I' A 9* y o s* • ^ ^9' <* ♦TfTT' ,G* *o. -..?• A <, . ♦. ,0 J ^ y .•i , ..% v 3 , v^ v °<^^3^> ^ VV • -3 ^o <* *'T.«* ,0 sP^-i i* f* o5°^ *4* VV vv o » 1 • a* *<<> **>jr?>%. • o ^9- w v ^ -^ --^K* / ^ 'b V" -h ^0 «j 4 o^ W V«9- V^ 1 <^ **f* fi^ o '«> . . * A ^9- ♦♦ > .?^'- f~fl*TX++ v+l+^/ Me speech of // Delivered in the Senate of Kentucky* on the Gth day of February 1823, on the Resolutions offered by Mr. Bendy of Pulaski, as a substitute to the Resolutions reported by the Committee, on Internal Improvements. The fyth Resolution being under consideration in the following words, towit: "This legislature views with deep concern and feelings of just indignation, the efforts that are now making throughout the United States, to blast the reputation of the distinguished members of Congress from this 8tate, who voted for John Q. Adams to bo President of the United States. They have no hesitation in saying, it is their confirmed opinion, from great deliberation and a full examination of all the facts and evidence adduced, that the charges <>f bargain, sale and corruption, in the election of John Q, Adams, are utterly false and malicious that they are brought forward, and endeavored to be sustained for party purposes, and to ele- vate General Jackson ts TIIK OFFICE OF rKKilliEN'T OF THE UfilTED ST4TES." Mr. Pope moved the following amendment, vtz. And this General Assembly feel it thoir duty further to declare, that the char- ges made against John Q. Adams, before the last Presidential election, in the wes- tnn country, in the public prints and pamphlets, that he was hostile to the rights and interests of the west, and that he attempted, in tbe negotiation at Ghent, to sacrifice or prejudice the nght3 or interests of the western country, are utterly false, and were brought forward and circulated to destroy the confidence of the western people in the said John Quincy Adams, and to promote the views of a rival candidate. Mr. Daveiss rose and said; That he could not vote for the amend- ment odl: red by the honorable gentleman from Washington, as he had been taught to believe, from every thin;; he had seen in the public prints or otherwise, that Mr. Adams bed long been an enemy to the, West, and had attempted to cede array the navigation of the Missis- sippi to the Biiii-h government, at the treaty of Ghent. These were the declarations of Mr. Clav and hb friends anterior to the Presidential election. (Mr. D. wag here interrupted by Mr. Wickliffe, who denied the charge of Mr. Clays having ever aaid any thing about Mr. Adams, and calicd upon the gentleman from Mercer to furnish the house with some responsible witness to support the statement lie had made.) Mr* Daveiss said that he had the evidence at hand. 1 will take the liber- ty of presenting to the house, certain numbers addressed to the people of Ohio under the signature of Wayne, which were published in the Cincinnati Gazette, in the year 1822, and afterwards republished in the Argus of Western America. These numbers paid Mr. D. I now hold in my hand. (Mr. Wickliffe again interrupted Mr, Daveiss, by observing that he had called upon the gentleman for a responsible ajfaw nes?, whose name would be surrendered up.) Mr. Daveiss said tjjr^*^s hoped the gentleman would have patience; before he was dome !k: would render the evidence complete; 1 state, continued Mr. D. upon . % * *^r ( 2 ) the most unquestionable authority, that these Humbers were written by a citizen of Kentucky, and the manuscript sent to Mr. Clay. IJow they afterwards made their appearance in theCincinnaliGazette, will be fur Mr. Clay to account. 1 am now ready to piove the fact, it the gentle- man from Fayette requires it. The proof is now within the walls of tiiis house. I pause to see if the friends of Mr.- Clay will call for the proof* * * * * *. These numbers, particularly the third and fourth. pre- sent Mr. Adams in a most odious point of view to the people of the West,* and had the elfect to prostrate him, in that state as weil as Ken- tucky. In addition to this, we have already proved that Mr. Clay paid one hundred dollars to Mr* Tanner, to publish in pamphlet form, the Letters addressed by Amoii Kendall to John Quincy Adams. Most of the information which Mr. Kendall obtained, in relation to that business was from Mr. Clay himself, as proved by Mr. Kendall, the truth and ^Extract from letters, published in the Cincinnati! Gazelle, and republished in the Jrgus, on the \4thand 21s.' November, 1822. 1st Ohio presents no candidate for the Presidency at the approaching election. New York, with whose interest, next to those of her sister states in the west, Ohio is most intimately connected, oners no claimant whose prospects are not abso- lutely hopeless. At the head of those whoso pretensions are entitled to our serious consideration, is John Qnincy Adams, the present Secretary of SUte? Will Ohio choose him] What interest has he shown for your roads andcanals? Can it be expected that lie who would open to our rival and our enemy, the navigation of those canals dug by the hand of God, for the use of the increasing millions of Western America, will promote our trade by artificial ones? Instead of opening new avanues for our commerce, is it not to be feared that in some future treaty, to secure some paltry privileges to an eastern interest; he would render those which already exist a curse rather than a blessing. Our frontiers can testify that we want not those men at the helm of the nation, who would for a»y consideration, open new channel for British influence amongour northern and western Indians. The horrors of pas', wars are not iorgotten, and you will pause and count the value of many a brave mau's life, before you raise to power one whose unfeeling policy would crimson your fresh fields with the blocd of your border brethren, aTid light the midnight forest with the {flames of their dwellings. Men who would think cf concessions so disastrous, are unworthy the support of Ohio; much more so they who would reduce them to'a serious proposition. The navigation of the Mississippi is too important to be bartered for the privilege of fishing in the British waters. It is giving our wives and children for fish, and bartering the blood of our citizens for money. Conceal, explain and sophisticate as he will, this was the tendency of the proposition which was agitated at Ghent. Cut was this surprising? Under the same auspices, one of the most feilile provinces of the we-st adequate to the forma- tion of tro states, was given to the Spaniards; the state of Louisiana, one of the most important and weakest points of the Uniou was made a frontier, and exnosed to sudden invasion from the adjoining Empire. Is it a matter cf deepest concern with us to exterminate the Bi Irish influence among the northen and western Ir.- aiaHS? The blood of slaughtered friends cry out aloud tons from theground, "It is. The policy of Mr. Adama introduces Ihe British trader to the wigwam by opening to him, under the guardianship of a treaty, the navigation of the Missis- sippi. Shall we sanction this by sustaining him? 'is it a matter of the last moment tons, to protect our own navigation of the Ohio and Mississippi? Of wiiat value is the Ohio or Mississippi to us, if Louisiana be occupied by an enemy! Yet Mr. Adams is of the administration, which, in the traffic of territory, has made Louis- iana a frontier. With such principles Jwhn Q. Adarus can sever receive the sup- port of Ohio. He is too ignorant of our interests or he disregards them." xtract. "The importance of having western men in the national rm-ncils, is in all those situations where the interests of this section of the Unionare broii- t, ;n question, was never so Btrangly exemplified as in the transaction a'.ten- correctness of which, was endorsed by Mr. Clay, in giving the informa- tion, and aiding in their republication. I will here call the attention of the house to a few extracts, form that pamphlet. 1st Letter, page 1st. "Against Mr. Clay, you have made charges, which, if true, must degrade liim in tlio estimation of his countrymen, and if not true, ought to disgrace you. In addition to numerous insinuation* scattered throughout your hook, you bare, in the introduction, charged him directy with having, at Ghent, "insisted, in principle, upon the sacrifice of an Eastern for the benefit ofaWestern interest," at the same time asserting, that the national interest which Mr. Clay thus insisted on sacrificing, was, compared With that for which the sacrifice was intended, as "a million against a cent." This is a serious charge. If it be true, Mr. Clay has compromited the interests of his country and does not deserve its confidence. If it ba not true, you have borne '-false witness against your neighbor," and deserve universal reprobation. That it is not true, we are bold to assert, and wo will prove oht assortioa by your own declarations." Again page 7. ''Letter ix will be supplitnental, inwhich we shall endeavor to show, as well by this as other transactions, that yon feel a direct hostility or total indifference to the interests of thissection of the Union, aad of course are not fit to preside over its destinies." Letter Cth, page 90. '-The repetition of such scenes would have been the fruit of your policy. It is remarkable, that a part of the Rickaree Indians on the dis- tant Missouri, in theirlatc attack or: a party of the Missouri Fur Company, which cost the lives of thirteen American citizens, were armed, as General Ashley tells us, with "London Fuzils." These they unquestionalby obtained before and du- ring the late war from the British traders, either as presents or in exchange for e kius: and will you still contend that the navigation of our western rivers by British subjects, leading thus to the rwin ofour trade and the murder of our citizens is "no injury to usl" Language fails when wo would express oar abhorrence of the policy which you have pursued, and the mind is bewildered in fixing the meas- ure of justice which is due to you from the nation for persevering in its justifica- tion. Had you acknowledged the dangers of admitting the British to the naviga- tion of the Mississippi aDd justified the offer by shewing that it was counterbal- anced by advantages elsewhere gained, you might havo boen pardoacd for erroror excused for ignorance. But you have denied that this navigation has been or would be any 'injury to us,' when you know that it has produced and would con- tinue to produce, the robbery and murdor of our citjzons. You have attempted to batter our blood — not, as you acknowledge, to purchase any new right — but to ding tbe treaty at Ghent. It was proposed to open the Mississippi, throughout its v. .ole extent, to the navigation of British subjects; thus giving them the most di- rect access to those numerous and warlike tribes of Indians which border on our northern and western frontier. That any American statesman, should far a mo- ment, have entertained so fatal a project is as strange as the fact is alarming. To the presence of an able western man , may we attribute the defeat and abandon- ment of that atrocious proposal. But for the exertions of Henry Clay, the seeds of war might uow have been sowing along our northern and western borders, which at no distant day, would have produced an abundant harvest of tears and blood. He found that a mr.jonty had rasolvcd to make the ratal proposition- With a firmness which should endear him to the people of the west; he protested that he would, sign no treaty which contained a stipulation so repugnant to his country's honour, and s.i dangerous to her iieaee. This firmness had the desired erl'ect.— The illustrious and lamented Bayard changed his mind, and then the west was saved. The danger we thus escaped, should sink deep into our hearts, and teach us a lesson as lasting as our lives. What would have been our fate, had not a wes- tern man been on»- ofour commissioners at Ghent'! The imminent danger, there averted, should admonish us not to trust our dearest rights wholly in the bands of strangers. It shows the interest we !i?ve in placing a distinguished western man al the helm (if the nation, and the justice of distributing to every section, itsdue share in foreign missions, as well oflhose,whonbw think as he did then. Y< -.Mr. '- ' i [ 5 J kci, the short period of three years, has made a wonderful change in the opinions of some genlh mcr.. At that tunv the name of Mr. Adams, as President of Ihe Untied Slates, tilled their minds with a kind of horror. — The ridiculous value fixed by him, to the right of the British govern- ment to navigate the Mississippi, when compared U> the value of Urn fisheries, was in hie estimation, bragging "a million against a cent.' 1 '' — The Fisheries were estimated at one million, the navigation of the Mis- sissippi at one cent. This was in the mouth of every one. None doubt- ed the effect which Mr. Adams' policy would have had upois the people of the Western Country ,.by permitting British traders to stir up the In- dians, to make war upon our north and northwestern frontiers. It is a fact well known that during the late war, it was generally believed that British traders had stirred up the Indians, to make war upon our defenceless frontiers, and murder our women and children, Afler the battle of Tipacanoe,ns well as my recollection now serves me, General Harrison, in one of his reports, stated that the Indians had been furnish- ed with a particular discription of guns and powder, which they must have sol from the British traders. Those whose friends perished in the late war, lccolUcl with sc}isibilily these circumstances. They could feel no oth- ' r thau the utmost detestation, at a course of policy, which went to sur- render the navigation of the Mississippi, that mighty stream, which, with its tributary waters, carries the products of about ten states to a foreign market. It is also well known, that daring the last war, most of the savage tribes, were the allies of Great Britain. Mr* Adam;- could not have been ignorant of these facts at the treaty ofGhent. •hit we aie now called upon, by a solemn vote of this house, to place the seal of falsehood upon all that has been sard In relation to Mr. Adams. Arc gentleman new prepared to wheel to the right about, and declare that all that Mr. Clay and his friends have said upon this subject is un- true' Are they about to proclaim to the American people, that these statements, although the information was furnished by Mr. Clay, is a base slander upon Mr. Adams? Is that the point of view in which they are willing that Mr. Clay should be considered? Arc they now ready to throw him av ay and take Mr. Adams as the man of their council? — Or will they rather ^;\y, that Mr. Adams is the man who Mr. Clay said he was, an "apostate Federalist," an enemy to the West, who was will- ing to barter away the blood of onrcilizens, (6 secure the liberty of li>hing in British waters? For ore, 1 believe v. hat Mr. Clay said. The many important fact* connected with tin sc statements prove their truth. For my own part ! can view it but a little short of insult, to ask this house to rocommtMid Mr. Adam- to the American people, to preside over their destinies for tha next four years. We will presently see how gentlemen will vote upon this subject, and 1 trust they will prove their faith by their works. Mr. Daveisi having sat down and some farther discussion having ta- ken place. The question v. as then taken on the said amendment which was decided iu the negative. The Speaker voted in tic negative. The yoas and nays being required thereon by Messrs. Davciss at:d Garrard. were a> follows, to wit: 1'er.s — Messrs. Beatty, Ctinninerb m, Grntcbcr, W. Green Ga id. Hardin, t 6 ] ilickman, M'Connel, M' Mill an, Mnldrour, Pope. Summer?, Taylor, White, Wotds, and Wickliffe— 16. Nays — Messrs. Allen, Cockerell, Daveiss, Dudley, Daniel, Faulkner, Fleming-, Given, J. Green, J. Hughes, A. S. Hnglie3, Manpin, Rodman, Slaughter, Smith, and Wood — 16. The Speaker liaving announced that the question would be upon the adoption of said resolutions^ Mr. Daveiss again rose and said, that he bad little expected, after the parade which had been made in relation to Internal Improvements, ;»t the commencement of the session, that the report of the committee upon that subject would have been substituted by a set of Whitewashing res- olutions which has no connection with the original subject — instead of the Senate being engaged in maturing a system of internal Improve- ments, suited to the condition of the country — applying the funds ofthe state to useAill and beneficial purposes, we have been compelled to engage in the investigation of a subject which the Senate has no juris- diction of — and we are now told to my utter astonishment by gentlemen in the oposition, that the Jackson party in the House, are chargeable with this unwarrentable proceeding. This unjustifiable charge, outdoes even the resolutions themselves. Who began this business? Who was it that introduced these resolutions? Not one of the Jackson party, but the honorable gentlemaa from Pulaski (Mr. Beatty) as a species of in- dictment, against the whole Jackson party, not only in Kentucky hut throughout the United States, as b.n*a arid malicious slanderers. Did the mover of this resolution imrnagine that it would pass in silence? Did he expect no evidence would be henrd,altimugh the Resolutions declare that the Legislature has come to a Qovjirmed own/on, from great deliberation and a full examination of all the facts and evidences adduced' 1 . Did he intend the Journals to exhibit farts winch never existed, and proclaim the same to the world as true? Surley we cannot suppose that such was the object of the gentleman; he must have intended what the Resolu- tion plainly states, viz: that these was a full examination of all the evi- dences. it was not until tiv. v next day after these resolutions were introduced that the gentleman from Green moved the resolution to send for persons and papers in order thai the subjrc.t might be fully investigated. This resolution was not then adopted, but laid upon the table by a vote of the majority. I indulged the hone that the subject would never again foestired, and 1 took the liberty of suggesting to several of those with whom 1 acted that it was our duty to act upon the defensive, and unless the subject was called up by our political opponents, we would nut stir it. 1 was induced to tfcis by the consideration that I did not wish to eall in question the conduct oi' men who were not piesent. 1 knew that such an investigation was calculated to awaken angry feelings and probably cost '.lie state two or three thousnnd dollars. For these as well as many ether reasons, I felt desirous (hat the matter should rest, it was not, however* many days before the gentleman from Henderson (Mr. Locked) very unexpectedly called up the resolution to send for persons and papers which was immediate!) adopted and a day fixed for the commcnci mi til ofthe investigation, by homing witnesses at the bar •frhe Houvc ! now considered the Jai k'sbu part) as having no a'terna- E 7 ] live, but to resist by nil lawful means the unprovoked assault which wal made upon them. 1 rh«n believed that the investigation would cover those whoprovoked it, with shame, and expose the nakedness of (heir friends. Such has been the result if 1 atn not most grossly de~ ( eived. Mi. Speaker, what a ridiculous spectacle in now presented to our \ iew by the resolution upon your table. Twenty Senators in this House have undertaken to arraign the sovereign people throughout the United States, who hare thought proper to disapprove of the conduct of their Representatives, or the maimer in whieh Messrs. Adam* and Clay came into power. They have not only arraigned them, but they are about to pass sentence of condemnation upon them as a set of base and malicious slanderers. It is a iiitle surprising that these modest patriots did cot, in their zeal, resolve that (he people should no longer think for themselves. I had supposed that the people had the exclusive right to approve or lisapprove of the conduct ef their public agents, and that the exercise of f the people of this state, and because, they have thought different from hem they are about to oust them by tenlmee of ex-communication* from all he rights and privileges of fretnuu. This arrogant assumption of power oust everywhere be viewed with the most sovereign contempt. But here is another point of view in which this subject may be considered: Since (he last Presidential election the people have every where cx- iressed their opinions at the polls, and in many instances, turned their epresentalives out of office, because they disregarded the public will in 'oting for Mr. Adams. Such hag been the case in Kentucky: Eight out )f twelve of our representatives voted for Mr. Adams. So far from the x ople approving the act, several of them were turned out of office on hat account and two thirds have since been elected in favor of Sen. Jackson. What shall we do? The opinion of the people is now ibont to be reversed by a vote of this House ! They are plainly told hat they are not capable of forming a correct judgment in relation to ;he conduct of their representatives; that they are either knaves or fools, ind if they call in question the conduct of any of their representatives, n voting for John O. Adams, they are a set of malicious slanderers. Query: In order to give this resolution its full effect, ought not the last election, so far as it respects Messrs, Trimble and Johnston to be de- clared vofd and they restored to all the rights and privileges of con- Tress-men! for nothing is more clear than if the Senate has the legitimate right to reverse the acta of the people in their elective franchise, they nave the right to carry their mandates into effect. When wc cast our eyes over the United Stales, do we not find the same spirit of dissatisfaction in relation to the last Presidential election, which exists in Kentucky— what has produced such a burst of indigna- tion in almost every part of the union ! What 1 say has produced those indignant feelings? The answer is: because Messrs. Adams und Clay got into office in opposition lo the known will of the paople. — It is that which ha* agitated the people from north lo soflth, from east to t 8 j west, in (his gre.it republic. — It is that which has brought upon f| tion upon what has taken place. Notwithstanding alTtbese. irresislable evidences furnished by the people themselves, they are about to he di ■- nouhced hy a little party in this House as base and malicious slander- oUfg* Yes Mr. Sj I-- r, they are tq be enilcd malicious slanderours, be- ••i .- \\ hat <\o we suppose the answer would be from any man who possessed.? decent respect for his own as well as the rights of his fellow-citizens? Would he not enquire, from whence yon derived such an authority? When and where has the people surrendered into your hands this power of becoming public Sen- drs of the neoDle th unselves? If such a right can be exercised with impu sit- . then indeed the people are ;\o longer sovereign. But we are b Id by Gentlemen in the opposition that there has been an entire failure of evidence. It wouli ■ been surprising If such had been the c.i\ c. when but a few days wos afforded to collect ei ; I. 9 , dence to unravel li.i- mysterious transaction. fi is not presumable thai any gentleman h.i- calculated to hear evidence oi*;i formal contractor the production of a writing signed by the parties and duly attested by witnesses. It is onlv bv circumstantial evidence that we can be ex- pected to prove the motives that lead to the unholy alliance between Messrs. Adams and Clay. But before we go into the particular evidence which has been heard, are we not at the thresh-hold lead to enquire, how it happened, that Messrs. Adams and Clay, who were violent enemies anterior to the presidential election, should all at once become reconciled to each other. How could Mr. Clay become the friend of a man whom he considered an apostate federalist, opposed to the interests of the people of the West, and whose conduct he had been engaged exposing for years before that time. He either believed it, or he did not; that he did believe it is presumable, because a majority of this House has this day upon their oaths of office rejected the amendment offered by the gentleman from Washington. This House has solemnly endorsed the truth of those charges against Mr. Adams. Notwithstanding which, they are called upon, by a solemn vote to recommend Mr. Adam- to the American people to preside over their destenies for the next four years. But again if those charges were untrue and Mr. Adams was conscious of his innocence, how could he take to his bosom the man who had been his secret defamer. by making him Secretary ofState. There is-n strange- ness about this business which cannot be accounted for by any of the ordinary rules of calculation. It is worthy of notice, that every exertion has been used to stifle the evidence by the very gentlemen who have paradcfully told us that they defied the production of any. But no sooner is the evidence produced than their affrighted imaginations shrink from the investigation, and a kind of special pleading is introdu- ced. — They even vote against the witnesses being sworn.* les, the very gentlemen who introduced the Resolutions, and who would have the Senate to say upon oath that after a full examination of all the fact* and evidence adduced, that the charge of bargain sale and coi nipt ion in the. election of Jahn Q. Adams, are utterly false and malicious, is unwilling fo *Mr. Pope moved that Mr. Blair be sworn as a witness. And the question being takeu thereon, it was decided in the affirmative. The Yeas and Nays being required thereon by Messrs. Davc»iss and Pope, was as follows, to wit: Yeas Messrs. Allen, Cockerel!, Cunningham, Daveiss, Dudley, Daniel, W. GreeD, A. S. Hughes, Hickman, Lockett, Maupin, Pope, Selby, Summers, Smith and Wicklille— 16 NaysMessre.Beatty, Faulkner, J.Green,Gibson, Hardin, M'Conncl,M'Millian, Muldrow. Taylor, White and Woods — 1 1 See Senate J ournals of the last session, page 3ntj. &- Again Mr. Daveiss more ithat Mr. Harrison be sworn as a witness. And the question being taken thereon it was decided in the affirmative The Yeas and Nays being requiried tiiereon by Messrs. Hardin and Davci's were as follows, to wit: Yeas Messrs. Allen. Cockerell, Cunningham; Daveiss, Dudley, Daniel, W. Green,!A. S. Hughs, Hickman, Maupin, Pope, Selby, Summers, Smith and Wick- liffe— 15. Nays Messrs. Bcatty, Faulkner, J. Green, Gibson, Hardin, Lockett, M'Cos- nsll,M'Millian, Muldrow, Taylor, White and Woods— 13 ( 10 ) have the witnesses sworn, least perhaps, the truth would be exposed. — This disposition to prevent a fair enquiry is very clearly evidenced in ex- eluding the statements of David White who was one of the members of Congress that voted for Mr. Adams.* We were told that we might prove the statements of any of the Members of Congress from Kentucky who voted for Mr. Adam?, except Mr. White, and the pretext for excepting him is that he lives within twelve miles of the seat of government and could be called as a witness himself. If this exception was good. why was it not extended to David Trimble and Francis Johnston; both of whom are in the Slate and voted for Mr. Adams? Why permit us to prove their statements, when they could be equally brought and examined as witnesses. The process of this House will extend to any part of the State, so as to compel the attendance of witnesses. Does not every man of common sense see that this exclusion of evidence was founded in mere caprice and that no evidence would be admitted which could by any plausible pretext be prevented. But the absurdity of calling Dav.d White to acquit himself of a dereliction of duty must be apparent to all. It was well known that the statements of Mr. White had been very ex- * Amos Kendall was also swoi n, and in the progress of his examination, was re- quested by Mr. Pope, to state, what lie had heard David White, one of the mem- bers of Congress from Kentucky say, were the reasons which induced him to vote for Mr. Adonis as President of the United States? Any answer to this question was objected to by Mr. Hardin, because, first. Da- vid White, the person alluded to in the foregoing interrogatory, lives within twelve miles of this place; secondly: because this Senate does not regard any thing that Mr. White may have said, going to prove guilt Upon himself, because it is not considered that his character is in qBcatiuu here, in this investigation; thirdly: because of the total impossibility of coniining his siatemens to himself ?lone, unconnected with other individuate implicated in the charge; and, fourth- ly; because the ttatement of Mr. White before the Senate, on oath, is better ev- idence than any looso unguarded statements he may have made when not on oath. And the question being taken whether Mr Kendal!, the witness, should an- swer the said question, it was decided in the negative. The yeas and nays being required thareuu by Messrs. Daveiss and Hardin, were as follows, viz. YEAS — Messrs. Allen, Barrett, Cockerill, Daveiss, Dudley, Daniel, J. Hughes, A. S. Hughes, Maupin, Pope, Rodman, Selby, Smith aud Wood — 14, NAYS — Mas^rcj. Beatty, Cunningham, Crutoher, Pulkner, Fleming, Given, W. Green. J Green, Garrard, Gibson, Hardin, Hickman, Lockett, M'Connell, M'Millan, Muldrow, Summers, Taylor, White, Woods and Wickliffe — SI. Mr. Daveiss thca asked Mr. Johnson whether he did or did not heirseid David White state, some time before ihe election of Mr. Adams as President, that if he was elected, it was understood that Mr. Clay was to bs made secretary of state Any answer to this question was objected toby Mr. Hardin, for the reason alrea- dy assigned ia the former objections to what David White should have said, and a reference is here made to said objections, and because the same question, in sub- stance, has been decided three several timas by the Senate. And the question being taken, shall the question be answered by the witness* it was decided in the negative. The yeas and nays being required theroon by Messrs. Daveiss and Pope, were as follows, to-wil; > YEAS — Messres. Allen, Barrett, Cockcrill, Daviess, Dudley, Daniel, J. Hughes, A. S. Hughes, Maupin, Pope, Rodman. Selby aud Smith — 1>. NAYS — Messrs. Beally, Cunningham, Faulkner, W. Green, J. Green, Garrard. .Gibson, Hardin, Hickman, Locket, M'Connell, M^iillan' Muldrow, Summers, vlor White, Woods and Wickhfie— 19. C 11 .3 plicitns to the motives which induced him to vote Tor Mr. Adams. — In short his statements had been very candidly, and honestly' made, and calculated to remove all doubt upon the subject. I will not animad- vertjupon the illiberial observations made in relation to Mr. White by the gentleman fromNelson. 1 feel myself bound to say as an act of justice to Mr. JVhlte, that he did not merit the illiberal course which has been persued towards him. I presume however, that his crime consists in h\< having told the truth in relation to this business. I will now said Mr. Daveiss examine the evidence we have heard, and see what has been proved by others. Several witnesses have proved that in the summer of 1824, while Mr, David Trimble w,is Electioneering for Congress, he was frequently heard to abuse Mr. Adams as an apostate federalist, an enemy to the west, mho had offered at the treaty of Ghent to crde away the navigation of the jMississippi to the British Government for the purpose of securing the Fishc< nes, and said if he. ever voted for him, he -woul<( agree to be called a Federal- ist as long as he lived. — It is also proved that Mr. Francis Johnston a- bout the same tima made shriilar declarations of his political dislike to Mr. Adams, arising from the same cause. Upon their return from Congress the next spring or summer in attempting to accouut to their constituents, why it was they voted for Mr. Adams, they both give the same reasons— & what were those reasons? That they distinctly ascertained that if Mi. Adams was made President, Mr. Clay would be made Secretary of State. This is the excuse which both offer for their strange incon- sistant course, and thus it was that their strong opposition to Mr. Adams was overcome. But when we add to this that the Legislature had al- most unanimously requested our members in Congress to vote for Gen. Jackson, when we have proved that Mr. Johnston a few weeks before the presidential election, stated that he had got a number ofletters from home which told him to stick to Old Hickory, and give them a zees- tern President what ever he did; when no one can doubt but that Mr. Johnston distinctly understood the will of his constituents, as well as the wishes of his state, our astonishment is the more increased, and the only rational mode of accounting for their conduct, is in their own lan- guage, that they had distinctly ascertained, that if Mr. Adams was made President, Mr. Clay would be made Secretary, but that if Gen. Jackson was made President he would not. Thus it was that the man who had been so bitterly denounced,as an apostate Federalist, an enemy to the West, who wanted to barter away the navigation of the Mississippi, was in a few weeks metamorphosied, into a pure patriot, a friend to the West, and a lover ot all our rights. — Legislative instructions, as well as the will of the people were entirely disregarded, for the purpose of aggrandzing Mr Clay, and the wishes of an individual had to be attended to, regardless of the public will, — Gen. MetcalPs declarations, go to prove the same facts. When told, after the Presidential election, that the vote for Mr. Adams would be an uphill business in Kentucky, he replied "Ifcar me have done too much for our friend.'" 1 Early in January 1825, when speaking to Mr. Hitt, who was then at Washington City, in relation to the Presidential elec- tion, he observed that he knew but little more upon that subject at th«f [ 12 j time, than when he come there; wt stand vmcontMilltdj^m must know some- thing how the cabinet is to be ftlled. That knowledj e was afterwards ob- talw-d as two of his colleagues have declared, n v - distinctly ascertaining that if Mr* Adams was made President, Mr. Clay would be made Secretary of State y H\i of which took placed according to the arrangement.— Mr. Adams was made President, and Mr. Clay his inveterate enemy was made Secretary of Slate. All this is done by the very men, who, but a few months before, were loudest in their denunciations of Mr, Adams; And they are now ready to cry, "Now is the winter ofour discontent, made glorious summer, And all the clouds that lowered upon our house, In the deep bosom of the ocean buried/' No sooner had this new arrangement taken place, than a kind oi general older was issued, for all to send in their adhesion: no stubborn- ness of temper is to be manifested, but they are to love and hulk as it mav suit the interest of Mr. Clay, All their former opinions in relation to Mr. Adams are to be thrown away; if not, by the resolution now be- fore us, judgement of condemnation is to be entered up against all for their contumacy. And what is still more strange, some of those who arenou moat intolerant were ostensibly the devoted friends ofGcn. Jack- son, when the resolutions passed the Legislature of Kentucky in 1024, and by their vote declared that he was the second choice of the people of Kentucky — Mr. Adams had then no place in their affections, their fears were, least he might work himself into office. I shall never fore I said Mr. D. the observations of a distinguished gentleman who was ad locating the passage of the ive?olution-. To use his own language he said, that ),c apprehended we vac about to be sold fiike a Virginia out farm, with the stock of Negroes upon it. — This was the language at that time; but oh, how changed. They are now ready, to bow with humble submis- sion to the powers that be, and require every one to be as subservient as themselves. Il is ajso proved that three or four weeks before the presidential election, Mr* F. P. Blair, the intimate and confidential friend of Mr. Clay, and who resided in Frankfort, had by some means received in- formation, that if Mr. Adams could be made President, Mr. Clay would be made Secretary. This, Mr. Blair communicated to several of his confidential friends, urging them to wiite to Mr. White, the member in Co:rn >s from the district, instructing him to vote for Mr. Adams. — Mr. Jepthah Dudley one of the persons to whom application was made, refused to do so, in as much, as it would be inducing Mr. While to do an act, in opposition to the known will of the State. Mr. Blair when call- ed upon to be sworn as a witness/or the purpose of proving from whom he got the information already mentioned, refused to be sworn, or to give evidence, alledging that the information which he had received was con- fidential in the way of private correspondence: from whom it docs not certainly appear, but the mind is necessarily led strongly to suspect that it was from Mr. Clay r himself. No one can doubt but that it was from a source perfectly satisfactory to Mr. Blair, or he would not have •o readily engaged, in procuring the necessary means, to accomplish an I 18 | obje< I of such magnitude. Many letters I understand were written to Mr. While, to r tin: puiposc of effecting tins object. Can we believe that any man would have written to Mr. White to disobey the Legisla- tive instructions, it he had not previously understood distinctly what great object was to bo effected by such a dereliction of duly. Where is the man that upon mere conjecture would incur a responsibility so great? We think it is hazarding but little to say that no such man could be found. But to say the least, it affords conclusive evidence that apo- liiical marriage was anticipated between Messrs. Clay and Adams, which afterwards took place. 1 cannot avoid said Mr. D. noticing the course which some gentlemen have pursued upon thU> occasion. IS o sooner was Mr. Blair presented »s a witness, and refused (o be sworn, than wc find the gentleman from Nelson (Mr. Hardin) rising in his place, and informing the witness that while a majority uf the Bouse would net oppose his giving evidence, yet they wo aid not take any step to compel him to do so, that liuy were only desirous to hear trilling witnesses. This could be understood in no other way than telling the witness, stnkto it my good fellow, dont give ymr evidence and we the majority of this House are determined not to compel yon — we only want t > hear willing witnsses, The gentleman from Lincoln, seemed ive the most awful forebodcings, as to what the witness would say. He seized upon the earlest moment to inform him, that confidence was a rare article these times, and that Mr. Blair deseived great credit for the high ground he had taken. It is a little surprising, that if gentle- men had such high cohdence in the purity of all that has taken place, that they should encourage the witness to stand mute, and treat with contempt theirown authority. If they had no fearful apprehensions that some important disclosuie was about to be made, why not let us examine the witness, atleastas far as it would have been just and pro- per to have gone; nor do I know that any gentleman would have wished the witness to have disclosed confidential matters. But it is be- lieve*! that he knows may things, which he did not receive confidential- ly. We had to appeal to the majority, to enforce the authority of this house in order to compel the witnesses to give evidence — did they do so? They certainly did not — Had not the minority a right to ex- pect when they entered into this investigation, that every fare and hon- orable course would be pursued, calculated to elicit the truth. Instead of that, we have found gentlemen voting that the witnesses should not be sworn. But what are the evidences furnished by Mr. Clay himself! It ap- pears from the statement ofMaj. Carneal, that he was anxious that the Legislature should not pass resolutions, instructing our members in Con- gn -, to vote for public view. It is however to be regretted, that notwithstanding//^ d - '•;( andfei lings of indigna- tion which this hm ' body enter .Ar, that they ( 15 ) haw been compelled upon iheir oaths of office to declare that all that Mr. Clay said and published about Mr. Adams previous to the last pres- idential election was true, and that Mr. Clay Waa justified in making those publications. — What evidence of reformation has since been fur- nished by Mr. Adams, if any, I have not heard; nor have I understood, that his political sentiments, had undergone any change in relation to the west. He got not a single electoral \ote in the stale at the last election, nor did he seem to be thought of by any one as (he choice of the people of Kentucky — yet by sorre kind of magic, he has all at once become such a favorite (particularly with this honorable body,) that with (hep concern and feelings of just indignation, they are about to declare and publish to the world, all as malicious slander oars who have had the audacity to complain of the unnatural coalition between Messrs. Adams and Clay. As long as Mr. Clay thought proper to abuse Mr. Adams, every thing was well enough, nor did it seem to enter into the mind of any one that Mr. Adams was slandered, although news-papers and pamphlets teemed with abuse, for more than three years. But no soon- er does Mr.Clay connect himself with that gentleman than a wonderous work is performed. The tone is altogether changed, those who seemed most intolerant against Mr. Adams uhile Mr. Cloy was opposed to him, be- come at once converted, and like all new converts, their hearts seem to overflow with love. Their sensibilities are so highly awakened for Mr. Adams on account of the many fabe and malicious slanders which he has suffered, that nnlli deep conarn and feelings of just indignation, they denounce all as malicious slanierours who differ with them in opinion. — Yes Mr, Speaker, the conversion of some gentlemen, has been almost miraculous — in November 1824, they were for Mr. Clay — in December for Gen. Jackson — in February for Mr. Adams. — In three successive months they had three Presidents, and were perfectly satisfied each time, and no doubt should it become necessary for them to experience further change they will be enabled to perform the task without much diiliculty. But it is said Mr. Clay disliked Gen. Jackson so that he could not vote for him. Mr. Clay was a public servant, and was bound to vote for that man whom the people wished. To attempt as an apology for a dereliction of duty, that he himself did not like Gen. Jackson is adding insult to injury — his opinion was no more than that of any other indi- vidual — he had no right to choose for the people, particularly as he seems to have been deeply interested in the choice which he made. — When I gay deeply interested, I mean so far as cftice and i!s emoluments would influence the mind of men. But if personal hostility operated so powerfully upon the mind of Mr. Clay; it was certainly not the ease with Mr. Trimble & Mr. Johnston, They hated Mr. Adam*, and for anj thing that appears had no particular dislike to Gen. Jackson — yet with all their hatred, by some kind of enchantment they arc got to vote for Mr. Adams — they become very much pleased all at once, and make choiceof the man whom nine tenths of the people of Kentucky had denounced. Before I set down permit me to sa\ that if in the course of this debate, I have made any remarks calculated lo wound the feeling of any g< ( 16 ) tleman in this House, it has not been intended by mc — 1 consider the conduct of public men a proper subject of investigation. Any abuse of power by those who are entrusted by the people, can only be cor- rected by the people themselves in a display of their sovereign will. It is by vigilence upon the part of the people, that we are to expert their rights to be preserved, and the great principles of the government sustained. Whenever the people shall begin to tolerate abuses and ex- cuse a dereliction of duty, because some popular leader, was thereby promoted; it will not be long before abuses will multiply, and their former acquiescence will be quoted as authority. It is in that way that all free governments have been distroyed, and the people ensla- ved. Whatisthe question presented to the American people? will you at the next election approve or disapprove of the manner in which Messrs Adams and Clay come into office? Those who believe ihat they come into power with the approbation of a majority of the peo- ple of the United States, will support them, but those who think other- wise, I trust will enter their protest against any such unlawful com- bination. 3 «/ " • i ^ ^ " • • • \ ,<&> 6 o » • „ 6 o ■ o „ ^6 S") Ct » aT .*••-. v. V * ■vr>_ «. c o , - v JSoO^* av * /\v A* * ' 4 0. <^ ** v^ :' °^. • i ^ o *>* ^ ^ £> fi o- fr^L ■ <