Class Book _- GcpightN°_ CUKRIGiiT DEPOSIT. ORIGINAL NARRATIVES OF EARLY AMERICAN HISTORY REPRODUCED UNDER THE AUSPICES OF THE AMERICAN HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION General Editor, J. FRANKLIN JAMESON, Ph.D., LL.D. DIRECTOR OF THE DEPARTMENT OF HISTORICAL RESEARCH IN THE CARNEGIE INSTITUTION OF WASHINGTON SPANISH EXPLORERS IN THE SOUTHERN UNITED STATES 1528 — 1543 »j5 «Ju ORIGINAL NARRATIVES OF EARLY AMERICAN HISTORY SPANISH EXPLORERS IN THE SOUTHERN UNITED STATES 1528 — 1543 THE NARRATIVE OF ALVAR NUNEZ CABECA DE VACA EDITED BY FREDERICK W. HODGE OF THE BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY THE NARRATIVE OF THE EXPEDITION OF HERNANDO DE SOTO BY THE GENTLEMAN OF ELVAS EDITED BY THEODORE H. LEWIS HONORARY MEMBER OF THE MISSISSIPPI HISTORICAL SOCIETY THE NARRATIVE OF THE EXPEDITION OF CORONADO, BY PEDRO DE CASTANEDA EDITED BY FREDERICK W. HODGE WITH MAPS AND A FACSIMILE REPRODUCTION CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS NEWYORK- - - - - - 1907 Si*" LIBRARY of CONGRF.": Two Copies Received MAR IS 1907 Cooyrisht Entry COPYRIGHT, 1907, BY CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS Published, February, 1907 NOTE Although, in the narrative of the Gentleman of Elvas, the translation by Buckingham Smith has been followed, some cor- rections have been made in the text, and pains have been taken to set right, in accordance with the Portuguese original at the Lenox Library, the native proper names, on whose interpretation in the Indian languages the identification of localities in many cases depends. If variations from page to page in the spelling of some such names are observed by the reader, they may be assumed to exist in the original. The three narratives printed in this book are but a small selection from among many scores ; for the narratives of Spanish explorers in the southern United States constitute an extensive literature. But if interest and historical importance are both taken into account, it is believed that these three hold an undis- puted preeminence among such "relations." J. F. J. CONTENTS THE NARRATIVE OF ALVAR NUNEZ CABEgA DE VAC A Edited by Frederick W. Hodge page The Narrative of Alvar Nunez Cabeca de Vaca ... 1 Introduction 3 Proem 12 In which is told when the Armada sailed; and of the Officers and Persons who went in it . . . .14 The Coming of the Governor to the Port of Xagua and with a Pilot 18 Our Arrival in Florida 19 Our Entrance into the Country 20 The Governor leaves the Ships 24 Our Arrival at Apalache 28 The Character of the Country 29 We go from Aute 33 We leave the Bay of Horses 37 The Assault from the Indians 40 Of what befell Lope de Oviedo with the Indians . . 44 The Indians bring us Food 45 We hear of other Christians 48 The Departure of four Christians . . . . .49 What befell us among the People of Malhado . . 52 The Christians leave the Island of Malhado . . 55 The Coming of Indians with Andres Dorantes, Castillo, and Estevanico 59 The Story Figueroa recounted from Esquivel . . .63 Extract from the Letter of the Survivors ... 68 Our Separation by the Indians . . . . .70 Of our Escape . . . • 72 Our Cure of some of the Afflicted .... 74 The Coming of other Sick to us the next Day . . 76 Of our Departure after having eaten the Dogs . . 82 Customs of the Indians of that Country ... 83 Vigilance of the Indians in War 85 Of the Nations and Tongues 86 \ x Chapter 1. .Chapter f Chapter 2. 3. ' Chapter 4. Chapter 5. Chapter 6. Chapter 7. Chapter 8. Chapter 9. Chapter 10. Chapter 11. Chapter 12. Chapter 13. Chapter 14. Chapter 15. Chapter 16. Chapter 17. Chapter 18. Chapter 19. Chapter 20. Chapter 21. Chapter 22. Chapter 23. Chapter 24. Chapter 25. Chapter 26. CONTENTS Chapter 27. We moved away and were well received Chapter 28. Of another strange Custom Chapter 29. The Indians plunder each other Chapter 30. The Fashion of receiving us changes Chapter 31. Of our taking the Way to the Maize Chapter 32. The Indians give us the Hearts of Deer Chapter 33. We see Traces of Christians . Chapter 34. Of sending for the Christians Chapter 35. The Chief Alcalde receives us kindly arrive ...... Chapter 36. Of building Churches in that Land Chapter 37. Of what occurred when I wished to return Chapter 38. Of what became of the Others who went to Indias the Night we PAGE 88 91 94 99 105 108 112 113 116 119 121 123 THE NARRATIVE OF THE EXPEDITION OF HERNANDO DE SOTO, BY THE GENTLEMAN OF ELVAS Edited by Theodore H. Lewis The Narrative of the Expedition of Hernando de Soto, by the Gentleman of Ei/vas 127 Introduction 129 Epigram of Silveira 133 Prefatory Note by the Printer 134 Chapter 1. Who Soto was, and how he came to get the Govern- ment of Florida 135 Chapter 2. How Cabeca de Vaca arrived at Court, and gave Account of the Country of Florida ; and of the Persons who assembled at Seville to accompany Don Hernando de Soto 136 Chapter 3. How the Portuguese went to Seville, and thence to Sanlucar ; and how the Captains were appointed over the Ships, and the People distributed among them . 138 Chapter 4. How the Adelantado with his People left Spain, going to the Canary Islands, and afterward arrived in the Antillas 139 Chapter 5. Of the Inhabitants there are in the City of Santiago and other Towns of the Island, the Character of the Soil, and of the Fruit 140 Chapter 6. How the Governor sent Dona Ysabel with the Ships from Santiago to Havana, while he with some of the Men went thither by land 142 Chapter 7. How we left Havana and came to Florida, and what other Matters took place 145 CONTENTS PAGE Chapter 8. Of some Inroads that were made, and how a Christian was found who had been a long time in the posses- sion of a Cacique 148 Chapter 9. How the Christian came to the Land of Florida, who he was, and of what passed at his Interview with the Governor 149 Chapter 10. How the Governor, having sent the Ships to Cuba, marched Inland, leaving one hundred Men at the Port 153 Chapter 11. How the Governor arrived at Caliquen, and thence, taking the Cacique with him, came to Napetaca, where the Indians, attempting to rescue him, had many of their Number killed and captured . . 156 Chapter 12. How the Governor arrived at Palache, and was informed that there was much Gold inland .... 160 Chapter 13. How the Governor went from Apalache in quest of Yupaha, and what befell him 164 Chapter 14. How the Governor left the Province of Patofa, march- ing into a Desert Country, where he, with his People, became exposed to great Peril, and underwent severe Privation 169 Chapter 15. How the Governor went from Cutifachiqui in quest of Coca, and what occurred to him on the Journey . 175 Chapter 16. How the Governor left Chiaha, and, having run a Hazard of falling by the Hands of the Indians at Acoste, escaped by his Address: what occurred to him on the Route, and how he came to Coca . 181 Chapter 17. Of how the Governor went from Coca to Tascaluca . 185 Chapter 18. How the Indians rose upon the Governor, and what followed upon that Rising 190 Chapter 19. How the Governor set his Men in order of Battle, and entered the town of Mauilla . ... . . 192 Chapter 20. How the Governor set out from Mauilla to go to Chi- caca, and what befell him 194 Chapter 21. How the Indians returned to attack the Christians, and how the Governor went to Alimamu, and they tarried to give him Battle in the Way 199 Chapter 22. How the Governor went from Quizquiz, and thence to the River Grande 201 Chapter 23. How the Governor went from Aquixo to Casqui, and thence to Pacaha ; and how this Country differs from the other 205 Chapter 24. How the Cacique of Pacaha came in Peace, and he of Casqui, having absented himself, returned to excuse his Conduct; and how the Governor made Friend- ship between the Chiefs 209 CONTENTS PAGE Chapter 25. How the Governor went from Pacaha to Aquiguate and to Coligoa, and came to Cayas 213 Chapter 26. How the Governor went to visit the Province of Tulla, and what happened to him 217 Chapter 27. How the Governor went from Tulla to Autiarnque, where he passed the Winter 221 Chapter 28. How the Governor went from Autiamque to Nilco, and thence to Guachoya 224 Chapter 29. The Message sent to Quigaltam, and the Answer brought back to the Governor, and what occurred the while . 228 Chapter 30. The Death of the Adelantado, Don Hernando de Soto, and how Luys Moscoso de Alvarado was chosen Gov- ernor 232 Chapter 31. How the Governor Luys de Moscoso left Guachoya and went to Chaguete, and thence to Aguacay . . 235 Chapter 32. How the Governor went from Aguacay to Naguatex, and what happened to him 238 Chapter 33. How the Cacique of Naguatex came to visit the Gov- ernor, and how the Governor went thence, and arrived at Nondacao 240 Chapter 34. How the Governor marched from Nondacao to Soacatino and Guasco, passing through a Wilderness, whence, for want of a Guide and Interpreter, he retired to Nilco 243 Chapter 35. How the Christians returned to Nilco, and thence went to Minoya, where they prepared to build Vessels in which to leave Florida 246 Chapter 36. How Seven Brigantines were built, and the Christians took their Departure from Aminoya .... 250 Chapter 37. How the Christians, on their Voyage, were attacked in the River, by the Indians of Quigualtam, and what happened 254 Chapter 38. How the Christians were Pursued by the Indians . 257 Chapter 39. How the Christians came to the Sea, what occurred then, and what befell them on the Voyage . . 259 Chapter 40. How the Brigantines lost Sight of each other in a Storm, and afterwards came together at a Kay . 262 Chapter 41. How the Christians arrived at the River Panico . . 264 Chapter 42. How the Christians came to Panico, and of their Recep- tion by the Inhabitants 266 Chapter 43. The Favor the People found in the Viceroy and Resi- dents of Mexico 268 Chapter 44. Which sets forth some of the Diversities and Peculiari- ties of Florida ; and the Fruit, Birds, and Beasts of the Country 270 CONTENTS XI THE NARRATIVE OF THE EXPEDITION OF CORONADO, BY PEDRO DE CASTANEDA Edited by Frederick W. Hodge PAGE The Narrative of the Expedition of Coronado, by Pedro de Castaneda 273 Introduction . ' 275 Preface 281 FIRST PART Chapter 1. Which treats of the Way we first came to know about the Seven Cities, and of how Nufio de Guzman made an Expedition to discover them 285 Chapter 2. Of how Francisco Vazquez Coronado came to be Gov- ernor, and the second Account which Cabeza de Vaca gave 287 Chapter 3. Of how they killed the Negro Estevan at Cibola, and Friar Marcos returned in Flight .... 289 Chapter 4. Of how the noble Don Antonio de Mendoza made an Expedition to discover Cibola 290 Chapter 5. Concerning the Captains who went to Cibola . . 292 Chapter 6. Of how all the Companies collected in Compostela and set off on the Journey in good Order . . . 293 Chapter 7. Of how the Army reached Chiametla, and the Killing of the Army-Master, and the other things that hap- pened up to the Arrival at Culiacan .... 295 Chapter 8. Of how the Army entered the Town of Culiacan and the Reception it received, and other things which happened before the Departure .... 297 Chapter 9. Of how the Army started from Culiacan and the Arrival of the General at Cibola, and of the Army at Sefiora and of other things that happened .... 298 Chapter 10. Of how the Army started from the Town of Sefiora, leaving it inhabited, and how it reached Cibola, and of what happened to Captain Melchior Diaz on his Expedition in Search of the Ships and how he dis- covered the Tison (Firebrand) River . . . 302 Chapter 11. Of how Don Pedro de Tovar discovered Tusayan or Tutahaco and Don Garcia Lopez de Cardenas saw the Firebrand River, and the other things that had happened 306 Chapter 12. Of how people came from Cicuye to Cibola to see the Christians, and how Hernando de Alvarado went to see the Cows 310 CONTENTS Chapter 13. Of how the General went toward Tutahaco with a few Men and left the Army with Don Tristan, who took it to Tiguex . 313 Chapter 14. Of how the Army went from Cibola to Tiguex and what happened to them on the way, on account of the Snow * 315 Chapter 15. Of why Tiguex revolted, and how they were punished, without being to Blame for it 317 Chapter 16. Of how they besieged Tiguex and took it and of what happened during the Siege 320 Chapter 17. Of how Messengers reached the Army from the Valley of Sefiora, and how Captain Melchior Diaz died on the Expedition to the Firebrand River . . . 324 Chapter 18. Of how the General managed to leave the Country in Peace so as to go in Search of Quivira, where the Turk said there was the most Wealth . . . 327 Chapter 19. Of how they started in Search of Quivira and of what happened on the Way 329 Chapter 20. Of how great Stones fell in the Camp, and how they discovered another Ravine, where the Army was divided into two Parts 333 Chapter 21. Of how the Army returned to Tiguex and the General reached Quivira 335 Chapter 22. Of how the General returned from Quivira and of other Expeditions toward the North 339 SECOND PART Which treats of the High Villages and Provinces and of their Habits and Customs, as collected by Pedro de Castaneda, Native of the City of Najara Chapter 1. Of the Province of Culiacan and of its Habits and Customs ■ . . 344 Chapter 2. Of the Province of Petlatlan and all the Inhabited Country as far as Chichilticalli 346 Chapter 3. Of Chichilticalli and the Desert, of Cibola, its Customs and Habits, and of other things 349 Chapter 4. Of how they live at Tiguex, and of the Province of Tiguex and its Neighborhood 352 Chapter 5. Of Cicuye and the Villages in its Neighborhood, and of how some People came to conquer this Country . . 355 Chapter 6. Which gives the Number of Villages which were seen in the Country of the Terraced Houses, and their Popu- lation 358 CONTENTS xiii PAGE Chapter 7. Which treats of the Plains that were crossed, of the Cows, and of the People who inhabit them . . . 361 Chapter 8. Of Quivira, of where it is and some Information about it 364 THIRD PART Which describes what happened to Francisco Vazquez coronado during the wlnter, and how he gave up the Expedition and returned to New Spain Chapter 1. Of how Don Pedro de Tovar came from Senora with some Men, and Don Garcia Lopez de Cardenas started back to New Spain 366 Chapter 2. Of the General's Fall, and of how the Return to New Spain was ordered 368 Chapter 3. Of the Rebellion at Suya and the Reasons the Settlers gave for it 370 Chapter 4. Of how Friar Juan de Padilla and Friar Luis remained in the Country and the Army prepared to return to Mexico 372 Chapter 5. Of how the Army left the Settlements and marched to Culiacan, and of what happened on the Way . . 375 Chapter 6. Of how the General started from Culiacan to give the Viceroy an Account of the Army with which he had been intrusted 377 Chapter 7. Of the Adventures of Captain Juan Gallego while he was bringing Reinforcements through the Revolted Country 379 Chapter 8. Which describes some remarkable things that were seen on the Plains, with a Description of the Bulls . . 381 Chapter 9. Which treats of the Direction which the Army took, and of how another more direct Way might be found, if anyone was to return to that Country .... 384 MAPS AND FACSIMILE REPRODUCTION Facsimile of the Title- Page of Cabeca de Vaca's " Rela- cion." From a copy of the first edition (Zamora, 1542) in the New York Public Library (Lenox Building) . . . Frontispiece PAGE A Contemporaneous Map of the Area of De Soto's Wan- derings. Apparently made by one of his followers. From the Archives of the Indies at Seville. First published in and now reproduced from Harrisse's Discovery of North America . . . 132 Map of Coronado's Expedition. Specially drawn for this volume under the supervision of Frederick W. Hodge .... 280 THE NARRATIVE OF ALVAR NUNEZ CABEZA DE VACA INTRODUCTION In some respects the journey of Alvar Nunez Cabeza de Vaca and his three companions overland from coast to coast during the eight years from 1528 to 1536 is the most remark- able in the record of American exploration, and as a narra- tive of suffering and privation the relation here presented perhaps has no equal in the annals of the northern continent. The author of the narrative was a native of Jerez de la Frontera, in the province of Cadiz, in southern Spain, but the date of his birth is not known. His father was Francisco de Vera, son of Pedro de Vera, conqueror of the Grand Canary in 1483 ; his mother, Teresa Cabeza de Vaca, who also was born in Jerez. Why Alvar Nunez assumed the matronymic is not known, unless it was with a sense of pride that he desired to perpetuate the name that had been bestowed by the King of Navarre on his maternal ancestor, a shepherd named Martin Alhaja, for guiding the army through a pass that he marked with the skull of a cow (cabeza de vaca, literally " cow's head"), thus leading the Spanish army to success in the battle of Las Navas de Tolosa, in July, 1212, which led up to the final conquest of the Moors in Spain. Having returned to Spain after many years of service in the New World for the Crown, Pamfilo de Narvaez petitioned for a grant ; and in consequence the right to conquer and colo- nize the country between the Rio de las Palmas, in eastern Mexico, and Florida was accorded him. The expedition, con- sisting of six hundred colonists and soldiers, set sail in five vessels from San Lucar de Barrameda, June 17, 1527, and after various vicissitudes, including the wreck of two ships and the 4 SPANISH EXPLORERS loss of sixty men in a hurricane on the southern coast of Cuba, was finally driven northward by storm, and landed, in April, 1528, at St. Clements Point, near the entrance to Tampa Bay, on the west coast of Florida. Despite the protest of Cabeza de Vaca, who had been appointed treasurer of Rio de las Pal- mas by the King, Narvaez ordered his ships to skirt the coast in an endeavor to find Panuco, while the expedition, now re- duced to three hundred men by desertions in Santo Domingo, death in the Cuban storm, and the return of those in charge of the ships, started inland in a generally northern course. The fleet searched for the expedition for a year and then sailed to Mexico. Among the members of the force, in addition to Alvar Nunez Cabeza de Vaca, were Andres Dorantes de Carranga, son of Pablo, a native of Bejar del Castanar, in Estremadura, who had received a commission as captain of infantry on the recommendation of Don Alvaro de Zuniga, Duke of Bejar; Captain Alonzo del Castillo Maldonado, of Salamanca, the son of Doctor Castillo and Aldonza Maldonado ; and Estevan, or Estevanico, a blackamoor of Asemmur, or Azamor, on the west coast of Morocco, the slave of Dorantes. With the ex- ception of those who returned with the ships, these four men were the only ones of the entire expedition who ever again entered a civilized community. Pursuing a generally northerly course, harassed by Ind- ians, and beset with hunger, illness, and treachery in their ranks, Narvaez 's party finally reached the head of Appa- lachee Bay, in the country of the Indians after whom this arm of the Gulf of Mexico takes its name. Looking now to the sea as his only means of escape, Narvaez the incompetent, with neither the proper materials nor the mechanics, set about to build boats to conduct his men out of their trap — craft that were expected to weather such tropical storms as they had already so poorly buffeted with their stouter ships. Every INTKODUCTION 5 object of metal that the expedition afforded, even to stirrups and spurs, was requisitioned for the manufacture of nails and necessary tools ; a rude forge was constructed, with bellows of wood and deer-skins; the native palm supplied tow and cov- ering; the horses were killed and their hides used for water- bottles, while their flesh served the Spaniards for food as the work went on ; even the shirts from the very backs of the men were fashioned into sails. Picturing the character of the five boats, laden almost to the gunwales with nearly fifty men each, besides such provisions as could be stowed away, and the untold hardship from thirst after the decay of the horse- hide canteens, the chief wonder is that the motley fleet sur- vived long enough to reach Pensacola Bay. As it passed the mouth of the Mississippi, the current was so swift that fresh water was dipped from the gulf, and the wind so strong that the boats were carried beyond sight of land for three days, and for a time lost sight of each other. For four days more, two of the boats, including that in which was Cabeza de Vaca, drifted within view of each other; but another storm arose, again they were lost to sight, and one by one the occupants succumbed to exhaustion and cast themselves into the bot- tom of the boat, until Cabeza de Vaca alone was left to steer the flimsy craft in its unknown course. Night came on and the author of our narrative lay down to rest. The next morn- ing, November 6, 1528, the boat was cast ashore on a long narrow island, inhabited by savages, on the Texas coast. On this " Island of Misfortune" Cabeza de Vaca's party was soon joined by that of one of the other boats, including Dorantes, so that altogether the island harbored about eighty Spaniards. Four men later attempted to reach Panuco, but all perished but one. During the following winter disease raged among the little colony, reducing it to fifteen. Then the Spaniards became separated, Dorantes and his slave Est e van, now both the slaves of the Indians, were taken to 6 SPANISH EXPLORERS the mainland, whither Cabeza de Vaca, weary of root-digging on the island shore, also escaped, becoming a trader among the Indians, journeying far inland and along the coast from tribe to tribe, for forty or fifty leagues. Every year during the five years that he plied his trade as a dealer in shells, sea- beads, medicine-beans, skins, ochre, and the like, he returned to Malhado, where Lope de Oviedo, and Alvarez, a sick com- panion, still remained. Finally the latter died, and Cabeza de Vaca and Oviedo again sought the main in the hope of reach- ing Christian people. Journeying southward along the coast, they crossed the Brazos and other rivers, and finally reached San Antonio Bay. Here Oviedo, owing to ill-treatment by the Indians, deserted Cabeza de Vaca, who shortly after also stole away from the savages and joined Dorantes, Castillo Maldonado, and the Moor (the sole survivors of the party of twelve who had left Malhado years before), whose Indian masters had come down the river, evidently the San Antonio, to gather walnuts. Once more together, the Christians planned to escape six months hence, when all the Indians from the surrounding country gathered on the southern Texas plains to eat prickly pears. But again were they doomed to disappointment, for although the savages assembled in the tuna fields, a quarrel arose among them (there was "a woman in the case"), which caused the Spaniards to be separated for another year. Their escape was finally accomplished in the manner they had planned ; but their departure for the Christian land was not at once effected, by reason of the inhospitable character of the country, which compelled them to sojourn among other Indians until the beginning of another prickly-pear season. While among the Avavares, with whom the Spaniards lived for eight months, they resumed the treatment of the sick, a prac- tice that had first been forced on them, by the natives oi- Malhado Island, under threat of starvation. With such success did the INTRODUCTION 7 Spaniards, and especially Cabeza de Vaca, meet, that their reputation as healers was sounded far and wide among the tribes, thousands of the natives following them from place to place and showering gifts upon them. There are few Spanish narratives that are more unsatis- factory to deal with by reason of the lack of directions, dis- tances, and other details, than that of Cabeza de Vaca ; con- sequently there are scarcely two students of the route who agree. His line of travel through Texas was twice crossed by later explorers, — in 1541 by the army of Francisco Vazquez Coronado, on the eastern edge of the Stake Plains, and again in 1582 by Antonio de Espejo, on the Rio Grande below the present El Paso. These data, with the clews afforded by the narrative itself, point strongly to a course from the tuna fields, about thirty leagues inland from San Antonio Bay, to the Rio Colorado and perhaps to the Rio Llano, westward across the lower Pecos to the Rio Grande above the junction of the Con- chos, thence in an approximately straight line across Chihua- hua and Sonora to the Rio Sonora, where we find Cabeza de Vaca's Village of the Hearts, which Coronado also visited in 1540, at or in the vicinity of the present Ures. Soon after he reached this point traces of the first Christians were seen, and shortly after the Spaniards themselves, in the form of a military body of slave-hunters. As to the character of our chronicler, he seems to have been an honest, modest, and humane man, who underestimated rather than exaggerated the many strange things that came under his notice, if we except the account of his marvellous healings, even to the revival of the dead. The expedition of Narvaez was in itself a disastrous and dismal failure, reaching "an end alike forlorn and fatal"; but viewed from the standpoint of present-day civilization, the commander deserved his fate. On the other hand, while one might well hesitate to say that the accomplishment of Cabeza de Vaca and his three 8 SPANISH EXPLOEEES companions compensated their untold sufferings, the world eventually became the wiser in more ways than one. The northern continent had been penetrated from shore to shore ; the waters of the Mississippi and the bison of the plains were now first seen by white men ; and some knowledge of the sav- age tribes had been gleaned for the benefit of those who should come after. There is no blatant announcement of great min- eral wealth — a mountain with scoria of iron, some small bags of mica, a quantity of galena, with which the Indians painted their faces, a little turquoise, a few emeralds, and a small cop- per bell were all. Yet the effect of the remarkable overland journey was to inspire the expedition of Coronado in 1540; and it is not improbable that De Soto, who endeavored to enlist the services of Cabeza de Vaca, may likewise have been stimulated to action. After the three Spaniards returned to Mexico they united in a report to the Audiencia of Espafiola (Santo Domingo), which is printed in Oviedo's Historia General y Natural de las Indias (tomo III., lib. xxxv., ed. 1853). In April, 1537, they embarked for Spain, but the ship in which Dorantes set sail proved to be unsea worthy and returned to Vera Cruz. Invited to the capital by the Viceroy Mendoza, Dorantes was tendered a commission to explore the northern country, but this project was never carried out. Cabeza de Vaca, in reward for his services, was appointed governor, captain-general, and adelantado of the provinces of Rio de la Plata. Sailing from Cadiz in November, 1540, he reached Brazil in March of the following year. Here he re- mained seven months, when he sent his vessels ahead to Bue- nos Ayres and started overland to Asuncion, which he reached in March, 1542, after a remarkable experience in the tropical forests. But the province seems to have needed a man of sterner stuff than Alvar Nunez, for he soon became the sub- ject of animosity and intrigue, which finally resulted in open INTRODUCTION 9 rebellion, and his arrest in April, 1543. He was kept under close guard for about two years, when he was sent to Spain, and in 1551 was sentenced to banishment in Africa for eight years — a judgment that does not seem to have been carried out, for after serving probably a year or so in mild captivity at Seville, he was acquitted. He died in 1557. Of the subsequent career of Castillo little is known. He returned to New Spain, became a citizen of the City of Mexico, married a widow, and was granted half the rents of the Indian town of Tehuacan. Dorantes, as has been stated, for some reason did not carry out the plan of exploring the north, perhaps because of the projected expedition of Coronado, the way for which was led by Fray Marcos de Niza in 1539 with the negro Estevan as a guide. Dorantes served Mendoza in the conquest of Jalisco, and married Dona Maria de la Torre, a widow, by whom he had a large family. One of his sons, Balthasar, sometime king's treasurer of Vera Cruz, was born about the middle of the century, and on the death of his father inherited an en- comienda that produced an income of five thousand pesos a year. Another son, Gaspar, inherited the encomienda of the pueblos of Ocava; and another, Melchior, "an encomienda of Indians and of very good rents." Of Estevan there is somewhat more definite information. Well on the road toward the north in 1539, he was sent ahead by Fray Marcos to report the character of the country and its people, and with rattle in hand and accompanied by many Indians of the present Gila River region, entered Hawi- kuh, the first of the Seven Cities of Cibola. Here Estevan and most of his Indian followers were put to death by the Zunis ; those who escaped fled to Fray Marcos, whose life was threatened but who saved himself by regaling the natives with the contents of his pack. There was another survivor of the inland expedition of 10 SPANISH EXPLORERS Narvaez — Juan Ortiz by name. This Spaniard, who had been enticed ashore by the Indians of Florida, led practically the life of a slave, like his countrymen on the Texas main, until 1539, when he was rescued by De Soto, but he died before the expedition returned to civilization. The Relation of Alvar Nunez Cabeza de Vaca was first printed at Zamora in 1542, and with slight changes was re- printed, with the first edition of the Comentarios on the Rio de la Plata, at Valladolid, in 1555. The editio princeps was translated into Italian by Ramusio, in the third volume of his Navigationi et Viaggi (Venice, 1556), and this was paraphrased into English by Samuel Purchas in volume IV. of Purchas His Pilgrimes (London, 1613, pt. iv., lib. vin., cap. 1). The Naufragios (or Relation) and Comentarios were reprinted at Madrid in 1736, preceded by the Exdmen Apologetico of Antonio Ardoino, who seemed to feel it his duty to reply to an Austrian monk named Caspar Plautus, who, in 1621, under the name Philoponus, published a treatise in which he maintained that laymen like Cabeza de Vaca should not be permitted to per- form miracles. This edition of the narration of Cabeza de Vaca is included in volume I. of Barcia's Historiadores Primitivos de las Indias Occidentales, published at Madrid in 1749. The Naufragios of Alvar Nunez, from the edition of 1555, appears in volume I. of Vedia's Historiadores Primitivos de Indias (Madrid, ed. 1852). The letter to the Audiencia of Espanola, "edited" by Oviedo, has already been alluded to. A " Capitulacion que se tomo con Alvar Nunez Cabeza de Vaca," dated Madrid, 18 Marzo, 1540, is found in the Coleccion de Documentos Ineditos del Archivo de Indias (tomo XXIIL, pp. 8-33, 1875). A Relation by Cabeza de Vaca, briefly narrating the story of the expedition until the arrival of its survivors in Espfritu Santo Bay, with his instructions as treasurer, is printed in the Coleccion de Documentos de Indias, XIV. 265-279 (Madrid, 1870). The most recent Spanish edition of the more famous INTRODUCTION 11 Relation reprinted in the following pages forms a part of vol- ume V. of the Coleccion de Libros y Documentos referentes a la Historia de America (Madrid, 1906), which also contains the Comentarios. The single French translation was published as volume VII. of Henri Ternaux-Compans's Voyages (Paris, 1837), from the edition of 1555, while the Commentaires form volume VI. In 1851 a translation of the edition of 1555 into English, by (Thomas) Buckingham Smith, under the title The Narrative of Alvar Nunez Cabeca de Vaca, was published privately at Washington by George W. Riggs; and shortly after Mr. Smith's death, in 1871, another edition, with many additions, was published in New York under the editorial supervision of John Gilmary Shea and at the expense of Henry C. Murphy. It is this edition of the Narrative that is here reprinted. A paraphrase of the 1851 edition of Smith's translation appears in Henry Kingsley's Tales of Old Travels (London, 1869). The first fourteen chapters of W. W. H. Davis's Spanish Con- quest of New Mexico (Doylestown, Pa., 1869) are also a para- phrase of the same work. Chapters xxx.-xxxvi. of the 1871 edition of Smith, somewhat abridged, were printed in an Old South Leaflet (Gen. Ser., No. 39, Boston, 1893). A " Relation of what Befel the Persons who Escaped from the Disasters that Attended the Armament of Captain Pamphilo de Narvaez on the Shores and in the countries of the North," translated and condensed from the letter published by Oviedo, is printed in The Historical Magazine (vol. XII., pp. 141, 204, 267, 347; September-December, 1867). The most recent English edition of the Cabeza de Vaca Relation, translated from the very rare imprint of 1542 by Mrs. Fanny Bandelier, and edited, with an introduction, by her husband Ad. F. Bandelier, was published in New York, in 1905, under the title, The Journey of Alvar Nunez Cabeza de Vaca, as one of the volumes of the " Trail Makers" series. F. W. Hodge. THE NARRATIVE OF CABEZA DE VACA Relation that Alvar Nunez Cabeca de Vaca gave of what befell the armament in the Indies whither Pdnfilo de Narvdez went for Governor from the year 1527 to the year 1536 [1537] when with three comrades he returned and came to Sevilla. 1 PROEM Sacred Caesarian Catholic Majesty: Among the many who have held sway, I think no prince can be found whose service has been attended with the ardor and emulation shown for that of your Highness 2 at this time. The inducement is evident and powerful : men do not pursue together the same career without motive, and strangers are observed to strive with those who are equally impelled by religion and loyalty. Although ambition and love of action are common to all, as to the advantages that each may gain, there are great in- equalities of fortune, the result not of conduct, but only acci- dent, nor caused by the fault of any one, but coming in the providence of God and solely by His will. Hence to one arises deeds more signal than he thought to achieve ; to another the opposite in every way occurs, so that he can show no higher proof of purpose than his effort, and at times even this is so concealed that it cannot of itself appear. As for me, I can say in undertaking the march I made on the main by the royal authority, I firmly trusted that my conduct 1 This heading is taken from the title-page of the edition of 1542. The edition of 1555, generally followed in this book, has a title-page so phrased as to cover both the North American and the South American narratives of the author. The return really took place in 1537. 2 The Emperor Charles V. 12 NAKRATIVE OF CABEZA DE VACA 13 and services would be as evident and distinguished as were those of my ancestors * and that I should not have to speak in order to be reckoned among those who for diligence and fidelity in affairs your Majesty honors. Yet, as neither my counsel nor my constancy availed to gain aught for which we set out, agreeably to your interests, for our sins, no one of the many ar- maments that have gone into those parts has been permitted to find itself in straits great like ours, or come to an end alike forlorn and fatal. To me, one only duty remains, to present a relation of what was seen and heard in the ten years 2 I wandered lost and in privation through many and remote lands. Not merely a statement of positions and distances, animals and vegetation, but of the diverse customs of the many and very barbarous people with whom I talked and dwelt, as well as all other matters I could hear of and discern, that in some way I may avail your Highness. My hope of going out from among those nations was always small, still my care and dili- gence were none the less to keep in particular remembrance everything, that if at any time God our Lord should will to bring me where I now am, it might testify to my exertion in the royal behalf. As the narrative is in my opinion of no trivial value to those who in your name go to subdue those countries and bring them to a knowledge of the true faith and true Lord, and under the imperial dominion, I have written this with much exactness; and although in it may be read things very novel and for some persons difficult to believe, nevertheless they may without hesitation credit me as strictly faithful. Better than to ex- aggerate, I have lessened in all things, and it is sufficient to say the relation is offered to your Majesty for truth. I beg it may be received in the name of homage, since it is the most that one could bring who returned thence naked. 1 He doubtless refers particularly to the services of his grandfather, Pedro de Vera, conqueror of the Canaries, to whom he refers at the close of this work. See the Introduction. 2 He arrived in Florida with the Narvaez expedition in April, 1528, and reached New Spain overland in April, 1536 — eight years later. 14 SPANISH EXPLOEEES [1527 Chapter 1 In which is told when the Armada sailed, and of the officers and persons who went in it. On the seventeenth day 1 of June, in the year fifteen hun- dred and twenty-seven, the Governor Panphilo de Narvaez left the port of San Lucar de Barrameda, 2 authorized and com- manded by your Majesty to conquer and govern the provinces of the main, extending from the River Palmas 3 to the cape of Florida. The fleet he took was five ships, in which went six hundred men, a few more or less; the officers (for we shall have to speak of them), were these, with their rank: Cabega de Vaca, treasurer and high-sheriff ; Alonso Enrriquez, comp- troller; Alonso de Solis, distributor to your Majesty and assessor ; Juan Xuarez, 4 a friar of Saint Francis, commissary, and four more friars of the same order. We arrived at the island of Santo Domingo, where we tar- ried near forty-five days, engaged in procuring for ourselves some necessary material, particularly horses. Here we lost from our fleet more than one hundred and forty men, who wished to remain, seduced by the partidos, 5 and advantages held out to them by the people of that country. 1 The Spanish edition of 1542 has the date June 27. 2 At the mouth of the Guadalquivir, in the province of Cadiz, Spain ; noted as the point of debarkation of Fernao Magalhaes, or Magellan, Sep- tember 20, 1519. 3 Probably the Rio de Santander, which enters the Gulf of Mexico one hundred miles north of Tampico. The name was later applied to the prov- ince that joined the province of Panuco on the north. The latter was, in general terms, the region drained by the streams that empty into the Gulf about Tampico. 4 The edition of 1542 has "Juan Gutierrez." 5 A term often used to designate one of the districts or territories into which a Spanish province was divided for purposes of administration, and having a head pueblo or village ; but here employed to signify the favorable proposals which the colonists made to the deserters from the fleet. 1527] NARRATIVE OF CABEZA DE VACA 15 We sailed from the island and arrived at Santiago, 1 a port of Cuba, where, during some days that we remained, the Gov- ernor supplied himself further with men, also with arms and horses. It happened there that a gentleman, Vasco Porcallo 2 of Trinidad, which is also on the island, 3 offered to give the Governor some provisions which he had in the town, a hun- dred leagues from the port of Santiago. Accordingly the Gov- ernor set out with all the fleet for Trinidad ; but coming to a port half way, called Cabo de Santa Cruz, 4 he thought it well .to wait there, and send a vessel to bring the stores. To this end he ordered that a Captain Panto ja 5 should go for them with his ship, and for greater security, that I should accom- pany him with another. The Governor remained with four ships, having bought one at the island of Santo Domingo. We having arrived with the two vessels at the port of Trini- dad, Captain Pantoja went with Vasco Porcalle (sic) to the town, a league off, to receive the provisions, while I remained at sea with the pilots, who said we ought to go thence with the greatest despatch possible, for it was a very bad port in which many vessels were lost. As what there occurred to us was very remarkable, it appears to me not foreign to the purpose with which I write this, to relate it here. The next morning began to give signs of bad weather; rain commenced falling, and the sea ran so high, that, although I gave the men permission to go on shore, many of them re- turned to the ship to avoid exposure to the wet and cold, and because the town was a league away. In this time a canoe came off, bringing me a letter from a resident of the place, asking me to come for the needed provisions that were there ; 1 In southeastern Cuba, the Santiago de Cuba that was surrendered to the American forces in the summer of 1898. 2 Vasco Porcallo de Figueroa afterward became De Soto's lieutenant- general in Florida, but returned to Cuba early in the history of the expedition. 3 On the southern coast, longitude 80°. 4 Now Cabo Cruz, longitude 77° 40'. 5 One Juan Pantoja, captain of crossbowmen and Lord of Ixtlahuaca, accompanied Narvaez on his first expedition to Mexico. If the same as the present Pantoja, which seems likely, he was killed by Sotomayor in a quar- rel. See ch. 17. 16 SPANISH EXPLOKEKS [1527 from which request I excused myself, saying that I could not leave the ships. At noon the canoe returned with another letter, in which I was solicited again with much urging, and a horse was brought for me to ride. I gave the same answer as before, that I could not leave the ships; but the pilots and the people entreated me to go, so that I might hasten the pro- visions as fast as possible, and we might join the fleet where it lay, for they had great fear lest remaining long in this port, the ships should be lost. For these reasons, I determined to go to the town ; but first I left orders with the pilots, that if the south wind, which often wrecks vessels there, came on to blow, and they should find themselves in much danger, to put the ships on shore at some place where the men and horses could be saved. I wished to take some of the men with me for company; but they said the weather was too rainy and cold, and the town too far off; that to-morrow, which was Sunday, they would come, with God's help, and hear mass. An hour after I left, the sea began to rise very high, and the north wind was so violent that neither the boats dared come to land, nor could the vessels be let drive on shore, be- cause of the head wind, so that the people remained severely laboring against the adverse weather, and under a heavy fall of water all that day and Sunday until dark. At this time, the rain and the tempest had increased to such a degree, there was no less agitation in the town than on the sea; for all the houses and churches fell, and it was necessary in order to move upright, that we should go seven or eight holding on to each other that the wind might not blow us away; and walking in the groves, we had no less fear of the trees than of the houses, as they too were falling and might kill us under them. In this tempest and danger we wandered all night, without finding place or spot where we could remain a half- hour in safety. During the time, particularly from midnight forward, we heard much tumult and great clamor of voices, the sound of timbrels, flutes, and tambourines, as well as other instruments, which lasted until the morning, when the tem- pest ceased. Nothing so terrible as this storm had been seen 1527] NARRATIVE OF CABEZA DE VAC A 17 in those parts before. I drew up an authenticated account of it, and sent the testimony to your Majesty. On Monday morning we went down to the harbor, but did not find the ships. The buoys belonging to them were floating on the water; whence we knew the ships were lost, and we walked along the shore to see if any thing could be found of them. As nothing was discovered, we struck into the woods, and, having travelled about a quarter of a league in water, we found the little boat of a ship lodged upon some trees. Ten leagues thence, along the coast, two bodies were found, belonging to my ship, and some lids of boxes ; but the persons were so disfigured by beating against the rocks that they could not be recognized. A cloak too was seen, also a coverlet rent in pieces, and nothing more. Sixty persons were lost in the ships, and twenty horses. Those who had gone on shore the day of our arrival, who may have been as many as thirty, were all the survivors of both ships. During some days we were struggling with much hardship and hunger ; for the provisions and subsistence were destroyed, and some herds. The country was left in a condition piteous to behold; the trees prostrate, the woods parched, there being neither grass nor leaf. Thus we lived until the fifth of November, when the Gov- ernor arrived with four ships, which had lived through the great storm, having run into a place of safety in good time. The people who came in them, as well as those on shore, were so intimidated by what had passed, that they feared to go on board in the winter, and they besought the Governor to spend it there. Seeing their desire and that it was also the wish of the townspeople, he staid through the season. He gave the ships and people into my charge, that I might go with them to pass the winter at the port of Xagua, 1 twelve leagues thence, where I remained until the twentieth day of February. 1 The present Jagua, at the entrance to the bay of Cienfuegos. 18 SPANISH EXPLORERS [1528 Chapter 2 The coming of the Governor to the Port of Xagua and with a pilot. At this time, the Governor arrived with a brigantine bought in Trinidad, and brought with him a pilot named Miruelo, who was employed because he said he knew the posi- tion of the River Palmas, and had been there, and was a thor- ough pilot for all the coast of the North. The Governor had also purchased and left on the shore of Havana another vessel, of which Alvaro de la Cerda remained in charge, with forty- infantry and twelve cavalry. The second day after arrival the Governor set sail with four hundred men and eighty horses, in four ships and a brig- antine. The pilot being again on board, put the vessels among the shoals they call Canarreo, 1 and on the day following we struck: thus we were situated fifteen days, the keels of our vessels frequently touching bottom. At the end of this time, a tempest from the south threw so much water upon the shoals that we could get off, although not without danger. We left this place and arrived at Guaniguanico, where an- other storm overtook us, in which we were at one time near being lost. At Cape Corrientes 2 we had still another, which detained us three days. These places being passed, we dou- bled Cape Sant Anton, 3 and sailed with head winds until we were within twelve leagues of Havana. Standing in the next day to enter the harbor, a wind came from the south which drove us from the land towards the coast of Florida. We came in sight on Tuesday, the twelfth day of April, and sailed along the coast. On Holy Thursday we anchored near the 1 Evidently one of the numerous keys between Xagua Bank and the Isle of Pines. 2 Southwestern Cuba. 3 The westernmost point of the island. 1528] NARRATIVE OF CABEZA DE YACA 19 shore in the mouth of a bay 1 at the head of which we saw some houses or habitations of Indians. 2 Chapter 3 Our arrival in Florida. On the same day 3 the comptroller, Alonzo Enrriquez, landed on an island in the bay. He called to the Indians, who came and remained with him some time ; and in barter gave him fish and several pieces of venison. The day following, which was Good Friday, 4 the governor debarked with as many of the people as the boats he brought could contain. When we came to the buhios, 5 or houses that we had seen, we found them vacant and abandoned, the inhabitants having fled at night in their canoes. One of the buhios was very large; it could hold more than three hundred persons. The others were smaller. We found a tinklet of gold among some fish nets. The next day 6 the Governor raised ensigns for your Maj- esty, and took possession of the country in your royal name. 7 He made known his authority, and was obeyed as governor, 1 The place of landing is identified as having been about St. Clement's Point, on the peninsula west of Tampa Bay, on the western coast of Florida. See Woodbury Lowery, Spanish Settlements, 1518-1561 (New York, 1901), p. 177, and App. J. 2 These were Indians belonging to the Timuquanan, or Timucuan family, now entirely extinct. The Seminoles were comparatively recent intruders in the peninsula, except in the extreme northern part. 3 April 14, 1528. 4 April 15, 1528. 5 An Arawak term for house, referring specifically to a dwelling with an open shed attached. The Spaniards became acquainted with the word in Santo Domingo. For descriptions of these habitations see Fewkes, " The Aborigines of Porto Rico and Neighboring Islands," Twenty-fifth Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology, 1906. 6 April 16, 1528. 7 For the interesting if farcical formula used in taking possession of a country in the name of Spain, see Buckingham Smith, Relation of Alvar Nufiez Cabega de Vaca (ed. 1871), App. in., 215-217, and Lowery, op. cit., pp. 178-180. 20 SPANISH EXPLORERS [1528 as your Majesty had commanded. At the same time we laid our commissions before him, and he acknowledged them accord- ing to their tenor. Then he ordered that the rest of the people and the horses should land. Of the beasts there were only forty-two; by reason of the great storms and the length of time passed at sea, the rest were dead. These few remaining were so lean and fatigued that for the time we could have little service from them. The following day the Indians of the town came and spoke to us ; but as we had no interpreter we could not understand what they meant. They made many signs and menaces, and appeared to say we must go away from the country. With this they left us and went off, offering no in- terruption. Chapter 4 Our entrance into the country. The day following, the Governor resolved to make an incur- sion to explore the land, and see what it might contain. With him went the commissary, the assessor, and myself, with forty men, among them six cavalry, of which we could make little use. We took our way towards the north, 1 until the hour of vespers, when we arrived at a very large bay that appeared to stretch far inland. 2 We remained there that night, and the next day we returned to the place where were our ships and people. The Governor ordered that the brigantine should sail along the coast of Florida and search for the harbor that Miruelo, the pilot, said he knew (though as yet he had failed to find it, and could not tell in what place we were, or where was the port), and that if it were not found, she should steer for Havana and seek the ship of which Alvaro de la Cerda was in command, 3 and, taking provisions, together, they should come to look for us. After the brigantine left, the same party, with some persons more, returned to enter the land. We kept along the shores 1 Really northeast. 2 The western arm of Tampa Bay, known as Old Tampa Bay. 3 With forty men and a dozen horses. 1528] NARRATIVE OF CABEZA DE VACA 21 of the bay we had found, and, having gone four leagues, we captured four Indians. We showed them maize, to see if they had knowledge of it, for up to that time we had seen no indication of any. They said they could take us where there was some; so they brought us to their town near by, at the head of the bay, and showed us a little corn not yet fit for gathering. There we saw many cases, such as are used to contain the merchandise of Castile, in each of them a dead man, and the bodies were covered with painted deer-skins. This appeared to the commissary to be a kind of idolatry, and he burned the cases with the bodies. We also found pieces of linen and of woollen cloth, and bunches of feathers which appeared like those of New Spain. 1 There were likewise traces of gold. Having by signs asked the Indians whence these things came, they motioned to us that very far from there, was a province called Apalachen, 2 where was much gold, and so the same 1 In the letter addressed by the survivors to the Audiencia of Santo Domingo (Oviedo, Historia General y Natural de las Indias, III., cap. i. 583, Madrid, 1853), it is stated that when the natives were asked whence came these intrusive articles, which included also some pieces of shoes, canvas, broadcloth, and iron, they replied by signs that they had taken them from a vessel that had been wrecked in the bay. Compare also cap. vn. 615. It has been suggested that possibly the objects may have come from the vessel which Lucas Vazquez de Ayllon lost in 1526, but as this wreck occurred at the mouth of Cape Fear River, on the southern coast of North Carolina, it does not seem likely that they could have been derived from this source. That natives of the West Indies had intercourse by canoe with Florida, and that an Arawakan colony was early established on the southwest coast of the peninsula, is now well established. 2 The Apalachee were one of the Muskhogean tribes that occupied north- western Florida from the vicinity of Pensacola eastward to Ocilla River, their chief seats being in the vicinity of Tallahassee and St. Marks. In 1655 they numbered six or eight thousand, but about the beginning of the eigh- teenth century they were warred against by the Creeks, instigated by the Eng- lish of Carolina, and in 1703 and 1704 expeditions by English troops, reinforced by Creek warriors, resulted in the capture and enslavement of about fourteen hundred Apalachee and in practically exterminating the remainder. The town of Apalachicola, on the Savannah River, was inhabited by Apalachee refugees colonized later by the Carolina government, but these were finally merged with the Creeks. Appalachee Bay and the Appalachian Mountains derive their names from this tribe. 22 SPANISH EXPLORERS [1528 abundance in Palachen 1 of everything that we at all cared for. Taking these Indians for guides, we departed, and travelling ten or twelve leagues 2 we came to a town of fifteen houses. Here a large piece of ground was cultivated in maize then ripe, and we likewise found some already dry. After staying there two days, we returned to where the comptroller tarried with the men and ships, and related to him and the pilots what we had seen, and the information the natives had given. The next day, the first of May, the Governor called aside the commissary, the comptroller, the assessor, myself, a sailor named Bartolome Fernandez, and a notary, Hieronymo Alaniz. 3 Being together he said that he desired to penetrate the interior, and that the ships ought to go along the coast until they should come to the port which the pilots believed was very near on the way to the River Palmas. He asked us for our views. 1 said it appeared to me that under no circumstances ought we to leave the vessels until they were in a secure and peopled harbor ; that he should observe the pilots were not confident, and did not agree in any particular, neither did they know where we were; that, more than this, the horses were in no condition to serve us in such exigencies as might occur. Above all, that we were going without being able to communicate with the Indians by use of speech and without an interpreter, and we could but poorly understand ourselves with them, or learn what we desired to know of the land ; that we were about entering a country of which we had no account, and had no knowledge of its character, of what there was in it, or by what people inhabited, neither did we know in what part of it we were; and beside all this, we had not food to sustain us in 1 " Apalachen," as above, in the edition of 1542 (Bandelier translation). 2 The Spanish league varied greatly, but in these early narratives the judicial league, equivalent to 2.634 English miles, is usually meant. Dis- tances, however, while sometimes paced, were generally loose guesses, as is often shown by the great disparity in the figures given by two or more chroniclers of the same journey. 3 " Jeronimo de Albaniz " in the edition of 1542 (Bandelier translation). 1528] NABHATIVE OF CABEZA DE VACA 23 wandering we knew not whither ; that with regard to the stores in the ships, rations could not be given to each man for such a journey, more than a pound of biscuit and another of bacon; that my opinion was, we should embark and seek a harbor and a soil better than this to occupy, since what we had seen of it was desert and poor, such as had never before been discovered in those parts. To the commissary 1 every thing appeared otherwise. He thought we ought not to embark; but that, always keeping the coast, we should go in search of the harbor, which the pilots stated was only ten or fifteen leagues from there, on the way to Panuco ; and that it was not possible, marching ever by the shore, we should fail to come upon it, because they said it stretched up into the land a dozen leagues ; that whichever might first find it should wait for the other; that to embark would be to brave the Almighty after so many adversities encountered since leaving Spain, so many storms, and so great losses of men and ships sustained before reaching there ; that for these reasons we should march along the coast until we reached the harbor, and those in the ships should take a like direction until they arrived at the same place. This plan seemed the best to adopt, to the rest who were present, except the notary, who said that when the ships should be abandoned they ought to be in a known, safe haven, a place with inhabitants ; that this done the Governor might advance inland and do what might seem to him proper. The Governor followed his own judgment and the counsel of others. Seeing his determination, I required him in behalf of your Majesty, not to quit the ships before putting them in port and making them secure; and accordingly I asked a certificate of this under the hand of the notary. The Governor responded that he did but abide by the judgment of the com- missary, and of the majority of the officers, and that I had no right to make these requirements of him. He then asked the notary to give him a certificate, that inasmuch as there was no subsistence in that country for the maintenance of a colony, 1 Fray Juan Xuarez. 24 SPANISH EXPLOEEPS [1528 nor haven for the ships, he broke up the settlement he had placed there, taking its inhabitants in quest of a port and land that should be better. He then ordered the people who were to go with him to be mustered, that they might be victualled with what was needed for the journey. After they had been provided for, he said to me, in the hearing of those present, that since I so much discouraged and feared entering the land, I should sail in charge of the ships and people in them, and form a settlement, should I arrive at the port before him ; but from this proposal I excused myself. After we had separated, the same evening, having said that it did not appear to him that he could entrust the com- mand to any one else, he sent to me to say that he begged I would take it ; but finding, notwithstanding he so greatly im- portuned me, that I still refused, he asked me the cause of my reluctance. I answered that I rejected the responsibility, as I felt certain and knew that he was never more to find the ships, nor the ships him, which might be foreseen in the slender outfit we had for entering the country ; that I desired rather to expose myself to the danger which he and the others adventured, and to pass with them what he and they might go through, than to take charge of the ships and give occasion for it to be said I had opposed the invasion and remained behind from timidity, and thus my courage be called in question. I chose rather to risk my life than put my honor in such position. Seeing that what he said to me availed nothing, he begged many persons to reason with me on the subject and entreat me. I answered them in the same way I had him; so he appointed for his lieutenant of the ships an alcalde he had brought with him, whose name was Caravallo. Chapter 5 The Governor leaves the ships On Saturday, 1 first of May, the date of this occurrence, the Governor ordered to each man going with him, two pounds of 1 Buckingham Smith has "Sunday," translating Sdbado ("Sabbath") literally; the Christian Sabbath is the Spanish Domingo. 1528] NARRATIVE OF CABEZA DE VACA 25 biscuit and half a pound of bacon; and thus victualled we took up our march into the country. The whole number of men was three hundred : 1 among them went the commissary, Friar Juan Xuarez, and another friar, Juan de Palos, three clergymen and the officers. We of the mounted men consisted of forty. We travelled on the allowance we had received fifteen days, without finding any other thing to eat than palmitos, 2 which are like those of Andalusia. In all that time we saw not an Indian, and found neither village nor house. Finally we came to a river, 3 which we passed with great difficulty, by swimming and on rafts. It detained us a day to cross because of the very strong current. Arrived on the other side, there appeared as many as two hundred natives, more or less. The Governor met them, and conversing by signs, they so insulted us with their gestures, that we were forced to break with them. 4 We seized upon five or six, and they took us to their houses half a league off. Near by we found a large quantity of maize in a fit state to be gathered. We gave infinite thanks to our Lord for having succored us in this great extremity, for we were yet young in trials, and besides the weariness in which we came, we were exhausted from hunger. On the third day after our arrival, the comptroller, the as- sessor, the commissary and I met, and together besought the Governor to send to look for the sea, that if possible we might find a port, as the Indians stated there was one not a very great way off. He said that we should cease to speak of the sea, for it was remote ; but as I chiefly importuned him, he told me to go and look for it, and seek a harbor, to take forty men and to travel on foot. So the next day 5 I left with Captain 1 The Letter (Oviedo, 584) says two hundred and sixty men afoot and forty horsemen. References to the Letter to the Audiencia of Santo Do- mingo will henceforth be cited simply as Oviedo, in whose work it appears (see the Introduction). 2 Buckingham Smith says: "This is the dwarf fan-palm, not the cab- bage-palm, to which we often inadvertently apply the diminutive termina- tion ito, mispelled etto." Smith lived in Florida for many years. 3 Evidently the Withlacoochee, which enters the Gulf at latitude 29°. 4 The Spaniards were still among the Timucuan tribes. 6 May 18, 1528. 26 SPANISH EXPLOEEES [1528 Alonzo del Castello * and forty men of his company. We marched until noon, when we arrived at some sea sands that appeared to lie a good ways inland. Along this sand we walked for a league and a half, 2 with the water half way up the leg, treading on oysters, which cut our feet badly and made us much trouble, until we reached the river 3 we had before crossed; emptying into this bay. As we could not cross it by reason of our slim outfit for such purpose, we returned to camp and re- ported what we had discovered. To find out if there was a port and examine the outlet well, it was necessary to repass the river at the place where we had first gone over ; so the next day the Governor ordered a captain, Valenguela by name, with sixty men 4 and six cavalry, to cross, and following the river down to the sea, ascertain if there was a harbor. He returned after an absence of two days, and said he had explored the bay, that it was not deeper any where than to the knee, and that he found no harbor. He had seen five or six canoes of Indians passing from one shore to the other, wearing many plumes. With this information, we left the next day, going ever in quest of Apalache, the country of which the Indians told us, having for our guides those we had taken. We travelled without seeing any natives who would venture to await our coming up with them until the seventeenth day of June, when a chief ap- proached, borne on the back of another Indian, and covered with a painted deer-skin. A great many people attended him, some walking in advance, playing on flutes of reed. 5 In this manner he came to where the Governor stood, and spent an hour with him. By signs we gave him to understand that we were going to Apalachen, and it appeared to us by those he made that he was an enemy to the people of Apalachen, and would go to assist us against them. We gave him beads and hawk-bells, with other articles of barter; and he having pre- 1 Castillo. 2 Two leagues, according to Oviedo, op. cit., 585. 3 The Withlacoochee. 4 Forty men according to Oviedo, 585. 5 When Hernando de Soto passed through this country eleven years later he also was met by Indians playing flutes. 1528] NARRATIVE OF CABEZA DE VACA 27 sented the Governor with the skin he wore, went back, when we followed in the road he took. That night we came to a wide and deep river with a very rapid current. 1 As we would not venture to cross on rafts, we made a canoe for the purpose, and spent a day in getting over. Had the Indians desired to oppose us, they could well have disputed our passage; for even with their help we had great difficulty in making it. One of the mounted men, Juan Velazquez by name, a native of Cuellar, impatient of detention, entered the river, when the violence of the current casting him from his horse, he grasped the reins of the bridle, and both were drowned. The people of that chief, whose name was Dulchan- chellin, found the body of the beast ; and having told us about where in the stream below we should find the corpse, it was sought for. This death caused us much regret, for until now not a man had been lost. The horse afforded supper to many that night. Leaving that spot, the next day we arrived at the town of the chief, where he sent us maize. During the night one of our men was shot at in a place where we got water, but it pleased God that he should not be hit. The next day we departed, not one of the natives making his appearance, as all had fled. While going on our way a number came in sight, prepared for battle ; and though we called to them, they would not return nor await our arrival, but retired following us on the road. The Governor left some cavalry in ambush, which sallying as the natives were about to pass, seized three or four, who thence- forth served as guides. They conducted us through a country very difficult to travel and wonderful to look upon. In it are vast forests, the trees being astonishingly high. So many were fallen on the ground as to obstruct our way in such a manner that we could not advance without much going about and a considerable increase of toil. Many of the standing trees were riven from top to bottom by bolts of lightning which fall in that country of frequent storms and tempests. We labored on through these impediments until the day after x The Suwannee. 28 SPANISH EXPLORERS [1528 Saint John's, 1 when we came in view of Apalachen, without the inhabitants being aware of our approach. We gave many thanks to God, at seeing ourselves so near, believing true what had been told us of the land, and that there would be an end to our great hardships, caused as much by the length and bad- ness of the way as by our excessive hunger ; for although we sometimes found maize, we oftener travelled seven and eight leagues without seeing any ; and besides this and the great fa- tigue, many had galled shoulders from carrying armor on the back; and even more than these we endured. Yet, having come to the place desired, and where we had been informed were much food and gold, it appeared to us that we had already recovered in part from our sufferings and fatigue. Chapter 6 Our arrival at Apalache. When we came in view of Apalachen, the Governor ordered that I should take nine cavalry with fifty infantry and enter the town. Accordingly the assessor 2 and I assailed it ; and having got in, we found only women and boys there, the men being absent; however these returned to its support, after a little time, while we were walking about, and began discharging arrows at us. They killed the horse of the assessor, and at last taking to flight, they left us. We found a large quantity of maize fit for plucking, and much dry that was housed ; also many deer-skins, and among them some mantelets of thread, small and poor, with which the women partially cover their persons. There were numerous mortars for cracking maize. The town consisted of forty small houses, made low, and set up in sheltered places because of the frequent storms. The material was thatch. They were sur- 1 Saint John the Baptist's Day, June 24. They had been travelling through the jungle for four or five days. 2 The assessor, or inspector, it will be recalled, was Alonzo de Solis. 1528] NARRATIVE OF CABEZA DE VACA 29 rounded by very dense woods, large groves and many bodies of fresh water, in which so many and so large trees are fallen, that they form obstructions rendering travel difficult an'd dan- gerous. Chapter 7 The character of the country. The country where we came on shore to this town and re- gion of Apalachen is for the most part level, the ground of sand and stiff earth. Throughout are immense trees and open woods, in which are walnut, laurel, and another tree called liquid-amber, 1 cedars, savins, evergreen oaks, pines, red-oaks, and palmitos like those of Spain. There are many lakes, great and small, over every part of it ; some troublesome of fording, on account of depth and the great number of trees lying throughout them. Their beds are sand. The lakes in the country of Apalachen are much larger than those we found before coming there. 2 In this province are many maize fields; and the houses are scattered as are those of the Gelves. There are deer of three kinds, rabbits, hares, bears, lions, and other wild beasts. Among them we saw an animal with a pocket on its belly, 3 in which it carries its young until they know how to seek food, and if it happen that they should be out feeding and any one come near, the mother will not run until she has gathered them in together. The country is very cold. 4 It has fine pastures for herds. Birds are of various kinds. Geese in great num- bers. Ducks, mallards, royal-ducks, fly-catchers, night-herons x The sweet-gum, copalm, or alligator tree (Liquidambar styracif.ua). 2 Seemingly the lake country in the northern part of Leon and Jefferson counties, Florida. " Apalachen' ' town was perhaps on Miccosukee Lake. 3 The opossum. This is probably the first allusion to this animal. The name is derived from the Algonquian language of Virginia, having first been recorded by Captain John Smith. 4 As it was now late in June, this is not explicable, unless the season was an unusual one. 30 SPANISH EXPLORERS [1528 and partridges abound. We saw many falcons, gerfalcons, sparrow-hawks, merlins, and numerous other fowl. 1 Two hours after our arrival at Apalachen, the Indians who had fled from there came in peace to us, asking for their women and children, whom we released ; but the detention of a cacique by the jGta^ernor produced great excitement, in con- sequence of whicH they returned for battle early the next day, and attacked us with such promptness and alacrity that they succeeded in setting fire to the houses in which we were. As we sallied they fled to the lakes near by, because of which and the large maize fields we could do them no injury, save in the single instance of one Indian, whom we killed. The day fol- lowing, others came against us from a town on the opposite side of the lake, and attacked us as the first had done, escaping in the same way, except one who was also slain. We were in the town twenty-five days, in which time we made three incursions, and found the country very thinly peo- pled and difficult to travel for the bad passages, the woods and lakes. We inquired of the cacique we kept and the natives we brought with us, who were the neighbors and enemies of these Indians, as to the nature of the country, the character and condition of the inhabitants, of the food and all other mat- ters concerning it. Each answered apart from the rest, that the largest town in all that region was Apalachen; the peo- ple beyond were less numerous and poorer, the land little occu- pied, and the inhabitants much scattered ; that thenceforward Were great lakes, dense forests, immense deserts and solitudes. We then asked touching the region towards the south, as to the towns and subsistence in it. They said that in keeping such a direction, journeying nine days, there was a town called Aute, 2 the inhabitants whereof had much maize, beans, and pumpkins, and being near the sea they had fish, and that those people were their friends. 1 Buckingham Smith thinks it strange that the turkey and the alligator are not particularly mentioned among the fauna of the region. 2 Most authorities agree that this place was at or near the site of St. Marks, south-southeast of Tallahassee, although the distance seems too short for nine days' travel, as will be seen. 1528] NABRATIVE OP CABEZA DE VACA 31 In view of the poverty of the land, the unfavorable accounts of the population and of everything else we heard, the Indians making continual war upon us, wounding our people and horses at the places where they went to drink, shooting from the lakes with such safety to themselves that we could not retaliate, killing a lord of Tescuco, named Don Pedro, 1 whom the com- missary brought with him, we determined to leave that place and go in quest of the sea, and the town of Aute of which we were told. At the termination of the twenty-five days 2 after our arrival we departed, 3 and on the first day got through those lakes and passages without seeing any one, and on the second day we came to a lake difficult of crossing, the water reaching to the paps, and in it were numerous logs. On reaching the middle of it we were attacked by many Indians from behind trees, who thus covered themselves that we might not get sight of them, and others were on the fallen timbers. They drove their arrows with such effect that they wounded many men and horses, and before we got through the lake they took our guide. They now followed, endeavoring to contest the passage ; but our coming out afforded no relief, nor gave us any better posi- tion; for when we wished to fight them they retired imme- diately into the lake, whence they continued to wound our men and beasts. The Governor, seeing this, commanded the cavalry to dismount and charge the Indians on foot. Accord- ingly the comptroller 4 alighting with the rest, attacked them, when they all turned and ran into the lake at hand, and thus the passage was gained. Some of our men were wounded in this conflict, for whom the good armor they wore did not avail. There were those this day who swore that they had seen two red oaks, each the thick- ness of the lower part of the leg, pierced through from side to 1 See Buckingham Smith, Relation of Alvar Nunez Cabeca de Vaca, 1871, p. 42, note 7, regarding this Aztec prince of the blood. 2 "Twenty-six days." Oviedo, 586. The edition of 1542 (Bandelier trans., p. 30) says : " And so we left, arriving there five days after. The first day we travelled across lagunes and trails without seeing a single Indian." 3 July 19-20, 1528. « Alonzo Enrriquez. 32 SPANISH EXPLOEERS [1528 side by arrows; and this is not so much to be wondered at, considering the power and skill with which the Indians are able to project them. I myself saw an arrow that had entered the butt of an elm to the depth of a span. The Indians we had so far seen in Florida are all archers. They go naked, are large of body, and appear at a distance like giants. They are of admirable proportions, very spare and of great activity and strength. The bows they use are as thick as the arm, of eleven or twelve palms in length, which they will discharge at two hundred paces with so great precision that they miss nothing. Having got through this passage, at the end of a league we arrived at another of the same character, but worse, as it was longer, being half a league in extent. This we crossed freely, without interruption from the Indians, who, as they had spent on the former occasion their store of arrows, had nought with which they dared venture to engage us. Going through a simi- lar passage the next day, I discovered the trail of persons ahead, of which I gave notice to the Governor, who was in the rear- guard, so that though the Indians came upon us, as we were prepared they did no harm. After emerging upon the plain they followed us, and we went back on them in two directions. Two we killed, and they wounded me and two or three others. Coming to woods we could do them no more injury, nor make them further trouble. In this manner we travelled eight days. After that oc- currence we were not again beset until within a league of the place to which I have said we were going. There, while on our way, the Indians came about us without our suspicion, and fell upon the rear-guard. A hidalgo, named Avellaneda, hear- ing the cries of his serving boy, went back to give assistance, when he was struck by an arrow near the edge of his cuirass ; and so severe was the wound, the shaft having passed almost entirely through his neck, that he presently died. The corpse was carried to Aute, where we arrived at the end of nine days' 1 travel from Apalache. We found all the inhabitants gone and 1 "Eight or nine days." Oviedo, 587. 1528] NARRATIVE OF CABEZA DE VAC A 33 the houses burned. Maize, beans, and pumpkins were in great plenty, all beginning to be fit for gathering. Having rested two days, the Governor begged me to go and look for the sea, as the Indians said it was near ; and we had before discovered it, while on the way, from a very large stream, to which we had given the name of River of the Magdalena. 1 Accordingly, I set out the next day after, in company with the commissary, Captain Castillo, Andres Dorantes, seven more on horseback, and fifty on foot. We travelled until the hour of vespers, when we arrived at a road or entrance of the sea. Oysters were abundant, over which the men rejoiced, and we gave thanks to God that he had brought us there. The following morning 2 1 sent twenty men to explore the coast and ascertain its direction. They returned the night after, re- porting that those creeks and bays were large, and lay so far inland as made it difficult to examine them agreeably to our desires, and that the sea shore was very distant. These tidings obtained, seeing our slender means, and con- dition for exploring the coast, I went back to the Governor. On our arrival we found him and many others sick. The Ind- ians had assaulted them the night before, and because of the malady that had come upon them, they had been pushed to extremity. One of the horses had been killed. I gave a report of what I had done, and of the embarrassing nature of the country. We remained there that day. Chapter 8 We go from Ante. The next morning 3 we left Aute, and travelled all day be- fore coming to the place I had visited. The journey was ex- tremely arduous. There were not horses enough to carry the sick, who went on increasing in numbers day by day, and we 1 St. Marks River, which flows into St. Marks Bay, at the head of which Aute was situated. 2 August 1, 1528. 3 August 3, 1528. 34 SPANISH EXPLOBERS [1528 knew of no cure. It was piteous and painful to witness our perplexity and distress. We saw on our arrival how small were the means for advancing farther. There was not any- where to go ; and if there had been, the people were unable to move forward, the greater part being ill, and those were few who could be on duty. I cease here to relate more of this, because any one may suppose what would occur in a country so remote and malign, so destitute of all resource, whereby either to live in it or go out of it ; but most certain assistance is in God, our Lord, on whom we never failed to place reliance. One thing occurred, more afflicting to us than all the rest, which was, that of the persons mounted, the greater part com- menced secretly to plot, hoping to secure a better fate for them- selves by abandoning the Governor and the sick, who were in a state of weakness and prostration. But, as among them were many hidalgos and persons of gentle condition, they would not permit this to go on, without informing the Governor and the officers of your Majesty; and as we showed them the deformity of their purpose, and placed before them the mo- ment when they should desert their captain, and those who were ill and feeble, and above all the disobedience to the orders of your Majesty, they determined to remain, and that whatever might happen to one should be the lot of all, without any forsaking the rest. After the accomplishment of this, the Governor called them all to him, and of each apart he asked advice as to what he should do to get out of a country so miserable, and seek that assistance elsewhere which could not here be found, a third part of the people being very sick, and the number increasing every hour; for we regarded it as certain that we should all become so, and could pass out of it only through death, which from its coming in such a place was to us all the more terrible. These, with many other embarrassments being considered, and entertaining many plans, we coincided in one great project extremely difficult to put in operation, and that was to build vessels in which we might go away. This appeared impossible to every one; we knew not how to construct, nor were there 1528] NARRATIVE OF CABEZA DE VACA 35 tools, nor iron, nor forge, nor tow, nor resin, nor rigging; finally, no one thing of so many that are necessary, nor any man who had a knowledge of their manufacture; and, above all, there was nothing to eat, while building, for those who should labor. Reflecting on all this, we agreed to think of the subject with more deliberation, and the conversation dropped from that day, each going his way, commending our course to God, our Lord, that he would direct it as should best serve Him. The next day it was His will that one of the company should come saying that he could make some pipes out of wood, which with deer-skins might be made into bellows; and, as we lived in a time when anything that had the sem- blance of relief appeared well, we told him to set himself to work. We assented to the making of nails, saws, axes, and other tools of which there was such need, from the stirrups, spurs, crossbows, and the other things of iron there were; and we laid out for support, while the work was going on, that we would make four entries into Aute, with all the horses and men that were able to go, and that on every third day a horse should be killed to be divided among those who labored in the work of the boats and the sick. The incursions were made with the people and horses that were available, and in them were brought back as many as four hundred fanegas * of maize ; but these were not got without quarrels and contentions with the Indians. We caused many palmitos to be collected for the woof or covering, twisting and preparing it for use in the place of tow for the boats. We commenced to build on the fourth, with the only car- penter in the company, and we proceeded with so great dili- gence that on the twentieth day of September five boats were finished, twenty-two cubits in length, each caulked with the fibre of the palmito. We pitched them with a certain resin, made from pine trees by a Greek, named Don Theodoro ; from the same husk of the palmito, and from the tails and manes of the horses we made ropes and rigging, from our shirts, sails, 1 About six hundred and forty bushels. 36 SPANISH EXPLORERS [1528 and from the savins growing there we made the oars that appeared to us requisite. Such was the country into which our sins had cast us, that only by very great search could we find stone for ballast and anchors, since in it all we had not seen one. We flayed the horses, taking the skin from their legs entire, and tanning them to make bottles wherein to carry water. During this time some went gathering shell-fish in the coves and creeks of the sea, at which employment the Indians twice attacked them and killed ten men in sight of the camp, with- out our being able to afford succor. We found their corpses traversed from side to side with arrows ; and for all some had on good armor, it did not give adequate protection or security against the nice and powerful archery of which I have spoken. According to the declaration of our pilots under oath, from the entrance to which we had given the name Bahia de la Cruz * to this place, we had travelled two hundred and eighty leagues 2 or thereabout. Over all that region we had not seen a single mountain, and had no information of any whatsoever. Before we embarked there died more than forty men of dis- ease and hunger, without enumerating those destroyed by the Indians. By the twenty-second of the month of September, the horses had been consumed, one only remaining; and on that day we embarked in the following order : In the boat of the Governor went forty-nine men ; in another, which he gave to the comptroller and the commissary, went as many others ; the third, he gave to Captain Alonzo del Castillo and Andre's Dorantes, with forty-eight men; and another he gave to two captains, Tellez and Penalosa, with forty-seven men. The last was given to the assessor and myself, with forty-nine men. After the provisions and clothes had been taken in, not over a span of the gunwales remained above water ; and more than this, the boats were so crowded that we could not move: so much can necessity do, which drove us to hazard our lives 1 Tampa Bay. 2 In reality they could not have travelled much more than as many miles in a straight line from Tampa Bay. 1528] NARRATIVE OF CABEZA DE VACA 37 in this manner, running into a turbulent sea, not a single one who went having a knowledge of navigation. 1 Chapter 9 We leave the Bay of Horses. The haven we left bears the name of Bahia de Caballos. 2 We passed waist deep in water through sounds without seeing any sign of the coast, and at the close of the seventh day, we came to an island near the main. My boat went first, and from her we saw Indians approaching in five canoes, which they abandoned and left in our hands, finding that we were coming after them. The other boats passed ahead, and stopped at some houses on the island, where we found many dried mullet and roes, which were a great relief in our distress. After tak- ing these we went on, and two leagues thence, we discovered a strait the island makes with the land, 3 which we named Sant Miguel, for having passed through it on his day. 4 Coming out we went to the coast, where with the canoes I had taken, we somewhat improved the boats, making waist-boards and securing them, so that the sides rose two palms above the water. This done we returned to move along the coast in the direction of the River Palmas, 5 our hunger and thirst continually in- creasing ; for our scant subsistence was getting near the end, the water was out, and the bottles made from the legs of the horses having soon rotted, were useless. Sometimes we entered coves and creeks that lay far in, and found them all shallow and dangerous. Thus we journeyed along them thirty days, 1 Consuls Garcilasso de la Vega, La Florida, 78, 1723, for the finding of the relics of Narvaez by De Soto's expedition in 1539, and see the De Soto narration of the Gentleman of Elvas, later in the present volume. 2 "Bay of Horses" : St. Marks Bay of Appalachee Bay. 3 The conditions are applicable to the mouth of St. Marks Bay, the two small islands, and the strait between them and the coast. 4 St. Michael's Day, September 29, 1528. 5 That is, in a southwesterly direction. 38 SPANISH EXPLORERS [1528 finding occasionally Indian fishermen, a poor and miserable lot. At the end of this time, while the want of water was great, going near the coast at night we heard the approach of a canoe, for which, so soon as it was in sight, we paused ; but it would not meet us, and, although we called, it would neither come nor wait for us. As the night was dark, we did not follow, and kept on our way. When the sun rose we saw a small island, and went to it to find water ; but our labor was vain, as it had none. Lying there at anchor, a heavy storm came on, that detained us six days, we not daring to go to sea ; and as it was now five days since we had drunk, our thirst was so excessive that it put us to the extremity of swallowing salt water, by which some of the men became so crazed that three or four suddenly died. I state this so briefly, because I do not believe there is any necessity for particularly relating the suffer- ings and toils amidst which we found ourselves; since, con- sidering the place where we were, and the little hope we had of relief, every one may conceive much of what must have passed. Although the storm had not ceased, as our thirst increased and the water killed us, we resolved to commend ourselves to God our Lord, and adventure the peril of the sea rather than await the end which thirst made certain. Accordingly we Went out by the way we had observed the canoe go the night we came. On this day we were ourselves many times overwhelmed by the waves, and in such jeopardy that there was not one who did not suppose his death inevitable. Thanks be to Him, that in the greatest dangers, He was wont to show us his favor ; for at sunset doubling a point made by the land, we found shelter with much calm. 1 Many canoes came off with Indians who spoke with us and returned, not being disposed to await our arrival. They were of large stature and well formed : they had no bows and arrows. We followed them to their houses near by, at the edge of the water, and jumped on shore. Before their dwellings were many clay pitchers with water, and a large quantity of cooked fish, 1 Pensacola Bay. The Indians were Choctaws or a closely related tribe. 1528] NABRATIVE OF CABEZA DE VACA 39 which the chief of these territories offered to the Governor and then took him to his house. Their dwellings were made of mats, and so far as we observed, were not movable. On enter- ing the house the cacique gave us fish, and we gave him of the maize we brought, which the people ate in our presence. They asked for more and received it, and the Governor presented the cacique with many trinkets. While in the house with him, at the middle hour of night, the Indians fell suddenly upon us, and on those who were very sick, scattered along the shore. 1 They also beset the house in which the Governor was, and with a stone struck him in the face. Those of our comrades present seized the cacique ; but his people being near liberated him, leaving in our hands a robe of, ^hct znaii ten. These skins are the best, I think, that can be found ; they have a fragrance that can be equalled by amber and musk alone, and even at a distance is strongly perceptible. We saw there other skins, but none comparable to these. Those of us around, finding the Governor wounded, put him into his boat ; and we caused others of our people to be- take themselves likewise to their boats, some fifty remaining to withstand the natives. They attacked us thrice that night, and with so great impetuosity, that on each occasion they made us retire more than a stone's cast. Not one among us escaped injury: I was wounded in the face. They had not many arrows, but had they been further provided, doubtless they would have done us much harm. In the last onset, the Captains Dorantes, Penalosa, and Tellez put themselves in ambuscade with fifteen men, and fell upon the rear in such manner that the Indians desisted and fled. The next morning 2 I broke up more than thirty canoes, which were serviceable for fuel in a north wind in which we were kept all day suffering severe cold, without daring to go to sea, because of the rough weather upon it. This having subsided, we again embarked, and navigated three days. 3 As we brought little water and the vessels were few, we were reduced to the ." Oviedo, p. 589. 2 October 28, 1528. „ >> /"\,.:„J_ „ eon 1 " Killing three men." Oviedo, p. 589. 3 "Three or four days." Oviedo, p. 589. 40 SPANISH EXPLORERS [1528 last extremity. Following our course, we entered an estuary, and being there we saw Indians approaching in a canoe. We called to them and they came. The Governor, at whose boat they first arrived, asked for water, which they assented to give, asking for something in which they might bring it, when Dorotheo Theodoro, a Greek spoken of before, said that he wished to go with them. The Governor tried to dissuade him, and so did others, but were unable ; he was determined to go whatever might betide. Accordingly he went, taking with him a negro, the natives leaving two of their number as hostages. At night the Indians returned with the vessels empty and without the Christians ; and when those we held were spoken to by uho^x, the, tried +r » plunge into the sea. Being detained by the men, the Indians in w^ canoe thereupon fled, leaving us sorrowful and much dejected for our loss. 1 Chapter 10 The assault from the Indians. The morning having come, many natives arrived in canoes who asked us for the two that had remained in the boat. The Governor replied that he would give up the hostages when they should bring the Christians they had taken. With the Ind- ians had come five or six chiefs, 2 who appeared to us to be the most comely persons, and of more authority and condition than any we had hitherto seen, although not so large as some others of whom we have spoken. They wore the hair loose and very long, and were covered with robes of marten such as we had before taken. Some of the robes were made up after a strange fashion, with wrought ties of lion skin, making a brave 1 Biedma's Narrative (Publications of the Hakluyt Society, IX. 1-83, 1851) says of the De Soto expedition in 1539 : " Having set out for this village [Mavila, Mauvila, Mobile], we found a large river which we supposed to be that which falls into the bay of Chuse [Pensacola Bay] ; we learned that the vessels of Narvaez had arrived there in want of water, and that a Christian named Teodoro and an Indian had remained among these Indians : at the same time they showed us a dagger which had belonged to the Christian." 2 "Three or four," according to the Letter (Oviedo, p. 589), which also gives the number of canoes as twenty. 1528] NARRATIVE OF CABEZA DE VACA 41 show. They entreated us to go with them, and said they would give us the Christians, water, and many other things. They continued to collect about us in canoes, attempting in them to take possession of the mouth of that entrance; in consequence, and because it was hazardous to stay near the land, we went to sea, where they remained by us until about mid-day. As they would not deliver our people, we would not give up theirs; so they began to hurl clubs at us and to throw stones with slings, making threats of shooting arrows, •although we had not seen among them all more than three or four bows. While thus engaged, the wind beginning to freshen, they left us and went back. We sailed that day until the middle of the afternoon, when my boat, which was the first, discovered a point made by the land, and against a cape opposite, passed a broad river. 1 I cast anchor near a little island forming the point, to await the arrival of the other boats. The Governor did not choose to come up, and entered a bay near by in which were a great many islets. We came together there, and took fresh water from the sea, the stream entering it in freshet. 2 To parch some of the maize we brought with us, since we had eaten it raw for two days, we went on an island; but finding no wood we agreed to go to the river beyond the point, one league off. By no effort could we get there, so violent was the current on the way, which drove us out, while we contended and strove to gain the land. The north wind, which came from the shore, began to blow so strongly that it forced us to sea without our being able to overcome it. We sounded half a league out, and found with thirty fathoms 3 we could not get bottom ; but we were unable to satisfy ourselves that the current was not the cause of failure. Toiling in this manner to fetch the land, We navigated three days, and at the end of this time, a little 1 According to the Letter they travelled two days more before reaching this point of land. 2 The Mississippi, the waters of which were now seen by white men fourteen years before the " discovery " of the stream by De Soto. 3 The present normal depth at this distance from the delta is about sixty feet. 42 SPANISH EXPLOKEBS [1528 before the sun rose, we saw smoke in several places along the shore. Attempting to reach them, we found ourselves in three fathoms of water, and in the darkness we dared not come to land ; for as we had seen so many smokes, some surprise might lie in wait, and the obscurity leave us at a loss how to act. We determined therefore to stop until morning. When day came, the boats had lost sight of each other. I found myself in thirty fathoms. Keeping my course until the hour of vespers, I observed two boats, and drawing near I found that the first I approached was that of the Governor. He asked me what I thought we should do. I told him we ought to join the boat which went in advance, and by no means to leave her; and, the three being together, we must keep on our way to where God should be pleased to lead. He answered saying that could not be done, because the boat was far to sea and he wished to reach the shore ; that if I wished to follow him, I should order the persons of my boat to take the oars and work, as it was only by strength of arm that the land could be gained. He was advised to this course by a captain with him named Pantoja, who said that if he did not fetch land that day, in six days more they would not reach it, and in that time they must inevitably famish. Discovering his will I took my oar, and so did every one his, in my boat, to obey it. We rowed until near sunset; but the Governor having in his boat the healthiest of all the men, we could not by any means hold with or follow her. Seeing this, I asked him to give me a rope from his boat, that I might be enabled to keep up with him ; but he answered me that he would do much, if they, as they were, should be able to reach the land that night. I said to him, that since he saw the feeble strength we had to follow him, and do what he ordered, he must tell me how he would that I should act. He answered that it was no longer a time in which one should command another ; but that each should do what he thought best to save his own life ; that he so intended to act ; and saying this, he departed with his boat. 1 1 The selfishness and incompetence of Narvaez, shown throughout the narration, are here further exemplified. His life had more than once been 1528] NARRATIVE OF CABEZA DE VACA 43 As I could not follow him, I steered to the other boat at sea, which waited for me, and having come up, I found her to be the one commanded by the Captains Penalosa and Tellez. Thus we continued in company, eating a daily allowance of half a handful of raw maize, until the end of four days, when we lost sight of each other in a storm; and such was the weather that only by God's favor we did not all go down. Because of- winter and its inclemency, the many days we had suffered hunger, and the heavy beating of the waves, the peo- ple began next day to despair in such a manner that when the sun sank, all who were in my boat were fallen one on another, so near to death that there were few among them in a state of sensibility. Of the whole number at this time not five men were on their feet; and when night came, only the master and myself were left, who could work the boat. Two hours after dark, he said to me that I must take charge of her as he was in such condition he believed he should die that night. So I took the paddle, and going after midnight to see if the master was alive he said to me he was rather better, and would take the charge until day. I declare in that hour I would more willingly have died than seen so many people before me in such condition. After the master took the direction of the boat, I lay down a little while ; but without repose, for nothing at that time was farther from me than sleep. Near the dawn of day, it seemed to me I heard the tum- bling of the sea; for as the coast was low, it roared loudly. Surprised at this, I called to the master, who answered me that he believed we were near the land. We sounded and found ourselves in seven fathoms. He advised that we should keep to sea until sunrise ; accordingly I took an oar and pulled on the land side, until we were a league distant, when we gave her stern to the sea. ,,Near the shore a wave took us, that knocked the boat out of water the distance of the throw of a spared through the self-sacrifice of his men, yet he now thought more of saving himself, with the aid of his hardy crew, than of lending a hand to his weakened companions. 44 SPANISH EXPLORERS [1528 crowbar, 1 and from the violence with which she struck, nearly all the people who were in her like dead, were roused to con- sciousness. Finding themselves near the shore, they began to move on hands and feet, crawling to land into some ravines. There we made fire, parched some of the maize we brought, and found rain water. From the warmth of the fire the people recovered their faculties, and began somewhat to exert them- selves. The day on which we arrived was the sixth of Novem- ber [1528]. Chapter 11 Of what befell Lope de Oviedo with the Indians. After the people had eaten, I ordered Lope de Oviedo, who had more strength and was stouter than any of the rest, to go to some trees that were near by, and climbing into one of them to look about and try to gain knowledge of the country. He did as I bade, and made out that we were on an island. 2 He saw that the land was pawed up in the manner that ground is wont to be where cattle range, whence it appeared to him that this should be a country of Christians; and thus he re- ported to us. I ordered him to return and examine much more particularly, and see if there were any roads that were worn, but without going far, because there might be danger. He went, and coming to a path, took it for the distance of half a league, and found some huts, without tenants, they having gone into the field. 3 He took from these an earthen pot, a little dog, some few mullets, and returned. As it ap- peared to us he was gone a long time, we sent two men that they should look to see what might have happened. They met him near by, and saw that three Indians with bows and ar- 1 Juego de herradura, a game played with an iron bar, often a crowbar, which is grasped at the middle and cast as far as possible. 2 See p. 57, note 2. 3 As this was the root-digging season, the word campo in the original evidently refers to the digging "grounds" in the shoal water, and not to " woods " as Mr. Smith interpreted it. 1528] NAKKATIVE OF CABEZA DE VACA 45 rows followed and were calling to him, while he, in the same way, was beckoning them on. Thus he arrived where we were, the natives remaining a little way back, seated on the shore. Half an hour after, they were supported by one hun- dred other Indian bowmen, 1 who if they were not large, our fears made giants of them. They stopped near us with the first three. It were idle to think that any among us could make defence, for it would have been difficult to find six that could rise from the ground. The assessor and I went out and called to them, and they came to us. We endeavored the best we could to encourage them and secure their favor. We gave them beads and hawk-bells, and each of them gave me an arrow, which is a pledge of friendship. They told us by signs that they would return in the morning and bring us something to eat, as at that time they had nothing. 2 Chapter 12 The Indians bring us food. At sunrise the next day, the time the Indians appointed, they came according to their promise, and brought us a large quantity of fish with certain roots, some a little larger than wal- nuts, others a trifle smaller, the greater part got from under the water and with much labor. In the evening they re- turned and brought us more fish and roots. They sent their women and children to look at us, who went back rich with the hawk-bells and beads given them, and they came after- wards on other days, returning as before. Finding that we had provision, fish, roots, water, and other things we asked for, we determined to embark again and pursue our course. Having dug out our boat from the sand in which it was buried, it became necessary that we should strip, and go through 1 "Two hundred archers with holes in their ears in which were joints of cane." Oviedo, p. 590. 2 For an account of these Indians, see ch. 14, p. 50, 51. 46 SPANISH EXPLOREKS [1528 great exertion to launch her, we being in such a state that things very much lighter sufficed to make us great labor. Thus embarked, at the distance of two crossbow shots in the sea we shipped a wave that entirely wet us. As we were naked, and the cold was very great, the oars loosened in our hands, and the next blow the sea struck us, capsized the boat. The assessor * and two others held fast to her for preservation, but it happened to be far otherwise; the boat carried them over, and they were drowned under her. As the surf near the shore was very high, a single roll of the sea threw the rest into the waves and half drowned upon the shore of the island, with- out our losing any more than those the boat took down. The survivors escaped naked as they were born, with the loss of all they had ; and although the whole was of little value, at that time it was worth much, as we were then in November, the cold was severe, and our bodies were so emaciated the bones might be counted with little difficulty, having become the per- fect figures of death. For myself I can say that from the month of May passed, I had eaten no other thing than maize, and sometimes I found myself obliged to eat it unparched; for although the beasts were slaughtered while the boats were building, I could never eat their flesh, and I did not eat fish ten times. I state this to avoid giving excuses, and that every one may judge in what condition we were. Besides all these misfortunes, came a north wind upon us, from which we were nearer to death than life. Thanks be to our Lord that, looking among the brands we had used there, we found sparks from which we made great fires. And thus were we asking mercy of Him and pardon for our transgressions, shedding many tears, and each regretting not his own fate alone, but that of his comrades about him. At sunset, the Indians thinking that we had not gone, came to seek us and bring us food ; but when they saw us thus, in a plight so different from what it was before, and so extraordi- nary, they were alarmed and turned back. I went toward them and called, when they returned much frightened. 1 Alonzo de Solis. 1528] NARRATIVE OF CABEZA DE VACA 47 I gave them to understand by signs that our boat had sunk and three of our number had been drowned. There, before them, they saw two of the departed, and we who remained were near joining them. The Indians, at sight of what had befallen us, and our state of suffering and melancholy destitu- tion, sat down among us, and from the sorrow and pity they felt, they all began to lament so earnestly that they might have been heard at a distance, and continued so doing more than half an hour. It was strange to see these men, wild and untaught, howling like brutes over our misfortunes. It caused in me as in others, an increase of feeling and a livelier sense of our calamity. The cries having ceased, I talked with the Christians, and said that if it appeared well to them, I would beg these Indians to take us to their houses. Some, who had been in New Spain, replied that we ought not to think of it ; for if they should do so, they would sacrifice us to their idols. But seeing no better course, and that any other led to a nearer and more certain death, I disregarded what was said, and besought the Indians to take us to their dwellings. They signified that it would give them delight, and that we should tarry a little, that they might do what we asked. Presently thirty men loaded them- selves with wood and started for their houses, which were far off, 1 and we remained with the others until near night, when, holding us up, they carried us with all haste. Because of the extreme coldness of the weather, lest any one should die or fail by the way, they caused four or five very large fires to be placed at intervals, and at each they warmed us; and when they saw that we had regained some heat and strength, they took us to the next so swiftly that they hardly let us touch our feet to the ground. In this manner we went as far as their habitations, where we found that they had made a house for us with many fires in it. An hour after our arrival, they 1 As he does not speak of crossing water, the dwellings of these Indians were doubtless those seen by Lope de Oviedo on the island, where they lived from October until March, for the purpose of obtaining the roots from the shoal water, as well as fish and oysters. 48 SPANISH EXPLORERS [1528 began to dance and hold great rejoicing, which lasted all night, although for us there was no joy, festivity nor sleep, awaiting the hour they should make us victims. In the morn- ing they again gave us fish and roots, showing us such hospi- tality that we were reassured, and lost somewhat the fear of sacrifice. Chapter 13 We hear of other Christians. This day I saw a native with an article of traffic I knew was not one we had bestowed ; and asking whence it came, I was told by signs that it had been given by men like ourselves who were behind. Hearing this I sent two Indians, and with them two Christians to be shown those persons. They met near by, 1 as the men were coming to look after us; for the Indians of the place where they were, gave them information concerning us. They were Captains Andres Dorantes and Alonzo del Castillo, with all the persons of their boat. Having come up they were surprised at seeing us in the condition we were, and very much pained at having nothing to give us, as they had brought no other clothes than what they had on. Thus together again, they related that on the fifth day of that month, 2 their boat had capsized a league and a half 3 from there, and they escaped without losing any thing. We all agreed to refit their [our] boat, that those of us might go in her who had vigor sufficient and disposition to do so, and the rest should remain until they became well enough to go, as they best might, along the coast until God our Lord should be pleased to conduct us alike to a land of Christians. Di- rectly as we arranged this, we set ourselves to work. Before we threw the boat out into the water, Tavera, a gentleman of 1 This would seem to indicate that Dorantes' boat was cast ashore on the same island. 2 November, 1528. Dorantes' boat was therefore cast ashore the day before the landing of Cabeza de Vaca's party. 3 About four miles. 1528] NAKRATIVE OF CABEZA DE VACA 49 our company, died; and the boat, which we thought to use, came to its end, sinking from unfitness to float. As we were in the condition I have mentioned, the greater number of us naked, and the weather boisterous for travel, and to cross rivers and bays by swimming, and we being en- tirely without provisions or the means of carrying any, we yielded obedience to what necessity required, to pass the win- ter in the place where we were. We also agreed that four men of the most robust should go on to Panunco, 1 which we be- lieved to be near, and if, by Divine favor, they should reach there, they could give information of our remaining on that island, and of our sorrows and destitution. These men were excellent swimmers. One of them was Alvaro Fernandez, a Portuguese sailor and carpenter, the second was named Men- dez, the third Figueroa, who was a native of Toledo, and the fourth Astudillo, a native of Qafra. They took with them an Indian of the island of Auia. 2 Chapter 14 The departure of four Christians. The four Christians being gone, after a few days such cold and tempestuous weather succeeded that the Indians could not pull up roots, the cane weirs in which they took fish no longer yielded any thing, and the houses being very open, our people began to die. Five Christians, of a mess [quartered] on the coast, came to such extremity that they ate their dead ; the body of the last one only was found unconsumed. Their names were Sierra, Diego Lopez, Corral, Palacios and Gongalo Ruiz. This produced great commotion among the Indians 1 Panuco, previously referred to. 2 The edition of 1542 omits the last two words. Auia has been regarded as the native name of Malhado Island, but this is seemingly an error, otherwise Cabeza de Vaca would in all probability have mentioned the nativity of the Indian in later speaking (ch. 17) of his death from cold and hunger. Her- rera says: "the island of Cuba," which seems more probable. 50 SPANISH EXPLORERS [1528 giving rise to so much censure that had they known it in season to have done so, doubtless they would have destroyed any survivor, and we should have found ourselves in the ut- most perplexity. Finally, of eighty men who arrived in the two instances, fifteen only remained alive. After this, the natives were visited by a disease of the bowels, of which half their number died. They conceived that we had destroyed them, 1 and believing it firmly, they concerted among themselves to dispatch those of us who survived. When they were about to execute their purpose, an Indian who had charge of me, told them not to believe we were the cause of those deaths, since if we had such power we should also have averted the fatality from so many of our people, whom they had seen die without our being able to minister relief, already very few of us remaining, and none doing hurt or wrong, and that it would be better to leave us unharmed. God our Lord willed that the others should heed this opinion and counsel, and be hindered in their design. To this island we gave the name Malhado. 2 The people 3 we found there are large and well formed ; they have no other arms than bows and arrows, in the use of which they are very dexterous. The men have one of their nipples bored from side to side, and some have both, wearing a cane in each, the length of two palms and a half, and the thickness of two fin- gers. They have the under lip also bored, and wear in it a piece of cane the breadth of half a finger. Their women are accustomed to great toil. The stay they make on the island is from October to the end of February. Their subsistence then is the root I have spoken of, got from under the water in November and December. They have weirs of cane and take fish only in this season; afterwards they live on the roots. At the end of February, they go into other parts to seek food ; for then the root is beginning to grow and is not food. Those people love their offspring the most of any in the 1 That is, the Indians believed the Christians to be sorcerers. 2 "Misfortune," "ill-fate." 3 The Capoques, or Cahoques, and the Hans. See ch. 26. 1528] NARKATIVE OF CABEZA DE VACA 51 world, and treat them with the greatest mildness. 1 When it occurs that a son dies, the parents and kindred weep as does everybody; the wailing continuing for him a whole year. They begin before dawn every day, the parents first and after them the whole town. They do the same at noon and at sun- set. After a year of mourning has passed, the rites of the dead are performed; then they wash and purify themselves from the stain of smoke. They lament all the deceased in this manner, except the aged, for whom they show no regret, as they say that their season has passed, they having no en- joyment, and that living they would occupy the earth and take aliment from the young. Their custom is to bury the dead, unless it be those among them who have been physi- cians. These they burn. While the fire kindles they are all dancing and making high festivity, until the bones become powder. After the lapse of a year the funeral honors are cele- brated, every one taking part in them, when that dust is pre- sented in water for the relatives to drink. 2 Every man has an acknowledged wife. The physicians are allowed more freedom : they may have two or three wives, among whom exist the greatest friendship and harmony. From the time a daughter marries, all that he who takes her to wife kills in hunting or catches in fishing, the woman brings to the house of her father, without daring to eat or take any part of it, and thence victuals are taken to the hus- band. From that time neither her father nor mother enters his house, nor can he enter theirs, nor the houses of their chil- dren ; and if by chance they are in the direction of meeting, they turn aside, and pass the distance of a crossbow shot from each other, carrying the head low the while, the eyes cast on the ground; for they hold it improper to see or to speak to 1 This is characteristic of all Indians, who punish their children very rarely. 2 Nevertheless these same people were so horrified by the uncanny action of the Spaniards who ate their dead companions that they sought to put them to death. It should be noted that the Attacapan and probably the Karankawan tribes of the Texas coast, to which the people of Malhado Island may have belonged, were reputed to be cannibals. f 52 SPANISH EXPLORERS [1529 each other. 1 But the woman has liberty to converse and communicate with the parents and relatives of her husband. The custom exists from this island the distance of more than fifty leagues inland. There is another custom, which is, when a son or brother dies, at the house where the death takes place they do not go after food for three months, but sooner famish, their relatives and neighbors providing what they eat. As in the time we were there a great number of the natives died, in most houses there was very great hunger, because of the keeping of this their custom and observance; for although they who sought after food worked hard, yet from the severity of the season they could get but little; in consequence, the Indians who kept me, left the island, and passed over in canoes to the main, into some bays where are many oysters. For three months in the year they eat nothing besides these, and drink very bad water. 2 There is great want of wood: mosquitos are in great plenty. The houses are of mats, set up on masses of oyster shells, which they sleep upon, and in skins, should they accidentally possess them. In this way we lived until April [1529], when we went to the seashore, where we ate blackberries all the month, during which time the Indians did not omit to observe their areitos s and festivities. Chapter 15 What befell us among the people of Malhado. On an island of which I have spoken, they wished to make us physicians without examination or inquiring for diplomas. They cure by blowing upon the sick, and with that breath and 1 Tabu of the mother-in-law by a young man is quite common among the Indians, but refusal to see or to speak to the wife's father is very rare. 2 On their food, compare Oviedo, p. 592. 3 An areito, or areyto, was a dance ceremony of the Arawak Indians of the West Indies in which their traditions were recounted in chants. Like buhio, previously mentioned, the word was now carried to the continent. 1529] NABRATIVE OF CABEZA DE VACA 53 the imposing of hands they cast out infirmity. They ordered that we also should do this, and be of use to them in some way. We laughed at what they did, telling them it was folly, that we knew not how to heal. In consequence, they withheld food from us until we should practise what they required. Seeing our persistence, an Indian told me I knew not what I uttered, in saying that what he knew availed nothing; for stones and other matters growing about in the fields have vir- tue, and that passing a pebble along the stomach would take away pain and restore health, and certainly then we who were extraordinary men must possess power and efficacy over all other things. At last, finding ourselves in great want we were constrained to obey; but without fear lest we should be blamed for any failure or success. Their custom is, on finding themselves sick to send for a physician, and after he has applied the cure, they give him not only all they have, but seek among their relatives for more to give. The practitioner scarifies over the seat of pain, and then sucks about the wound. They make cauteries with fire, a remedy among them in high repute, which I have tried on myself and found benefit from it. They afterwards blow on the spot, and having finished, the patient considers that he is relieved. Our method was to bless the sick, breathing upon them, and recite a Pater-noster and an Ave-Maria, praying with all earnestness to God our Lord that he would give health and in- fluence them to make us some good return. In his clemency he willed that all those for whom we supplicated, should tell the others that they were sound and in health, directly after we made the sign of the blessed cross over them. For this the Indians treated us kindly; they deprived themselves of food that they might give to us, and presented us with skins and some trifles. So protracted was the hunger we there experienced, that many times I was three days without eating. The natives also endured as much ; and it appeared to me a thing impossi- ble that life could be so prolonged, although afterwards I 54 SPANISH EXPLORERS [1529 found myself in greater hunger and necessity, which I shall speak of farther on. The Indians who had Alonzo del Castillo, Andres Dorantes, and the others that remained alive, were of a different tongue and ancestry from these, 1 and went to the opposite shore of the main to eat oysters, where they staid until the first day of April, when they returned. The distance is two leagues in the widest part. The island is half a league in breadth and five leagues in length. 2 The inhabitants of all this region go naked. The women alone have any part of their persons covered, and it is with a wool 3 that grows on trees. The damsels dress themselves in deer-skin. The people are generous to each other of what they possess. They have no chief. All that are of a lineage keep together. They speak two languages; those of one are called Capoques, those of the other, Han. 4 They have a cus- tom when they meet, or from time to time when they visit, of remaining half an hour before they speak, weeping; 5 and, this over, he that is visited first rises and gives the other all he has, which is received, and after a little while he carries it away, and often goes without saying a word. They have 1 These were evidently the Hans, of whom he speaks later. 2 See p. 57, note 2. 3 Spanish moss. 4 Important as it is in affording evidence of the route of Cabeza de Vaca and his companions, it is not possible, with our present knowledge of the former tribes of the coast region of Texas, to identify with certainty the vari- ous Indians mentioned by the narrator. Whether the names given by him are those which the natives applied to themselves or are those given by other tribes is unknown, and as no remnant of this once considerable coast popula- tion now exists, the only hope of the ultimate determination of these Indians lies in the historical archives of Texas, Mexico, and Spain. The two lan- guages and stocks represented on the island of Malhado — the Capoque and the Han — would seem to apply to the Karankawan and Attacapan fam- ilies respectively. The Capoques (called Cahoques on p. 87) are seemingly identical with the Cocos who lived with the Mayayes on the coast between the Brazos and Colorado Rivers in 1778, and with the Cokes, who as late as 1850 are described as a branch of the Koronks (Karankawa). Of the Han people nothing more definite is known than that which is here recorded. 5 Compare Barcia, Ensayo, 263, 1723, and Gatschet in Archaeological and Ethnological Papers of the Peabody Museum, Harvard University, 1891, for references to these "weepers." 1529] NARRATIVE OF CABEZA DE VACA 55 other strange customs ; but I have told the principal of them, and the most remarkable, that I may pass on and further relate what befell us. Chapter 16 The Christians leave the island of Malhado. After Dorantes and Castillo returned to the island, they brought together the Christians, who were somewhat sepa- rated, and found them in all to be fourteen. As I have said, I was opposite on the main, where my Indians had taken me, and where so great sickness had come upon me, that if any- thing before had given me hopes of life, this were enough to have entirely bereft me of them. When the Christians heard of my condition, they gave an Indian the cloak of marten skins we had taken from the cacique, as before related, to pass them over to where I was that they might visit me. Twelve of them crossed ; for two were so feeble that their comrades could not venture to bring them. The names of those who came were Alonzo del Castillo, Andres Dorantes, Diego Dorantes, Valdevieso, 1 Estrada, Tostado, Chaves, Gutierrez, Asturiano a clergyman, Diego de Huelva, Estevanico the black, and Benitez ; and when they reached the main land, they found another, who was one of our company, named Francisco de Leon. The thirteen to- gether followed along the coast. So soon as they had come over, my Indians informed me of it, and that Hieronymo de Alvaniz 2 and Lope de Oviedo remained on the island. But sickness prevented me from going with my companions or even seeing them. I was obliged to remain with the people belonging to the island 3 more than a year, and because of the hard work they put upon me and the harsh treatment, I resolved to flee from 1 Diego Dorantes and Pedro de Valdivieso were cousins of Andres Dor- antes. See p. 69. 2 Called also Alaniz — the notary. 3 The Capoques. 56 SPANISH EXPLOEERS [1530 them and go to those of Charruco, who inhabit the forests and country of the main, the life I led being insupportable. Besides much other labor, I had to get out roots from below the water, and from among the cane where they grew in the ground. From this employment I had my fingers so worn that did a straw but touch them they would bleed. Many of the canes are broken, so they often tore my flesh, and I had to go in the midst of them with only the clothing on I have mentioned. Accordingly, I put myself to contriving how I might get over to the other Indians, among whom matters turned some- what more favorably for me. I set to trafficking, and strove to make my employment profitable in the ways I could best contrive, and by that means I got food and good treatment. The Indians would beg me to go from one quarter to another for things of which they have need ; for in consequence of in- cessant hostilities, they cannot traverse the country, nor make many exchanges. With my merchandise and trade I went into the interior as far as I pleased, and travelled along the coast forty or fifty leagues. The principal wares were cones and other pieces of sea-snail, conchs used for cutting, and fruit like a bean of the highest value among them, which they use as a medicine and employ in their dances and festivities. Among other matters were sea-beads. Such were what I carried into the interior; and in barter I got and brought back skins, ochre with which they rub and color the face, hard canes of which to make arrows, sinews, cement and flint for the heads, and tassels of the hair of deer that by dyeing they make red. This occupation suited me well; for the travel allowed me liberty to go where I wished, I was not obliged to work, and was not a slave. Wherever I went I received fair treat- ment, and the Indians gave me to eat out of regard to my commodities. My leading object, while journeying in this business, was to find out the way by which I should go for- ward, and I became well known. The inhabitants were pleased when they saw me, and I had brought them what they wanted; and those who did not know me sought and 1533] NARRATIVE OF CABEZA DE VACA 57 desired the acquaintance, for my reputation. The hardships that I underwent in this were long to tell, as well of peril and privation as of storms and cold. Oftentimes they overtook me alone and in the wilderness ;' but I came forth from them all by the great mercy of God our Lord. Because of them I avoided pursuing the business in winter, a season in which the natives themselves retire to their huts and ranches, torpid and incapable of exertion. I was in this country nearly six years, 1 alone among the Indians, and naked like them. The reason why I remained so long, was that I might take with me the Christian, Lope de Oviedo, from the island; Alaniz, his companion, who had been left with him by Alonzo del Castillo, and by Andres Dorantes, and the rest, died soon after their departure; and to get the survivor out from there, I went over to the island every year, and entreated him that we should go, in the best way we could contrive, in quest of Christians. He put me off every year, saying in the next coming we would start. At last I got him off, crossing him over the bay, and over four rivers in the coast, 2 as he could not swim. In this way we 1 From 1528 to 1533. 2 The identification of Malhado Island is a difficult problem. On general principles Galveston Island would seem to supply the conditions, in that it more likely would have been inhabited by two distinct tribes, perhaps repre- senting distinct linguistic families, as it is known to have been occupied by Indians (the Karankawa) at a later period, besides having the smaller island or islands behind it. But its size and the other conditions are not in favor of the identification, for its length is at least twice as great as that of Malhado, as given in the narrative, and it is also more than two leagues from its nearest end to the first stream that the Spaniards crossed after departing from the is- land (Oviedo, p. 593). Mr. James Newton Baskett suggests that the so-called Velasco Island, next south of Galveston Island, better fulfils the requirements, as indeed it does topographically, except for the fact that it is really a penin- sula. Aside from this, it possesses all the physical features, — length and width, distance from the first stream to the southward, and having the necessary island or islands (Mud and San Luis) off its northern shore. Accepting Mr. Baskett's determination, it is not difficult to account for the four streams, "very large and of rapid current," one of which flowed directly into the gulf. Following the journey of the Spaniards from the island, down the coast, in April, when the streams were swollen by flood, the first river was crossed in two leagues after they had reached the mainland. This was evidently Oyster Creek. Three leagues farther was another river, running so power- 58 SPANISH EXPLORERS [1533 went on with some Indians, until coming to a bay a league in width, and everywhere deep. From the appearance we sup- posed it to be that which is called Espiritu Sancto. We met some Indians on the other side of it, coming to visit ours, who told us that beyond them were three men like us, and gave their names. We asked for the others, and were told that they were all dead of cold and hunger; that the Indians far- ther on, of whom they were, for their diversion had killed Diego Dorantes, Valdevieso, and Diego de Huelva, 1 because they left one house for another ; and that other Indians, their neighbors with whom Captain Dorantes now was, had in con- sequence of a dream, killed Esquivel and Mendez. 2 We asked fully that one of the rafts was driven to sea more than a league. This fully agrees with the Brazos, which indeed is the only large stream of the land- locked Texas coast that flows directly into the gulf. Four leagues still farther they reached another river, where the boat of the comptroller and the commissary was found. From this fact it may be assumed that this stream also flowed into the open gulf, a condition satisfied by Caney Creek. The San Bernardo may well have escaped notice in travelling near the coast, from the fact that it flows into Cedar Lake. Five or six leagues more brought them to another large river (the Colorado), which the Indians carried them across in a canoe ; and in four days they reached the bay of Espiritu Santo (La Vaca Bay?). "The bay was broad, nearly a league across. The side toward Panuco [the south] forms a point running out nearly a quarter of a league, having on it some large white sand-stacks which it is reasonable to suppose can be descried from a distance at sea, and were consequently thought to mark the River Espiritu Santo." After two days of exertion they succeeded in crossing the bay in a broken canoe ; and at the end of twelve leagues they came to a small bay not more than the breadth of a river. Here they found Figueroa, the only survivor of the four who had attempted to return to Mexico. The distance from Malhado Island is given as sixty leagues, consequently the journey from the Colorado to the bay now reached, which seems to be no other than San Antonio Bay, covered thirty-two to thirty-three leagues. Lofty sand dunes, such as those seen on what we regard as perhaps La Vaca Bay, occur on San Antonio Bay. See United States Coast Survey Report for 1859, p. 325. The western shore of the bay is a bluff or bank of twenty feet. "At one place on this side, a singular range of sand- hills, known as the Sand-mounds, approaches the shore. The highest peak is about seventy-five feet above the bay." 1 These were all members of Dorantes' party who visited Cabeza de Vaca when he was ill on the mainland. See p. 55. 2 Esquivel was one of the party under Enrriquez the comptroller ; Men- dez was one of the good swimmers who started from the island in the hope of reaching Panuco. 1533] NARRATIVE OF CABEZA DE VACA 59 how the living were situated, and they answered that they were very ill used, the boys and some of the Indian men being very idle, out of cruelty gave them many kicks, cuffs, and blows with sticks; that such was the life they led. We desired to be informed of the country ahead, and of the subsistence : they said there was nothing to eat, and that it was thin of people, who suffered of cold, having no skins or other things to cover them. They told us also if we wished to see those three Christians, two days from that time the Indians who had them would come to eat walnuts a league from there on the margin of that river; and that we might know what they told us of the ill usage to be true, they slapped my companion and beat him with a stick, and I was not left without my portion. Many times they threw lumps of mud at us, and every day they put their arrows to our hearts, say- ing that they were inclined to kill us in the way that they had destroyed our friends. Lope Oviedo, my comrade, in fear said that he wished to go back with the women of those who had crossed the bay with us, the men having remained some distance behind. I contended strongly against his returning, and urged my objections; but in no way could I keep him. So he went back, and I remained alone with those savages. They are called Quevenes, 1 and those with whom he returned, Deaguanes. 2 Chapter 17 The coming of Indians with Andres Dorantes, Castillo, and Estevanico. Two days after Lope de Oviedo left, the Indians who had Alonzo del Castillo and Andres Dorantes, came to the place of which we had been told, to eat walnuts. These are ground with a kind of small grain, and this is the subsistence of the 1 Guevenes in the edition of 1542 (Bandelier translation) . There is reason to believe that these people may have been identical with the Cohani, who lived west of the Colorado River of Texas in the first quarter of the nine- teenth century. 2 Doguenes in ch. 26. 60 SPANISH EXPLOEEES [1533 people two months in the year without any other thing ; but even the nuts they do not have every season, as the tree pro- duces in alternate years. The fruit is the size of that in Ga- licia ; the trees are very large and numerous. An Indian told me of the arrival of the Christians, and that if I wished to see them I must steal away and flee to the point of a wood to which he directed me, and that as he and others, kindred of his, should pass by there to visit those Indians, they would take me with them to the spot where the Christians were. I determined to attempt this and trust to them, as they spoke a language distinct from that of the others. I did so, and the next day they left, and found me in the place that had been pointed out, and accordingly took me with them. When I arrived near their abode, Andres Dorantes came out to see who it could be, for the Indians had told him that a Christian was coming. His astonishment was great when he saw me, as they had for many a day considered me dead, and the natives had said that I was. We gave many thanks at seeing ourselves together, and this was a day to us of the greatest pleasure we had enjoyed in life. Having come to where Castillo was, they inquired of me where I was going. I told them my purpose was to reach the land of Christians, I being then in search and pursuit of it. Andres Dorantes said that for a long time he had entreated Castillo and Estevanico to go forward ; but that they dared not venture, because they knew not how to swim, and greatly dreaded the rivers and bays they should have to cross, there being many in that country. Thus the Almighty had been pleased to preserve me through many trials and diseases, conducting me in the end to the fellowship of those who had abandoned me, that I might lead them over the bays and rivers that obstructed our progress. They advised me on no account to let the natives know or have a suspicion of my desire to go on, else they would destroy me ; and that for success it would be necessary for me to remain quiet until the end of six months, when comes the season in which these Indians go to another part of the coun- 1533] NARRATIVE OF CABEZA DE VACA 61 try to eat prickly pears. 1 People would arrive from parts farther on, bringing bows to barter and for exchange, with whom, after making our escape, we should be able to go on their return. Having consented to this course, I remained. The prickly pear is the size of a hen's egg, vermillion and black in color, and of agreeable flavor. The natives live on it three months in the year, having nothing beside. I was given as a slave to an Indian, with whom was Do- rantes. He was blind of one eye, as were also his wife and sons, and likewise another who was with him; so that of a fashion they were all blind. These are called Marians ; 2 Cas- tillo was with another neighboring people, called Yguases. 3 While here the Christians related to me how they had left the island of Malhado, and found the boat in which the comp- troller and the friars had sailed, bottom up on the seashore; and that going along crossing the rivers, which are four, 4 very large and of rapid current, their boats 5 were swept away and carried to sea, where four of their number were drowned; that thus they proceeded until they crossed the bay, getting over it with great difficulty, and fifteen leagues thence they came to another. By the time they reached this, they had lost two companions in the sixty leagues they travelled, and those remaining were nearly dead, in all the while having eaten nothing but crabs and rockweed. 6 Arrived at this bay, they found Indians eating mulberries, who, when they saw them, went to a cape opposite. While contriving and seeking for some means to cross the bay, there came over to them an Indian, and a Christian whom they recognized to be Figueroa, 1 The fruit of the Opuntia cactus, of which there are about two hundred species. 2 Mariames in ch. 26, and in the edition of 1542. These people are not identified. They were possibly of Karankawan or Coahuiltecan affinity, but there is no direct evidence of this. 3 Iguaces in the edition of 1542. 4 See p. 57, note 2. 5 Rafts built for the purpose of crossing the streams. 6 Yerba pedrera: "Of which glass is made in Spain." Oviedo, p. 593. Doubtless kelp. It was burned and from the product glass and soap were formerly manufactured. It is still a source of manufacture of carbonate of soda and iodine. 62 SPANISH EXPLORERS [1528 one of the four we had sent forward from the island of Mal- hado. He there recounted how he and his companions had got as far as that place, when two of them and an Indian * died of cold and hunger, being exposed in the most inclement of seasons. He and Mendez were taken by the Indians, and while with them his associate fled, going as well as he could in the direction of Panuco, and the natives pursuing, put him to death. While living with these Indians, Figueroa learned from them that there was a Christian among the Mariames, who had come over from the opposite side, and he found him among the Quevenes. This was Hernando de Esquivel, a na- tive of Badajoz, who had come in company with the com- missary. From him Figueroa learned the end to which the Governor, the comptroller, and the others had come. Esqui- vel told him that the comptroller and the friars had upset their boat at the confluence of the rivers, 2 and that the boat of the Governor, moving along the coast, came with its people to land. Narvdez went in the boat until arriving at that great bay, where he took in the people, and, crossing them to the opposite point, returned for the comptroller, the friars, and the rest. And he related that being disembarked, the Governor had recalled the commission the comptroller held as his lieu- tenant, assigning the duties to a captain with him named Pan- toja : that Narvaez stayed the night in his boat, not wishing to come on shore, having a cockswain with him and a page who was unwell, there being no water nor anything to eat on board; that at midnight, the boat having only a stone for anchor, the north wind blowing strongly took her unobserved to sea, and they never knew more of their commander. The others then went along the coast, and as they were arrested by a wide extent of water, they made rafts with much labor, on which they crossed to the opposite shore. Going on, they arrived at a point of woods on the banks of the water 1 Alvaro Fernandez, the Portuguese sailor and carpenter ; Astudillo, the native of Zafra; and the Indian from the island of "Auia" (Cuba). 2 The Mississippi delta. 1529] NAKRATIVE OF CABEZA DE VACA 63 where were Indians, who, as they saw them coming, put their houses * into their canoes and went over to the opposite side. The Christians, in consideration of the season, for it was now the month of November, stopped at this wood, where they found water and fuel, some crabs and shell-fish. They began, one by one, to die of cold and hunger; and, more than this, Panto j a, who was Lieutenant-Governor, used them severely, which Soto-Mayor (the brother of Vasco Porcallo, of the island of Cuba), who had come with the armament as camp- master, not being able to bear, had a struggle with him, and, giving him a blow with a club, Panto j a was instantly killed. Thus did the number go on diminishing. The living dried the flesh of them that died ; and the last that died was Soto- Mayor, when Esquivel preserved his flesh, and, feeding on it, sustained existence until the first of March, when an Indian of those that had fled, coming to see if they were alive, took Esquivel with him. While he was in the possession of the native, Figueroa saw him, and learned all that had been re- lated. He besought Esquivel to come with him, that together they might pursue the way to Panuco; to which Esquivel would not consent, saying that he had understood from the friars that Panuco had been left behind : 2 so he remained there and Figueroa went to the coast where he was accustomed to live. Chapter 18 The story Figueroa recounted from Esquivel. This account was all given by Figueroa, according to the relation he received from Esquivel, and from him through the others it came to me; whence may be seen and understood the fate of the armament, and the individual fortunes of the greater part of the people. Figueroa said, moreover, that if 1 Doubtless consisting of mats fastened to a framework. 2 That is, he supposed that he was then somewhere on the coast of central Mexico. 64 SPANISH EXPLOEERS [1529 the Christians should at any time go in that direction, it were possible they might see Esquivel, for he knew that he had fled from the Indian with whom he was, to the Mariames, who were neighbors. After Figueroa had finished telling the story, he and the Asturian made an attempt to go to other Indians farther on; but as soon as they who had the Chris- tians discovered it, they followed, and beating them severely, stripped the Asturian and shot an arrow through his arm. They finally escaped by flight. The other Christians remained, and prevailed on the Indians to receive them as slaves. In their service they were abused as slaves never were, nor men in any condition have ever been. Not content with frequently buffeting them, strik- ing them with sticks, and pulling out their beard for amuse- ment, they killed three of the six for only going from one house to another. These were the persons I have named be- fore : Diego Dorantes, Valdivieso, and Diego de Huelva : and the three that remained looked forward to the same fate. Not to endure this life, Andres Dorantes fled, and passed to the Mariames, the people among whom Esquivel tarried. They told him that having had Esquivel there, he wished to run away because a woman dreamed that a son of hers would kill him ; and that they followed after, and slew him. They showed Dorantes his sword, beads, and book, with other things that had been his. 1 Thus in obedience to their custom they take life, destroy- ing even their male children on account of dreams. They cast away their daughters at birth, and cause them to be eaten by dogs. The reason of their doing this, as they state, is because all the nations of the country are their foes ; and as they have unceasing war with them, if they were to marry away their daughters, they would so greatly multiply their enemies that they must be overcome and made slaves ; thus they prefer to destroy all, rather than that from them should come a single enemy. We asked why they did not themselves marry them ; 1 See the extracts from the letter of the survivors (preserved by Oviedo) appended to this chapter. 1632] NARRATIVE OF CABEZA DE VACA 65 and they said it would be a disgustful thing to marry among relatives, and far better to kill than to give them either to their kindred or to their foes. This is likewise the practice of their neighbors the Yguazes, but of no other people of that country. When the men would marry, they buy the women of their enemies : the price paid for a wife is a bow, the best that can be got, with two arrows : if it happens that the suitor should have no bow, then a net a fathom in length and another in breadth. They kill their male children, and buy those of strangers. The marriage state continues no longer than while the parties are satisfied, and they separate for the slightest cause. Dorantes was among this people, and after a few days escaped. Castillo and Estevanico went inland to the Yguazes. This people are universally good archers and of a fine symmetry, although not so large as those we left. They have a nipple and a lip bored. 1 Their support is principally roots, of two or three kinds, and they look for them over the face of all the country. The food is poor and gripes the persons who eat it. The roots require roasting two days: many are very bitter, and withal difficult to be dug. They are sought the distance of two or three leagues, and so great is the want these people experience, that they cannot get through the year without them. Occasionally they kill deer, and at times take fish; but the quantity is so small and the famine so great, that they eat spiders and the eggs of ants, worms, lizards, sala- manders, snakes, and vipers that kill whom they strike ; and they eat earth and wood, and all that there is, the dung of deer, and other things that I omit to mention ; and I honestly believe that were there stones in that land they would eat them. They save the bones of the fishes they consume, of snakes and other animals, that they may afterwards beat them together and eat the powder. The men bear no bur- thens, nor carry anything of weight ; such are borne by women and old men who are of the least esteem. They have not so 1 Evidently for the insertion of canes, as was the custom of the Capoques and Hans of the island of Malhado. 66 SPANISH EXPLOKEPvS [1533 great love for their children as those we have before spoken of. 1 Some among them are accustomed to sin against nature. The women work very hard, and do a great deal ; of the twenty- four hours they have only six of repose ; the rest of the night they pass in heating the ovens to bake those roots they eat. At daybreak they begin to dig them, to bring wood and water to their houses and get in readiness other things that may be necessary. The majority of the people are great thieves; for though they are free to divide with each other, on turning the head, even a son or a father will take what he can. They are great liars, and also great drunkards, which they became from the use of a certain liquor. 2 These Indians are so accustomed to running, that without rest or fatigue they follow a deer from morning to night. In this way they kill many. They pursue them until tired down, and sometimes, overtake them in the race. Their houses are of matting, placed upon four hoops. They carry them on the back, and remove every two or three days in search of food. Nothing is planted for support. They are a merry people, considering the hunger they suffer; for they never cease, notwithstanding, to observe their festivities and areytos. To them the happiest part of the year is the season of eating prickly pears ; they have hunger then no longer, pass all the time in dancing, and eat day and night. While these last, they squeeze out the juice, open and set them to dry, and when dry they are put in hampers like figs. These they keep to eat on their way back. The peel is beaten to powder. It occurred to us many times while we were among this people, and there was no food, to be three or four days without eating, when they, to revive our spirits, would tell us not to be sad, that soon there would be prickly pears when we should eat a plenty and drink of the juice, when our bellies would be very big and we should be content and joyful, having no hun- 1 The Capoques of Malhado Island. 2 It is not improbable that the liquor was made from the peyote, or mes- cal button, still used by the Kiowa, Comanche, and others to produce stupe- faction. See Mooney in Seventeenth Report of the Bureau of American Eth- nology, 1898. 1533] NAEEATIVE OF CABEZA DE VACA 67 ger. From the time they first told us this, to that at which the earliest were ripe enough to be eaten, was an interval of five or six months; so having tarried until the lapse of this period, and the season had come, we went to eat the fruit. We found mosquitos of three sorts, and all of them abun- C dant in every part of the country. They poison and inflame, and during the greater part of the summer gave us great annoyance. As a protection we made fires, encircling the people with them, burning rotten and wet wood to produce " smoke without flame. The remedy brought another trouble, and the night long we did little else than shed tears from the smoke that came into our eyes, besides feeling intense heat from the many fires, and if at any time we went out for re- pose to the seaside and fell asleep, we were reminded with blows to make up the fires. The Indians of the interior have a different method, as intolerable, and worse even than the one I have spoken of, which is to go with brands in the hand firing the plains and forests within their reach, that the mos- -* quitos may fly away, and at the same time to drive out liz- ards and other like things from the earth for them to eat. They are accustomed also to kill deer by encircling them with fires. The pasturage is taken from the cattle by burn- ing, that necessity may drive them to seek it in places where it is desired they should go. They encamp only where there are wood and water; and sometimes all carry loads of these when they go to hunt deer, which are usually found where neither is to be got. On the day of their arrival, they kill the deer and other animals which they can, and consume all the water and all the wood in cooking and on the fires they make to relieve them of mosquitos. They remain the next day to get something to sustain them on their return ; and , when they go, such is their state from those insects that they appear to have the affliction of holy Lazarus. In this way do they appease their hunger, two or three times in the year, at the cost I have mentioned. From my own experience, I can state there is no torment known in this world that can equal it. 68 SPANISH EXPLOEEES [1533 Inland are many deer, birds, and beasts other than those I have spoken of. Cattle * come as far as here. Three times I have seen them and eaten of their meat. I think they are about the size of those in Spain. They have small horns like the cows of Morocco ; the hair is very long and flocky like the merino's. Some are tawny, others black. To my judg- ment the flesh is finer and fatter than that of this country. Of the skins of those not full grown the Indians make blank- ets, and of the larger they make shoes and bucklers. They come as far as the sea-coast of Florida, from a northerly di- rection, ranging through a tract of more than four hundred leagues; and throughout the whole region over which they run, the people who inhabit near, descend and live upon them, distributing a vast many hides into the interior country. [Buckingham Smith introduces the following translation from the Letter (Oviedo, pp. 594-598) as throwing important light on the occurrences related in the foregoing chapter. F. W. HJ " Thus ended the account of Figueroa, without his being able to add more to it, than that Esquivel was about there in the possession of some natives, and they might see him in a little while; but a month afterwards, it was known that he no longer lived, for having gone from the natives, they had followed after and put him to death. Figueroa tarried a few moments, long enough to relate the sad news. The Indian who brought him would not permit him to remain. Asturiano, the clergyman, and a young man being the only ones who could swim, accompanied them for the purpose of returning with fish which they were promised, as likewise that they should be brought back over that bay ; but when the Indians found them at their houses, they would neither bring them nor let them return; on the contrary, they put their houses into their canoes and took the two Christians with them, saying that they would soon come back. . . . " The eight companions remained that day to appease their hun- ger, and the next morning they saw two Indians of a rancho coming over the water to place their dwellings on the hither side. The pur- pose was to live on blackberries that grow in some places along the 1 This is the first printed reference to the bison. 1529] NAERATIVE OF CABEZA DE VAC A 69 coast, which they seek at a season they know full well, and although precarious, they promise a food that supports life. They called to the Indians, who came as to persons they thought lightly of, taking some part of what they possessed almost by force. The Christians besought the natives to set them over, which they did in a canoe, taking them to their houses near by, and at dark gave them a small quantity of fish. They went out the next day for more, and returned at night, giving them a part of what they had caught. The day fol- lowing they moved off with the Christians and never after were the two seen whom the other Indians had taken away. "At last the natives, weary of seeking food for their guests, turned away five, that they should go to some Indians who they said were to be found in another bay, six leagues farther on. Alonzo del Castillo went there with Pedro de Valdivieso, cousin of Andres Dorantes, and another, Diego de Huelva, where they remained a long time ; the two others went down near the coast, seeking relief, where they died, as Dorantes states, who found the bodies, one of whom, Diego Dorantes, was his cousin. The two hidalgos and the negro remaining in that rancho, sufficed for the use of the natives, to bring back-loads of wood and water as slaves. After three or four days however, these like- wise were turned off, when for some time they wandered about lost, without hope of relief; and going naked among marshes, having been previously despoiled one night of their clothing, they came upon those dead. " They continued the route until they found some Indians, with whom Andres Dorantes remained. A cousin of his, one of the three who had gone on to the bay where they stopped, came over from the opposite shore, and told him that the swimmers who went from them had passed in that direction, having their clothes taken from them and they much bruised about the head with sticks because they would not remain; still though beaten and stripped, they had gone on for the sake of the oath they had taken, never to stop even if death stood in the path, before coming to a country of Christians. Dorantes states that he saw in the rancho where he was, the clothes belonging to the clergyman and to one of the swimmers, with a breviary or prayer book. Valdivieso returned, and a couple of days afterwards was killed, because he wished to flee, and likewise in a little time Diego de Huelva, because he forsook one lodge-house for another. " The Christians were there made slaves, forced with more cruelty to serve than the Moor would have used. Besides going stark naked and bare-footed over the coast burning in summer like fire, their continual occupation was bringing wood and water on the back, or whatever the Indians needed, and dragging canoes over inundated grounds in hot weather. TO SPANISH EXPLOEERS [1530 " These natives eat nothing the year round but fish, and of that not much. They experience far less hunger however, than the in- habitants inland among whom the Spaniards afterwards lived. The food often fails, causing frequent removals, or otherwise they starve. . . . They have finger nails that for any ordinary purpose are knives, and are their principal arms among themselves. . . . "The Spaniards lived here fourteen months, from May to the May ensuing of the year 1530, and to the middle of the month of August, when Andres Dorantes, being at a point that appeared most favorable for going, commended himself to God, and went off at mid- day. . . . Castillo tarried among that hard people a year and a half later, until an opportunity presented for starting; but on arriving he found only the negro ; Dorantes, finding these Indians unbearably cruel, had gone back more than twenty leagues to a river near the bay of Espiritu Sancto, among those who had killed Esquivel, the solitary one that had escaped from the boats of the Governor and Alonzo Enrriques, slain, as they were told, because a woman had dreamed some absurdity. The people of this country have belief in dreams, their only superstition. On account of them they will even kill their children ; and this hidalgo Dorantes states, that in the course of four years he had been a witness to the killing or burying alive of eleven or twelve young males, and rarely do they let a girl live. . . . " Andres Dorantes passed ten months among this people, enduring much privation with continual labor, and in fear of being killed. ..." Chapter 19 Our separation by the Indians. When the six months were over, I had to spend with the Christians to put in execution the plan we had concerted, the Indians went after prickly pears, the place at which they grew being thirty leagues off ; x and when we approached the point of flight, those among whom we were, quarrelled about a woman. After striking with fists, beating with sticks and bruising heads in great anger, each took his lodge and went 1 In an article on the wanderings of Cabeza de Vaca, by Ponton and McFarland (Texas Historical Association Quarterly, I. 176, map, 1898), the northern limit of the cactus belt is placed on a line extending irregularly westward from the mouth of the Colorado River of Texas. 1534] NARRATIVE OF CABEZA DE VACA 71 his way, whence it became necessary that the Christians should also separate, and in no way could we come together until another year. In this time I passed a hard life, caused as much by hunger as ill usage. Three times I was obliged to run from my mas- ters, and each time they went in pursuit and endeavored to slay me ; but God our Lord in his mercy chose to protect and preserve me; and when the season of prickly pears returned, we again came together in the same place. After we had arranged our escape, and appointed a time, that very day the Indians separated and all went back. I told my comrades I would wait for them among the prickly-pear plants until the moon should be full. This day was the first of September, 1 and the first of the moon ; and I said that if in this time they did not come as we had agreed, I would leave and go alone. So we parted, each going with his Indians. I remained with mine until the thirteenth day of the moon, having determined to flee to others when it should be full. At this time Andres Dorantes arrived with Estevanico and informed me that they had left Castillo with other Indians near by, called Lanegados ; 2 that they had encountered great obstacles and wandered about lost; that the next day the Indians, among whom we were, would move to where Castillo was, and were going to unite with those who held him and become friends, having been at war until then, and that in this way we should recover Castillo. 1 1534. Cabeza de Vaca had evidently lost his reckoning (perhaps dur- ing his illness), as the date of the new moon in this year was September 8. 2 Anagados in the 1542 edition. The tribe cannot be identified, although it may be well known under some other name. Anegado is Spanish for " over- flowed," "inundated," but it is by no means certain that the Spaniards ap- plied this name to them. Buckingham Smith suggests that they may have been the Nacadoch (Nacogdoches), but this does not seem probable, as the latter tribe lived very far to the northeast of the point where the Spaniards now were, that is, some thirty leagues inland from the coast between latitude 28° and 29°. The name sounds more like Naddko, the designation which the Anadarcos give themselves. This Caddoan tribe, when first known, lived high up on the Brazos and the Trinity, but in 1812 their village was on the Sabine. They are now incorporated with the Caddo in Oklahoma. 72 SPANISH EXPLORERS [1534 We had thirst all the time we ate the pears, which we quenched with their juice. We caught it in a hole made in the earth, and when it was full we drank until satisfied. It is sweet, and the color of must. In this manner they collect it for lack of vessels. There are many kinds of prickly pears, among them some very good, although they all appeared to me to be so, hunger never having given me leisure to choose, nor to reflect upon which were the best. Nearly all these people drink rain-water, which lies about in spots. Although there are rivers, as the Indians never have fixed habitations, there are no familiar or known places for getting water. Throughout the country are extensive and beautiful plains with good pasturage; and I think it would be a very fruitful region were it worked and inhabited by civilized men. We nowhere saw mountains. These Indians told us that there was another people next in advance of us, called Camones, 1 living towards the coast, and that they had killed the people who came in the boat of Penalosa and Tellez, who arrived so feeble that even while being slain they could offer no resistance, and were all de- stroyed. We were shown their clothes and arms, and were told that the boat lay there stranded. This, the fifth boat, had remained till then unaccounted for. We have already stated how the boat of the Governor had been carried out to sea, and that of the comptroller and the friars had been cast away on the coast, of which Esquevel 2 narrated the fate of the men. We have once told how the two boats in which Castillo, I, and Dorantes came, foundered near the Island of Malhado. Chapter 20 Of our escape. The second day after we had moved, we commended our- selves to God and set forth with speed, trusting, for all the 1 Camoles in ch. 26. They evidently lived toward the northeast, north of Malhado Island; unidentified. 2 Esquivel. 1534] NARRATIVE OF CABEZA DE VACA 73 lateness of the season and that the prickly pears were about ending, with the mast which remained in the woods [field], we might still be enabled to travel over a large territory. Hurrying on that day in great dread lest the Indians should overtake us, we saw some smokes, and going in the direction of them we arrived there after vespers, and found an Indian. He ran as he discovered us coming, not being willing to wait for us. We sent the negro * after him, when he stopped, seeing him alone. The negro told him we were seeking the people who made those fires. He answered that their houses were near by, and he would guide us to them. So we followed him. He ran to make known our approach, and at sunset we saw the houses. Before our arrival, at the distance of two cross- bow shots from them, we found four Indians, who waited for us and received us well. We said in the language of the Mariames, that we were coming to look for them. They were evidently pleased with our company, and took us to their dwellings. Dorantes and the negro were lodged in the house of a physician, 2 Castillo and myself in that of another. These people speak a different language, and are called Avavares. 3 They are the same that carried bows to those with whom we formerly lived, 4 going to traffic with them, and although they are of a different nation and tongue, they understand the other language. They arrived that day with their lodges, at the place where we found them. The com- munity directly brought us a great many prickly pears, having heard of us before, of our cures, and of the wonders our Lord worked by us, which, although there had been no others, were adequate to open ways for us through a country poor like this, to afford us people where oftentimes there are none, and to lead us through immediate dangers, not permitting us to be killed, sustaining us under great want, and putting into 1 Estevanico. 2 A shaman, or "medicine-man." 3 Chavavares in ch. 26, in which it is said that they joined the Mariames. Their affinity is unknown. The statement that the Spaniards are again among these tribes suggests that they were now pursuing a northerly direction, 4 The Mariames. See note to ch. 26, respecting these tribes. 74 SPANISH EXPLORERS [1534 those nations the heart of kindness, as we shall relate here- after. Chapter 21 Our cure of some of the afflicted. That same night of our arrival, some Indians came to Cas- tillo and told him that they had great pain in the head, beg- ging him to cure them. After he made over them the sign of the cross, and commended them to God, they instantly said that all the pain had left, and went to their houses bringing us prickly pears, with a piece of venison, a thing to us little known. As the report of Castillo's performances spread, many came to us that night sick, that we should heal them, each bringing a piece of venison, until the quantity became so great we knew not where to dispose of it. We gave many thanks to God, for every day went on increasing his compassion and his gifts. After the sick were attended to, they began to dance and sing, making themselves festive, until sunrise; and be- cause of our arrival, the rejoicing was continued for three days. When these were ended, we asked the Indians about the country farther on, the people we should find in it, and of the subsistence there. They answered us, that throughout all the region prickly-pear plants abounded; but the fruit was now gathered and all the people had gone back to their houses. They said the country was very cold, and there were few skins. Reflecting on this, and that it was already winter, we resolved to pass the season with these Indians. Five days after our arrival, all the Indians went off, taking us with them to gather more prickly pears, where there were other peoples speaking different tongues. After walking five days in great hunger, since on the way was no manner of fruit, we came to a river 1 and put up our houses. We then went to seek the product of certain trees, which is like peas. As there are no paths in the country, I was detained some 1 This may have been the San Antonio or the San Marcos-Guadalupe. 1534] NARRATIVE OF CABEZA DE VACA 75 time. The others returned, and coming to look for them in the dark I got lost. Thank God I found a burning tree, and in the warmth of it I passed the cold of that night. In the morning, loading myself with sticks, and taking two brands with me, I returned to seek them. In this manner I wandered five days, ever with my fire and load; for if the wood had failed me where none could be found, as many parts are with- out any, though I might have sought sticks elsewhere, there would have been no fire to kindle them. This was all the pro- tection I had against cold, while walking naked as I was born. Going to the low woods near the rivers, I prepared myself for the night, stopping in them before sunset. I made a hole in the ground and threw in fuel which the trees abundantly afforded, collected in good quantity from those that were fallen and dry. About the whole I made four fires, in the form of a cross, which I watched and made up from time to time. I also gathered some bundles of the coarse straw that there abounds, with which I covered myself in the hole. In this way I was sheltered at night from cold. On one occa- sion while I slept, the fire fell upon the straw, when it began to blaze so rapidly that notwithstanding the haste I made to get out of it, I carried some marks on my hair of the danger to which I was exposed. All this while I tasted not a mouth- ful, nor did I find anything I could eat. My feet were bare and bled a good deal. Through the mercy of God, the wind did not blow from the north in all this time, otherwise I should have died. At the end of the fifth day I arrived on the margin of a river, 1 where I found the Indians, who with the Christians, had considered me dead, supposing that I had been stung by a viper. All were rejoiced to see me, and most so were my companions. They said that up to that time they had strug- gled with great hunger, which was the cause of their not hav- ing sought me. At night, all gave me of their prickly pears, and the next morning we set out for a place where they were 1 Presumably the river last mentioned, where they had erected their shelters. 76 SPANISH EXPLORERS [1534 in large quantity, with which we satisfied our great craving, the Christians rendering thanks to our Lord that He had ever given us His aid. Chapter 22 The coming of other sick to us the next day. The next day morning, many Indians came, and brought five persons who had cramps and were very unwell. They came that Castillo might cure them. Each offered his bow and arrows, which Castillo received. At sunset he blessed them, commending them to God our Lord, and we all prayed to Him the best we could to send health; for that He knew there was no other means, than through Him, by which this people would aid us, so we could come forth from this un- happy existence. He bestowed it so mercifully, that, the morning having come, all got up well and sound, and were as strong as though they never had a disorder. It caused great admiration, and inclined us to render many thanks to God our Lord, whose goodness we now clearly beheld, giving us firm hopes that He would liberate and bring us to where we might serve Him. For myself I can say that I ever had trust in His providence that He would lead me out from that captivity, and thus I always spoke of it to my companions. The Indians having gone and taken their friends with them in health, we departed for a place at which others were eating prickly pears. These people are called Cuthalchuches * and Malicones, who speak different tongues. Adjoining them were others called Coayos and Susolas, who were on the oppo- site side, others called Atayos, 2 who were at war with the Su- 1 Cultalchulches in ch. 26 (q. v.), and in the edition of 1542. 2 These were possibly the Adai, or Adaize, although their country was in northeastern Texas, about Red River and the Sabine ; nevertheless they may have wandered very far during the prickly-pear season. There is evi- dence that in 1792, fourteen families of the Adai migrated to a region south of San Antonio de Bejar, where they were merged with the tribes living thereabout. The main body, although greatly reduced, did not leave their 1534] NARRATIVE OF CABEZA DE VACA 77 solas, exchanging arrow shots daily. As through all the coun- try they talked only of the wonders which God our Lord worked through us, persons came from many parts to seek us that we might cure them. At the end of the second day after our arrival, some of the Susolas came to us and besought Castillo that he would go to cure one wounded and others sick, and they said that among them was one very near his end. Castillo was a timid practitioner, most so in serious and dangerous cases, believing that his sins would weigh, and some day hinder him in performing cures. The Indians told me to go and heal them, as they liked me ; they remembered that I had ministered to them in the walnut grove when they gave us nuts and skins, which occurred when I first joined the Christians. So I had to go with them, and Dorantes ac- companied me with Estevanico. Coming near their huts, I perceived that the sick man we went to heal was dead. Many persons were around him weeping, and his house was prostrate, a sign that the one who dwelt in it is no more. 1 When I ar- rived I found his eyes rolled up, and the pulse gone, he hav- ing all the appearances of death, as they seemed to me and as Dorantes said. I removed a mat with which he was covered, and supplicated our Lord as fervently as I could, that He would be pleased to give health to him, and to the rest that might have need of it. After he had been blessed and breathed upon many times, they brought me his bow, and gave me a basket of pounded prickly pears. The natives took me to cure many others who were sick of a stupor, and presented me two more baskets of prickly pears, which I gave to the Indians who accompanied us. We then Went back to our lodgings. Those to whom we gave the fruit tarried, and returned at night to their houses, reporting that old home until the nineteenth century, when the remnant, who had been missionized, were incorporated with their kindred the Caddo. 1 It is not uncommon for all the possessions of an Indian, including his dwelling, to be destroyed at the time of his death. In recent times this custom has had the tendency, as among the Navahos, for example, to cause them to adhere to their simple aboriginal form of dwellings instead of to go to the trouble of erecting substantial houses that might have to be demolished. 78 SPANISH EXPLORERS [1535 he who had been dead and for whom I wrought before them, had got up whole and walked, had eaten and spoken with them and that all to whom I had ministered were well and much pleased. This caused great wonder and fear, and throughout the land the people talked of nothing else. All to whom the fame of it reached, came to seek us that we should cure them and bless their children. When the Cuthalchuches, who were in company with our Indians, were about to return to their own country, they left us all the prickly pears they had, without keeping one : they gave us flints of very high value there, a palm and a half in length, with which they cut. They begged that we would remember them and pray to God that they might always be well, and we promised to do so. They left, the most satisfied beings in the world, having given us the best of all they had. We remained with the Avavares eight months, reckoned by the number of moons. In all this time people came to seek us from many parts, and they said that most truly we were children of the sun. Dorantes and the negro to this time had not attempted to practise ; but because of the great solici- tation made by those coming from different parts to find us, we all became physicians, although in being venturous and bold to attempt the performance of any cure, I was the most re- markable. No one whom we treated, but told us he was left well ; and so great was the confidence that they would become healed if we administered to them, they even believed that whilst we remained none of them could die. These and the rest of the people behind, related an extraordinary circum- stance, and by the way they counted, there appeared to be fifteen or sixteen years since it occurred. They said that a man wandered through the country whom they called Badthing ; he was small of body and wore beard, and they never distinctly saw his features. When he came to the house where they lived, their hair stood up and they trembled. Presently a blazing torch shone at the door, when he entered and seized whom he chose, and giving him three great gashes in the side with a very sharp flint, the width of 1535] NARRATIVE OF CABEZA DE VACA 79 the hand and two palms in length, he put his hand through them, drawing forth the entrails, from one of which he would cut off a portion more or less, the length of a palm, and throw it on the embers. Then he would give three gashes to an arm, the second cut on the inside of an elbow, and would sever the limb. A little after this, he would begin to unite it, and putting his hands on the wounds, these would instantly be- come healed. They said that frequently in the dance he ap- peared among them, sometimes in the dress of a woman, at others in that of a man; that when it pleased him he would take a buhio, 1 or house, and lifting it high, after a little he would come down with it in a heavy fall. They also stated that many times they offered him victuals, but that he never ate : they asked him whence he came and where was his abid- ing place, and he showed them a fissure in the earth and said that his house was there below. These things they told us of, we much laughed at and ridiculed; and they seeing our in- credulity, brought to us many of those they said he had seized ; and we saw the marks of the gashes made in the places accord- ing to the manner they had described. We told them he was an evil one, and in the best way we could, gave them to under- stand, that if they would believe in God our Lord, and become Christians like us, they need have no fear of him, nor would he dare to come and inflict those injuries, and they might be certain he would not venture to appear while we remained in the land. At this they were delighted and lost much of their dread. They told us that they had seen the Asturian and Figueroa with people farther along the coast, whom we had called those of the figs. 2 They are all ignorant of time, either by the sun or moon, nor do they reckon by the month or year ; they better know and understand the differences of the seasons, when the fruits come to ripen, where the fish resort, 3 and the position of the 1 See page 19, note 5. 2 See chap. 26. 3 Buckingham Smith prefers this meaning for i en tiem-po que muere el Pescado to "by the time when the fish die," or "at times at which the fishes die." 80 SPANISH EXPLORERS [1535 stars, at which they are ready and practised. By these we were ever well treated. We dug our own food and brought our loads of wood and water. Their houses and also the things we ate, are like those of the nation from which we came, but they suffer far greater want, having neither maize, acorns, nor nuts. We always went naked like them, and covered our- selves at night with deer-skins. Of the eight months we were among this people, six we supported in great want, for fish are not to be found where they are. At the expiration of the time, the prickly pears began to ripen, 1 and I and the negro went, without these Ind- ians knowing it, to others farther on, a day's journey distant, called Maliacones. 2 At the end of three days, I sent him to bring Castillo and Dorantes, and they having arrived, we all set out with the Indians who were going to get the small fruit of certain trees on which they support themselves ten or twelve days whilst the prickly pears are maturing. They joined others called Arbadaos, 3 whom we found to be very weak, lank, and swollen, so much so as to cause us great as- tonishment. We told those with whom we came, that we wished to stop with these people, at which they showed regret and went back by the way they came ; so we remained in the field near the houses of the Indians, which when they ob- served, after talking among themselves they came up together, and each of them taking one of us by the hand, led us to their dwellings. Among them we underwent greater hunger than with the others ; we ate daily not more than two handfuls of the prickly pears, which were green and so milky they burned our mouths. As there was lack of water, those who ate suffered great thirst. In our extreme want we bought two dogs, giv- 1 That is, until the summer of 1535. 2 See ch. 27: "By the coast live those called Quitoks, and in front inward oh the main are the Chavavares, to whom adjoin the Maliacones, the Cultalchulches and others called Susolas and the Comos." This would seem to indicate that he was journeying in a generally northward or north- westward direction. 3 The name suggests the Bidai, a Caddoan tribe that lived at a later period west of the Trinity, about latitude 31°, but this locality does not agree with the narrative. 1535] NAKRATIVE OF CABEZA DE VACA 81 ing in exchange some nets, with other things, and a skin I used to cover myself. I have already stated that throughout all this country we went naked, and as we were unaccustomed to being so, twice a year we cast our skins like serpents. The sun and air pro- duced great sores on our breasts and shoulders, giving us sharp pain; and the large loads we had, being very heavy, caused the cords to cut into our arms. The country is so broken and thickset, that often after getting our wood in the forests, the blood flowed from us in many places, caused by the obstruction of thorns and shrubs that tore our flesh wher- ever we went. At times, when my turn came to get wood, after it had cost me much blood, I could not bring it out either on my back or by dragging. In these labors my only solace and relief were in thinking of the sufferings of our Redeemer, Jesus Christ, and in the blood He shed for me, in considering how much greater must have been the torment He sustained from the thorns, than that I there received. I bartered with these Indians in combs that I made for them and in bows, arrows, and nets. We made mats, which are their houses, that they have great necessity for; and al- though they know how to make them, they wish to give their full time to getting food, since when otherwise employed they are pinched with hunger. Sometimes the Indians would set me to scraping and softening skins ; and the days of my great- est prosperity there, were those in which they gave me skins to dress. I would scrape them a very great deal and eat the scraps, which would sustain me two or three days. When it happened among these people, as it had likewise among others whom we left behind, that a piece of meat was given us, we ate it raw ; for if we had put it to roast, the first native that should come along would have taken it off and devoured it; and it appeared to us not well to expose it to this risk ; besides we were in such condition it would have given us pain to eat it roasted, and we could not have digested it so well as raw. Such was the life we spent there ; and the meagre subsistence 82 SPANISH EXPLOKEBS [1535- we earned by the matters of traffic which were the work of our hands. Chapter 23 Of our departure after having eaten the dogs. After eating the dogs, it seemed to us we had some strength to go forward ; and so commending ourselves to God our Lord, that He would guide us, we took our leave of the Indians. They showed us the way to others, near by, who spoke their language. While on our journey, rain fell, and we travelled the day in wet. We lost our way and went to stop in an extensive wood. We pulled many leaves of the prickly pear, which we put at night in an oven we made, and giving them much heat, by the morning they were in readiness. After eating, we put ourselves under the care of the Almighty and started. We discovered the way we had lost. Having passed the wood, we found other houses, and coming up to them, we saw two women with some boys walking in the forest, who were frightened at the sight of us and fled, running into the woods to call the men. These ar- riving, stopped behind trees to look at us. We called to them, and they came up with much timidity. After some conversa- tion they told us that food was very scarce with them ; that near by were many houses of their people to which they would guide us. We came at night where were fifty dwellings. The in- habitants Were astonished at our appearance, showing much fear. After becoming somewhat accustomed to us, they reached their hands to our faces and bodies, and passed them in like manner over their own. We stayed there that night, and in the morning the Indians brought us their sick, beseeching us that we would bless them. They gave us of what they had to eat, the leaves of the prickly pear and the green fruit roasted. As they did this with kind- ness and good will, and were happy to be without any- thing to eat, that they might have food to give us, we tarried 1535] NABBATIVE OF CABEZA DE VACA 83 some days. While there, others came from beyond, and when they were about to depart, we told our entertainers that we wished to go with those people. They felt much uneasiness at this, and pressed us warmly to stay : however, we took our leave in the midst of their weeping, for our departure weighed heavily upon them. Chapter 24 Customs of the Indians of that country. From the Island of Malhado to this land, all the Indians whom we saw have the custom from the time in which their wives find themselves pregnant, of not sleeping with them until two years after they have given birth. The children are suckled until the age of twelve years, when they are old enough to get support for themselves. We asked why they reared them in this manner ; and they said because of the great poverty of the land, it happened many times, as we witnessed, that they were two or three days without eating, sometimes four, and conse- quently, in seasons of scarcity, the children were allowed to suckle, that they might not famish ; otherwise those who lived would be delicate, having little strength. If any one chance to fall sick in the desert, and cannot keep up with the rest, the Indians leave him to perish, unless it be a son or a brother; him they will assist, even to carrying on their back. It is common among them all to leave their wives when there is no conformity, and directly they connect them- selves with whom they please. This is the course of the men who are childless ; those who have children remain with their wives and never abandon them. When they dispute and quar- rel in their towns, they strike each other with the fists, fighting until exhausted, and then separate. Sometimes they are parted by the women going between them; the men never interfere. For no disaffection that arises do they resort to bows and arrows. After they have fought, or had out their dispute, they take their dwellings and go into the woods, living 84 SPANISH EXPLOEERS [1535 apart from each other until their heat has subsided. When no longer offended and then anger is gone, they return. From that time they are friends as if nothing had happened; nor is it necessary that any one should mend then friendships, as they in this way again unite them. If those that quarrel are single, they go to some neighboring people, and although these should be enemies, they receive them well and welcome them warmly, giving them so largely of what they have, that when their ani- mosity cools, and they return to their town, they go rich. They are all warlike, and have as much strategyfor protect- ing themselves against enemies as they could have were they reared in Italy in continual feuds. When they are in a part of the country where then enemies may attack them, they place then houses on the skirt of a wood, the thickest and most tangled they can find, and near it make a ditch in which the) 7 sleep. The warriors are covered by small pieces of stick through which are loop-holes ; these hide them and present so false an appearance, that if come upon they are not discovered. They open a very narrow way, entering into the midst of the wood, where a spot is prepared on which the women and chil- dren sleep. When night comes they kindle fires in then lodges, that should spies be about, they may think to find them there ; and before daybreak they again light those fires. If the enemy comes to assault the houses, they who are in the ditch make a sally ; and from their trenches do much injury without those who are outside seeing or being able to find them. When there is no wood in which they can take shelter in this way, and make their ambuscades, they settle on open ground at a place they select, which they invest with trenches covered with broken sticks, having apertures whence to discharge arrows. These arrangements are made for night. While I was among the Aguenes, 1 their enemies coming sud- denly at midnight, fell upon them, killed three and wounded many, so that they ran from their houses to the fields before them. As soon as these ascertained that their assailants had withdrawn, they returned to pick up aU the arrows the others 1 Elsewhere called Dosuenes. 1535] NARRATIVE OF CABEZA DE VACA 85 had shot, and following after them in the most stealthy manner possible, came that night to their dwellings without their pres- ence being suspected. At four o'clock in the morning the Aguenes attacked them, killed five, and wounded numerous others, and made them flee from their houses, leaving their bows with all they possessed. In a little while came the wives of the Quevenes 1 to them and formed a treaty whereby the parties became friends. The women, however, are some- times the cause of war. All these nations, when they have personal enmities, and are not of one family, assassinate at night, waylay, and inflict gross barbarities on each other. Chapter 25 Vigilance of the Indians in war. They are the most watchful in danger of any people I ever knew. If they fear an enemy they are awake the night long, each with a bow at his side and a dozen arrows. He that would sleep tries his bow, and if it. is not strung, he gives the turn necessary to the cord. They often come out from their houses, bending to the ground in such manner that they cannot be seen, looking and watching on all sides to catch every object. If they perceive anything about, they are at once in the bushes with their bows and arrows, and there remain until day, run- ning from place to place where it is needful to be, or where they think their enemies are. When the light has come, they un- bend their bows until they go out to hunt. The strings are the sinews of deer. The method they have of fighting, is bending low to the earth, and whilst shot at they move about, speaking and leap- ing from one point to another, thus avoiding the shafts of their enemies. So effectual is their manoeuvring that they can re- ceive very little injury from crossbow or arquebus ; they rather scoff at them ; for these arms are of little value employed in 1 Guevenes in the edition of 1542. 86 SPANISH EXPLORERS [1535 open field, where the Indians move nimbly about. They are proper for defiles and in water ; everywhere else the horse will best subdue, being what the natives universally dread. 1 Who- soever would fight them must be cautious to show no fear, or desire to have anything that is theirs ; while war exists they must be treated with the utmost rigor ; for if they discover any timidity or covetousness, they are a race that well discern the opportunities for vengeance, and gather strength from any weakness of their adversaries. When they use arrows in battle and exhaust their store, each returns his own way, with- out the one party following the other, although the one be many and the other few, such being their custom. Oftentimes the body of an Indian is traversed by the arrow ; yet unless the entrails or the heart be struck, he does not die but recovers from the wound. I believe these people see and hear better, and have keener senses than any other in the world. They are great in hunger, thirst, and cold, as if they were made for the endurance of these more than other men, by habit and nature. Thus much I have wished to say, beyond the gratification of that desire men have to learn the customs and manners of each other, that those who hereafter at some time find them- selves amongst these people, may have knowledge of their usages and artifices, the value of which they will not find inconsiderable in such event. Chapter 26 Of the nations and tongues. I desire to enumerate the natives and tongues that exist from those of Malhado to the farthest Cuchendados there are. Two languages are found in the island ; the people of one are called 1 Cabeza de Vaca is now evidently recalling the experience of Narvaez's men in Florida. 1535] NARBATIVE OF CABEZA DE VACA 87 Cahoques, 1 of the other, Han. On the tierra-firme, over against the island, is another people, called Chorruco, who take their names from the forests where they live. Advancing by the shores of the sea, others inhabit who are called the Doguenes, and opposite them others by the name of Mendica. Farther along the coast are the Quevenes, and in front of them on the main, the Mariames; and continuing by the coast are other called Guaycones ; and in front of them, within on the main, the Yguazes. At the close of these are the Atayos; and in their rear others, the Acubadaos, and beyond them are many in the same direction. By the coast live those called Quitoks, and in front inward on the main are the Chavavares, to whom adjoin the Maliacones, the Cultalchulches and others called Susolas, and the Comos ; and by the coast farther on are the Camoles ; and on the same coast in advance are those whom we called People of the Figs. They all differ in their habitations, towns and tongues. There is a language in which calling to a person, for " look here" they say "Arre aca," and to a dog "Xo." 2 Everywhere they produce stupefaction with a smoke, and for that they will give whatever they possess. They drink a tea made from leaves of a tree like those of the oak, which they toast in a pot ; and after these are parched, the vessel, still remaining on the fire, is filled with water. When the liquor has twice boiled, they pour it into a jar, and in cooling it use the half of a gourd. So soon as it is covered thickly with froth, it is drunk as warm as can be supported ; and from the time it is taken out of the pot until it is used they are crying aloud: "Who wishes to 1 In the 1542 edition these tribal names are similarly spelled except in the case of Capoques, Charruco, Deguenes, Yeguaces, Decubadaos (for Acubadaos), Quitoles (for Quitoks), Chauauares, and Camolas. None of these Indians have thus far been conclusively identified with later historical tribes, with the possible exception of the Atayos and the Quevenes. See p. 76, note 2, and p. 59, note 1. 2 In the 1542 edition, as given by Mrs. Bandelier, "Among them is a language wherein they call men mira aca, arraca, and dogs xo." Compare hdka, "sit down," in Karankawa (Gatschet, Karankawa Indians, Cambridge, Mass., 1891, p. 80). In the above it would appear as if the Spanish mira had been regarded as a part of the Indian exclamation. 88 SPANISH EXPLOEERS [1535 drink? 7 ' When the women hear these cries, they instantly stop, fearing to move; and although they may be heavily laden, they dare do nothing further. Should one of them move, they dishonor her, beating her with sticks, and greatly vexed, throw away the liquor they have prepared; while they who have drunk eject it, which they do readily and without pain. The reason they give for this usage is, that when they are about to drink, if the women move from where they hear the cry, something pernicious enters the body in that liquid, shortly producing death. At the time of boiling, the vessel must be covered; and if it should happen to be open when a woman passes, they use no more of that liquid, but throw it out. The color is yellow. They are three days taking it, eating nothing in the time, and daily each one drinks an arroba and a half. 1 When the women have their indisposition, they seek food only for themselves, as no one else will eat of what they bring. In the time I was thus among these people, I witnessed a dia- bolical practice ; a man living with another, one of those who are emasculate and impotent. These go habited like women, and perform their duties, use the bow, and carry heavy loads. Among them we saw many mutilated in the way I describe. They are more muscular than other men, and taller : they bear very weighty burthens. Chapter 27 We moved away and were well received. After parting with those we left weeping, 2 we went with the others to their houses and were hospitably received by the 1 The tree from which the so-called "black drink" is made is Ilex cassine, and the custom of preparing and partaking of the liquid (known also as Caro- lina tea) was general among the tribes of the South, including the Gulf coast. The drink was known among the Catawbas as yaupon, among the Creeks as dssi-luputski, the latter signifying "small leaves," commonly abbreviated dssi, whence the name of the celebrated Seminole chief Osceola, i.e., "Black- drink Hallooer," or " Black-drink Singer." The partaking of the black drink was an important part of the puskita, or busk, ceremony among the Creeks. 2 The Arbadaos or Acubadaos. See chs. 22, 23. 1535] NARRATIVE OF CABEZA DE VACA 89 people in them. They brought their children to us that we might touch their hands, and gave us a great quantity of the flour of mezquiquez. 1 The fruit while hanging on the tree, is very bitter and like unto the carob ; when eaten with earth it is sweet and wholesome. The method they have of prepar- ing it is this : they make a hole of requisite depth in the ground, and throwing in the fruit, pound it with a club the size of the leg, a fathom and a half in length, until it is well mashed. Besides the earth that comes from the hole, they bring and add some handfuls, then returning to beat it a little while longer. Afterward it is thrown into a jar, like a basket, upon which water is poured until it rises above and covers the mixture. He that beats it tastes it, and if it appears to him not sweet, he asks for earth to stir in, which is added until he finds it sweet. Then all sit round, and each put- ting in a hand, takes out as much as he can. The pits and hulls are thrown upon a skin, whence they are taken by him who does the pounding, and put into the jar whereon water is poured as at first, whence having expressed the froth and juice, again the pits and husks are thrown upon the skin. This they do three or four times to each pounding. Those present, for whom this is a great banquet, have their stomachs greatly distended by the earth and water they swallow. The Indians made a protracted festival of this sort on our account, and great areitos 2 during the time we remained. When we proposed to leave them, some women of another people came there who lived farther along. They informed us whereabout were their dwellings, and we set out for them, although the inhabitants entreated us to remain for that day, because the houses whither we were going were distant, there was no path to them, the women had come tired, and would the next day go with us refreshed and show us the way. Soon after we had taken our leave, some of the women, who had come on together from the same town, followed behind us. As 1 The mesquite (Prosopis juliflora) . The beans are still extensively used as food by the Indians of southern Arizona and northern Mexico. 2 See p. 52, note 3. 90 SPANISH EXPLORERS [1535 there are no paths in the country we presently got lost, and thus travelled four leagues, when, stopping to drink, we found the women in pursuit of us at the water, who told us of the great exertion they had made to overtake us. We went on taking them for guides, and passed over a river towards evening, the water reaching to the breast. It might be as wide as that at Seville; its current was very rapid. 1 At sunset we reached a hundred Indian habitations. Be- fore we arrived, all the people who were in them came out to receive us, with such yells as were terrific, striking the palms of their hands violently against their thighs. They brought us gourds bored with holes and having pebbles in them, an instru- ment for the most important occasions, produced only at the dance or to effect cures, and which none dare touch but those who own them. They say there is virtue in them, and because they do not grow in that country, they come from heaven; nor do they know where they are to be found, only that the rivers bring them in their floods. 2 So great were the fear and distraction of these people, some to reach us sooner than others that they might touch us, they pressed us so closely that they lacked little of killing us ; and without letting us put our feet to the ground, carried us to their dwellings. We were so crowded upon by numbers, that we went into the houses they had made for us. On no account would we consent that they should rejoice over us any more that night. The night long they passed in singing and dancing among themselves; and the next day they brought us all the people of the town, that we should touch and bless them in the way we had done to others among whom we had been. After this performance they presented many arrows to some women of the other town who had accompanied theirs. The next day we left, and all the people of the place went with us ; and when we came to the other Indians we were as 1 Probably the Colorado River. Buckingham Smith remarks that the Guadalquivir at Seville is about a hundred paces in width. 2 The Pueblo Indians of New Mexico have cultivated gourds for use as rat- tles and receptacles, especially dippers, from time immemorial. If the Pecos 1535] NARRATIVE OF CABEZA DE VACA 91 well received as we had been by the last. They gave us of what they had to eat, and the deer they had killed that day. Among them we witnessed another custom, which is this: they who were with us took from him who came to be cured, his bow and arrows, shoes and beads if he wore any, and then brought him before us, that we should heal him. After being attended to, he would go away highly pleased, saying that he was well. So we parted from these Indians, and went to others by whom we were welcomed. They brought us their sick, which, we having blessed, they declared were sound; he who was healed, believed we could cure him; and with what the others to whom we had administered would relate, they made great rejoicing and dancing, so that they left us no sleep. Chapter 28 Of another strange custom. Leaving these Indians, we went to the dwellings of numer- ous others. From this place began another novel custom, which is, that while the people received us very well, those who accompanied us began to use them so ill as to take their goods and ransack their houses, without leaving anything. To wit- ness this unjust procedure gave us great concern, inflicted too on those who received us hospitably; we feared also that it might provoke offence, and be the cause of some tumult be- tween them ; but, as we were in no condition to make it better, or to dare chastise such conduct, for the present we had to bear with it, until a time when we might have greater authority among them. They, also, who lost their effects, noticing our dejection, attempted to console us by saying that we should not be grieved on this account, as they were so gratified at were the stream, or one of the streams, whence the gourds were derived, they might have come from the pueblo of Pecos, southeast of the present Santa Fe ; if from the Rio Grande, they might have come from various villages along that river and its tributaries in the north. See p. 95, note 1. 92 SPANISH EXPLORERS [1535 having seen us ; they held their properties to be well bestowed, and that farther on they would be repaid by others who were very rich. On all the day's travel we received great inconvenience from the many persons following us. Had we .attempted to escape we could not have succeeded, such was their haste in pursuit, in order to touch us. So great was the importunity for this privilege, we consumed three hours in going through with them that they might depart. The next day all the in- habitants were brought before us. The greater part were clouded of an eye, and others in like manner were entirely blind, which caused in us great astonishment. They are a peo- ple of fine figure, agreeable features, and whiter than any of the many nations we had seen until then. Here we began to see mountains; they appeared to come in succession from the North Sea, and, according to the informa- tion the Indians gave us, we believe they rise fifteen leagues from the sea. 1 We set forth in a direction towards them with these Indians, and they guided us by the way of some kindred of theirs ; for they wished to take us only where were their rela- tions, and were not willing that their enemies should come to such great good, as they thought it was to see us. After we arrived they that went with us plundered the others; but as the people there knew the fashion, they had hidden some things before we came ; and having welcomed us with great festivity and rejoicing, they brought out and presented to us what they had concealed. These were beads, ochre, and some little bags of silver. 2 In pursuance of custom, we directly gave them to 1 Probably the escarpment that extends from Austin to Eagle Pass. The Colorado (which was probably the wide, deep stream previously encountered) was crossed seemingly below the present Austin. It should be remembered that the information regarding the point at which the mountains commenced to rise was given by Indians whose language the Spaniards could not under- stand. At any rate, the fact that the latter believed the mountains to rise fifteen leagues from the sea would tend to indicate that the direction they had been following was a northerly one. See the statement in the following paragraph of the text. 2 According to Oviedo (p. 617): "This is an error of the printer, and should read 'little bags of margarite [pearl-mica],' instead of silver." Buck- 1535] NAKBATIVE OF CABEZA DE VACA 93 the Indians who came with us, which, when they had received, they began their dances and festivities, sending to call others from a town near by, that they also might see us. In the afternoon they all came and brought us beads and bows, with trifles of other sort, which we also distributed. De- siring to leave the next day, the inhabitants all wished to take us to others, friends of theirs, who were at the point of the ridge, stating that many houses were there, and people who would give us various things. As it was out of our way, we did not wish to go to them, and took our course along the plain near the mountains, which we believed not to be distant from the coast * where the people are all evil disposed, and we con- sidered it preferable to travel inland ; 2 for those of the interior are of a better condition and treated us mildly, and we felt sure that we should find it more populous and better provisioned. Moreover, we chose this course because in traversing the coun- try we should learn many particulars of it, so that should God our Lord be pleased to take any of us thence, and lead us to the land of Christians, we might carry that information and news of it. As the Indians saw that we were determined not to go where they would take us, they said that in the direction we would go, there were no inhabitants, nor any prickly pears nor other thing to eat, and begged us to tarry there that day ; we accordingly did so. They directly sent two of their number to seek for people in the direction that we wished to go ; and the next day we left, taking with us several of the Indians. The women went carrying water, and so great was our authority that no one dared drink of it without our permission. Two leagues from there we met those who had gone out, and they said that they had found no one ; at which the Ind- ians seemed much disheartened, and began again to entreat ingham Smith translates Oviedo's margarita, " pearls/' and Cabeza de Vaca's margarita (ch. 29) as " marquesite." It may be added that magnetic iron ore of the highest quality occurs in Mason County, Texas. 1 In the face of such an assertion it is difficult to conceive that the Span- iards had been journeying directly westward, away from the coast. 2 That is, they decided to change their course from northward to a more westward direction. 94 SPANISH EXPLOKEKS [1535 us to go by way of the mountains. We did not wish to do so, and they, seeing our disposition, took their leave of us with much regret, and returned down the river to their houses, while we ascended along by it. After a little time we came upon two women with burthens, who put them down as they saw us, and brought to us, of what they carried. It was the flour of maize. They told us that farther up on that river we should find dwellings, a plenty of prickly pears and of that meal. We bade them farewell: they were going to those whom we had left. We walked until sunset, and arrived at a town of some twenty houses, where we were received with weeping and in great sorrow; for they already knew that wheresoever we should come, all would be pillaged and spoiled by those who accompanied us. When they saw that we were alone, they lost their fear, and gave us prickly pears with nothing more. We remained there that night, and at dawn, the Indians who had left us the day before, broke upon their houses. As they came upon the occupants unprepared and in supposed safety, having no place in which to conceal anything, all they possessed was taken from them, for which they wept much. In con- solation the plunderers told them that we were children of the sun and that we had power to heal the sick and to destroy; and other lies even greater than these, which none knew how to tell better than they when they find it convenient. They bade them conduct us with great respect, advised that they should be careful to offend us in nothing, give us all they might possess, and endeavor to take us where people were numerous ; and that wheresoever they arrived with us, they should rob and pillage the people of what they have, since this was cus- tomary. Chapter 29 The Indians plunder each other. After the Indians had told and shown these natives well what to do, they left us together and went back. Remember- 1535] NARRATIVE OF CABEZA DE VACA 95 ing the instruction, they began to treat us with the same awe and reverence that the others had shown. We travelled with them three days, and they took us where were many inhabit- ants. Before we arrived, these were informed of our coming by the others, who told them respecting us all that the first had imparted, adding much more; for these people are all very fond of romance, and are great liars, particularly so where they have any interest. When we came near the houses all the inhabitants ran out with delight and great festivity to receive us. Among other things, two of their physicians gave us two gourds, and thenceforth we carried these with us, and added to our authority a token highly reverenced by Indians. 1 Those who accompanied us rifled the houses; but as these were many and the others few, they could not carry off what they took, and abandoned more than the half. From here we went along the base of the ridge, striking in- land more than fifty leagues, and at the close we found upwards of forty houses. Among the articles given us, Andres Dorantes received a hawk-bell of copper, thick and large, figured with a face, which the natives had shown, greatly prizing it. They told him that they had received it from others, their neigh- bors; we asked them whence the others had obtained it, and they said it had been brought from the northern direction, where there was much copper, which was highly esteemed. We concluded that whencesoever it came there was a foundry, and that work was done in hollow form. 2 We departed the next day, and traversed a ridge seven leagues in extent. The stones on it are scoria of iron. 3 At night we arrived at many houses seated on the banks of a very beautiful river. 4 The owners of them came half way out on 1 The possession of one of these "medicine" rattles was not improbably one of the causes of the death of Estevanico at the hands of the Zunis of Cibola in 1539. See the Introduction, and compare p. 90, note 2 ; p. 1 17, note 2. 2 See p. 97, note 1. 3 See pp. 92-93, note 2, regarding the occurrence of magnetic iron in Mason County, where it is found in great quantities, but is yet unworked. 4 Perhaps the Llano, a branch of the Colorado, or possibly they had met the Colorado again. See p. 90, note 1. 96 SPANISH EXPLORERS [1535 the road to meet us, bringing their children on their backs. They gave us many little bags of margarite * and pulverized galena, 2 with which they rub the face. They presented us many beads, and blankets of cowhide, loading all who accom- panied us with some of every thing they had. They eat prickly pears and the seed of pine. In that country are small pine trees, 3 the cones like little eggs; but the seed is better than that of Castile, as its husk is very thin, and while green is beaten and made into balls, to be thus eaten. If the seed be dry, it is pounded in the husk, and consumed in the form of flour. Those who there received us, after they had touched us went running to their houses and directly returned, and did not stop running, going and coming, to bring us in this manner many things for support on the way. They fetched a man to me and stated that a long time since he had been wounded by an arrow in the right shoulder, and that the point of the shaft was lodged above his heart, which, he said, gave him much pain, and in consequence, he was always sick. Probing the wound I felt the arrow-head, and found it had passed through the cartilage. With a knife I carried, I opened the breast to the place, and saw the point was aslant and troublesome to take out. I continued to cut, and, putting in the point of the knife, at last with great difficulty I drew the head forth. It was very large. With the bone of a deer, and by virtue of my calling, I made two stitches that threw the blood over me, and with hair from a skin I stanched the flow. They asked me for the arrow-head after I had taken it out, which I gave, when the whole town came to look at it. They sent it into the back country that the people there might view it. In consequence of this operation they had many of their customary dances 1 See p. 92, note 2. In the edition of 1542 the text here says silver. 2 Lead is found in Texas in the trans- Pecos region. The mineral re- sources of the state have not yet been well exploited. 3 Doubtless the nut pine (Pinus edulis) . Cabeza de Vaca evidently here aims to describe the character of this tree and its fruit without necessarily asserting that the tree was found growing very far east of the Pecos. In the valley of the latter stream it is more or less prolific. 1535] NARRATIVE OF CABEZA DE VACA 97 and festivities. The next day I cut the two stitches and the Indian was well. The wound I made appeared only like a seam in the palm of the hand. He said he felt no pain or sensitive- ness in it whatsoever. This cure gave us control throughout the country in all that the inhabitants had power, or deemed of any value, or cherished. We showed them the hawk-bell we brought, and they told us that in the place whence that had come, were buried many plates of the same material ; it was a thing they greatly esteemed, and where it came from were fixed habitations. 1 The country we considered to be on the South Sea, which we had ever understood to be richer than the one of the North. We left there, and travelled through so many sorts of people, of such diverse languages, the memory fails to recall them. They ever plundered each other, and those that lost, like those that gained, were fully content. 2 We drew so many followers 1 The allusion is probably to Mexico rather than to a northern country, as previously asserted by the Indians. See the second preceding paragraph. 2 Of this exchange of gifts, or perhaps we may call it plunder, there was an echo a few years later, when Coronado and his army were traversing the eastern part of the Staked Plain, under the guidance of the "Turk," in search of Quivira, in 1541. Before sending the army back, and while among the ravines of western Texas, Rodrigo Maldonado was sent forward to explore, and in four days reached a deep ravine in the bottom of which was a village that Cabeza de Vaca had visited, on which account (see p. 332) "they pre- sented Don Rodrigo with a pile of tanned skins and other things." An unfair distribution being threatened, the men rushed upon the skins and took pos- session without further ado. "The women and some others were left crying, because they thought that the strangers were not going to take anything, but would bless them as Cabeza de Vaca and Dorantes had done when they passed through here." Captain Jaramillo does not mention this occurrence in his narrative (Fourteenth Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology, p. 588), but he speaks of reaching a settlement of Indians, in advance of that, according to the narrations, of which Castaneda speaks, " among whom there was an old blind man with a beard, who gave us to understand by signs which he made, that he had seen four others like us many days before, whom he had seen near there and rather more toward New Spain [Mexico], and we so understood him, and presumed that it was Dorantes and Cabeza de Vaca and those whom I have mentioned." Although we do not have here conclusive evidence that Cabeza de Vaca actually visited the village or villages mentioned, there is no question that he must have been in this vicinity, and as the evidence is strong that the Rio Colorado was the ravined stream alluded to, there is little likeli- hood that Cabeza de Vaca's route lay far below that river. 98 SPANISH EXPLOEEES [1535 that we had not use for their services. While on our way through these vales, every Indian carried a club three palms in length, and kept on the alert. On raising a hare, which animals are abundant, they surround it directly and throw numerous clubs at it with astonishing precision. Thus they cause it to run from one to another ; so that, according to my thinking, it is the most pleasing sport which can be imagined, as oftentimes the animal runs into the hand. So many did they give us that at night when we stopped we had eight or ten back-loads apiece. 1 Those having bows were not with us ', they dispersed about the ridge in pursuit of deer ; and at dark came bringing five or six for each of us, besides quail, and other game. Indeed, whatever they either killed or found, was put before us, without themselves daring to take anything until we had blessed it, though they should be expiring of hunger, they having so established the rule, since marching with us. The women carried many mats, of which the men made us houses, each of us having a separate one, with all his attendants. After these were put up, we ordered the deer and hares to be roasted, with the rest that had been taken. This was done by means of certain ovens made for the purpose. Of each we took a little and the remainder we gave to the principal personage of the people coming with us, directing him to divide it among the rest. Every one brought his portion to us, that we might breathe upon and give it our benediction; for not until then did they dare eat any of it. Frequently we were accompanied by three or four thousand persons, and as we had to breathe upon and sanctify the food and drink for each, and grant per- mission to do the many things they would come to ask, it may be seen how great was the annoyance. The women first brought us prickly pears, spiders, worms, and whatever else they could gather ; for even were they famishing, they would eat nothing unless we gave it them. In company with these, we crossed a great river coming 1 The Pueblo Indians of New Mexico have similar communal rabbit- hunts, in which the animals are killed with a curved stick shaped somewhat like a boomerang. 1535] NARRATIVE OF CABEZA DE VACA 99 from the north/ and passing over some plains thirty leagues in extent, we found many persons coming a long distance to re- ceive us, who met us on the road over which we were to travel, and welcomed us in the manner of those we had left. Chapter 30 The jashion of receiving us changes. From this place was another method of receiving us, as respects the pillage. Those who came out in the ways to bring us presents were not plundered ; but on our coming into their houses, themselves offered us all they had, as well as the houses. We gave the things to the chief personages who accompanied us, that they should divide them ; those who were despoiled always followed us until coming to a populous country, where they might repair their loss. They would tell those among whom We came, to retain everything and make no concealment, as nothing could be done without our knowledge, and we might cause them to die, as the sun revealed everything to us. So great was their fear that during the first days they were with us, they continually trembled, without daring even to speak, or raise their eyes to the heavens. They guided us through more than fifty leagues of desert, over rough mountains, which being dry were without game, and in consequence we suffered much from hunger. 2 At the termination we forded a very large river, the water 1 Evidently the Pecos. This is the first stream mentioned as flowing from the north. 2 Eighty leagues would probably be a reasonable estimate of the distance from the Pecos to the Rio Grande, which the travellers had now reached. It would seem strange that no mention is made of the canon of the latter stream (which hereabouts flows through a territory four thousand feet above sea level) , were it not for the fact that they had become thoroughly inured to suffering and hard travelling; nevertheless, the terribly rough country through which they had just been guided from stream to stream is commented on, while the fact that the Rio Grande here "flows between some ridges" is mentioned farther on. 100 SPANISH EXPLORERS [1535 coming up to our breasts. From this place, many of the people began to sicken from the great privation and labor they had undergone in the passage of those ridges, which are sterile and difficult in the extreme. They conducted us to certain plains at the base of the mountains, where people came to meet us from a great distance, and received us as the last had done, and gave so many goods to those who came with us, that the half were left because they could not be carried. I told those who gave, to resume the goods that they might not lie there and be lost ; but they answered they could in no wise do so, as it was not their custom after they had bestowed a thing to take it back ; * so considering the articles no longer of value, they were left to perish. We told these people that we desired to go where the sun sets ; and they said inhabitants in that direction were remote. We commanded them to send and make known our coming; but they strove to excuse themselves the best they could, the people being their enemies, and they did not wish to go to them. Not daring to disobey, however, they sent two women, one of their own, the other a captive from that people ; for the women can negotiate even though there be war. We followed them, and stopped at a place where we agreed to wait. They tarried five days; and the Indians said they could not have found anybody. We told them to conduct us towards the north ; and they answered, as before, that except afar off there were no people in that direction, and nothing to eat, nor could water be found. 2 Notwithstanding all this, we persisted, and said we desired to go in that course. They still tried to excuse themselves in the best manner possible. At this we became offended, and one night I went out to sleep in the woods apart from them ; but directly they came to where I was, and remained all night without sleep, talking to me in great fear, telling me how ter- rified they were, beseeching us to be no longer angry, and said 1 An assertion quite contrary to the popular belief in "Indian gifts." 2 The Indians were evidently endeavoring to compel the Spaniards to remain among them as long as possible. 1535] NAKKATIVE OF CABEZA DE VACA 101 that they would lead us in the direction it was our wish to go, though they knew they should die on the way. Whilst we still feigned to be displeased lest their fright should leave them, a remarkable circumstance happened, which was that on the same day many of the Indians became ill, and the next day eight men died. Abroad in the country, wheresoever this became known, there was such dread that it seemed as if the inhabitants would die of fear at sight of us. They besought us not to remain angered, nor require that more of them should die. They believed we caused their death by only willing it, when in truth it gave us so much pain that it could not be greater ; for, beyond their loss, we feared they might all die, or abandon us of fright, and that other people thenceforward would do the same, seeing what had come to these. We prayed to God, our Lord, to relieve them ; and from that time the sick began to get better. We witnessed one thing with great admiration, that the parents, brothers, and wives of those who died had great sym- pathy for them in their suffering ; but, when dead, they showed no feeling, neither did they weep nor speak among themselves, make any signs, nor dare approach the bodies until we com- manded these to be taken to burial. While we were among these people, which was more than fifteen days, we saw no one speak to another, nor did we see an infant smile: the only one that cried they took off to a distance, and with the sharp teeth of a rat they scratched it from the shoulders down nearly to the end of the legs. Seeing this cruelty, and offended at it, I asked why they did so : they said for chastisement, because the child had wept in my pres- ence. These terrors they imparted to all those who had lately come to know us, that they might give us whatever they had; for they knew we kept nothing, and would relinquish all to them. This people were the most obedient we had found in all the land, the best conditioned, and, in general, comely. The sick having recovered, and three days having passed since we came to the place, the women whom we sent away 102 SPANISH EXPLORERS [1535 returned, and said they had found very few people ; nearly all had gone for cattle, being then in the season. We ordered the convalescent to remain and the well to go with us, and that at the end of two days 7 journey those women should go with two of our number to fetch up the people, and bring them on the road to receive us. Consequently, the next morning the most robust started with us. At the end of three days' travel we stopped, and the next day Alonzo del Castillo set out with Estevanico the negro, taking the two women as guides. She that was the captive led them to the river which ran between some ridges, 1 where was a town at which her father lived ; and these habitations were the first seen, having the appearance and structure of houses. 2 Here Castillo and Estevanico arrived, and, after talking with the Indians, Castillo returned at the end of three days to the spot where he had left us, and brought five or six of the people. He told us he had found fixed dwellings of civilization, that the inhabitants lived on beans and pumpkins, 3 and that he had seen maize. This news the most of anything delighted us, and for it we gave infinite thanks to our Lord. Castillo told us the negro was coming with all the population to wait for us in the road not far off. Accordingly we left, and, having travelled a league and a half, we met the negro and the people coming to 1 The river was the Rio Grande, to which they had now returned. The description of the topography is in accordance with the facts. 2 The substantial character of the houses was noted also by Antonio de Espejo, toward the close of 1582, on his journey northward to New Mexico. Espejo speaks of these Indians, the Jumanos, or Patarabueyes, as occupying five villages from about the junction of the Conchos northward up the Rio Grande for twelve days' journey, and as numbering ten thousand souls — but Espejo's estimates of population are always greatly exaggerated. More important is his statement that the Jumanos knew something of Christianity which they had gleaned years before from three Christians and a negro, whom he naturally believed to have been "Alvaro Nunez Cabeza de Vaca, y Dorantes, y Castillo Maldonado, y un negro," who had made their escape from Narvaez's fleet. This is one of the few definite points of the narrative that can be established without question. See Coleccion de Documentos Ineditos relativos . . . de America y Oceania, XV. 107 (1871). 3 Melones in the edition of 1542. Bandelier has no doubt that a species of squash is meant. 1535] NARRATIVE OF CABEZA DE VACA 103 receive us. They gave us beans, many pumpkins, calabashes/ blankets of cowhide and other things. As this people and those who came with us were enemies, 2 and spoke not each other's language, we discharged the latter, giving them what we received, and we departed with the others. Six leagues from there, as the night set in we arrived at the houses, where great festivities were made over us. We remained one day, and the next set out with these Indians. They took us to the settled habitations of others, 3 who lived upon the same food. From that place onward was another usage. Those who knew of our approach did not come out to receive us on the road as the others had done, but we found them in their houses, and they had made others for our reception. They were all seated with their faces turned to the wall, their heads down, the hair brought before their eyes, and their property placed in a heap in the middle of the house. From this place they began to give us many blankets of skin ; and they had nothing they did not bestow. They have the finest persons of any people we saw, of the greatest activity and strength, who best under- stood us and intelligently answered our inquiries. We called them the Cow nation, because most of the cattle killed are slaughtered in their neighborhood, and along up that river for over fifty leagues they destroy great numbers. 4 They go entirely naked after the manner of the first we saw. The women are dressed with deer-skin, and some few men, 1 . . . " beans and many squashes to eat, gourds to carry water in " (ed. of 1542, Bandelier translation). 2 That is, the Jumanos and probably the Tobosos respectively. The captive woman evidently belonged to the latter tribe. 3 Apparently other settlements of the Jumanos, as mentioned in the above note. The Spaniards were now going up the Rio Grande. 4 Although they resided in permanent habitations at this time, the Jumanos lived east of the Rio Grande, in New Mexico, a century later and practised the habits of the buffalo-hunting plains tribes rather than those of sedentary Indians. The "neighborhood" was evidently not the immediate vicinity, and the stream alluded to seems much more likely to have been the Pecos than the Rio Grande, the former having been named Rio de las Vacas by Espejo in 1583. On this point see the opening paragraph of the following chapter. 104 SPANISH EXPLORERS [1535 mostly the aged, who are incapable of fighting. The country- is very populous. We asked how it was they did not plant maize. They answered it was that they might not lose what they should put in the ground ; that the rains had failed for two years in succession, and the seasons were so dry the seed had everywhere been taken by the moles, and they could not ven- ture to plant again until after water had fallen copiously. They begged us to tell the sky to rain, and to pray for it, and we said we would do so. We also desired to know whence they got the maize, and they told us from where the sun goes down ; there it grew throughout the region, and the nearest was by that path. Since they did not wish to go thither, we asked by what direc- tion we might best proceed, and bade them inform us concerning the way ; they said the path was along up by that river towards the north, for otherwise in a journey of seventeen days we should find nothing to eat, except a fruit they call chacan, that is ground between stones, and even then it could with difficulty be eaten for its dryness and pungency, — which was true. They showed it to us there, and we could not eat it. They in- formed us also that, whilst we travelled by the river upward, we should all the way pass through a people that were their ene- mies, who spoke their tongue, and, though they had nothing to give us to eat, they would receive us with the best good will, and present us with mantles of cotton, hides, and other articles of their wealth. 1 Still it appeared to them we ought by no means to take that course. Doubting what it would be best to do, and which way we should choose for suitableness and support, we remained two days with these Indians, who gave us beans and pumpkins for our subsistence. Their method of cooking is so new that for its strangeness I desire to speak of it ; thus it may be seen and remarked how curious and diversified are the contrivances and 1 The Pueblo Indians of New Mexico are here referred to. Later Spanish explorers found cotton garments in abundance in their country. The state- ment here that the Jumanos spoke the same tongue as some of the Pueblos is significant, and accounts in a measure for the affiliation of the Jumanos with the Piros when missions were established by the Franciscans among these two tribes east of the Rio Grande, in New Mexico, in 1629. 1535] NARRATIVE OF CABEZA DE VACA 105 ingenuity of the human family. Not having discovered the use of pipkins, to boil what they would eat, they fill the half of a large calabash with water, and throw on the fire many stones of such as are most convenient and readily take the heat. When hot, they are taken up with tongs of sticks and dropped into the calabash until the water in it boils from the fervor of the stones. Then whatever is to be cooked is put in, and until it is done they continue taking out cooled stones and throwing in hot ones. Thus they boil their food. 1 Chapter 31 Of our taking the way to the maize. Two days being spent while we tarried, we resolved to go in search of the maize. We did not wish to follow the path lead- ing to where the cattle are, because it is towards the north, and for us very circuitous, since we ever held it certain that going towards the sunset we must find what we desired. Thus we took our way, and traversed all the country until coming out at the South Sea. Nor was the dread we had of the sharp hunger through which we should have to pass (as in verity we did, throughout the seventeen days' journey of which the natives spoke) sufficient to hinder us. During all that time, in ascending by the river, they gave us many coverings of cow- hide; but we did not eat of the fruit. Our sustenance each day was about a handful of deer-suet, which we had a long time been used to saving for such trials. Thus we passed the entire journey of seventeen days, and at the close we crossed the river 2 and travelled other seventeen days. As the sun went down, upon some plains that lie between 1 This was not an uncommon practice, especially among the non-sedentary tribes who could not readily transport pottery from place to place. The name Assiniboin, meaning "stone Sioux/' abbreviated to "Stonies," is de- rived from this custom. Tightly woven baskets and wooden bowls were also used for the purpose. 2 Probably the Rio Santa Maria, in Chihuahua. 106 SPANISH EXPLOBERS [1535 chains of very great mountains/ we found a people who for the third part of the year eat nothing but the powder of straw, and, that being the season when we passed, we also had to eat of it, until reaching permanent habitations, where was abundance of maize brought together. 2 They gave us a large quantity in grain and flour, pumpkins, beans, and shawls of cotton. With all these we loaded our guides, who went back the happiest creatures on earth. We gave thanks to God, our Lord, for having brought us where we had found so much food. Some houses are of earth, the rest all of cane mats. From this point we marched through more than a hundred leagues of country, and continually found settled domicils, with plenty of maize and beans. The people gave us many deer and cotton shawls better than those of New Spain, many beads and certain corals found on the South Sea, and fine turquoises that come from the north. Indeed they gave us every thing they had. To me they gave five emeralds 3 made into arrow-heads, which they use at their singing and dancing. They appeared to be very precious. I asked whence they got these ; and they said the stones were brought from some lofty mountains that stand toward the north, where were populous towns and very large houses, and that they were purchased with plumes and the feathers of parrots. Among this people the women are treated with more deco- rum than in any part of the Indias we had visited. They wear a shirt of cotton that falls as low as the knee, and over it half sleeves with skirts reaching to the ground, made of dressed deer-skin. 4 It opens in front and is brought close with straps of leather. They soap this with a certain root 5 that cleanses well, by which they are enabled to keep it becomingly. Shoes are worn. The people all came to us that we should touch and bless them, they being very urgent, which we could accomplish 1 The Sierra Madre. 2 The numerous villages of the Opata and cognate tribes of Sonora. 3 Bandelier (p. 156) believes that there may have been malachites. 4 For the clothing of the Opata Indians, see Castaneda's narration in this volume. 5 Amole, the root of the yucca. 1535] NARRATIVE OF CABEZA DE VACA 107 only with great labor, for sick and well all wished to go with a benediction. Many times it occurred that some of the women who accompanied us gave birth; and so soon as the children Were born the mothers would bring them to us that we should touch and bless them. These Indians ever accompanied us until they delivered us to others; and all held full faith in our coming from heaven. While travelling, we went without food all day until night, and we ate so little as to astonish them. We never felt exhaustion, neither were we in fact at all weary, so inured were we to hard- ship. We possessed great influence and authority : to preserve both, we seldom talked with them. The negro was in constant conversation ; he informed himself about the ways we wished to take, of the towns there were, and the matters we desired to know. We passed through many and dissimilar tongues. Our Lord granted us favor with the people who spoke them, for they always understood us, and we them. We questioned them, and received their answers by signs, just as if they spoke our language and we theirs ; for, although we knew six languages, We could not everywhere avail ourselves of them, there being a thousand differences. Throughout all these countries the people who were at war immediately made friends, that they might come to meet us, and bring what they possessed. In this way we left all the land at peace, and we taught all the inhabitants by signs, which they understood, that in heaven was a Man we called God, who had created the sky and the earth ; Him we worshipped and had for our master; that we did what He commanded and from His hand came all good ; and would they do as we did, all would be well with them. So ready of apprehension we found them that, could we have had the use of language by which to make ourselves perfectly understood, we should have left them all Christians. Thus much we gave them to understand the best we could. And afterward, when the sun rose, they opened their hands together with loud shouting towards the heavens, and then drew them down all over their bodies. They did the 108 SPANISH EXPLORERS [1535 same again when the sun went down. They are a people of good condition and substance, capable in any pursuit. Chapter 32 The Indians give us the hearts of deer. In the town where the emeralds were presented to us the people gave Dorantes over six hundred open hearts of deer. They ever keep a good supply of them for food, and we called the place Pueblo de los Corazones. 1 It is the entrance into many provinces on the South Sea. They who go to look for them, and do not enter there, will be lost. On the coast is no maize: the inhabitants eat the powder of rush and of straw, and fish that is caught in the sea from rafts, not having canoes. With grass and straw the women cover their nudity. They are a timid and dejected people. 2 We think that near the coast by way of those towns through which we came are more than a thousand leagues of inhabited country, plentiful of subsistence. Three times the year it is planted with maize and beans. Deer are of three kinds ; one the size of the young steer of Spain. There are innumerable houses, such as are called bahios. 3 They have poison from a certain tree the size of the apple. For effect no more is neces- sary than to pluck the fruit and moisten the arrow with it, or, if there be no fruit, to break a twig and with the milk do the like. The tree is abundant and so deadly that, if the leaves be bruised and steeped in some neighboring water, the deer and other animals drinking it soon burst. 4 1 Town of the Hearts, at or near the present Ures, on the Rio Sonora. The place became celebrated in 1540, when Coronado's army passed through the country. See the Castaneda narration in this volume. 2 These were the Seri, Guaymas, Upanguaymas, and Tepoca tribes. The Seri particularly have ever been noted for their warlike character, but Cabeza de Vaca does not here speak from personal knowledge. 3 That is, in the West Indies, see p. 19, note 5. 4 See the Castaneda narration, p. 326, post; and compare the Rudo Ensayo (ca. 1763), p. 64, 1863, which says: "Mago, in the Opata language, is a 1535] NAKRATIVE OF CABEZA DE VACA 109 We were in this town three days. A day's journey * farther was another town, 2 at which the rain fell heavily while we were there, and the river became so swollen we could not cross it, which detained us fifteen days. In this time Castillo saw the buckle of a sword-belt on the neck of an Indian and stitched to it the nail of a horseshoe. He took them, and we asked the native what they were: he answered that they came from heaven. We questioned him further, as to who had brought them thence : they all responded that certain men who wore beards like us had come from heaven and arrived at that river, bringing horses, lances, and swords, and that they had lanced two Indians. In a manner of the utmost indifference we could feign, we asked them what had become of those men. They answered us that they had gone to sea, putting their lances beneath the water, and going themselves also under the water ; afterwards that they were seen on the surface going towards the sunset. For this we gave many thanks to God our Lord. We had before despaired of ever hearing more of Christians. Even yet we were left in great doubt and anxiety, thinking those peo- ple were merely persons who had come by sea on discoveries. However, as we had now such exact information, we made greater speed, and, as we advanced on our way, the news of the Christians continually grew. We told the natives that we were going in search of that people, to order them not to kill nor make slaves of them, nor take them from their lands, nor do other injustice. Of this the Indians were very glad. We passed through many territories and found them all va- cant : their inhabitants wandered fleeing among the mountains, without daring to have houses or till the earth for fear of Chris- tians. The sight was one of infinite pain to us, a land very small tree, very green, luxuriant, and beautiful to the eye ; but it contains a deadly juice which flows upon making a slight incision in the bark. The natives rub their arrows with it, and for this reason they call it arrow herb ; but at present they use very little." 1 Twelve leagues, and the same distance from the Gulf of California, according to the last paragraph of this chapter. 2 Perhaps at or in the vicinity of the present Hermosillo, Sonora, although the distance is greater than that given later. 110 SPANISH EXPLORERS [1535 fertile and beautiful, abounding in springs and streams, the hamlets deserted and burned, the people thin and weak, all fleeing or in concealment. As they did not plant, they ap- peased their keen hunger by eating roots and the bark of trees. We bore a share in the famine along the whole way ; for poorly could these unfortunates provide for us, themselves being so reduced they looked as though they would willingly die. They brought shawls of those they had concealed because of the Christians, presenting them to us; and they related how the Christians at other times had come through the land, destroying and burning the towns, carrying away half the men, and all the women and the boys, while those who had been able to escape were wandering about fugitives. We found them so alarmed they dared not remain anywhere. They would not nor could they till the earth, but preferred to die rather than live in dread of such cruel usage as they received. Although these showed themselves greatly delighted with us, we feared that on our ar- rival among those who held the frontier, and fought against the Christians, they would treat us badly, and revenge upon us the conduct of their enemies ; but, when God our Lord was pleased to bring us there, they began to dread and respect us as the others had done, and even somewhat more, at which we no little wondered. Thence it may at once be seen that, to bring all these people to be Christians and to the obedience of the Im- perial Majesty, they must be won by kindness, which is a way certain, and no other is. They took us to a town on the edge of a range of mountains, to which the ascent is over difficult crags. We found many people there collected out of fear of the Christians. They re- ceived us well, and presented us all they had. They gave us more than two thousand back-loads of maize, which we gave to the distressed and hungered beings who guided us to that place. The next day we despatched four messengers through the coun- try, as we were accustomed to do, that they should call together all the rest of the Indians at a town distant three days' march. We set out the day after with all the people. The tracks of the Christians and marks where they slept were con- 1535] NARRATIVE OF CABEZA DE VACA 111 tinually seen. At mid-day we met our messengers, who told us they had found no Indians, that they were roving and hid- ing in the forests, fleeing that the Christians might not kill nor make them slaves ; the night before they had observed the Christians from behind trees, and discovered what they were about, carrying away many people in chains. Those who came with us were alarmed at this intelligence ' t some returned to spread the news over the land that the Chris- tians were coming ; and many more would have followed, had we not forbidden it and told them to cast aside their fear, when they reassured themselves and were well content. At the time we had Indians with us belonging a hundred leagues behind, and we were in no condition to discharge them, that they might return to their homes. To encourage them, we stayed there that night ; the day after we marched and slept on the road. The following day those whom we had sent forward as messen- gers guided us to the place where they had seen Christians. We arrived in the afternoon, and saw at once that they told the truth. We perceived that the persons were mounted, by the stakes to which the horses had been tied. From this spot, called the river Petutan, 1 to the river to which Diego de Guzman came, 2 where we heard of Christians, may be as many as eighty leagues ; thence to the town where the rains overtook us, twelve leagues, and that is twelve leagues from the South Sea. 3 Throughout this region, wheresoever the mountains extend, we saw clear traces of gold and lead, iron, copper, and other metals. Where the settled habitations are, the climate is hot ; even in January the weather is very warm. Thence toward the meridian, the country unoccupied to the North Sea is unhappy and sterile. There we underwent great 1 Petatlan ; so also in the edition of 1542. This is the Rio Sinaloa. See Castaneda's narration of the Coronado expedition, part 2, ch. 2, post. 2 See the note on Guzman in the Castaneda relation. The narrative is here slightly confused, as the town at which they first heard of Christians was the one in which they were overtaken by the rain, according to Cabeza de Vaca's previous statement in this chapter. 3 The Gulf of California. As he did not go to the coast, however, his estimate is considerably below the actual distance. 112 SPANISH EXPLORERS [1536 and incredible hunger. Those who inhabit and wander over it are a race of evil inclination and most cruel customs. The people of the fixed residences 1 and those beyond regard silver and gold with indifference, nor can they conceive of any use for them. Chapter 33 We see traces of Christians. When we saw sure signs of Christians, and heard how near we were to them, we gave thanks to God our Lord for having chosen to bring us out of a captivity so melancholy and wretched. The delight we felt let each one conjecture, when he shall re- member the length of time we were in that country, the suffering and perils we underwent. That night I entreated my com- panions that one of them should go back three days' journey after the Christians who were moving about over the country, where we had given assurance of protection. Neither of them received this proposal well, excusing themselves because of weariness and exhaustion; and although either might have done better than I, being more youthful and athletic, yet seeing their unwillingness, the next morning I took the negro with eleven Indians, and, following the Christians by their trail, I travelled ten leagues, passing three villages, at which they had slept. The day after I overtook four of them on horseback, who were astonished at the sight of me, so strangely habited as I was, and in company with Indians. 2 They stood staring at me a length of time, so confounded that they neither hailed me nor drew near to make an inquiry. I bade them take me to their chief : accordingly we went together half a league to the place where was Diego de Alcaraz, their captain. 3 1 The Jumanos, previously mentioned. 2 There were twenty horsemen according to the Letter (Oviedo, p. 612). 3 Alcaraz later served as a lieutenant under Diaz in the Coronado ex- pedition. Castaneda characterizes him as a weakling. 1536] NARRATIVE OF CABEZA DE VACA 113 After we had conversed, he stated to me that he was com- pletely undone ; he had not been able in a long time to take any Indians ; he knew not which way to turn, and his men had well begun to experience hunger and fatigue. I told him of Castillo and Dorantes, who were behind, ten leagues off, with a multitude that conducted us. He thereupon sent three cavalry to them, with fifty of the Indians who accompanied him. The negro returned to guide them, while I remained. I asked the Christians to give me a certificate of the year, month, and day I arrived there, and of the manner of my coming, which they accordingly did. From this river 1 to the town of the Christians, named San Miguel, 2 within the government of the province called New Galicia, are thirty leagues. Chapter 34 Of sending for the Christians. Five days having elapsed, Andres Dorantes and Alonzo del Castillo arrived with those who had been sent after them. They brought more than six hundred persons of that com- munity, whom the Christians had driven into the forests, and who had wandered in concealment over the land. Those who accompanied us so far had drawn them out, and given them to the Christians, who thereupon dismissed all the others they had brought with them. Upon their coming to where I was, Alcaraz begged that we would summon the people of the towns on the margin of the river, who straggled about under cover of the woods, and order them to fetch us something to eat. This last was unnecessary, the Indians being ever diligent to bring us all they could. Directly we sent our messengers to call them, when there came six hundred souls, bringing us all the maize in their possession. They fetched it in certain pots, closed with 1 Evidently the Rio Sinaloa. 2 San Miguel Culiacan. See Castaneda's narration. 114 SPANISH EXPLORERS [1536 clay, which they had concealed in the earth. They brought us whatever else they had ; but we, wishing only to have the provision, gave the rest to the Christians, that they might divide among themselves. After this we had many high words with them ; for they wished to make slaves of the Indians we brought. In consequence of the dispute, we left at our departure many bows of Turkish shape we had along with us and many pouches. The five arrows with the points of emerald were forgotten among others, and we lost them. We gave the Christians a store of robes of cowhide and other things we brought. We found it difficult to induce the Indians to return to their dwell- ings, to feel no apprehension and plant maize. They were will- ing to do nothing until they had gone with us and delivered us into the hands of other Indians, as had been the custom ; for, if they returned without doing so, they were afraid they should die, and, going with us, they feared neither Christians nor lances. Our countrymen became jealous at this, and caused their inter- preter to tell the Indians that we were of them, and for a long time we had been lost ; that they were the lords of the land who must be obeyed and served, while we were persons of mean condition and small force. The Indians cared little or nothing for what was told them ; and conversing among themselves said the Christians lied: that we had come whence the sun rises, and they whence it goes down ; we healed the sick, they killed the sound ; that we had come naked and barefooted, while they had arrived in clothing and on horses with lances ; that we were not covetous of anything, but all that was given to us we di- rectly turned to give, remaining with nothing ; that the others had the only purpose to rob whomsoever they found, bestow- ing nothing on any one. In this way they spoke of all matters respecting us, which they enhanced by contrast with matters concerning the others, delivering their response through the interpreter of the Span- iards. To other Indians they made this known by means of one among them through whom they understood us. Those who speak that tongue we discriminately call Primahaitu, 1536] NABRATIVE OF CABEZA DE VACA 115 which is like saying Vasconyados. 1 We found it in use over more than four hundred leagues of our travel, without another over that whole extent. Even to the last, I could not convince the Indians that we were of the Christians ; and only with great effort and solicitation we got them to go back to their residences. We ordered them to put away apprehension, establish their towns, plant and cultivate the soil. From abandonment the country had already grown up thickly in trees. It is, no doubt, the best in all these Indias, the most prolific and plenteous in provisions. Three times in the year it is planted. It produces great variety of fruit, has beautiful rivers, with many other good waters. There are ores with clear traces of gold and silver. The people are well dis- posed : they serve such Christians as are their friends, with great good will. They are comely, much more so than the Mexicans. Indeed, the land needs no circumstance to make it blessed. The Indians, at taking their leave, told us they would do what we commanded, and would build their towns, if the Chris- tians would suffer them ; and this I say and affirm most posi- tively, that, if they have not done so, it is the fault of the Christians. After we had dismissed the Indians in peace, and thanked them for the toil they had supported with us, the Christians with subtlety sent us on our way under charge of Zebreros, an alcalde, attended by two men. They took us through forests and solitudes, to hinder us from intercourse with the natives, that we might neither witness nor have knowledge of the act they would commit. It is but an instance of how frequently men are mistaken in their aims ; we set about to preserve the liberty of the Indians and thought we had secured it, but the contrary appeared ; for the Christians had arranged to go and 1 Evidently intended for Pimahaitu, through misunderstanding. These tribes who lived in permanent habitations, from the village of the Corazones (Hearts) to Culiacan, were all of the Piman family, and consequently spoke related languages. The Pima do not call themselves Pima, but O-otam, "men/' "people." Pima means "no"; pimahaitu, "no thing." The term Vasconyados, or Vascongados, refers to the Biscayans. 116 SPANISH EXPLORERS [1536 spring upon those we had sent away in peace and confidence. They executed their plan as they had designed, taking us through the woods, wherein for two days we were lost, without water and without way. Seven of our men died of thirst, and we all thought to have perished. Many friendly to the Christians in their company were unable to reach the place where we got water the second night, until the noon of next day. We travelled twenty-five leagues, little more or less, and reached a town of friendly Indians. The alcalde left us there, and went on three leagues farther to a town called Culiacan where was Melchior Diaz, principal alcalde and captain of the province. 1 Chapter 35 The chief alcalde receives us kindly the night we arrive. The alcalde mayor knew of the expedition, and, hearing of our return, he immediately left that night and came to where we were. He wept with us, giving praises to God our Lord for having extended over us so great care. He comforted and entertained us hospitably. In behalf of the Governor, Nuno de Guzman and himself, he tendered all that he had, and the service in his power. He showed much regret for the seizure, and the injustice we had received from Alcaraz and others. We were sure, had he been present, what was done to the Indians and to us would never have occurred. The night being passed, we set out the next day for Anhacan. The chief alcalde besought us to tarry there, since by so doing we could be of eminent service to God and your Majesty; the deserted land was without tillage and every- where badly wasted, the Indians were fleeing and concealing themselves in the thickets, unwilling to occupy their towns; we were to send and call them, commanding them in behalf of 1 For the later career of this officer, see Castaneda's narration. Melchior Diaz was a man of very different stamp to Guzman, Alcaraz, and Zebreros (or Cebreros), so far as his treatment of the Indians is concerned. 1536] NARRATIVE OF CABEZA DE VACA 117 God and the King, to return to live in the vales and cultivate the soil. To us this appeared difficult to effect. We had brought no native of our own, nor of those who accompanied us according to custom, intelligent in these affairs. At last we made the attempt with two captives, brought from that country, who were with the Christians we first overtook. They had seen the people who conducted us, and learned from them the great authority and command we carried and exercised throughout those parts, the wonders we had worked, the sick we had cured, and the many things besides we had done. We ordered that they, with others of the town, should go together to sum- mon the hostile natives among the mountains and of the river Petachan, 1 where we had found the Christians, and say to them they must come to us, that we wished to speak with them. For the protection of the messengers, and as a token to the others of our will, we gave them a gourd of those we were accustomed to bear in our hands, which had been our principal insignia and evidence of rank, 2 and with this they went away. The Indians were gone seven days, and returned with three chiefs of those revolted among the ridges, who brought with them fifteen men, and presented us beads, turquoises, and feathers. The messengers said they had not found the people of the river where we appeared, the Christians having again made them run away into the mountains. Melchior Diaz told the interpreter to speak to the natives for us ; to say to them we came in the name of God, who is in heaven ; that we had travelled about the world many years, telling all the people we found that they should believe in God and serve Him ; for He was the Master of all things on the earth, benefiting and re- warding the virtuous, and to the bad giving perpetual punish- ment of fire ; that, when the good die, He takes them to heaven, where none ever die, nor feel cold, nor hunger, nor thirst, nor 1 Petatlan — the Rio Sinaloa. 2 Evidently one of those obtained in Texas and which the Indians there so highly regarded. See p. 90, note 2; p. 95, note 1. 118 SPANISH EXPLORERS [1536 ' any inconvenience whatsoever, but the greatest enjoyment pos- sible to conceive ; that those who will not believe in Him, nor obey His commands, He casts beneath the earth into the com- pany of demons, and into a great fire which is never to go out, but always torment ; that, over this, if they desired to be Chris- tians and serve God in the way we required, the Christians would cherish them as brothers and behave towards them very kindly ; that we would command they give no offence nor take them from their territories, but be their great friends. If the Indians did not do this, the Christians would treat them very hardly, carrying them away as slaves into other lands. 1 They answered through the interpreter that they would be true Christians and serve God. Being asked to whom they sacrifice and offer worship, from whom they ask rain for their corn-fields and health for themselves, they answered of a man that is in heaven. We inquired of them his name, and they told us Aguar ; and they believed he created the whole world, and the things in it. We returned to question them as to how they knew this ; they answered their fathers and grandfathers had told them, that from distant time had come their knowl- edge, and they knew the rain and all good things were sent to them by him. We told them that the name of him of whom they spoke we called Dios ; and if they would call him so, and would worship him as we directed, they would find their wel- fare. They responded that they well understood, and would do as we said. We ordered them to come down from the mountains in confidence and peace, inhabit the whole country and construct their houses : among these they should build one for God, at its entrance place a cross like that which we had there present; and, when Christians came among them, they should go out to receive them with crosses in their hands, without bows or any arms, and take them to their dwellings, giving of what they have to eat, and the Christians would do them no injury, but be their friends ; and the Indians told us they would do as we had commanded. 1 Among the Indians of this region who were carried away into cap- tivity were the Yaqui, who have been hostile to the whites to this day. 1536] NARRATIVE OF CABEZA DE VACA 119 The captain having given them shawls and entertained them, they returned, taking the two captives who had been used as emissaries. This occurrence took place before the notary, in the presence of many witnesses. Chapter 36 Of building churches in that land. As soon as these Indians went back, all those of that prov- ince who were friendly to the Christians, and had heard of us, came to visit us, bringing beads and feathers. We commanded them to build churches and put crosses in them : to that time none had been raised ; and we made them bring their principal men to be baptized. Then the captain made a covenant with God, not to invade nor consent to invasion, nor to enslave any of that country and people, to whom we had guaranteed safety ; that this he would enforce and defend until your Majesty and the Governor Nuflo de Guzman, or the Viceroy in your name, should direct what would be most for the service of God and your Highness. When the children had been baptized, we departed for the town of San Miguel. So soon as we arrived, April 1, 1536, came Indians, who told us many people had come down from the mountains and were living in the vales; that they had made churches and crosses, doing all we had required. Each day we heard how these things were advancing to a full im- provement. Fifteen days of our residence having passed, Alcaraz got back with the Christians from the incursion, and they related to the captain the manner in which the Indians had come down and peopled the plain ; that the towns were inhabited which had been tenantless and deserted, the residents, coming out to receive them with crosses in their hands, had taken them to their houses, giving of what they had, and the Christians had slept among them over night. They were surprised at a thing 120 SPANISH EXPLORERS [1536 so novel; but, as the natives said they had been assured of safety, it was ordered that they should not be harmed, and the Christians took friendly leave of them. God in His infinite mercy is pleased that in the days of your Majesty, under your might and dominion, these nations should come to be thoroughly and voluntarily subject to the Lord, who has created and redeemed us. We regard this as certain, that your Majesty is he who is destined to do so much, not difficult to accomplish; for in the two thousand leagues we journeyed on land, and in boats on water, and in that we travelled unceasingly for ten months after coming out of cap- tivity, we found neither sacrifices nor idolatry. In the time, we traversed from sea to sea; and from in- formation gathered with great diligence, there may be a dis- tance from one to another at the widest part, of two thousand leagues; and we learned that on the coast of the South Sea there are pearls and great riches, and the best and all the most opulent countries are near there. We were in the village of San Miguel until the fifteenth day of May. 1 The cause of so long a detention was, that from thence to the city of Compostela, where the Governor Nuno de Guzman resided, are a hundred leagues of country, entirely devastated and filled with enemies, where it was necessary we should have protection. Twenty mounted men went with us for forty leagues, and after that six Christians accompanied us, who had with them five hundred slaves. Arrived at Com- postela, the Governor entertained us graciously and gave us of his clothing for our use. I could not wear any for some time, nor could we sleep anywhere else but on the ground. After ten or twelve days we left for Mexico, and were all along on the way well entertained by Christians. Many came out on the roads to gaze at us, giving thanks to God for having saved us from so many calamities. We arrived at Mexico on Sunday, the day before the vespers of Saint Iago, 2 where we were handsomely treated by the Viceroy and the Marquis del 1 1536. 2 The day of Saint James the Apostle — July 25, 1536. 1637] NARBATIVE OF CABEZA DE VACA 121 Valle, 1 and welcomed with joy. They gave us clothing and proffered whatsoever they had. On the day of Saint Iago was a celebration, and a joust of reeds with bulls. Chapter 37 Of what occurred when I wished to return. When we had rested two months in Mexico, I desired to return to these kingdoms; 2 and being about to embark in the month of October, a storm came on, capsizing the ship, and she was lost. In consequence I resolved to remain through the winter; because in those parts it is a boisterous season for navigation. After that had gone by, Dorantes and I left Mexico, about Lent, to take shipping at Vera Cruz. We re- mained waiting for a wind until Palm Sunday, when we went on board, and were detained fifteen days longer for a wind. The ship leaked so much that I quitted her, and went to one of two other vessels that were ready to sail, but Dorantes remained in her. On the tenth day of April, 3 the three ships left the port, and sailed one hundred and fifty leagues. Two of them leaked a great deal; and one night the vessel I was in lost their company. Their pilots and masters, as afterwards ap- peared, dared not proceed with the other vessels so, and with- out telling us of their intentions, or letting us know aught of them, put back to the port they had left. We pursued our voyage, and on the fourth day of May we entered the harbor of Havana, in the island of Cuba. We remained waiting for the other vessels, believing them to be on their way, until the second of June, when we sailed, in much fear of falling in with Frenchmen, as they had a few days before taken three Spanish vessels. Having arrived at the island of Bermuda, we were struck by one of those storms that overtake those who pass there, according to what they state who sail thither. 1 The Viceroy Mendoza and Cortes. 2 Spain. 3 1537. 122 SPANISH EXPLOEEES [1537 All one night we considered ourselves lost; and we were thankful that when morning was come, the storm ceased, and we could go on our course. At the end of twenty-nine days after our departure from Havana, we had sailed eleven hundred leagues, which are said to be thence to the town of the Azores. The next morning, passing by the island called Cuervo, 1 we fell in with a French ship. At noon she began to follow, bringing with her a caravel captured from the Portuguese, and gave us chase. In the evening we saw nine other sail ; but they were so distant we could not make out whether they were Portuguese or of those that pursued us. At night the Frenchman was within shot of a lombard from our ship, and we stole away from our course in the dark to evade him, and this we did three or four times. He approached so near that he saw us and fired. He might have taken us, or, at his option could leave us until the morn- ing. I remember with gratitude to the Almighty when the sun rose, and we found ourselves close with the Frenchman, that near us were the nine sail we saw the evening before, which we now recognized to be of the fleet of Portugal. I gave thanks to our Lord for escape from the troubles of the land and perils of the sea. The Frenchman, so soon as he discovered their character, let go the caravel he had seized with a cargo of negroes and kept as a prize, to make us think he was Portuguese, that we might wait for him. When he cast her off, he told the pilot and the master of her, that we were French and under his convoy. This said, sixty oars were put out from his ship, and thus with these and sail he commenced to flee, moving so fast it was hardly credible. The caravel being let go, went to the galleon, and informed the commander that the other ship and ours were French. As we drew nigh the galleon, and the fleet saw we were com- ing down upon them, they made no doubt we were, and put- ting themselves in order of battle, bore up for us, and when near we hailed them. Discovering that we were friends, they found that they were mocked in permitting the corsair to 1 Corvo. 1537] NARBATIVE OF CABEZA DE VACA 123 escape, by being told that we were French and of his company. Four caravels were sent in pursuit. The galleon drawing near, after the salutation from us, the commander, Diego de Silveira, asked whence we came and what merchandise we carried, when we answered that we came from New Spain, and were loaded with silver and gold. He asked us how much there might be; the captain told him we carried three thousand castellanos. The commander replied: "In honest truth you come very rich, although you bring a very sorry ship and a still poorer artillery. By Heaven, that renegade whoreson Frenchman has lost a good mouthful. Now that you have escaped, follow me, and do not leave me that I may, with God's help, deliver you in Spain." After a little time, the caravels that pursued the French- man returned, for plainly he moved too fast for them; they did not like either, to leave the fleet, which was guarding three ships that came laden with spices. Thus we reached the island of Terceira, where we reposed fifteen days, taking refreshment and awaiting the arrival of another ship coming with a cargo from India, the companion of the three of which the armada was in charge. The time having run out, we left that place with the fleet, and arrived at the port of Lisbon on the ninth of August, on the vespers of the day of our master Saint Lawrence, 1 in the year one thousand five hundred and thirty-seven. That what I have stated in my foregoing narrative is true, I subscribe with my name. Cabeza de Vaca. The narrative here ended is signed with his name and arms. Chapter 38 Of what became of the others who went to Indias. Since giving this circumstantial account of events attending the voyage to Florida, the invasion, and our going out thence 1 The day of Saint Lawrence (San Lorenzo) is August 10. 124 SPANISH EXPLORERS [1537 until the arrival in these realms, I desire to state what became of the ships and of the people who remained with them. I have not before touched on this, as we were uninformed until coming to New Spain, where we found many of the persons, and others here in Castile, from whom we learned everything to the latest particular. At the time we left, one of the ships had already been lost on the breakers, and the three others were in considerable danger, having nearly a hundred souls on board and few stores. Among the persons were ten married women, one of whom had told the Governor many things that afterwards befell him on the voyage. She cautioned him before he went inland not to go, as she was confident that neither he nor any going with him could ever escape; but should any one come back from that country, the Almighty must work great wonders in his behalf, though she believed few or none would return. The Governor said that he and his followers were going to fight and conquer nations and countries wholly unknown, and in subduing them he knew that many would be slain; nevertheless, that those who survived would be fortunate, since from what he had understood of the opulence of that land, they must become very rich. And further he begged her to inform him whence she learned those things that had passed, as well as those she spoke of, that were to come ; she replied that in Castile a Moorish woman of Hornachos had told them to her, which she had stated to us likewise before we left Spain, and while on the passage many things happened in the way she foretold. After the Governor had made Caravallo, a native of Cuenca de Huete, his lieutenant and commander of the vessels and people, he departed, leaving orders that all diligence should be used to repair on board, and take the direct course to Pan- uco, keeping along the shore closely examining for the harbor, and having found it, the vessels should enter there and await our arrival. And the people state, that when they had be- taken themselves to the ships, all of them looking at that woman, they distinctly heard her say to the females, that 1537] NARRATIVE OF CABEZA DE VACA 125 well, since their husbands had gone inland, putting their per- sons in so great jeopardy, their wives should in no way take more account of them, but ought soon to be looking after whom they would marry, and that she should do so. She did accordingly: she and others married, or became the con- cubines of those who remained in the ships. After we left, the vessels made sail, taking their course onward; but not finding the harbor, they returned. Five leagues below the place at which we debarked, they found the port, the same we discovered when we saw the Spanish cases containing dead bodies, which were of Christians. 1 Into this haven and along this coast, the three ships passed with the other ship that came from Cuba, and the brigantine, look- ing for us nearly a year, and not finding us, they went to New Spain. The port of which we speak is the best in the world. At the entrance are six fathoms of water and five near the shore. It runs up into the land seven or eight leagues. The bottom is fine white sand. No sea breaks upon it nor boisterous storm, and it can contain many vessels. Fish is in great plenty. There are a hundred leagues to Havana, a town of Christians in Cuba, with which it bears north and south. The north-east wind ever prevails and vessels go from one to the other, returning in a few days; for the reason that they sail either way with it on the quarter. As I have given account of the vessels, it may be well that I state who are, and from what parts of these kingdoms come, the persons whom our Lord has been pleased to release from these troubles. The first is Alonzo del Castillo Maldonado, native of Salamanca, son of Doctor Castillo and Dona Al- donQa Maldonado. The second is Andres Dorantes, son of Pablo Dorantes, native of Bejar, and citizen of Gibraleon. The third is Alvar Nunez Cabega de Vaca, son of Francisco de Vera, and grandson of Pedro de Vera who conquered the Canaries, and his mother was Dona Tereca Cabega de Vaca, native of 1 Tampa Bay, Florida. 126 SPANISH EXPLORERS Xerez de la Frontera. The fourth, called Estevanico, is an Arabian black, native of Acamor. The End The present tract was imprinted in the very magnificent, noble and very ancient City of Zamora, by the honored residents Augustin de Paz and Juan Picardo, partners, printers of books, at the cost and outlay of the virtuous Juan Pedro Musetti, book merchant of Medina del Campo, having been finished the sixth day of the month of October, in the year one thou- sand five hundred and forty-two of the birth of our Saviour Jesus Christ. 1 1 Colophon of the first edition. THE NARRATIVE OF THE EXPEDITION OF HERNANDO DE SOTO, BY THE GENTLEMAN OF ELVAS INTRODUCTION In the early annals of the exploration, conquest, and set- tlement of the territory of the United States none are to be found to which more interest is attached than to the expedi- tion of Hernando de Soto through the Gulf States. History, tradition, and poetry are indissolubly linked with his name. Counties, towns, and lakes have been named after him, and tradition attaches his name to many localities far removed from the line of his march. In the narrative of the expedition we get our first geographi- cal knowledge of the interior of the states of Florida, Georgia, North and South Carolina, Tennessee, Alabama, Mississippi, Arkansas, Texas, and the Indian Territory. The Spaniards while on their minor expeditions among the Indians may also have entered the states of Missouri and Louisiana, but of this there is no certainty. The earliest history of the great Indian tribes or nations residing in the above-named states is related by these narra- tives, the expedition having traversed the territory of the Timuguas, Cherokees, the various divisions or tribes of the Muskogee or Creek confederacy, the Choctaws, Chickasaws, Quapaws or Arkansas, several branches of the great Pani na- tion, and some other tribes that are not so easily identified. In the narratives are also to be found the first descriptions of the habits, manners, and customs of the native tribes met with. Their towns, villages, houses, temples, granaries, bridges, canoes, banners, arms, wearing apparel, and culi- nary implements are also described. The first published narrative was written by a gentleman from the town of Elvas, in Portugal, who joined the expedi- k 129 130 ' SPANISH EXPLORERS tion and participated in its trials and privations, and in the weary but memorable march through what was then known as Florida. If he was one of those Portuguese who are named in the book as having started from Elvas, the inference may be drawn from the wording of the narrative that he was named Alvaro Fernandez. His narrative was written after his return from the expedition, and is evidently not based upon a diary, or even field-notes, but seemingly was drawn entirely from memory. His descriptions are somewhat vague, the localities sometimes indefinite, the distances sometimes confused, and there are some palpable errors. The lengthy addresses of the caciques belong to romance rather than to history; at least, they are open to grave suspicion that they were manufactured for the occasion. Nevertheless, when the narrative is considered as a whole, it is decidedly the best full account that has been handed down to us. It records the first discovery and navigation of the Mississippi River, the death of its discoverer, De Soto, the building of the first sea-going vessels — brigantines — by Moscoso, the first voy- age down "the great river," and the arrival in Mexico of the remnants of the once powerful expedition. The narrative, taken in connection with that of Ranjel, preserved in Oviedo's Historia General y Natural de las Indias (Seville, 1547), sup- plies almost a daily record of the events as they occurred. The Gentleman of Elvas having been an eye-witness, and his narrative being the best one that has been preserved, it must be taken as a basis for laying down the route of the expedition. The abridged journal of Ranjel, De Soto's pri- vate secretary, should also be accepted as a standard, especially as to dates and the order in which the towns and provinces are named. The narrative of Biedma, the factor of the expe- dition, 1 although written after his arrival in Mexico, supplies 1 First printed by Buckingham Smith in his Coleccion de varios Docu- mentos para la Historia de la Florida (London, 1857). INTRODUCTION 131 some additional information. It furnishes the only clue as to the direction pursued by Moscoso, after leaving Guachoya, and therefore contains valuable auxiliary evidence. The ac- count written by Garcilaso de la Vega, "the Inca," Florida del Ynca (Lisbon, 1605), is principally based upon the oral statements of a noble Spaniard who accompanied Soto as a volunteer, and the written but illiterate reports of two com- mon soldiers, Alonzo de Carmona and Juan Coles. After elimi- nating all the overdrawn, flowery, and fanciful portions of the account, there is a residue consisting, in part, of misplaced towns, provinces, and events, together with occasional dupli- cations of descriptions. Of the remainder, only such portions as conform to, or do not conflict with, the other narratives are worthy of consideration. By combining the geographical topographical, and descriptive portions of the narratives, and exploring the probable and possible sections of the route the present writer has succeeded in identifying a number of points visited by Soto and his followers. A detailed description of the places identified will be found in the Publications of the Mississippi Historical Society (VI. 449-467) ; and the relative value of the narratives, together with the minor documents is discussed in the same series (VII. 379-387). The Gentleman of Elvas, unlike Ran j el, does not put him- self forward, but was so modest that only once does he refer to himself while on the march through Florida, and that was on the occasion of the death of some relatives while at Ami- noya. Seemingly he did not take an active part at the front or in the advances, but was always with the main army. The Narrative of the Gentleman of Elvas was first pub- lished at Evora, Portugal, in 1557. It was reprinted at Lis- bon in 1844 by the Royal Academy, and again in 1875. The first French edition appeared in 1685, and an English transla- tion from this edition was published in 1686. The first Eng- lish version, by Hakluyt, entitled Virginia richly valued by 132 ' SPANISH EXPLORERS the Description of the Mainland of Florida, appeared in 1609, and a reprint entitled The worthye and famous Historie of the Travailles, Discovery, and Conquest of Terra Florida, in 1611. A reprint from the latter, edited by William B. Rye, was pub- lished by the Hakluyt Society in 1851. The version of 1611 is included in Force's Tracts, Volume IV., 1846, and in French's Historical Collections of Louisiana, Part 2. The English trans- lation by Buckingham Smith, which was published by the Bradford Club in 1866, in a volume entitled The Career of Hernando de Soto in the Conquest of Florida, is the latest and most authentic version. It is this which is followed in the present volume. A reprint of Smith's translation, edited by Professor Edward G. Bourne, was published in 1904. T. Hayes Lewis. J5 WANDERINGS first published in, and now reproduced I InliLnti *.J.-l his Voyages (Paris, 1838). In addition to Castaneda 's narration there are several letters and reports that shed important light on the route traversed by the expedition, the aborigines encountered, and other note- worthy details which the student should consult. These are as follows: 1. The Relation by Fray Marcos of his entrada during the preceding year (1539), Coronado following the same route as far as the first of the Seven Cities of Cibola with Marcos as both guide and spiritual adviser. A brief bibliography of this narration is given in a note on p. 290. 2. A letter from the viceroy, Don Antonio de Mendoza, to the King, dated Jacona (Mexico), April 17, 1540, in which is set forth the progress of Coronado 's expedition from Culiacan, and containing extracts from a report by Melchior Diaz, who had been sent forward in November, 1539, to explore the route from Culiacan to Chichilticalli, in the valley of the present Gila River, Arizona, for the purpose of verifying the reports of Fray Marcos. This letter appears in the Documentos Ineditos de Indias, II. 356, and in English in Winship's memoir in the Fourteenth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, p. 547, as well as in his Journey of Coronado, p. 149. 3. An important and extended letter from Coronado to Mendoza, written at Granada (as Coronado called Hawikuh, the first of the Seven Cities of Cibola), August 3, 1540. This letter appears in Italian in Ramusio's Terzo Volume delle 278 SPANISH EXPLORERS Navigationi et Viaggi (ed. 1556), fol. 359, translated by Hak- luyt, Voyages, IX. 145-169 (ed. 1904); reprinted in Old South Leaflets, Gen. Ser., No. 20. A translation from Ramusio into English appears in both of Mr. Winship's works on the expedition. It should perhaps here be mentioned that the Hakluyt translations of the Coronado documents, at least, are so unreliable as to warrant careful use. 4. The Traslado de las Nuevas, an anonymous "Copy of the Reports and Descriptions that have been received regarding the Discovery of a City which is called Cibola, situated in the New Country." This important document was written evi- dently by a member of the expedition while the Spaniards were at Cibola. It appears in Spanish in the Documentos Ineditos de Indias, XIX. 529, from which it was translated into English by Mr. Winship and printed in each of his memoirs. 5. The important letter of Coronado to the King, dated Tiguex (the present Bernalillo, New Mexico), October 20, 1541, after the return of the expedition from Quivira. Printed in the Documentos Ineditos de Indias, III. 363; XIII. 261; in French in Ternaux-Compans' Voyages, IX. 355; translated into English by Mr. Winship and printed in each of his memoirs, as well as in American History Leaflets, No. 13. 6. The Relacion Postrera de Sibola, y de mas de Cuatro- cientas Leguas Adelante (the " Latest Account of Cibola, and of more than Four Hundred Leagues Beyond"). This im- portant anonymous account, written apparently in New Mexico in 1541 by one of the Franciscans who accompanied the expedi- tion, was published, both in Spanish and in English, for the first time, in Mr. Winship's Coronado Expedition (Fourteenth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, pp. 566-571). In his Journey of Coronado only the translation appears (pp. 190- 196). 7. The anonymous Relacion del Suceso, an " Account of what happened on the Journey which Francisco Vazquez made to discover Cibola." First printed, in Spanish, in Buckingham Smith's Coleccion de Varios Documentos para la Historia de la Florida (1857), I. 147; it appears also, under the erroneous > INTRODUCTION 279 date 1531, in the Docwnentos Ineditos de Indias, XIV. 318, whereas the account was written apparently in 1541 or early in 1542. An English translation appears in each of Mr. Winship's works, and also in American History Leaflets, No. 13. 8. " Account given by Captain Juan Jaramillo of the Journey which he made to the New Country, on which Francisco Vazquez Coronado was the General." Next to Castafieda's narration this is the most important document pertaining to the expedition, inasmuch as it contains many references to directions, distances, streams, etc., that are not noted in the other accounts. The Jaramillo narration was written long after the events transpired, and is based on the keen memory of the writer. It is printed in Spanish in Buckingham Smith's Coleccion, I. 154, and in the Documentos Ineditos, XIV. 304. A French translation is given by Ternaux-Compans, IX. 364, and an English translation in both of Mr. Winship's works. 9. " Account of what Hernando de Alvarado and Friar Juan de Padilla discovered going in Search of the South Sea." A brief account of the journey of Alvarado from Hawikuh (Coronado 's Granada) to the Rio Grande pueblos in 1540. Printed in Spanish in Buckingham Smith's Coleccion, I. 65, and in the Documentos Ineditos, III. 511. An English transla- tion by Mr. Winship is included in each of his works on the expedition, and was printed also in the Boston Transcript, October 14, 1893. The title of this document is a misnomer, as Alvarado did not go in search of the Pacific. 10. ' ' Testimony concerning those who went on the Expedi- tion with Francisco Vazquez Coronado." This testimony is printed in the Documentos Ineditos de Indias, XIV. 373, and an abridgment, freely translated, is included in Mr. Winship's works. 11. Although the account of the voyage of the fleet under Hernando de Alarcon does not directly concern us, reference should perhaps be made to the sources of information regard- ing it. These are : Herrera's Historia General, dec. VI., lib. ix., cap. xiii. (1601-1615), and in various subsequent editions; / 280 SPANISH EXPLORERS Ramusio's Navigationi et Viaggi (1556), III., fol. 363-370; Hakluyt's Voyages, IX. 279-318 (1904); Ternaux-Compans' Voyages, IX. 299-348; Coleccion de Documentos Ineditos para la Historia de Espana, IV. 218-219. The Coronado expedition was of far-reaching importance from a geographical point of view, for it combined with the journey of De Soto in giving to the world an insight into the hitherto unknown vast interior of the northern continent and formed the basis of the cartography of that region. It was the means also of making known the sedentary Pueblo tribes of our Southwest and the hunting tribes of the Great Plains, the Grand Canon of the Colorado and the lower reaches of that stream, and the teeming herds of bison and the absolute de- pendence on them by the hunting Indians for every want. But alas for the Spaniards, the grand pageant resulted in disap- pointment for all, and its indefatigable leader ended his days practically forgotten by his country for which he had accom- plished so much. F. W. Hodge. D 13 - O X K u o Eh H 54-1 Q £ Oh X W 33 Q cn CO O en < +-> § i <+i a X T3 >, cti 2 u- 3 g - b a a ~ THE NARRATIVE OF THE EXPEDITION OF CORONADO BY CASTANEDA Account of the Expedition to Cibola which took place in the year 1540, in which all those settlements, their ceremonies and customs, are described. Written by Pedro de Castafieda, of Najera. 1 PREFACE To me it seems very certain, my very noble lord, that it is a worthy ambition for great men to desire to know and wish to preserve for posterity correct information concerning the things that have happened in distant parts, about which little is known. I do not blame those inquisitive persons who, per- chance with good intentions, have many times troubled me not a little with their requests that I clear up for them some doubts which they have had about different things that have been commonly related concerning the events and occurrences that took place during the expedition to Cibola, or the New Land, which the good viceroy — may he be with God in His glory — Don Antonio de Mendoza, 2 ordered and arranged, and on which he sent Francisco Vazquez de Coronado as captain- general. In truth, they have reason for wishing to know the truth, because most people very often make things of which they have heard, and about which they have perchance no knowledge, appear either greater or less than they are. They make nothing of those things that amount to something, and 1 For information concerning the author of this narrative, see the Intro- duction. 2 Mendoza was first viceroy of New Spain (Mexico), serving from 1535 to 1550, when he was ordered to Peru as its second viceroy. He reached Lima in September, 1551, and died July 21 of the year following. 281 282 SPANISH EXPLORERS those that do not they make so remarkable that they appear to be something impossible to believe. This may very well have been caused by the fact that, as that country was not permanently occupied, there has not been any one who was willing to spend his time in writing about its peculiarities, because all knowledge was lost of that which it was not the pleasure of God — He alone knows the reason — that they should enjoy. In truth, he who wishes to employ himself thus in writing out the things that happened on the expedi- tion, and the things that were seen in those lands, and the cere- monies and customs of the natives, will have matter enough to test his judgment, and I believe that the result can not fail to be an account which, describing only the truth, will be so remarkable that it will seem incredible. And besides, I think that the twenty years and mote since that expedition took place 1 have been the cause of some stories which are related. For example, some make it an uninhabit- able country, others have it bordering on Florida, and still others on Greater India, which does not appear to be a slight difference. They are unable to give any basis upon which to found their statements. There are those who tell about some very peculiar animals, who are contradicted by others who were on the expedition, declaring that there was nothing of the sort seen. Others differ as to the limits of the provinces and even in regard to the ceremonies and customs, attributing what pertains to one people to others. All this has had a large part, my very noble lord, in making me wish to give now, although somewhat late, a short general account for all those who pride themselves on this noble curiosity, and to save my- self the time taken up by these solicitations. Things enough will certainly be found here which are hard to believe. All or the most of these were seen with my own eyes, and the rest is from reliable information obtained by inquiry of the natives themselves. Understanding as I do that this little work would be nothing in itself, lacking authority, unless it 1 Castaneda is supposed to have been writing at Culiacan, in western Mexico, about 1565. EXPEDITION OF CORONADO 283 were favored and protected by a person whose authority- would protect it from the boldness of those who, without rev- erence, give their murmuring tongues liberty, and knowing as I do how great are the obligations under which I have always been, and am, to your grace, I humbly beg to submit this little work to your protection. May it be received as from a faithful retainer and servant. It will be divided into three parts, that it may be better understood. The first will tell of the discovery and the armament or army that was made ready, and of the whole journey, with the captains who were there; the second, of the villages and provinces which were found, and their limits, and ceremonies and customs, the animals, fruits, and vegeta- tion, and in what parts of the country these are ; the third, of the return of the army and the reasons for abandoning the country, although these were insufficient, because this is the best place there is for discoveries — the marrow of the land in these western parts, as will be seen. And after this has been made plain, some remarkable things which were seen will be described at the end, and the way by which one might more easily return to discover that better land which we did not see, since it would be no small advantage to enter the country through the land which the Marquis of the Valley, Don Fer- nando Cortes, went in search of under the Western star, and which cost him no small sea armament. May it please our Lord to so favor me that with my slight knowledge and small abilities I may be able by relating the truth to make my little work pleasing to the learned and wise readers, when it has been accepted by your grace. For my intention is not to gain the fame of a good composer or rhetorician, but I desire to give a faithful account and to do this slight service to your grace, who will, I hope, receive it as from a faithful servant and soldier, who took part in it. Although not in a polished style, I write that which happened — that which I heard, experienced, saw, and did. I always notice, and it is a fact, that for the most part when we have something valuable in our hands, and deal with it without hindrance, we do not vaiue or prize it so highly as if 284 SPANISH EXPLORERS we understood how much we should miss it after we had lost it, and the longer we continue to have it the less we value it ; but after we have lost it and miss the advantages of it, we have a great pain in the heart, and we are all the time imagining and trying to find ways and means by which to get it back again. It seems to me that this has happened to all or most of those who went on the expedition which, in the year of our Savior Jesus Christ 1540, Francisco Vazquez Coronado led in search of the Seven Cities. 1 Granted that they did not find the riches of which they had been told, they found a place in which to search for them and the beginning of a good country to settle in, so as to go on farther from there. Since they came back from the country which they conquered and abandoned, time has given them a chance to understand the direction and lo- cality in which they were, and the borders of the good country they had in their hands, and their hearts weep for having lost so favorable an opportunity. Just as men see more at the bullfight when they are upon the seats than when they are around in the ring, now when they know and understand the direction and situation in which they were, and see, indeed, that they can not enjoy it nor recover it, now when it is too late they enjoy telling about what they saw, and even of what they realize that they lost, especially those who are now as poor as when they went there. They have never ceased their labors and have spent their time to no advantage. I say this be- cause I have known several of those who came back from there who amuse themselves now by talking of how it would be to go back and proceed to recover that which is lost, while others enjoy trying to find the reason why it was discovered at all. And now I will proceed to relate all that happened from the beginning. 1 The Seven Cities of Cibola. See p. 287, note 1 ; p. 300, note 1. 1530] EXPEDITION OF CORONADO 285 FIRST PART Chapter 1 Which treats of the way we first came to know about the Seven Cities, and of how Nufio de Guzman made an expe- dition to discover them. In the year 1530 Nufio de Guzman, who was President of New Spain, 1 had in his possession an Indian, a native of the valley or valleys of Oxitipar, who was called Tejo by the Span- iards. This Indian said he was the son of a trader who was 1 Nufio Beltran de Guzman was appointed governor of Panuco, Mexico, in 1526, assuming the office in May, 1527. In December he became president of the Audiencia, the administrative and judicial board which governed the province, and in the following year participated in the trial of Cortes, his personal and political enemy, for strangling his wife to death in 1522. Guz- man's barbarous cruelty, especially to the natives, whom he enslaved and bartered for his personal gain, resulted in a protest to the crown by Bishop Zumarraga, and in the hope of finding new fields for the gratification of his avarice he raised a large force, including 10,000 Aztecs and Tlascaltecs, and started from Mexico late in 1529 to explore the northwest (later known as Nueva Galicia), notwithstanding Cortes had already penetrated the region. He conquered the territory through which he passed, laying waste the settlements and fields and inflicting unspeakable punishment on the native inhabitants. Guzman built a chapel at Tonala, which formed the begin- ning of the settlement of the present city of Guadalajara, named from his native town in Spain ; he also founded the towns of Santiago de Compostela and San Miguel Culiacan, in Tepic and Sinaloa respectively, and started on his return journey late in 1531. Meanwhile a new Audiencia had arrived in New Spain, and Guzman was summoned to appear at the capital. This he refused to do, and when Luis de Castilla was sent by Cortes, the captain- general of the province, to subdue him, Guzman captured him and his force of 100 men by a ruse. In May, 1533, the king commanded him to submit to the provincial authorities ; many of his friends and adherents deserted him, and he was stripped of his title as governor of Panuco. In 1536 (March 17) the licentiate Diego Perez de la Torre was appointed juez de residencia, an officer whose duty was to conduct a rigid investigation of the accounts and administration of governmental officials — this time with special reference to Guzman. By Torre's order, Guzman was arrested and confined in jail until 1538, when his case was appealed to Spain ; but from this he received no comfort. He was banished to Torrejon de Velasco, where he died in 1544, penniless and despised. 286 SPANISH EXPLORERS [1530 dead, but that when he was a little boy his father had gone into the back country with fine feathers to trade for ornaments, and that when he came back he brought a large amount of gold and silver, of which there is a good deal in that country. He went with him once or twice, and saw some very large vil- lages, which he compared to Mexico and its environs. He had seen seven very large towns which had streets of silver workers. It took forty days to go there from his country, through a wilderness in which nothing grew, except some very small plants about a span high. The way they went was up through the country between the two seas, following the northern direc- tion. Acting on this information, Nuiio de Guzman got to- gether nearly 400 Spaniards and 20,000 friendly Indians of New Spain, and, as he happened to be in Mexico, he crossed Tarasca, which is in the province of Michoacan, so as to get into the region which the Indian said was to be crossed toward the North Sea, in this way getting to the country which they were looking for, which was already named "The Seven Cities." He thought, from the forty days of which the Tejo had spoken, that it would be found to be about 200 leagues, and that they would easily be able to cross the country. Omitting several things that occurred on this journey, as soon as they had reached the province of Culiacan, where his government ended, and where the New Kingdom of Galicia is now, they tried to cross the country, but found the difficulties very great, because the mountain chains which are near that sea are so rough that it was impossible, after great labor, to find a passageway in that region. His whole army had to stay in the district of Culiacan for so long on this account that some rich men who were with him, who had possessions in Mexico, changed their minds, and every day became more anxious to return. Besides this, Nuiio de Guzman received word that the Marquis of the Valley, Don Fernando Cortes, had come from Spain with his new title, 1 and with great favors and estates, and as Nuiio de Guzman had been a great rival of his at the time he was presi- 1 Marques del Valle de Oaxaca y Capitan General de la Nueva Espana y de la Costa del Sur. He arrived at Vera Cruz in July, 1529. 1536] EXPEDITION OE CORONADO 287 dent, and had done much damage to his property and to that of his friends, he feared that Don Fernando Cortes would want to pay him back in the same way, or worse. So he decided to establish the town of Culiacan there and to go back with the other men, without doing anything more. After his return from this expedition, he founded Xalisco, where the city of Compostela is situated, and Tonala, which is called Guada- laxara, and now this is the New Kingdom of Galicia. The guide they had, who was called Tejo, died about this time, and thus the name of these Seven Cities and the search for them remains until now, since they have not been discovered. 1 Chapter 2 Of how Francisco Vazquez Coronaolo came to be governor, and the second account which Cabeza de Vaca gave. Eight years after Nuno de Guzman made this expedition, he was put in prison by a juez de residencia, named the licen- tiate Diego de la Torre, who came from Spain with sufficient powers to do this. After the death of the judge, who had also managed the government of that country himself, the good Don Antonio de Mendoza, viceroy of New Spain, appointed as governor of that province Francisco Vazquez de Coronado, a gentleman from Salamanca, who had married a lady in the city of Mexico, the daughter of Alonso de Estrada, the treas- urer and at one time governor of Mexico, and the son, most people said, of His Catholic Majesty Don Ferdinand, and many stated it as certain. As I was saying, at the time Francisco Vazquez was appointed governor, he was travelling through New Spain as an official inspector, and in this way he gained the friendship of many worthy men who afterward went on his expedition with him. It happened that just at this time three 1 The best discussion of the stories of the Seven Caves and the Seven Cities is in A. F. Bandelier's Contributions to the History of the Southwestern Portion of the United States, in Papers of the Archaeological Institute of America, American Series, V. (Cambridge, 1890). 288 SPANISH EXPLORERS [1536 Spaniards, named Cabeza de Vaca, Dorantes, and Castillo Maldonado, and a negro [Estevan], who had been lost on the expedition which Pamfilo de Narvaez led into Florida, reached Mexico. They came out through Culiacan, having crossed the country from sea to sea, as anyone who wishes may find out for himself by an account which this same Cabeza de Vaca wrote and dedicated to Prince Don Philip, who is now King of Spain and our sovereign. 1 They gave the good Don An- tonio de Mendoza an account of some large and powerful vil- lages, four and five stories high, of which they had heard a great deal in the countries they had crossed, and other things very different from what turned out to be the truth. The noble viceroy communicated this to the new governor, who gave up the visits he had in hand, on account of this, and hurried his departure for his government, taking with him the negro [Estevan] who had come [with Cabeza de Vaca] with the three friars of the order of Saint Francis, one of whom was named Friar Marcos of Nice, a regular priest, and another Friar Daniel, a lay brother, and the other Friar Antonio de Santa Maria. When he reached the province of Culiacan he sent the friars just mentioned and the negro, who was named Estevan, off in search of that country, because Friar Marcos offered to go and see it, because he had been in Peru at the time Don Pedro de Alvarado went there overland. It seems that, after the friars I have mentioned and the negro had started, the negro did not get on well with the friars, because he took the women that were given him and collected turquoises, and got together a stock of everything. Besides, the Indians in those places through which they went got along with the negro bet- ter, because they had seen him before. This was the reason he was sent on ahead to open up the way and pacify the Indians, so that when the others came along they had nothing to do ex- cept to keep an account of the things for which they were looking. 1 See the narrative of Alvar Nufiez Cabeza de Vaca in the present volume. 1539] EXPEDITION OF CORONADO 289 Chapter 3 Of how they killed the negro Estevan at Cibola, and Friar Marcos returned in flight. After Estevan had left the friars, he thought he could get all the reputation and honor himself, and that if he should dis- cover those settlements with such famous high houses, alone, he would be considered bold and courageous. So he proceeded with the people who had followed him, and attempted to cross the wilderness which lies between the country he had passed through and Cibola. He was so far ahead of the friars that, when these reached Chichilticalli, which is on the edge of the wilderness, he was already at Cibola, which is eighty leagues beyond. It is 220 leagues from Culiacan to the edge of the wilderness, and eighty across the desert, which makes 300, or perhaps ten more or less. As I said, Estevan reached Cibola loaded with the large quantity of turquoises they had given him and some beautiful women whom the Indians who followed him and carried his things were taking with them and had given him. These had followed him from all the settlements he had passed, believing that under his protection they could traverse the whole world without any danger. But as the people in this country were more intelligent than those who fol- lowed Estevan, they lodged him in a little hut they had outside their village, and the older men and the governors heard his story and took steps to find out the reason he had come to that country. For three days they made inquiries about him and held a council. The account which the negro gave them of two white men who were following him, sent by a great lord, who knew about the things in the sky, and how these were com- ing to instruct them in divine matters, made them think that he must be a spy or a guide from some nations who wished to come and conquer them, because it seemed to them unrea- sonable to say that the people were white in the country from which he came and that he was sent by them, he being black. Besides these other reasons, they thought it was hard of him 290 SPANISH EXPLOKEKS [163& to ask them for turquoises and women, and so they decided to kill him. They did this, but they did not kill any of those who went with him, although they kept some young fellows and let the others, about sixty persons, return freely to their own coun- try. As these, who were badly scared, were returning in flight, they happened to come upon the friars in the desert sixty leagues from Cibola, and told them the sad news, which frightened them so much that they would not even trust these folks who had been with the negro, but opened the packs they were carrying and gave away everything they had except the holy vestments for saying mass. They returned from here by double marches, prepared for anything, without seeing any more of the country except what the Indians told them. 1 Chapter 4 Of how the noble Don Antonio de Mendoza made an expedition to discover Cibola. After Francisco Vazquez Coronado had sent Friar Marcos of Nice and his party on the search already related, he was en- gaged in Culiacan about some business that related to his gov- ernment, when he heard an account of a province called Topira, 2 which was to the north of the country of Culiacan. He started to explore this region with several of the conquerors and some friendly Indians, but he did not get very far, because the moun- tain chains which they had to cross were very difficult. He returned without finding the least signs of a good country, 1 See the account of this journey by Marcos de Niza in Coleccion de Docu- mentos Ineditos de Indias, III. 325-351 ; Ramusio, Terzo Volume delle Navi- gationi (Venice, 1556) ; Hakluyt, Voyages, IX. 125-144 (1904) ; Ternaux- Compans, Voyages, IX. 249-284 (1838) ; and an English translation by Fanny Bandelier in The Journey of Alvar Nunez Cabeza de Vaca (1905). Cf. also A. F. Bandelier, "The Discovery of New Mexico by Fray Marcos of Nizza," in Magazine of Western History, IV. 659-670 (Cleveland, 1886). 2 Bandelier, Papers of the Archaeological Institute of America, Am. ser., V. (1890), p. 104, says this was Topia, in Durango, a locality since noted for its rich mines. 1539] EXPEDITION OF CORONADO 291 and when he got back, he found the friars who had just arrived, and who told such great things about what the negro Estevan had discovered and what they had heard from the Indians, and other things they had heard about the South Sea 1 and islands and other riches, that, without stopping for anything, the governor set off at once for the City of Mexico, taking Friar Marcos with him, to tell the viceroy about it. He made the things seem more important by not talking about them to anyone except his particular friends, under promise of the greatest secrecy, until after he had reached Mexico and seen Don Antonio de Mendoza. Then it began to be noised abroad that the Seven Cities- for which Nuno de Guzman had searched had already been discovered, and a beginning was made in collecting an armed force and in bringing together people to go and conquer them. The noble viceroy arranged with the friars of the order of Saint Francis so that Friar Marcos was made father provincial, as a result of which the pulpits of that order were filled with such accounts of marvels and won- ders that more than 300 Spaniards and about 800 natives of New Spain collected in a few days. There were so many men of such high quality among the Spaniards, that such a noble body was never collected in the Indies, nor so many men of quality in such a small body, there being 300 men. Fran- cisco Vazquez Coronado, governor of New Galicia, was captain- general, because he had been the author of it all. The good viceroy Don Antonio did this because at this time Francisco Vazquez was his closest and most intimate friend, and because he considered him to be wise, skillful, and intelligent, besides being a gentleman. Had he paid more attention and regard to the position in which he was placed and the charge over which he was placed, and less to the estates he left behind in New Spain, or, at least, more to the honor he had and might secure from having such gentlemen under his command, things would not have turned out as they did. When this narrative is ended, it will be seen that he did not know how to keep his position nor the government that he held. 1 The Pacific. 292 SPANISH EXPLORERS [1540 Chapter 5 Concerning the captains who went to Cibola. When the viceroy, Don Antonio de Mendoza, saw what a noble company had come together, and the spirit and good will with which they had all presented themselves, knowing the worth of these men, he would have liked very well to make every one of them captain of an army ; but as the whole num- ber was small he could not do as he would have liked, and so he issued the commissions and captaincies as he saw fit, because it seemed to him that if they were appointed by him, as he was so well obeyed and beloved, nobody would find fault with his arrangements. After everybody had heard who the general was, he made Don Pedro de Tovar ensign-general, a young gen- tleman who was the son of Don Fernando de Tovar, the guar- dian and lord high steward of the Queen Dona Juana, 1 our demented mistress — may she be in glory — and Lope de Samaniego, the governor of the arsenal at Mexico, 2 a gentle- man fully equal to the charge, army-master. The captains were Don Tristan de Arellano; Don Pedro de Guevara, the son of Don Juan de Guevara and nephew of the Count of Ofiate ; Don Garcia Lopez de Cardenas; Don Rodrigo Maldonado, brother-in-law of the Duke of the Infantado; Diego Lopez, alderman of Seville, and Diego Gutierres, for the cavalry. All the other gentlemen were placed under the flag of the general, as being distinguished persons, and some of them became captains later, and their appointments were confirmed by order of the viceroy and by the general, Francisco Vazquez. To name some of them whom I happen to remember, there were Francisco de Barrionuevo, a gentleman from Granada; Juan de Saldivar, Francisco de Ovando, Juan Gallego, and Melchior Diaz — a captain who had been mayor of Culiacan, who, al- 1 Daughter of Ferdinand and Isabella, wife of Philip I., and mother of Charles V. 2 In a letter of the Viceroy Mendoza to the King, April 17, 1540, Saman- iego is mentioned as the warden of a fortress. 1540] EXPEDITION OF COEONADO 293 though he was not a gentleman, merited the position he held. The other gentlemen who were prominent, were Don Alonso Manrique de Lara; Don Lope de Urrea, a gentleman from Aragon ; Gomez Suarez de Figueroa, Luis Ramirez de Vargas, Juan de Sotomayor, Francisco Gorbalan, the commissioner Riberos, and other gentlemen, men of high quality, whom I do not now recall. The infantry captain was Pablo de Mel- gosa of Burgos, and of the artillery, Hernando de Alvarado of the mountain district. As I say, since then I have forgotten the names of many gentlemen. It would be well if I could name some of them, so that it might be clearly seen what cause I had for saying that they had on this expedition the most brilliant company ever collected in the Indies to go in search of new lands. But they were unfortunate in having a captain who left in New Spain estates and a pretty wife, a noble and excellent lady, which were not the least causes for what was to happen. Chapter 6 Of how all the companies collected in Compostela and set off on the journey in good order. When the viceroy Don Antonio de Mendoza had fixed and arranged everything as we have related, and the companies and captaincies had been arranged, he advanced a part of their salaries from the chest of His Majesty to those in the army who were in greatest need. And as it seemed to him that it would be rather hard for the friendly Indians in the country if the army should start from Mexico, he ordered them to assemble at the city of Compostela, the chief city in the New Kingdom of Galicia, 110 leagues from Mexico, so that they could begin their journey there with everything in good order. There is nothing to tell about what happened on this trip, since they all finally assembled at Compostela by Shrove- tide, in the year (fifteen hundred and) forty-one. 1 After the 1 The correct date is 1540. Castafieda carries the error throughout his narration, although he gives the year correctly in the preface. 294 SPANISH EXPLOREBS [1540 whole force had left Mexico, he ordered Don Pedro de Alar- con 1 to set sail with two ships that were in the port of La Natividad on the South Sea coast, and go to the port of Xal- isco 2 to take the baggage which the soldiers were unable to carry, and thence to sail along the coast near the army, be- cause he had understood from the reports that they would have to go through the country near the seacoast, and that we could find the harbors by means of the rivers, and that the ships could always get news of the army, which turned out afterward to be false, and so all this stuff was lost, or, rather, those who owned it lost it, as will be told farther on. 3 After the viceroy had completed all his arrangements, he set off for Compostela, accompanied by many noble and rich men. He kept the New Year of (fifteen hundred and) forty-one at Pasquaro, which is the chief place in the bishopric of Michoa- can, and from there he crossed the whole of New Spain, tak- ing much pleasure in enjoying the festivals and great recep- tions which were given him, till he reached Compostela, which is, as I have said, 110 leagues. There he found the whole com- pany assembled, being well treated and entertained by Christo- bal de Ofiate, who had the whole charge of that government 4 for the time being. He had had the management of it and was in command of all that region when Francisco Vazquez was made governor. All were very glad when he arrived, and he made an examination of the company and found all those whom we have mentioned. He assigned the captains to their companies, and after this was done, on the next day, after they had all heard mass, captains and soldiers together, the viceroy made them a very eloquent short speech, telling them of the fidelity they owed to their general and showing them 1 An error for Hernando de Alarcon. 2 That is, from a point on the Pacific coast in latitude 19° to another in latitude 21° 30'. 3 See Alarcon's narrative translated by Hakluyt in his Voyages, IX. 279-318 (ed. 1904), and also Buckingham Smith, Coleccion de Varios Docu- mentos para la Historia de la Florida (1857), p. 1. 4 The province of Nueva Galicia, explored under Guzman's direction. See p. 285, note 1. 1540] EXPEDITION OF CORONADO 295 clearly the benefits which this expedition might afford, from the conversion of those peoples as well as in the profit of those who should conquer the territory, and the advantage to His Majesty and the claim which they would thus have on his favor and aid at all times. After he had finished, they all, both captains and soldiers, gave him their oaths upon the Gos- pels in a missal that they would follow their general on this expedition and would obey him in everything he commanded them, which they faithfully performed, as will be seen. The next day after this was done, the army started off with its colors flying. The viceroy, Don Antonio, went with them for two days, and there he took leave of them, returning to New Spain with his friends. Chapter 7 Of how the army reached Chiametla, and the killing of the army- master, and the other things that happened up to the arrival at Culiacan. After the viceroy Don Antonio left them, the army con- tinued its march. As each one was obliged to transport his own baggage and all did not know how to fasten the packs, and as the horses started off fat and plump, they had a good deal of difficulty and labor during the first few days, and many left many valuable things, giving them to anyone who wanted them, in order to get rid of carrying them. In the end necessity, which is all powerful, made them skillful, so that one could see many gentlemen become carriers, and anybody who despised this work was not considered a man. With such labors, which they then thought severe, the army reached Chiametla, where it was obliged to delay several days to procure food. During this time the army-master, Lope de Samaniego, went off with some soldiers to find food, and at one village, a crossbowman having entered it indiscreetly in pursuit of the enemies, they shot him through the eye and it passed through his brain, so that he died on the spot. They also shot five or six of his com- panions before Diego Lopez, the alderman from Seville, since 296 SPANISH EXPLORERS [154a the commander was dead, collected the men and sent word to the general. He put a guard in the village and over the pro- visions. There was great confusion in the army when this news became known. He was buried here. Several sorties were made, by which food was obtained and several of the natives taken prisoners. They hanged those who seemed to belong to the district where the army-master was killed. It seems that when the general Francisco Vazquez left Culiacan with Friar Marcos to tell the viceroy Don Antonio de Mendoza the news, as already related, he left orders for Captain Melchior Diaz and Juan de Saldivar to start off with a dozen good men from Culiacan and verify what Friar Marcos had seen and heard. They started and went as far as Chichil- ticalli, 1 which is where the wilderness begins, 220 leagues from Culiacan, and there they turned back, not finding anything important. They reached Chiametla just as the army was ready to leave, and reported to the general. Although it was kept secret, the bad news leaked out, and there were some re- ports which, although they were exaggerated, did not fail to give an indication of what the facts were. Friar Marcos, no- ticing that some were feeling disturbed, cleared away these clouds, promising that what they would see should be good, and that he would place the army in a country where their hands would be filled, and in this way he quieted them so that they appeared well satisfied. From there the army marched to Culiacan, making some detours into the country to seize provisions. They were two leagues from the town of Culiacan at Easter vespers, when the inhabitants came out to welcome their governor and begged him not to enter the town till the day after Easter. 2 1 For this locality see p. 299, note 1. 2 Culiacan, or San Miguel Culiacan, as it was named by Guzman, is in central Sinaloa. Castafieda was a resident of this town and evidently joined the expedition there. 1540] EXPEDITION OF COBONADO 297 Chapter 8 Of how the army entered the town of Culiacan and the recep- tion it received, and other things which happened before the departure. When the day after Easter came, the army started in the morning to go to the town and, as they approached, the in- habitants of the town came out on to an open plain with foot and horse drawn up in ranks as if for a battle, and having its seven bronze pieces of artillery in position, making a show of defending their town. Some of our soldiers were with them. Our army drew up in the same way and began a skirmish with them, and after the artillery on both sides had been fired they were driven back, just as if the town had been taken by force of arms, which was a pleasant demonstration of welcome, ex- cept for the artilleryman who lost a hand by a shot, from having ordered them to fire before he had finished drawing out the ramrod. After the town was taken, the army was well lodged and entertained by the townspeople, who, as they were all very well-to-do people, took all the gentlemen and people of quality who were with the army into their own apartments, although they had lodgings prepared for them all just outside the town. Some of the townspeople were not ill repaid for this hospitality, because all had started with fine clothes and accoutrements, and as they had to carry provisions on their animals after this, they were obliged to leave their fine stuff, so that many preferred giving it to their hosts instead of risk- ing it on the sea by putting it in the ship that had followed the army along the coast to take the extra baggage, as I have said. After they arrived and were being entertained in the town, the general, by order of the viceroy Don Antonio, left Fernanda- rias de Saabedra, uncle of Hernandarias de Saabedra, count of Castellar, formerly mayor of Seville, as his lieutenant and cap- tain in this town. The army rested here several days, because the inhabitants had gathered a good stock of provisions that year and each one shared his stock very gladly with his guests 298 SPANISH EXPLORERS [1540 from our army. They not only had plenty to eat here, but they also had plenty to take away with them, so that when the departure came they started off with more than six hundred loaded animals, besides the friendly Indians and the servants — more than a thousand persons. After a fortnight had passed, the general started ahead with about fifty horsemen and a few foot soldiers and most of the Indian allies, leaving the army, which was to follow him a fortnight later, with Don Tristan de Arellano in command as his lieutenant. At this time, before his departure, a pretty sort of thing hap- pened to the general, which I will tell for what it is worth. A young soldier named Trugillo (Truxillo) pretended that he had seen a vision while he was bathing in the river. Feigning that he did not want to, he was brought before the general, whom he gave to understand that the devil had told him that if he would kill the general, he could marry his wife, Dona Beatris, and would receive great wealth and other very fine things. Friar Marcos of Nice preached several sermons on this, laying it all to the fact that the devil was jealous of the good which must result from this journey and so wished to break it up in this way. It did not end here, but the friars who were in the expedition wrote to their monasteries about it, and this was the reason the pulpits of Mexico proclaimed strange rumors about this affair. The general ordered Truxillo to stay in that town and not to go on the expedition, which was what he was after when he made up that falsehood, judging from what afterward appeared to be the truth. The general started off with the force already described to continue his journey, and the army followed him, as will be related. Chapter 9 Of how the army started from Culiacan and the arrival of the general at Cibola, and of the army at Senora and of other things that happened. The general, as has been said, started to continue his jour- ney from the valley of Culiacan somewhat lightly equipped, 1540] EXPEDITION OF CORONADO 299 taking with him the friars, since none of them wished to stay- behind with the army. After they had gone three days, a regular friar who could say mass, named Friar Antonio Vic- toria, broke his leg, and they brought him back from the camp to have it treated. He stayed with the army after this, which was no slight consolation for all. The general and his force crossed the country without trouble, as they found every- thing peaceful, because the Indians knew Friar Marcos and some of the others who had been with Melchior Diaz when he went with Juan de Saldibar to investigate. After the general had crossed the inhabited region and came to Chichilticalli, where the wilderness begins, and saw nothing favorable, he could not help feeling somewhat downhearted, for, although the reports were very fine about what was ahead, there was nobody who had seen it except the Indians who went with the negro, and these had already been caught in some lies. Besides all this, he was much affected by seeing that the fame of Chichilticalli was summed up in one tumbledown house without any roof, although it appeared to have been a strong place at some for- mer time when it was inhabited, and it was very plain that it had been built by a civilized and warlike race of strangers who had come from a distance. This building was made of red earth. 1 From here they went on through the wilderness, and in fifteen days came to a river about eight leagues from Cibola which they called Red River, 2 because its waters were muddy and reddish. In this river they found mullets like those of Spain. The first Indians from that country were seen here — two of them, who ran away to give the news. During the night following the next day, about two leagues from the vil- lage, some Indians in a safe place yelled so that, although the men were ready for anything, some were so excited that they 1 Chichilticalli, or the "Red House/' was so named by the Aztec In- dians on account of its color. It was doubtless situated on or near the Rio Gila, east of the mouth of the San Pedro, probably not far from the present Solomonsville in southern Arizona. 2 The Zuiii River, within the present Arizona. Its waters are very muddy in springtime, which is the only time of the year that it flows into the Little Colorado. 300 SPANISH EXPLORERS [1540 put their saddles on hind-side before ; but these were the new fellows. When the veterans had mounted and ridden round the camp, the Indians fled. None of them could be caught because they knew the country. The next day they entered the settled country in good order, and when they saw the first village, which was Cibola, such were the curses that some hurled at Friar Marcos that I pray God may protect him from them. It is a little, crowded village, 1 looking as if it had been crumpled all up together. There are haciendas in New Spain which make a better appearance at a distance. It is a village of about two hundred warriors, is three and four stories high, with the houses small and having only a few rooms, and with- out a courtyard. One yard serves for each section. 2 The people of the whole district had collected here, for there are seven villages in the province, and some of the others are even larger and stronger than Cibola. These folks waited for the army, drawn up by divisions in front of the village. When they refused to have peace on the terms the interpreters extended to them, but appeared defiant, the Santiago 3 was given, and they were at once put to flight. The Spaniards then at- tacked the village, which was taken with not a little difficulty, since they held the narrow and crooked entrance. During the 1 This was the Zuni Indian pueblo of Hawikuh, one of their seven villages, from which Coronado wrote to the Viceroy Mendoza, dating his letter " from the province of Cevola, and this city of Granada, the 3d of August, 1540." (See Winship's translation in Fourteenth Report of the Bureau of Ethnology , pp. 552-563.) Hawikuh, or " Granada," was situated about fifteen miles southwest of the present Zuni, near the Zuni River, in New Mexico, and its ruins are still to be seen. This was the pueblo in which Estevan doubt- less lost his life the year before, and which was viewed from an adjacent height by Fray Marcos. Hawikuh was the seat of a mission established by the Franciscans in 1629; it was abandoned in 1670 after having been raided by the Apaches and its priest killed. The name "Cibola," now and later applied to Hawikuh, is believed to be a Spanish form of Shiwina, the Zuni name for their tribal range. Cibolo later became the term by which the Spaniards of Mexico designated the bison. 2 The houses were built in terrace fashion, one above the other, the roof of one tier forming a sort of front yard for the tier of houses next above it. 3 The war cry or " loud invocation addressed to Saint James before en- gaging in battle with the Infidels." — Captain John Stevens's Dictionary. 1540] EXPEDITION OF COKONADO 301 attack they knocked the general down with a large stone, and would have killed him but for Don Garcia Lopez de Cardenas and Hernando de Alvarado, who threw themselves above him and drew him away, receiving the blows of the stones, which were not few. But the first fury of the Spaniards could not be resisted, and in less than an hour they entered the village and captured it. They discovered food there, which was the thing they were most in need of. After this the whole prov- ince was at peace. The army which had stayed with Don Tristan de Arellano started to follow their general, all loaded with provisions, with lances on their shoulders, and all on foot, so as to have the horses loaded. With no slight labor from day to day, they reached a province which Cabeza de Vaca had named Hearts (Corazones), because the people here offered him many hearts of animals. 1 He founded a town here and named it San Hier- onimo de los Corazones (Saint Jerome of the Hearts). After it had been started, it was seen that it could not be kept up here, and so it was afterward transferred to a valley which had been called Senora. The Spaniards call it Senora, 2 and so it will be known by this name. From here a force went down the river to the seacoast to find the harbor and to find out about the ships. Don Rodrigo Maldonado, who was captain of those who went in search of the ships, did not find them, but he brought back with him an Indian so large and tall that the best man in the army reached only to his chest. 3 It was said that other Indians were even taller on that coast. After the rains ceased the army went on to where the town of Senora was afterward located, 4 because 1 See Cabeza de Vaca's narrative in the present volume. The place was at or near the present Ures, on the Rio Sonora in Sonora, Mexico. 2 Whence the name of the present state of Sonora. 3 Evidently a Seri Indian. The Seri are a wild tribe speaking an inde- pendent language and occupying the island of Tiburon and the adjacent Sonora coast of the Gulf of California. They are noted for their stature. For an account of this people, see McGee in Seventeenth Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology, pt. 1 (1898). 4 Believed to be in the present Sonora valley, where it opens out into a broader plain a number of miles above Ures. 302 SPANISH EXPLOEEES [1540 there were provisions in that region, so that they were able to wait there for orders from the general. About the middle of the month of October/ Captains Mel- chior Diaz and Juan Gallego came from Cibola, Juan Gallego 2 on his way to New Spain and Melchior Diaz to stay in the new town of Hearts, in command of the men who remained there. He was to go along the coast in search of the ships. Chapter 10 Of how the army started from the town of Senora, leaving it in- habited, and how it reached Cibola, and of what hap- pened to Captain Melchior Diaz on his expedition in search of the ships and how he discovered the Tison (Firebrand) River. After Melchior Diaz and Juan Gallego had arrived in the town of Senora, it was announced that the army was to depart for Cibola ; that Melchior Diaz was to remain in charge of that town with eighty men; that Juan Gallego was going to New Spain with messages for the viceroy, and that Friar Marcos was going back with him, because he did not think it was safe for him to stay in Cibola, seeing that his report had turned out to be entirely false, because the kingdoms that he had told about had not been found, nor the populous cities, nor the wealth of gold, nor the precious stones which he had reported, nor the fine clothes, nor other things that had been proclaimed from the pulpits. When this had been announced, those who were to remain were selected and the rest loaded their provi- sions and set off in good order about the middle of September on the way to Cibola, following their general. 1 This should be September. 2 It is not without interest to record here the finding, in 1886, in west- ern Kansas, of a sword-blade, greatly corroded, but still bearing sufficient trace of the name " Juan Gallego " to enable its determination, as well as the inscription " No me saques sin razon No me embaines sin honor." See W. E. Ritchey in Mail and Breeze, Topeka, Kansas, July 26, 1902. 1540] EXPEDITION OF CORONADO 303 Don Tristan de Arellano stayed in this new town with the weakest men, and from this time on there was nothing but mutinies and strife, because after the army had gone Captain Melchior Diaz took twenty-five of the most efficient men, leaving in his place one Diego de Alcaraz, a man unfitted to have people under his command. He took guides and went toward the north and west in search of the seacoast. After going about 150 leagues, they came to a province of exceed- ingly tall and strong men — like giants. They are naked and live in large straw cabins built underground like smoke-houses, with only the straw roof above ground. They enter these at one end and come out at the other. More than a hundred persons, old and young, sleep in one cabin. When they carry anything, they can take a load of more than three or four hundred weight on their heads. Once when our men wished to fetch a log for the fire, and six men were unable to carry it, one of these Indians is reported to have come and raised it in his arms, put it on his head alone, and carried it very easily. They eat bread cooked in the ashes, as big as the large two-pound loaves of Castile. On account of the great cold, they carry a firebrand (tison) in the hand when they go from one place to another, with which they warm the other hand and the body as well, and in this way they keep shifting it every now and then. 1 On this ac- count the large river which is in that country was called Rio del Tison (Firebrand River). It is a very great river and is more than two leagues wide at its mouth; here it is half a league across. Here the captain heard that there had been ships at a point three days down toward the sea. When he reached the place where the ships had been, which was more than fifteen leagues up the river from the mouth of the harbor, they found written on a tree: "Alarcon reached this place; there are letters at the foot of this tree." He dug up the letters and learned from them how long Alarcon had waited for news of the army and that he had gone back with the ships 1 These were evidently the Cocopa, a Yuman tribe, whose descendants still inhabit the lower Rio Colorado, which is the Rio del Tison of this narra- tive. The Cocopa now number perhaps 800. 304 SPANISH EXPLORERS [1540 to New Spain, because he was unable to proceed farther, since this sea was a bay, which was formed by the Isle of the Mar- quis, which is called California, and it was explained that Cali- fornia was not an island, but a point of the mainland forming the other side of that gulf. 1 After he had seen this, the captain turned back to go up the river, without going down to the sea, to find a ford by which to cross to the other side, so as to follow the other bank. After they had gone five or six days, it seemed to them as if they could cross on rafts. For this purpose they called together a large number of the natives, who were waiting for a favorable oppor- tunity to make an attack on our men, and when they saw that the strangers wanted to cross, they helped make the rafts with all zeal and diligence, so as to catch them in this way on the water and drown them or else so divide them that they could not help one another. While the rafts were being made, a sol- dier who had been out around the camp saw a large number of armed men go across to a mountain, where they were waiting till the soldiers should cross the river. He reported this, and an Indian was quietly shut up, in order to find out the truth, and when they tortured him he told all the arrangements that had been made. These were, that when our men were cross- ing and part of them had got over and' part were on the river and part were waiting to cross, those who were on the rafts should drown those they were taking across and the rest of their force should make an attack on both sides of the river. If they had had as much discretion and courage as they had strength and power, the attempt would have succeeded. 2 When he knew their plan, the captain had the Indian who had confessed the affair killed secretly, and that night he was thrown into the river with a weight, so that the Indians would not suspect that they were found out. The next day they 1 It had been supposed that Lower California, the "Isle of the Marquis" (Cortes), was an island, yet notwithstanding its determination as a peninsula it appeared as an island on maps of a much later period. 2 The rafts, or balsas, referred to, were made by tying together a large number of reeds. The vessel was wide at the middle and pointed at the ends, and was very buoyant. 1540] EXPEDITION OF COEONADO 305 noticed that our men suspected them, and so they made an attack, shooting showers of arrows, but when the horses began to catch up with them and the lances wounded them without mercy and the musketeers likewise made good shots, they had to leave the plain and take to the mountain, until not a man of them was to be seen. The force then came back and crossed all right, the Indian allies and the Spaniards going across on the rafts and the horses swimming alongside the rafts, where we will leave them to continue their journey. To relate how the army that was on its way to Cibola got on: Everything went along in good shape, since the general had left everything peaceful, because he wished the people in that region to be contented and without fear and willing to do what they were ordered. In a province called Vacapan there was a large quantity of prickly pears, of which the natives make a great deal of preserves. 1 They gave this preserve away freely, and as the men of the army ate much of it, they all fell sick with a headache and fever, so that the natives might have done much harm to the force if they had wished. This lasted regularly twenty-four hours. After this they continued their march until they reached Chichilticalli. The men in the advance guard saw a flock of sheep one day after leaving this place. I myself saw and followed them. They had extremely large bodies and long wool; their horns were very thick and large, and when they run they throw back their heads and put their horns on the ridge of their back. They are used to the rough country, so that we could not catch them and had to leave them. 2 Three days after we entered the wilderness we found a horn 1 Vacapan was apparently an Opata pueblo, or rather two pueblos, on a branch of the Rio Yaqui, which the Spaniards passed through shortly before reaching Corazones (Ures) on the Rio Sonora. The preserved cactus fruit is regarded highly by all the Indians of the general region even to-day, and in season they subsist largely upon it. The saguara (Cereus giganteus), or great columnar cactus, furnishes the chief supply. 2 The well-known Rocky Mountain sheep. As late as twenty years ago some of the mountain ranges of southeastern Arizona, especially the Cata- lina Mountains, were noted for this animal. 306 SPANISH EXPLOKEES [1540 on the bank of a river that flows in the bottom of a very steep, deep gully, which the general had noticed and left there for his army to see, for it was six feet long and as thick at the base as a man's thigh. It seemed to be more like the horn of a goat than of any other animal. It was something worth seeing. The army proceeded and was about a day's march from Cibola when a very cold tornado came up in the afternoon, followed by a great fall of snow, which was a bad combination for the carriers. The army went on till it reached some caves in a rocky ridge, late in the evening. The Indian allies, who were from New Spain, and for the most part from warm countries, were in great danger. They felt the coldness of that day so much that it was hard work the next day taking care of them, for they suffered much pain and had to be carried on the horses, the soldiers walking. After this labor the army reached Cibola, where their general was waiting for them, with their quarters all ready, and here they were reunited, except some captains and men who had gone off to discover other prov- inces. Chapter 11 Of how Don Pedro de Tovar discovered Tusayan or Tutahaco * and Don Garcia Lopez de Cardenas saw the Fire- brand River, and the other things that had happened. While the things already described were taking place, Cibola being at peace, the general, Francisco Vazquez, found out from the people of the province about the provinces that lay around it, and got them to tell their friends and neighbors that Christians had come into the country, whose only desire was to be their friends, and to find out about good lands to live in, and for them to come to see the strangers and talk with them. They did this, since they know how to communicate with one another in these regions, and they informed him about a prov- ince with seven villages of the same sort as theirs, although somewhat different. They had nothing to do with these peo- 1 Compare Chapter 13. These two groups of pueblos were not the same. 1540] EXPEDITION OF CORONADO 307 pie. This province is called Tusayan. It is twenty-five leagues from Cibola. The villages are high and the people are warlike. The general had sent Don Pedro de Tovar to these villages with seventeen horsemen and three or four foot-soldiers. 1 Juan de Padilla, a Franciscan friar, who had been a fighting man in his youth, went with them. When they reached thei region, they entered the country so quietly that nobody observed them, because there were no settlements or farms between one village and another and the people do not leave the villages except to go to their farms, especially at this time, when they had heard that Cibola had been captured by very fierce people, who travelled on animals which ate people. This information was generally believed by those who had never seen horses, although it was so strange as to cause much wonder. Our men arrived after nightfall and were able to conceal them- selves under the edge of the village, where they heard the natives talking in their houses. But in the morning they were discovered and drew up in regular order, while the natives came out to meet them, with bows, and shields, and wooden clubs, drawn up in lines without any confusion. The interpreter was given a chance to speak to them and give them due warning, for they were very intelligent people, but nevertheless they drew fines and insisted that our men should not go across these lines toward their village. 2 While they were talking, some men acted as if they would cross the lines, and one of the natives lost control of himself and struck a horse a blow on the cheek of the bridle with his club. Friar Juan, fretted by the time that was being wasted in talking with them, said to the cap- 1 Castaneda speaks as a member of the "army," not of the advance guard. See the preceding chapter. 2 These lines were drawn in corn meal and must not be crossed. To this day similar lines of meal are made across a trail when certain ceremonies are being performed. The Spaniards were now at the pueblo of Awatobi, the first village of the Hopi (Moqui) people of Tusayan, in northeastern Arizona, reached in coming from the southward. It was destroyed by the other Hopi villagers in 1700, because the Awatobi people favored the re-establishment of the Spanish mission that had been destroyed in the great Pueblo revolt of 1680. 308 SPANISH EXPLORERS [1540 tain: "To tell the truth, I do not know why we came here." When the men heard this, they gave the Santiago so suddenly that they ran down many Indians and the others fled to the town in confusion. Some indeed did not have a chance to do this, so quickly did the people in the village come out with presents, asking for peace. The captain ordered his force to collect, and, as the natives did not do any more harm, he and those who were with him found a place to establish their head- quarters near the village. They had dismounted here when the natives came peacefully, saying that they had come to give in the submission of the whole province and that they wanted him to be friends with them and to accept the presents which they gave him. This was some cotton cloth, although not much, because they do not make it in that district. 1 They also gave him some dressed skins and cornmeal, and pine nuts 2 and corn and birds of the country. Afterward they presented some turquoises, 3 but not many. The people of the whole district came together that day and submitted themselves, and they allowed him to enter their villages freely to visit, buy, sell, and barter with them. It is governed like Cibola, by an assembly of the oldest men. They have their governors and generals. This was where they obtained the information about a large river, and that several days down the river there were some people with very large bodies. 4 As Don Pedro de Tovar was not commissioned to go farther, he returned from there and gave this information to the general, who dispatched Don Garcia Lopez de Cardenas with about 1 Castaneda, speaking from hearsay with respect to the Tovar expedition, errs in this statement, as the Hopi were the principal cotton growers and weavers of all the Pueblos. Later Spanish accounts all agree on this point. Indeed, even now the Hopi cotton kilts, sashes, and ceremonial robes are bartered throughout the Pueblo region. 2 Pifion nuts. 3 Obtained by trade with the Rio Grande Pueblos, who mined them in the Cerillos, southeast of Santa Fe, New Mexico. It is from the same deposits that much of the "matrix turquoise " of our present-day commerce is derived. 4 See the reference to the Cocopa Indians met by Melchior Diaz, in Chapter 10. 1540] EXPEDITION OF COKONADO 309 twelve companions to go to see this river. He was well re- ceived when he reached Tusayan and was entertained by the natives, who gave him guides for his journey. They started from here loaded with provisions, for they had to go through a desert country before reaching the inhabited region, which the Indians said was more than twenty days' journey. After they had gone twenty days they came to the banks of the river, which seemed to be more than three or four leagues in an air line across to the other bank of the stream which flowed between them. 1 This country was elevated and full of low twisted pines, very cold, and lying open toward the north, so that, this being the warm season, no one could live there on account of the cold. They spent three days on this bank looking for a passage down to the river, which looked from above as if the water was six feet across, although the Indians said it was half a league wide. It was impossible to descend, for after these three days Captain Melgosa and one Juan Galeras and another companion, who were the three lightest and most agile men, made an attempt to go down at the least difficult place, and went down until those who were above were unable to keep sight of them. They returned about four o'clock in the afternoon, not having succeeded in reaching the bottom on account of the great difficulties which they found, because what seemed to be easy from above was not so, but instead very hard and difficult. They said that they had been down about a third of the way and that the river seemed very large from the place which they reached, and that from what they saw they thought the Ind- ians had given the width correctly. Those who stayed above had estimated that some huge rocks on the sides of the cliffs seemed to be about as tall as a man, but those who went down swore that when they reached these rocks they were bigger than the great tower of Seville. 2 They did not go farther up the river, because they could not get water. Before this they 1 The Grand Canon of the Colorado, now visited and described by white men for the first time. 2 The Giralda, or celebrated bell-tower of the Cathedral of Seville, which is 275 feet high. 310 SPANISH EXPLOEEES [1540 had had to go a league or two inland every day late in the even- ing in order to find water, and the guides said that if they should go four days farther it would not be possible to go on, because there was no water within three or four days, for when they travel across this region themselves they take with them women loaded with water in gourds, and bury the gourds of water along the way, to use when they return, and besides this, they travel in one day over what it takes us two days to accom- plish. This was the Tison (Firebrand) River, much nearer its source than where Melchior Diaz and his company crossed it. These were the same kind of Indians, judging from what was afterward learned. They came back from this point and the expedition did not have any other result. On the way they saw some water falling over a rock and learned from the guides that some bunches of crystals which were hanging there were salt. They went and gathered a quantity of this and brought it back to Cibola, dividing it among those who were there. They gave the general a written account of what they had seen, because one Pedro de Sotomayor had gone with Don Garcia Lopez [de Cardenas] as chronicler for the army. The villages of that province [of Tusayan] remained peaceful, since they were never visited again, nor was any attempt made to find other peoples in that direction. Chapter 12 Of how people came from Cicuye to Cibola to see the Christians, and how Hernando de Alvarado went to see the cows. While they were making these discoveries, some Indians came to Cibola from a village which was seventy leagues east of this province, called Cicuye. Among them was a captain who was called Bigotes (Whiskers) by our men, because he wore a long mustache. He was a tall, well-built young fellow, with a fine figure. He told the general that they had come in response to the notice which had been given, to offer themselves 1540] EXPEDITION OF CORONADO 311 as friends, and that if we wanted to go through their country they would consider us as their friends. They brought a pres- ent of tanned hides and shields and head-pieces, which were very gladly received, and the general gave them some glass dishes and a number of pearls and little bells which they prized highly, because these were things they had never seen. They described some cows which, from a picture that one of them had painted on his skin, seemed to be cows, although from the hides this did not seem possible, because the hair was woolly and snarled so that we could not tell what sort of skins they had. The general ordered Hernando de Alvarado to take twenty companions and go with them, and gave him a com- mission for eighty days, after which he should return to give an account of what he had found. 1 Captain Alvarado started on this journey and in five days reached a village which was on a rock called Acuco 2 having a population of about two hundred men. These people were robbers, feared by the whole country round about. The vil- lage was very strong, because it was up on a rock out of reach, having steep sides in every direction, and so high that it was a very good musket that could throw a ball as high. There was only one entrance by a stairway built by hand, which began at the top of a slope which is around the foot of the rock. 3 There was a broad stairway for about two hundred steps, then a stretch of about one hundred narrower steps, and at the top they had to go up about three times as high as a man by means of holes in the rock, in which they put the points of their feet, 1 The report of Alvarado, translated by George Parker Winship, is pub- lished in the Fourteenth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology (Washing- ton, 1896). 2 This is the pueblo of Acoma, about fifty miles east of Zuni. It occupies the summit of the same rocky mesa, 357 feet high, that it did in Coronado's time. The name here given is doubtless an attempt to give the Zufii desig- nation, Hdkukia, from Ako, the name by which it is known to the Acoma people. The present population is 650. Acoma has the distinction of being the oldest continuously occupied settlement in the United States. 3 The slope referred to is an immense sand-dune. The horse trail did not exist in Coronado's time, having been built by Fray Juan Ramirez, who established a mission at Acoma in 1629. 312 SPANISH EXPLORERS [1540 holding on at the same time by their hands. There was a wall of large and small stones at the top, which they could roll down without showing themselves, so that no army could possibly be strong enough to capture the village. On the top they had room to sow and store a large amount of corn, and cisterns to collect snow and water. 1 These people came down to the plain ready to fight, and would not listen to any arguments. They drew lines on the ground and determined to prevent our men from crossing these, but when they saw that they would have to fight they offered to make peace before any harm had been done. They went through their forms of making peace, which is to touch the horses and take their sweat and rub themselves with it, and to make crosses with the fingers of the hands. But to make the most secure peace they put their hands across each other, and they keep this peace inviolably. They made a present of a large number of [turkey-] cocks with very big wattles, much bread, tanned deerskins, pine [pinon] nuts, flour [cornmeal], and corn. From here they went to a province called Triguex, 2 three days distant. The people all came out peacefully, seeing that Whiskers was with them. These men are feared throughout all those provinces. Alvarado sent messengers back from here to advise the general to come and winter in this country. The general was not a little relieved to hear that the country was growing better. Five days from here he came to Cicuye, 3 a very strong village four stories high. The people came out from the village with signs of joy to welcome Hernando de Alvarado and their captain, and brought them into the town with drums and pipes something like flutes, of which they have a great many. They made many presents of cloth and turquoises, of which there are quantities in that region. 4 The Spaniards enjoyed themselves here for several days and talked with an Indian slave, a native of the country 1 The Acomas still obtain their water supply from this source. 2 Tiguex. See p. 317, note. 3 Pecos. See p. 329, note 2. 4 See p. 308, note 3. 1540] EXPEDITION OF CORONADO 313 toward Florida, which is the region Don Fernando de Soto discovered. This fellow said that there were large settlements in the farther part of that country. Her- nando de Alvarado took him to guide them to the cows ; but he told them so many and such great things about the wealth of gold and silver in his country that they did not care about looking for cows, but returned after they had seen some few, to report the rich news to the general. They called the Ind- ian "Turk," because he looked like one. Meanwhile the general had sent Don Garcia Lopez de Cardenas to Tiguex with men to get lodgings ready for the army, which had arrived from Sefiora about this time, before taking them there for the winter ; and when Hernando de Alvarado reached Tiguex, on his way back from Cicuye, he found Don Garcia Lopez de Cardenas there, and so there was no need for him to go farther. As it was necessary that the natives should give the Spaniards lodging places, the people in one village had to abandon it and go to others belonging to their friends, and they took with them noth- ing but themselves and the clothes they had on. Information was obtained here about many towns up toward the north, and I believe that it would have been much better to follow this direction than that of the Turk, who was the cause of all the misfortunes which followed. Chapter 13 Of how the general went toward Tutahaco with a few men and left the army with Don Tristan, who took it to Tiguex. Everything already related had happened when Don Tris- tan de Arellano reached Cibola from Sefiora. Soon after he arrived, the general, who had received notice of a province con- taining eight villages, took thirty of the men who were most fully rested and went to see it, going from there directly to Tiguex with the skilled guides who conducted him. He left orders for Don Tristan de Arellano to proceed to Tiguex by the direct road, after the men had rested twenty days. On this journey, 314 SPANISH EXPLORERS [1540 between one day "when they left the camping place and mid-day of the third day, when they saw some snow-covered moun- tains, toward which they went in search of water, neither the Spaniards nor the horses nor the servants drank anything. They were able to stand it because of the severe cold, although with great difficulty. In eight days they reached Tutahaco, 1 where they learned that there were other towns down the river. These people were peaceful. The villages are terraced, like those at Tiguex, and of the same style. The general went up the river from here, visiting the whole province, until he reached Tiguex, where he found Hernando de Alvarado and the Turk. He felt no slight joy at such good news, because the Turk said that in his country there was a river in the level country which was two leagues wide, in which there were fishes as big as horses, and large numbers of very big canoes, with more than twenty rowers on a side, and that they carried sails, and that their lords sat on the poop under awnings, and on the prow they had a great golden eagle. He said also that the lord of that country took his afternoon nap under a great tree on which were hung a great number of little gold bells, which put him to sleep as they swung in the air. He said also that everyone had their ordinary dishes made of wrought plate, and the jugs and bowls were of gold. He called gold acochis. For the present he was believed, on account of the ease with which he told it and be- cause they showed him metal ornaments and he recognized them and said they were not gold, and he knew gold and silver very well and did not care anything about other metals. 2 1 This name has always been a problem to students of the expedition, and various attempts have been made to determine its application. Jaramillo, one of Coronado's captains, applies the name to Acoma, and indeed its final syllables are the same as the native name of Acoma. In the heading to Chapter 11 Castafieda erroneously makes Tutahaco synonymous with Tusayan. The description indicates that the Tigua village of Isleta and others in its vicinity on the Rio Grande in the sixteenth century were intended. 2 This Eldorado is seemingly a combination of falsehood and misinterpre- tation. The Turk's only means of communication were signs ; and we shall see later on that he deliberately deceived the Spaniards for the purpose of leading them astray. The name acochis here given is an aid in the identifica- tion of the mysterious province of Quivira. See p. 337, note 1. 1540] EXPEDITION OF COEONADO 315 The general sent Hernando de Alvarado back to Cicuye to demand some gold bracelets which this Turk said they had taken from him at the time they captured him. Alvarado went, and was received as a friend at the village, and when he demanded the bracelets they said they knew nothing at all about them, saying the Turk was deceiving him and was lying. Captain Alvarado, seeing that there were no other means, got the captain Whiskers and the governor to come to his tent, and when they had come he put them in chains. The villagers prepared to fight, and let fly their arrows, denouncing Hernando de Alvarado, and saying that he was a man who had no respect for peace and friendship. Hernando de Alvarado started back to Tiguex, where the general kept them prisoners more than six months. This began the want of confidence in the word of the Spaniards whenever there was talk of peace from this time on, as will be seen by what happened afterward. Chapter 14 Of how the army went from Cibola to Tiguex and what happened to them on the way, on account of the snow. We have already said that when the general started from Cibola, he left orders for Don Tristan de Arellano to start twenty days later. He did so as soon as he saw that the men were well rested and provided with food and eager to start off to find their general. He set off with his force toward Tiguex, and the first day they made their camp in the best, largest, and finest village of that (Cibola) province. 1 This is the only village that has houses with seven stories. In this village certain houses are used as fortresses ; they are higher than the others and set up above them like towers, and there are embrasures and loopholes in them for defending the roofs of the different 1 This was Matsaki, at the northwestern base of Thunder Mountain, about three miles east of the present Zufii and eighteen miles northeast of Hawikuh, where the advance force had encamped. The ruins may still be seen, but no standing walls are visible. 316 SPANISH EXPLORERS [1540 stories, because, like the other villages, they do not have streets, and the flat roofs are all of a height and are used in common. The roofs have to be reached first, and these upper houses are the means of defending them. It began to snow on us there, and the force took refuge under the wings of the village, which extend out like balconies, with wooden pillars beneath, because they generally use ladders to go up to those balconies, since they do not have any doors below. 1 The army continued its march from here after it stopped snowing, and as the season had already advanced into Decem- ber, during the ten days that the army was delayed, it did not fail to snow during the evenings and nearly every night, so that they had to clear away a large amount of snow when they came to where they wanted to make a camp. The road could not be seen, but the guides managed to find it, as they knew the country. There are junipers and pines all over the country, which they used in making large brushwood fires, the smoke and heat of which melted the snow from two to four yards all around the fire. It was a dry snow, so that although it fell on the baggage, and covered it for half a man's height, it did not hurt it. It fell all night long, covering the baggage and the soldiers and their beds, piling up in the air, so that if anyone had suddenly come upon the army nothing would have been seen but mountains of snow. The horses stood half buried in it. It kept those who were underneath warm instead of cold. The army passed by the great rock of Acuco, 2 and the natives, who were peaceful, entertained our men well, giving them pro- visions and birds, although there are not many people here, as I have said. Many of the gentlemen went up to the top to see it, and they had great difficulty in going up the steps in the rock, because they were not used to them, for the natives go up 1 The first-story rooms were entered by means of hatchways through the roof. As the necessity for defence no longer exists, the rooms of the lower stories of Zuni houses are provided with doors and windows. 2 The army passed from Cibola by way of the present farming village of Pescado, Inscription Rock or El Morro (thirty miles east of Zuni), and over the Zuni Mountains to Acoma. Alvarado followed an almost impassable trail eastward from Hawikuh, across a great lava flow, to reach Acoma. 1540] EXPEDITION OF COEONADO 317 and down so easily that they carry loads and the women carry- water, and they do not seem even to touch their hands, although our men had to pass their weapons up from one to another. From here they went on to Tiguex, where they were well received and taken care of, and the great good news of the Turk gave no little joy and helped lighten their hard labors, although when the army arrived we found the whole country or province in revolt, for reasons which were not slight in themselves, as will be shown, and our men had also burnt a village the day before the army arrived, and returned to the camp. Chapter 15 Of why Tiguex revolted, and how they were punished, without being to blame for it. It has been related how the general reached Tiguex, 1 where he found Don Garcia Lopez de Cardenas and Hernando de Alvarado, and how he sent the latter back to Cicuye, where he took the captain Whiskers and the governor of the village, who was an old man, prisoners. The people of Tiguex did not feel well about this seizure. In addition to this, the general wished to obtain some clothing to divide among his soldiers, and for this purpose he summoned one of the chief Indians of Tiguex, with whom he had already had much inter- course and with whom he was on good terms, who was called Juan Aleman by our men, after a Juan Aleman who lived in Mexico, whom he was said to resemble. The general told him that he must furnish about three hundred or more pieces of cloth, which he needed to give his people. He said that he 1 Tiguex (pronounced Tee-guaysh') is the name of a group of Pueblo tribes, now consisting of Isleta, Sandia, Taos, and Picuris, speaking the Tigua language, as it is now designated. Their principal village in Coronado's time was also called Tiguex by the Spaniards ; this was the Puaray of forty years later (1583), the first time the native name was recorded. It was situated at the site of Bernalillo, on the Rio Grande, and was inhabited up to the time of the Pueblo rebellion of 1680, when it contained two hundred Tiguas and Spaniards. 318 SPANISH EXPLORERS [1540 was not able to do this, but that it pertained to the governors ; and that besides this, they would have to consult together and divide it among the villages, and that it was necessary to make the demand of each town separately. The general did this, and ordered certain of the gentlemen who were with him to go and make the demand ; and as there were twelve villages, some of them went on one side of the river and some on the other. As they were in very great need, they did not give the natives a chance to consult about it, but when they came to a village they demanded what they had to give, so that they could pro- ceed at once. Thus these people could do nothing except take off their own cloaks and give them to make up the number de- manded of them. And some of the soldiers who were in these parties, when the collectors gave them some blankets or cloaks which were not such as they wanted, if they saw any Indian with a better one on, they exchanged with him without more ado, not stopping to find out the rank of the man they were stripping, which caused not a little hard feeling. Besides what I have just said, one whom I will not name, out of regard for him, left the village where the camp was and went to another village about a league distant, and seeing a pretty woman there he called her husband down to hold his horse by the bridle while he went up ; and as the village was entered by the upper story, the Indian supposed he was going to some other part of it. While he was there the Indian heard some slight noise, and then the Spaniard came down, took his horse, and went away. The Indian went up and learned that he had violated, or tried to violate, his wife, and so he came with the important men of the town to complain that a man had violated his wife, and he told how it happened. When the general made all the soldiers and the persons who were with him come together, the Indian did not recognize the man, either because he had changed his clothes or for whatever other reason there may have been, but he said that he could tell the horse, because he had held his bridle, and so he was taken to the stables, and found the horse, and said that the master of the horse must be the man. He denied doing it, seeing that he had not been 1540] EXPEDITION OE CORONADO 319 recognized, and it may be that the Indian was mistaken in the horse; anyway, he went off without getting any satisfaction. The next day one of the Indians, who was guarding the horses of the army, came running in, saying that a companion of his had been killed, and that the Indians of the country were driv- ing off the horses toward their villages. The Spaniards tried to collect the horses again, but many were lost, besides seven of the general's mules. 1 The next day Don Garcia Lopez de Cardenas went to see the villages and talk with the natives. He found the villages closed by palisades and a great noise inside, the horses being chased as in a bull fight and shot with arrows. They were all ready for fighting. Nothing could be done, because they would not come down onto the plain and the villages are so strong that the Spaniards could not dislodge them. The general then or- dered Don Garcia Lopez de Cardenas to go and surround one village with all the rest of the force. This village was the one where the greatest injury had been done and where the affair with the Indian woman occurred. Several captains who had gone on in advance with the general, Juan de Saldivar and Barrionuevo and Diego Lopez and Melgosa, took the Indians so much by surprise that they gained the upper story, with great danger, for they wounded many of our men from within the houses. Our men were on top of the houses in great danger for a day and a night and part of the next day, and they made some good shots with their crossbows and muskets. The horse- men on the plain with many of the Indian allies from New Spain smoked them out from the cellars 2 into which they had broken, so that they begged for peace. Pablo de Melgosa and Diego Lopez, the alderman from Seville, were left on the roof and answered the Indians with the same signs they were making for peace, which was to make a cross. They then put down 1 Antonio de Espejo learned of this occurrence at " Puala " (Puaray) when the place was visited by him in 1583 (see Documentos Ineditos de In- dias, XV. 175). 2 The pueblos are not provided with cellars. The underground ceremonial chambers, or kivas, are doubtless here meant. 320 SPANISH EXPLORERS [1541 their arms and received pardon. They were taken to the tent of Don Garcia, who, according to what he said, did not know about the peace and thought that they had given themselves up of their own accord because they had been conquered. As he had been ordered by the general not to take them alive, but to make an example of them so that the other natives would fear the Spaniards, he ordered two hundred stakes to be pre- pared at once to burn them alive. Nobody told him about the peace that had been granted them, for the soldiers knew as little as he, and those who should have told him about it remained silent, not thinking that it was any of their business. Then when the enemies saw that the Spaniards were binding them and beginning to roast them, about a hundred men who were in the tent began to struggle and defend themselves with what there was there and with the stakes they could seize. Our men who were on foot attacked the tent on all sides, so that there was great confusion around it, and then the horse- men chased those who escaped. As the country was level, not a man of them remained alive, unless it was some who re- mained hidden in the village and escaped that night to spread throughout the country the news that the strangers did not respect the peace they had made, which afterward proved a great misfortune. After this was over, it began to snow, and they abandoned the village and returned to the camp just as the army came from Cibola. Chapter 16 Of how they besieged Tiguex and took it and of what happened during the siege. As I have already related, it began to snow in that coun- try just after they captured the village, and it snowed so much that for the next two months x it was impossible to do anything except to go along the roads to advise them to make 1 The altitude of Bernalillo is 5260 feet, and snowstorms are sometimes severe. 1541] EXPEDITION OF COKOKADO 321 peace and tell them that they would be pardoned and might consider themselves safe, to which they replied that they did not trust those who did not know how to keep good faith after they had once given it, and that the Spaniards should remember that they were keeping Whiskers prisoner and that they did not keep their word when they burned those who surrendered in the village. Don Garcia Lopez de Cardenas was one of those who went to give this notice. He started out with about thirty companions and went to the village of Tiguex to talk with Juan Aleman. Although they were hostile, they talked with him and said that if he wished to talk with them he must dismount and they would come out and talk with him about a peace, and that if he would send away the horsemen and make his men keep away, Juan Aleman and another captain would come out of the village and meet him. Everything was done as they required, and then when they approached they said that they had no arms and that he must take his off. Don Garcia Lopez did this in order to give them confidence, on account of his great desire to get them to make peace. When he met them, Juan Aleman ap- proached and embraced him vigorously, while the other two who had come with him drew two mallets 1 which they had hidden behind their backs and gave him two such blows over his helmet that they almost knocked him senseless. Two of the soldiers on horseback had been unwilling to go very far off, even when he ordered them, and so they were near by and rode up so quickly that they rescued him from their hands, although they were unable to catch the enemies because the meeting was so near the village that of the great shower of arrows which were shot at them one arrow hit a horse and went through his nose. The horsemen all rode up together and hurriedly carried off their captain, without being able to harm the enemy, while many of our men were dangerously wounded. They then withdrew, leaving a number of men to continue the attack. Don Garcia Lopez de Cardenas went on with a part of the force to another village about half a league distant, because almost 1 Wooden war-clubs. 322 SPANISH EXPLORERS [1541 all the people in this region had collected into these two villages. As they paid no attention to the demands made on them except by shooting arrows from the upper stories with loud yells, and would not hear of peace, he returned to his companions whom he had left to keep up the attack on Tiguex. A large number of those in the village came out and our men rode off slowly, pretending to flee, so that they drew the enemy on to the plain, and then turned on them and caught several of their leaders. The rest collected on the roofs of the village and the captain returned to his camp. After this affair the general ordered the army to go and surround the village. He set out with his men in good order, one day, with several scaling ladders. When he reached the village, he encamped his force near by, and then began the siege ; but as the enemy had had several days to provide them- selves with stores, they threw down such quantities of rocks upon our men that many of them were laid out, and they wounded nearly a hundred with arrows, several of whom after- ward died on account of the bad treatment by an unskillful surgeon who was with the army. The siege lasted fifty days, during which time several assaults were made. The lack of water was what troubled the Indians most. They dug a very deep well inside the village, but were not able to get water, and while they were making it, it fell in and killed thirty per- sons. Two hundred of the besieged died in the fights. One day when there was a hard fight, they killed Francisco de Obando, a captain who had been army-master all the time that Don Garcia Lopez de Cardenas was away making the discoveries already described, and also Francisco Pobares, a fine gentleman. Our men were unable to prevent them from carrying Francisco de Obando inside the village, which was regretted not a little, because he was a distinguished person, besides being honored on his own account, affable and much beloved, which was noticeable. One day, before the capture was completed, they asked to speak to us, and said that, since they knew we would not harm the women and children, they wished to sur- render their women and sons, because they were using up their 1541] EXPEDITION OF CORONADO 323 "water. It was impossible to persuade them to make peace, as they said that the Spaniards would not keep an agreement made with them. So they gave up about a hundred persons, women and boys, who did not want to leave them. Don Lope de Urrea rode up in front of the town without his helmet and received the boys and girls in his arms, and when all of these had been surrendered, Don Lope begged them to make peace, giving them the strongest promises for their safety. They told him to go away, as they did not wish to trust themselves to people who had no regard for friendship or their own word which they had pledged. As he seemed unwilling to go away, one of them put an arrow in his bow ready to shoot, and threatened to shoot him with it unless he went off, and they warned him to put on his helmet, but he was unwilling to do so, saying that they would not hurt him as long as he stayed there. When the Indian saw that he did not want to go away, he shot and planted his arrow between the fore feet of the horse, and then put another arrow in his bow and repeated that if he did not go away he would really shoot him. Don Lope put on his helmet and slowly rode back to where the horsemen were, without receiving any harm from them. When they saw that he was really in safety, they began to shoot arrows in showers, with loud yells and cries. The general did not want to make an assault that day, in order to see if they could be brought in some way to make peace, which they would not consider. Fifteen days later they decided to leave the village one night, and did so, taking the women in their midst. They started about the fourth watch, in the very early morning, on the side where the cavalry was. The alarm was given by those in the camp of Don Rodrigo Maldonado. The enemy at- tacked them and killed one Spaniard and a horse and wounded others, but they were driven back with great slaughter until they came to the river, 1 where the water flowed swiftly and very cold. They threw themselves into this, and as the men had come quickly from the whole camp to assist the cavalry, 1 The Rio Grande, which is near by. 324 SPANISH EXPLORERS [1541 there were few who escaped being killed or wounded. Some men from the camp went across the river next day and found many of them who had been overcome by the great cold. They brought these back, cured them, and made servants of them. This ended that siege, and the town was captured, al- though there were a few who remained in one part of the town and were captured a few days later. Two captains, Don Diego de Guevara and Juan de Saldivar, had captured the other large village after a siege. Having started out very early one morning to make an ambuscade in which to catch some warriors who used to come out every morning to try to frighten our camp, the spies, who had been placed where they could see when they were coming, saw the people come out and proceed toward the country. The soldiers left the ambuscade and went to the village and saw the people fleeing. They pursued and killed large numbers of them. At the same time those in the camp were ordered to go over the town, and they plundered it, making prisoners of all the people who were found in it, amounting to about a hundred women and children. This siege ended the last of March, in the year '42 [1541]. Other things had happened in the mean- time, which would have been noticed, but that it would have cut the thread. I have omitted them, but will relate them now, so that it will be possible to understand what follows. Chapter 17 Of how messengers reached the army from the valley of Senora, and how Captain Melchior Diaz died on the expedition to the Firebrand River. We have already related how Captain Melchior Diaz crossed the Firebrand River [Rio Colorado] on rafts, in order to continue his discoveries farther in that direction. About the time the siege ended, messengers reached the army from the city of San Hieronimo with letters from Diego de Alarcon, 1 who had re- 1 Should be Alcaraz. See Chapter 10. 1541] EXPEDITION OF CORONADO 325 mained there in the place of Melchior Diaz. These contained the news that Melchior Diaz had died while he was conducting his search, and that the force had returned without finding any of the things they were after. It all happened in this fashion : After they had crossed the river they continued their search for the coast, which here turned back toward the south, 1 or between south and east, because that arm of the sea enters the land due north, and this river, which brings its waters down from the north, flowing toward the south, enters the head of the gulf. 2 Continuing in the direction they had been going, they came to some sandbanks of hot ashes which it was impossible to cross without being drowned as in the sea. The ground they were standing on trembled like a sheet of paper, so that it seemed as if there were lakes underneath them. It seemed wonderful and like something infernal, for the ashes to bubble up here in several places. After they had gone away from this place, on account of the danger they seemed to be in and of the lack of water, one day a greyhound belonging to one of the soldiers chased some sheep which they were taking along for food. When the captain noticed this, he threw his lance at the dog while his horse was running, so that it stuck up in the ground, and not being able to stop his horse he went over the lance so that it nailed him through the thighs and the iron came out behind, rupturing his blad- der. After this the soldiers turned back with their captain, having to fight every day with the Indians, who had re- mained hostile. He lived about twenty days, during which they proceeded with great difficulty on account of the neces- sity of carrying him. They returned in good order without losing a man, until he died, and after that they were relieved of the greatest difficulty. When they reached Senora, Alcaraz despatched the messengers already referred to, so that the general might know of this and also that some of the soldiers 1 That is, the west coast of the Gulf of California. 2 During 1905 the waters of the Rio Colorado were diverted westward below Yuma and are now (1906) flowing into the Salton Sink, or Imperial Valley, in southern California, forming an immense lake. 326 SPANISH EXPLORERS [1541 were ill-disposed and had caused several mutinies, and that he had sentenced two of them to the gallows, but they had afterward escaped from the prison. When the general learned this, he sent Don Pedro de Tovar to that city to sift out some of the men. He was accompanied by messengers whom the general sent to Don Antonio de Men- doza the viceroy, with an account of what had occurred and with the good news given by the Turk. When Don Pedro de Tovar arrived there, he found that the natives of that prov- ince had killed a soldier with a poisoned arrow, which had made only a very little wound in one hand. 1 Several soldiers went to the place where this happened to see about it, and they were not very well received. Don Pedro de Tovar sent Diego de Alcaraz with a force to seize the chiefs and lords of a village in what they call the Valley of Knaves (de los Vella- cos), which is in the hills. After getting there and getting these men prisoners, Diego de Alcaraz decided to let them go in ex- change for some thread and cloth and other things which the soldiers needed. Finding themselves free, they renewed the war and attacked them, and as they were strong and had poi- son, they killed several Spaniards and wounded others so that they died on the way back. They retired toward the town, and if they had not had Indian allies from the country of the Hearts, it would have gone worse with them. They got back to the town, leaving seventeen soldiers dead from the poison. They would die in agony from only a small wound, the bodies breaking out with an insupportable pestilential stench. Wlien Don Pedro de Tovar saw the harm done, and as it seemed to them that they could not safely stay in that city, he moved forty leagues toward Cibola into the valley of Suva, 2 where we will leave them, in order to relate what happened to the gen- eral and his army after the siege of Tiguex. 1 Doubtless the Opatas, whose poisoned arrows are often alluded to by later Spanish writers. See, for example, the Rudo Ensayo (ca. 1762), (San Augustin, 1863) ; also Guiteras's translation in Records of the American Catholic Historical Society, V. No. 2 (Philadelphia, June, 1894). 2 The upper part of the Rio San Pedro (which rises in northern Sonora), according to recent studies by Mr. James Newton Baskett. 1541] EXPEDITION OE CORONADO 327 Chapter 18 Of how the general managed to leave the country in peace so as to go in search of Quivira, where the Turk said there was the most wealth. During the siege of Tiguex the general decided to go to Cicuye and take the governor with him, in order to give him his liberty and to promise them that he would give Whiskers his liberty and leave him in the village, as soon as he should start for Quivira. He was received peacefully when he reached Cicuye, and entered the village with several soldiers. They received their governor with much joy and gratitude. After looking over the village and speaking with the natives he returned to his army, leaving Cicuye at peace, in the hope of getting back their captain Whiskers. After the siege was ended, as we have already related, he sent a captain to Chia, 1 a fine village with many people, which had sent to offer its submission. It was four leagues distant to the west of the river. 2 They found it peaceful and gave it four bronze cannon, which were in poor condition, to take care of. Six gentlemen also went to Quirix, a province with seven villages. 3 At the first village, which had about a hun- dred inhabitants, the natives fled, not daring to wait for our men; but they headed them off by a short cut, riding at full speed, and then they returned to their houses in the village 1 The present Sia, a small pueblo on the Rio Jemez. In 1583 Sia was one of a group of five pueblos which Antonio de Espejo called Cunames or Puna- mes. It suffered severely by the Pueblo revolt a century later, and is now reduced to about a hundred people who have great difficulty in gaining a livelihood, owing to lack of water for irrigation. 2 That is, the Rio Grande. 3 The "province" occupied by the Queres or Keresan Indians, consisting of the pueblos of Cochiti, San Felipe, and Santo Domingo, of to-day — all on the Rio Grande. Sia and Santa Ana are and were also Queres villages in Coronado's time, but as these were not on the Rio Grande, they may not have been included in Castaneda's group. When Espejo visited the Queres in 1583, they occupied only five pueblos on the Rio Grande; now only the three above mentioned are inhabited. 328 SPANISH EXPLOEERS [1541 in perfect safety, and then told the other villagers about it and reassured them. In this way the entire region was reas- sured, little by little, by the time the ice in the river was broken up and it became possible to ford the river and so to continue the journey. The twelve villages of Tiguex, however, were not repopulated at all during the time the army was there, in spite of every promise of security that could possibly be given to them. And when the river, which for almost four months had been frozen over so that they crossed the ice on horseback, had thawed out, orders were given for the start for Quivira, 1 where the Turk said there was some gold and silver, although not so much as in Arche 2 and the Guaes. 3 There were already some in the army who suspected the Turk, because a Spaniard named Servantes, who had charge of him during the siege, solemnly swore that he had seen the Turk talking with the devil in a pitcher of water, and also that while he had him under lock so that no one could speak to him, the Turk had asked him what Christians had been killed by the people at Tiguex. He told him " nobody," and then the Turk answered : "You lie; five Christians are dead, including a captain." And as Cervantes knew that he told the truth, he confessed it so as to find out who had told him about it, and the Turk said he knew it all by himself and that he did not need to have anyone tell him in order to know it. And it was on ac- count of this that he watched him and saw him speaking to the devil in the pitcher, as I have said. While all this was going on, preparations were being made to start from Tiguex. At this time people came from Cibola to see the general, and he charged them to take good care of the Spaniards who were coming from Senora with Don Pedro de Tovar. He gave them letters to give to Don Pedro, informing 1 See p. 337, note 1. 2 Evidently the Harahey of other chroniclers, which has been identified with the Pawnee country of southern Nebraska. 3 Possibly the Kansa or Kaw tribe, after whom the state of Kansas is named. 1541] EXPEDITION OE CORONADO 329 him what he ought to do and how he should go to find the army, and that he would find letters under the crosses which the army would put up along the way. The army left Tiguex on the fifth of May * and returned to Cicuye, which, as I have said, is twenty-five marches, which means leagues, from there, taking Whiskers with them. 2 Arrived there, he gave them their captain, who already went about freely with a guard. The village was very glad to see him, and the people were peaceful and offered food. The governor and Whiskers gave the general a young fellow called Xabe, a native of Quivira, who could give them information about the country. This fellow said that there was gold and silver, but not so much of it as the Turk had said. The Turk, however, continued to declare that it was as he had said. He went as a guide, and thus the army started off from here. Chapter 19 Of how they started in search of Quivira and of what happened on the way. The army started from Cicuye, leaving the village at peace and, as it seemed, contented, and under obligations to main- tain the friendship because their governor and captain had been restored to them. Proceeding toward the plains, which are all on the other side of the mountains, after four days' journey they came to a river with a large, deep current, which flowed from toward Cicuye, and they named this the Cicuye river. They had to stop here to make a bridge so as to cross it. 3 It 1 In his letter to the King, dated Tiguex, October 20, 1541, Coronado says that he started April 23. See Winship's translation in Fourteenth Report of the Bureau of Ethnology (1896), p. 580. 2 Cicuye is Pecos, as above mentioned. The direction is north of east and the distance forty miles in an air line, or fifteen Spanish judicial leagues. By rail, which follows almost exactly the old trail, the distance is sixty-five miles, or almost precisely twenty-five leagues. 3 The Rio Pecos. The bridge was doubtless built across the stream somewhere near Puerto de Luna. The Ms. here reads Cicuye for Cicuye. 330 SPANISH EXPLORERS [1541 was finished in four days, by much diligence and rapid work, and as soon as it was done the whole army and the animals crossed. After ten days more they came to some settlements of people who lived like Arabs and who are called Querechos * in that region. They had seen the cows 2 for two days. These folks live in tents made of the tanned skins of the cows. They travel around near the cows, killing them for food. They did nothing unusual when they saw our army, except to come out of their tents to look at us, after which they came to talk with the advance guard, and asked who we were. The gen- eral talked with them, but as they had already talked with the Turk, who was with the advance guard, they agreed with what he had said. That they were very intelligent is evident from the fact that although they conversed by means of signs they made themselves understood so well that there was no need of an interpreter. 3 They said that there was a very large river over toward where the sun came from, and that one could go along this river through an inhabited region for ninety days without a break from settlement to settlement. They said that the first of these settlements was called Haxa, 4 and that the river was more than a league wide and that there were many canoes on it. 5 These folks started off from here next day with a lot of dogs which dragged their possessions. For two days, during which the army inarched in the same direction as that in which they had come from the settlements — that is, between north and east, but more toward the north — they saw other roaming Querechos and such great num- bers of cows that it already seemed something incredible. 1 The name by which the eastern Apaches, or Apaches Vaqueros of later times, were known to the Pecos Indians. The first Querechos were met near the eastern boundary of New Mexico. 2 Wherever "cows" are mentioned, bison are of course meant. Herds of these animals ranged as far as the Pecos, which was known as the Rio de las Vacas later in the century. 3 All the Indians of the great plains were expert in the sign language, as their spoken languages were many and diverse. 4 The place has not been identified with certainty. 6 This river, if it existed at all, was in all probability the lower Arkan- sas or the Mississippi, hundreds of miles away. 1541] EXPEDITION OF COBONADO 331 These people gave a great deal of information about set- tlements, all toward the east from where we were. Here Don Garcia broke his arm and a Spaniard got lost who went off hunting so far that he was unable to return to the camp, be- cause the country is very level. The Turk said it was one or two days to Haya (Haxa). 1 The general sent Captain Diego Lopez with ten companions lightly equipped and a guide to go at full speed toward the sunrise for two days and discover Haxa, and then return to meet the army, which set out in the same direction next day. They came across so many animals that those who were on the advance guard killed a large num- ber of bulls. As these fled they trampled one another in their haste until they came to a ravine. So many of the animals fell into this that they filled it up, and the rest went across on top of them. The men who were chasing them on horseback fell in among the animals without noticing where they were going. Three of the horses that fell in among the cows, all saddled and bridled, were lost sight of completely. As it seemed to the general that Diego Lopez ought to be on his way back, he sent six of his companions to follow up the banks of the little river, and as many more down the banks, to look for traces of the horses at the trails to and from the river. It was impossible to find tracks in this country, be- cause the grass straightened up again as soon as it was trodden down. They were found by some Indians from the army who had gone to look for fruit. These got track of them a good league off, and soon came up with them. They followed the river down to the camp, and told the general that in the twenty leagues they had been over they had seen nothing but cows and the sky. There was another native of Quivira with the army, a painted Indian named Ysopete. This Indian had always declared that the Turk was lying, and on account of 1 The Turk was evidently lying, at least so far as the distance was con- cerned. The Texas Indians were not canoeists. The army was now in the western part of the staked plains of Texas, but had changed its course from northeasterly to south of east. The country is greatly broken by the canons of the streams which take their rise in these parts. 332 SPANISH EXPLORERS [1541 this the army paid no attention to him, and even now, al- though he said that the Querechos had consulted with him, Ysopete was not believed. The general sent Don Rodrigo Maldonado, with his com- pany, forward from here. He travelled four days and reached a large ravine like those of Colima, in the bottom of which he found a large settlement of people. Cabeza de Vaca and Dorantes had passed through this place, 1 so that they presented Don Rodrigo with a pile of tanned skins and other things, and a tent as big as a house, which he directed them to keep until the army came up. He sent some of his companions to guide the army to that place, so that they should not get lost, although he had been making piles of stones and cow-dung for the army to follow. This was the way in which the army was guided by the advance guard. When the general came up with the army and saw the great quantity of skins, he thought he would divide them among the men, and placed guards so that they could look at them. But when the men arrived and saw that the general was send- ing some of his companions with orders for the guards to give them some of the skins, and that these were going to select the best, they were angry because they were not going to be divided evenly, and made a rush, and in less than a quarter of an hour nothing was left but the empty ground. The natives who happened to see this also took a hand in it. The women and some others were left crying, because they thought that the strangers were not going to take any- thing, but would bless them as Cabeza de Vaca and Dorantes had done when they passed through here. They found an Indian girl here who was as white as a Castilian lady, 2 except that she had her chin painted like a Moorish woman. In general they all paint themselves in this way here, and they decorate their eyes. 1 See Cabeza de Vaca's narration in this volume, p. 97. 2 Probably an albino is here referred to. 1541] EXPEDITION OF CORONADO 333 Chapter 20 Of how great stones fell in the camp, and how they discovered another ravine, where the army was divided into two parts. While the army was resting in this ravine, as we have related, a tempest came up one afternoon with a very high wind and hail, and in a very short space of time a great quan- tity of hailstones, as big as bowls, or bigger, fell as thick as raindrops, so that in places they covered the ground two or three spans or more deep. And one hit the horse — or I should say, there was not a horse that did not break away, except two or three which the negroes protected by holding large sea nets over them, with the helmets and shields which all the rest wore ; and some of them dashed up on to the sides of the ravine so that they got them down with great difficulty. If this had struck them while they were upon the plain, the army would have been in great danger of being left without its horses, as there were many which they were not able to cover. The hail broke many tents, and battered many hel- mets, and wounded many of the horses, and broke all the crockery of the army, and the gourds, which was no small loss, because they do not have any crockery in this region. They do not make gourds, nor sow corn, nor eat bread, but instead raw meat — or only half cooked — and fruit. 1 From here the general sent out to explore the country, and they found another settlement four days from there 2 . . . . The country was well inhabited, and they had plenty of kid- ney beans and prunes like those of Castile, and tall vineyards. These village settlements extended for three days. This was called Cona. Some Teyas, 3 as these people are called, went with 1 Castaneda here refers to the buffalo-hunting Indians in contrast to the Pueblo tribes which the Spaniards had left. 2 "A manera de alixares." The margin reads Alexeres, a word meaning "threshing floor." 3 These were evidently the Indians later called Tejas, or Texas, from which the state took its name. The name was indiscriminately applied by various later writers, but always to one of the Caddoan tribes or group of tribes. 334 SPANISH EXPLORERS [1541 the army from here and travelled as far as the end of the other settlements with their packs of dogs and women and children, and then they gave them guides to proceed to a large ravine where the army was. They did not let these guides speak with the Turk, and did not receive the same statements from these as they had from the others. These said that Quivira was toward the north, and that we should not find any good road thither. After this they began to believe Ysopete. The ra- vine which the army had now reached was a league wide from one side to the other, with a little bit of a river at the bottom, and there were many groves of mulberry trees near it, and rosebushes with the same sort of fruit that they have in France. They made verjuice from the unripe grapes at this ravine, although there were ripe ones. There were walnuts and the same kind of fowls as in New Spain, and large quantities of prunes like those of Castile. During this journey a Teya was seen to shoot a bull right through both shoulders with an arrow, which would be a good shot for a musket. These peo- ple are very intelligent; the women are well made and mod- est. They cover their whole body. They wear shoes and buskins made of tanned skin. The women wear cloaks over their small under petticoats, with sleeves gathered up at the shoulders, all of skin, and some wore something like little san- benitos 1 with a fringe, which reached half-way down the thigh over the petticoat. The army rested several days in this ravine and explored the country. Up to this point they had made thirty-seven days' marches, travelling six or seven leagues a day. 2 It had been the duty of one man to measure and count his steps. 1 " We were brought into the Church, every one with a S. Benito upon his backe, which is a halfe a yard of yellow cloth, with a hole to put in a mans head in the middest, and cast over a mans head : both flaps hang one before, and another behinde, and in the middest of every flap, a S. Andrewes crosse, made of red cloth, sowed on upon the same, and that is called S. Benito." — Robert Tomson, "Voyage into Nova Hispania," 1555, in Hakluyt, Voyages, IX. 348 (1904). 2 The league is equivalent to 2.63 English miles. This Spanish judicial league is still used in Mexico. 1541] EXPEDITION OF COEONADO 335 They found that it was 250 leagues to the settlements. 1 When the general Francisco Vazquez realized this, and saw that they had been deceived by the Turk heretofore, and as the provisions were giving out and there was no country around here where they could procure more, he called the captains and ensigns together to decide on what they thought ought to be done. They all agreed that the general should go in search of Quivira with thirty horsemen and half a dozen foot- soldiers, and that Don Tristan de Arellano should go back to Tiguex with all the army. When the men in the army learned of this decision, they begged their general not to leave them to conduct the further search, but declared that they all wanted to die with him and did not want to go back. This did not do any good, although the general agreed to send messengers to them within eight days saying whether it was best for them to follow him or not, and with this he set off with the guides he had and with Ysopete. The Turk was taken along in chains. Chapter 21 Of how the army returned to Tiguex and the general reached Quivira. The general started from the ravine with the guides that the Teyas had given him. He appointed the alderman Diego Lopez his army-master, and took with him the men who seemed to him to be most efficient, and the best horses. The army still had some hope that the general would send for them, and sent two horsemen, lightly equipped and riding post, to repeat their petition. The general arrived — I mean, the guides ran away dur- ing the first few days and Diego Lopez had to return to the army for guides, bringing orders for the army to return to Tiguex to find food and wait there for the general. The Teyas, as before, willingly furnished him with new guides. The army 1 The Tiguex villages on the Rio Grande are often referred to as the region where the settlements were. 336 SPANISH EXPLORERS [1541 waited for its messengers and spent a fortnight here, preparing jerked beef to take with them. It was estimated that during this fortnight they killed 500 bulls. The number of these that were there without any cows was something incredible. Many fellows were lost at this time who went out hunting and did not get back to the army for two or three days, wandering about the country as if they were crazy, in one direction or another, not knowing how to get back where they started from, although this ravine extended in either direction so that they could find it. Every night they took account of who was missing, fired guns and blew trumpets and beat drums and built great fires, but yet some of them went off so far and wandered about so much that all this did not give them any help, although it helped others. The only way was to go back where they had killed an animal and start from there in one direction and another until they struck the ravine or fell in with somebody who could put them on the right road. It is worth noting that the country there is so level that at midday, after one has wandered about in one direction and another in pursuit of game, the only thing to do is to stay near the game quietly until sunset, so as to see where it goes down, and even then they have to be men who are practised to do it. Those who are not, had to trust themselves to others. 1 The general followed his guides until he reached Quivira, which took forty-eight days' marching, on account of the great detour they had made toward Florida. 2 He was received peacefully on account of the guides whom he had. They asked the Turk why he had lied and had guided them so far out of their way. He said that his country was in that direc- tion and that, besides this, the people at Cicuye had asked him to lead them off on to the plains and lose them, so that the horses would die when their provisions gave out, and they 1 The point of separation of the army was in all probability the upper waters of the Rio Colorado in Texas. See the narration of Cabeza de Vaca, p. 97, note 2. 2 That is, toward the southeast. At a somewhat later period Florida included everything from the peninsula northward. 1541] EXPEDITION OF CORONADO 337 would be so weak if they ever returned that they could be killed without any trouble, and thus they could take revenge for what had been done to them. This was the reason why he had led them astray, supposing that they did not know how to hunt or to live without corn, while as for the gold, he did not know where there was any of it. He said this like one who had given up hope and who found that he was being per- secuted, since they had begun to believe Ysopete, who had guided them better than he had, and fearing lest those who were there might give some advice by which some harm would come to him. They garroted him, which pleased Ysopete very much, because he had always said that Ysopete was a rascal and that he did not know what he was talking about and had always hindered his talking with anybody. Neither gold nor silver nor any trace of either was found among these people. Their lord wore a copper plate on his neck and prized it highly. 1 1 For additional details respecting the route pursued by Coronado after the main army was sent back, consult the narrative of Jaramillo, the Relacion del Suceso, and other documents pertaining to the expedition, in Winship's Coronado Expedition (1896) and Journey of Coronado (1904), and in connec- tion therewith a discussion of the route by F. W. Hodge, in J. V. Brower's Memoirs of Explorations in the Basin of the Mississippi, II. (St. Paul, 1899). Continuing due north from the upper waters of the Rio Colorado of Texas, Coronado 's immediate force in thirty days' march, according to the Relacion del Suceso (or "more than thirty days' march, although not long marches," according to Jaramillo), reached the river of St. Peter and St. Paul the last of June, 1541. This was the "river of Quivira " of the Relacion del Suceso, the present Arkansas River in Kansas, which was crossed at its southern bend, just east of the present Dodge City. The party continued thence northeast, downstream, and in thirty leagues, or six or seven days' march, reached the first of the Quivira settlements. This was at or near the present Great Bend, Kansas, before reaching the site of which the Turk was " made an example of." That the inhabitants of Quivira were the Wichita Indians there can be no reasonable doubt. The Quivira people lived in grass or straw lodges, according to the Spaniards, a fact that was true of the Wichitas only of all the northern plains tribes. The habitations of their congeners and northern neighbors, the Pawnee (who may be regarded as the inhabitants of the province of Harahey) , were earth lodges. The word acochis, mentioned by Castaneda as the Quivira term for "gold," is merely the Spanish adaptation of hakwichis, which signifies "metal," for of gold our Indians knew nothing until after the advent of the white man. After 338 SPANISH EXPLORERS [1541 The messengers whom the army had sent to the general returned, as I said, and then, as they brought no news except what the alderman had delivered, the army left the ravine and returned to the Teyas, where they took guides who led them back by a more direct road. They readily furnished these, because these people are always roaming over this coun- try in pursuit of the animals and so know it thoroughly. They keep their road in this way : In the morning they notice where the sun rises and observe the direction they are going to take, and then shoot an arrow in this direction. Before reaching this they shoot another over it, and in this way they go all day toward the water where they are to end the day. In this way they covered in twenty-five days what had taken them thirty-seven days going, besides stopping to hunt cows on the way. They found many salt lakes on this road, and there was a great quantity of salt. There were thick pieces of it on top of the water bigger than tables, as thick as four or five fingers. Two or three spans down under water there was salt which tasted better than that in the floating pieces, because this was rather bitter. It was crystalline. All over these plains there were large numbers of animals like squirrels x and a great num- ber of their holes. On its return the army reached the Cicuye river more than thirty leagues below there — I mean below the bridge they had made when they crossed it, and they followed it up to that place. 2 In general, its banks are cov- ered with a sort of rose bushes, the fruit of which tastes like muscatel grapes. They grow on little twigs about as high up as a man. It has the parsley leaf. There were unripe grapes and currants (?) and wild marjoram. The guides said this river joined that of Tiguex more than twenty days from here, exploring Quivira for twenty-five leagues, Coronado sent " captains and men in many directions," but they failed to find that of which they went in search. There is no reason to suppose that Coronado 's party went beyond the limits of the present state of Kansas. i*S x Prairie-dogs. 2 This would make the point at which the army reached Pecos River about eighty miles below Puerto de Luna, or not far from the present town of Roswell. 1541] EXPEDITION OF CORONADO 339 and that its course turned toward the east. It is believed that it flows into the mighty river of the Holy Spirit (Espiritu Santo), which the men with Don Hernando de Soto discovered in Florida. 1 A painted Indian woman ran away from Juan de Saldibar and hid in the ravines about this time, because she recognized the country of Tiguex where she had been a slave. She fell into the hands of some Spaniards who had entered the country from Florida to explore it in this direc- tion. 2 After I got back to New Spain I heard them say that the Indian told them that she had run away from other men like them nine days, and that she gave the names of some captains; from which we ought to believe that we were not far from the region they discovered, although they said they were more than 200 leagues inland. I believe the land at that point is more than 600 leagues across from sea to sea. As I said, the army followed the river up as far as Cicuye, which it found ready for war and unwilling to make any ad- vances toward peace or to give any food to the army. From there they went on to Tiguex where several villages had been reinhabited, but the people were afraid and left them again. Chapter 22 Of how the general returned from Quivira and of other expedi- tions toward the North. After Don Tristan de Arellano reached Tiguex, about the middle of July, in the year 7 42, 3 he had provisions collected for the coming winter. Captain Francisco de Barrionuevo was sent up the river toward the north with several men. He saw two provinces, one of which was called Hemes 4 and had 1 Castaneda is writing about twenty years later. De Soto's army was exploring the eastern country as Coronado was traversing the buffalo plains. The Espiritu Santo is the Mississippi. 2 See the Gentleman of Elvas in the second part of the present volume. 3 As usual Castaneda gives a date a year later than the actual one. 4 The pueblos occupied by the Jemez people. Only one of these now ex- ists ; this is on the Rio Jemez, a western tributary of the Rio Grande, which enters the latter stream above Bernalillo, New Mexico. See p. 359, note 2. 340 SPANISH EXPLORERS [1541 seven villages, and the other Yuqueyunque. 1 The inhabitants of Hemes came out peaceably and furnished provisions. At Yuqueyunque the whole nation left two very fine villages which they had on either side of the river entirely vacant, and went into the mountains, where they had four very strong vil- lages in a rough countiy, where it was impossible for horses to go. 2 In the two villages there was a great deal of food and some very beautiful glazed earthenware with many figures and dif- ferent shapes. 3 Here they also found many bowls full of a carefully selected shining metal with which they glazed the earthenware. This shows that mines of silver would be found in that country if they should hunt for them. There was a large and powerful river, I mean village, which was called Braba, twenty leagues farther up the river, which our men called Valladolid. 4 The river flowed through the middle of it. The natives crossed it by wooden bridges, made 1 This was Yukiwingge, on the site of the present small village of Chamita, at the mouth of the Rio Chama, opposite San Juan pueblo. The other one of the two villages was doubtless San Juan. Both of these were occupied by Tewa Indians. At Yukiwingge was established, in 1598, by Juan de Onate, the colonizer of New Mexico, the settlement of San Gabriel de los Espafioles, which was occupied until the spring of 1605, when the seat of the provincial government was moved to Santa Fe, founded for the purpose in that year. See p. 359, note 4. 2 These may have been the pueblos, now in ruins, in and north of the Pajarito Park, one of which, called Puye, gives evidence of occupancy in post-Spanish times. 3 It is not known definitely whether actually glazed pottery or merely the black, highly polished earthenware characteristic of the Tewa Indians of the neighborhood is here meant. The ancient Pueblos manufactured a ware with decoration in what appears to be a salt glaze. Specimens of this have been gathered in the Pajarito Park, at Zuni, among the Hopi of Arizona, and from ancient ruins around Acoma, but the art seems to have been lost. There is abundant evidence that this form of decoration was prehistoric. The finding of the "shining metal" (called antimony in Pt. 2, chap. 4) would seem to indicate that the polished rather than the glazed ware was here meant. 4 This was the pueblo of Taos, which stood near the site of the present village of the same name, on both sides of the little stream (Taos River). The present Taos has 425 inhabitants. The swift and deep river without the ford, here referred to, must have been the Rio Grande in the neighbor- hood of Taos, rather than the Rio de Taos, which is insignificant except in seasons of freshet. Castafieda was evidently not one of Barrionuevo's party. 1541] EXPEDITION OF COKONADO 341 of very long, large, squared pines. At this village they saw the largest and finest hot rooms or estufas that there were in the entire country, for they had a dozen pillars, each one of which was twice as large around as one could reach and twice as tall as a man. Hernando de Alvarado visited this village when he discovered Cicuye. The country is very high and very cold. 1 The river is deep and very swift, without any ford. Captain Barrionuevo returned from here, leaving the province at peace. Another captain went down the river in search of the set- tlements which the people at Tutahaco had said were several days distant from there. This captain went down eighty leagues and found four large villages which he left at peace. 2 He proceeded until he found that the river sank into the earth, like the Guadiana in Estremadura. 3 He did not go on to where the Indians said that it came out much larger, because his commission did not extend for more than eighty leagues 7 march. After this captain got back, as the time had arrived which the captain had set for his return from Quivira, and as he had not come back, Don Tristan selected forty companions and, leav- ing the army to Francisco de Barrionuevo, he started with them in search of the general. When he reached Cicuye the people came out of the village to fight, which detained him there four days, while he punished them, which he did by firing some volleys into the village. These killed several men, so that they did not come out against the army, since two of their principal men had been killed on the first day. Just then word was brought that the general was coming, and so Don 1 The altitude of Taos is 6983 feet ; of Taos Peak, 13,145 feet. 2 Seemingly the Piros villages on the Rio Grande south of Isleta. They are now extinct, having been finally abandoned during the revolt in 1680, the inhabitants fleeing with Governor Otermin to El Paso. Senecu and So- corro (taking their names from former villages) were afterward established below El Paso, where the few survivors of the Piros, almost entirely Mexican- ized, still reside. 3 This rendering, doubtless correct, is due to Ternaux. The Guadiana, however, reappears above ground some time before it begins to mark the boundary of the Spanish province of Estremadura. The Castaneda family had its seat in quite the other end of the peninsula. (Winship.) 342 SPANISH EXPLORERS [1541 Tristan had to stay there on this account also, to keep the road open. Everybody welcomed the general on his arrival, with great joy. The Indian Xabe, who was the young fellow who had been given to the general at Cicuye when he started off in search of Quivira, was with Don Tristan de Arellano and when he learned that the general was coming he acted as if he was greatly pleased, and said, "Now when the general comes, you will see that there are gold and silver in Quivira, although not so much as the Turk said." When the general arrived, and Xabe saw that they had not found anything, he was sad and silent, and kept declaring that there was some. He made many believe that it was so, because the general had not dared to enter into the country on account of its being thickly settled and his force not very strong, and that he had returned to lead his army there after the rains, because it had foegun to rain there already, as it was early in August when he left. It took him forty days to return, travelling lightly equipped. The Turk had said when they left Tiguex that they ought not to load the horses with too much provisions, which would tire them so that they could not afterward carry the gold and silver, from which it is very evident that he was deceiving them. The general reached Cicuye with his force and at once set off for Tiguex, leaving the village more quiet, for they had met him peaceably and had talked with him. When he reached Tiguex, he made his plans to pass the winter there, so as to return with the whole army, because it was said that he brought information regarding large settlements and very large rivers, and that the country was very much like that of Spain in the fruits and vegetation and seasons. They were not ready to believe that there was no gold there, but instead had suspicions that there was some farther back in the coun- try, because, although this was denied, they knew what the thing was and had a name for it among themselves — acochis. 1 With this we end this first part, and now we will give an ac- count of the provinces. 1 See p. 337, note 1. 1541] EXPEDITION OF CORONADO 343 SECOND PART Which treats of the high villages and provinces and of their habits and customs, as collected by Pedro de Castaneda, native of the city of Najara. Laus Deo It does not seem to me that the reader will be satisfied with having seen and understood what I have already related about the expedition, although that has made it easy to see the dif- ference between the report which told about vast treasures, and the places where nothing like this was either found or known. It is to be noted that in place of settlements great deserts were found, and instead of populous cities villages of 200 inhabitants and only 800 or 1000 people in the largest. I do not know whether this will furnish grounds for pondering and considering the uncertainty of this life. To please these, I wish to give a detailed account of all the inhabited region seen and discovered by this expedition, and some of their ceremonies and habits, in accordance with what we came to know about them, and the limits within which each province falls, so that hereafter it may be possible to understand in what direction Florida lies and in what direction Greater India ; and this land of New Spain is part of the mainland with Peru, and with greater India or China as well, there not being any strait between to separate them. On the other hand, the country is so wide that there is room for these vast deserts which lie between the two seas, for the coast of the North sea beyond Florida stretches toward the Bacallaos 1 and then turns toward Norway, while that of the South sea turns toward the west, making another bend down toward the south almost like a bow and stretches away toward India, leaving room for the lands that border on the mountains on both sides to stretch out in such a way as to have between them these great plains which are full of cattle and many other animals of different 1 The Newfoundland region. 344 SPANISH EXPLOEEES [1541 sorts, since they are not inhabited, as I will relate farther on. There is every sort of game and fowl there, but no snakes, for they are free from these. I will leave the account of the return of the army to New Spain until I have shown what slight occasion there was for this. We will begin our account with the city of Culiacan, and point out the differences be- tween the one country and the other, on account of which one ought to be settled by Spaniards and the other not. It should be the reverse, however, with Christians, since there are intelli- gent men in one, and in the other wild animals and worse than beasts. Chapter 1 Of the province of Culiacan and of its habits and customs. Culiacan is the last place in the New Kingdom of Galicia, and was the first settlement made by Nuno de Guzman when he conquered this kingdom. 1 It is 210 leagues west of Mexico. 2 In this province there are three chief languages, besides other related dialects. The first is that of the Tahus, who are the best and most intelligent race. They are now the most set- tled and have received the most light from the faith. They worship idols and make presents to the devil of their goods and riches, consisting of cloth and turquoises. They do not eat human flesh nor sacrifice it. They are accustomed to keep very large snakes, which they venerate. Among them there are men dressed like women who marry other men and serve as their wives. At a great festival they consecrate the women who wish to live unmarried, with much singing and dancing, at which all the chiefs of the locality gather and dance naked, and after all have danced with her they put her in a hut that has been decorated for this event and the chiefs 1 See p. 285, note 1. 2 Castafieda, like many other early Spanish chroniclers, is careless in his directions. It will be observed that he frequently says west, east, etc., when he means westwardly, eastwardly. This has led one writer on the Coro- nado expedition seriously astray. Culiacan is decidedly northwest of Mexico City. 1541] EXPEDITION OF COBONADO 345 adorn her with clothes and bracelets of fine turquoises, and then the chiefs go in one by one to lie with her, and all the others who wish, follow them. From this time on these women can not refuse anyone who pays them a certain amount agreed on for this. Even if they take husbands, this does not exempt them from obliging anyone who pays them. The greatest festivals are on market days. The custom is for the husbands to buy the women whom they marry, of their fathers and relatives at a, high price, and then to take them to a chief, who is considered to be a priest, to deflower them and see if she is a virgin; and if she is not, they have to return the whole price, and he can keep her for his wife or not, or let her be consecrated, as he chooses. At these times they all get drunk. The second language is that of the Pacaxes, the people who live in the country between the plains and the mountains. These people are more barbarous. Some of them who live near the mountains eat human flesh. They are great sodom- ites, and have many wives, even when these are sisters. They worship painted and sculptured stones, and are much given to witchcraft and sorcery. The third language is that of the Acaxes, who are in pos- session of a large part of the hilly country and all of the moun- tains. They go hunting for men just as they hunt animals. They all eat human flesh, and he who has the most human bones and skulls hung up around his house is most feared and respected. They live in settlements and in very rough coun- try, avoiding the plains. In passing from one settlement to another, there is always a ravine in the way which they can not cross, although they can talk together across it. At the slightest call 500 men collect, and on any pretext kill and eat one another. Thus it has been very hard to subdue these people, on account of the roughness of the country, which is very great. Many rich silver mines have been found in this country. They do not run deep, but soon give out. The gulf of the sea x 1 The Gulf of California. 346 SPANISH EXPLORERS [1541 begins on the coast of this province, entering the land 250 leagues toward the north and ending at the mouth of the Fire- brand (Tizon) River. This country forms its eastern limit, and California x the western. From what I have been told by men who had navigated it, it is thirty leagues across from point to point, because they lose sight of this country when they see the other. They say the gulf is over 150 leagues broad (or deep), from shore to shore. The coast makes a turn toward the south at the Firebrand River, bending down to California, which turns toward the west, forming that penin- sula which was formerly held to be an island, because it was a low sandy country. It is inhabited by brutish, bestial, naked people who eat their own offal. The men and women couple like animals, the female openly getting down on all fours. 2 Chapter 2 Of the province of Petlatlan and all the inhabited country as far as Chichilticalli. Petlatlan is a settlement of houses covered with a sort of mats made of plants. These are collected into villages, extending along a river from the mountains to the sea. 3 The people are of the same race and habits as the Culuacanian Tahues. There is much sodomy among them. In the moun- tain district there is a large population and more settlements. These people have a somewhat different language from the Tahues, although they understand each other. It is called Petlatlan because the houses are made of petates or palm- leaf mats. Houses of this sort are found for more than 240 leagues in this region, to the beginning of the Cibola wilder- 1 Lower California is of course meant. 2 For an account of the Indians of Lower California in the eighteenth cen- tury, see the translation of Father Jacob Baegert's narrative, by Charles Rau, in the Report of the Smithsonian Institution for 1863 and 1864. 3 The Rio Petlatlan is the present Rio Sinaloa. The name Sinaloa is synonymous in application with Cahita, a group of tribes including the present Yaqui and Mayo. 1541] EXPEDITION OF CORONADO 347 ness. 1 The nature of the country changes here very greatly , because from this point on there are no trees except the pine, nor are there any fruits except a few tunas, 2 mesquites, and pitahayas. 3 Petlatlan is twenty leagues from Culiacan, and it is 130 leagues from here to the valley of Senora. There are many rivers between the two, with settlements of the same sort of people — for example, Sinoloa, Boyomo, Teocomo, Yaquimi, and other smaller ones. There is also the Corazones (Hearts), which is in our possession, down the valley of Senora. 4 Senora is a river and valley thickly settled by able-bodied people. The women wear petticoats of tanned deerskin, and little san benitos reaching half way down the body. 5 The chiefs of the villages go up on some little heights they have made for this purpose, like public criers, and there make proc- lamations for the space of an hour, regulating those things they have to attend to. They have some little huts for shrines, all over the outside of which they stick many arrows, like a hedgehog. They do this when they are eager for war. All about this province toward the mountains there is a large population in separate little provinces containing ten or twelve villages. Seven or eight of them, of which I know the names, are Comupatrico, Mochilagua, Arispa, 6 and the Little Valley. There are others which we did not see. It is forty leagues from Senora to the valley of Suva. 7 The town of San Hieronimo was established in this valley, where there was a rebellion later, and part of the people who had settled there were killed, as will be seen in the third part. There are many villages in the neighborhood of this valley. The people are the same as those in Senora and have the same 1 That is, as far northward as the Rio Gila. 2 The fruit of the prickly-pear cactus. 3 The giant cactus. See p. 305, note 1. 4 Sonora. See p. 301, notes 1 and 2. 6 See p. 334, note 1. 6 This was Arizpe, on the upper waters of the Rio Sonora. Jaramillo calls it Ispa. 7 See p. 326, note 2. 348 SPANISH EXPLORERS [1541 dress and language, habits, and customs, like all the rest as far as the desert of Chichilticalli. The women paint their chins and eyes like the Moorish women of Barbary. They are great sodomites. 1 They drink wine made of the pitahaya, which is the fruit of a great thistle which opens like the pome- granate. The wine makes them stupid. They make a great quantity of preserves from the tuna; they preserve it in a large amount of its sap without other honey. They make bread of the mesquite, like cheese, which keeps good for a whole year. There are native melons in this country so large that a person can carry only one of them. They cut these into slices and dry them in the sun. They are good to eat, and taste like figs, and are better than dried meat ; they are very good and sweet, keeping for a whole year when prepared in this way. 2 In this country there were also tame eagles, which the chiefs esteemed to be something fine. 3 No fowls of any sort were seen in any of these villages except in this valley of Suya, where fowls like those of Castile were found. Nobody could find out how they came to be so far inland, the people being all at war with one another. Between Suya and Chichil- ticalli there are many sheep and mountain goats with very large bodies and horns. Some Spaniards declare that they have seen flocks of more than a hundred together, which ran so fast that they disappeared very quickly. At Chichilticalli the country changes its character again and the spiky vegetation ceases. The reason is that the gulf reaches as far up as this place, and the mountain chain changes its direction at the same time that the coast does. Here they 1 These are, from the south northward, the Pimas Bajos or Nevome, Opatas, Papagos, and Pimas. The older Pima women still paint their faces in fine lines and also are tattooed, but the custom is becoming a thing of the past. The Opatas are almost entirely Mexicanized. 2 These were doubtless cantaloupes. The southwestern Indians still slice and dry them in a manner similar to that here described. 3 The Pueblo Indians, particularly the Zufii and the Hopi, keep eagles for their feathers, which are highly prized because regarded as sacred and are much used in their ceremonies. 1541] EXPEDITION OF CORONADO 349 had to cross and pass through the mountains in order to get into the level country. 1 Chapter 3 Of Chichilticalli and the desert, of Cibola, its customs and habits, and of other things. Chichilticalli is so called because the friars found a house at this place which was formerly inhabited by people who separated from Cibola. It was made of colored or reddish earth. 2 The house was large and appeared to have been a fortress. It must have been destroyed by the people of the district, who are the most barbarous people that have yet been seen. They live in separate cabins and not in settle- ments. 3 They live by hunting. The rest of the country is all wilderness, covered with pine forests. There are great quan- tities of the pine nuts. The pines are two or three times as high as a man before they send out branches. There is a sort of oak with sweet acorns, of which they make cakes like sugar plums with dried coriander seeds. It is very sweet, like sugar. Watercress grows in many springs, and there are rosebushes, and pennyroyal, and wild marjoram. There are barbels and picones, 4 like those of Spain, in the rivers of this wilderness. 5 Gray lions and leopards were seen. 6 1 Probably Dragoon Pass, through the Dragoon and Galiuro Mountains of southeastern Arizona, thence between the Pinaleno and Chiricahua mountains to the plains of San Simon. 2 This ruin is supposed to have been in the vicinity of the present Solomons- ville, Graham County. The name is Aztec (chichiltic" red," colli "house"). Writers have endeavored to identify it with the celebrated Casa Grande farther to the northwest, but this is inconsistent with the directions recorded in the narratives, and all students of the subject have now abandoned this theory. 3 These people are not identifiable with certainty. If the Apaches of Arizona, it is the only mention of them and is contrary to all other testimony. The Sobaipuris lived on the upper Rio San Pedro and on the Gila near the mouth of the former stream, until the latter part of the eighteenth century. 4 Picones are catfish. 5 The "wilderness," or uninhabited region, extended from the Gila in central Graham County to the crossing of the New Mexico boundary by Zuni River, where Cibola began. 6 These are the mountain Hon and the wildcat. 350 SPANISH EXPLORERS [1541 The country rises continually from the beginning of the wil- derness until Cibola is reached, which is eighty leagues, going north. From Culiacan to the edge of the wilderness the route had kept the north on the left hand. Cibola x is seven villages. The largest is called Macaque. 2 The houses are ordinarily three or four stories high, but in Magaque there are houses with four and seven stories. These people are very intelligent. They cover their privy parts and all the immodest parts with cloths made like a sort of table napkin, with fringed edges and a tassel at each corner, which they tie over the hips. They wear long robes of feath- ers and of the skins of hares, and cotton blankets. The women wear blankets, which they tie or knot over the left shoulder, leaving the right arm out. 3 These serve to cover the body. They wear a neat well-shaped outer garment of skin. They gather their hair over the two ears, making a frame which looks like an old-fashioned headdress. 4 The country is a valley between ridges resembling rocky mountains. They plant in holes. Maize does not grow high ; ears from a stalk three or four to each cane, thick and large, of eight hundred grains, a thing not seen in these parts. There are large numbers of bears in this province, and lions, wild- cats, deer, and otter. There are very fine turquoises, although not so many as was reported. 5 They collect the pine nuts 6 each year, and store them up in advance. A man does not have more than one wife. There are estufas or hot rooms 7 1 See p. 300, note 1. 2 See p. 315, note 1. 3 Identical with the dress of the Zufli women of to-day. Rabbit-skin robes have been replaced by woollen blankets, like those woven by the Navaho, who learned the art from the Pueblos. The rabbit-skin robes are now manufactured chiefly by the Paiutes, the Pueblos having almost ceased to make them. 4 This custom has been abandoned except by the Hopi maidens, who still wear their hair in picturesque whorls, one on each side of the head, until married. 5 See p. 308, note 3. This entire description is characteristic of the present Zuiii country, except that game is not so abundant. 6 Pinon nuts, which are still gathered in large quantities. 7 The kivas, or ceremonial chambers, of which there are usually several in each pueblo. It is in these that most of the secret rites are performed. 1541] EXPEDITION OF CORONADO 351 in the villages, which are the courtyards or places where they gather for consultation. They do not have chiefs as in New Spain, but are ruled by a council of the oldest men. They have priests who preach to them, whom they call papas. 1 These are the elders. They go up on the highest roof of the village and preach to the village from there, like public criers, in the morning while the sun is rising, the whole village being silent and sitting in the galleries to listen. 2 They tell them how they are to live, and I believe that they give certain commandments for them to keep, for there is no drunkenness among them nor sodomy nor sacrifices, neither do they eat human flesh nor steal, but they are usually at work. The estufas belong to the whole village. 3 It is a sacrilege for the women to go into the estufas to sleep. They make the cross as a sign of peace. They burn their dead, and throw the implements used in their work into the fire with the bodies. 4 It is twenty leagues to Tusayan, 5 going northwest. This is a province with seven villages, of the same sort, dress, habits, and ceremonies as at Cibola. There may be as many as 3,000 or 4,000 men in the fourteen villages of these two provinces. 6 It is forty leagues or more to Tiguex, the road trending toward the north. The rock of Acuco, which we described in the first part, is between these. 1 Papa is a true Zufii word, signifying "elder brother," as distinguished from su-e, "younger brother." These terms allude both to age and to rank. 2 All public announcements are still made in this way. 3 Rather to the religious societies. Some of them belong exclusively to the women. 4 Excavations made at Halona, one of the Seven Cities of Cibola, yielded only skeletons that had been interred within the houses, beneath the floors. In the Salt River and Gila valleys, southern Arizona, this method was also practised, but in addition remains were cremated and deposited in earthen vessels in mounds near by. 5 See p. 307, note 1 ; p. 358, note 3. 6 This would indicate a population of 10,500 to 14,000, which is doubtless an excessive estimate for the sixteenth century. The present population of Zufii is 1514 ; of the Hopi villages, about 2000. 352 SPANISH EXPLORERS [1541 Chapter 4 Of how they live at Tiguex, and of the province of Tiguex and its neighborhood. Tiguex is a province with twelve villages on the banks of a large, mighty river ; some villages on one side and some on the other. 1 It is a spacious valley two leagues wide, and a very high, rough, snow-covered mountain chain lies east of it. 2 There are seven villages in the ridges at the foot of this — four on the plain and three situated on the skirts of the moun- tain. There are seven villages seven leagues to the north, at Quirix, and the seven villages of the province of Hemes are forty leagues northeast [northwest]. It is forty leagues north or east to Acha, 3 and four leagues southeast 4 to Tutahaco, a province with eight villages. In general, these villages all have the same habits and customs, although some have some things in particular which the others have not. They are governed by the opinions of the elders. They all work to- gether to build the villages, the women being engaged in mak- ing the mixture and the walls, while the men bring the wood and put it in place. They have no lime, but they make a mixture of ashes, coals, and dirt which is almost as good as mortar, for when the house is to have four stories, they do not make the walls more than half a yard thick. They gather a great pile of twigs of thyme [sagebrush] and sedge grass and set it afire, and when it is half coals and ashes they throw a quantity of dirt and water on it and mix it all together. They make round balls of this, which they use instead of stones after they are dry, fixing them with the same mixture, which 1 The Rio Grande, as previously described. 2 The Sandia Mountains. 3 The pueblo of Picuris, about twenty miles south of Taos. This is a Tigua village of about 125 inhabitants. 4 Compare the previous reference to Tutahaco (p. 314). Both the distance and the direction here given seem to be erroneous. 1541] EXPEDITION OF COKONADO 353 comes to be like a stiff clay. Before they are married the young men serve the whole village in general, and fetch the wood that is needed for use, putting it in a pile in the court- yard of the villages, from which the women take it to carry to their houses. 1 The young men live in the estufas, which are in the yards of the village. They are underground, square or round, with pine pillars. Some were seen with twelve pillars and with four in the centre as large as two men could stretch around. They usually had three or four pillars. The floor was made of large, smooth stones, like the baths which they have in Europe. They have a hearth made like the binnacle or compass box of a ship, in which they burn a handful of thyme at a time to keep up the heat, and they can stay in there just as in a bath. The top was on a level with the ground. Some that were seen were large enough for a game of ball. When any man wishes to marry, it has to be arranged by those who gov- ern. The man has to spin and weave a blanket and place it before the woman, who covers herself with it and becomes his wife. 2 The houses belong to the women, the estufas to the men. If a man repudiates his woman, he has to go to the estufa. It is forbidden for women to sleep in the estufas, or to enter these for any purpose except to give their husbands or sons something to eat. The men spin and weave. The women bring up the children and prepare the food. The country is so fertile that they do not have to break up the ground the year round, but only have to sow the seed, which is presently covered by the fall of snow, and the ears come up under the snow. In one year they gather enough for seven. A very large number of cranes and wild geese and crows and starlings live on what is sown, and for all this, when they come to sow for another year, the fields are covered with corn which they have not been able to finish gathering. 1 This would indicate the existence of a true communal system that does not prevail at the present time. 2 See Voth, " Oraibi Marriage Customs," American Anthropologist, II. 238 (1900). 2a 354 SPANISH EXPLORERS [1541 There are a great many native fowl in these provinces, and cocks with great hanging chins. 1 When dead, these keep for sixty days, and longer in winter, without losing their feathers or opening, and without any bad smell, and the same is true of dead men. The villages are free from nuisances, because they go outside to excrete, and they pass their water into clay vessels, which they empty at a distance from the village. 2 They keep the separate houses where they prepare the food for eating and where they grind the meal, very clean. This is a separate room or closet, where they have a trough with three stones fixed in stiff clay. Three women go in here, each one having a stone, with which one of them breaks the corn, the next grinds it, and the third grinds it again. 3 They take off their shoes, do up their hair, shake their clothes, and cover their heads before they enter the door. A man sits at the door playing on a fife while they grind, moving the stones to the music and singing together. They grind a large quantity at one time, be- cause they make all their bread of meal soaked in warm water, like wafers. They gather a great quantity of brushwood and dry it to use for cooking all through the year. There are no fruits good to eat in the country, except the pine nuts. They have their preachers. Sodomy is not found among them. They do not eat human flesh nor make sacrifices of it. The people are not cruel, for they had Francisco de Ovando in Tiguex about forty days, after he was dead, and when the vil- lage was captured, he was found among their dead, whole and without any other wound except the one which killed him, white as snow, without any bad smell. I found out several things about them from one of our Indians, who had been a captive among them for a whole year. I asked him especially 1 The American turkey cocks. 2 A custom still common at Zufii and other pueblos. Before the introduc- tion of manufactured dyes the Pueblos used urine as a mordant. 3 See Mindeleff's " Pueblo Architecture," in the Eighth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, p. 208; also Cushing, " Zufii Breadstuff," in The Millstone (Indianapolis, 1884-1885). 1541] EXPEDITION OF CORONADO 355 for the reason why the young women in that province went entirely naked, however cold it might be, and he told me that the virgins had to go around this way until they took a hus- band, and that they covered themselves after they had known man. The men here wear little shirts of tanned deerskin and their long robes over this. In all these provinces they have earthenware glazed with antimony and jars of extraordinary labor and workmanship, which were worth seeing. 1 Chapter 5 Of Cicuye and the villages in its neighborhood, and of how some people came to conquer this country. We have already said that the people of Tiguex and of all the provinces on the banks of that river were all alike, having the same ways of living and the same customs. It will not be necessary to say anything particular about them. I wish merely to give an account of Cicuye and some depopulated villages which the army saw on the direct road which it fol- lowed thither, and of others that were across the snowy moun- tains near Tiguex, which also lay in that region above the river. Cicuye 2 is a village of nearly five hundred warriors, who 1 A number of memoirs on the pottery of the ancient Pueblos may be consulted in the Annual Reports of the Bureau of American Ethnology. 2 This is Pecos, the largest pueblo of New Mexico in the sixteenth cen- tury and for a long time after. Its people belonged to the Tanoan family, although their language was understood only by the Jemez villagers, their nearest kindred. It was the scene of the missionary labors of Fray Luis Descalona, who remained behind when Coronado returned to Mexico in 1542, but he was probably killed before the close of that year. Pecos became the seat of an important Franciscan mission early in the seventeenth century, but it began to decline after the revolt of 1680-1692, and in 1838 the half- dozen survivors removed to Jemez, where one of them still (1906) lives. Cicuye is the Isleta, or Tigua, name for Pecos, while "Pecos" itself is the Keresan, or Queres, appellation, with the Spanish-English plural. The ruins of the town are plainly visible from the Santa Fe Railway. See Bandelier in Papers of the Archaeological Institute of America, Amer. ser., I. (1881) ; Hewett in American Anthropologist, n. s., VI. No. 4, 1904. 356 SPANISH EXPLORERS [1541 are feared throughout that country. It is square, situated on a rock, with a large court or yard in the middle, containing the estufas. The houses are all alike, four stories high. One can go over the top of the whole village without there being a street to hinder. There are corridors going all around it at the first two stories, by which one can go around the whole village. These are like outside balconies, and they are able to protect themselves under these. The houses do not have doors below, but they use ladders, which can be lifted up like a drawbridge, and so go up to the corridors which are on the inside of the village. As the doors of the houses open on the corridor of that story, the corridor serves as a street. The houses that open on the plain are right back of those that open on the court, and in time of war they go through those behind them. The village is enclosed by a low wall of stone. There is a spring of water inside, which they are able to divert. 1 The people of this village boast that no one has been able to conquer them and that they conquer whatever villages they wish. The people and their customs are like those of the other villages. Their virgins also go nude until they take husbands, because they say that if they do anything wrong then it will be seen, and so they do not do it. They do not need to be ashamed because they go around as they were born. There is a village, small and strong, between Cicuye and the province of Quirix, which the Spaniards named Ximena, 2 and another village almost deserted, only one part of which is inhabited. 3 This was a large village, and judging from its condition and newness it appeared to have been destroyed. They called this the village of the granaries (silos), because large underground cellars were found here stored with corn. There was another large village farther on, entirely destroyed and 1 The spring was "still trickling out beneath a massive ledge of rocks on ibe west sill" when Bandelier (op. cit.) sketched it in 1880. 2 The former Tanos pueblo of Galisteo, a mile and a half northeast of the present town of the same name. 3 According to Mota Padilla, Historia de la Conquista, 1742 (Mexico, 1870), this was called Coquite. 1541] EXPEDITION OF CORONADO 357 pulled down, in the yards of which there were many stone balls, as big as twelve-quart bowls, which seemed to have been thrown by engines or catapults, which had destroyed the village. All that I was able to find out about them was that, sixteen years before, some people called Teyas 1 had come to this coun- try in great numbers and had destroyed these villages. They had besieged Cicuye but had not been able to capture it, be- cause it was strong, and when they left the region, they had made peace with the whole country. It seems as if they must have been a powerful people, and that they must have had en- gines to knock down the villages. The only thing they could tell about the direction these people came from was by pointing toward the north. They usually call these people Teyas or brave men, just as the Mexicans say chichimecas or braves, 2 for the Teyas whom the army saw were brave. These knew the people in the settlements, and were friendly with them, and they (the Teyas of the plains) went there to spend the winter under the wings of the settlements. The' inhabitants do not dare to let them come inside, because they can not trust them. Although they are received as friends, and trade with them, they do not stay in the villages over night, but outside under the wings. The villages are guarded by sentinels with trumpets, who call to one another just as in the fortresses of Spain. There are seven other villages along this route, toward the snowy mountains, 3 one of which has been half destroyed by the people already referred to. These were under the rule of Cicuye. Cicuye is in a little valley between mountain chains and moun- tains covered with large pine forests. There is a little stream 4 which contains very good trout and otters, and there are very large bears and good falcons hereabouts. 1 These Indians were seen by Coronado during his journey across the plains. See p. 333, note 3. 2 The name applied in Mexico at the time to any warlike, unsubdued tribe. 3 The mountains to the north, in which the Rio Pecos has its source. * The Rio Pecos, still noted for trout. 358 SPANISH EXPLOBERS [1541 Chapter 6 Which gives the number of villages which were seen in the country of the terraced houses, and their population. Before I proceed to speak of the plains, with the cows and settlements and tribes there, it seems to me that it will be well for the reader to know how large the settlements were, where the houses with stories, gathered into villages, were seen, and how great an extent of country they occupied. 1 As I say, Cibola is the first: Cibola, seven villages. 2 Tusayan, seven villages. 3 The rock of Acuco, one. 4 Tiguex, twelve villages. 5 Tutahaco, eight villages. 6 These villages were below the river. 7 Quirix, seven villages. 8 In the snowy mountains, seven villages. 9 Ximena, three villages. 10 1 Only the pueblos of Acoma and Isleta occupy their sixteenth-century sites, all the other villages having shifted their locations after the great revolt of 1680-1692, when the Spaniards granted specific tracts of land, usually a league square, later confirmed to the Indians by Congress under the provi- sions of the treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo. 2 Zufii, including the pueblos of Halona, Matsaki, Kiakima, Hawiku, Kyanawe, and two others which have not been identified with certainty. 3 The Hopi villages, among them being Awatobi (destroyed at the begin- ning of the eighteenth century), Oraibi, Walpi, Mishongnovi, Shongopovi, and Shupaulovi. The remaining pueblo has not been determined absolutely. Sichomovi and Hano are comparatively modern. 4 Acoma. See p. 311, note 2. 6 The Tigua pueblos; see p. 312, note 2. 6 See p. 314, note 1. 7 Meaning that the provinces of Tiguex and Tutahaco were those farthest down the valley. 8 The pueblos of the Que res, or Keresan, family. See p. 327, note 3. 9 Toward the north, in the direction of Santa Fe. 10 Ximena itself was Galisteo. The others were "Coquite" and the " Pueblo de los Silos." See p. 356, notes 2 and 3. 1541] EXPEDITION OF CORONADO 359 Cicuye, one village. 1 Hemes, seven villages. 2 Aguas Calientes, or Boiling Springs, three villages. 3 Yuqueyunque, in the mountains, six villages. 4 Valladolid, called Braba, one village. 5 Chia, one village. 6 In all, there are sixty-six villages. 7 Tiguex appears to be in the centre of the villages. Valladolid is the farthest up the river toward the northeast. The four villages down the river are toward the southeast, because the river turns toward the east. 8 It is 130 leagues — ten more or less — from the farthest point that was seen down the river to the farthest point up the river, and all the settlements are within this region. Including those at a distance, there are sixty-six villages in all, as I have said, and in all of them there may be some 20,000 men, which may be taken to be a fair estimate of the population of the villages. 9 There are no houses or other buildings between one 1 Pecos. See p. 355, note 2. 2 Jemez, including Giusiwa, Amushungkwa, Patoqua, and Astyalakwa. There are many ruins in the vicinity, including those of a large Spanish church at Giusiwa. Evidently some of the Sia villages are here included. 3 The Jemez villages about the Jemez Hot Springs, above the present Jemez pueblo. Castaneda here duplicates his provinces somewhat, as the Aguas Calientes pueblos were Jemez, Giusiwa being one of the most prominent. 4 See p. 340, note 1. This group of Tewa villages doubtless included San Juan, Santa Clara, San Ildefonso, Tesuque, Nambe, Pojoaque, and Yukiwingge. Jacona, Cuyamunque, and others were also occupied by the Tewas during this period, no doubt, but these may have been included in Castaneda 's province of the Snowy Mountains. 5 Taos. See p. 340, note 4. 6 Sia, a Queres pueblo, probably included, with Santa Ana, in his " Quirix " group, above. 7 Castaneda lists seventy-one, probably having added others without altering the total here given. 8 The trend of the Rio Grande is really southwestward until after the southern limit of the old Pueblo settlements is passed. Perhaps Castaneda had in mind the southeastward course of the stream farther south ' ' toward Florida, " as mentioned later in this paragraph. He is probably here speaking from hearsay, as the exploration downstream was not made by the main body. 9 This would give a total Pueblo population of about 70,000, whereas it could scarcely have much exceeded Castaneda 's estimated number of men alone. 360 SPANISH EXPLORERS [1541 village and another, but where we went it is entirely unin- habited. These people, since they are few, and their manners, government, and habits are so different from all the nations that have been seen and discovered in these western regions, must come from that part of Greater India, the coast of which lies to the west of this country, for they could have come down from that country, crossing the mountain chains and following down the river, settling in what seemed to them the best place. As they multiplied, they have kept on making settlements until they lost the river when it buried itself underground, its course being in the direction of Florida. It [the Rio Grande] comes down from the northeast, where they [Coronado's army] could certainly have found signs of villages. He [Coronado] preferred, however, to follow the reports of the Turk, but it would have been better to cross the mountains where this river rises. I believe they would have found traces of riches and would have reached the lands from which these people started, which from its location is on the edge of Greater India, al- though the region is neither known nor understood, because from the trend of the coast it appears that the land between Norway and China is very far up. The country from sea to sea is very wide, judging from the location of both coasts, as well as from what Captain Villalobos discovered when he went in search of China by the sea to the west, 1 and from what has been discovered on the North Sea concerning the trend of the coast of Florida toward the Bacallaos, up toward Norway. 2 To return then to the proposition with which I began, I say that the settlements and people already named were all that were seen in a region seventy leagues wide and 130 long, in the 1 Ruy Lopez de Villalobos sailed from Acapulco, Mexico, in command of four vessels, in 1542, discovered the Caroline and Pelew archipelagos and sighted Caesarea Caroli, believed to be Luzon, of the Philippine group. Later he established a colony on an island which he called Antonio or Sara- gan. Supplies failing, he despatched three of the vessels to Mexico, but these were wrecked. Forced by hunger to flee to Amboina, Villalobos was im- prisoned by the Portuguese. One of his men, escaping, carried the news to Mexico in 1549. 2 "The Spanish text," remarks Mr. Winship, "fully justifies Castafieda's statement that he was not skilled in the arts of rhetoric and geography." 1541] EXPEDITION OF CORONADO 361 settled country along the river Tiguex. 1 In New Spain there are not one but many establishments containing a larger num- ber of people. Silver metals 2 were found in many of their villages, which they use for glazing and painting their earthen- ware. Chapter 7 Which treats of the plains that were crossed, of the cows, and of the people who inhabit them. We have spoken of the settlements of high houses which are situated in what seems to be the most level and open part of the mountains, since it is 150 leagues across before entering the level country between the two mountain chains which I said were near the North Sea and the South Sea, which might better be called the Western Sea along this coast. This mountain series is the one which is near the South Sea. In order to show that the settlements are in the middle of the mountains, I will state that it is eighty leagues from Chichilticalli, where we be- gan to cross this country, to Cibola ; from Cibola, which is the first village, to Cicuye, which is the last on the way across, is seventy leagues; it is thirty leagues from Cicuye to where the plains begin. It may be we went across in an indirect or roundabout way, which would make it seem as if there was more country than if it had been crossed in a direct line, 3 and it may be more difficult and rougher. This can not be known certainly, because the mountains change their direction above the bay at the mouth of the Firebrand (Tizon) River. 4 Now we will speak of the plains. The country is spacious and level, and is more than 400 leagues wide in the part between 1 Castaneda here contradicts himself, as Pecos, Acoma, and the Zufii and Tusayan groups of pueblos are not in the valley of the Rio Grande. 2 Previously called antimony. See p. 355, note 1. 3 After leaving Cicuye (Pecos) the army marched down the river for four days, crossed the stream over a bridge that they had built, and then reached the Staked Plain of Texas by travelling first a northeasterly then a south- easterlv course. See Pt. 1, chap. 19. 4 The Rio Colorado. 362 SPANISH EXPLORERS [1541 the two mountain ranges — one, that which Francisco Vazquez Coronado crossed, and the other that which the force under Don Fernando de Soto crossed, near the North Sea, entering the country from Florida. No settlements were seen anywhere on these plains. 1 In traversing 250 leagues, the other mountain range was not seen, nor a hill nor a hillock which was three times as high as a man. Several lakes were found at intervals ; they were round as plates, a stone's throw or more across, some fresh and some salt. 2 The grass grows tall near these lakes ; away from them it is very short, a span or less. The country is like a bowl, so that when a man sits down, the horizon surrounds him all around at the distance of a musket shot. There are no groves of trees except at the rivers, which flow at the bottom of some ravines where the trees grow so thick that they were not noticed until one was right on the edge of them. They are of dead earth. There are paths down into these, made by the cows when they go to the water, which is essential throughout these plains. As I have related in the first part, people follow the cows, hunting them and tanning the skins to take to the settle- ments in the winter to sell, since they go there to pass the win- ter, each company going to those which are nearest, some to the settlements at Cicuye, others toward Quivira, and others to the settlements which are situated in the direction of Florida. These people are called Querechos and Teyas. They de- scribed some large settlements, and judging from what was seen of these people and from the accounts they gave of other places, there are a good many more of these people than there are of those at the settlements. They have better figures, are better warriors, and are more feared. They travel like the Arabs, with their tents and troops of dogs loaded with poles 3 1 That is, if the writer overlooks the settlements (one of them called Cona) in the ravines of the headwaters of the Texas streams, about the eastern escarpment of the Staked Plain, previously mentioned. 2 The salt lakes near the Texas-New Mexico boundary. Further allusion to these salt lakes is made in Pt. 1, chap. 21. 3 The well-known travois of the plains tribes. The poles were those used to support the tents, or tipis, and were usually of cedar. 1541] EXPEDITION OF CORONADO 363 and having Moorish pack-saddles with girths. When the load gets disarranged, the dogs howl, calling some one to fix them right. These people eat raw flesh and drink blood. They do not eat human flesh. 1 They are a kind people and not cruel. They are faithful friends. They are able to make themselves very well understood by means of signs. 2 They dry the flesh in the sun, cutting it thin like a leaf, 3 and when dry they grind it like meal to keep it and make a sort of sea soup of it to eat. A handful thrown into a pot swells up so as to increase very much. They season it with fat, which they always try to secure when they kill a cow. 4 They empty a large gut and fill it with blood, and carry this around the neck to drink when they are thirsty. When they open the belly of a cow, they squeeze out the chewed grass and drink the juice that remains behind, because they say that this contains the essence of the stomach. They cut the hide open at the back and pull it off at the joints, using a flint as large as a finger, tied in a little stick, with as much ease as if working with a good iron tool. They give it an edge with their own teeth. The quickness with which they do this is something worth seeing and noting. There are very great numbers of wolves on these plains, which go around with the cows. They have white skins. The deer are pied with white. Their skin is loose, so that when they are killed it can be pulled off with the hand while warm, com- ing off like pigskin. The rabbits, which are very numerous, are so foolish that those on horseback killed them with their lances. This is when they are mounted among the cows. They fly from a person on foot. 1 Some of the tribes of Texas, however, especially the Attacapa and the Tonka wa, were noted as cannibals. 2 The sign language was in general use among the tribes of the great plains, rendered necessary by the diversity of languages. See Mallery, Introduction to the Study of Sign Language (Washington, 1880) ; Clark, Indian Sign Lan- guage (1885). 3 The "jerked beef" of the later frontiersmen. 4 The pemmican of the Indians. 364 SPANISH EXPLORERS [1541 Chapter 8 Of Quivira, of where it is and some information about it. Quivira is to the west 1 of those ravines, in the midst of the country, somewhat nearer the mountains toward the sea, for the country is level as far as Quivira, and there they began to see some mountain chains. The country is well settled. Judging from what was seen on the borders of it, this country is very similar to that of Spain in the varieties of vegetation and fruits. There are plums like those of Castile, grapes, nuts, mulberries, oats, pennyroyal, wild marjoram, and large quan- tities of flax, but this does not do them any good, because they do not know how to use it. 2 The people are of almost the same sort and appearance as the Teyas. They have villages like those in New Spain. The houses are round, without a wall, and they have one story like a loft, under the roof, where they sleep and keep their belongings. The roofs are of straw. 3 There are other thickly settled provinces around it containing large numbers of men. A friar named Juan de Padilla remained in this province, together with a Spanish-Portuguese and a negro and a half-blood and some Indians from the province of Capo- than, 4 in New Spain. They killed the friar because he wanted to go to the province of the Guas, 5 who were their enemies. The Spaniard escaped by taking flight on a mare, and afterward reached New Spain, coming out by way of Panuco. The Ind- ians from New Spain who accompanied the friar were allowed 1 Castaneda is sometimes confused in his directions. In this instance unless " west " (poniente) is a slip of the pen, he evidently forgot that the army travelled for weeks to the north, "by the needle," after journeying for some distance toward sunrise from the ravines of western Texas. 2 This flora is characteristic of the upper plains generally, and the passage has been quoted by students of the route to show that Quivira lay both in Kansas and in Nebraska. 3 Note the character of the houses as one of the chief means of deter- mining the inhabitants of Quivira. See p. 337, note 1. 4 The Jaramillo narrative says Capottan or Capotean. B Possibly the Kaw or Kansa Indians. See Pt. 3, chap. 4. 1541] EXPEDITION OF CORONADO 365 by the murderers to bury him, and then they followed the Spaniard and overtook him. This Spaniard was a Portuguese, named Campo. 1 The great river of the Holy Spirit (Espiritu Santo), 2 which Don Fernando de Soto discovered in the country of Florida, flows through this country. It passes through a province called Arache, 3 according to the reliable accounts which were obtained here. The sources were not visited, because, accord- ing to what they said, it comes from a very distant country in the mountains of the South Sea, from the part that sheds its waters onto the plains. It flows across all the level country and breaks through the mountains of the North Sea, and comes out where the people with Don Fernando de Soto navigated it. This is more than 300 leagues from where it enters the sea. 4 On account of this, and also because it has large tributaries, it is so mighty when it enters the sea that they lost sight of the land before the water ceased to be fresh. 5 This country of Quivira was the last that was seen, of which I am able to give any description or information. Now it is proper for me to return and speak of the army, which I left in Tiguex, resting for the winter, so that it would be able to proceed or return in search of these settlements of Quivira, which was not accomplished after all, because it was God's pleasure that these discoveries should remain for other peo- ples and that we who had been there should content ourselves with saying that we were the first who discovered it and ob- tained any information concerning it, just as Hercules knew 1 Compare Herrera, Historia General, dec. vi., lib. ix., cap. xn., Vol. III., p. 207 (ed. 1730) ; Gomara, Historia General, cap. ccxiin. (1553) ; Mota Padilla, Historia de la Conquista, 1742, p. 167 (1870) ; and specially Bande- lier in American Catholic Quarterly Review, XV. 551-565 (Philadelphia, July, 1890). 2 The Missouri-Mississippi. 3 The Harahey of Jaramillo's account — evidently the Pawnee country, about the Platte River, Nebraska. The " Relacion del Suceso," Fourteenth Report of the Bureau of Ethnology (Washington, 1896), spells it Harale. 4 The North and the South seas are the Atlantic and the Pacific oceans respectively. 5 See Cabeza de Vaca's narrative in the present volume. 366 SPANISH EXPLORERS [1541 the site where Julius Caesar was to found Seville or Hispales. May the all-powerful Lord grant that His will be done in every- thing. It is certain that if this had not been His will Francisco Vazquez [Coronado] would not have returned to New Spain without cause or reason, as he did, and that it would not have been left for those with Don Fernando de Soto to settle such a good country, as they have done, and besides settling it to increase its extent, after obtaining, as they did, information from our army. 1 THIRD PART Which describes what happened to Francisco Vazquez Coronado during the winter, and how he gave up the expedition and returned to New Spain. Laus Deo Chapter 1 Of how Don Pedro de Tovar came from Senora with some men, and Don Garcia Lopez de Cardenas started back to New Spain. At the end of the first part of this book, we told how Fran- cisco Vazquez Coronado, when he got back from Quivira, gave orders to winter at Tiguex, in order to return, when the winter was over, with his whole army to discover all the settlements in those regions. Don Pedro de Tovar, who had gone, as we related, to conduct a force from the city of San Hieronimo, arrived in the meantime with the men whom he had brought. 1 Mr. Winship calls attention to Mota Padilla's reasons for the failure of the expedition : "It was most likely the chastisement of God that riches were not found on this expedition, because, when this ought to have been the sec- ondary object of the expedition, and the conversion of all those heathen their first aim, they bartered with fate and struggled after the secondary ; and thus the misfortune is not so much that all those labors were without fruit, but the worst is that such a number of souls have remained in their blindness." Historia de la Conquista, 1742, p. 166 (repr. 1870). 1541] EXPEDITION OF CORONADO 367 He had not selected the rebels and seditious men there, but the most experienced ones and the best soldiers — men whom he could trust — wisely considering that he ought to have good men in order to go in search of his general in the country of the Indian called Turk. Although they found the army at Tiguex when they arrived there, this did not please them much, be- cause they had come with great expectations, believing that they would find their general in the rich country of the Indian called Turk. They consoled themselves with the hope of going back there, and lived in anticipation of the pleasure of under- taking this return expedition which the army would soon make to Quivira. Don Pedro de Tovar brought letters from New Spain, both from the viceroy, Don Antonio de Mendoza, and from individuals. Among these was one for Don Garcia Lopez de Cardenas, which informed him of the death of his brother, the heir, and summoned him to Spain to receive the inheritance. On this account he was given permission, and left Tiguex with several other persons who received permission to go and settle their affairs. 1 There were many others who would have liked to go, but did not, in order not to appear faint- hearted. During this time the general endeavored to pacify several villages in the neighborhood which were not well dis- posed, and to make peace with the people at Tiguex. He tried also to procure some of the cloth of the country, because the soldiers were almost naked and poorly clothed, full of lice, which they were unable to get rid of or avoid. The general, Francisco Vazquez Coronado, had been beloved and obeyed by his captains and soldiers as heartily as any of those who have ever started out in the Indies. Necessity knows no law, and the captains who collected the cloth divided it badly, taking the best for themselves and their friends and soldiers, and leaving the rest for the soldiers, and so there began 1 According to the Relation del Suceso : " Don Garcia Lopez de Cardenas started off for Mexico, who, besides the fact that his arm was very bad, had permission from the viceroy on account of the death of his brother. Ten or twelve who were sick went with him, and not a man among them all who could fight." Cardenas, it will be recalled, had broken his arm. See Pt. 1, chap. 19. 368 SPANISH EXPLORERS [1541 to be some angry murmuring on account of this. Others also complained because they noticed that some favored ones were spared in the work and in the watches and received better por- tions of what was divided, both of cloth and food. On this account it is thought that they began to say that there was nothing in the country of Quivira which was worth returning for, which was no slight cause of what afterward happened, as will be seen. Chapter 2 Of the general's fall, and of how the return to New Spain was ordered. After the winter 1 was over, the return to Quivira was an- nounced, and the men began to prepare the things needed. Since nothing in this life is at the disposition of men, but all is under the ordination of Almighty God, it was His will that we should not accomplish this, and so it happened that one feast day the general went out on horseback to amuse himself, as usual, riding with the captain Don Rodrigo Maldonado. He was on a powerful horse, and his servants had put on a new girth, which must have been rotten at the time, for it broke during the race and he fell over on the side where Don Rod- rigo was, and as his horse passed over him it hit his head with its hoof, which laid him at the point of death, and his recovery was slow and doubtful. During this time, while he was in his bed, Don Garcia Lopez de Cardenas, who had started to go to New Spain, came back in flight from Suya, because he had found that town deserted and the people and horses and cattle all dead. 2 When he reached Tiguex and learned the sad news that the general was near his end, as already related, they did not dare to tell him until he had recovered, and when he finally got up 1 Of 1541-1542. 2 Cardenas had "reached the town of the Spaniards and found it burned and two Spaniards and many Indians and horses dead, and he returned to the river on this account." (Relation del Suceso.) 1542] EXPEDITION" OF COKONADO 369 and learned of it, it affected him so much that he had to go back to bed again. He may have done this in order to bring about what he afterward accomplished, as was believed later. It was while he was in this condition that he recollected what a scientific friend of his in Salamanca had told him, that he would become a powerful lord in distant lands, and that he would have a fall from which he would never be able to recover. This expectation of death made him desire to return and die where he had a wife and children. As the physician and sur- geon who was doctoring him, and also acted as a talebearer, suppressed the murmurings that were going about among the soldiers, he treated secretly and underhandedly with several gentlemen who agreed with him. They set the soldiers to talking about going back to New Spain, in little knots and gatherings, and induced them to hold consultations about it, and had them send papers to the general, signed by all the soldiers, through their ensigns, asking for this. They all entered into it readily, and not much time needed to be spent, since many desired it already. When they asked him, the general acted as if he did not want to do it, but all the gentlemen and captains supported them, giving him their signed opinions, and as some were in this, they could give it at once, and they even persuaded others to do the same. Thus they made it seem as if they ought to return to New Spain, because they had not found any riches, nor had they discovered any settled country out of which estates could be formed for all the army. When he had obtained their signatures, the return to New Spain was at once announced, and since nothing can ever be concealed, the double dealing began to be understood, and many of the gentlemen found that they had been deceived and had made a mistake. They tried in every way to get their signa- tures back again from the general, who guarded them so care- fully that he did not go out of one room, making his sickness seem very much worse, and putting guards about his person and room, and at night about the floor on which he slept. In spite of all this, they stole his chest, and it is said that they did not find their signatures in it, because he kept them in his 2b 370 SPANISH EXPLORERS [1541 mattress ; on the other hand, it is said that they did recover them. They asked the general to give them sixty picked men, with whom they would remain and hold the country until the viceroy could send them support, or recall them, or else that the general would leave them the army and pick out sixty men to go back with him. But the soldiers did not want to remain either way, some because they had turned their prow toward New Spain, and others because they saw clearly the trouble that would arise over who should have the command. The gentle- men, I do not know whether because they had sworn fidelity or because they feared that the soldiers would not support them, did what had been decided on, although with an ill-will, and from this time on they did not obey the general as readily as formerly, and they did not show any affection for him. He made much of the soldiers and humored them, with the result that he did what he desired and secured the return of the whole army. Chapter 3 Of the rebellion at Suya and the reasons the settlers gave for it. We have already stated in the last chapter that Don Garcia Lopez de Cardenas came back from Suya in flight, hav- ing found that country risen in rebellion. He told how and why that town was deserted, which occurred as I will relate. The entirely worthless fellows were all who had been left in that town, the mutinous and seditious men, besides a few who were honored with the charge of public affairs and who were left to govern the others. Thus the bad dispositions of the worthless secured the power, and they held daily meetings and councils and declared that they had been betrayed and were not going to be rescued, since the others had been directed to go through another part of the country, where there was a more convenient route to New Spain, which was not so, be- cause they were still almost on the direct road. This talk led some of them to revolt, and they chose one Pedro de Avila as their captain. They went back to Culiacan, leaving the cap- 1541] EXPEDITION OF COKONADO 371 tain, Diego de Alcaraz, sick in the town of San Hieronimo, with only a small force. He did not have anyone whom he could send after them to compel them to return. They killed a number of people at several villages along the way. Finally they reached Culiacan, where Hernando Arias de Saabedra, 1 who was waiting for Juan Gallego to come back from New Spain with a force, detained them by means of promises, so that Gallego could take them back. Some who feared what might happen to them ran away one night to New Spain. Diego de Alcaraz, who had remained at Suya with a small force, sick, was not able to hold his position, . although he would have liked to, on account of the poisonous herb which the natives use. 2 When these noticed how weak the Span- iards were, they did not continue to trade with them as they formerly had done. Veins of gold had already been discov- ered before this, but they were unable to work these, because the country was at war. The disturbance was so great that they did not cease to keep watch and to be more than usually careful. The town was situated on a little river. 3 One night they suddenly saw fires which they were not accustomed to, and on this account they doubled the watches, but not having noticed anything during the whole night, they grew careless along toward morning, and the enemy entered the village so silently that they were not seen until they began to kill and plunder. A number of men reached the plain as well as they could, but while they were getting out the captain was mortally wounded. Several Spaniards came back on some horses after they had recovered themselves and attacked the enemy, rescuing some, though only a few. The enemy went off with the booty, leav- ing three Spaniards killed 4 besides many of the servants and more than twenty horses. 1 Compare the spelling of this name on p. 297. 2 That is, to poison their arrows. 3 The San Pedro, in Sonora near the Arizona boundary. The Indians who made this attack may have been the Sobaipuri. 4 See p. 368, note 2. 372 SPANISH EXPLORERS [1542 The Spaniards who survived started off the same day on foot ; not having any horses. They went toward Culiacan, keeping away from the roads, and did not find any food until they reached Corazones where the Indians, like the good friends they have always been, provided them with food. From here they continued to Culiacan, undergoing great hard- ships. Hernandarias de Saabedra, the mayor, received them and entertained them as well as he could until Juan Gallego arrived with the reinforcements which he was conducting, on his way to find the army. He was not a little troubled at finding that post deserted, when he expected that the army would be in the rich country which had been described by the Indian called Turk, because he looked like one. Chapter 4 Of how Friar Juan de Padilla and Friar Luis remained in the country and the army prepared to return to Mexico. When the general, Francisco Vasquez, saw that every- thing was now quiet, and that his schemes had gone as he wished, he ordered that everything should be ready to start on the return to New Spain by the beginning of the month of April, in the year 1543 [1542]. Seeing this, Friar Juan de Padilla, a regular brother of the lesser order, and another, Friar Luis, 1 a lay brother, told the general that they wanted to remain in that country — Friar Juan de Padilla in Quivira, because his teachings seemed to promise fruit there, and Friar Luis at Cicuye. On this ac- count, as it was Lent at the time, the father made this the subject of his sermon to the companies one Sunday, establish- ing his proposition on the authority of the Holy Scriptures. He declared his zeal for the conversion of these peoples and his desire to draw them to the faith, and stated that he had received permission to do it, although this was not necessary. 1 Fray Luis Descalona, or De Escalona, or De Ubeda. For references on these friars, see p. 365, note 1. See also p. 355, note 2. 1542] EXPEDITION OF CORONADO 373 The general sent a company to escort them as far as Cicuye, where Friar Luis stopped, while Friar Juan went on back to Quivira with the guides who had conducted the general, tak- ing with him the Portuguese, as we related, and the half-blood, and the Indians from New Spain. He was martyred a short time after he arrived there, as we related in the second part, Chapter 8. Thus we may be sure that he died a martyr, because his zeal was holy and earnest. Friar Luis remained at Cicuye. Nothing more has been heard about him since, but before the army left Tiguex some men who went to take him a number of sheep that were left for him to keep, met him as he was on his way to visit some other villages, which were fifteen or twenty leagues from Ci- cuye, accompanied by some followers. He felt very hopeful that he was liked at the village and that his teaching would bear fruit, although he complained that the old men were falling away from him. I, for my part, believe that they finally killed him. He was a man of good and holy life, and may Our Lord protect him and grant that he may convert many of those peoples, and end his days in guiding them in the faith. We do not need to believe otherwise, for the peo- ple in those parts are pious and not at all cruel. They are friends, or rather, enemies of cruelty, and they remained faith- ful and loyal friends. 1 1 Gen. W. W. H. Davis, in his Spanish Conquest of New Mexico, p. 231, gives the following extract, translated from an old Spanish MS. at Santa Fe : "When Coronado returned to Mexico, he left behind him, among the Indians of Cibola, the father Fray Francisco Juan de Padilla, the father Fray Juan de la Cruz, and a Portuguese named Andres del Campo. Soon after the Span- iards departed, Padilla and the Portuguese set off in search of the country of the Grand Quivira, where the former understood there were innumerable souls to be saved. After travelling several days, they reached a large settle- ment in the Quivira country. The Indians came out to receive them in battle array, when the friar, knowing their intentions, told the Portuguese and his attendants to take to flight, while he would await their coming, in order that they might vent their fury on him as they ran. The former took to flight, and, placing themselves on a height within view, saw what happened to the friar. Padilla awaited their coming upon his knees, and when they arrived where he was they immediately put him to death. The same hap- pened to Juan de la Cruz, who was left behind at Cibola, which people killed 374 SPANISH EXPLORERS [1542 After the friars had gone, the general, fearing that they might be injured if people were carried away from that coun- try to New Spain, ordered the soldiers to let any of the natives who were held as servants go free to their villages whenever they might wish. In my opinion, though I am not sure, it would have been better if they had been kept and taught among Christians. The general was very happy and contented when the time arrived and everything needed for the journey was ready, and the army started from Tiguex on its way back to Cibola. One thing of no small note happened during this part of the trip. The horses were in good condition for their work when they started, fat and sleek, but more than thirty died during the ten days which it took to reach Cibola, and there was not a day in which two or three or more did not die. A large number of them also died afterward before reaching Culiacan, a thing that did not happen during all the rest of the journey. After the army reached Cibola, it rested before starting across the wilderness, because this was the last of the settle- ments in that country. The whole country was left well dis- posed and at peace, and several of our Indian allies remained there. 1 him. The Portuguese and his attendants made their escape, and ultimately arrived safely in Mexico, where he told what had occurred." In reply to a request for further information regarding this manuscript, General Davis stated that when he revisited Santa Fe, a few years ago, he learned that one of his successors in the post of governor of the territory, having despaired of dis- posing of the immense mass of old documents and records deposited in his office, by the slow process of using them to kindle fires, had sold the entire lot — an invaluable collection of material bearing on the history of the Southwest and its early European and native inhabitants — as junk. (Winship.) The governor referred to was Rev. William A. Pile, appointed by President >Grant and serving in 1869-1870. 1 When Antonio de Espejo visited Cibola, or Zufii, in 1583, he found three Indians, natives of Mexico, who had been left by Coronado but who had for- gotten their mother tongue. He also found crosses that had been erected by Coronado. 1542] EXPEDITION OF CORONADO 375 Chapter 5 Of how the army left the settlements and marched to Culiacan, and of what happened on the way. Leaving astern, as we might say, the settlements that had been discovered in the new land, of which, as I have said, the seven villages of Cibola were the first to be seen and the last that were left, the army started off, marching across the wil- derness. The natives kept following the rear of the army for two or three days, to pick up any baggage or servants, for although they were still at peace and had always been loyal friends, when they saw that we were going to leave the coun- try entirely, they were glad to get some of our people in their power, although I do not think that they wanted to injure them, from what I was told by some who were not willing to go back with them when they teased and asked them to. Altogether, they carried off several people besides those who had remained of their own accord, among whom good inter- preters could be found to-day. The wilderness was crossed without opposition, and on the second day before reaching Chichilticalli Juan Gallego met the army, as he was coming from New Spain with reenforcements of men and necessary supplies for the army, expecting that he would find the army in the country of the Indian called Turk. When Juan Gallego saw that the army was returning, the first thing he said was not, "I am glad you are coming back," and he did not like it any better after he had talked with the general. After he had reached the army, or rather the quarters, there was quite a little movement among the gentlemen toward going back with the new force which had made no slight exertions in com- ing thus far, having encounters every day with the Indians of these regions who had risen in revolt, as will be related. There was talk of making a settlement somewhere in that region until the viceroy could receive an account of what had occurred. Those soldiers who had come from the new lands would not agree to anything except the return to New Spain, so that 376 SPANISH EXPLORERS [1542 nothing came of the proposals made at the consultations, and although there was some opposition, they were finally quieted. Several of the mutineers who had deserted the town of Cora- zones came with Juan Gallego, who had given them his word as surety for their safety, and even if the general had wanted to punish them, his power was slight, for he had been dis- obeyed already and was not much respected. He began to be afraid again after this, and made himself sick, and kept a guard. In several places yells were heard and Indians seen, and some of the horses were wounded and killed, before Ba- tuco 1 was reached, where the friendly Indians from Corazones came to meet the army and see the general. They were al- ways friendly and had treated all the Spaniards who passed through their country well, furnishing them with what food they needed, and men, if they needed these. Our men had always treated them well and repaid them for these things. During this journey the juice of the quince was proved to be a good protection against the poison of the natives, because at one place, several days before reaching Senora, the hostile Indians wounded a Spaniard called Mesa, and he did not die, although the wound of the fresh poison is fatal, and there was a delay of over two hours before curing him with the juice. The poison, however, had left its mark upon him. The skin rotted and fell off until it left the bones and sinews bare, with a horrible smell. The wound was in the wrist, and the poison had reached as far as the shoulder when he was cured. The skin on all this fell off. The army proceeded without taking any rest, because the provisions had begun to fail by this time. These districts were in rebellion, and so there were not any victuals where the sol- diers could get them until they reached Petlatlan, although they made several forays into the cross country in search of 1 There were two settlements in Sonora bearing this name, one occupied by the Eudeve and the other by the Tegui division of the Opata. The latter village, which was probably the one referred to by Castafieda, was situated on the Rio de Oposura, a western tributary of the Yaqui, eight leagues east of San Jose Matape. It became the seat of the Jesuit mission of Santa Maria in 1629. 1542] EXPEDITION OF CORONADO 377 provisions. Petlatlan is in the province of Culiacan, and on this account was at peace, although they had several surprises after this. 1 The army rested here several days to get provi- sions. After leaving here they were able to travel more quickly than before, for the thirty leagues of the valley of Culiacan, where they were welcomed back again as people who came with their governor, who had suffered ill treatment. Chapter 6 Of how the general started from Culiacan to give the viceroy an account of the army with which he had been intrusted. It seemed, indeed, as if the arrival in the valley of Culiacan had ended the labors of this journey, partly because the gen- eral was governor there and partly because it was inhabited by Christians. On this account some began to disregard their superiors and the authority which their captains had over them, and some captains even forgot the obedience due to their general. Each one played his own game, so that while the general was marching toward the town, which was still ten leagues away, many of the men, or most of them, left him in order to rest in the valley, and some even proposed not to follow him. The general understood that he was not strong enough to compel them, although his position as governor gave him fresh authority. He determined to accomplish it by a better method, which was to order all the captains to pro- vide food and meat from the stores of several villages that were under his control as governor. He pretended to be sick, keeping his bed, so that those who had any business with him could speak to him or he with them more freely, without hin- drance or observation, and he kept sending for his particular friends in order to ask them to be sure to speak to the soldiers and encourage them to accompany him back to New Spain, and to tell them that he would request the viceroy, Don 1 See pp. 346, 347. Petatlan is an Aztec word signifying "place of the petates, " or mats, referring to the character of the native dwellings. 378 SPANISH EXPLORERS [1542 Antonio de Mendoza, to show them especial favor, and that he would do so himself for those who might wish to remain in his government. After this had been done, he started with his army at a very bad time, when the rains were beginning, for it was about Saint John's day, 1 at which season it rains con- tinuously. In the uninhabited country which they passed through as far as Compostela there are numerous very dan- gerous rivers, full of large and fierce alligators. While the army was halting at one of these rivers, a soldier who was crossing from one side to the other was seized, in sight of everybody, and carried off by an alligator without its being possible to help him. The general proceeded, leaving the men who did not want to follow him all along the way, and reached Mexico with less than 100 men. He made his report to the viceroy, Don Antonio de Mendoza, who did not receive him very graciously, although he gave him his discharge. His reputation was gone from this time on. He kept the govern- ment of New Galicia, which had been entrusted to him, for only a short time, when the viceroy took it himself, until the arrival of the court, or audiencia, which still governs it. And this was the end of those discoveries and of the expedition which was made to these new lands. It now remains for us to describe the way in which to enter the country by a more direct route, although there is never a short cut without hard work. It is always best to find out what those know who have prepared the way, who know what will be needed. This can be found elsewhere, and I will now tell where Quivira lies, what direction the army took, and the direction in which Greater India lies, which was what they pretended to be in search of, when the army started thither. Today, since Villalobos 2 has discovered that this part of the coast of the South Sea trends toward the west, it is clearly seen and acknowledged that, since we were in the north, we ought to have turned to the west instead of toward the east, as we did. With this, we will leave this subject and will pro- 1 June 24, 1542. 2 See p. 360, note 2. 1542] EXPEDITION OF COEONADO 379 ceed to finish this treatise, since there are several noteworthy things of which I must give an account, which I have left to be treated more extensively in the two following chapters. Chapter 7 Of the adventures of Captain Juan Gallego while he was bring- ing reenforcements through the revolted country. One might well have complained when in the last chapter I passed in silence over the exploits of Captain Juan Gallego with his twenty companions. I will relate them in the pres- ent chapter, so that in times to come those who read about it or tell of it may have a reliable authority on whom to rely. I am not writing fables, like some of the things which we read about nowadays in the books of chivalry. If it were not that those stories contained enchantments, there are some things which our Spaniards have done in our own day in these parts, in their conquests and encounters with the Indians, which, for deeds worthy of admiration, surpass not only the books already mentioned, but also those which have been written about the twelve peers of France, because, if the deadly strength which the authors of those times attributed to their heroes and the brilliant and resplendent arms with which they adorned them, are fully considered, and compared with the small stature of the men of our time and the few and poor weapons which they have in these parts, the remarkable things which our people have undertaken and accomplished with such weapons are more to be wondered at to-day than those of which the ancients write, and just because, too, they fought with bar- barous naked people, as ours have with Indians, among whom there are always men who are brave and valiant and very sure bowmen, for we have seen them pierce the wings while flying, and hit hares while running after them. I have said all this in order to show that some things which we consider fables may be true, because we see greater things every day in our own times, just as in future times people will greatly 380 SPANISH EXPLORERS [1542 wonder at the deeds of Don Fernando Cortes, who dared to go into the midst of New Spain with 300 men against the vast number of people in Mexico, and who with 500 Spaniards suc- ceeded in subduing it, and made himself lord over it in two years. The deeds of Don Pedro de Alvarado in the conquest of Guatemala, and those of Montejo in Tabasco, the conquests of the mainland and of Peru, were all such as to make me remain silent concerning what I now wish to relate ; but since I have promised to give an account of what happened on this journey, I want the things I am now going to relate to be known as well as those others of which I have spoken. The captain Juan Gallego, then, reached the town of Culi- acan with a very small force. There he collected as many as he could of those who had escaped from the town of Hearts, or, more correctly, from Suya, which made in all twenty-two men, and with these he marched through all of the settled country, across which he travelled 200 leagues with the coun- try in a state of war and the people in rebellion, although they had formerly been friendly toward the Spaniards, having en- counters with the enemy almost every day. He always marched with the advance guard, leaving two-thirds of his force behind with the baggage. With six or seven Spaniards, and without any of the Indian allies whom he had with him, he forced his way into their villages, killing and destroying and setting them on fire, coming upon the enemy so suddenly and with such quickness and boldness that they did not have a chance to collect or even to do anything at all, until they became so afraid of him that there was not a town which dared wait for him, but they fled before him as from a power- ful army ; so much so, that for ten days, while he was passing through the settlements, they did not have an hour's rest. He did all this with his seven companions, so that when the rest of the force came up with the baggage there was nothing for them to do except to pillage, since the others had already killed and captured all the people they could lay their hands on and the rest had fled. They did not pause anywhere, so 1542] EXPEDITION OF COEONADO 381 that although the villages ahead of him received some warn- ing, they were upon them so quickly that they did not have a chance to collect. Especially in the region where the town of Hearts had been, he killed and hung a large number of people to punish them for their rebellion. He did not lose a com- panion during all this, nor was anyone wounded, except one soldier, who was wounded in the eyelid by an Indian who was almost dead, whom he was stripping. The weapon broke the skin and, as it was poisoned, he would have had to die if he had not been saved by the quince juice ; he lost his eye as it was. These deeds of theirs were such that I know those peo- ple will remember them as long as they live, and especially four or five friendly Indians who went with them from Cora- zones, who thought that they were so wonderful that they held them to be something divine rather than human. 1 If he had not fallen in with our army as he did, they would have reached the country of the Indian called Turk, which they expected to march to, and they would have arrived there with- out danger on account of their good order and the skill with which he was leading them, and their knowledge and ample practice in war. Several of these men are still in this town of Culiacan, where I am now writing this account and narra- tive, where they, as well as I and the others who have re- mained in this province, have never lacked for labor in keep- ing this country quiet, in capturing rebels, and increasing in poverty and need, and more than ever at the present hour, because the country is poorer and more in debt than ever before. Chapter 8 Which describes some remarkable things that were seen on the plains, with a description of the bulls. My silence was not without mystery and dissimulation when, in Chapter 7 of the second part of this book, I spoke of 1 The Indians of this vicinity had a similar regard for Cabeza de Vaca and his companions. See the narrative in the present volume. 382 SPANISH EXPLORERS [1542 the plains and of the things of which I will give a detailed account in this chapter, where all these things may be found together; for these things were remarkable and something not seen in other parts. I dare to write of them because I am writing at a time when many men are still living who saw them and who will vouch for my account. Who could believe that 1,000 horses and 500 of our cows and more than 5,000 rams and ewes and more than 1,500 friendly Indians and servants, in travelling over those plains, would leave no more trace where they had passed than if nothing had been there — nothing — so that it was necessary to make piles of bones and cow-dung now and then, so that the rear guard could follow the army. The grass never failed to become erect after it had been trodden down, and, although it was short, it was as fresh and straight as before. Another thing was a heap of cow bones, a crossbow shot long, or a very little less, almost twice a man's height in places, and some eighteen feet or more wide, which was found on the edge of a salt lake in the southern part, and this in a region where there are no people who could have made it. The only explanation of this which could be suggested was that the waves which the north winds must make in the lake had piled up the bones of the cattle which had died in the lake, when the old and weak ones who went into the water were unable to get out. The noticeable thing is the number of cattle that would be necessary to make such a pile of bones. Now that I wish to describe the appearance of the bulls, it is to be noticed first that there was not one of the horses that did not take flight when he saw them first, for they have a narrow, short face, the brow two palms across from eye to eye, the eyes sticking out at the side, so that, when they are running, they can see who is following them. They have very long beards, like goats, and when they are running they throw their heads back with the beard dragging on the ground. There is a sort of girdle round the middle of the body. The hair is very woolly, like a sheep's, very fine, and in front of the girdle the hair is very long and rough like a lion's. They 1542] EXPEDITION OE COKONADO 383 have a great hump, larger than a camel's. The horns are short and thick, so that they are not seen much above the hair. In May they change the hair in the middle of the body for a down, which makes perfect lions of them. They rub against the small trees in the little ravines to shed their hair, and they continue this until only the down is left, as a snake changes his skin. They have a short tail, with a bunch of hair at the end. When they run, they carry it erect like a scorpion. It is worth noticing that the little calves are red and just like ours, but they change their color and appear- ance with time and age. Another strange thing was that all the bulls that were killed had their left ears slit, although these were whole when young. The reason for this was a puzzle that could not be guessed. The wool ought to make good cloth on account of its fineness, although the color is not good, because it is the color of buriel. 1 Another thing worth noticing is that the bulls travelled without cows in such large numbers that nobody could have counted them, and so far away from the cows that it was more than forty leagues from where we began to see the bulls to the place where we began to see the cows. The country they travelled over was so level and smooth that if one looked at them the sky could be seen between their legs, so that if some of them were at a distance they looked like smooth- trunked pines whose tops joined, and if there was only one bull it looked as if there were four pines. When one was near them, it was impossible to see the ground on the other side of them. The reason for all this was that the country seemed as round as if a man should imagine himself in a three-pint measure, and could see the sky at the edge of it, about a 1 The kersey, or coarse woollen cloth out of which the habits of the Fran- ciscan friars were made. Hence the name Grey Friars. (Winship.) Various attempts were made to manufacture the hair into garments, especially stock- ings, but the ventures did not prove profitable. See Hornaday, " The Extinc- tion of the American Bison," Report of the United States National Museum for 1886-1887. 384 SPANISH EXPLOEEES [1542 crossbow shot from him, and even if a man only lay down on his back he lost sight of the ground. I have not written about other things which were seen nor made any mention of them, because they were not of so much importance, although it does not seem right for me to remain silent concerning the fact that they venerate the sign of the cross in the region where the settlements have high houses. For at a spring which was in the plain near Acuco they had a cross two palms high and as thick as a finger, made of wood with a square twig for its crosspiece, and many little sticks decorated with feathers around it, and numerous withered flowers, which were the offerings. 1 In a graveyard outside the village at Tutahaco there appeared to have been a recent burial. Near the head there was another cross made of two little sticks tied with cotton thread, and dry withered flowers. 2 It certainly seems to me that in some way they must have received some light from the cross of Our Redeemer, Christ, and it may have come by way of India, from whence they proceeded. Chapter 9 Which treats of the direction which the army took, and of how another more direct way might be found, if anyone was to return to that country. I very much wish that I possessed some knowledge of cos- mography or geography, so as to render what I wish to say intelligible, and so that I could reckon up or measure the ad- vantage those people who might go in search of that country would have if they went directly through the centre of the country, instead of following the road the army took. How- 1 The cross is common to the Indians and always has been. It often is symbolic of the morning and the evening stars. Those referred to as having been seen by Coronado's men at Acoma were characteristic prayer- sticks, the downy feathers representing the breath of life. Such are still in common use by the Pueblo Indians. 2 Probably dried corn-husk. 1542] EXPEDITION OF CORONADO 385 ever, with the help of the favor of the Lord, I will state it as well as I can, making it as plain as possible. It is, I think, already understood that the Portuguese, Campo, was the soldier who escaped when Friar Juan de Padilla was killed at Quivira, and that he finally reached New Spain from Panuco, 1 having travelled across the plains coun- try until he came to cross the North Sea mountain chain, keeping the country that Don Hernando de Soto discovered all the time on his left hand, since he did not see the river of the Holy Spirit (Espiritu Santo) at all. 2 After he had crossed the North Sea mountains, he found that he was in Panuco, so that if he had not tried to go to the North Sea, he would have come out in the neighborhood of the border land, or the coun- try of the Sacatecas, 3 of which we now have some knowledge. This way would be somewhat better and more direct for anyone going back there in search of Quivira, since some of those who came with the Portuguese are still in New Spain to serve as guides. Nevertheless, I think it would be best to go through the country of the Guachichules, 4 keeping near the South Sea mountains all the time, for there are more settle- ments and a food supply, for it would be suicide to launch out on to the plains country, because it is so vast and is bar- ren of anything to eat, although, it is true, there would not be much need of this after coming to the cows. This is only when one goes in search of Quivira, and of the villages which were described by the Indian called Turk, for the army of Fran- cisco Vazquez Coronado went the very farthest way round to get there, since they started from Mexico and went 110 leagues to the west, and then 100 leagues to the northeast, and 250 to the north, and all this brought them as far as the ravines where the cows were, and after travelling 850 leagues they were not more than 400 leagues distant from Mexico by a 1 The northeastern province of New Spain. 2 That is, he travelled from the Quivira province, in the present Kansas, south west war dly to Mexico. 3 Zacatecas. 4 This wild tribe inhabited chiefly the region of the present state of San Luis Potosi, Mexico. They were known also as Cuachi chiles and Quachichiles. 2c 386 SPANISH EXPLORERS [1542 direct route. If one desires to go to the country of Tiguex, so as to turn from there toward the west in search of the country of India, he ought to follow the road taken by the army, for there is no other, even if one wished to go by a different way, because the arm of the sea which reaches into this coast toward the north does not leave room for any. But what might be done is to have a fleet and cross this gulf and disembark in the neighborhood of the Island of Negroes * and enter the country from there, crossing the mountain chains in search of the country from which the people at Tiguex came, or other peoples of the same sort. As for entering from the coun- try of Florida and from the North Sea, it has already been observed that the many expeditions which have been under- taken from that side have been unfortunate and not very suc- cessful, because that part of the country is full of bogs and poisonous fruits, barren, and the very worst country that is warmed by the sun. But they might disembark after passing the river of the Holy Spirit, as Don Hernando de Soto did. Nevertheless, despite the fact that I underwent much labor, I still think that the way I went to that country is the best. There ought to be river courses, because the necessary sup- plies can be carried on these more easily in large quantities. Horses are the most necessary things in the new countries, and they frighten the enemy most. . . . Artillery is also much feared by those who do not know how to use it. A piece of heavy artillery would be very good for settlements like those which Francisco Vazquez Coronado discovered, in order to knock them down, because he had nothing but some small machines for slinging and nobody skilful enough to make a catapult or some other machine which would frighten them, which is very necessary. 2 1 The dictionary of Dominguez says : " Isla de negros ; 6 isla del Almiran- tazgo, en el grande Oceano equinoccial ; grande isla de la America del Norte, sobre la costa oeste." Apparently the location of this island gradually drifted westward with the increase of geographical knowledge, until it was finally located in the Philippine group. (Winship.) 2 This would indicate that the bronze cannon which Coronado left at Sia pueblo were worthless. 1542] EXPEDITION OF CORONADO 387 I say, then, that with what we now know about the trend of the coast of the South Sea, which has been followed by the ships which explored the western part, and what is known of the North Sea toward Norway, the coast of which extends up from Florida, those who now go to discover the country which Francisco Vasquez entered, and reach the country of Cibola or of Tiguex, will know the direction in which they ought to go in order to discover the true direction of the coun- try which the Marquis of the Valley, Don Hernando Cortes, tried to find, following the direction of the gulf of the Fire- brand (Tizon) River. 1 This will suffice for the conclusion of our narrative. Everything else rests on the powerful Lord of all things, God Omnipotent, who knows how and when these lands will be discovered and for whom He has guarded this good fortune. Laus Deo. Finished copying, Saturday the 26th of October, 1596, in Seville. 1 The Gulf of California (which had been navigated by Cortes) and the Rio Colorado. INDEX Aays, not to be confounded with Ayas, 225 n.; Moscoso at, 243; Indians of , give battle, 243. See also Ayas. Acamor, mentioned, 126. Acaxes, Indians of Culiacan, 345. Acela, town of, 155. Acha, see Picuris. Achese, cacique of, addresses De Soto, 166-167. Acochis, Indian name for gold, 314, 337 n., 342. Acoma, identification of Acuco with, 311 n.; visit of Alvarado to, 311; description of, 311-312; visited by Arellano, 316; route to, 316; men- tioned, 358; worship of cross at, 384. Acoma Indians, water supply of, 312. Acosta, Maria de, wife of Pedro Castaneda, 276. Acoste, cacique of, comes to De Soto, 180. Acubadaos Indians, 87. Acuco, see Acoma. Adai Indians, 76 n. Adobe, making of, described, 352. Aguacay, mentioned, 237; Moscoso at, 238. Aguar, Indian deity, 118. Aguas Calientes, pueblos of, 359; identification of, 359 n. Aguenes Indians, 84, 85. Alabama, 183 n. Alaniz, Hieronymo, notary, with Nar- vaez, 22; objects to abandonment of ships, 23 ; death of, 57. Alarcon, Diego de, confusion of, with Alcaraz, 324 n. Alarcon, Hernando de, expedition of by sea, 294; narrative of, 279, 294 n.; message of, found by Diaz, 303. Alarcon, Pedro de, 294 n. Albino, Indian, 332 n. Alcaraz, Diego de, meeting with Cabeza de Vaca, 112-113; his need of food, 113; returns from incursion, 119; lieutenant of Diaz, 303, 324; in- efficiency of, 326; death of, 371. Aleman, Juan, name given Indian of Tiguex, 317, 321. Alimamos, overtakes De Soto, 177. Alimamu, an Indian chief, 195, 200. Alligators, do harm to Indians, 143; in rivers of New Galicia, 378. Almirantazgo,or Isle of Negroes, 386 n. Altamaca, see Altamaha. Altamaha, 167 n. Altamaha River, 167 n. Alvarado, Hernando de, appointed captain, 293; protects Coronado at Cibola, 301 ; expedition of, to Rio Grande, 311; report of, 279, 311 n.; visits Acoma, 311; imprisons Pecos chiefs, 315; route of, 316 n.; at Braba, 341. Alvarado, Pedro de, expedition of, to Peru, 288; deeds of, 380. Alvarez, death of, 6. Amaye, Moscoso at, 238. Aminoya, Spaniards hear of, 248 ; take quarters at, 249; brigantines built at, 250. Amushungkwa, a Jemez pueblo, 359 n. Anagados Indians, 71 n. Anane, a fruit, 140. Anasco, Juan de, 135; sent by De Soto to explore harbor in Florida, 145; goes to Espiritu Santo, 162; sent in quest of habitations, 171; finds a town twelve leagues off, 171; makes road through the woods, 172; sent on a reconnoissance, 200, 228, 229; advises Moscoso to put out to sea, 260; and does so with him, 261 ; meets with opposition from those with him, 261-262; again advises putting out to sea, 264. 389 390 INDEX Anguille River, 215 n. Anhayca Apalache, De Soto at, 161, 162, 164. Anhocan, Cabeza de Vaca at, 116. Anilco, 227, 228, 245, 248, 249. See also Nilco. Animals, of Apalachen, 29 ; of Florida, mentioned by the Gentleman of Elvas, 271-272. Anoixi, De Soto takes many inhabit- ants of, 222. Antonio de Santa Maria, Franciscan friar, 288. Antonio Victoria, friar, accident of, 299. Apalache, mentioned, 161; has much maize, 156, 226; distance from, to Cutifachiqui, 188; direction and distance of, from Espiritu Santo, 271, 272. See also Apalachen. Apalachee Indians, war against, by Creeks, 21 n.; by English, 21 n.; overcome by Cabeza de Vaca, 28; attack the Spaniards, 30, 31; eastern tribes of, 330 n.; men- tioned, 349 n. Apalachen, indicated to Narvaez as source of gold, 21-22; taken by the Spanish, 28; region of, described, 29-30; climate of, is cold, 29; animals of, 29. Apalachicola, town on Savannah River, 21 n. Appalachian Mountains, origin of name of, 21 n. Appalachee Bay, origin of name of, 21 n. Aquiguate, largest town seen by De Soto in Florida, 214; De Soto re- turns to, 215; country of, described, 215. Aquixo, 227, 270; direction of, 271. Aquixo, cacique of, comes to De Soto, 203; loses five or six of his men, shot by crossbowmen, 203; and ten, killed by De Soto's cavalry, 205. Arache, province of, 365. Arawakan Indians, 21; dance cere- mony of, 52 n. Arbadaos Indians, 80. Arche, see Harahey. Areitos, among Indians of Malhado, 52; held in honor of Cabeza de Vaca, 89. Arellano, Tristan de, appointment of, as captain, 292; lieutenant to Coronado, 298, 335; at Corazones, 301, 303; arrives at Cibola, 313; route of, 315 n.; at Tiguex, 317, 339; attacks Cicuye, 341. Arispe, see Arizpe. Aristotle, quoted, 134. Arizpe, 347 n. Arkadelphia, 238 n. Arkansas city, 227 n. Arkansas Post, 226 n. Arkansas River, 222 n., 248 n., 249 n. Artillery, at Culiacan, 297; used by Indians, 357; usefulness of, in ex- ploration, 386. Astorga, Marquis of, learns what Cabeza de Vaca relates to the Emperor regarding New Spain, 137. Astudillo, a native of Cafra, to seek Panuco, 49. Asturian, the, with Figueroa, 61, 64; seen by the Avavares, 79. Asturiano, a clergyman, 68, 69. Astyalakwa, a Jemez pueblo, 359 n. Atabalipa, lord of Peru, 135, 175. Atayos Indians, 76, 87. Atchafalaya, lower course of Red River, 261 n. Attacapan Indians, 51 n., 363 n. Audiencia, definition of, 285 n. Audiencia of Espanola, report to, 8; edition of report by Oviedo, 8, 10. Auia, island of, 49 ; probably not Mal- hado Island, 49 n. Aute, town south of Apalachen, 30, 31; reached by Narvaez, 32. Autiamque, mentioned, 221, 225, 227, 237; De Soto winters at, 222-224; distance to Guacay, 270; direction of, 271. Avavares Indians, receive Cabeza de Vaca, 73; healed by him, 6-7, 78; ignorant of time, 79. Avellaneda, killed by an Indian, 32. Avila, Pedro de, leader in rebellion at Suya, 370. Awatobi, Hopi pueblo, 307 n., 358 n. Axille, De Soto at, 161. Ayas, Moscoso crosses river at, 248. INDEX 391 Ayays, not to be confounded with Aays, 225 n.; De Soto at, 225. Ayllon, Governor-licentiate, death of, 174. Aymay, named Socorro, 171; De Soto at, 172; location of, 172 n. Azores, mentioned, 122. Bacallaos, Spanish name for Newfound- land, 343 n., 360. Badthing, story of, 78-79. Baegert, Father Jacob, on Indians of lower California, 346 n. Bahios, 108. See also Buhios. Baldwyn, Mississippi, 212 n. Bandelier, A. F., researches on the Seven Cities, 287 n.; on Topira, 290 n.; on Cicuye, 355 n. Bandelier, A. F. and Fanny, Journey of Nunez Cabeza de Vaca, cited, 22 n.; 59, 87 n., 102 n., 103 n. Baracoa, town in Cuba, 142. Barbacoa, a store house for maize, 165. Barbels, native American fish, 349. Barrionuevo, Francisco de, com- panion of Coronado, 292; at Tiguex, 319; explorations of, 339- 340. Baskett, James Newton, investiga- tions of, 326 n. Bastian, Francisco, drowning of, 225. Batuco, identification of, 376 n. Bayamo, town in Cuba, 142, 143. Bayou de Vue, 215 n. Bayou Macon, 255 n. Bears, in pueblo region, 357. Bejar, mentioned, 125. Bermuda, Cabeza de Vaca at, 121. Bernalillo, settlement on site of Tiguex, 278, 317 n. Bidai Indians, 80 n. Biedma, narrative of, cited, 40 n.; referred to, 130 n. Big Bayou Meto, 225. Big Creek, 21, 215 n. Bigotes, see Whiskers. Birds, mentioned, 29-30, 272. Biscayan Indians, 115 n. Bison, first printed reference to, 68 n.; described by Cicuye Indians, 311; hunted by plains Indians, 330, 362, 363; stampede of , 331 ; Coronado 's army supplied with meat of, 336; piles of bones of, 382; Castaneda's description of, 382-383. Black Warrior River, 188 n., 189 n. Blankets, of cotton, 350. Blizzard, experienced by Coronado, 333. Bog of Pia, breeds mosquitos, 144. Boston Mountains, 221 n.; crossed by De Soto, 221. Boyomo, settlement of, 347. Braba, see Taos. Brazos River, 58 n., 244 n., 245 n. Bread, maize, 271; Indian, 303, 340, 340 n. Bridge, built by Spaniards across Cicuye River, 329; Indian, across Rio Grande, 340. Brigantines, built by Spaniards at Aminoya, 250; become separated in the Gulf of Mexico, 263. Buffalo, see Bison. Buhios, Arawak word, 19, 79. See also Bahios. Burgos, Andr6 de, printer, 134, 272. Buriel, cloth used by Franciscan friars, 383 n. Burning of Indians at stake by Span- iards, 320. Caballos, Bahia de, 37, 162 n. See also Horses, Bay of. Cabeza de Vaca, Alvar Nunez, narra- tive of, 1-126; birth and parent- age, 3; significance of name, 3; trades and heals among the Ind- ians, 6-7; line of travel, 7; charac- ter of his chronicle, 7; his accom- plishment, 8; report to Audiencia of Espafiola, 8; appointed governor of provinces of Rio de la Plata, 8; dies, 9; bibliography of the Relacion, 10-11; salutation to Charles V., 12; duration of his wandering, 13; his idea of the value of his narrative, 13; leaves San Lucar de Barrameda, 4, 14; is treasurer and high-sheriff, 4, 14; reaches Santo Domingo, 14; proceeds to Trinidad and is over- taken by a terrible storm, 15-17; passes winter at Jagua, 17; explores mainland of Florida, with Narvaez, 4, 20; believes it wiser to return to 392 INDEX vessels, 22-23; refuses to sail in charge of them, preferring to share risks of march into the country, 24; goes with forty men to seek a har- bor, 25-26; enters Apalachen, 28; goes from Aute to find the sea, 33; embarks in open boat, 36; suffer- ings of his men, 38-40; is assaulted by Indians, 41 ; deserted by Narvaez, 42 ; lands on an island among friendly Indians, 5, 44-45 ; loses three men, in endeavor to re-embark, 46; desti- tute condition of the survivors, 46; aid given by Indians, 47-48; is overtaken by Dorantes and Alonzo del Castillo, 48; agrees that four of the party shall try to reach Panuco, 49; learns Indians believe the Christians are sorcerers, 50; names island Malhado, 50; heals the sick by breathing on them, and by prayer, 53; on the mainland, 52, 55; his party now numbers fourteen, 55 ; suffers great hardships, 56 ; trafficks among the Indians, 56-57; rescues Oviedo from Malhado, 57; is left by him, 59; finds Dorantes, Castillo, and Estevanico, 59-60; waits six months before attempting to escape, 60, 61, 70; is made a slave, 61; is forced to postpone escape another year, 71; succeeds at last, 73; works more cures among the Ind- ians, 74, 77, 78; goes naked, 80, 81; goes among the Maliacones, 80; eats dogs, 80, 81; barters with Indians, 81; performs more cures, 91; reaches a mountainous coun- try, 92; receives presents from the Indians, 92-93; cuts an arrow head out of a wounded native, 96- 97; reaches the Rio Grande, 99; is feared by the Indians because of deaths among them, 101; heals the sick, 101 ; goes among the Jumanos, 102; calls them the Cow nation, 103; starts in search of maize, 105; touches and blesses both sick and well, 106-107; teaches Christian religion, 107; finds news of Chris- tians, 109; checks fear among his Indian companions, 111; is taken to Diego de Alcaraz, 112; joins party of Diego and dismisses his Indian followers, 114-115; is received by Melchior Diaz, 116; arrives at Mexico, 120; at Havana, 121; at Lisbon, 123; men- tioned as a survivor of Narvaez 's party, 125; disagrees with De Soto, 136; mentioned by the Gentleman of Elvas, 136, 221, 246; returns from expedition, 288; narrative of, 288; in Corazones valley, 301; traces of, found by Coronado, 332; regard of Indians for, 381 n. Cabeza de Vaca, Teresa, mother of Nunez Cabeza de Vaca, 3, 125. Cabo Cruz, 15 n. Cabo de Santa Cruz, 15. Cabusto, 194. Cacabe bread, see Cassava bread. Cache River, 215 n. Cactus belt, northern limit of, 70 n. Cahita, synonymous with Sinaloa, 346 n. Cahoques Indians, 87. Calahuchi, 161 n. Calderon, Captain, 155; at Espiritu Santo, 162 ; commands a brigantine, 265. Cale, province of, reported to be abun- dant in gold, 154; mentioned, 162. California, Gulf of, 109 n.; explored, 304, 346; natives of peninsula of, 346, 346 n. Caliquen, reached by De Soto, 157. Calpista, mentioned by Ranjel, 216 n. Caluca, in northeastern part of Missis- sippi, 212. Camolas Indians, 87 n. Camones Indians, are reported to have killed Penalosa and Tellez, 72. Campo, Andres del, Portuguese com- panion of Padilla, 365, 373, 385; returns to New Spain, 385. Canarreo shoals, 18. Canasagua, De Soto at, 178. Caney creek, 58 n. Cannibalism in Culiacan, 345. Cannouchee River, 170 n. Cantaloupes, as food of Indians, 348. Capachiqui, De Soto at, 165. Capoques Indians, 54 n., 55 n., 65 n.,. 66 n., 87 n. INDEX 393 Capothan, province of New Spain, 364. Caravallo, appointed lieutenant to sail with ships of Narvaez, 24; men- tioned, 124. Cardenas, Garcia Lopez, appointed captain, 292; protects Coronado at Cibola, 301; visit of, to Colorado River, 309; attacks Indian village, 319; treachery of Indians towards, 321; accident to, 331; summoned to Spain, 367; flight of, from Suya, 369, 370. Carlos, leaves his wife at Havana, 145; is killed at Manilla, 193. Carmona, Alonzo de, 131. Casa de Contratacion, at Seville, 135 n. Cases, with dead bodies, burned by Xuarez, 21. Casiste, De Soto at, 187. Casqui, cacique of, 205; speeches of, to De Soto, 206-207; kneels before the cross, 208; directs De Soto to Pacaha, 208; makes many presents to De Soto, 210; gives his daughter to the governor, 211; begs forgive- ness for absenting himself without permission, 212; accepts friendship of the cacique of Pacaha, 212. Cassava bread, 144, 145. Castaneda, Pedro de, narrative of Coronado's expedition by, 276, 281- 387; facts of life of, 276; value of narrative of, 276; manuscript of, in Lenox library, 277 ; translations of, 276-277; date of narrative, 282 n.; joins expedition at Culiacan, 296 n. Castile, mentioned, 124. Castillo, Doctor, father of Alonzo de Castillo Maldonado, 125. Castillo Maldonado, Alonzo del, with Cabeza de Vaca, 4, 6 ; joins in report to Audiencia of Espanola, 8; re- turns to New Spain, 9; goes with Cabeza de Vaca to find a harbor, 26 ; again goes on the same errand, 33; embarks in open boat, 36; loses his boat and overtakes Cabeza de Vaca, 48; on the mainland, 54; returns to Malhado, 55; accompanies Ind- ians to find walnuts, and meets with Cabeza de Vaca, 59-60 ; stay of, with the Yguazes, 65; mentioned, 72; mentioned by Oviedo, 69, 70; among Lanegados, 71; escapes, 73; cures afflicted Indians, 74, 76, 77; goes to the Maliacones, 80; makes reconnoissance towards Rio Grande, 102; finds evidence of visit by Europeans, 109; rejoins Cabeza de Vaca and attaches himself to a Spanish exploring party, 113; re- turns to Spain, 125; mentioned by Castaneda, 288. Catalte, 236. Catamaya, De Soto at, 222. Caya River, 216. Cayas, De Soto at, 217, 219; men- tioned, 225, 227, 238; cacique of, is dismissed, 221. Cebreros, see Zebreros. Cedar Lake, 58 n. Cerda, Alvaro de la, left by Narvaez in charge of a vessel, 18, 20. Cervantes, Spanish soldier, 328. Chacan, a fruit, 104. Chaguate, province of, mentioned, 223 n., 236; cacique of, addresses Mos- coso, 237. Chaguete, 237; Indians come to, in peace, 247; Moscoso leaves, 248. See also Chaguate. Chalaque, province of, 176. Charles V, emperor, 12 n. Charruco, Cabeza de Vaca determines to seek, 56. Charrucos Indians, 87 n. Chattahuchi, 161 n. Chattanooga, 181 n., 182 n. Chauauares Indians, 87 n. See Chava- vares Indians. Chavavares Indians, 73 n., 80 n., 87. Chia, see Sia. Chiaha, province of, 175, 177, 178; na- ture of the country of, 270; speech of cacique of, 178; cacique of, surrenders himself to De Soto, 180. Chiametla, death of Samaniego at, 295. Chicaca, De Soto at, 195, 212 n.; Ind- ians of, make an attack, 197-199. Chicacilla, 199 n. Chichilticalli, visited by Fray Marcos, 289; by Diaz, 298; location of, 299 n., 349 n.; Coronado's first view of, 299; description of, 349. Chichimecas, Mexican name for braves, 357. 394 INDEX Chicot County, Arkansas, 255 n. Chihuahua, 105 n. Chilano, mentioned, 249. Childersburg, 183 n. Children of sun, Spaniards called, 94. China, belief in its connection with America, 343, 360. Chisca, a gold-bearing country, 180, 181,212; mentioned, 205. Choctaw Indians, 38 n. Cholupaha, town of, 157; called Villa- farta, 157. Choualla, see Xualla. Christianity, taught to the Indians, 107, 117; churches to be built by them, 119. Churches, to be built by Indians, 119. Chuse, Bay of, 40 n. Cibola, reached by expedition of Fray Marcos, 275, 289; Guzman's expe- dition to, 286; description of, 300; captured by Coronado, 301; army arrives at, 306 ; Castaneda's descrip- tion of, 350; pueblos of, 358. Cicuyc, see Cicuye. Cicuye, synonymous with Pecos, 329 n. See Pecos. Cienfuegos, Bay of, 17 n. Civet-marten skins described by Ca- beza de Vaca, 39. Clark, on Indian sign language, 363 n. Clark County, 238 n. Cleburne County, 216 n. Clothing of Indians, 318, 334, 347, 350, 355. Coahuiltecan affinities, 61 n. Coayos Indians, 76. Coca, province of, 170, 175, 228; speech of cacique of, 183-184; inhabitants of, seized by De Soto, 184; cacique of, taken, 185; is dismissed, 187; dis- tance to Tastaluca, 189; has more maize than Nilco, 226; nature of the country, 270; direction of, 271. Cocopa Indians, a Yuman tribe, 303 n. Cocos Indians, 54 n. Cofaqui, 168. Cofitachequi, see Cutifachiqui. Cohani Indians, 59 n. Coke" Indians, 54 n. Coles, Juan, 131. Coligoa, De Soto at, 215-2 J6; dis- tance to Autiamque, 270; nature of the country, 270. Colima, ravines of, 332. Colorado River, 58 n., 90 n.; visited by Diaz, 303; by Cardenas, 309. Comos Indians, 80 n., 87. Compostela, in a hostile country, 120; mentioned, 285 n., 287; rendezvous of Coronado 's army, 293; departure of Coronado from, 295. Comupatrico, settlement of, 347. Cona, settlement of plains Indians, 333. Coosa, 183 n. Copee, used in paying the bottoms of Moscoso's vessels, 263. Copper, found at Quivira, 337. Coquite, pueblo of, 356 n., 358 n. Corazones, Pueblo de los, 108, 115 n.; Coronado 's army at, 301; valley of, 347; friendliness of Indians of, 372, 376. See Hearts, town of. Corn, description of, 350; method of grinding, 354; stores of, kept by Indians, 356. See also Maize. Coronado, Francisco Vazquez de, on Stake Plains, 7; expedition inspired by journey of Cabeza de Vaca, 8; memoirs of George P. Winship on, 276-277; bibliography of accounts of expedition of, 277-279; Casta- neda's narrative of expedition of, 276, 281-387; testimony of com- panions of, 279; expedition of, mentioned, 97 n., 284, 362 n.; appointed governor of New Galicia, 287 ; marriage of, 287 ; accompanies Fray Marcos to Culiacan , 288 ; makes expedition to Topira, 290; returns to Mexico, 29 1 ; friendship of Mendoza for, 291; receives command from Mendoza, 275, 281, 291 ; Castaneda's criticism of, 291, 293; appointments confirmed by, 292; departure of, from Compostela, 295; receives report of Diaz, at Chiametla, 296; at Culiacan, 297-298; Truxillo brought before, 298; arrives at Chichilticalli, 299; discouragement of, 299; reaches Cibola, 300; letter to Mendoza, 277, 300 n.; attacks Cibola, 300; wounded at Cibola 301 ; mention of, 294, 302, 305, 319 finds horn of mountain goat, 306 INDEX 395 joined by Arellano, 306; sends Tovar to Tusayan, 307 ; sends Car- denas to Colorado River, 308; re- ceives report of Cardenas, 310; gifts to, from Cicuye Indians, 311; sends Alvarado to Cicuye, 311; receives message from Alvarado, 312; de- parture of, for Tiguex, 313; arrives at Tutahaco, 314; at Tiguex, 314; sends Alvarado to Cicuye, 315; joined by army, 317; demands cloth of Indians, 317-318; gives Cardenas orders to attack Indians, 319 ; orders of, concerning prisoners, 320; be- sieges Tiguex, 322; attempts of, to make peace, 323; receives news of death of Diaz, 325; sends Tovar to San Hieronimo, 326; messengers from, to Mendoza, 326 ; letter of, to king, 278, 329 n. ; pacifies Cicuye, 329 ; departure of, for Quivira, 329 ; bison seen by, 330, 331 ; experiences bliz- zard, 333; divides army, 335; arrives at Quivira, 336; route of, 337 n.; returns from Quivira, 338; crosses route of De Soto, 339 ; reaches Cicuye and Tiguex, 342; winters at Tiguex, 342, 366; receives letters from Mendoza, 367; accident to, 368; schemes of, to return home, 369; request of soldiers to, 370; preparations of, for return, 372, 373; arrives at Cibola, 374; meets Gal- lego with re-enforcements, 375 ; feigns illness, 376, 377; at Culiacan, 377; promises of, 378; returns to Mexico, 378 ; reports to Mendoza, 378 ; cool- ness of Mendoza towards, 378; de- prived of governorship of New Galicia, 378; route of, 385; inade- quacy of equipment of, 386. Coronado expedition, memoirs of George Parker Winship on, 276- 277; Castaneda's narrative of, 276, 281-387; bibliography of other accounts of, 277-280; importance of, 280; date of, 293 n.; reasons given by Mota Padilla for failure of, 366 n. Corral, death of, 49. Corrientes, Cape, storm at, 18. Cortes, Hernando, receives Cabeza de Vaca, 121; mentioned, 283; trial for murder of wife, 285 n.; given new title, 286 n.; feats of, 380. Corvo, mentioned, 122 n. Coste, speech of cacique of, 182. Cotton, garments of, presented to Cabeza de Vaca, 104; noted by him, 106 ; cloth of, made at Tusayan, 308; blankets of, 350. Council Bend, suggested as the place of De Soto's crossing of the Missis- sippi, 204 n. Cow nation, Indians so named by Cabeza de Vaca, 103. See Jumanos Indians. Cows, see Bison. Creek Indians, 21 n. Cremation among Zufii, 351. Cross, raised at Casqui, 208; sign of, among the Zunis, 351; venerated by Indians, 384. Cruz, Bahia de la, 36. See also Tampa Bay. Cuachichiles, see Guachichules. Cuba, De Soto in, 141-145. Cuchendados Indians, 86. Cuenca de Huete, mentioned, 124. Culiacan, mentioned, 115 n.; Cabeza de Vaca at, 116. Culiacan, San Miguel de, foundation of, by Guzman, 276, 286, 344; arrival of Cabeza de Vaca at, 288; location of, 296 n.; Castaneda's description of, 344; return of Coro- nado to, 377. Cultalchulches Indians, 76, 78, 80 n., 87. Cures among Indians wrought by Cabeza de Vaca, 6-7, 53, 73, 74, 76, 77, 78, 91, 101, 106-107, 117; by Alonzo del Castillo, 74, 76, 77. Cushing, F. H., on Zufii breadstuff, 354 n. Cutifachiqui, 172 n., 178, 180; Ind- ians of, 173-174; speech of kins- woman of the cacica of, 172-173; speech of cacica of, 173 ; cacica of, furnishes pearls, 174 ; cacica of, is made a slave, 176; escape of cacica of, 177; distance of, to Xualla, 188, 270 ; lad of, acts as interpreter, 224 ; nature of the country of, 270 ; direc- tion of, 271. Cuyamunque, a Tewa pueblo, 359 n. Cuzco, city of, 135. 396 INDEX Dances of the Tahus, 344. Daniel, Franciscan friar, 288. Da vila, Pedr arias, governor, 135, 136. Davis, W. W. H., on the fate of Padilla, 373 n. Daycao, distance of, to Rio Grande, 247 ; direction of, 271. Daycao River, 245, 246. Dead bodies, eaten by members of party with Cabeza de Vaca, 49; Soto-Mayor eaten by Esquivel, 63. Deaguanes Indians, 59. Decubadaos Indians, 87 n. Deer, 350, 363. Deer-suet, 105. Deguenes Indians, 87 n. Descalona, Fray Luis, settles at Cicuye, 365 n., 373. Desha County, 227 n., 249 n. Diaz, Melchior, 116 n.; explains to the natives the coming of Cabeza de Vaca, 117; reports of Fray Marcos investigated by, 277, 296; companion of Coronado, 292; posi- tion of, 292; reference to, 299; in command at Corazones, 302, ex- ploration of, 303, 324; death of, 325. Divorce among Indians, 353. Dogs, eaten by De Soto's men, 167; used by Indians, 330, 334, 362. Doguenes Indians, 59 n., 84, 87. Dorantes, Pablo, father of Andres Dorantes, 125. Dorantes de Carranca, Andres, with Cabeza de Vaca, 4, 6; joins in re- port to Audiencia of Espanola, 8; later years and death of, 9 ; goes to find the sea, 33; embarks in open boat, 36; repulses Indians, 39; loses his boat and overtakes Cabeza de Vaca, 48; on the mainland, 54, 55; returns to Malhado, 55; accom- panies Indians to find walnuts and meets with Cabeza de Vaca, 59-60 ; escapes from slavery, 64; escapes from the Yguazes, 65; mentioned by Oviedo, 69, 70; joins Cabeza de Vaca in escape from Indians, 71, 73; mentioned, 72; performs cures among Avavares, 78; goes to the Maliacones, 80 ; receives a hawk-bell of copper, 95; is presented with over six hundred open hearts of deer, 108; rejoins Cabeza de Vaca and attaches himself to a Spanish exploring party, 113; returns to Spain, 121, 125; swears not to divulge certain things he has seen in New Spain, 136; a survivor of Narvaez's expedition, 288; traces of, found by Coronado, 332. Dorantes, Diego, killed by Indians, 58, 64, 69. Double Mountain fork, 245 n. Dragoon pass, location of, 349 n. Dreams, respected by the Indians, 64; citation from Oviedo regarding, 70. Dulchanchellin, Indian chief, 27. Eagles, tame, kept by Indians, 348, 348 n. Earthquakes, near Colorado River, 325. Elvas, Gentleman of, narrative by, 127-272; may have been Alvaro Fernandez, 130; related narra- tives, 130-131; bibliography of the Narrative, 131-132. Emeralds presented to Cabeza de Vaca, 106, 108. Enequen, used in making rope, 248. Enriquez, Alonso, comptroller of Narvaez's fleet, 14; lands on island off Florida coast, 19; joins con- ferences regarding inland explora- tion, 22; embarks with Xuarez in open boat, 36 ; boat of, found bottom up, 61; rescued by Narvaez and loses his commission, 62; is cast away on the coast, 72 ; is mentioned by Oviedo, 70. Espejo, Antonio de, on the Rio Grande, 7; cited, 102 n.; Mexican Indians at Cibola found by, 374 n. Espiritu Santo, Bay, 58 n.; men- tioned by Oviedo, 70. Espiritu Santo, port, 153; adjacent country described, 169; distance to Palache, 188; direction from Apa- lache, 271; distance to Ocute, 270; land between the two places, 270; direction to Apalache and Rio de las Palmas, 272. Espiritu Santo River identified with Mississippi, 339 n. Esquivel, Hernando de, among Ind- ians, 62; informs Figueroa of fate INDEX 397 of Narvaez and the others, 62-63; feeds on flesh of Soto-Mayor, 63; is slain because of a dream, 58, 64, 68; mentioned, 72; mentioned by Oviedo, 70. Estevanico, with Cabeza de Vaca, 4, 6; with Fray Marcos de Niza, 9; put to death by Zunis, 9; brought by Indians, with Dorantes and Castillo, and meets with Cabeza de Vaca, 59 ; stay of, with the Yguazes, 65; escapes from Indians, 71, 73; performs cures among Avavares, 78; goes to the Maliacones, 80; cause of death of, 95 n.; accompanies Alonzo de Castillo on reconnoissance towards Rio Grande, 102; is useful in securing information from the Ind- ians, 107; accompanies Cabeza de Vaca in search of Spanish exploring party, 112; acts as guide, 113; mentioned as a survivor of Narvaez 's party, 126, 288; guide for Fray Marcos, 275, 288-289; death of, 275, 290. Estrada, Alonzo de, treasurer for New Spain, 287. Estremadura, 216, 341. Estufas, at Braba, 341 ; at Cibola, 350, 350 n.; description of, 353. Evora, 272. Feathers, trade in, 286; use of, in dress, 350; symbolism of, 384 n. Ferdinand, king of Spain, 287. Fernandes, Benito, drowned, 166. Fernandez, Alvaro, a Portuguese sailor to seek Panuco, 49. Fernandez, Alvaro, may have been the Gentleman of Elvas, 130. Fernandez, Bartolome, sailor, 22. Fewkes, Aborigines of Porto Rico, cited, 19 n. Fifteen-Mile Bayou, 205 n. Figueroa, a native of Toledo, to seek Panuco, 49; found by the fugitives from Malhado, 58 n., 61; relates his experiences, 62-63, 68; escapes by flight, 64; seen by the Avavares, 79. Figueroa, Gomez Suarez de, com- panion of Coronado, 293. Figueroa, Vasco Porcallo de, see Porcallo de Figueroa, Vasco. Firebrand, use of, by Indians in travel- ling, 303. Firebrand River, see Colorado. Fish, taken by De Soto, 209-210. Fisher County, Texas, 245 n. Fleet of Narvaez, size of, 14; visited by hurricane on southern coast of Cuba, 3-4, 15-17; brigantine bought in Trinidad, 18 ; another vessel pur- chased, 18. Flint River, 164 n. Florida, eastern limit of grant to Narvaez, 3, 14; fleet of Narvaez sights, 18; grains, fruits, and nuts of, 271; bad character of country of, 386. Flowers, use of, in Indian ceremonials, 384. Food of Indians, 312, 333, 348, 354. Fort Belknap, 244 n., 245 n. Fort Prince George, 176 n. Fort Smith, 222 n. Fowls, domestic, among the Indians, 348, 354. Franciscans, with Narvaez, 14; in Cuba, 142; in New Spain, 288; elect Marcos de Niza father provincial, 291 . Fruits of Florida, 271 ; of the great plains, 364. Fuentes, De Soto's chamberlain, con- demned to death, 197. Galena, 96 n. Galeras, Juan, explores Grand Cafion, 309. Galicia, New Kingdom of, in New Spain, 285 n., 286. Galisteo, pueblo of, 356, 358 n. Gallego, Juan, companion of Coronado, 292; messenger from Coronado to Mendoza, 302; sword of, found in Kansas, 302 n.; messenger to Coronado, 371, 372; meets Coronado on his return, 375; exploits of, 380. Gallegos, Baltasar de, is chief castellan, 138 ; leaves his wife at Havana, 146 ; at the town of Ucita, 147; sent into the country, 148; returns with a survivor of the party of Narvaez, 149; is sent to the province of Paracoxi, 154; hears speech on part of the absent cacique, asks where gold may be found, 154; sent 398 INDEX in quest of habitations, 171; in affray with Indians at Mauilla, 190; responds to De Soto's dying speech, 233. Galveston Island, resembles Malhado, in certain particulars, 57 n. Gamez, Juan de, killed at Mauilla, 193. Gay tan, Juan, takes an Indian boy of Yupaha, 164. Giant Indians, 302, 304. Gibraleon, mentioned, 125. Gifts, exchange of, on Cabeza de Vaca's line of march, 97 n. Giralda, great tower of Seville, 309 n. Giusiwa, a Jemez pueblo, 359 n. Goat, mountain, seen by Spaniards, 304, 305, 348. Gold, sought by the Spaniards, 21-22, 145, 154, 164, 180, 181, 205, 212; traces of, found, 19, 21, 111; tales of, at Quivira, 328, 329; discovered at Suya, 371. Gomera, one of the Canary Islands, 139. Gorbalan, Francisco, companion of Coronado, 293. Government of Indians, 308, 347, 351. Granada, Coronado 's name for Ha- wikuh, 277, 300 n. Grand or Neosho River, 217 n. Grand Canon, discovery of, 309. Grande River, 201, 202, 205, 208, 209, 215, 224, 227, 245, 246, 247, 248, 249, 270, 271. See also Mississippi River. Grapes, wild, found by Coronado, 334, 338. Graves, at Tutahaco, 384. Great plains, Spaniards lost on, 336; description of, 362. Great River, the, 202. See Mississippi River and Grande River. Greene County, Alabama, 189 n. Grey Friars, origin of name, 385 n. Guacay, distance of, to Daycao, 270- 271; nature of the country, 271. Guachichules, Indians, 385. Guachoya, De Soto reaches, 227; cacique of, comes to him, 227; makes an address, 228; and assists in attack of Nilco, 231; death of De Soto at, 233; Spaniards leave, 236; mentioned, 245, 248; cacique of, plots against Moscoso, 251 ; ex- poses plot of caciques of Nilco and Taguanate, 252 ; and kills Indians of Nilco, 252; direction of, 271. Guadalajara, beginning of, 285 n., 287. Guadalaxara, see Guadalajara. Guadiana, Spanish river, 341. Guaes, province near Quivira, 328, 328 n., 364. Guahate, province, mentioned, 222. Guaniguanico, storm at, 18. Guasco, see Waco. Guatemala, conquered by Alvarado, 380. Guaxulle, De Soto at, 177; mentioned, 178. Guayaba tree, 141. Guaycones Indians, 87. Guaymas Indians, 108 n. Guevara, Diego de, captures Indian village, 324. Guevara, Juan de, appointment of son of, 292. Guevara, Pedro de, appointed captain, 292. Guevenes Indians, 59 n. Gutierres, Diego, appointed captain, 292. Gutierrez, Juan, see Xuarez, Juan, and 14 n. Guzman, Diego de, 111. Guzman, Francisco de, goes away with his Indian concubine, 238. Guzman, Juan de, made captain of infantry, 164; crosses Mississippi with infantry, 204; sent against Indians, 231, 256; is taken by them, 257. Guzman, Nufio de, position of, in New Spain, 285; career of, 285 n.; cruelty to natives, 285 n.; expedi- tion of, to the Seven Cities, 286 ; Cu- liacan settled by, 276, 287; imprison- ment of, 287. Hacanac, cacique of, gives battle, 239. Hailstones, in Coronado's camp, 333. Hair dress, of pueblo women, 350. Halona, Zuni pueblo, 358 n.; exca- vations at, 351 n. Hano, Hopi pueblo, 358 n. Hans Indians, 54, 87. Hapaluya, De Soto passes, 160. INDEX 399 Harahey, identification of, 328 n., 365 n. Havana, fleet of Narvaez nears, 18; Miruelo to return to, if harbor is not found, 20; Cabeza de Vaca at, 121, 122; mentioned, 125, 142. Hawikuh, scene of Estevan's death, 275; called Granada by Coronado, 277, 300 n.; history of, 300 n., 358 n. Haxa or Haya, settlement near Missis- sippi River, 330, 331. Hearts, town of, 7, 108 n. See Cora- zones, Pueblo de los. Hearts of animals, as food, 301. Hearts Valley, see Corazones. Hemes, see Jemez. Hempstead County, 240 n. Henry, cardinal, archbishop of Evora, 272. Hermosillo, 109 n. Hewett, on Pecos, 355 n. Hirriga, town of Ucita, 147 n. Hodge, F. W., 11, 280; on route of Coronado, 337 n. Hope, camp near, 239 n. Hopi, tribal name of Indians at Tusayan, 307 n. ; as cotton growers, 308 n.; pottery of, 340 n.; tame eagles of, 348 n.; hair dress of women, 350 n.; population of pueblos of, 351 n. ; pueblos of, 358 n. Hornachos, mentioned, 124. Hornaday, W. T., on wool of bison, 383 n. Horseflesh, eaten by Spaniards, 27, 35, 36, 253. Horses, Bay of, 37 n., 162 n. See also Caballeros, Bahia de. Horses, fear of Indians of, 386. Houses of Indians, 165, 346, 350, 356, 364. Huelva, Diego de, killed by Indians, 58, 64. Huhasene, an Indian chief, 255. Iguaces Indians, 61 n. Inca, the, see Vega, Garcilaso de la. India, believed to be connected with America, 343, 360. Indian Bay, 253 n. "Indian giving," 100 n. Indians, stature and proportions of, 32 ; fine archery of, 32; customs of, at Malhado, 54; weeping of, 54 n.; as a sign of obedience, 241, 242- 243; barter among, 56-57; sub- sist on walnuts, 59-60; eat prickly pears three months of the year, 60- 61; kill even their male children, 64, 70; have great reverence for dreams, 70; call Spaniards children of the sun, 78; marriage relations of, 83; methods of warfare of, 84- 86; nations and tongues of, beyond Malhado, 86; peculiar customs of, in drinking a tea of certain leaves, 87-88; method of, in preparing flour of mesquite, 89 ; plunder those who welcome Cabeza de Vaca, 91, 92; and plunder one another, 97; rabbit hunts of, 98; eat spiders and worms, 98; offer all they have to Cabeza de Vaca, 99 ; women of, may negotiate in war, 100, 102; chastise children for weeping, 101; have fixed dwellings, 102; go naked, 103; eat powder of straw, 106; languages of, 107; believe Spaniards are from heaven, 107; women of, wear grass and straw, 108; worship the sun, 107-108; promise to be Christians, 118; and to build churches, 119; worship the devil with blood sacri- fices , 1 5 1 ; approach , playing on flutes, 158, 183, 189; costumes of, 166; have abundance of meat at Ocute, 168; description of, at Cutifachiqui, 173- 174; mortuary customs of, 234, 351 ; described by the Gentleman of Elvas, 272; use poisoned arrows, 326, 371. Intoxication, among Indians, 66. Iron, 93 n., 95 n. Isleta, 358 n. Jacona, 359 n. Jagua, Cabeza de Vaca at, 17 n.; Narvaez reaches with a pilot, 18. Jaramillo, Juan, narrative of, 279, 337 n., 365 n. Jefferson County, 225 n. Jemez, pueblos of, 339 n., 352, 359 n.; visited by Barrionuevo, 339. Jerez de la Frontera, 3. John III., king, 272 n. Juamanos Indians, 102 n., 103 n.; 400 INDEX know something of Christianity, 102 n. ; the Cow nation, 103 ; method of cooking among, 104-105 ; have fixed residences, 112. Juana, Queen of Spain, 292. Kansas, description of, 364. Karankawan Indians, 51 n., 57 n., 61 n. Kaw or Kansa Indians, 328 n., 364 n. Kiakima, Zufii pueblo, 358 n. Kyanawe, Zufii pueblo, 358 n. Lacane, Moscoso at, 242. Lake Michigamia, 214 n. Lakes, near Apalachen, 29. Lanegados Indians, hold Castillo cap- tive, 71. Lara, Alonso Manrique de, companion of Coronado, 293. Las Navas de Tolosa, battle of, 3. La Vaca, Bay, 58 n. League, Spanish, 22 n. Lee County, Arkansas, 214 n. Lenox Library, manuscript of Casta- neda in, 277. Leopard, see Wildcat. Lewis, T. Hayes, 132. Lions, see Mountain lions. Lisbon, 123. Little Red River, 216 n. Little River, 240 n. Little Tennessee River, 177 n. Little Valley, settlement of, 347. Llano River, 95 n. Lobillo, Juan Rodriguez, at court, 135; sent by De Soto into the country, 148; returns with four Indian women, 149 ; sent in quest of habita- tions, 171; overtakes De Soto, 172. Lopez, Diego, death of, 49. Lopez, Diego, appointed captain, 292; succeeds Samaniego, 296 ; adventure of, at Tiguex, 319; visits Haxa, 331. Lopez de Cardenas, G., see Cardenas. Lowery, Woodbury, Spanish Settle- ments, 1513-1561, cited, 19 n. Luis, Friar, see Descalona. Lusitanians, characterized, 134. Mabila, see Mauilla. Macaco, 150 n. Macanoche, presented to De Soto, 213. Macaque, see Matsaki. McGee, W J, account of Seri Indians, 301 n. Magdalena River, 33. Mago, a poisonous tree, 108 n. Maize, shown by Indians to Narvaez, 21; found under cultivation, 22, 25; little seen by Cabeza de Vaca on march to Apalachen, 28; is found growing in that place, 28, 29; secured with difficulty from Indians, 35; mentioned, 94, 96, 102, 103, 104, 105, 108, 110, 113, 114, 247, 248, 271. See also Corn. Malapaz, town, 156. Maldonado, Dona Aldonga, 125. Maldonado, Alonzo del Castillo, see Castillo Maldonado, Alonzo del. Maldonado, Francisco, ordered to the coast, 163; sent to Havana, 163; at Ochuse, 193; mentioned, 175, 204. Maldonado, Rodrigo, appointed cap- tain, 292; visits seacoast, 301; Indians attack camp of, 323; re- ceives gift of buffalo skins, 332; horse of, injures Coronado, 368. Malhado Island, Spaniards at, 5-6; named by Cabeza de Vaca, 50; identification of, 57 n.; Christians leave, losing a part of their number, 61; mentioned, 72. Maliacones Indians, 80, 87. See also Malicones Indians. Malicones Indians, 76 n. See also Maliacones Indians. Mallery, Garrick, on sign language, 363 n. Mallets, use of, as weapons by Indians, 321. Mamei, a fruit, 141. Mancano, is lost, 186. Mantelets of thread, found at Apala- chen, 28. Marcos, Fray, see Niza. Margaridetos, a kind of bead, 226. Mariames Indians, kill even their male children and cast away their daugh- ters, 64; mentioned, 87. Marian Indians, 61. Marjoram, wild, 338, 349, 364. Marquis, Isle of the, name of, given to lower California, 304, 304 n. INDEX 401 Marriage, among the Tahus, 344; at Cibola, 350; at Tiguex, 353. Mats, used in building houses, 346, 357 n. Matsaki, Zuni pueblo, 315 n.; descrip- tion of, 315-316, 350, mentioned, 358 n. Mauilla, De Soto at, 189; encounter with the Indians at, 190-193; men- tioned, 195. Mayayes Indians, 54 n. Maye, cacique of, gives battle, 239. Mayo Indians, 346 n. Meal, sacred, use of, 307 n. Meat, scarcity of, among De Soto's men, 167-168. Meirinho, see Tapile. Melgosa, Pablo de, appointed captain, 293; explores Colorado River Canons, 309; at Tiguex, 319. Melons, native American, 348. Memphis, near place of De Soto's crossing of the Mississippi, 204 n. Mendez, to seek Panuco, 49; taken by Indians, 58, 62. Mendica Indians, 87. Mendoza, Antonio de, first viceroy of New Spain, 121 n., 281 n.; learns of the arrival of De Soto's men at Panuco, 267; receives them at Mexico, 269; appoints Coronado governor of New Galicia, 287 ; plans expedition to Cibola, 275, 281 ; gives command to Coronado, 275, 281, 291; names Compostela as rendez- vous, 293; addresses soldiers at Compostela, 294; returns to New Spain, 295; mentioned, 296, 297, 302, 326 ; letter of, relating progress of expedition, 277; Coronado re- ceives messages from, 367; men- tioned, 377; disappointment of, over failure of expedition, 378. Mesa, Spanish soldier, 538. Mesquite flour, 89. Mestitam, Mexico, 268. Mexico, 97 n.; Cabeza de Vaca at, 120, 121; Moscoso at, 269. Miakka River, 150 n. Michoacan, province in New Spain, 286; journey of Mendoza through, 294. Mico River, 228. Mills, at Tiguex, 354. Mindeleff, V., on pueblo architecture, 354 n. Miruelo, pilot, 18, 20. Mishongnovi, Hopi pueblo, 358 n. Mississippi River, reached by Narvaez and Cabeza de Vaca, 41; the Great River, 202; De Soto crosses, 204; nature of country of, from Aquixo to Pacaha and Coligoa, 270; described by Indians, 330; reference to, 339; description of, 365; mentioned, 385^ 386. See also Grande River, Great River, and Espiritu Santo River. Mobile, 40 n. Mochilagua, settlement of, 347. Mochilla, presented to De Soto, 213. Mocogo, town of, 150 n.; speech of cacique of, to De Soto, 153. Moculixa, 194 n. Monroe County, Arkansas, 253 n. Monroe County, Mississippi, 195. Montejo, feats of, in Tabasco, 380. Mortar, substitute for, among Indians, 352. Moscoso de Alvarado, Luis, direction pursued by, 131; mentioned, 135; joins De Soto at Seville, 137; is master of the camp, 146; lodges with Ucita, 147; at Cale, 156; over- takes De Soto, 157; sent forward to Tastaluca, 187; advises a halt, 189; fails to keep a careful watch over the Indians at Chicaca, 197; suc- ceeds De Soto as governor, 233; holds a conference, 235-236; leaves Guachoya, 236; at Chaguate, 236- 237; at Aguacay , 238 ; at Naguatex, 240-242; reaches the Red River, 241; hangs his Indian guides, 242; marches from Nondaco, 243; en- counter with Indians at Aays, 243; hears of other Europeans seen by the Indians of Soacatino, 243; de- cides that reports are false, 244; holds a council and decides to return to Nilco, 245-246; causes resent- ment among his followers, 247; reaches Nilco, 248 ; goes to Aminoya, 249; directs the building of brigan- tines, 250; learns of Indian plot, 251 ; commands that right hands of thirty Indians be cut off, 252; 2d 402 INDEX mutilates other Indians, 252; pro- ceeds against Taguanate, 253; em- barks with his followers, 253-254; is attacked by Indians, 255-259; puts out to sea, 261; is separated from the other brigan tines, 263; after fifty-two days reaches the river Panico, 265-266; is received at the town of the same name, 267; and at Mexico, 269. Mosquitos, 67, 263. Mota Padilla, M. de la, cited, 356 n., 365 n., 366 n. Mountain lions, in Chichilticalli, 349; in Cibola, 350. Mountains seen by Cabeza de Vaca, 92 n. Mud Island, 57 n. Mulberries, wild, 334, 364. Musetti, Juan Pedro, book merchant, 126. Musical instruments of Indians, 312, 354. Muskhogean tribes, 21 n. Nacacahoz, Moscoso at, 244. Naguatex, mentioned, 238 ; Indian ad- vance at, 239 ; cacique of, addresses Moscoso, 241; found full of maize, 247; pottery made at, 247. Najera, birthplace of Castafieda, 276. Nambe, Tewa pueblo, 359 n. Napetaca, engagement at, between De Soto and the Indians, 158. Naquiscoca, Moscoso at, 244. Narvaez, Pamfilo de, receives grant, 3; sets sail, 3, 14; failure of his expedition, 7; size of his fleet, 14; reaches Santo Domingo where one hundred and forty men desert, 14; arrives at Santiago de Cuba, 15; loses ten of his ships and sixty men in storm at Trinidad, 3-4, 15-17; major portion of his fleet reach Trinidad and winter there, 17; at Xagua, 17; sights Florida, 18; reaches the mainland, 19; takes possession of country in the royal name, 4, 19-20; explores inland, 20, 21; holds conference regarding further penetration of interior, 22; takes up march into country, with three hundred men, 4, 25 ; accepts | Indian allies against the Apalachees, 26-27; takes Apalachen, 28; de- parts for Aute, 31; attacked by Indians, 31; reaches Aute, 32; departs from Aute, 33; calls a. council, which decides to build ves- sels in which to get away, 34-36; loses ten men killed by Indians, and forty, who die of disease, 36; leaves Bay of Horses, and meets with many privations, 37-38; lands and is wounded by Indians, 38-39; embarks once more and proceeds along the coast, 39-41; reaches the Mississippi, 41; exhibits selfishness in saving his life, 42 ; fate of, narrated by Esquivel, 62; mentioned by Oviedo, 70; is carried out to sea, 72; fate of his voyage foretold, 124; his Panuco fleet, 124-125; men- tioned, 157, 288; skulls of his horses found at Ochete, 162; his disaster frightens the followers of Moscoso, 248; survivors of his expedition return to New Spain, 288. Natividad, departure of Alar con from,, 294. Nebraska, description of, 364. Negroes, island of, 386. Negroes, with Coronado, 333. Neosho River, 217 n. New Albany, 200 n. Newfoundland, Spanish name for, 343 n., 360. New Galicia, province of New Spain, 113, 285 n., 286, 344; Coronado appointed governor of, 287; Coro- nado deprived of governorship of, 378. New Spain, mentioned, 124,254; direc- tion from Rio de las Palmas, 272. Nicalasa, an Indian chief, 195 n. Nilco, mentioned, 224, 225, 228, 230, 231; De Soto at, 226; most popu- lous town that was seen in Florida, 226; attacked, by orders of De Soto, 230-232; cacique of, plots against Moscoso, 251; and comes to make excuses, 252. Nilco, river of, De Soto crosses, 227. Nissohone, a poor province, 242; a woman of, acts as guide to Moscoso, 242. INDEX 403 Niza, Marcos de, expedition of, to Cibola, 9, 275, 288-290; narrative of, 277, 290 n.; reports of, verified by Diaz, 277, 296; made father pro- vincial of Franciscans, 291; sermon of, 298; mentioned, 300; return of , to Mexico, 302. Nondacao, reported to have plenty of maize, 242; mentioned, 243. North Carolina, 176 n. Nunez Cabeza de Vaca, Alvar. See Cabeza de Vaca, Alvar Nunez. Nufio de Guzman, 116, 119, 120. Nut pine, 96. Nuts, 271. Oaxaca, Marques del Valle de, title given to Cortes, 286 n. Ochete, skulls of horses found at, 162. Ochus, province, 163; mentioned, 175. Ochuse, Maldonado at, 193. Ocilla River, boundary of Muskhogean territory, 21 n. Ogita, see Ucita. Ocmulgee River, 166 n. Oconna-Luftee River, 176 n., 177 n. Oconee River, 167 n. Ocute, described to De Soto, 167; De Soto at, 167, 168; mentioned, 179; land is fertile, 270; distance to Cutifachiqui, 270. Ogechee River, 170 n. Ohoopee River, 170 n. Oiiate, Christobal de, governor of New Galicia, entertains Coronado, 294. Ofiate, Count of, nephew of, appointed captain, 292. Ofiate, Juan de, settlement made at Yukiwingge by, 340 n. Opata Indians, 305 n., 348 n.; pois- oned arrows of, 326 n.; mentioned, 376 n. Opossum, first allusion to, 29 n. Oraibi, Hopi pueblo, 358 n. Ortiz, Juan, rescued by De Soto, 10; found by De Gallegos, 149; his ad- ventures among the Indians, 149- 152; reports Indian plan to attack De Soto, 158; acts as interpreter, 170; not to speak of Maldonado 's proximity, 193; secures release of Osorio and Fuentes, 197; dies at Autiamque, 224. Osorio, Antonio, ascends river at Pacaha with five men, 210, 211. Osorio, Francisco, condemned to death by De Soto, 197. Otter, 350, 357. Ovando, Francisco de, companion of Coronado, 292; treatment of, by Indians, 354. Oviedo, Gonzalo Fernandez de, edits report to Audiencia of Espafiola, 8, 10; edition cited, 21 n., 25 n., 31 n., 39 n., 68-70, 92 n., 112 n. Oviedo, Lope de, at Malhado, 6; de- serts, 6 ; among the Indians, 44-45 ; rescued by Cabeza de Vaca, 57; returns, through fear, 59. Oxitipar, district of, in New Spain, 285. Oyster creek, 57 n. Oysters, found by Cabeza de Vaca, 33. Pacaha, sought by De Soto for its gold, 205, 208; probably to be located in the vicinity of Osceola, in Arkansas, 209n.; De Soto at, 209-213; cacique of, flees from De Soto, 210; is brought to the governor and sub- mits to him, 211 ; and accepts friend- ship of the cacique of Casqui, 212; distance to Aquiguate, 215; men- tioned, 227, 270; direction of, 271. Pacaxes, a tribe in Culiacan, 345. Padilla, Juan de, companion of Alva- rado, 279; accompanies Tovar to Tusayan, 307; remains in Quivira, 372; death of, 364, 373, 385. Pafalya, 194. Pajarito Park, 340 n. Palachen, 22 n. Palacios, death of, 49. Palisema, De Soto in, 216. Palmas, Rio de las, western limit of grant to Narvaez, 3, 14; mentioned, 22, 260, 264, 265, 266; direction from, to New Spain, 272; direction of, from Espiritu Santo, 272. Palmitos, sustenance of Narvaez and his men, 25. Palos, Juan de, friar, with Narvaez, 25. Panico, 268. See also Panuco. Pantoja, Juan, ordered by Narvaez to proceed to Trinidad, 15; possibly the Pantoja killed by Soto-Mayor, 15 n.; advises Narvaez, 42; made 404 INDEX lieutenant, 62; killed by Soto- Mayor, 63. Panuco, Narvaez orders ships to find, 4; mentioned, 63; to be sought by four men of Cabeza de Vaca's party, 49; Guzman, governor of, 285 n.; mention of, 385. See also Panico. Panuco River, 265 n. Papa, title given priests at Zufii, 351. Papagos, tribe of Sonora, 348 n. Paracoxi, province, 153, 154, 155. Partidos, seduce one hundred and forty men from Narvaez, 14. Pasquaro, visited by Mendoza, 294. Patent, to Narvaez, 3. Pato, Moscoso at, 238. Patofa, speech of, 168-169. Patoqua, Jemez pueblo, 359 n. Pawnee Indians, mention of, 328 n., 337 n., 365 n. Paz, Augustin de, printer, 126. Peace, form of making, at Acoma, 312; at Tiguex, 319. Pearls, found by De Soto, 174; burned at Mauilla, 193. Pecos, identification of Cicuye with, 329 n.; visit of Indians from, 310; visited by Alvarado, 312; visit of Coronado to, 327; siege of, 341; route of army to, 361 n.; descrip- tion of, 355-356; history of, 355 n.; mention of, 359. Pecos River, crossed by Spaniards, 99 n., 329, 338. Pedro, Don, lord of Tescuco, killed, 31. Pedro, Indian guide, is baptized, 174; regarded with suspicion, 176. Pemmican, used by Indians, 363. Penalosa, embarks in open boat, 36; repulses Indians, 39; overtaken by Cabeza de Vaca, 43; reported killed by the Camones, 72. Pensacola, Muskhogean territory, 21 n. Pensacola Bay, 38 n., 40 n. See also Chuse, Bay of. People of the Figs, 79, 87. Peru, exploration of, 380. Petachan River, see Petlatlan. Petates, or mats used for houses, 346, 377 n. Petlatlan, description of Indian settle- ment of, 346 ; houses at, 346, 377 n. ; mention of, 376. Petlatlan, Rio, identification of, with Rio Sinaloa, 346 n. Petutan River, 111, 117 n. Philip II., king of Spain, 288. Philippine Islands, location of isle of negroes in, 386 n. Piache, see Piachi. Piache River, 188, 189. Piachi, 188 n. Picardo, Juan, printer, 126. Picones, catfish, 349 n. Picuris, pueblo of, 352 n. Pima Indians, 115 n., 348 n. Pimahaitu Indians, 115 n. Pine Bluff, 225 n., 248 n. Pine nuts, used as food, 96, 349, 350. Piraguas, built by De Soto, 225. Piros Indians, 104 n.; villages of, 341 n. Pizarro, Hernando, mentioned, 135. Plot, against Narvaez, 34. Pobares, Francisco, death of, 322. Pojoaque, Tewa pueblo, 359 n. Pontotoc county, Mississippi, 195. Porcallo de Figueroa, Vasco, offers pro- visions to Narvaez, 15; keeps his slaves from hanging themselves, 142; mentioned, 143; is made captain-general, by De Soto, 145; is resisted by Indians, 146; lodges with Ucita, 147; is unable to make seizures of Indians, as slaves, 154; and returns to Cuba, 154. Pork, allowance of, to De Soto's men, 171. Portuguese, with Hernando de Soto, leave Elvas, 138; Spanish seek to get among the Portuguese, 139. Potano, town, 156, 162. Pottery, glazed, of Indians, 340; where found, 340 n.; made by Indians, 355, 361. Prairie de Roane, 239 n. Prairie dogs, seen by Coronado on great plains, 338. Prentiss County, Mississippi, 212 n. Prickly pears, 61 n., 66-67, 70, 71. 72, 73, 74, 75-76, 77, 78, 80, 81, 93, 94, 96, 246. See also Tuna. Primahaitu Indians, 114. Prostitution among the Tahus, 344-345. Puaray, settlement upon site of Tiguex, 317 n. INDEX 405 Pueblo Indians, 90 n., 104 n.; rabbit hunts among, 98 n.; ceremonials of, 384. Pueblos, method of building, 352. Puerto de Luna, 338 n. Puerto Principe, town in Cuba, 142, 143, 144. Puje, ruin of pueblo of, 340 n. Quachichiles, see Guachichules. Quachita River, 238 n. Qualla, see Xualla. Querechos Indians, mode of life of, 330; description of, 362-363. Queres, pueblos of, 327 n., 352, 358 n. Quevenes Indians, 59, 62, 85, 87. Quigaltam, 227; cacique of, sends message to De Soto, 229; arouses the latter's suspicions, 230; men- tioned, 235. Quigualtam, Indians of, attack Mos- coso, 255. Quiguate, 213, 215, 216. See Aqui- guate. Quince juice, use of, as poison antidote, 376, 381. Quipana, near plains, 222 n. Quirex, province of, visited by Span- iards, 327. Quitok Indians, 80 n., 87 n. Quitoles Indians, 87 n. Quivira, stories of, told by Turk, 313, 314; mention of, 327; departure of Coronadofor, 328; stories of Xabe of, 329 ; arrival of Coronado at, 336 ; route to, 337 n.; Indians of, identi- fied with Wichita Indians, 337 n.; Coronado returns from, 341, 342; description of, reference to, 362, 365, 366, 367; return to, planned, 368; Padilla remains in, 372, 373 n.; death of Padilla at, 385; route to, 378, 385. Quizquiz, De Soto at, 202; Indians of, present skins and shawls, 202; di- rection of, 271. Rabbits, on the great plains, 363; skins of, used for garments, 350. Rafts, use of, in crossing Colorado River, 304; method of making, 304. Ramirez, Fray Juan, establishes mis- sion at Acoma, 311 n. Ranjel, Narrative by, 130; cited, 161 n., 165 n., 166 n., 167 n„ 172 n., 175 n., 177 n., 178 n., 185 n., 188 n., 189 n., 194 n., 215 n., 216 n., 217 n., 222 n. Rau, Charles, translator of Baegert's narrative, 346 n. Redland, 195. Red River, 225 n., 261 n.; Moscoso at, 241 n.; identification of, with Zuni River, 299 n. Relation del Suceso, 278; cited, 337 n., 365 n., 367 n. Relation Postrera de Sibola, 278. Riberos, el Factor, companion of Coro- nado, 293. Rio Grande, 99 n., 102, 103 n., 104 n.; Indians attempt to cross, 323; pueblos near, 327 n., 335 n.; dis- appearance underground of, 341; mention of, 339 n., 340 n.; direction of, 359 n., 360. Ritchey, W. E., cited, 302. River, the, 228. River Grande, see Grande River. Rodriguez, Men., killed at Mauilla, 193. Rojas, Juan de, made governor's lieutenant of Cuba, 146. Romo, Alfonso, sent in quest of habita- tions, 171; overtakes De Soto, 172. Ruiz, Goncalo, death of, 49. Saabedra, Fernandarias de, appoint- ment of, 297. Saabedra, H. de, mayor of Culiacan, 297, 371, 372. Sacatecas, see Zacatecas. St. Clement's Point, landing of Nar- vaez at, 19 n. St. Francis County, Arkansas, 205 n., 214 n. St. Francis River, 213 n., 214 n. St. Marks, seat of the Apalachee, 21 n., 30 n. St. Marks Bay, 33 n., 37 n. St. Marks River, 33 n. Saline County, 236 n. Saline River, 236 n. Salt, made by Spaniards, 218, 238; natural crystals of, in Arizona, 310; lakes of, on great plains, 338, 362. Salvidar, Juan de, companion of 406 INDEX Coronado, 292; explorations of, 296; mentioned, 299; at Tiguex, 319; captures Indian village, 324; escape of Indian woman from, 339. Samaniego, Lope de, appointed army- master, 292; death of, 295. San Antonio Bay, 58 n. San Antonio Cape, 143. San Antonio River, 74 n. San Bernardo River, 58 n. Sanbenitos, described, 334 n., 347. Sancti Spiritus, town in Cuba, 142, 144. Sandia Mountains, 352. San Gabriel de los Espafioles, settle- ment of, 340 n. San Hieronimo de los Corazones, founding of, 301 ; dispatches from, 324; disturbance in, 326; trans- ferred to Suya, 301, 326. San Ildefonso, Tewa pueblo, 359 n. San Juan, Tewa pueblo, 340 n., 359 n. Sanlucar, Bay of, 139. Sanlucar, muster of De Soto's forces at, 139. San Lucar de Barrameda, port in Spain, 3, 14 n. San Luis, island, 57 n. San Marcos- Guadalupe River, 74 n. San Miguel, village, 120. San Miguel Culiacan, 113 n. San Pedro, river in Sonora, 371 n. Sant Anton, Cape, westernmost point of Cuba, 18 n. Santa Clara, Tewa pueblo, 359 n. Santa Fe, seat of provincial govern- ment, 340 n. Santa Maria, Rio, 105 n. Santander River, called Rio de los Palmas, 14 n. Santiago, use of, as war cry, 300 n., 308. Santiago de Cuba, described by the Gentleman of Elvas, 140 -141 ; bread there made of a root, 141; natural products of, 141. Sant Miguel, strait, 37. Santo Domingo, Narvaez reaches, 14; mentioned, 19 n. Saquechuma, burned by Indians to deceive De Soto, 196. Savannah River, 21 n., 172 n. Sebastian, king, 272 n. Seminole Indians, 19 n, Senora, see Sonora. Seri Indians, 108 n., 301 n. Seven Cities, see Cibola. Sheep, Rocky Mountain, 305, 348. Shongopovi, Hopi pueblo, 358 n. Shupaulovi, Hopi pueblo, 358 n. Sia, identification of, 327 n., 359 n.; mention of, 359. Sichomovi, Hopi pueblo, 358 n. Sierra, dies, 49. Sierra Madre Mountains, 106 n. Sign language, used by Querechos, 330 ; by plains Indians, 363, 363 n. Silos, Pueblo de los, 356, 358 n. Silveira, Fernando da, epigram by, 133. Silver, reports of, at Quivira, 313, 314, 329; use of, in glazing, 340, 355, 361; mine of, at Culiacan, 345. Silver Bluff, 172 n. Sinaloa, settlement of, 347. Sinaloa River, 113, 117 n., 346. Sipsey River, 194 n. Slavery, Spanish, among the Indians, 64; Indian, among the Spaniards, 110, 114, 116, 312, 329, 339; Ind- ians sought by Vasco Porcallo de Figueroa, 154; taken by De Soto, 160, 181, 184-185, 186, 195, 205, 206, 208, 209, 215, 216, 217, 218, 219, 222, 223, 225, 227, 232; by Moscoso, 238, 239, 242, 254; five hundred men and women aban- doned, 254. Smith, Buckingham, Relation of Alvar Nunez Cabeza de Vaca, cited, 19 n., 24 n., 25 n., 30 n., 31 n., 71 n., 79 n., 90 n., 92 n. ; translation of Oviedo's Letter, 68-70; Coleccion de varios Documentos para la His- toria de la Florida, edited by, 130. Snakes, worship of, 344. Soacatino, guide to, furnished to Mos- coso, 243; Indians of, report seeing Europeans, 243; Moscoso at, 244. Sobaipuri, 349 n., 371 n. Socorro, see Aymay. Sodomy, among Pacaxes, 345; at Petlatlan, 346; at Suya, 348; absence of, at Cibola, 351. Solis, Alonso de, distributor and assessor, with Narvaez, 14; enters Apalachen, 28; embarks in open boat, 36; is drowned, 46. INDEX 407 Sonora, Spanish settlement in valley of, 301, 302; San Hieronimo aban- doned for, 301, 326; description of, 347; rebellion at, 370-371. Sonora Indians, 106 n. Sorcery, among Pacaxes, 345. Soti, brothers, die at Aminoya, 249. Soto, Hernando de, wishes services of Cabeza de Vaca, 8, 136; Narrative of expedition of, by the Gentleman of Elvas, 127-272; geographical knowledge afforded by the Narra- tive, 129; Indian tribes described, 129; places mentioned, 129; parent- age of, 135; captain of horse in Peru, 135; marries Dona Ysabel de Bobadilla, 136; is made governor of Cuba, and Adelantado of Florida, 136; members of his company, 136- 138 ; sails with six hundred men and seven ships, 139; reaches Santiago de Cuba, 140; goes to Havana by land, 143; lands in Florida, 146; lodges with Ucita, 147; loses his Indian interpreters, 147; sends vessels to Cuba for provisions, 154; moves toward Cale, in search of gold, 155 ; finds the town abandoned, 155; orders all the ripe grain in the fields to be secured, 156; loses three men, 156; reaches Caliquen and hears of the distress that overtook Narvaez at Apalache, but decides to go onward, 157; takes cacique, and is attacked by Indians at Napetaca, 158; divides some of the captives among his men and orders execution of the rest, 160; seizes a hundred Indian men and women, 160; starts in search of gold, reported to be at Yupaha, 164; tells the cacique of Achese that he is the child of the Sun, 167; plants a cross, 167; re- ceives four hundred tamemes from the cacique of Ocute, 168; leaves the province of Patofa, 169; an exorcism cures his guide, 169; re- ceives seven hundred tamemes, 170; suffers many privations, 171-172; orders an Indian burned, 172; hears speech of a kinswoman of the cacica of Cutifachiqui, 172-173; hears speech of the cacica., 173; leaves Cutifachiqui, 175; takes the cacica as a slave, 176; distances traversed, 177; begs maize of the cacique of Chiaha, 178; hears speech of cacique of that place, 178; sends men to see if there is gold at Chisca, 181 ; hears speech of cacique of Coste, 182-183; and speech of cacique of Coca, 183- 184; rests at Co ga twenty-five days, 185; hears speech at Tallisi, 186- 187; hears speech of cacique of Tastaluca, 188; distances traversed to Tastaluga, 188-189; wounded in encounter with Indians at Mauilla, 191; hears that Maldonado is at Ochuse, 193 ; his losses in the Florida expedition, 194; leaves Mauilla, 194; reaches Chicaga and takes some Indians, 195; cuts off an Indian's hands for theft, 196; repulses Ind- ians, 197-199; leaves Chicaga and sustains two more attacks made by the natives, 199-201; sets out for Quizquiz, 202 ; crosses the Mississippi, 204; hears speeches of the cacique of Casqui, 206-207; preaches Chris- tianity to the Indians, 207-208; finds many shawls and skins at Pacaha, 209; makes friendship between the caciques of Casqui and Pacaha, 212; burns part of Aqui- guate, 214; takes one hundred and forty-one Indians, 215; makes other captures at Coligoa, 216; at Tanico, 217; subdues cacique of Tulla, 218- 220 ; has now been gone three years, 221 ; has lost two hundred and fifty men, 221; winters at Autiamque, 222-224; goes to Nilco, 226; and thence to Guachoya, 227; sends a message to cacique of Quigaltam, 229 ; is taken ill, 230; sends expedition against Nilco, 230-231; farewell speech to his men, 232-233; names Moscoso to be his successor, 233; dies, 233; and is secretly buried, 234; sale of his property, 235; ref- erence to discoveries of, 313, 339, 365; crosses route of Coronado, 339; mentioned, 362, 366; route of, 386. Soto-Mayor, Juan de, companion of Coronado, 293. 408 INDEX Soto-Mayor, kills Juan Pantoja, 15 n., 63; dies and is eaten by Esquivel, 63. Soto-Mayor, Pedro de, chronicler of Cardenas' expedition, 310. South Carolina, 176 n. South Sea, 105, 108, 111, 238. See also California, Gulf of. Staked Plains, 7, 97 n., 245 n., 361 n., 362 n. Stevens, John, dictionary of, 300 n. Susola Indians, 76, 80 n., 87. Suwannee, river, crossed by Narvaez, 27 n. Suya, see Sonora. Swain County, 176 n. Tabasco, mention of, 380. Tabu, among Indians of Malhado, 51- 52. Taguanate, cacique of, plots against Moscoso, 251; comes to make excuses, 252; town assaulted by Moscoso, 252-253. Tahu Indians, a tribe in Culiacan, 344. Tali, De Soto at, 182; speech of cacique of, 182-183. Taliepataua, 194. Talise, nature of the country, 270. See also Tallise. Talladega County, 183 n. Tallahassee, seat of the Apalachee, 21 n. Tallahatchie River, 200 n. Tallapoosa County, 186. Tallapoosa River, 186. Tallimuchose, without inhabitants, 185. Tallise, 186; cacique of, lends forty men to De Soto, 186; presents the tamemes needed, 187. See also Talise. Tamemes, Indians who carry burdens, 168, 170, 176, 182, 184, 186, 187, 213. Tampas Bay, reached by Narvaez, 20; mentioned, 36 n., 125 n. Tanico, De Soto at, 217. Tanto River, 143. Taos, identification with Braba, 340 n. ; visit of Spaniards to, 340; Valla- dolid Spanish name for, 340; men- tion of, 359. Tapatu River, 228. Tapile, equivalent of meirinho, 269. Tarasca, a district in Michoacan, 286. Tascaluca, De Soto seeks, 185 ; cacique of, addresses De Soto, 186-187; dis- tance to Mississippi, 215; nature of the country, 270; direction of, 271. See also Tastaluca. Tastaluca, cacique of, sends a chief to De Soto, 186-187; dwelling of, 187; speech to De Soto, 188; is taken by De Soto, 188; asks to be allowed to remain, 189; at Mauilla, 189. See also Tascaluca. Tatalicoya, De Soto at, 217. Tattooing, among Indians, 348 n. Tavera, one of Cabeza de Vaca's party, death of, 48-49. Tejas, see Teyas. Tejo, stories told by, 285-286; death of, 287. Tellez, captain, embarks in open boat, 36; repulses Indians, 39; over- taken by Cabeza de Vaca, 43; re- ported killed by the Camones, 72. Tennessee River, 181 n., 212 n. Teocomo, settlement of, 347. Tepoca Indians, 108 n. Terceira, island, 123; produces batata, 141. Ternaux-Compans, Henri, translation of Castafieda by, 277, 290 n., 341 n. Tesuque, Tewa pueblo, 359 n. Tewa Indians, pottery of, 340 n.; pueblos of, 359 n. Teyas, tribe of plains Indians, 333; identification with Tejas, or Texas, 333 n.; guides of Coronado to Quivira, 335, 338; Cicuye besieged by, 357 ; name of, synonymous with braves, 357; mentioned, 362; can- nibalism among, 363 n. Theodoro, a Greek, makes resin, 35; deserts, 40. Tietiquaquo, chief of, comes to De Soto, 223. Tiguas, 317 n.; pueblos of, 358 n. Tiguex, visited by Alvarado, 312; identification of, 317 n.; demands of Spaniards at, 318; revolt of Indians of, 319; Indians of, dis- trust Spaniards, 321, 328; seige of, INDEX 400 322 ; description of, 352 ; pueblos of, 358. Timucuan Indians, 19 n., 25 n. Timuquanan or Timucuan Indians, 19 n., 25 n. Tishomingo County, Mississippi, 212 n. Tison, Rio del, reason for name of, 301. See Colorado River. Toalli, De Soto at, 165, 166; houses made of grass, 165. Toasi, 185 n.; De Soto at, 186. Tobar, Nuno de, at court, 135; ac- companies De Soto, 137; is deprived of his rank as captain-general, 145; leaves his wife at Havana, 146; sent against Nilco, 231. Tobosos Indians, 103 n. Tocaste, town, 155 n. Tombigbee River, 189 n., 194 n., 195 n. Tomson, Robert, cited, 334 n. Tonala, settlement of, 287. Tonkawa Indians, Texas tribe, 363 n. Topia or Tapira in Durango, 290 n. Topira, expedition of Coronado to, 290. Torre, Diego Perez de la, replaces Guzman, 287. Torrejon de Velasco, death of Guzman at, 285 n. Tovar, Fernando de, position of, 292. Tovar, Pedro de, appointed ensign- general, 292; visits Tusayan, 307; sent to San Hieronimo, 326; joins Coronado at Tiguex, 367. Traslado de las Nuevas, 278. Travois, dog saddles used by plains Indians, 362. Trees, near Apalachen, 29; of Santi- ago de Cuba, 140-141; named by Gentleman of Elvas, 206. Trigeux, see Tiguex. Trinidad, storm at, 15-17; town in Cuba, 144, 145. Truxillo, adventure of, 298. Tuasi, see Toasi. Tuckaseegee River, 176 n. Tula, direction of, 271. Tulla, De Soto's encounter with Indians at, 218-219; cacique of, offers presents , 220 ; is dismissed ,221. Tuna, native American fruit, 347; preserves made from, by Indians, 305 n., 348. Tunica County, Mississippi, 204 n. Turk, Indian slave at Pecos, 313, 372; stories of, 314; bracelets of, 315; mentioned, 326, 329, 330, 331; Spaniards grow suspicious of, 328, 334; put in chains, 335; motive of, in misleading Spaniards, 336-337. Turkeys in pueblo regions, 354. Turquoises, presented to Cabeza de Vaca, 106, 117; found at Waco, 246 collected by Estevanico, 288, 289 how obtained by Indians, 308 n. gifts of, made by Indians, 308, 312 of pueblo Indians, 350. Tusayan, description of, by Zufii Ind- ians, 307; visited by Tovar, 307; cotton cultivated at, 308 n.; de- scription of, 351; names of pueblos of, 358 n. Tutahaco, visit of Coronado to, 314; problem of name of, 314 n.; eight pueblos of, 358. Tutelpinco, De Soto at, 225. Tyronza River, 206 n., 208 n. Ucita, an Indian chief, 146 n.; town of , 146, 147; temple thrown down, 147. Uitachuco, burned by Indians, 161. Ullibahali, chiefs of, approach De Soto, 185; a fenced town, 185; cacique of, offers tamemes to De Soto, 186. Union County, Mississippi, 200 n. Upanguayma Indians, 108. "Upper Cross Timbers," 244 n. Urine, use of, as a mordant, 354 n. Urrea, Lope de, companion of Coro- nado, 293 ; envoy of peace to Ind- ians, 323. Utinama, town, 156. Uzachil, much food found at, 160. Uzachil, cacique of, sends embassy to De Soto, 158; presents him with deer, 160. Uzela, De Soto at, 161. Vaca, Cabeza de, see Cabeza de Vaca. Vacapan, province crossed by Coro- nado, 305. Vacas, Rio de las, 103 n. Valdevieso, killed by Indians, 58, 64; mentioned by Oviedo, 69. Valencuela, captain, ordered by Nar- vaez to follow river to the sea, 26. 410 INDEX Valladolid, Spanish name of Braba, 340, 359. Valley of Knaves, rebellion of Indians in, 326. Vargas, Juan de, killed by Indians, 257. Vargas, Luis Ramierez de, companion of Coronado, 293. Vasconcelos, Andre de, of Elvas, 137, 138; commands a ship in De Soto's expedition, 139; slave of, espouses cacica of Cutifachiqui, 177; dies at Aminoya, 249. Vasconyados Indians, 115 n. Vazquez, Juan, killed at Mauilla, 193. Vazquez de Ayllon, Lucas, 21 n. Vega, Garcilaso de la, "the Inca," author of Florida del Yunca, 131 ; gives distance of Moscoso's journey down the Mississippi, 259 n. Vegetation of the great plains, 362. Velasco, island, possibly to be identified with Malhado, 57 n. Velazquez, Juan, first man of Narvaez' exploring party to be lost, 27; his horse affords supper to many, 27. Venison, a thing little known, 74. Vera, Francisco de, father of Nunez Cabeza de Vaca, 3, 125. Vera, Pedro de, conqueror of the Canaries, grandfather of Nunez Cabeza de Vaca, 3, 13 n., 125. Vera Cruz, Cabeza de Vaca at, 121; mentioned, 265 n., 268. Vessels, built by men under Narvaez, 34-36; by Spaniards at Aminoya, 250. Vicksburg Bluffs, 255 n. Villafarta, named by De Soto, 157. Villalobos, R. L. de, voyage of, 360, 360 n., 378. Virgins, treatment of, 355, 356. Voth, H. R., studies on Oraibi mar- riage customs, 353 n. Waco, Moscoso at, 244 n., 245; tur- quoises and shawls of cotton found at, 246. Walnut Bend suggested as the place of De Soto's crossing the Mississippi, 204 n. Walnuts, found by Coronado, 334. Walpi, Hopi pueblo, 358 n. Watercress, native American, 349. Whiskers, captain of Cicuye Indians, 310, 312; taken prisoner by Alva- rado, 315; release of, 329. White Oak shoals, Red River, 242 n. White River, 216 n., 217 n., 253 n. Wichita Indians, identified with Ind- ians of Quivira, 337 n. Wildcat, native American, 349, 350. Wine, of pitahaya, 348. Winship, George Parker, memoirs on the Coronado expedition, 276-277, 337 n., 341 n., 360 n., 366 n., 374 n., 386 n. Witchcraft practised by Pacaxes, 345. Withlacoochee River crossed by Nar- vaez, 25 n. Wolves on great plains, 363. Women, work of, in pueblo building, 352; functions of, 353. Woodruff County, Arkansas, 216 n. Xabe, Indian from Quivira, with Coronado, 329, 342. Xagua, see Jagua. Xalisco, establishment of, 287; Alar- con's destination at, 294. Xerez de Badaj6z, 135. Xerez de la Frontera, 126. Ximena, see Galisteo. Xuala, direction of, 271. Xualla, mentioned, 176 n., 177; dis- tance to Tastaluca, 188; distance to Coca, 189. Xuarez, Juan, commissary of Narvaez' fleet, 14; burns cases containing dead men, 21; approves the plan for Spanish to continue inland ex- ploration, 23; joins inland march, 25; one of party that goes to look for the sea, 33. Yaqui Indians, 118 n., 346 n. Yaqui River, 376 n. Yaquimi, settlement of, 347. Yeguaces Indians, 87 n. Yguases Indians, see Yguazes Ind- ians. Yguazes Indians, 61, 87; manners and customs of, 65-66; marriage among, 65. Young County, Texas, 244 n. Ysabel de Bobadilla, wife of Hernando INDEX 411 de Soto, 136; receives a waiting- maid from the governor of Gomera, 140; and a mule from a gentleman of Santiago de Cuba, 140; sails for Havana, 142; is in much danger, 143; remains in Havana, 145; receives twenty women, sent by Anasco, 162; has not heard from De Soto in three years, 221. Ysopete, Indian of Quivira, with Coronado, 331; supplants Turk in confidence of Coronado, 334, 337. Ytara, town, 156, 162. Ytaua, De Soto at, 185. Yukiwingge, visited by Barrionuevo, 340; location of, 340 n.; pueblos of, 359 n. Yuma Indians, description of, 303. Yupaha, governed by a woman, 164; reported to have much gold, 164. Yuqueyunque, see Yukiwingge. Zacatecas, Mexican province, 385. Zamora, printing press at, 126. Zebreros, an alcalde, acts as guide to Cabeza de Vaca, 115; goes to Culiacan, 116. Zuni Indians, pueblos of, 300, 358 n.; pottery of, 340 n.; tame eagles of, 348 n.; dress of women of, 350 n.; population of pueblos of, 351 n. See also Cibola. Zuni River, crossed by Coronado, 299. A Great Historical Work ORIGINAL NARRATIVES OF EARLY AMERICAN HISTORY REPRODUCED UNDER THE AUSPICES OF THE AMERICAN HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION General Editor: J. FRANKLIN JAMESON, Ph.D., LL.D. Director of the Department of Historical Research in the Carnegie Institution of Washington President of the American Historical Association Each volume, octavo, cloth-bound, about 4.50 pages $3.00 net. 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