.a LIBRARY OF CONGRESS lili i; '■ IIjIhIIii V II I lillil 012 028 245 1 pH83 E 458 .2 .PA4 Copy 2 GEN. PKIMIAMS PLATFOI!M MOST FEASIBLK ITW Y|:T OFFERED SUPPRESSING THE REBELLION. " (!3ol) tUcss ^br;ilKim 'Xinroln." BOSTON: PRESS OF ALFRED MUDGE & SON, 34 SCHOOL STREET. 1 8 62. L4-:: ^CHI Co Ibc lUoplc of tbc alnitcii States of Jmcrita ; Soon after the Presidential election in 18G0, I wu.s in Wash- ington and remained there nntil alter the inauguration of President Lincoln, and saw the disaflVction and disloyalty of Southern Senators and Representatives, — I heard their speeches on their retirement from Congress to return home to their people, to join them in mutiny and oi)en rebellion. They declared, in the u.ost strong and positive terms, that they had severed their connection with the United States forever — that they would never come back, that we could not conquer them in any other way than to exterminate thcnii I watched anxiously the loyal Senators and Representatives, to see what action they would take. I urged upon them the propriety of arresting those traitor Senators and Represen- tatives, and hanging them before they left Washington ; when the traitor Commissioners from South Carolina came to Wash- ington to treat with the Government, I urged President Buchanan through members of Congress, to seize and hang them at once, as Gen. Jackson would if he had been at the helm of the ship of State, and the people would have sus- tained him in the act. Mr. Buchanan would not do his duty ; neither would the loyal Senators and Representatives do anything to stop the progress of the rebellion, which convinced me that they were not aware of tlie extent of disloyal disafTection, nor of its increasing power — they said the threats of the disloyal members of Con- gress were to frighten them to crivc such legislation as they asked — that the true way was to take no notice of their move- ment, and that they would all conic back in three months, except South Carolina which they wished to remain out longer. As time went on, matters grew worse and worse. State after State left the Union. President Buchanan seemed to be wholly under the control of traitors. Repeated threats of the southern rebellious leaders, Senators and ollicials were made at Washington that Mr. Lincoln, President elect, should not be inaugurated. I immediately made a communication to all the loyal State Legislatures that convened at their respective Capitals in January 1861, stating the alarming situation of public affairs, and requesting them to offer forthwith the whole military force of their respective States to the Government, to hold and protect the public property and to cause the laws to be enforced, and I urged upon them to request the President to hang every traitor. I also commenced making timely arrangements with the railroads throughout the country to transport to Washington at excursion prices for tickets, one hundred thousand people, privately armed, that their pi'csence might overawe the riotous and rebellious, and permit the inauguration of our chosen chief to take place. But the Government was informed by some traitor what I was doing with the railroads, and put a veto upou my plans. But by the loyalty of Gen. Scott's military arrangements, the inauguration took place. And let me say here that if the gentlemen liaving charge of the conveyance of Mr. Lincoln from Illinois to Washington, made him believe that it was necessary for him, if he wished to save his own life, to go from Ilarrisburg to Washington by way of Philadelphia in disguise, in the night, why could they not convince him when he was inaugurated, that if he wished to save the life of the Union, he should put forth the most prompt and vigorous effort to suppress the rel>ellion. But we did not see but little done until the capture of Fort Sumter — the President tlirti ralliMl fur To.flOO int'ii for tlirec nioutlis, to put ilnwii the ii-licllioii. iumI the call was respondc'tl to l»y a jrruiicl shout IVoni the loyal puoplo of the North. But it was c\ iik'Ut to ruy niiiid that the President and ('aiiinoL saw not the thick (hirkness of the cloud that was lowering around us; that they were not aware of the rebellious power at work, and I immediately wrote to Secretary Cameron that 75,000 men were insuflicient, and that a million of men should be raised for the duration of the war (and not for three months,) and marched south to protect the Capital, take and hold the Forts and other juiltlic property; (juell the disturb- ance and crush out the unholy rebellion. I advised that they bcj called at once ; and if it was not strictly lawful, that it •was expedient and necessary, and Congress at its next session would ajiprove the call and ietralizo the action of the Executive. The attack on the Gth Regiment of Massachusetts Volunteers by the rebels on the 19th of April, at Baltimore, roused the patriotic fire of the people, and then had the million been called by the President they would have overcome and forever silenced the rebellion. The whole people of the North, East and West, were united to sustain the President, and men and money were ready, and it needed only a call from the President to place one million, or even two millions, volunteers in the field. I urged Secretary Cameron to adopt my views, and to let him know that I was in earnest, I proposed to raise one hun- dred thousand men and take the command of them and march South. I told Mr. Cameron that I had the energy and ability to do this, but if he did not sec fit to give a civilian such a position then to authorize me to raise the troops and appoint some military man to their command. Mr. Cameron replied that all volunteers must be raised through the State authorities. 1 theu urged agaiu that tho States be immediately called upon for at least one million men for the war. But the power, the resources and hostile enerj^y of the South were not appreciated ; there was faith in tiie Union men of the South, wliich, with a mistaken idea of the ability of the leading rebels, induced the Administration to put forth only a weak hand to quell the rebellion, and as the war progressed one call after another was made for troops. The promise to quell the rebellion in three months was not fulfilled. An extra session of Congress was called in July, 18G1, and the whole action of that session showed weakness and a great want of ajtpreciation of the true situation of affairs. Congressmen and editors were all " On for Richmond ; " they thought iifty or sixty thousand men could make their way there without serious opposition. The Senate of tiie United States allowed Mr, Breckinridge to hold his seat in that body and talk treason every day. The defeat of the Union forces at Bull Run on the 21st of July caused intense alarm throughout the North for the safety of the Capital. Gen. Scott, like a true man, took the blame of that disaster upon himself for allowing the advance to be made contrary to his own judgment, at the demand of politicians and before the army was properly disciplined and officered. The war has progressed up to this time. We have had vic- tories and defeats one after anotlier, and to-day the rebellion is more formidable, and the great work of restoring the Union and a lasting peace looks further from accomplishment than it did twelve months ago. The lives and treasure of the people have been freely given to the counti-y, and the acceptance of more men and greater means have been constantly urged upon tiie Administration; yet they were not accepted, and the desired success of our cause is delayed. The party that elevated Mr. Lincoln, although having a large majority in both houses of Congress has failed throuf^li the fal- tering policy and unaj)|)reoiativc views ol its leaders to render that support to the Administration and that scrvico to the uoud- try which a loyal and enlij^htcncd people had the right to expect. Had the leading Congressmen apj)reeiated the vital fact that they were the representatives of a united people, who were prosecuting war with a single purpose, and had given an honest, energetic and unqualified support to the President, if the rebel- lion had not already been successfully (juclled (as I think it might have been), we should not, at this time, witness the alarm- ing and disgraceful spectacle of party strife in the loyal States. Unfortunately they did not comprehend the necessity of rising from partisans to patriots, and their course has seemed to be a struggle to sec who should press the most imbecile war policy, whose favorite general should have this or that important com- mand, and whose jiolitical friend should have the largest con- tract. As a direct and damaging consequence the people are losing confidence, and becoming dissatisfied and discouraged at the conduct of the war. The rebel sympathisers and agents in the North are then at last furnished with the opportunity they have so long hoped for and predicted, viz, the division of the sentiment of the North, and they are exerting an earnestness and vigor — known in this country alone to rebels — in creating dissensions and new par- ties, with opinions at utter variance in regard to the manner of prosecuting the war. It may be truly said that the rebels have succeeded in caus- ing a division of sentiment in the North ; and it may be as truly said tliat those whose business it was to prevent such a calamity unpatriotically failed. Men, talented men, whom the people have more than once honored, and who have been as silent as the grave on the war question, and whose opinions were rightful objects of suspicion, now that party strife is declared, are campaigning in the State 8 elections, making war speeches, and most extraordinary speeches they are. A divided North, at the outset, was the expectation of the rebels; it failed then, to their great surprise and disgust. Divided now, they feel certain of securing their independence. Tiiey dream not of compromise ,' yet their sympathizers here talk compromise. It can never be. There can be no compro- mise made with them — they said so at first ; they will say so now; they would not, and will not, accept anything short of their unconditional independence. They meant what they said, they mean it now, and whoever says a compromise can be made with them to return to the Union, now or ever, is either a traitor at heart, or is strangely ignorant of the Southern character. It is time for us to determine that the rebellion must and shall he imt doion, and the Union re-estahlishcd. It is time for us to determine and re-determine that we will unitedly support the President of the United States, in all his efforts to suppress the rebellion, whether he is r'lglu or ivrong. It is time for us to re-determine that the President ought to u?e every effort, every power and every faculty that God has given him, to crusli the rebellion in tlie quickest and most vig- orous manner; and wlicn the war is ended, and the Union re- established, if it is found that the Constitution is injured, then will be time er.ough to repair and make it good. Tiic rebellion must be put down, or it will put the Govern- ment and whole North down ; — the rebellion must be put down by force, even if the work shall demand and accomplish the destruction of the entire rebellious States. Our army is already large, and well officered, and yet the work lingers, and human life and the nation's treasure is con- stantly sacrificed. It is time to strike the effectual blow, which has been delayed too long, and the quicker it is done the fewer homes will be left desolate, bereft of fathers, brothers, husbands and sous. In adililioii to this vust uiiuy, in order to rcunitf the loyal people of the North in llu' most vigorous efforts to encourage aiul siipijort the President, and t<» l»ring the war to a successful terniiiiatioii, in llif shortctit possible tiint-. 1 .^luggest an addi- tional force. I propose that the President call for one million and a half more volunteers, making the entire army to nuniljer two and a iialf millions strong, of able-bodied men between the ages of 18 and 70 years; to be enlisted for the duration of the war, unless sooner discharged, to be armed, equipped, furnished with all needed supplies, and transported to the disloyal districts or States, to be called the army or armies of occupation of the rebel States. That they go to conquer and occupy the land to be possessed. I propose that as they succeed in. conquering the rebels, the lands and property of whatever name or description taken or captured shall be considered lawfully the lands and properties of the United States, to be held or sold with the exception of the slaves, who are to be free, and the proceeds of the lands and properties, thereof to be divided among the soldiers and officers, in the same ratio that the proceeds of sales of vessels captured by our navy, are divided among the sailors and officers, and that the soldiers and officers of the army of occu- pation are to receive no other pay or bounties. The officers and soldiers of the present army may join in the array of capture and occupation and share in the benefits to be obtained, on the same terms, that is, without the regular pay as soldiers ; and the slaves of the rebels captured and free colored people who shall flock to the Union standard and fight and work under its banners, shall be paid from the proceeds such sum as Congress shall direct. The intention being to seize and appropriate the whole disloyal territory. The Union men in the disloyal territory shall be protected in their property, and if the slaves are taken from them they shall 10 receive fj'om Govei'iiment a fair renumcration. In addition to holding their own jn-opcrty tliev may enlist in the Union army of occupation and help to exterminate the rebels and seize the rebel property, and share in the proceeds thereof. Tiie soldiers in the Confederate army who have been forced to fight the Union forces contrary to tlieir wishes, may enlist in the Union army of occupation on the same terms with the others, that the rebel territory, and property except that held by Union men, may be settled and improved by loyal men, who will sustain tlu; American flag, and maintain and defend the Government under which avc have prospered since our fathers gave it to us in charge. The rebellion having been crushed and peace restored, I pro- pose that extensive arrangements be made for emigration from all the North, East and West, ard that the industry of the Old World be permitted to come and purchase and enjoy the land : and in three years time the emigrants who would be settled there, togctlier with the soldiers who remain, would comprise a loyal people, greatly outnumbering the present disloyal popula- tion of those States. That would open those fertile regions to the industry of the world, the mechanic arts would be cultivated, the church, the school house would rise in every town, and there would be peace, progress and enjoyment where now is oppression and privation, rebellion and the evils it produces. In this way the rebellion can be destroyed, and the union of the States be cemented in bonds never more to be shaken, and there shall be peace over all the land. A just and equitable provision shall be made for colonizing the colored population in the rebel territory, and for emigra- tion of the free colored people of the North to the South. Let certain of the Cotton States be set apart ibr a home for the people of color foi-ever. A just and equitable provision shall also be made for the 11 women and childrt'ii of tlio rebels who have l»een huiit^ or ban- ished IVoni the eoiintry. The rebels thenisclvcs have forfeited all rii^dit and chiini to the protection of the constitution and laws, ex(;ej)t to one end of a rope. h will be impossible in this short address to enter into all the details necessary to carry out so vast an enterprise ; the outlines arc merely given; but if the CJovernment and people will honestly and earnestly adopt this plan, the details can be oi'ranged, and a bill drawn up covering the whole ground, and passed by Congress during the lirst ten days of the session in December. The men can be put into the field, and the rebel- lion be wound up in twelve months. Can the people be aroused, and waked up to adopt this, the only feasible plan now oflered for conquering a peace with the rebels? Is not our glorious Union worth u united effort from all its people to save it from destruction ? Then unitedly call upon the Presi- dent and Congress to adopt and carry out this plan. Offer the President anew your services, and all you have, to aid him in conquering the most gigantic rebellion that ever existed. The President needs your sympathy, and your prayers to God to give him wisdom and power to direct aright the affairs of the nation. I pledge myself to do all that one man can do to aid the President. I will arrange with the railroads for tickets at excursion prices for all who emigrate to settle in the conquered territory. I will Ijring to my aid the commercial fleet of our own country to transport passengers and supplies, — the com- mercial fleets of the Old World will also be put in requisition, and emigration and gold will flow to us in unprecedented num- bers and quantities; instead of being ])oor as we shall be if we allow the country to be destroyed, in five years we shall be the richest country on the globe, and every man that belonged to the Army of Occupation of the rebel States will become rich. I ask the loyal press of the United States to lay this project LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 12 012 028 245 before the people and urge its adoption. I reasonably ask the loyal press and all the loyal people to urge the President to the most powerful and vigorous efforts to bring this war to a successful termination. Say to him that you have full faith ia his honesty and ability, and that you will support him in his efforts to save the country, whether he is in all things right or wrong. Our country united forever ! God bless Abraham Lincoln I God bless the unconditional supporters of Abraham Lincoln ! JOSIAH PERHAM. Boston, Massachusetts, October, SOlh, 1862. i LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 012 028 245 1