of the water is not directly for the water, but for the land, and that this was the cause of the despoiling. These intelligent men of the pueblo sought a means to set aside the unjust proceeding of the administrator, because they know that all the land of Imus is the property of its cultivators, and if they pay a proportion to the administrator, it is for the use of the water from the dams, and nothing more. Thereupon they appealed to the persons of influence in Manila, and only obtained traditional advice from the old men to not interfere with the friars, because, as they say, the very governors themselves of the Philippines tremble before the gold and influence of the friars. That great influence is demonstrated b}^ the friars of Imus daily, for the hacienda of San Juan, the house of the friars, is very much frequented by the highest authorities of Manila and their families. There they take their vacations in the hot season. Therefore, these intelligent men ceased to use their rights, as was counseled by experience. During this same time of the Curate Varela and the Father Villa, the administrator, as Don Bernardino Abad, formerly copyist of the hacienda, showed when Senor Escosura arrived at Manila with the title of royal commissioner and with the special commission of requir- ing the friars to show their title documents concerning the titles to the haciendas, and as the provincial did not find in the convent of the Recoletos any document or fact to justify the title in the territory of Imus, he called Don Bernardino Abad, an old copyist of the estate of San Juan de Imus, and on his arrival, the provincial asked him if in the estate house there existed any document to justify the title to the territory of Imus. He answered that there did not exist any. ' ' In that case what do you know about our possession of those lands?" ''If your reverence will have the kindness to pay attention I will explain it to you," answered Don Bernardino, and thereupon he related the history from the time of the Spaniard, owner of the dam, up to that time, in the manner stated in the preceding paragraphs. Upon the provincial's being informed thereof, he again asked: "How do you know the history which you have just related?" Don Bernardino answered that he knew through his father, Don Casimiro Abad, form- CHURCH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 275 erly scribe of the parish and of the hacienda at the same time, who had told it to him one day when he was in a good humor. "In order to satisfy the royal commission, which Senor Escasura brought to Manila, sent by the Government of Spain to require all the religious corporations to produce the documents of title to our haciendas, do you think there is any remedy?" "Yes, father." "And what is it'^" "Father, give large amounts, and in gold, which can rule this high official." In fact, the father provincial ordered this, and Don Bernar- dino is one of the men that arranged the matter, and it is calculated that 20,000 pesos was the amount of the gift, and Senor Escasura did not delay long in disappearing from Manila. The history heretofore stated was given on various occasions by Don Bernadino Abad when he was alive, as well as that of the Spaniard who was the owner of the dam. In the year 1872 Curate Yarela died and Father Andres Galdeano substituted him in the same 3^ear, and the administrator. Father Villa, was relieved by Father Gaudencio Marquez much before the death of the Curate Yarela. Father Andres was a great worker; he was the one who increased the height of the steeple, altered the interior of the church, and did not give any cause for complaint to his parishoners. It is also thought that Father Gaudencio is the one who ordered the construction of the country house in Salitram, where the friars gen- erally take their vacations. After the construction of that house he also collected a percentage in cash for the crops in the mountains, such as palay and sugar cane, the time in which the civil guard invaded the entire, province of Cavite doing great damage, as faithful followers of the friars and executors of their acts. By this new tax on crops raised in the mountains it was confirmed more and more that the col- lection for the use of water was not now made in that conception, but for the land, because the places where they sow sugar cane and palay are impossible to be watered; and although the natives desired to exercise their rights it was now too late, because the civil guard on one side and the influence of the friars on the other are two axioms which prevent the public from exercising their real rights. Neverthe- less, a resident of Perez, Dasmarinas, formerly captain there, protested against the collections of tax on mountain products before the pro- vincial of the Recoletos and the authorities. He did not obtain a single favorable decision, but, on the contrary, was robbed of his fields with danger to himself. So that every day they continued to tighten the rein on the farmers and the despoiling takes place nearly every year. On the completion of the estimate of Father Andres upon the altera- tion of the interior of the church, the parish house, and the elevation of the steeple, the father provincial of the Recoletos took up the expense to be occasioned by the projected work, to the end that the funds of the hacienda should pay for the expense demanded by the estimate, the total of which reached the sum of $25,000. In the begin- ning the provincial inferred that the funds of the hacienda were under the control of the father in charge of the hacienda, and that therefore he could not dispose of them. In view of this answer he appealed to the father in charge of the hacienda, who also told the curate that under no conception could he make any expenditure without express authority of the four definers of the said corporation. Therefore Father Andres, as one of the definers, convoked his companionn to a meeting in the convent of the Recoletos in Manila, in order to discuss 276 CHURCH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. the matter. Upon the conclusion of the meeting they unanimously resolved to authorize the expenditure solicited by Father Andres, but there were debates when treating of the matter, and Father Andres relied on the argument that the entire hacienda belonged to the pueblo; that the church and the parish house also belonged to the pueblo, and that therefore the expense of the church should be borne by property of the pueblo, and so he was successful in his purpose. He also asked of the archbishop another sum for other expenses, which was granted; and two wealthy men of the pueblo, on their own part in response to the worth}^ actions of the curate, paid for the acquisition of the chan- deliers of the church, and the bells and hand bells which are now in the belfry. Father Gaudencio, the administrator, went out of office and was suc- ceeded by Father Valentin Apellaniz, his assistant being the lay brother Koman Cabellera. This priest had good principles, although young; he treated the farmers well, and permitted claims with the consent of the provincial. But his assistant was a miserable person, who only possessed the idea of charging for all the taxes. If any resident asked for the reduction for some manga trees which had died through old age or other reasons, he did not allow it, but compelled him to plant others to take their place without giving any reduction for the dead ones, and he also did the same with cane. The plunder- ing went on every year through some caprice of this layman. In the course of time there was a great increase in the taxes upon house sites and the hill lands, crops on the mountains, and land sown. This same layman directed the work on the dam of Pasong-castila, as the people recollect, the only one with license from superior authority, because in the archives of the court no other license is registered for the man}^ dams in the territory of Imus, and upon the completion of the work he considerably increased the pay for water for the crops of Alapan. In the year 1880 Father Andres Galdeano died, and was succeeded by Father Jose M. Learte, the same Father Valentin Apellanis being administrator, and his aid being the layman Roman Caballera. The blessed curate died without beginning the work on the floor of the church, because when he set out to commence the work he fell sick, was unable to recover from the illness, and expired. Father Valentin went to the parish the day succeeding his death and took out of the convent all the money which was in the chest of Father Andres, the sum reach- ing 138,000. According to persons close to the curate, of that sum only 132,000 belonged to him, $5,000 was for the expense of the tarima, and 11,000 funds of the church. Father Valentin took all to the hacienda house, and it is not known what was afterwards done with the money. According to statements Father Learte, the curate of Santa Cruz of Manila, learning of the death of Father Andres, endeavored to occupy the parish of Imus, while others say that they expelled him from Santa Cruz because they did not like his methods. However, no matter why he took his departure, the fact is that he was likewise not well suited to Imus, for after he had occupied the curacy one week he learned that the pueblo was not congenial to him nor he to the pueblo. This active hostility between the pueblo and the curate lasted for a long time, it being terminated by the revolution of 1896. This friar endeavored to retard progress. He compelled school teachers to educate the children in Tagalo, and if any father of a family sent his children to Manila to study that was enough to make him his enemy, and everj^ resident CHURCH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 277 who spoke a little Spanish, in his opinion, was a filibuster, and as time went on, in his opinion, the Ulibusters increased, because they progressed in the Spanish lang-uage. In the je^r 1883 the custom of kissing the hand of the curate disappeared entirely, and was a fatal blow to him. From that year he began to recruit filibusters, believ- ing, perhaps, that by this means he would bring about the people's return to their primitive condition of submission to the friars, and, not content with this, he likewise founded lodges of Masonrv (sic), very slightly known to the people, and, as he did not tire of preaching against Masonry, making it appear abominable, as he said, because it did not recognize any other God than their own criminal acts; then the ignor- ant people, anxious to know the facts thorough^, found someone to seek the truth in the capital, Manila, in the Orient lodge of the same. It was found to be entireh^ opposite to what the curate had stated, and that in the heart of Masonry reigned peace and concord, and its doctrine is to love God before all things and your neighbor as your- self, teaching and inculcating in the hearts of men equality and brotherhood, the doctrine which our Lord Jesus Christ taught his disciples. By virtue of this Masonic lodges soon appeared in different parts of the province of Cavite. He became terrified at the shadow of the name Mason as soon as he learned that there were Masons on every corner. From that time he could not rest easy; he sought a means of impeding the march of progress of Masonry and went out, always laughed at, with all his civil guard. Masonry was still unknown in this pueblo when the pueblos nearest to Manila celebrated the fiesta of General Despujol, and one of these was Imus. All of its head men appeared at Malacanang with the proper obsequiousness, presided over by the local chief of the same, and on their return they were threatened by the father in charge of the hacienda with a total confiscation of their lands, which was not carried out for reasons unknown. But all were branded filibusters by Curate Learte and the father in charge of the hacienda, Juan Herrero. From that time they sought means to eject or expel from the pueblo some of these head men and meanly descended to a deceitful piece of work; that is, pre- tending an uprising. They gave good money to some low people who were to be the actors in the drama that was to take place in this pueblo. But their diabolical intentions miscarried, because the pueblo became aware of the trick. The most active men took a great interest in dis- covering who were the persons hired to be actors in the said function, and encountering them they told the truth. The}^ said that they were actually paid b}^ the friars, and although they had received a certain sum, it was not with the intention of carrying out the agreement made with them, but only to take advantage of their liberality. That is, they would procure for them as much money as they could and never would do what they were ordered, because they knew that the entire public in mass would be upon them and that therefore they would derive no benefit from the money received; so that on two occasions when the pretended uprising was announced nothing particular hap- pened, notwithstanding that some head men of the pueblo, advised by a Spaniard, absented themselves and changed their residence to the province of Tarlac in order to avoid trouble with the curate and the friar in charge of the hacienda, and these were threatened with confis- cation b}^ the friar in charge of the hacienda. In order not to break the succession of those in charge of the hacienda, 278 CHURCH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. let US here state the names of those who preceded Father Juan Herrero and their deeds. Father Exequiei Moreno took the place of Father Valentin Apellanis, because the latter went to Bacoor as temporary curate of the same, and Father Moreno, although elected manager, in no wise interfered in the matters of the hacienda and left ever^^thing to the will of the lay brother, Roman Cabellera, because the managing friar can not witness collections with a tranquil conscience; so that one da}^ at the feast of St. John the Baptist, the head men being at the house of the hacienda, the manager invited one of the head men, in whom he had confidence, to a private conversation, and when they were alone, and after having concluded the necessary ceremonious formalities, they seated themselves, and the manager began: "I want to tell you that within a few days I leave here for the Recoleto Convent." " Father, I am sorry, and I shall deepl}" feel the departure of a manager as good as your reverence," replied the head man, ''and why do you have to go so soon? Is not this work as peaceful as a priest can hope for?" The manager replied: " You can speak well of this position and wish it as well as you may, for you do not understand it at bottom; this aside from the fact that men differ in feature the same as they do in char- acter, and my character is not one to discharge curacies nor manager- ships of haciendas, for my conscience will not allow it. A corner in the convent of the Recoletos is more agreeable to me than all the haciendas and curacies of the corporation." The head man could not utter a sound, because the reasons advanced seemed to him ver}^ strange, and he began to suspect that he was talking to a saint. The priest, noticing that his interlocutor had ceased to speak, arose from his seat and said that perhaps his companions would be impatient, and the two bade each other good-b3"e very courteously, the friar con- ducting him to the last step of the stairs and immediately moving off toward the Recoleto convent; but he did not last there either, for it is said that he was elected rector of a college in Monte Agudo, which place he left for another locality as bishop. Well did he deserve this last charge, for he was the true pastor! When this priest left the hacienda Father Victor, whose surname it is said was Ruiz, took his place, the same lay brother Roman remaining as assistant. This latter priest left the management and direction of things on the hacienda to the discretion of the assistant; nevertheless he is a strong defender of its interests, as is shown by a case which occurred with the local presidente at that time, which is as follows: The public treasury of Cavite, suspecting that the haciendas of San Juan, San Nicolas, and Muntinlupa suppressed the truth in the sworn statements pre- sented in that year as to net profits ^delded b}^ the said haciendas — at a time when the Government charged a certain percentage on the land tithe — the local chief of Imus ordered an immediate inquiry to be made in order to arrive at the truth, and without raising a hand the said chief in compliance with his duty enters upon the said inquiry as fol- lows: He published a notice in and outside of the town for all the resi- dents who paid anything in money or in products to the hacienda of San Juan to present themselves, requesting at the same time of the friar manager, through a courteous communication, a certified copy of the schedule or list of those paying tithes for a certain number of 3^ears, pursuant to the provisions of the said order, for the purpose of comparing them with the depositions appearing in the record. The friar manager becoming apprised of the communication and notice CHURCH LANDS 1^ PHILIPPIIS^E ISLANDS. 279 published for three consecutive nights, he appeared in the parish and beg-ged the parish priest, Learte, to kindly summon the local chief. The parish priest did this; and Don Bernardino Paredes, for the chief was so named, without saying a word to him, the parish priest goes into his room, leaving him alone with the manager, who, after a moment's wait, spoke and said, "Captain, if 3^ou don't change your mind it will cost you dearly." The poor captain was dumbfounded and somewhat perplexed over the first remark of the manager, but coming to himself he replied: " Father, be kind enough to elucidate and repeat what 3"ou have said, for in truth I do not understand what you wish to say to me." '* Well, this," said the manager, " have you not published a notice for three nights calling upon the residents to appear in the court and make depositions about ?" ''Yes, father, pursuant to an order from the Government." "Well, you are very much mistaken about your carr3dng out the order, and I repeat to you that it will cost you very dearh^ if you do not change 3^our mind. I will despoil 3^ou of your lands and will substitute the badge you carry with iron. If the Government has placed it on your chest, 1 will put it on your ankles," and he said a thousand other things to the poor captain which prudence will not allow to be repeated ; and lastl}^ the manager said: "If 3^ou do not change your mind by to-morrow morning at the first hour. I want to hear your answer from 3"our own lips and at the house of the hacienda," and he departed immediately leaving the captain alone, without being able to articulate a word. Soon afterwards the parish priest, Learte, emerges from his room and found him half stunned, and as soon as he saw the priest come out he excused himself and left with his baton of office dishonored by the despot manager, making his wa}^ to his house and locking him- self in his room alone, preoccupied with the drama he had just wit- nessed. About 10 o'clock at night the crestfallen captain left his room calling upon one of his agents to summon at once an ex-captain in whom he had full trust. The agent did so, and the ex-captain was much astonished at so untimely an invitation; nevertheless he dressed himself quickly and followed the agent, for he presupposed that a case of much importance must have arisen to be called upon at such an hour, and when he had reached the house the local chief came out to meet him, and after an exchange of courtesies conducted him to his office, causing him to take a seat at his side and afterwards addressing him, sa^dng that he had made bold to summon him at that hour because he could not himself reach a decision upon a case which had occurred a short time ago, and he told him all that had occurred with the manager as is set forth above, and consulting him as to what he should do in the premises. The ex-captain becoming apprised of what had occurred sighing: "So 3^ou have stood all these insults addressed to your authority with your baton of office in hand, when others Avould have broken the skull of the manager with the baton itself before suffering such insults to the prejudice of all authorities: but since it all happened thus, ma}" God grant you reward in His holy resignation, and I now counsel 3^ou not to pass the doors nor the threshhold of the hacienda, so as not suffer other insults, worse, perhaps, than the last, and verv early to-morrow morning go to the governor and tell him everything that has occurred to you with the manager, showing him the order of the government, and in view of it, request him to kindly solve the problem of the friar manaofer. At the same time ask him if there will be no 280 CHURCH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. objection to his acting as your second in a duel you desire to have with the manager, because 3"our honor and your conscience can not allow an offense to pass without complete satisfaction, and that you will inevitably call out the manager." On the following morning the captain went to Cavite, as did also the manager, and it was subsequently learned that a- settlement was reached and the record was pigeon- holed. This manager a few daj^s later departed for the Visayas as a curate, as rumor has it, and he was replaced by Father Juan Herrero, whose deeds Ave have already recorded hereinbefore. DECREE. In the archbishop's palace of Manila, the 20th day of October, 1795, the Most Illustrious and Most Reverend Senor Don Friar Juan Antonio de Ordigo or Oudigo y Gallego, most worthy metropolitan archbishop of these Philippine Islands of the Council of H. M. , etc. Having seen this book on European paper presented by the Most Reverend Friar Francisco de Santiago of the sacred order of uncalced Augustinians, the curate recently elected of the pueblo and hacienda of Imus, separated from Old Cavite, petitioning and praying your excellency to be pleased to order that in this book the records of bap- tisms be kept that take place in this pueblo. That he ought to order and did order that it should be done in this book, which consists of 190 pages. RECORDS. On the 27th day of the month of August, 1800, I, Friar Manuel de San Miguel, regularly constituted temporar}^ curate of this church of Nuestra Senora de Pilar, of the pueblo and hacienda of Imus, solemnly baptize my child, seventeen days of age, etc. On the 19th of the month of February, 1797, 1, Friar Alonso de Jubera de la Concepcion, regular curate of this pueblo and the hacienda of Imus, etc. On the 19th of the month of January, 1796, I, Friar Francisco de Santiago, curate of this hacienda and pueblo of Nuestra Senora de Pilar, etc. On the 21:th of May, 1806, I, Friar Mariano de San Miguel, regular curate of the pueblo and hacienda of Imus, etc. On the 5th day of August, of the year 1819, 1, Friar Manuel de San Miguel, regular curate of this church of Nuestra Senora de Pilar, of the pueblo and hacienda of Imus. etc. Note. — The subscriber declares that he knows the person who has written the present resume, who is a resident and head man of the pueblo of Imus. It ought to be added that in the archives there ought to be facts upon this matter. Felipe G. Calderon. Manila, Novemler 19, 1900. In addition to the foregoing, the commissioner, to whom was assigned the subject of the friars, examined, when no stenographer was present. Father W. D. McKinnon and Father Edw. H. Fitzger- ald, both of the Roman Catholic Church, who are army chaplains,. CHURCH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 281 and who have been stationed in various parts of the islands and have mingled a great deal with the natives. From their knowledge of Spanish they have been able to gather a great deal of interesting and reliable information. They both stated without qualification that the friars were exceeding!}^ unpopular with the masses of the people, and that the feeling was not confined to a few persons or to the native priests. They both thought it would be a mistake to attempt to send back the friars to their parishes. A similar conversation was had with Maj. W. H. Johnston, of the Fort3-sixth Infantry and inspector-general of one of the districts in Southern Luzon, who was a Roman Catholic and who has given special attention, when stationed in one of the parishes, to church matters. He states without qualification that a return of the friars to the par- ishes would be a great mistake; that the enmit}^ against them is felt deeply among the masses of the people, and that he has so reported to Archbishop Chapelle. Many other army officers and newspaper correspondents were con suited, and the statement in each instance was the same as that given above. Wm. H. Taft. ANSWERS. 1. Sixteen years. 2. In five provinces: Antique, Capiz, Iloilo, Cebu, and Manila. 3. I have lived in constant contact with them, being intimate with them, eating with them, plaving with them. 4. More than 200. 5. Nine-tenths of them belong to the laboring class, and this is the general rule. In order to escape conscription or military service and to secure a living for their indigent families manv — the majority' — affiliated themselves with the Philippine missions, for the regular par- ish priests have the authority of their prelates to transmit to their fam- ilies every year a certain sum. This was a bait which attracted man}^ poor men to the cloisters. 6. Talisa}^ (Cebu), Talamban and Minglanilla (do), Salitran, Vaic, Bacoor, Dasmariiias, Ymus, Liang, Buena Vista, Salinas, San Fran- cisco de Malabon, Malinta, Mandaloyon, Guadalupe, Pasa}^ Calamba, Tunasan, Santa Kosa, Montinlupa, Binan, Santa Cruz, Malabon, Los Banos, Tulisay, Santo Tomas, Cabm^ao, Pandi, Bocani, Marilao, San- tol, Orion, Baligo, Lolombo}^, Marigondong, Ternate, San Juan, and other places in Luzon. City real estate covering one-half of the walled city. Half a million of souls, the same of acres, and a million of pesos income, approximately. 7 and 8. The heads of the government and of the church generally covered up each others' sins, and took no single step without counting on the acquiescence of the other; the parish priests serving as bailifi's and policemen, more or less dissemblingly in the pueblos, but perform- ing their duties very poorly, because they brought their personal inter- ests ever into play. 9. They changed according to districts, evading the schedule of fees with futile pretexts of ancient customs which were against it. The marriage fees, which should not be charged to the laboring class, they were not exempted from, and were the cause of innumerable cases of 282 CHURCH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. public concubinage, for the fees were equal to the wages for twenty da3^s in the field and the poor could not afford the sacrifice. I have known thousands of cases of the kind in the poor pueblos. 10. Let the civil commission read what is said in the fourth part of the " Defensa del Clero Filipino" (Defense of the Filipino Clergy), ''The Friars Judged by Two Bishops, and Comments," and multiply b}^ ten what is set forth therein, for the bishops from their palaces can barely know one-third of the immoralities committed by the friars free and loose in the pueblos. If the commission is not endeavoring to deceive the Filipinos with these interrogatories, let it read those docu- ments and the memorial of Anda y Salizar, published by Senor Pardo Tavera. Nine-tenths of the friar parish priests leave progeny in their pueb- los, and in each pueblo there exists a nucleus of families related to the friars, of good social position and favored by the latter, and these are the ones who sigh and ask for the return of their natural protectors. The latter, in order to endow and maintain them in position, have had to oppress the people with a thousand rapacities under pretext of reli- gion, custom, and piet3^ Let the commission go to the pueblo of Dumangas; there is Fray. Burillo with 6 children; in Passi, Fray. Brabo, with 4; in Pototan, Fray. Ambrinos, with 3; in Duenas, Fray. Gallo, with 1; in Dingle and Janicea}^, Fray. Llorente, with 7; in Oton, Fray. Yloz (Diego), with 8: Fray. Joaquin Fernandez, with 3; in Sara, Fray. Paulino, with 4; in Bugason, Fray Manuel Arencio, with 6; in Dao (Antique), Fray. Bamba, with 8; in Guagua, Fray. Brabo (Antonio), with 3; in Lubao, Fray. Munoz, with 2; in Bataan, Fray. Marcilla, with 10; in Binondo and Pandacan, Archbishop Payo, with 4; and so on in the four bodies which serve the parishes. As they take the vows at the age of 16, before they know what marriage is or what it is for, when they later go out into the world, they open their eyes, they make up for lost time, having money and opportunity. 11. Their bad life, their exactions with the poor to meet the calls of an ostentatious life fashioned after the European, and to sustain their spurious families. Moreover, that ruinous idea of wishing to rule in the pueblos, putting their influence into pla}^ to accomplish it. This hostility is only against the four corporations which have administered the curacies; the others, devoted to education or lately arrived here, are not hated because they have not injured the coun- try in any wa}^ 12. Undoubtedly. And let the commission inform itself of those deported from Malolos, Pampanga, Antique, Iloilo — the Hilarios, Tiburcios, Lacsamenes, Britanicos, Abanas, Adriaticos, Manzanillas, Advinculas, Francos, etc., and other families known in the provinces. 13. As their life is frugal and simple and the}^ live in their native climate, they lack the great incentives to lust which burns up the European celibates, and consequentl}^ thej^ are more moral. 14. Lege textos: Let the commission read the "Defensa del Clero Filipino" and the supplemental work thereto which is now in the press. 15. I predict ill, because the wound is recent. Within twelve 3^ears they might return, but thoroughly reformed, and after man}^ fasts, so that lust may not dominate them anew. 16. I predict well, if the archbishop does not become wedded to the friars, as Mons. Chapelle has already done, who has gone over to them body and soul, and, rather than confer the honors of introducer upon a Filipino clergyman, he has conferred them upon a Spanish layman CHURCH LANDS IN PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 283 disguised as a priest, who up to a short time ago was a shopkeeper. If the archbishop will uphold the interests of the secular clergy uncon- ditionally, let him come and he will be well received; if not, he will not be, even though he perform miracles. 17. That is not the old traditional form which was simpler and suffi- cient. It would be sufficient to put it into force again and the Catho- lic people would be satisfied. 18. tVorse still, for the European spends three times as much as the frugal native clergyman, and not having a salary will take money from God knows where or how, being more inexorable with the poor than formerly. Through Christian economy they ought not to return to the curacies. The same thing will happen as in China, where many European Catholic missionaries lacking resources go into business secretly. 19. Such a solution would have a ver}^ good efiect. since half a mil- lion Filipinos who are now colonists will become proprietors. If the civil commission is acting in good faith, let it recur to those colonist pueblos, requesting details as to how the corporations have gone on increasing their land holdings, and it will unearth curious and most scandalous histories. I do not go to greater length, because I judge that the commission has already formed its plan of government which it will carry into execution without reference to the information laid before it. Such is the opinion of the public, which is gaining ground. Hermenegildo J. Torres. Manila, Septemler 10, 1900. Office of the Military Governor, Island of Negros, Bacolod, November 22, 1900. The Secretary U. S. Philippine Commission, Manila, P. I. Sir: I am informed by the civil governor of this island that there is much opposition in Negros to the return of the friars, and that there is now being prepared a petition to the commission asking that they be not allowed to return there. He informs me that it will in all probability be signed by the officials of all the towns, as well as by almost all property holders in the island. As this is a matter that is not quite in the scope of^ my authority in Kegros. and as the people seem to be very much interested in the matter, I have the honor to request to be informed if there is any objection to such a petition being forwarded, in view of the general understanding by the people that the commission is desirous of look- ing into all matters of interest to the native population. Verv respectfull}^, C. W. Miner, Colonel Sixth Infantry, Military Governor of Negros. Writer notified that there is no objection whatever to such a petition being forwarded here, and that when received it will have the full consideration of the commission. December 1, 1900. O