Class. ^3.1^ If MISCELLANIES, COMPILED seas EASTERN DISTRICT OF VIRGUVM, to mt: XXXXXXX ^E IT Remembered, That on the seventh day of Oc- 174—176 A u CONTENTS. 16. 16. 17. J 8. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23. 24. 25. 26. 27. 28. 29. 30. 31. 32. 33. Two pieces written by Mr. Giles on tlie Indepen- dence of Foreign Nations; with a letter iVom the late Col. John Taylor, _ _ _ . Mr. Giles's address to the public, January 1st, 1828, accompanied by No. IX. of the Golden Casket, urittcn by Mr. Giles in 1826. Containing an ex- tract from the late Mr. Hamilton's report upon the subject of ihe right of Congress to protect manu- factures, and his disclaimer of the right to inter- meddle in any way with Intcrnnl Improvements, Anonymous address to the public, containing all the authentic papers respecui:^ ilie publication of Mr. Jefiersou's icUcr to Mr. Giles of Dec. 25ih, 1825, by Judge Stuart and Mr. T. J. Randolph; and Mr. Giles's \\iihholding that publication, Mr. Giles's Speech in the Virginia House of Dele- gates on the Convention Bill, 26th January 1827, Mr. Giles's Speech in the Senate of tiie U. States on the Bill for the punishment of Treason, February 1808, Political Disquisitions, No. HI. — Inaugural Speech — The Presidential Chair, or, the Chariot of the Sun, -----__ Political Disquisitions, No. I. — Mr. Adams' letter respecting Internal Improvements, - - _ No. II. Governor Clinton's magnificent Message, or the Grand Political Kaleidoscope, - - _ No. III. The Contrast, or Governor Pleasants' qui- escent Message, ---___ Letters from Mr. Giles, Mr. Lloyd, he. Political Disquisitions, No. IV. — Random Shot, No. V. Jurisdictions over persons, or the Missouri Question, ----___ Letter to the Editors of the Enquirer, Political Schemers — Hard Times — No. I. — Recog- nition of the distinction between the Clergy and Laity, No. II Public Credit — Funding Scheme, No. IH. Public Credit — Bank Scheme, No. IV. Tariff Bill— Whence the derivation of the right to pass ii,* ----__ Political Disquisitions, No. VII. — Raymond's Ele- ments ot Political Economy — or the New Politi- cal Text Book, - - - - . - No. VIII. The same subject continued, Pages 177 to 189 1 19 17 —28 16 ■p I 8 14 15- 22- 30- 1- 1- 9- 13- 20- -22 -29 -43 -8 -8 -13 -20 -26 07, 31 -6 12 JVos. 5 and G of this series, will, be seen in an appendix to the pamphlet containing two pieces, on the Independence of Foreign A/'a- iions. JS^Q. 15 of these contents. CONTENTS. ni 34. 35. 36. 37. 38. 39. 40. 41. 42 43. 44. 45. 46. 47. 48. 49. 50. 51. 52. 53. 54. 55. 56. 57. No. IX. The same subject continued, No. X. The same subject continued, - - - No. XI. The same subject continued, No. XII. The same subject continued, Political Disquisitions, No. XIII — Raymond's Ele- ments of Political Economy — or, the Text Book of the New Political School — The Tariff—its re- duction, Sic. _-_ = -- No. XIV. Continued — General welfare, he. Correspondence between Mr. Giles and Mr. Jeffer- son, _____--- New Series, No. I — The Golden Casket, or the President's Message — Preliminary remarks, No. II. Continued — Mr. Adams solemnly invoked, to make known to the public, the motives he avow- ed for his pretended political conversion, in Janu- ary 1808. This No. dated 28th Dec. 1825, No. III. Preliminary remarks continued, No. IV. Continued, _ _ _ ^ - No. V. Continued, _ _ _ _ _ No. VI. " Aut Csesar, aut nullus" — Mr. Adams re- minded of the propriety of giving publicity to his avowed inducements for his pretended political conversion — Mr. Adams is informed that the wri- ter was then in possession of the substance of those inducements from the highest, and most authentic source, to wit: Mr. Jefferson — Letter 25ih Dec. 1825, No, VII. " Aut Caesar, aut nullus," - - _ No. VIII. Contuiued — "Aut Csesar, aut nullus," No. IX. " Look on this picture, and on that," No. X. " Aut Caesar, aut nullus," - - - No. XI. "Aut Csesar, aut nullus" — Mr. Adams again solemnly invoked to disclose the avowed in- ducements foi his pretended political conversion, and reminded, that the people had a right to de- mand it, ------- No. XII. " Aut Cffisar, aut nullus," - - _ Address to the freeholders of the counties of Amelia, Nottoway, Cumberland, Chesterfield, Powhatan, and the town of Petersburg, - - - - Letter to Gen. La Fayette upon the emancipation of slaves in Virginia; and the American Coloniza- tion Sociei}', ------ Political Disquisitions — New Series, No. I. — On the Principle of Slave Labour, _ - - - No. 11 On the American Colonization Society', No. III. General reflections on the Contagion of Human Sentiment, „ - - _ _ Pages 13 to 18 19 22 23 30 31 40 1- 8- 1- 7- 15- 24- 28- 34- -7 -16 ^. -7 -15 -24 -28 -34 -43 43- 50— 59- 69- 79-- -50 -59 -68 -78 -84 85 96 96—105 1 7 1 20 1 6 7 13 14 27 iV CONTENTS. d^ Jlt the end of the volume, the reader will find a table of erratti, as well as a couple of JYotes.. MR. CLAlf'S «PF,KC1I UPON THE TARIFF OR THE 'AMERICAN SYSTEM," SO CALLED OH Cf)e Unglican .|>p.i$tcin, in fact, INTRODUCED HEUEJ ,Snd perverted in its most material hearing upon Society, hy the omis- sion of a system of Corn Laxvs,for the protection of Jgriadture. hT&T UPON THE RESOLUTIONS OF INQUIRY ijr THi; HOUSE OF DELEGATES OF VIRGINIA, IN REPLY TO MR. CLAY's SPEECH: ALSO, HIS SPEECH \K REPLY TO GE.N\ TAYLOR'S i ACCOMPANJED AVITH ^UNDRY.OTHKU INTKUESTING SUBJECTS AND ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS, The 7vJiole containing a mass of highly usefid Information n1 the present Interesting Crisis, ^_ iwjw cj» Mifciia EicMMOjsrn. PRINTED BY THOMAS W. WHITE, Opposite the Bell-Tavern, 1 827. TO THE PUBLIC Acting, under an irresistible sense of public tlut^ ; Jiiui nitTi fc view of protecting, the riiihts of this Connnonuealth, aganist the usurpations of the General Government, I presented certain resolu- tions to the last General Assembly of Virginia, calling for an inquiry into the relative rights of the General and State Governments ; grounded upon a fair interpretation of all our fundamental laws, ac- cording to their original words, tenor, and spirit.^ — Having made this call, it imposed on me, the farther duty, of stating to the House, my inducements for doing so. In the performance of this duty, I found it the most convenient mode of exhibiting my views, of the most pressing part of the subject, to have reference to a speech, de- livered by Mr. Clay, in the House of Representatives, in favor of the tariif bill. — 1 had been often referred to this speech, by the friends of the tariff, as containing all its true doctrines,' both constitutional, and politic. ]My attention had also, been particularly called to it, by a letter, from My. Clay himself. But finding; that, however ample, and abundant, the public considerations may be, for public acts; imputations of invidiu)us, personal feelings, are constantly sug- gested, as motives, for public conduct ; and being perfectly wilHng, that the private, as well as public relations, existing betweeu any. in- dividual, implicated in my discussions, and myself, should be made known to the public, I have determined to give publicity, to the sub- joined correspondence, between Mr. Clay and myself; with the accompanying certificate. Whilst, I feel the most perfect consci- ousness, of having, in every act of my public life, been influenced, solely, by public considerations; and feel the utmost contempt, for the little malicious u)inds ; which could condescend to sue-cest, invi- dious private motives, ior public acts, when they cannot, themselves, avoid seeing abundant public ones ; I deem it proper here, for the purpose of counteracting the unfounded suggestions, incessantly brought forward in the public prints against myself, to state: — That I have never in my whole political life, solicited an office: nor a vote for an office : — That whilst, acting in the representative character, in Congress, I never would accept an executive office; and not oidy, often made that avowal in private conversations ; but on one occasion, made a public declaration to the saipe effect. — That I resigned my office twice, and declined a re-electinn once, during my public ser- vice ; proving incontestibly, that'! had no inordinate solicitude for oflice ; and, that, whether in, or out of office, I have at all times, taken due care, to preser\e my personal independence, with an approving conscience ; securing to me, a perfect exemption from all motives whatever, to do wrong. It will be necessary, to enable the public, to form a correct judgment, upon the conduct of Mr. Clay, in addressing the subjoined letter to me, to state a few facts, connected with that transaction. As soon as I saw the latitudinarian construction, placed upon the Constitution, by tlic administrators of the practical govep»- ment; which, in my jiulamcnt, went to obliterate every vestige of its restraining provisions; I could not avoid anticipating; either, a se- verance of the Union; or a consolidated despotism, of the very worst organization. These anticipations, seem, at this time, to be, but too rapidly, progressing to realities; — under this impression, I thought proper, to present to the public, my views of the inevitable tendencies of this new mode of interpreting the Constitution. In performing this task, I found it would be necessary to have reference to Mr. Clay and others, with whom, I had formerly acted in Congress, upon princi- ples, directly opposed, in my judgment, to those, now advocated by the same gentlemen ; and that some of my remarks might possibly bear hard, upon their most obvious inconsistencies, I therefore de- termined, not to avail m^ self of the cover of an anonym.ous signa- ture, but to exhibit my opinions under my own proper name. Aftei' a number of my couimunications had been published, I received, most unexpectedly, the subjoined letter from Mr. Clay ; written, with every mark of diplomatic ceremony, deliberation, and circum- spection ; and accompanied, with two copies of his speech upon the tariff bill. Whilst, I utterly disclaim all resentment, or hostility whatever, towards Mr. Clay, in consequence of his having addres- sed this letter to me ; and the highly unwarrantable use he made of it, as I think, before its transmission, the transaction completely divested me of the respect, towards Mr. Clay, which is always felt by one gentleman, towards another; and this circumstance may, possibly, have led me in m}' commentary upon Mr. Clay's speech ; inadvertently, to speak, without that respectful considera- tion, which is at ail times, due from one gentleman to another ; be- cause, I did not consider Mr. Clay, as standing in that relation, to- wards me. Whilst it is possible, I may have been inadvertently led into a freedom of remark towards Mr. Clay, in consequence of au entire exemption from any obligation, towards him as a gentleman, which, if done, lias been unconsciously, done; 3'et, as far as I am able to judge, there is no epithet in the remarks, applied to Mr. Cla}-, which is not perfectly warianted by the peculiar characteristics of his own speech. I think, many of the suggestions, contained in that speech, not only liighly injurious to the interests, but insulting to the understandings of every wheat faruicr, slave holder, and South- ern, from Potomac, to the Gulf of Mexico inclusive. After having received Mr. Clay's most extraordinary letter, as I think it; and was informed, that he had condescended to make an unwarrantable use of it, before its transmission to me; 1 thought it an act of justice to Mr. Clay, to give him an opportunity of exculpating himself from the suggested Imputation ; but I had no mode of doing so. Being' rendered physically unable to call upon Mr. Clay in person, for an explanation, which, whether made in person, or by another, would not have been done, in a spirit of revenge for private satisfaction ; but for publication, with a view of submitting the transaction to pub- lic opinion; and the office, being of too delicate a character, to in\- pose upon a friend ; — I determined to wait until my eldest son came of age, avid to impose the unpleasant oftice upon him. — This hu'^ been done; and its execution will appear by Mr. Archer's certificate. Mr. Clay having:, thus, been afforded by me, an ample opportunity of exculpation, and refusing to avail himself of it ; I consider the equivocation, as an admission; that he did make the unwarrantable use of the letter, which had been suggested. If, liowever, he did not; this publication will afford him a further opportunity of making lui}^ exphniation of the transaction, he may think proper. The contents of Mr. Clay's letter; were of so singular a character, that it was dif- ficult, upon the first blush, to put a satisfactory interpretation upon them. For, whilst j\Ir. Clay, was certain!}', perfectly at liberty, to be, a5 sarcastic, as he could be, towards myself; I did not tliink him at liberty to be so extremely sarcastic, as the contents of his letter cer- tainly prove him to be, upon his own veracity, sincerity, and fidelity ; nor could my imagination conceive, what manner of evil spirit it could be, that did tempt Mr. Clay to resort to this extraordinary letter, as an instrument, for privately indulging his revengeful feelings, arising from open, undisguised acts in relation to himself; and, as to the complaint intimated, that I had "discussed the public acts, and pub- lic conduct of those, who had the honor to concur, and co-operate with you (ine) in important measures, adopted in the most eventful crisis of our common country," it is only necessary to observe, that in my public remarks, I had discussed those public acts, and that public conduct, which were directly at war with those public acts, and that public conduct, in wjiich, heretofore, I had the honor " to concur and co-operate," wiih the gentleman alluded to. Believing the doctrines contained in IVIr. Clay's speech, more bold and alarm- ing, than any 1 had ever before seen avowed officially ; I determined to give them as much attention at least, as he desired, and to write a critique upon them at that time ; but 1 was then prevented, by a long continuation of ill health. The discussion of the tariff question, in the House of Delegates, growing out of the resolutions of iijquiry, afforded me an opportune occasion of making a general review of Mr. Clay's speech, instead of the crilic;d or)c originally intended; and seemed to be invited by I\ir. Cia3' himself. Although, whsMi I called for an explanation from Mr. Clay, through my son, my object was merely to make a public disclosure of the transaction, if it should result as I had reason to expect; 3et after the papers were returned, from farther reflection, I determined not to publish them. — This determination arose almost solely from my extreme reluctance in having my name brouglit be- fore the public in any way whatever, unless impelled by considerations of importance to the public interests. But 1 have, within a few days, changed that determination. 1 have been reluctantly driven to this change, in consequence of the false, deceptive imputations, recently brought against me in the public prints devoted to Mr. Clay and tlie administration, of acting under the miserable influence of invidious personal motives for all my public acts; which, if the infamous sug- gestions were true, could not in the smallest tittle, alter the character - a of those acts. Whereas, I here aver, that I do not indulge invidious feelings towards any human being; and that 1 have not, at this mo- ment, any desire wliatever to fill any office, nor would I accept of any, in my present infirm stale of health, except the one heretofore confer- red upon me by the pleasure of the General Assembly. I hope that refraining from publishing this transaction of Mr. Clay's in the midst of the electioneering scene, which has overshadowed the whole coun- try, from March, 1820, to this time, will protect me from the charge of voluntarily intermixing in that electioneering scene; and of wish- ing my name, unnecessarily, to appear before the public on any oc- ca.-.ion whatever. So far as'l have brought it before the public, I have acted solely from public, not private, considerations; nor have I in- termixed in the electioneering scene, farther, than manifesting my most decided opposition to the present administration, grounded up- on the firm conviction, that should it continue, American liberty is gone, and with it, the last vestige of hope for the future liberties of mankind. Nor have I now more confidence in its capacity for govern- ing this nation, nor in the wisdom of its practical measures. — Under the anxious and afflicting influence of this conviction ; I should, indeed, deeply regret, could 1 believe, that there was one American citizen, more opposed to the measures and doctrines of the administration, or would more readily incur all the responsibilities of such opposition, than myself; whilst at the same time, no American citizen can more truly and completely exempt himself from all invidious feelings to- wards its individual members. — 1 care not who reigns, if he be of good report, provided he reigns constitutionally ; and reigns not me, and the American people, out of our rights and liberties, given to us by our God, and secured to us, as we once fondly hoped, by the writ- ten constitutions of our countrv. WILLIAM B. GILES. October 8, 1827, Note. — In August, 1790, I was first elected to the House of Repre- sentatives of the United States, for an unexpired term, and was re- elected for the ensuing term, during the same year. I was afterwards re-elected without opposition, till the year 1798 — On the 2d day of October 1798, 1 resigned my seat in the House of Representatives of the United States. In the following December, I was elected to represent llie counlj' of Amelia, in the House of Delegates of Virginia, and was re-elecied (he next year, 1799. The year afier, 1800, I was elected to the House of Representatives of the United Slates. In 1603, I declined a re-election. Wiien Mr. Eppes was elected io supply the vacancy. In August, J 804, I was elected by the Executive Council, to llie Senate of the United Stales, when in retirement ai l.jome; aiid withom the least intimation of the intention of the Council to confer that honor upon me. On the 4th Deceuiber, 1804, 1 was elected by the General Assembly lor an unexpired term : and on the 7ih of the same month,, was re- 6 elected lor tlie ensuing term, commencing on the 4tli of March, 1805, and ending 4tli of Marcli, 1811. On January 2d, 1811, 1 was re-elected for the next term, commenc- ing the 4th of March, 1811, and ending the 4th of March, 1S17. On the 23(1 November, 1815, 1 resigned the Senatorial office. In 1816, 1 was elected by the county of Amelia to the General As- sembly, whilst at home in a sick bed; and believed to be at the point of death. And, in 182G. I was again brougiil forth as a candidate by the ppo-= . pie of the roimiy of Amelia, and elected to the House of Delegates. I have every reason to believe, that my standing in the Senate, and in the public estimation generally, was as good on the 4th of Murch, 1815, as well as on the 23d November following, as it ever had been, at any period of my public service ; and that 1 resigned, not on ac- count of any unpleasant occurrences of a public character; as my letter of resignation will unquestionably prove. As an evidence of my standing in the Senate, in the session »>f 1814 — 1815, it will be neces- sary, only to slate; that I was elected, I believe unanimously, if not, certainly nearly so, chairman of the War Con)mittee ; and left the Senate in that character, having the year before withdrawn from that station, in consequence of disapproving of the measures proposed for conducting ihe war. Suggestions have often been repeated in the public prints ; that I had been driven from my office in consequence of my extreme unpopularity, arising from a difference of opijiion, between tiie General Assembly and myself, upon the line character of the obligation in)posed upon the Senator, to obey instructions given by the Legislature ."^ when that difference of opinion occurred in 1811; and in 1812, J vindicated my conduct upon that occasion ; and put it on grounds, which, 1 thoughi, ought to have been satisfactory to all. Hence it appears, that I had continued in office four years after giving ihe offence, and three years alter my vindication, and had two yeai^j to serve, before the expiration of the tern) ; of course, the resignation could not have been impelled by any consideration in relation to the right of instructions. If my desire of office, had been inordinately great, I might have served two years and then yielded to the supposed unpopularity of the instruction question. But notwithstanding ihe frequency of the repetition, in the public prints, that 1 had denied the right of the people to instruct their representatives; and of the state Legislature to instruct the Senators chosen by them respectively; / never did deny (he right of either ; and as it regards the right of the people to instruct their representatives, I was always a firm advocate of that right. Nor did J ever deny the right of the state Legislature, to instruct the Senators in the Congress of the United States, chosen by them respectively; but 1 did deny, that such constructions were ab- solutely mandatory upon the instructed Senator, and stripped him of all discretion in the exercise of his right to vote, granted to him by the express words of the constitution. The opinions, I then expressed, are in the following words, extracted from my speech printed at thai time. "The influence, or the true obligation of instructions, therefore, arises from the expression of opinion by the state legislatures ; and the very high respect which is at all times due from the Senator to the expression of such opinion by the legislature of the state he re- presents — a respect which I feel so strongly, that I never would de- part from an opinion thus expressed, unless in a clear and indisput- able case; but the point I contend for is, that this opinion is not in- junctive, compulsory or mandatory. That it is not in the nature of a command, but addressed to the discretion of the Senator instructed; taking into due consideration all the circumstances of the case eon- uected with such instructions." [See Documents at the end.^ Washington, l9th April, 1824, My Dear Sir^ Always recollecting with pleasure, our acquaintance in publit life, I have ever felt an unaflected interest in whatever concerns you, and particularly in respect to your health, which I had learnt was not good. 1 am, therefore, really happy in being authorized to in- for, from certain ingenious and learned Essays with which you have enlightened the public, through the respectable medium of the En- quirer, that the state of your health, if not entirely re-established, is much improved ; and that the unfortunate disputes and prosecutions in which, according to public rumor, you have been so long engag- ed with your Miller or Overseer, allow you sufficient leisure, once more to dedicate, to the public service, those fine talents, which I have so often had occasion to admire. I hope that you will be able to command from those unprofitable occupations, sufficient time to peruse a speech (of which I have the honor to transmit you a copy herewith) which 1 felt it to be my duty to deliver in the House of Representatives. It is sent to you for the sole purpose of exhibiting my real opinions, on the interesting subject of which it treats, and under the conviction, that it will be considered by you with, at least, the same candor and liberality with which you have, in the Essays^ above mentioned, discussed the public acts and public conduct of those who had the honor to concur and co-operate with you, in im- portant measures, adopted in a most eventful crisis of our common country. Wishing you, sincerely, an entire restoration of your health trnd much happiness, I am, faithfully, Your obedient servant, H. CLAY. William B. Giles, Esq, Wigwam, February 19th, 1826. Mr. Henry Clay. Sir, — This note will be presented to you by my son, Mr. Tho- mas T. Giles, accompanied with a letter addressed by you, to myself, on the 19th day of April, 1824. — Your letter would have received some attention, immediately after its r<^rpipt : but I was retidered unable to altenrl to its contents, at that time, by a severe illness, which commenced the day after its receipt, and continued for some months. During that tinie, several rumors reached me, stating, that the letter was merely intended as sarcastic, and that you had thought yourself at liberty to show it to a number of your friends, for your joint amusement. This letter, you also thought yourself at liberty, to forward to me, without apprising me of the use you had previously made of it. Since that lime, I have received the positive assurance of a gentleman, whose name it is not necessary to mention, but in whose information, I have full confidence ; that you did make such use of the letter, as is above staled. You are now requested to stale explicitly in writing, whether or not yon did show this letter to your friends, before you forwarded it to me ; and the object you had in doing so .'* and whether, or not, you had written it as a mere sarcasm ? I hope, sir, you will see the propriety of complj'ing" promptly with this request. Your obd't servant, WM. B. GILES. 1 was requested, by ]\fr. Thomas T. Giles, to be present at an interview, between Mr. Henry Clay, and himself to day, at the house of Mr. Clay, who had been previously apprised by myself of the purpose, for vvfiich the interview had been invited. Mr. Giles presented to Mr. Clay two letters, the one the original, as I understood, of a letter addressed some time heretofore, by Mr. Cla}', to Mr. W. B. Giles: the other a reply to that letter, or containing an en- quiry, founded on its contents. Mr. Clay received, and perused the two letters, and then informed Mr. Giles, that in consequence of not recognizing liim as an organ, free from objection, from his relation to Mr. W. B Giles, for a communication, of the character, of that imported by the second letter, he should abstain from giving a replj' to it, through him ; but was prepared to give such reply, as he deemed the case required, whenever the objection derived from the present mode of communication should be removed. Mr. Clay then returned to Mr. Giles, the letter which appeared to have been for- merly addressed by Mr. Clay to Mr. W, B. Giles, and informed Mr. T. T. Giles, it was at his option, to retain, or leave the letter now presented to himself: the latter of these alternatives, was adopted by Mr. Giles, and the interview terminated. WM. S. ARCHER. March 4ih, 1826. IN SUPPORT OF AK AMERXCaK SYSTEM FOR THE PROTECTION OF AMERICAN INDUSTRY. DELIVERED IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, On the 30th and Slst of March, 1824. The gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Barbour) lias embrared tbe oc- casion produced bv llie proposition of the gentleman from Tennessee, to strike out t!ie minimiml price, in the bill, on cotton fabrics, to ex- press his sentiments at large on the policy of the pending measure; and it Is scarcely necessary for me to say that he has evinced his usual good temper, ability, and decorum. ^The parts of the bill are so in- termingled and inierwoven together, that there can be no doubt of the fitness of this occasion to exhibit its merits or its defects. It is my intention, with the permission of the Committee, to avail myself also of tliis opportunity, to present to its consideration those general views, as they appear to me, of the true policy of this country, wjiich imperiously demand the passage of (his bill. 1 am deeply sensible, Mr. Chairman, of (he high responsibility of m}^ present situation. But that responsibility inspires me with no other apprehension than that I shall be iniable to fulfil my duty; with no other solicitude than that I may, at least, in some small degree, contribute to recall my country from the pursuit of a Cnhil policy, which appears to me inevitably to lead to its impoverishment and ruin. I do feel most awfully this res- ponsibility. And, if it were allowable for us at the present day to imi- tate ancient examples, i woidd invoke the aid of the Most High, i would anxiously and fervendy implore His Divine assistance; that He would be graciously pleased to shower on my country His richest blessings; and that He would sustain, on this interesting occasion, the humble individual who stands before Him, and lend him the power, moral and physical, to perform the solemn duties which now belong to his public station. Two classes of politicians divide the people of the United States. According to the system of one, the produce of foreign in(iustry should be subjected to no other impost than such as may be necessary to provide a public revenue; and the produce of American industry should be left to sustain itself, if it can, with no other than that inci- dental protection, in its competition, at home as well as abroad, witii rival foreign articles. According to the system of the other class, whilst they agree that the imposts should be mainly, and may, under any modification, be safely relied on as a fit and convenient source of public revenue, they would so adjust and arrange the duties on foreign 16 fabrics as to aflord a gradual but adequate protection to American in- dustry, and lessen our dependence on foreign nations, by securing a certain and ultimately a cheaper and better supply of our own wants from our own abundant resources. Both classes are equally sincere in their respective opinions, equally honest, equally patriotic, and desirous of advancing the prosperiiy of the coimtry. In the discussion and consideration of these opposite opinions, for the purpose of ascertaining which has the support of truth and reason, we should, therefore, exercise every indulgence, and the greatest spirit of mutual moderation and forbearance. And in our deliberations, on this great question, we should look fearlessly and truly at the actual condition of ihe country, retrace the causes wiiich have brought us into it, and snatch, if possi- ble, a view of the future. We should, above all, consult experience — = the experipnce of other nations, as well as our own, as our truest and most unerring guide. In casting our eyes around us, the most prominent circumstance which fixes our attention, and challenges our deepest regret, is the general distress vvhich pervades the whole country. It is forced upon us by numerous facts of the most incontestable character. It is in- dicated by the diminished exports of native produce; by the depressed and reduced state of our foreign navigation; by our diminished com- merce; by successive unthreshed crops of grain, perishing in oin' barns and barn yards for the want of a market; by the alarming di- rainution of the circulating medium; by the numerous bankruptcies, not liniited to the trading classes, but extending to all orders of so- ciety; by an universal complaint of the want of employment, and a coiisequent reduction of the wages of labour; by the ravenous pursuit after public situations, not for the sake of their honours and the per- formance of their public duties, but as a means of private subsistence; by the reluctant resort to the perilous use of paper money; by the intervention of legislation in the delicate relation between debtor and creditor; and, above all, by the low and depressed state of the value of almost every description of the whole mass of the property of the nation, which has, on an average, sunk not less than about 50 per cent, within a few years. This distress pervades every part of the Union, every class of society; all feel it, though it may be felt, at different places, in different degrees. It is like the atmosphere vviiich surrounds us — all must inhale it, and none can escape it. In some places it ha? burst upon our people, without a single mitigating circunistance to temper its severity. In others, more fortiniate, slight alleviations have been experienced in the expenditm-e of the public revenue, and in other favouring causes. A lew years ago, the planting interest con- Rf)led itself with its happy exemption; but it has now reached this in- terest also, which experiences, though with less severity, the genera! suffering. It is most |)ainful to me to attehipt to sketch or to dwell on the ji;looui of this picture. But I have exaggerated nothing. Perfect Jiderny to the original would have autholised me to have thrown on deeper and darker hues. And it is the duty of the statesman, no less than that of the physician, to survey with a penetrating, steady, and undi>mayed eye, the actual condition of the subject on vvhich he would operate ; to probe to the bottom the diseases of the body politic, if he, li would apply efficacious remedies. We have not, tliank God, suirered ill any gceat degree for food. But distress, resuliing from llie absence of a supply of tlie mere physical wants of our nature, is not the only, nor, perhaps, the keenest distress, to which we may be exposed. Moral and pecuniary suffering is, if possible, more poignant. It plunges its victim into hopeless despair. It poisons, it paralyzes, the spring and source of all useful exertion. Its unsparing action is collateral as well as direct. It falls with inexorable force ai the same time upon the wretched family of embarrassment and insolvency, ^nd upon its head. They are a faithful mirror, reflecting back upon him, at once, his own frightful image, and that no less appalling of the dearest objects of his affection. What is the cause of this wide-spreading distress, of thi« deep depression, which we behold stamped on the public countenance.'' We are the same people. We have the same country. We cannot arraign the bounty of Providence. The showers still fall in the same grattful abundance. The sun still casts his genial and vivifying in- fluence upon the land ; and the land, fertile and diversified in its soils as ever, yields to the Industrious cultivator, in boundless profusion, its accustomed fruits, its richest treasures. Our vigour is unimpaired. Our industry has not relaxed. If ever the accusation of wasteful extravagance could be made against our people, it cannot now be just- ly preferred. They, on the contrary, for the few last years at least, have been practising the most rigid economy. The causes, then, of our present affliction, whatever they may be, are human causes, and human causes not chargeable upon the peOple, in their private and in- dividual relations. What, again 1 would ask, is the cause of the unhappy condition of our country, which I have faintly depicted.? It is to be found in the fact that, during almost tiie whole existence oftiiis government, we have shaped our industry, our navigation, and our commerce, in reference to an extraordinary war in Europe, and to foreign markets, which no longer exist; in the fact liiat we have depended too much upon for- eign sources of supply, and excited too little the native ; in the fqict that, whilst we have cultivated, with assiduous care, our foreign resour- ces, we have suffered those at home to wither in a state of neglect and abandonment. The consequence of the termination of the war of Eu- rope, has been the resumption of European commerce, European na» vigation, and tiie extension of European agriculture and European industry, in all its branches. Europe, therefore, has no longer occa- sion to any thing like the same extent as that which she had during her wars, for American commerce, American navigation, the produce of American industry. Europe in commotion, and convulsed through- out all her members, is to America no longer the same Europe as she is now, tranquil, and watching with the most vigilant attention all her own peculiar interests, without regard to the operation of her policy upon us. The effect of this altered state of Emope upon us, has been to circumscribe the employment of our marine, and greatly to reduce the value of the produce of our territorial, labour. The further effect of this twofold reduction has been to decrease the value of all proper- ly, whether on the land or on the ocean, and which I suppose to be ^bout fifty per cent. And the still further effect has been to diminish 12 ilie amouut of our eirculaling inetlium, in a proporilon not less, by its transniission abroad, or its wiilidrawal by the Ijaiiking insiitutioiis. from a necessity which they could not control. Tlie quantity of mo- ney, in whatever form it may be, wiiich a nation wants, is in propor- tion to the total mass of its wealth, and to the activity of that wealth, A nation that has but little wealth, has but a limited want of money. In stating the fact, therefore, that the total wealth of the country has diminisiied, within a few ye.ars, in a ratio of about fifty per cent, we shall at once fully comprehend the inevitable reduction, which must have ensued, in the total quantity of the circulating medium of the country. A nation is most prosperous when there is a gradual and un- tempting addition to the aggregate of its circulating niedium. It is ill a condition the most adverse, when there is a rapid diminution in the quantity of the circulating medium, and a consequent depression in the value of property. In the former case, the wealth of individuals insensibly increases, and income keeps ahead of expenditure. But i'» the latter instance, debts have been contracted, engagements made, and habits of expense established, in reference to the existing state of wealth and of its representative. When these come to be greatly reduced, individuals find their debts still existing, their engagements unexecut- ed, and their liabits inveterate. They see themselves in the possession of the same property, on which, in good faith, they had bound them- selves. But that property, without their fault, possesses no longer the same value; and hence discontent, impoverishment, and ruin arise. Let us suppose, IMr. Chairman, that Europe was again the theatre of such a general war as recently raged throughout all her dominions — such a state of the war as existed in her greatest exertions and in our greatest prosperity': instantly there would arise a greedy demand for the sur- plus produce of our industry, for our commerce,- for our navigatioii. The languor which now prevails in our cities, and in our sea-ports, would give way to an animated activity. Our roads and rivers would be crowded with the produce of the interior. Every v«'here we should witness excited industry. The precious metals would re-llo\v from abroad upon us. Banks, which have maintained their credit, would revive their business ; and new banks would be established, to take the place of those which have sunk beneath the general pressure. For it is a mistake to suppose that they have produced our present adversity; iney may have somewhat aggravated it, but they were the effect and the evidence of oui' prosperity. Prices would again get up; the for- mer value of property would be restored. And those embarrassed persons who have not been already overwhelmed by the limes, would suddenly find, in the augmented value of their property, and the re- newal ol' their business, ample means to extricate themselves from all iheir diflicullies. The greatest want of civilized society is a market^ Cor the sale and exchange of the surplus of the produce of the laboi of its members. This market may exist at home or abroad, or both, bui it must exist somewhere, if society prospers ; and wherever it does exist it should be competent lothe absorption of the entire surplus of production. It is most desirable that there should be both a home and a foreign market. But with respect to their relative superiority, I can- not entertain a doubt. The home market ia first in order, and para- 13 mount in importance. The object of the bill under consideration, i& to create this home market, and to lay the foundations of a genuine American policy. It is opposed ; and it is incumbent upon the parti- sans of the foreign policy (terms which I shall use without any invidi- ous intent) to demonstrate that the foreign market is an adequate vent for the surplus produce of our labour. But is it so? 1. Foreign na- tions cannot, if they would, take our surplus produce. If the source of supply, no matter of what, increases in a greater ratio than the de- mand for that supply, a glut of the market is inevitable, even if we sup- pose both to remain perfectly unobstructed. Tlie duplication of our population takes place in terms of about twenty-five years. The term will be more and more extended as our numbers multiply. But it will be a sufficient approximation to assume this ratio for the present. We increase therefore, in population, at the rate of about four per cent, per annum. Supposing the increase of our production to be in the same ratio, we should, every succeeding year, have of surplus produce, four per cent, more than that of the preceding year, without taking into the account the differences of seasons which neutralize each other. If, therefore, we are to rely upon the foreign market exclusively, foreign consumption ought to be shown to be increasing in the same ratio of four per cent, per annum, if it be an adequate vent for our surplus pro- duce. But, as 1 have supposed ihe measure of our increasing produc- tion to be furnished by that of our increasing population ; so the mea- sure of their power of consumption must be determined by that of the increase of their population. Now the total foreign population, who consume our surplus produce, upon an average, do not double their aggregate number in a shorter tprm than that of about 100 years. Our powers of production increase then in a ratio four times greater than their powers of consumption. And hence their utter inability to re- ceive from us our surplus produce. But 2dly, If they could, they will not. The policy of all Europe is adverse to the reception of our agricultural produce, so far as it comes into collision with its own ; and under that limitation we are absolute- ly forbid to enter their ports, except under circumstances which deprive them of all value as a steady market. The policy of all Europe re jects those great staples of our country, which consist of objects of hu- man subsistence. Tiie policy of all Europe refuses to receive from us any thing but those raw materials of smaller value, essential to their manufactures, to which they can give a higher value, with the excep- tion of tobacco and rice, which they cannot produce. Even Great Britain, to which we are its best customer, and from which we receive =)early one half in value of our whole imports, will not take from us articles of subsistence produced in our country cheaper than can be produced it) Great Britain. In adopting this exclusive polic}', the states of Europe do not inquire what is best for us, but what suits them- selves respectively • they do not take jurisdiction of die question of our interests, but limit the object of their legislation to that of the conser- vation of their own peculiar interests, leaving us free to prosecute ours as we please. They do not guide themselves by that romantic philan- thropy, which we see displayed here, and which invokes us to continue to purchase the produce of foreign industry, without regard to the state 14 or prosperity of our own, tliat foreigners may be pleased to purchase the few remaining ar4icles of ours vvliich tlieir restricted policy has not yet absolutely excluded tireir consumption. ■5^V*/X-V%(X'VV^VVVV%^VV\iVVA/VVXV'V%'VV^V%^l/VV\/VV\'VVVVVVVX/V'V^VV^ ^^ < What sort of a figure would a member of tire British Parlianienti i have made ; what sort of a recepticui would his opposition have i I obtained, if he had remonstrated against the passage of the Corn | ] Law, by which British consumption is limited to the bread stuffs of ^ I British production, to the entire exclusion of American, and stat- > 5 ed that America could not atid would not buy British manufac- 5 f tures, if Britain did noi buy American flour ? | Both the inability and the policy of foreign powers, then, forbid us to rely upon the foreign market as being an adequate vent for the surplus produce of American labour. Now let us see if this general reason- ing is not fortified and confirmed by the actual experience of this coun- try. If the foreign market may be safely relied upoli, as furnishing an adequate demand tor our surplus produce, then the ofiicial documents will show a progressive increase, from year to year, in the exports of our native produce, in a proportion equal to that which I have suggest- ed. If, on the contrary, we shall find from them that for a long term of past years some of our most valuable staples have retrograded, some remained stationary, and others advanced but little, if any, in amount, with the exception of cotton, the deductions of reason and the lessons of experience will alike command us to withdraw our confidence in the competency of the foreign market. The total amount of all our ex- ports of domestic produce for the year, beginning in i795, and ending on the 30ih September, 1796, was $40,764,097. Estimating liie in- crease according to the ratio of the increase of our population, that is, at four per cent, per annum, the amount of the exports of the same produce in the ye:o' ending on the 30th Septeuiber last, ought to have been $85,420,86 1 . It was in fact only $47, ! 35,408, Taking the ave- rage of five years, from 1803 to 1807, inclusive, tlia amount of native produce exported was $43,209,751 for each of those years. Estimating what it ought to have been, during the last year, applying the princi- ple suggested to that amount, there should have been exported $77,766,751 instead of $47,155,408. If tliese comparative amounts of the aggregate actual exports and what they ought to have been, be dis- couraging, we shall find, on descending into particulars, still less cause of satisfaction. The export of tobacco in 1791 was 112,428 hogsheads. That was the year of the largest exportation of that article; but it is the only instance in which 1 have selected the maximum of exporta- tion. The amount of what we ought to have exported last year, esti- mated according to the scale of increase which 1 have used, is 266,332 hogsheads. The actual export was 99,009 hogsheads. We exported in 1803 the quantity of 1,31 1,853 barrels of flour ; and ought to have ex- ported last year 2,361,333 barrels. We, in fact, exported only 756,702 barrels. Of that quantity we sent to South America, according |o a statement furniilied me by the diligence of a friend near we (Mn- Poinsett) to whose valuable mass of accuraCe informatioti, in regSr3 t'o that interesting quarter of the world, I have had occasion frequently to apply. But that demand is temporary, growing out of tiie existing state of war. Whenever peace is restored to it, and 1 now hope that the day is not distant when its Independence will be generally acknow- ledged, there cannot be a doubt that it will supply its own consump<- tron. In ail parts of it the soil, either from climate or from elevation, is well adapted to the culture of wheal ; and no where can belter wheat be produced than in some portions of Mexico and Chili. Still the market of South America is one which, on other accounts, deserves the greatest consideration. And 1 congratulate you, the committee, and the country, on the recent adoption of a more auspicious policy towards it. We exported in 1805, Indian corn to the amount of 2,074, G08 bush- els. The quantity should have been, in 1823, 3,734,288 bushels. The actual quantity exported was 749,034 bushels, or about one-fifth of what it should have been, and a little more llian one-third of what it was more than twenty years ago. We ought not then to be surprised at the extreme depression of the price of that article, of which 1 have lieard my honourable friend (Mr. Basset) complain, nor of the distress of the corn-growing districts adjacent to Chesapeake Bay. We ex- ported 77,934 barrels of be«f in 1803, and llie last year but 61,418, instead of 140,274 barrels. In the same year, (1603,) we exported 96,602 barrels of pork, and lasl year 55,529, instead of 1 73,882 barrels. Rice has not advanced, by any means in the proportion which it ought to have done. All the small articles, such as cheese, butter, candles, &c. too minute to detail, but important in their aggregate, have also materially diminished. Cotton alone has advanced. But whilst the quantity of it is augmented, its actual value isconsidtrably diminished. The total quantity last year exceeded that of the preceding year by near thirty millions of pounds. And yet the total value of the year of smaller exportation, exceeded that of ihe last year by upwards of three and a half millions of dollars. If this article, the capacity of our country to produce which was scarcely known in 1790, were subtract- ed from the mass of our exports, the value of the residue would only be a little upwards of ^27,000,000, during the last year. ^VX/VV%^V^/VVXA.VVVVX^VVUVV^V^/V»/VX,»V^VVXV^-».V^',j\A,VV>/ engaged in tlieir culture, it would probably not exceed two mil-f 5 lions. Thus, then, less than one-fifth of the whole population of ^ I the United Slates produced upwards of one half, nearly two-thirds, J I of the entire value of the expgris of the lasl vear. I 5^ t,-»/\-w\'WAV-v\'^/vvvx\-vx'\ ■»•».'» «~»'«»v»'W\v/« Our agricultural is our greatest interest. It ought ever to be^ ? predominant. All others should bend to it. And in considering! ' what is for its advantage, we should contemplate it in all its varie- • 5 ties, of planting, farming, and grazing. Can we do nothing to in- ? ^vigorate it; nothing to correct the errours of the past, and to? I brighten the still more unpromising prospects which lie before us?^ 5fl -VX/X 'V%/\ -^^X.^ 'VV^ -VV^ 'V/%/\'\/V\ X^%-^ V"W^ "XiVA X'VV '*''^^ fvvx We have seen, I think, the causes of the distresses of the country. We have seen, tliat an exclusive dependence upon the foreign market must lead to still severer distress, to impoverishment, to ruin. We must then chatige somewhat our course. We must give a new direction to some portion of our industry. We must speedily adopt a genuine American policy. Still cherishing the foreign market, let us create also a home market, to give further scope to the consumption of the pro- duce of American industry. Let us counteract the policy of foreigners, and withdraw the support which we now give to their industry, and 17 stimulate tliat of our own country. It should be a prominent object With wise legislators, to multiply the vocations and extend the business of society, as far as it can be done, by the protection of our interests at home, against the injurious effects of foreign legislation. Suppose we were a nation of fishermen, or of skippers, to the exclusion of every other occupation, and the legislature had the power to introduce the pursuits of agriculture and manufactures, would notour happiness be promoted by an exertion of its authority.? All the existing employments of so- ciety — the learned professions — commerce — agriculture, are now over- flowing. We stand in each other's way. Hence the want of employ- ment. Hence the eager pursuit after public stations, which I have be- fore glanced at. 1 have been again and again shocked, during this session, by instances of solicitation for places, before the vacancies ex- isted. The pulse of incumbents, who happen to be taken ill, is not marked with more anxiety by the attending physicians, than by those who desire to succeed them, though with very opposite feelings. Our old friend, the faithful sentinel, who has stood so long at our door, and the gallantry of whose patriotism deserves to be noticed, because it was displayed when that virtue was most rare and most wanted, on a me- morable occasion, in this unfortunate city, becanie indisposed some weeks ago. The first intelligence which 1 had of his dangerous ill- ness, w-as by an application for his unvacated place. 1 hastened to as- sure myself of the extent of his danger, and was happy to find that the eagerness of succession outstripped the progress of disease. By creating a new and extensive business, then, we should not only give employment to those who want it, and augment the sunj of national wealth, by all that tliis new business would create, but we should melio- rate the condition of those who are now engaged in existing employ- ments. In Europe, particularly in Great Britain, their large standing armies, large navies, large even on their peace arrangement, their es- tablished church; afford to their population employments, which, in that respect, the happier constitution of. our government does not tolerate but in a very limiteil degree. The peace establishments of our army and our navy, are extremely small, and I hope ever will be. We have no established church, and I trust never shall have. In propor- tion as the enterprise of our citizens, in public employments, is circum- scribed, should we excite and invigorate it in private pursuits. The creation of a home market is not only necessary to procure for our agriculture a just reward of its labours, but it is indispensable to obtain a supply of our necessary wants. If we cannot sell, we can- not buy. That portion of our population (and we have seen that it is not less than four-fifihs) which makes comparatively nothing that fo- reigners will buy, has nothing to make purchases with, from foreign- ers. It is in vain that we are told of the amount of our exports sup- plied by the planting interest. They may enable the planting interest to supply all its wants: but they bring no ability to the interests not planting; unless, which cannot be pretended, the planting interest was an adequate vent for the surplus produce of the labour of all other interests. It is in vain to tantalize us with the greater cheapness of foreign fabrics. There must be an ability to purchase, if an arti- cle be obtained, whatever may be the price, high or low, at which it 3 18 v\'as sold. And a cheap article is as much beyond tlie grasp of hins who lias no means to buy, «s a high one. Even if it were true that the American manufacturer would supply consumption at dearer rates, it is better to have liis fabrics than tlie unattainable foreign fabrics ; because it is better to be ill supplied than not supplied at all. A coarse coat, which will communicate warmth and cover nakedness, is belter than no coat. Tiie superiority of the home market results, 1st, from its steadiness and comparative certainty at all times; 2d, from the creation of reciprocal interests ; 3d, from its greater security; And, lastly, from an ultimate and not distant augmentation of con- sumption (and consequently of comfort) from increased quantity and reduced prices. ^^VVVV%rv,VVVVV\(VVX'VVV%'VVVV\>VV^\'VVVV*iVA/VVV\(VV^VV^VVVVVVVV^VVX-VVVVVVV^^ I But this home market, highly desirable as it is, can only be ere- 5 I ated and cherished by the protection of our own legislation \ 1 against the inevitable prostration of our industry, which must en- f I sue from the action of foreign policy and legislation. The effects i and the value of this domestic care of our own interests will be s ^obvious from a few facts and considerations. Let us suppose thatf j half a million of persons are now employed abroad in fabricating! i for our consumption, those articles, of which by the operation of I ; this bill a supply is intended to be provided within ourselves, l 5 That half a million of persons are, in effect, subsisted by us; buti I their actual means of subsistence are drawn from foreign agricul- 1 |ture. If we could transport them to this country, and incorporate | 5 them in the mass of our own population, there would instantly? 5 arise a demand for an amount of provisions equal to that which? 5 would be requisite for their subsistence throughout the whole year, i J That demand, in the article of flour alone, would not be less than ^ ^ the quantity of about 900.000 barrels, besides a proportionate | ^quantity of beef and pork, and other articles of subsistence. But^ J nine hundred thousand barrels of flour exceeded the entire quantity^ I exported last year, by nearly one hundred and fifty thousand bar-? I rels. What activity would not this give, what cheerfulness would? I it not communicate, to our now dispirited farming interest! ButS ^if, instead of these 500.000 artisans emigrating from abroad, we| I give by this bill, employment to an equal number of our owns J citizens now engaged in unprofitable agriculture, or idle, from the^ ? want of business, the beneficial eflect upon the productions of our ! farming hibour would be lu^arly doubled. The quantity would be J diminished by a subtraction of the produce from the labour of a!l| I those who should be diverted from its pursuits to manufacturing | ^ industry, and the value of the residue would be enhanced, both by I J that diminution and the creation of the home market to^the extent ^ ? supposed. And the honorable gentleman from Virginia, may re-? I press any appreiieusions which he entertains, that the plough will I J be abandoned, and our fields remain unsowi). For, under all the^ ? modifications of social industry, if you will secure to it a just re- 1 ^ wanl, the greater attractions of agriculture will give to it that f I proud superiority which it has always maintained. ^ ^ AA/\'VVAX'V\-».'V^'V'V\-V'V\'VV'\'V-VV'X'V/\'X'XA'V^'V'VV'\ -V/.'X^'\'VXAA,'W^'VV\'VV\'VV\'VV\'VV\'X/V\-VV\X/V\'V'V\^ i 19 If we suppose no actual abandonment of farming:, but, what is most likely, a gradual and imperceptible employment of population in the business of manufacturing, instead of being compelled to resort to agri- culture, the salutary effect would be nearly the same. Is any part of our common country likely to be injured by a transfer of the theatre of fabrication, for our own consumption, from Europe to America ? All that those parts, if any there be, which will not or cannoi engage in manufactin-es, should require, is, that their consumption should be well supplied ; and if the objects of that consumption are produced in other parts of the Union, that can manufacture, far from having on that account, any just cause of complaint, their patriotism will and ought to inculcate a cheerful acquiescence in what essentially contri- butes, and is indispensable necessary, to the prosperity of the common family. ^>yvvvv^vvv\/v-vvvvvvvvvv\/vs.vv*vvvvvvvvvv/v^v^v^v/v^vvvv'vvvv^vx^vv'vvv^vvv\/v^ I The great desideratum in political economy, is the same as in I I private pursuits; that is, VVhat is the best application of the ag- 1 Igregate industry of a nation, that can be made honestly to pro- ^ ^duce the largest sum of national wealth? Labour is the source of ^ I all wealth ; but it is not natural labour only. I And the fundamental errour of the gentleman from Virginia, and of the school to which he belongs, in deducing, from our sparse popula- tion, our unfitness for the introduction of the arts, consists in their not sufficiently weighing the importance of the power of machinery. In former times, when but little comparative use was made of machinery, manual labour, and the price of wages, were circumstances of the great- est consideration. But it is Hir otherwise in these latter times. Such are the improvements and the perfection in machinery, that, in analyzing the compound value of many fabrics, the element of natural labour is so inconsiderable as almost to escape detection. This truth is demonstra- ted by many facts. Formerly Asia, in consequence of the density of her population, and the consequent lowness of wages, laid Europe un- der tribute for many of her fabrics. Now Europe reacts upon Asia, and Great Britain in particular, throws back upon her countless mil- lions of people, the rich treasures produced by artificial labour, to a vast amount, infinitely cheaper than they can be manufactured by the natural exertions of that portion of the globe. I But Britain is herself the most striking illustration of the im- ^ \ mense power of machinery. Upon what other principle can you ^ 5 account for the enormous wealth which she has accumulated, and ' \ artificial labour, at the present day, carry it to the enormous height . 5 of two hundred millions. But the population of the three king-| jdoms is 21,500,000. Supposing that to furnish able-bodied la-f I 20 I hour to the amount of four niillions, the natural labour will be but? I two per cent, of the artificial labour. In the production of wealili \ I she operates, therefore, by a power (including the wliule popula-S I tion) of 221,500,000; or, in other words, by a power eleven times s < greater than the total of her natm-al power. If we suppose? < the machine labour of tiie United States to be equal to that of< J 10,000 000 of able-bodied men, the United States will operate, in I 5 the creation of wealth, by a power (including all their population) \ I of 20,000.000, In the creation of wealth, tiierefore, the power of | i Great Britain, compared to that of the United Slates, is as eleven \ to one. That these views are not imaginary, will be, 1 think, evinc- ^ I ed, by contrasting the wealth, the revenue, the power of the two? 5 countries. Upon what other hypothesis can we explain those al- 1 5 most incredible exertions wliich Britain made durinu; the late wars ? 5 of Europe.'' Look at her immense subsidies! Behold her stand- 5 I ing, unaided and alone, and breasting the storm of Napoleon's co- 1 I lossal power, when all continental Europe owned and yielded to its I ^ irresistible sway ; and finally contemplate her vigorous prosecution^ j of the war, with and without allies, to its splendid termination, on | ^ the ever memorable field of Waterloo ! | The British works which the gentleman from Virginia has quoted, portray a state of the most wonderful prosperity, in regard to wealth and resources, that ever was before contemplated. Let us look a little into the semi-official pamphlet, written witli great force, clearness, and ability, and the valuable work of Lowe, to both of which that gentle- man has referred. The revenue of the United Kingdom amounted, during the latter years of the war, to seventy millions of pounds ster- ling; and one year it rose to the astonishing height of ninety millions sterling, equal to four hundred millions of dollars. This was actual revenue, made up of real contributions, from the purses of the people. After the close of the war, ministers slowly and reluctantly reduced the military and naval establishments, and accommodated them to a state of peace. The pride of power, every where the same, always unwil- lingly surrenders any of those circumstances, which display its pomp and exhibit its greatness. Cotemporaiieous with this reduction, Bri- tain was enabled to lighten some of the heaviest burthens of taxation, and particularly that most onerous of all, the income tax. In this lower- ed state, the revenue of peace, gradually rising from the momentary de- pression incident to a transition from war, attained, in 1822, the vast amount of fifty-five millions sterling, upwards of two hundred and forty millions of dollars, and more than eleven times that of the TJniied States for the same year; thus indicaiing the dilfirence, which I have suggest- ed, in the respective productive powers of the two countries. The ex- cise alone (collectetl under twenty-five diflerent heads) amounted to Iwenty-eight millions, more than one half of the total revenue of the kingdom. This great revenue allows Great Britain to constitute an efllcient sinking fund of five millions sterling, being an excess of actual income beyond expenditure, and amounting to more than the entire re- venue of the United Stales. 21 T If we look at the commerce of England, we shall perceive that ^ \ its prosperous condition no less denotes the immensity of her riches. | iThe average cif three years exports, ending in 1789, was between | 1 13 and 14 millions. The average for tlie same term ending in 1822, | ? was 40 millions sterling. The average of the imports for three | f years, ending in 1789, was seventeen millions. The average for| \ the same term, ending in 1822, was tliirty-six millions, shownig a? I favourable balance of four millions. Thus, in a period not longer | ^than that which has elapsed since the establishment of our consti-^ 5 tution, have the exports of that kingdom been tripled; and this has| hiiainly been the effect of the power of machinery. The totaU I amount of the commerce of Great Britain is greater since the ? I peace, by one-fourth, than it was during the war. The average of | i her tonnage, during the most flourishing period of the war, was? I two million four hundred thousand tons. Its average, during the J I three years, 1819, 1820, and 1821, was 2,600,000; exhibiting an| I increase of 200.000 tons. If we glance at some of the more pro- \ I minent articles of her manufactures, we shall be assisted in com- $ $ prehending the true nature of the sources of her riches. The amount | I of cotton fabrics exported, in the most prosperous year of the war, ^ < was eighteen million sterling. In ihe year 1820, it wa^ 16,600,000; | I'm 1821, 21,500 000; in 1822, 21,639,000/. sterling; presenting | ! the astonishing increase in two years of upwards of five millions. | \ The total amount of imports in Great Britain from all foreign parts, | I of the article of cotton wool, is five millions sterling. After sup- < \ plying most abundantly the consumption of cotton fabrics within j I the country (and a people better fed and clad and housed, are notj I to be found under the sun, than the British nation,^ by means of her I 5 industry, she gives to this cotton wool a new value, which enables^ I her to sell to foreign nations to the amount of 21,639,000/., mak- 1 ^ing a clear profit of upwards of 16,500.000/. sterling! In 1821,5 Ithe value of the export of woollen manufactures was 4,300,000/. 5 I In 1822, it was 5,500,000/. The success of her restrictive policy 5 ^is strikingly illustrated in the article of silk. In the manufacture? I of that article she labours under great disadvantages, besides thatf I of not producing the raw material. She has subdued them all, and I i the increase of the manufacture has been most rapid. Although ^ I she is still unable to maintain, in foreign countries, a successful^ J competition with the silks of France, of India, and of Italy, and ^ i therefore exports but little, she gives to the two millions of the raw ? t material w hich she in)ports, in various forms, a value of ten millions, ^ j which chiefly enter into British consumption. Let us suppose that ? I she was dependent upon foreign nations for these ten millions, what < s an injurious efiect would it not have upon her commercial relations , I with them ? The average of the exports of British manufactures, I I during the peace, exceeds the average of the most productive years : I of the war. The amount of her wealth annually produced, is? 5 three hundred and fifty millions sterling; bearing a large propor- ? Stion to all of her pre-existing wealth. Tlie agricultural portion of? jit is said by the gentleman from Virginia, to be greater than that^ 22 I created by any otiier branch of her Industry. But that flows main- 1 |ly from a policy similar to that proposed by this bill. One-third 5 I only of her population is engaged in agriculture; the other two- 1 I thirds furnishing a market for the produce of that third. With-? ^anomalous; alike unfitted to general tranquillity, and to a state of? 5 war or peace on the part of our own country. It can succeed only 5 \ in ihe rare occurrence of a general state of war throughout Europe. \ \\ am no eulogist of England. 1 am far from recommending her ^ \ systems of taxation. I have adverted to them only as manifesting^ \ her extraordinary abilitj'. \ The political and foreign interests of that nation may have been, as I believe them to have been, often badly managed. Had she abstained from the wars into which she has been plunged by her ambition, or tlie mistaken policy of her ministers, the prosperity of England vvotdd, unquestionablj', have been nmch greater. But it may happen that the 24 public liberty, and the foreign relations of a nation, have been badly provided for, and yet that its political economy has been wisely man- aged. The alacrity or sullenness with which a people pay taxes, de- pends upon their wealth or poverty. If the system of their rulers leads to their impoverishment, they can contribute but little to the necessi- ties of the stale; — if to their wealth, tliey cheerfully and promptly pa^' , the burthens imposed on them. Enormous as British taxation appes^ / to be, in comparison witii that of other nations, but really lighter, > / it in fact is, when we consider its great wealth, and its powers of pro- duction, that vast amount is collected with the most astonishing regu- larity. [Here Mr. Clay read certain passages from Holt, showing that, in 1822, there was not a solitary prosecution arising out of the col- lection of the assessed taxes, which are there considered among the most burthensome, and that the prosecutions for violations of the excise laws, in all its numerous branches, vv»fre sensibly and progressively decreasing.] Having called the attention of the Committee to the present adverse state of our country, and endeavoured to point out the causes which have led to it; having shown that similar causes, wherever they exist in other countries, lead to the same adversity in their condition ; and having shown that, wherever we find opposite causes prevailing, a liigh and animating state of national prosperity exists, the Committee will agree with me in thinking that it is the solemn duty of govern- ment to apply a remedy to the evils which afflict our county, if it can apply one. Is there no remedy within the reach of the government .'' Are we doomed to behold our industry languish and decay yet more and more.'' But there is a remedy, and that remedy consists in modi"- fying our foreign policy, and in adopting a genuine American sys- tem. We must naturalize the arts in our country; and we must na- turalize them by the only means which the wisdom of nations has yet discovered to be effectual ; by adequate protection, against the other- wise overwhelming influence of foreigners. This is only to be accom- plished by the establishment of a tariff, to the consideration of vvliich I am now brought. ■M^ vv^ vvx. V v^ '^■'v^ vx^ vv^ v^/v vv% vvv vvv v^ /v v-vx VA/V v%^ vvv vvv v%/v v^^ ] And what is this tariff.'* It seems to have been regarded as a sortj 5 of monster, huge and deformed — a wild beast, endowed with tre- S < mendous powers of destruction, about to be let loose among our | < people — if not to devour them, at least to consume their substance. < J But lei us calm our passions, and deliberately survey this alarming, | I ihis terrific being. The sole object of the tariff is to tax the pro- I *. duce of foreign industry, with the view of promoting American in- 1 }. dustry. The tax is exclusively levelled at foreign industry. That i I is the avowed and the direct purpose of the tariff. If it subjects any » S part of American industry to burthens, that is an effect not intend-? Jed, but is altogether incidental, and perfectly voluntary. I J It has been treated as an imposition of burthens upon one parti ^ of the community by design, for the benefit of another; as if, in ? J fact, money were taken from the pockets of one portion of the f I people and put into the pockets of another. But, is that a fair re- 1 25 I presentation of it ? No man pays the duty assessed on the foreign ? I article by compulsion, but voluntarily ; and this voluntary duty, if? I pf*id, goes into the common exchequer, for the common benefit of S I all. Consumption has four objects of choice. 1. It may abstains I from the use of the foreign article, and thus avoid the payment of? I the tax. 2. It may employ the rival American fabric. 3. It may < S engage in the business of manufacturing, which this bill is designed I : to foster. 4. Or it may supply itself from the household manu- 1 I fac lures. I 9 But it is said, by the honourable gentleman from Virginia, that the South, owing to the character of a certain portion of its population, cannot engage in the business of manufacturing. Now 1 do not agree in that opinion, to the extent in which it is asserted. Tlie circum- stance alluded to may disqualify the South from engaging, in every branch of manufacture, as largely as other quarters of the Union, but to some branches of it, that part of our population !s well adapted. It indisputably affords great facility in t!ie household or don,estic line. But, if the gentleman's premises were true, could his conclusion be admitted .'* According to him, a certain part of our population, hap- pily much the smallest, is peculiarly situated. 4 I The circumstance of its degradation unfits it for the manufac- | ^ turing arts. The well being of the other, and the larger part of^ I our population, requires the introduction of those arts. What is to ? f be done in this conflict.'* The gentleman would have us abstain | ^ from adopting a policy called for by the interest of the greater J I and freer part of our population. But is that reasonable ? Can it s I be expected that the iiuerests of the greater part should be made! I to bend to the condition of the servile part of our population ?j 5 That, in effect, would be to make us the slaves of slaves. I went, | i with great pleasure, along with my southern friends, and I am rea- j ; dy again to unite with them in protesting against the exercise oi'i I any legislative power, on the part of Congress, over that delicate: * subject, because it was my solemn conviction, that Congress was -• ^ interdicted^^ or at least not authorized, by the constitution, to exer- 1 S cise any such legislative power. And I am sure that the patriotism I 5 of the South may be exclusively relied upon to reject a policy 5 J which should be dictated by considerations altogether connected ^ S with that degraded class, to tlie prejudice of the residue of our po- 1 I pulation. But does not a perseverance in the foreign policy, as it j I now exists, in fiict make all parts of the Union, not planting, tri-} I butary to the planting parts ? J What is the argument ? It is, that we must continue freely to receive the produce of foreign industry, wlthotit regard to the protection of American industry, that a market may be retained for the sale abroad of the produce of the planting portion of the country; and that if we lessen the consumption, in all parts of America, those which are not planting, as well as the planting sections, of foreign inanufactures, we 26 diminish to that extent the foreign market for the planting produce. The existing stale of things, indeeiJ, presents a sort of tacit compact between the cotton grower and the British manufacturer, the stipula- tions of which are, on the part of ihe cotton grower, that llie whole of the United States, the other portions as well as the cotton growing, shall remain open and unrestricted it) the consumption of British manufac- tures ; and, on the part of the British manufacturer that, in considera- tion thereof, he will continue to purchase the cotton of ti)e South. Thus, then, we perceive that the proposed measure, instead of sacrific- ing the South to the other parts of the Union, seeks only to preserve thetn from being absolutely sacrificed under the operation of the tacit compact which 1 have described. Supposing the South to be actually incompetent, or disinclined to embark at all in the business of manu- facturing, is not its interest, nevertheless, likely to be promoted by cre- ating a new and an American source of supply for its consumption? Now foreign powers, and Great Britain principally, have the monopoly of the supply of southern consumption. If this bi4l should pass, an AiBerican competitor in the supply of the South would be raised up, and ultimately I cannot doubt that it will be supplied cheaper and bet- ter. 1 have before had occasion to state, and will now again mention, the beneficial efl^ects of American competition with Europe in furnish- ing a supply of the article of cotton bagging. After the late war, the influx of the Scottish manufacture prostrated the Anverican establish- ments. The consequence was that the Scotch possessed the moiuipoly of the supply; and the price of it rose, and attained, the year before the last, a height which amounted to more than an equivalent for ten years protection to the American manufacture. This circumstance tempted American industry again to engage in the business, and seve- ral valuable manufactories have been established in Kentucky. They have reduced the price of the fabric very consulerably ; but without the " protection of government they may be again prostrated — and then the Scottish manufacturer engrossing the supply of our consumption, the price will probably again rise. It has been tauntingly asked if Ken- tucky cannot maintain herself in a competition with the two Scottish towns of Inverness and Dundee.'' But is that a fair statement of the case.'' Those two towns are cherished and sustained by the whole pro- tecting policy of the British empire, whilst Kentucky cannot, and the general government will not, extend a like protection to the few Ken- tucky villages in which the article is made. If the cotton growing consumption could be constitutionally exempt- ed from the operation of this bill, it might be fair to exempt it upon the condition that foreign manufactures, the proceeds of the sale of cot- ton abroad, should not enter at all into the consumption of the other parts of the United States. But such an arrangement as that, if it could be made, would probably be objected to by the cotton growing country itself. 2. The second objection to the proposed bill is, that it will diminish the amount of our exports. Ii < an have no efiect upon our exports, except those which are sent to Europe. Except tobacco and rice, we Y^send there nothing but the raw materials. If The argument is, that Eu- rope will not buy of us, if we do not buy of her. The first objection 27 to it is, that it calls upon us to looU to the question, and to take care of European ability in legislating for American interests. Now, if in legislating for their interests, they would consider and provide for our ability, the principle of reciprocity would enjoin us so to rep;ulate our intercourse with them, as to leave their ability unimpaired. But I have shown that, in the adoption of their own policy, their inquiry is strict- ly limited to a consideration of their peculiar interests, without any re- gard to that of ours. The next remark I would make is, that the bill only operates upon certain articles of European industry, which it is supposed our interest requires us to manufacture wiihin ourselves; and although its eflect will be to diminish the amount of our imports oi'lhose articles, it leaves them free to supply us with any other produce of their industry. And since the circle of human comforts, refinements, and luxuries, is of great extent. Europe will slill find herself able to pur- chase from us what she has hitherto done, and to discharge the debt in some of those objects. If tliere be any diminution in our exports to Europe, it will probably be in the article of cotton to Great Britain. 1 have staled that Britain buys cotton wool to the amount of about five millions sterling, and sells "to foreign states to the amount of upwards of 21,000,000 an,d a half Of this sum, we take a little upwards of a mil- lion and a half The residue of about 20.000,000, she must sell to other foreign powers than the United States, Now their market will continue open to her, as much after the passage of this bill, as before. She will therefore require from us the raw material to supply their consumption. _But, it is said, she may refuse to purchase it of us, and seek a supply else- where, -n^here can be but little doubt that she now resorts to us, because we can supply her cheaper and better than any other country. And it would be unreasonable to suppose that she would cease, from any pique towards us, to pursue her own interest. Suppose she was to decline purchasing from us : The consequence would be, that she would lose the market for the twenty ujillions sterling, which she now sells other foreign powers, or enter it under a disadvantageous competition with us, or with other nations, who should obtain their supplies of the raw ma- terial from us. / If there should beany diminution, therefore, in the ex- ^portation of cotton, it would only be in the proportion of about one and a half to twenty, that is, a little upwards of five per cent. ; the loss of a market for which, abroad, would be fully conipensated by the mar- ket for the article created at home. Lastly, 1 would observe, that the new application of our industry, producing new objects of exportation, and they possessing nuich greater value than in the raw stale, we should be in the end aujply indenniified, by their exportation. Already the item in otn- foreign exports of manufactures is considerable ; and we know that our cotton fabrics iiave been recently exported in a large amount to South America, where they maintain a successful competi- tion with those of any other country. 3. The third objection to the tiiriff" is, that it will diminish our na- vigation. This great interest deserves every encouragement, consistent with the paramount interest of agriculture. In the order of nature it is secondary to both agriculture and manufactures. Its business is the transportation of the productions of those two superior branches of in- dustry. It cannot therefore be expected, that they shall be moulded or 28 sacrificed to suit its purposes ; but, on the contrary, navigation must accoininodafe itself, to t'oe actual state ofajo^riculture and mnnufactures. If, as I believe, we have nearly reached ihe maximum in value of our exports of raw produce to Europe, the eftect liereafter will be, as it respects that branch of our trade, if we persevere in the foreign system, to retain our navif^ation at the point wi)ich it has now reached. By re- ducing, indeed, as will probably take place, the price of our raw mate- rials, a further quantity of them could be exported, and, of course, ad- ditional employment migiit, in that way, be given to our tonnage ; but that would be at the expense of the agricultural interest. If 1 am right in supposing that no eflect will be produced by this measure u()on any other branch of our export trade, but that to Europe ; that, with regard to that, there will be no sensible diminution of our exports; and that the new direction given to a portion of our industry will produce other objects of exportation, the probability is, that our foreign tonnage will be even increased under the operation of this bill. But, if I am mis- taken in these views, and it sliould experience any reduction, the in- crease in onr coasting tonnage, resulting from the greater activit}' of domestic exchanges, will more than compensate the injury. Although our navigation partakes in the general distress of the countr}', it is less depressed than any other of our great interests. The foreign tonnage has been gradually, though slowly, increasing, since 1816. And our coasting tonnage, since 1816, has increased upwards of one liundred thousand tons. 4. It is next contended that the effect of the measure will be to di- minish our foreign commerce. The objection assumes, what 1 have endeavoured to controvert, that there will be a reduction in the value of our exports. Commerce is an exchange of commodiiies. Whatever will ttiud to augment the wealth of a nation must increase its capacity to make these exchanges. By new productions, or creating new va- lues in the Hibricated forms which shall be given to old objects of our industry, we shall give to commerce a fresh spring, a new aliment. The foreign commerce of the country, from causes, some of which I have endeavoured to point out, has been extended as far as it can be. And I think there can be but little doubt that the balance of trade is, and for some time past has been, against us. I was surprised to hear the learned gentleman from Massachusetts, (Mr. Webster,) rejecting, as a detected and exploded fallacy, the idea of a balance of trade. I have not time nor inclination now to discuss that topic. But 1 will ob- serve, that all nations act upon the suppositi*)n of the reality of its ex- isten* e, and seek to avoid a trade, the balance of which is imfavoura- blc, and to foster that which presents a favoiu'abic, balance. Howe- ver the account be made up, whatever may be the items of a trade, cominndities. fishing industry, marine labour, the carrying trade, all of which 1 admit should be comprehended, there can beno doubt, I think, that the totality of the exchanges of all descriptions made by one na- tion with another, or against the totality of the exchanges of all other nations together, may be such as to present the state of an unfavorable balance with the one or with all. It is true that, in the long run, the measures of these exchanges, that is, the totality in value of what is given and of what is received, must be equal to each other. But great 20 distress may be feh long before the counterpoise can be eflected. In the mean time, there will be an export of the precious metals, to the deep injury of internal trade, an unfavorable state of exchange, an ex- port of public securities, a resort to credit, debt, mortgages. Most of, if not all, these circumstances, are believed now to be indicated by our country, in its foreign commercial relations. What have we received, for example, for the public stocks sent to England ? Goods. But those stocks are our bond, which must be paid. Although the solidity of the credit of the English public securities is not surpassed by that of our own, strong as it justly is, when have we seen English stocks sold in oiH' market, and regularly quoted in the prices current, as American stocks are in England f An unfavorable balance with one nation, may be made up by a favorable balance with other nations; but the fact of the existence of that unfavorable balance is strong presumptive evidence against the trade. Commerce will regidale itself! Yes, and the extra- vagance of a spendthrift heir, who squanders the rich patrimony which has descended to him, will regulate itself ultimately. But it will be a regulation which will exhibit him in the end safely confined within the walls of a jail. Commerce will regulate itself! But is it not the duty of wise governments to watch its course, and, beforehand, to provide against even distant evils ; by prudent legislation stimulating the indus- try of their own people, and checking the policy of foreign powers as it operates on them ^ The stipply, then, of the subjects of foreign com- merce, no less than the supply of consumption at home, requires of us to give a portion of our labour such ^ direction as will enable us to produce them. That is the object of the measure under consideration, and 1 cannot doubt tliat, if adopted, it will accomplish its object. 5. Tije fifth objection to the tariff, is, that it will diminish the pub- lic revenue, disable us frou) paying the public debt, and finally compel a resort to a system of excise and internal taxation. This objection is founded upon the supposition that the reduction in the importation of the subjects, on which the increased duties are to operate, will be such as to produce the alleged effect. All this ig matter of mere conjecture, and can only be determined by experiment. I have very liule doubt, with my colleague, (Mr. Trimble,) that the revenue will be increased considerably, for some years at least, under the operation of this bill. The diminution in the quantity imported will be compensated by the augmentation of the dut3'. In reference to the article of molasses, for example, if the import of it should be reduced fifty per cent, the amount of duty collected would be the same as it now is. But it will not, in all probability, be reduced by any thing like that proportion. And then there are some other articles which will continue to be introduced in as large quantities as ever, notwithstanding the increase of duty, the object in reference to them being revenue and not the encouragement of domestic manufactures. Another cause will render the revenue of this year, in particular, much more productive than it otherwise would have been; and that is, that large quantities of goods have been introduced into the country, in anticipation of the adoption of this measure. The eagle does not dart a keener gaze upon his intended prey, than that with which the British manufacturer and merchant watches the foreign mar- ket, agd the course e\'en of our elections as well as our legislation. 30 The passage of this bill has been expected; and all our information is tiiat the importations, during this spring, have been immense. But, further, the measure of our importations is that of our exportations. I(' I am right in supposing, that, in future, the amount of these in the old or new forms of the produce of our labour will not be diminished, but probably increased, then the amount of our importations, and conse- quently, of our revenue, will not be reduced, but may be extended. If these ideas be correct, there will be no inability on the part of govern- ment to extinguish the public debt. The payment of that debt, and the consequent liberation of the public resources from the charge of it, is extremely desirable. No one is more anxious than I am to see that important object accomplished. But I entirely concur with the gentle- man from Virginia, (Mr. Barbour,) in thinking that no material sacri- fice of any of the great interests of the nation ought to be made to ef- fectuate it. Such is the elastic and accumulating nature of oiu' public resources, from the silent augmentation of our population, that, if in any given state of the public revenue, we throw ourselves upon a couch and go to sleep, we may, after a short time, awake with an ability abundantly increased to redeem any reasonable amount of public debt with which we may happen to be burihened. The public debt of the United States, though nominally larger now than it was in the year 1791, bears really no sort of discouraging comparison to its amount at that time, whatever standard we n)ay clioose to adopt to institute the comparison. It was in 1791 about seventy-five millions of dollars. It is now about ninety. Then we had a population of about four milli- ons. Now we have upwards of ten millions. Then we had a revenue short of five millions of dollars. Now our revenue exceeds twenty. If we select population as the standard, our present population is one hun- dred and fifty per cent, greater than it was in 1791 ; if revenue, that is four limes more now than at the former period; whilst the public debt has increased only in a ratio of twenty per cent, A public debt of three hundred millions of dollars, at the present day, considering our actual ability, compounded both of the increase of population and of revenue, would not be more onerous now than the debt of seventy-five millions of dollars was, at the epoch of 1791, in reference to the same circum- stances. If I am right in supposing, that, under the operation of the proposed measure, there will not be any diminution, but a probable in- crease of the public revenue, there will be no difficulty in defraying the current expenses of government, and paying the principal, as well as the interest, of the public debt, as it becomes due. Let ns for a mo- ment, however, indulge the improbable supposition of the opponents of the tariff, that there will be a reduction of the revenue to the extent of the most extravagant calculation which has been made, that is to say, to the extent of five millions. That sum deducted, we shall still have re- maining a revet)ue of about fifteen millions. The treasury estimates of the current service of the years 1822, 1823, and 1824, exceeds, each year, nine millions. The lapse of revolutionary pensions, and judicious retrenchments which might be made without detriment to any of the essential establishments of the country, would probably reduce them below nine millions. Let us assume that sum, to whicJi add about five millions and a half for the interest of the public debt, and the wants of 31 government would require a revenue of fourteen and a half millions, leaving a surplus of revenue of Half a million beyond the public ex- penditure. Thus, by a postponement of the payment of the principal of the public debt, in which the public creditors would gladly acqui- esce, and confiding for the means of redeeming it in the necessary in- crease of our revenue from the natural augmentation of our population and consumption, we may safely adopt the proposed measure, even if it should be attended (which is confidently denied) with the supposed diminution of revenue. We siiall not then have occasion to vary the existing system of taxation ; we shall be under no necessity to resort either to direct taxes or to an excise. But, suppose the alternative were really forced upon us of continuing the foreign system, with its inevita- ble impoverishment of the country, but with the advantage of the pre- sent mode of collecting the taxes, or of adopting the American system, with its increase of the national wealth, but with the disadvantage of an excise, coidd any one hesitate between them.? Customs and an ex- cise agree in the essential particulars, that they are both taxes upon consumption, and both are voluntary. They differ only in the mode of collection. The office for the collection of one is located on the frontier, and that for the other within the interior. I believe it was Mr. Jefferson, who. In reply to the boast of a citizen of New-York of the amount of the public revenue paid by that city, asked who would pay it if ihe collector's office were removed'to Paulus Hook, on the New-Jersey shore .f* National wealth is tlie source of all taxation. And, my word for it, the people are too intelligent to be deceived by mere names, and not to give a decided preference to that system which is bas'^d upon their wealth and prosperity, rather than to that which is founded upon their impoverishment and ruin. 6. But. according to the opponents of the domestic policy, the pro- posed system will force capital and labour into new and reluctant em- ployments ; we are not prepared, in consequence of the high price of wages, for the successful establishment of manufactures, and we must fail in the experiment. We have seen, that the existing occupations of our society, those of agriculture, commerce, navigation, and the learn- ed professions, are overflowing with competitors, and that the want of emploj'ment is severely felt. Now what does this bill propose.'' To open a new and extensive field of business, in which all that choose may enter. Tliere is no compulsion upon any one to engage in it An option only is given to industry, to continue in the present unprofitable pursuits, or to embark in a new and promising one. The effect will be to lessen the competition in the old branches of business, and to multiply our resources for increasing our comforts, and augmenting the national wealth. The alleged fact of the high price of wages is not admitted. The truth is, that no class of society suffers more, in the present stag- nation of business, than the labouring class. That is a necessary effect of the depression of agriculture, the principal business of the commu- nity. The wages of able-bodied men vary from five to eight dollars per month; and such has been the want of employment, in some parts of the Union, that instances have not been unfrequent, of men work- ing merely for the means of present subsistence. If the wages for la- bour here and in England are compared, they will be found not to be « 32 essentially difl'erent. 1 agree with the honourable gentleman from Vir- ginia, that high wages are a proof of national prosperity; we differ only in the means by which that desirable end shall be attained. But, if the fact were true, that the wages of labour are high, I deny the cor- rectness of the argument founded upon it. The argument assumes that natural labour is the principal element in the business of manufac- ture. That was the ancient theory. But the valuable inventions and vast improvements in machinery, which have been made within a few past years, have produced a new era in the arts. The effect of this change, in the powers of production, may be estimated from what I have already stated, in relation to England, and to the triumphs of Eu- ropean artificial labour over the natural labour of Asia, in consider- ing the fitness of a nation for the establishment of manufactures, we must no longer limit our views to the state of its population, and the price of wages. All circumstances must be regarded, of which that is, perhaps, the least important. Capital, ingenuity in the construction, and adroitness in the use of machinery, and tlie possession of the raw materials, are those wiiich deserve the greatest consideration. All these circumstances, (except that of capital, of which there is no deficiency,) exist in our country in an eminent degree, and more than counterbal- ance the disadvantage, if it really existed, of the lower wages of labour in Great Britain. The dependence upon foreign nations for the raw material of any great manufacture, has been ever considered as a dis- cotiraging fact. The state of our population is peculiarly favourable to the most extensive introduction of machinery. We have no preju- dices to combat, no persons to drive out of employujent. The pam- phlet, to which we have had occasion so often to refer, in enumerating the causes which have brought in England their manufactures to such a state of perfection, and which now enable them, in the opinion of the writer, to defy all competition, does not specify, as one of tliem, low wages. Jt assigns three — 1st, capital; 2dly, extent and costliness of machinery; and, 3dly, steady and persevering industry. Notwithstand- ing the concurrence of so many favourable causes, in our country, for the introduction of the arts, we are earnestly dissuaded from maUing the experiment, and our ultimate failure is confidently predicted. Why should we fail f Nations, like rnen, fail in nothing which they boldly attempt, when sustained by virtuous purpose, and firm resolution. J am not willing to admit this depreciation of American skill and enterprize. I am not willing to strike before an effort is made. All our past history exhorts us to proceed, and inspires us with animating hopes of success. Past predictions of our incapacity have failed, and present predictions will not be realized. At the commencement of this government, we were told that the attempt would be idle to construct a marine adequate to the commerce of the country, or even to the business of its coasting trade. The founders of our government did not listen to these discou- raging counsels; and, behold the fruits of their just comprehension of our resources ! Our restrictive policy was denounced, and it was fore- told that it would utterly disappoint all our expectations. But our res- trictive policy has been eminently successful ; and the share which our navigation now enjoys in the trade with France, ajid with the British "West-India islands, attests its victory. What were not the dishearten- 33 ing predictions of the opponents of the late war? Defeat, disromfit- ure, and disgrace, were to be the certain, but not the worst, eOVct of it. Here, again, did pmpliecy prove false; and the energies of our country, and the valour and the patriotism of our people, carried us gloriously through the war. We are now, and ever vvil) be, essentially, an agricultural people. Without a material change in the fixed habits of the country, the friends of this measure desire to draw to it, as a powerfid auxiliary to its industry, the manufacturing arts. The dif- ference betweerra nation wit!), and without the arts, may be conceived, by the difference between a Ueel-boat and a steam boat, combating tlie rapid torrent of the Mississippi. How slow does the former ascend, iiugging the sinuosities of the shore, pushed on by her hardy and ex- posed crew, now throwing themselves in vigorous concert on their oars, and then seizing the pendent boughs of overhanging trees : she seems hardly to move; and her scanty cargo is scarcely worth the transpor- tation ! With what ease is she not passed by the steam-boat, laden with the riches of all quarters of the world, with a crowd of gay, cheerful, and protected passengers, now (htshing into the midst of the current, or gliding through the eddies near the shore! Nature herself seems to sur- vey, with astonishment, the passing wonder, and, in silent submission, rehictanMy to own the magnificent triumphs, in her own vast dominion, of Fulton's immortal genius! 7. But it is said, that, wherever there is a concurrence of favourable circumstances, manufactures will arise of themselves, without protec- tion; and that we slundd not disturb the natural progress of industry, but lea»e things to llien)selves. Ifall nations would modify their poli- cy on this axiom, perhaps it would be better for the common good of the whole. Even then, in conseqnesice of natural advantages and a greater advance in civilization an;! in the arts, some nations would en- joy a state of much higher prosperity than others. But there is no universal legislation. The globe is divided into different communities, each seeking to appropriate to itself all the advantages it can, without reference in the prosperity of others. Whether this is right or not, it has always been, and ever will be, the case. Perhaps the care of the interests of one people, is jjuffieient for all the wisdom of one legisla- luie; and that it is among nations, as among individuals, that the hap- piness of the whole is best secured by each attending to its own pecu- liar interests. The proposition to be maintained by our adversaries, is that manufactures, without protection, will in due time spring up in our country, and sustain themselves, in a competition with foreign fabrics, however advanced the arts, and whatever the degree of protection may be in foreign countries. Now I contend that this proposition is refuted by all experience, ancient and modern, and in every country. If 1 am asked, why unprotected indtistry should not succeed in a struggle with protected industry, I answer, the fact has ever been so, and that is suf- ficient ; I reply, tliat UNIFORM experience evinces that it cannot suc- ceed in such an unequal contest, and tjiat is sufficient. If we speculate on the causes of this universal truth, we may differ about them. Still the indisputable fi^ct remains. And we sliould be as unwise in not avail- ing ourselves of the guide which it furnishes, as a man would be who should refuse to bask in the rays of the sun, because he could not agree 5 34 with Judge Woodward as to llie nature oftlie substance of that jDlanet, to wliicii we are nsdebtrd lor heat and liglit. It 1 were to attempi to particularize the cau:>ts wiiich prevent tiie siicress of ihe manufacturing arts, without protection, I should s^ay, that they are — Isi, the obdurjicy of fixed habits. No nation, no individual, will easily change an esta- blished course of business, even if it be unprofitable; and least of all is an agricultural people pre to iiniovation. With w hat reluctance do they not adopt improvements in the instruments of husbandry, or in modes of cultivation! If the farmer makes a good crop, and sells it badly ; or makes a sliort crop ; buoyed up by hope he perseveres, and trusts that a favourable change of (he market, or of the seasons, will enable him, in the succeeding year, to repair the misfortunes of the past. 2dly, The uncertainty, fluctuation, and unsteadiness of the home mar- ket, when liable to an unrestricted influx of fabrics from all foreign na- tions ; and 3dly, The superior advance of skill, and amount of capi- tal which foreign nations have obtained, by the protection of their own induriry. From the latter, or from other causes, the unprotected ma- nufactures of a countiy are exposed to the danger of being crushed in their infancy, either by the design or from the necessities of foreign ma- nufacturers. Gf^ntlenien are incredulous as to the attempts of foreign merchants and manufacturers to accomplish the destruction of ours. Why should they not make such attempts.? If the Scottish manufac- turer, by surcharging our market, in one year, with the article of cot- ton bagging, for exauipie, should so reduce the price as to discourage and put down tlie home manufacture, he would secure to himself the monopoly of the supply. And now having the exclusive possession of th*^ market, perhaps for a long term of years, he niight be more than indenniified for liis first loss, in the subsequent rise in the price of the a) lide. VVliftt have we not seen under our own eyes ! The competition for tiie transportation of the mail, between this place and Baltimore, so excited, that, to obtain it, an individual oflered, at great loss, to car- ry it a whole year for one dollar ! His calculation, no doubt, was, that by driving his c(ui)petitor ofl' the road, and securing to himself the car- riage of the mail, he would be afterwards able to repair his original loss by new contracts with the department. But the necessities of for- eign manufacturers, without imputing to them any sinister design, may oblige them to throw into our markets the fabrics which have accumu- lated on their hands, in consequence of obstruction in the ordinary vents, or from over-calculation ; and the forced sales, at losing prices, may prostrate our establishments. From this view of the subject, it follows, that, if we would plate the industry of our country upon a so- lid and unshakcable foundation, we must adopt the protecting policy, which has every where surceeded, and reject that which would aban- don if, which has every where failed. 8. But if the policy of protection be wise, the gentleman from Vir- ginia, (Mr. Barbour,) has niade souie ingenious calculations to prove that the njeasure of protection, already extended, has been sufllciently great. With some few exceptions, ilie existing duties, of which he has made an estimate, were laid with the object of revenue, and without refer- ence to that of encouragement to oin- domestic industry ; and, although it is admitted that the incidental eflect of duties so laid is to promote 35 our manufactures, yet, if it falls short of competent protection, the du- ties might as well not have been imposed with refiMeiice to tl)at purpose. A moderate addition may accomplish tl)is desirable end ; and the pro- posed tariff is believed to have this character. 9. The prohibitory policy, it is confidently asserted, is condemned by the wisdotn of Europe, and by her most enlightened statesmen. Is this the fact.^ We call upon gentlemen to sh<»w in what instance a na- tion that has enjoyed its benefits has surrendered it. [Here Mr. Bar- bour rose, (Mr. Clay giving way,) and said that Enaland had.depirled from it in the China trade, in allowing us to trade with her Ea:?i India possessions, and in tolerating our navigation to her West India colo- nies.] With respect to the trade to China, the whole amount of what England has done is to modify the monopoly of the East India Coui- pany, in behalf of one and a small part of her subjects, to increase the commerce of another and the greater poriion of them. The abolition of the restriction, therefore, operates altogether among tlte subjects of England; and does not touch at all the interests of foreign p<»wers. The toleration of our commerce to British India, is for the s die of the specie, with which we mainly carry on that comnterce, and which having performed its circuit, returns to Great Britain in exchange lor British manufactures. ^)l,-vvv-vvv^/vvv-k-vx/vvvvvA/xvv^-*/vvv^^vvv%.vvvvvvvv*vvvvvvvx/vv^/xvv*.vv^v%^vvvvvx.vvvvv^ ^^ 5 The relaxation from the colonial policy, in the instance of our| I trade and navigition with the West Indies, is a most unfortunate | |ex-.imple for the honourable gentleman; for it is an illustrious proof | I of the success of our restrictive policy, wlien resolutely adhered to. S ^ Great Britain had prescribed the terms on which we were to be gra- s f ciously allowed to carry on that trade. The effect of her regula- s I tions was to exclude our navigation altogether, and a complete mo- ^ I nopoly, on the part of the British navigation, was secured. We ^ s forbade it, unless our vessels should be allowed a perfect recipro- ? \ city. Great Britain stood out a lotig time ; but finally yielded, and } I (»ur navigation now fairly shares with hers in the trade. | Have gentlemen no other to exhibit than these trivial relaxations from the prohibitory policy— which do not amount to a drop in the bucket — to prove its abandonment by Great Britain.'' Let them show us that her laws are repealed which prohibit the introduction of our flour and provisions; of French silks, laces, porcelain, manufactures of bronze, mirrors, woollens; and of the manufactures of all other na- tions; and then we may be ready to allow that Groat Britain has real- ly abolished her prohibitory policy. We find there, on the contrary, that system of policy in full and rigorous operation, and a most curi- ously interwoven system it is, as slie enforces it. She begins by pro- tecting all parts of her immense dominions against f(»reign nations. She then protects the parent country against the colonies; and finally, one part of the parent country against another. The sagacity of Scotch industry has carried the process of distillation to a perfection, which would place the art in England on a footing of disadvantageous com- petition, and English distillation has been protected accordingly. But 36 suppose it were even true tliat Great Britain liad abolished all restric- tions npon trade, and allowed the fvee>\ introduction olthe produce of foreign labour, would thai prove it unwise for us (o adopt the protect- ing syslenj ? The object of protection is thp establishment and per- fection of the arts. In England it has accomplislied its purpose, ful- filled its end. If she has not carried every branch of niannfactiire to the same high slate of perfection that any oiher nation has, she has suc- ceeded in so many, that she may safely challenge the most nnhhackled competition in exchanges. It is upon this very ground that many of her writers recommend an aliaudonment of the prohibitory system. It is to give ijreater scope to Biiii-it iiubistix' and enterprise. It is upon the same selfisit principle. Tlie objt ( t of the most perfect freedom of trade, with such a nation as Britain, and of the most rigorous system of prohibition, vvilh a n;ttion whose arts are in their infancy, may both be precisely ihe same. In both cases, it is to give greater expansion to native industry. They only difler in the theatres of their operation. Tiie abolition of the restrictive syj-tem by Britain, if by it she could prevail upon other nations to imitate her example, would have the ef- fect of extending the consumption of British produce in other countries, wiiere her writers boldly affirm it could maintain a fearless competition with the produce of native labour. The adoption of the restrictive system, on the part of the United Slates, by excluding the produce of foreign labour, would extend the cous(ui)j>:ion of American produce, unable in the infancy and unprotected stale of the arts to sustain a com- petition with foreign fabrics. IjCI our arts breathe under the shade of protection; let them be perfected as they are in England, and we shall then be ready, as England now is said t(^ be, to put aside protection, and to enter upon ihe freest exchanges. To what other cause, than to their whole prohibitory policy, can you ascribe British prosperity.^ It will not do to assign it to that of her antiquity; for France is no less ancient, though ranch less rich and powerful, in proportion to the po- pulation and natural advantages of France. Hallam, a sensible and liighly approved writer on the middle ages, assigns the revival of the prosperity of the north of Europe to the success of the woollen manu- factories ol" Flanders, and the commerce of vvhich their fabrics be- came the subject; and the commencement of that of England to the estabiishment of similar manufictures there under the Edwards and to the prohibitions which began about the same time. As to the poor rates, the theme of so much reproach without England, and of so much regret within it, among her speculative writers, the system was a strong proof no less of her unbounded wealth th.an of her pauperism. What other nation can dispense, in form of regulated charity, the enormous sum, I believe, of JO or 12 millions sterling.^ [Mr. Barbour stated it was reduced to six; to which Mr. Clay replied, that he entertained no doubt but that the benign operation of British protection of home in- dustry iiad greatly reduced it, within the last few years, by the full em- ployment of her subjects, of which her liourishir.g trade bore evidence.] The nun)bir of British paupers was the result of pressing the principle of p()|)ulation to its utmost limits, by her protecting policy, in the crea- tion of weahh, and in |)lacing the rest of the world inider tribute to her industry. Doubtless the condition of England would be belter, with- a7 out paupers, if in other respects it remained the same. But in her ac- tual circumstances the poor system I, as the salutary efiect of an equal- izing- corrective of the tendency to the concentration of riches, produ- ced bv the genius of her political institutions and by her prohibitory system. But, is it true that England is convinced of the impolicy of the pro- iiibitory system, and desirous to abandon \l? What proof have we to that eflect.'' We are asked to reject llie evidence dedocible from the set- tled and steady practice of England, and to take lessons in a school of philosophical writers, whose visionary theories are no where adopted; or, if adopted, bring with them ineviuihle distress, impoverishment, and ruin. Let us hear the testimony of an illustrious personage, entitled to the greatest attention, because he speaks after a full experiment of the unrestrictive system made in his own empire. ^V'VVV/V»VV^VXrvVVVV^^V-VVVV-«.V-VVV^V\/V^\/V^VVVVV^\/X'VV/VVV^VVVVVVV^VX/VV'VNV^^ i 1 hope I shall give no offence in quoting from a publication issu- 1 |ed from "the mint of Pliiladelphia;" from a work of Mr. Carey, | ^of whom I seize, with great pleasure, the occasion to say, that he^ /merits the public gratitude, for the disinterested diligence with? pvhich he has collected a large mass of highly useful facts, and for? 5 the clear and convincing reasoning with which he generally illus-5 I trales them. J The Emperor of Russia, in March, 1822, after about two years' trial of the free system, says, through Count Nesselrode: "To produce happy effects, the principles of commercial freedom must be generally adopted. The slate which adopts, whilst others re- ject them, must condemn its own industry and commerce, to pay a ruin- ous tribute to those of other nations." " From a circulation exempt from restraint, and the facility afforded by reciprocal exchanges, almost all the governments at first resolved to seek the means of repairing the evil which Europe had been doomed to suffer; but experience, and more correct calculations, because they ivere made from certain data, and upon the results already knoum of the peace that had just taken place, forced them soon to adhere to the prohibitory system.''^ " England preserved hers. Austria remained faithful to the rule she had laid down, to guard herself against the rivalship of foreign indus- try. France, with the same views, adopted the most rigorous measures of precaution. And Prussia published a nero tariff in October last, which proves that she found it impossible not to folloiv the example of the rest of Europe." . " In proportion as the prohibitory system is extended and rendered perfect in other countries, thai state ivhich pursues the contrary system, makes, from day to day, sacrifices more extensive and more considerable. * * * It offers a continual encouragement to the manufactures of other countries — and its own mamfactures perish in the struggle which they are, as yet, unable to maintain. "It is with the most lively feelings of regret, we acknowledge, it is our own proper experience which enables us to trace this picture. The 38 evils lohich it details have been realized in Russia and Poland since the conclusion of the act of the 7-19 of December, 1818. Agriculture WITHOUT A MARKET, INDUSTRY WITHOUT PROTECTION, LANGUISH AND DECLINE. SpECIE IS EXPORTED, AND THE MOST SOLID COM- MERCIAL HOUSES ARE SHAKEN. The public prosperity would soon feel the wound inflicted on private fortunes, if new regulations did not promptly change tiie actual state of aflairs. " Events have proved that our agriculture and our commerce, as well as our manufacturing industry, are not only paralyzed, but BROUGHT TO THE BRINK OF RUIN." The .example of Spain has been properly referred to, as affording a striking proof of the calamities which attend a state that abandons the care of its own internal industry. Her prosperity was greatest, when the arts, brought there by the Moors, flourisited most in that kingdom. Then she received from England her wool, and returned it in the man- ufactured state ; and then England was least prosperous. The two nations have reversed conditions. Spain, after the discovery of Ame- rica, yielding to an inordinate passion for the gold of the Indies, sought in their mines that wealth which might have been better created at home. Can the remarkable diflerence in the state of the prosperity of the two countries, be otherwise explained, than by the opposite systems which they pursued.^ England, by a sedulous attention to her home indus- try, supplied the means of an advantageous commerce with her colo- nies. Spain, by an utter neglect of her domestic resources, confided altogether in those which she derived from her colonies, and presents an instance of the greatest adversity. Her colonies were infinitely more valuable than those of England ; and if she had adopted a similar po- licy, is it unreasonable to suppose that, in wealth and power, she would have surpassed that of England ? 1 think the honourable gentleman from Virginia does great injustice to the Catholic religion, in specify- ing that as one of the leading causes of the decline of Spain, It is a religion entitled to great respect; and there is nothing in its character incompatible with tlie highest degree of national prosperity. Is not France, the most poIishe a regulation of com- 5 wnerce i* It implies the adrjiission or exclusion of the objects of it, S 5 and the terms. Under this power some articles, by the exisiting? ^ laws, are admitted freely, others are subjected to duties so high as < I to amount to their prohibition, and various rates of diuies are ap-< I plied to others. Under this power, laws of total non-intercourse r 5 with some nations, and embargoes, producing an entire cessation I 5 of commerce with all foreign countries, have been, from time to I 5 time, passed. These laws, 1 have no doubt, met with the entire | J approbation of the gentleman from Virginia. [Air. Barbour said * I that he was not in Conuress.] Wherever the gentleman was, whe- ? I ther on his farm or in the pursuit of that profession of wliich he is ? \ an ornament, 1 have no doubt that he gave his zealous support to 5 I the laws referred to. ^ The principle of the system under consideration, has the sanction of some of the best and wisest men, in all ages, in foreign countries as well as in our own — of the Edwards, of Henry the Great, of Elizabeth, of the Colberts, abroad ; of our Franklin, Jefferson, Madison, Harnihon, at home. But it comes recommended to us by a higiier authority than any of these, illustrious as they unquestionably are — by the master spi- rit of the age — that extraordinary man, who has thrown the Alexan- ders and the Caesars infinitely farther behind him than they stood in advance of the most eminent of their predecessors — that singular man, who, whether he was seated on his imperial throne, deciding the fate of nations and allotting kingdoms to the members of iiis family, with the same cotnposure, if not with the same affection, as that with which a Virginia father divides his plantations among his children, or on the miserable rock of St. Helena, to which he was condemned by the cru- elty and the injustice of his unworthy victors, is equally an object of the most intense admiration. He appears to have comprehended, with the rapidity of intuition, the true interests of a state, and to have been able, by the turn of a single expression, to develope the secret springs of the policy of cabinets. We find that Las Cases reports him to have said : "He opposed the principles of economists, which he said were cor- rect in theory though erroneous in their application. The political constitution of different states, continued he, must render these princi- ples defective; local circumstances continually call for deviations from their uniformity. Duties, he said, which were so severely condemned by political economists, should not, it is true, be an object to the trea- sury: they should be the guarantee and protection of a nation, and should correspond with the nature and the objects of its trade. Hol- land, w'hich is destitute of productions and manufactures, and which was a trade only of transit and commission, should be free of all fetters and barriers. France, on the contrary, which is rich in every sort of pro- duction and manufactures, should incessantly guard against the impor- tations of a rival, who might still continue superior to her, and also against the cupidity, egotism, and indifference of mere brokers. 41 *'l have not fallen into the error of modern systematizers." said the Emperor, "who imagine that all the wisdom of nations is centered in themselves. Experience is the true wisdom of nations. And what di>es all the reasoning of economists amount to? They incessantly ex- tol the prosperity of England, and hold iier up as oin- model; but the Custom-House system is more burthensome and arbitrary in England than in any other country. Tliey also condemn prohibitions; yet it was England set the example of prohibitions; and they are in fact ne- cessary with regard to certain objects. Duties cannot adequately sup- ply the place of prohibitions : there will always be found means to de- feat the object of the legislator. In France we are still very far be- hind on these delicate points, which are still unperceived or ill-under- stood by the mass of society. Yet, what advancement have we not made, — what correctness of ideas has been introduced by my gradual classification of agriculture, industry, and trade; t>bjects so distinct in themselves, and which present so great and positive a graduation! "1st. — Jigriculture; the soul, the first basis of the empire, «2d. — Industry ; the comfort and happiness of tlie population. "3d. — Foreign Trade; the superabundance, the proper application of the surplus of agriculture and industry. "Agriculture was continually improving during the whole course of the revolution. Ftireigners ihouglit it ruined in France. In 1814, however, the English were compelled to admit that we had little or no- thing to learn from them. "Industry or manufactures, and internal trade, made immense pro- gress during my reign. The application of chemistry to the manufac- tures caused them to advance with giant strides. 1 gave an impulse, the effects of which extended throughout Eiu'ope. "Foreign trade, which in its results is infinitely inferior to agricul- ture, was an object of subordinate importance in my mind. Foreign trade is made for agriculture and home industry, and not tlie two latter for the former. The interests of tTiese three fundamental cases are di- verging and frequently confiiciing. I always promoted them in their natural gradation; l)ut [ could not and ought not to have ranked them all on an equality. Time will unfold what I have done, the national resources which 1 created, and the emancipation from the English which I brought about. We have now the secret of the commercial treaty of 1783. France still exclaims against its author; but the En- glish demanded it on pain of resuming the war. They wished to do the same after the treaty of Amiens; but 1 was then all-powerful; 1 was a hundred cubits high I replied that if they were in possession of the heights of Montmartre 1 would still refuse to sign the treaty. These words were echoed through Europe. "The English will now impose some such treaty on France, at least if popular clamour, and the opposition of the mass of the nation, do not force them to draw back. This thraldom would be an additional disgrace in the eyes of that nation, which is now beginning to acquire a just perception of her own interests. " When I came to the head of the government, the American ships, which were permitted to enter our ports on the score of their neutral- ity, brought us raw materials, and had the impudence to sail frons, 42 France without freigiit. for the purposeof taking In cargoes of English goods in London. They moreover had the insolenre to make their p:iymeiits, when they had any to makf\ by giving l)il!s on persons in ljon(h)n. Hence the vast profits reaped by the English tnaniifacturers and brokers, entirely to our pirjodice. 1 made a huv that no Ameri- can siiould import goods to any amount, without immediately export- ing their exact equivalent. A loud outcry was raised against this: ii was said that I liad ruined trade. But what was the cousecpu uce i' Not- vvitlistanding the closing of my ports, and in spite of tiie English, who rided the seati, the Americans returned and submitted to n)y regulations. What might 1 not have done under n)ore favourable eiicumslanres .f" "Thus I naturalized in France the n)anuf,tct(n'e (jf cotton, whicli in- cludes : — "1st. Spim-coiton. — V/e did not previously spin it ourselves; the English supplied us with it as a sort of favour. "2d. T/te loeb. — We did not vet make it ; it came to us from abroad. " 3d. The. printing — This was the only part of the manufacture that we performed ourselves. I wislied to naunalize the two first branch- es ; and t proposed to the Council of Stale, that ihtir importation sli'.iulu be prohibited. This excited great alarm. I sent for Oberkamp, and 1 Conversed with him a long time, i learned from him, that this prohibition would doubtless produce a shock, but that after a year or two of perseverance, it would prove a tiiumph, wiience we should de- rive ijnmense advantages. Tiien I issued my decree in tpue of all ; this was a true piece of statesmanship. " I at first confined myself merely to prohibiting the web; then I ex- tended llie proliibition to spun cotton ; and we now possess within our- selves the three brandies of the cotton manufacture, to the great bene- fit of our population, and the injury and regret of the English : — wiiich proves that in civil government, as well as in war, decision of charac- ter is often indispensable to success." I will trouble the Committee with only one other quotation, which I shall make from Lowe, and from hearing which the Committee must share with me in the mortification which I felt on pei using it. That aiithor says: " h is now above 40 years since the United States of Ame- rjca were definiilvely separated irom us, and since their siiuation has af- forded a proof that the benefit of mercantile intercourse may be retain- ed, in all its extent, without the care of governing, or the expense of defending, these once regretted provinces." Is there not too much truth in this observation.'' By adhering to the foreign policy, which I liave been discussing, do we not remain essentially i^riiisii, in every thing but the form of our government.'' Are not our interests, our in- dustry, our commerc e, so modified as to swell British pride, and to in- crease British power ,^ V.1 1 1 // ' S Mr. Chairmnn, our confederacy comprehends, wiihiu its vast Ii- 1 J mils, great diversity of interests — agricultural — planting — fanning? \ — commercial — navigating — fishing — manufacturing. No one oi'\ ^ these interests is felt in the same degree, and cherished with the ^ 43 ~ I same soIIc'iUuIp, throughout all parts of the Union. Some of them ^ ^are pecuhar to particuh^r sections oC our common coiniiry. But| « all tiiese great interests are c(U)firled to the protection of one g<^v- J icrnrnent — to llie late of one shin; and a most gallant ship it is, with | ts, cannot fail warndy to recommend it, or at least lo conciliate the forbearance of every patriot bosom. Now our people presern the spectacle of a vast assemblage of jealous rivals, all eagerly rushing to the sea board, jostling each other in their way, to hurry off to glutted foreign markets the perishable produce of their la- bour. The tendency of that policy, in conformity to which this bill is prepared, is to transform these conipeiitors into friends and mutual cus- tomers; and, by the reciprocal exchanges of their respective produc- tions, to place the confederacy upon the most solid of all foundations — the basis of conmion interest. i And is not government called upon, by every stimulating motive, ^ i to adapt its policy to the actual condition and extended growth of| iour great republic? At the conmiencement of our Constitution,! i almost the whole population of the United States was confined be- S < tween the Alleghany monntains and the Atlantic ocean. Since that? 5 epoch, the wesiern part of New York, of Pennsylvania, of Virginia, < < all the western stales and territories, have been principally peopled. • 5 Prior to that period we had scarcely any interior. An interior has \ I sprung up as it were by enchantment, and along with it new inter- ^ >ests and new relations, requiring the parental protection of govern- 1 45 i'ment. Our policy should be modified accordingly, so as to com- 5 I prebend all, and sacrifice none. | And are we not encouraged by the success of past experience, in res- pect to the only article which has been adequately protected ? Already have ^i'X "f^dictions of the friends of the American system, in even a shorter time than -t'^pir most sanguine hopes could have anticipated, been completely realized in re^atii to thai biiiiclt , a:;d consuuipiion is now better and cheaper supplied with coarse cottons, than it was under the prevalence of the foreign system. Even if the benefits of the policy were limited to certain sections of our country, wovdd it not be satisfactory to behold American industry, wherever situated, active, animated, and thrifty, rather than persevere in a course which renders us subservient to foreign industry .f* But these benefits are twofold, direct and collateral, and in the one shape or the other they will diff"use themselves throughout the Union. All parts of the Union will participate, more or less, in both. As to the direct bene- fit, it is probable that the North and the East will enjoy the largest share. But the West and the South will also participate in them. Phi- ladelphia, Baltimore, and Richmond, will divide with the Northern ca- pitals the business of manufacturing. The latter city unites more ad- vantages for its successful prosecution than any other place I know; Zauesville, in Oliio, only excepted. And where the direct benefit does not accrue, that will be enjoyed of supplying the raw material and pro- visions for the consumption of artisans. Is it not most desirable to put at rest and prevent the annual recurrence of this unpleasant subject, so well fitted by the various interests to which it appeals, to excite irrita- tion and to produce discontent ? Can that be effected by its rejection ? ^ivvVVVXVVVV'X/VVVVVVVVV'VVX/VVV^VVVVVVV'V^VVVVX'VVVVV'V^VV^VV'^ ]^P' ^ Behold tlie mass of petitions which lie on our table, earnestly^ Sand anxiously entreating the protecting interposition of Congress j i against the ruinous policy which we are pursuing. Will these pe- J S tilioners, comprehending all orders of society,- entire states and J I communities, public companies and private individuals, spontane- f i ously assembling, cease in their humble prayers by your lending as I deaf year.'' Canyon expect that these petitioners, and others, inj J countless numbers, that will, if you dela}' the passage of this bill, | 3 supplicate your mercy, should contemplate their substance gradu- 1 I ally withdrawn to foreign countries, their ruin slow, but certain and ? I as inevitable as death itself, without one expiring effort ? You think | > the measure injurious to you ; we believe our preservation depends? J upon its adoption. Our convictions, mutually honest, are equally.? S strong. What is to be done.'* 1 invoke that saving spirit of mutu-^ 5 al concession under which our blessed Constitution was formed, and i I under which alone it can be happily administered. 1 appeal to the 5 I South — to the high-minded, generous, and patriotic South — with J I which I have so often co-operated, in attempting to sustain the ho- f \ nour and to vindicate the rights of our country. Should it not of- ^ I fer, upon the altar of the public good, some sacrifice of its peculiar | - 46 I opinions? OC what does it complain? A possible temporary en-? I lianceinent in the objects of consumption. Of what do we com- ? I plain ? A total incapaciiy, produced by the foreign policy, to pur- J ^cliase, at any price, necessary f<)reip;n objects of consimip"tion. In J I such an ahernative, inconvenient only to ii, rtiinous to us, can we? J expect too much from Southern magnanimity ? : "^ '■•« ^.,^,. _. _ - - ,_ . -'■ " The pis't and c*oiTh'fient exp^ectatmn of Ihe passage of this bill has flooded the country with recent importations of foreign fabrics. !f it should not pass, tliey will complete tiie work of destruction of our do- mestic industry. If it should pass, they will prevent any considerable rise in the price of foreign comutodities, until our own industiv shall be able to supply competent sul)stitutes. To the friends of the tariff, I would also anxiouslv appeal. Every arrangement of its provisions does not suit each of you; yon desire some further alterations ; you would make it perfect. You want what you will never get. Nothing human is perfect. And i have seen, with great surprise, a piece signed b}' a member of Congress, piddished in the National Intelligencer, stating that this bill must be rejected, and a judicious tariff brought in as its substitute. A judicious tariff! No member of Congress could have signed that piece; or, if he did, the public ought not to be deceived. If this bill do not pass, unquestiona- bly no other can pass at this session, or probably during this Congress. And who will go home and say il'at he rrjected all the benefiis of this bill because molas>;es has been subjected to the enormous additional duty of five cents per gallon? f call, therefore, upon the friends of the American policy, to yield somewhat of their own peculiar wishes, and not to reject the practicable in the idle pursuit after the unattainable. Let us imitate the illustrious exair,pte of the frauiers of the Constitu- tion, and, always rentembering that whatever springs from man partakes of his imperfections, depend upon experience to suggest, in future, the necessary amendments. We have had great difficulties to encounter. 1. The splendid talents which are arrayed in this House against us. 2 We are opposed by the rich and powerful in the land. 3. The Executive aovernment, if any, affords us but a cold and equivocal support. 4. The importing and navigating interests, I verily believe from misconception, are ad- verse to us. 5. The British factors and the^ritish influence are inimi- cal to our success. 6. Long established habits and prtjudices oppose us. 7. The reviewers and literary spcctdators, foreign and domestic. And, lastly, the leading pres^ses of tiie country, including tlie influence of that which is established in this city, and sustained by the public purse. From some of these, or other causes, the bill may be postponed, thwarted, defeated. But the cause is the cause of the country, and it must and will prevail. It is founded in the interests and affections of the people. It is as native as the granite deeply imbosomed in our mountains. And, in conclusion, I would pray God, in His infinite mercy, to avert from our country the evils which are impending over it, and, by enlightening our coin)cils, to conduct us into that path which leads to riches, to greatness, to glory. VIRG-INXA LUGISLATURE. DKLIVKIIED IN THIil HOUSE OF DELEGATES, February 21, 1827. Suhstance of the remarks made hy Mr. Giles, upon the report of the Committee of Enquiry — corrected, and improved from the neivspa- per version. — Gen. Taylor having, from the commencement of the discvssion of this subject, sounded the tocsin of alarm, in the most frightful terms, tus rich imagination could invent, Mr. G. introduced his remarks in allusion to that topic: Mr, Speaker, — Permit me to congratulate you, sir, and this honor- able house, upon the discovery, that the tocsin, should have been, so rec^>nily, sounded in vain within these walls. That war's portentous alarms, have already passed away; and that vve find ourselves, still in peace, and tranquillity, commencing the consideration of the report of the commitK^e of enquir}', upon the all important subject, of the relative rights of the general and state governments. 1 propose, to avail my- self of tiiis Slate of security, whilst engaged in expressing my opinions, respecting these relative rights, fully to discharyje the responsible duty imposed upon myself in calling for this enquiry ; undeterred, by threats, and war's alarms from any quarter. Nor could I condescend, to yield to these extraneous influences, were I now engaged in devising operU' live consfiiutional means, for securing the rights of this state, against the usurpations oj the general government. This is not my pre&ent duty ; were it so, I should enter isiio it, with pleasure, and alacrity. My pre- sent duty, I conceive, coiisisis, in a full, and free disclosure of the prin- cipal considerations, which ha\e urged me, most earnestly to call the attention u( tbis liouse, to this deeply interesting subject. — In the first place; 1 conceive, the objects involved in the enquiry, are of the very first impression. I conceive; they involve the questions, wht-ther the general government is herealter to be administered, upon the great principle (»f human rights, as developed, and proclaimed by our fore- fathers, in our wriuen constitutions, or upon the old, despotic doctrines of European monarchies.'' Whether an undtfined, unlimited, consoli- dated government, is to be substituted for a limited, (ederative, one.? and whether, the whole mass of the productions of the labor of socie- ty, belongs to the government in its corporate character, to be distri- buted, at its pleasure; or whether each portion thereof, bt-hnigs to the individual laborer, who produced it, to be disposed of at bis pleasure,'* Or, in other words: VVhedier private property, is a naiinal riglit, or a governmental donation.'' Surely these questions, or either of them, will be admitted by all, to be of sufficient magnitude, to attract the whole attention of this iiouse, and to put into requisition, the whole 50 that Congress possessed llie power of protecting maiiulactures, as an original, distinct, substantive power. The policy ofdiscrimiKfiiiiig du- ties, as a means of raising revenue, was subsequently extended toother articles of domestic manufactures, without sufficiently exciting the at- tention of the other occupations of society, who furnished this piotec- lion, until the watchfid cupidity of the whole manufacturing class, not only urged its extension to a protection, of every domestic manufactur- ed article, but increased that protection on many, lo a shameful, and intolerable amount. This was not done, however, until the public mind had been prepared for it, by periodical and other publications, circu- lated with incessant vigilance, and perseverance; and in 1824, for the first time, according to my recollection, the unprincipled, and daring pretensions was set up, to an unqualified power to protect manufactures, without regard to raising revenue. And when one of its contemplated effects would be, to lessen the revenue. This was the express avowal of the chairman of the committee who reported the bill, at the time of its introduction, in the early part of the session of Congress. But be- fore the final passage of the bill, this language was changed ; and it was then declared, to be a bill for raising revenue; although no reve- nue had been called for by the treasury department, nor was it even pretended that any revenue was wanted. Here too, is seen, an unex' ampled singularity in the adoption of this most extraordinary measure, to get at a favorite object, utterly regardless of principle or precedent. Tlie representatives of the people imposing a tax upon their constitu- ents, estimated, variously by individual members, at from three to se- ven millions of dollars — without a demand from the treasury depart- ment — withotit the semblance of an official estimate — and without any revenue object vvliatever; but for an object, which has inverted the great principle, adopted for the preservation of American liberty — that pro- perty is the gift of God; and not the gift of government; and thus, bringing about a complete revolution in the fundamental laws of tite United Stater.. In searching for the doctrines, in an embodied, tangible form, which had been brought forth to justify this most unwise, unjust, unequal, and impolitic measure, I have been referred, by its friends, to Mr. Clay's speech upon the tariff bill of 1824, in the House of Representatives. This speech is relied upon by the tariff schemers, as containing its whole doctrine, both constitutional, and politic, I have always consid- ered this, as one of Mr. C\ayh jjrincipal prize speeches, for the Presi- dency; and expected to find its characteristics corresponding with the sublime prize at stake — a dazzling, fascinating prize I and surely to be won, by the successful destinies of a splendid, glittering speech!! It ac- cordingly appears ; that Mr. C's mind had become wrought up to such a Slate of indescribable excitement upon the daxzling occasion, that he had put his whole energies into requisition for the grand purpose of realizing the enchanting, delusive hope. So much were Mr. Clay's rrjental anxieties, and efforts, excited upon the dazzling occasion; that Mr. Clay most humbly prostrated himself before the throne of divine grace, with the most anxious, and fervent orisons, lo the "Most High;" thni H-. vouM graciously be pleased, to purify, and sublimate Mr. Clay, wiiij the aid of divine inspiration, to enable him to succeed in the grand. 51 enchanting enterprize, he had in view. For, says Mr. Clay, in his de- votional, sublimated, bombastic exordium; in the first page: "But that responsibility' inspires me with no other apprehension than that I shall be unable to fulfil my duty; with no other solicitude, than that i may, at least, in some small degree, contribute to recall my country from the pursuit of a fatal policy, which appears to me inevitably to lead to its impoverishment and ruin. 1 do feel most awfully this re- sponsibility. And, if it were allowable for us, at the present day, to imitate ancient examples, I would invoke the aid of the Most High. I would anxiously and fervently implore His Divine assistance; that He would be graciously pleased to shower on my country His richest bles- sings; and that He would sustain, on this interesting occasion, the hum- hie individual who stands before Him, and lend him the power, moral and physical, to perform the solemn duties which now belong to his public station." The speech abounds with inflated, bombastic, visionary notions, deceptive miscalculations, and statistics, requiring great labor, and re- search for their collection. — They seem to be peculiarly suited to the sublimated state of Mr. Clay's mind. They consist of sonorous mil- lions, and hundreds of millions of persons, and things ; drawn from the political beaureaus of all the governments of Europe, as well as of our own. Any thing less than mil lions, and hundreds of millions, would have been but little suited to the enchanting occasion — whilst Mr. Clay's mind was borne aloft, by fond delusive hopes, and confident anticipa- tions. In regard to this portion of the speech, however, 1 have always understood, and believe; that Mr. Clay is mainly indebted to his poli- tical friend and pioneer, Mr. Mathew Carey. Mr. Clay's reliance for success in all his own political notions, and trafficking schemes, is upon the native brilliancy of his own genius, which seems always to act, as if by instinct, upon the first blush of every subject, and which would dis- dain all the drudgery of plodding after statistics — all dull researches, and deep meditations. No! Mr. Clay delights not in these exercises of the mind — Mr. C. delights in the brilliant, and superficial ; not in the deep, and contemplative, if he should not find truth floating on the surface, he finds her, not at all ; and unfortunately for him, he seems to have given himself up too mucii to Mr. Carey for the drudgery of this part of his speech. This vast collection of facts, if true, might have been of service in other hands ; but to Mr. Carey, they were worse than nothing, for, it appears to me, he entirely misunderstood their bearings, and applications; and has led Mr. Clay, into some of the most mate- rial of his own errors. I will not undertake to pronounce positively; that Mr. Clay did not understand the whole of his own speech — but I do pronounce, either that Mr. Clay has misunderstood, or misconceived the just inferences from Mr. Carey's statistics; or, that I am utterly in- capable of comprehending Mr. C's speech ; or, of making the just in- ferences from them myself. Mr. Clay, seemed so sensible of the obliga- tion he had placed himself under to Mr. Carey for this portion of his speech, that he introduces him in page 37, in the following words: "I liope I shall give no oflence in quoting from a publication 'from the Mint of Philadelphia,' /ro?Ji a work of Mr. Carey's, of whom I seize with gr^at pleasure on this occasion to say, that he merits the public gra- 54 The constitution of the United States, entirely disregarded, and he then tells ns, that these vicegerents ofGod and our legislators, are compo- sed of good-for-nothing fellows; of a mass of stupidity and ignorance, and that it seems almost to have grown into a maxim, that " when a man is good for nothing else, he is fit for a legislator; that neither talents, education or experience, are at all necessary to qualify a man to take charge of a nation's interests." Thesc^ notions would be funny enough, were it not for their serious consequences. But, Mr. Speaker, let me solemnly ask you. Sir, let me solemnly pnt it to every honora- ble member of tliis house, whether he does not think, the government of the United States in a liopeless way, when it consists of God's vice- gerents upon earth, clothed with his attributes and powers, in regard to the people over whom they preside, and that the administrators, are the most good-for-nothing fellows in society; and could it have been ex- pected, that any American citizen could be found, so degenerate and daring; as publicly to avow these preposterous notions to the world; and Sir, still more wonderful and alarmii»g, that the practical adminis- tration should give its awful sanction to these notions, both by its pro- fessions, and measures!! ! But without further comment, I will follow Mr. R., in his 2d Vol. to his chapter on protecting duties; written evi- dently to promote the passage of the tariffbill in the ensuing year. He, himself, states the object of this chapter in the following words : Extract — 2d vol. page 200. "It is not my intention to discuss the merits of this particular ques- tion. Whether the present tariff ought to be raised or lowered, depends upon particular local circumstances, which are perpetually varying, and upon a vast variety of facts, not within my knowledge aiTd respect- ing which, I have no means of informing myself. /Ill that I propose to do, is to ascertain and illustrate the principhs upon which this and all other question?: like this, ought to be decided. When these principles shall be established, any man by referring to a complete statistical ta- ble, will be able to determine, whether a tariff is too high or too low." Mr. R. then proceeds to give you the following powers, as essentially necessary for every government to possess, before it can be warranted in passing the tariff bill. In this ofiinion, I strictly concur with Mr. R. and it is the only one, in wliich 1 do concur, in his two vols., so far as they speak of the civil institutions of his country. Taking these no- tions, in connexion with the avowed approbation of the practical ad- ministration, 1 deem them loo important to be abridged ; and here in- sert them in extenso : — Extract — 2d vol. pages 222, 225 inclusive. *' In military tactics, it is a fundamental principle, that the army is one and the general the head ; no soldier is permitted to have a right, or an interest, opposed to the general good of the army. So, in political economy, it should be a fundamental principle, that the nation is one^ and the legislature the head ; no citizen should be permitted to have a rigljt, or an interest, opposed to the general good of the nation. Until this comes to be admitted, and acted upon, as a fundamental principle, political economy will remain in its present crude, chaotic state, and cannot be subjected to the rules of science. 55 " It may, with as much propriety, be maintained, that the power and capacity of an army would be augmented, by permitting every soldier to exercise and employ his military skill, and prowess, in what way he pleases, as diat the power and capacity of a nation will be augmented, by permitting every citizen to employ his skill, industry and capital in what way he pleases. The rights and duties of a general, and his sol- diers, are totally distinct, and frequently opposite. The rights, and du- ties of a legislature, and its citizens, are as distinct, and scarcel}' less frequently rpposite. The soldier should have as much liberty^ as is con- sistent with the good of the army. It would be oppression to deprive him of this. The citizen should have as much liberty as is consistent with the good of the nation. To deprive him of this, wotdd be tyran- ny. More than this, he ouglit not to claim. The general is the judge in the case of the soldier. The legislature is the judge in the case of the citizen. Soldiers take all the liberty tlieir general will give them. Citizens take all the liberty the law allows them ; they were never known to refrain from engaging in any profitable trade, or business, which the law tllowed, because it was detrimental to the nation. If the slave-trade is profitable, they will engage in it, unless the law forbids it, and often even then. If they refrain at all, when there is no law against it, it will be from other, and higher motives, than regard to the nation's welfare ; and it will be the same with every other kind of trade, or employment. " We often hear people talk about individual rights, in a strain, that would lead one to suppose, that national interests, and individual rights, were, in their opinion, often at variance. Tliey seem to suppose, that the right of property is absolute in the individual ; and that every one has a right to sell, to whom he pleases, and to buy of whom he pleas- es ; and that any interference by the government, in restraining the ex- ercise of this right, is arbitrary and tyrannical. They will tell us, go- vernment has no right to control them in the disposition of their proper- ty, merely ivith a view, that other citizens may derive a benefit from it. '• This is a manifest error. Individual right to property is never ab- solute, but always relative and conditional. There is no such thing as perfect, absolute right, but in those things, which are the gift of nature: such as life, liberty, strength, talents, personal beauty, 4'"C. The right to property, is merely conventional or conditional, subject to such regu- lations as may be made respecting it, with a view to the general inter- est of the whole nation. No man has, or can have, a perfect exclusive right to property of any description. Every man in the community, has a qualified right to it, and under certain circumstances, has a right to a living out of it. The public right to every piece of property in the nation, is superior to the private right of the individual owner. Hence the right of the public to take any mnnh property from him, tvhenever it becomes necessary for the public good. If this were not so, the social compact would not be sustained, government could not be supported. "If individual right to property was absolute, government would, , have no right to take an individual's property from him, for any pur- pose whatever. The public has no right to deprive a man of his life^ his liberty, his talents, his strength, his personal beauty, or of any other gift of nature, merely for the public gaod, and for the plainest reason S6 in thx.ltvorld, because he does not derive any of these from the public. They are the gifts of his Creator, and HE alone has a right to deprive him of them. JVo man, or body of men, has a right to take them from, him, unless they have been forfeited by some crime. " Upon the saine principle that God has a right to deprive a man of health and life, government has a right to deprive him of his property. The former is the bounty of God, and held subject to his will. The latter is the bounty of the government and held subject to its will. But for the social compact, no man could have an exclusive right to any spot of earth. The right of property is therefore a conventional right, and the public grants no title to property in derogation to the public weal. An individual may have a title to property, superior to the title of any other individual, or to any number of individuals, less than the whole, because the whole, includes the title of the individual himself as well as the title of every body else. Hence the right of the public to take a man's property for the purpose of making public roads, or erecting fortif cations, or for any other purpose, which the public good may reqiiire. Hence the right to prohibit a man from selling his property to foreigners, or to buy from them those things he may want. The gov- ernment has a clear and perfect right to make any regidations respect' ing property, or trade, ivhich the public interests may require. ^^ Every question, therefore, respecting a tariff, or protecting duties^ must be a question of expediency and not a question of righf.^^ Mr. Speaker, — In the foregoing quotations, you have, in one compact view, the doctrinal notions upon which the general government asserts the power to pass the tariff bill. — R. says, "all I propose to do, is, to ascertain and illustrate the principles upon which this (the passage of the tariff bill) and all other questions like this, ought to be settled." Let me beg you most earnestly, Sir, to look well at these principles, so call- ed by the author, and imagine, if you can, "principles" more despotic.' The imagination of man, can conceive of no governmental powers, nor of individual slavery, beyond those embraced within the author's " prin- ciples" — The citizen has the same liberty from the legislator that the soldier has from his general. The legislator is God's vicegerent on earth — and governs the nations over whom he presides, by ilie same laws by which God governs the world; His supreme, uncontrola- l>le will. Although this legislator is a good-for-nothing fellow, " desti- tute of talents, education and experience," lie is relied upon to better the condition of the people, according to liisown supreme uncontrola- ble will. But this is not the worst nor the most alarming of these prcr posterous doctrines. — R. asserts, M the pwi//c right, to every piece of property in the nation, is superior to the private right of the individu- al owner. "Hence the rigiit of the public to take any man's properly from bin)." Again — " upon the same principle that God has a right to deprive a man of health and life, government has a right to deprive him of his property; the former is the bounty of God, and subject of his will ; tlie latter is the bounty of government, and subject to its will" ! ! ! In lliis single false hypotiiesis you can but see, Mr. Speaker! not only ihe subversion, but the complete inversion of the great American prin- ciple of the natural rights of man, and of every American civil institu- tion, fotmded upon that great fundamental principle. That great priiv 5.7 ciple is ; that private property is a natural right, the gift of God, and that the oxoner cannot be deprived of it by government, even for public use, without just compensation to the individual owner. Behold the con- trast. Deeply reflect upon the consequences of the practical operation of these contrasted hypothesis. But sir, I am sure you are at this mo- ment distrustingly putting tltis question to me — Is it possible, that the practical government of the United Slates, in open defiance of the great American principle, claims the power ofadministering this government upon the hypothesis, that the aggregate proceeds of the labor of this nation belongs to the government, to be distributed amongst the indi- viduals of the nation, according to the uncontrolable will of the admin- istration, regardless of individual ownership!!! That all property is the bounty of government, not the gift of God ! ! ! Yes, sir, I an- swer positively in the affirmative, according to my best understanding of their own avowals. This doctrine is avowed by Mr. Clay in his speech on the tarifT— by Mr. Adams in his message, and by Mr. Rush in his of- (Icial report, and that it is the hypothesis on which, the practical govern- ment is administered at this moment — Extract from Mr. Clay's speecli page 19 : " The great desideratum in political economy, is the same as in private pursuits: that is, what is the best application of the aggre- gate industry of a nation, that can be made honestly to produce the larg- est sum of national ivcalth? Labor is the source of all ivealth, but it is not natural labor only. ^'' It is then all labor, natural and artificial. It is impossible, not to discern here, an express identity in Mr. Clay's hypothesis, with Mr, R's. it is only ushered fiuth, with more abstrac- tion, but that admits of only one analysis — liaymond says, " The public tight to every piece of propeny, is superior, to the private right of the owner. Tiiat government has a right to deprive him (the owner) of his property. The latter (private property) is the bounty of the gov- ernment, and subject to its will ! !" — What says Mr. Clay .? "-The great desideratum in political economy, is the best application of the ctggre- gateindustry of a nation.'''' Labor is the source of wealth — not natural labor only — "labor then is the source of all national wealth, arising from national industry — and this nationcd industry is the great desideratum in political economy, in making the best application of it, to produce the largest sum of nation- al wealtli." No, Mr. Clay, I positively deny your great political dog- ma. I here assert, that according to our social compact and federative government, the great desideratum in political economy does not consist of the aggregate industry of a nation — of the aggregate proceeds of the whole labor of society— but only of the smallest portion of that ag- gregate industry ; thai aggregate labor, that can honestly be made to suffice for govermnental objects, according to the specific provisions of our fundamental institutions. All the residue is sacredly secured to the individual owner, against the lawless encroachments of the government. That private property shall not be taken for public use, without just compensation, is \.\\e great desideratum in American political economy. So far from plundering the individual of his property, the first obliga- tion of the government is to protect him in the uncontrolable use of it, upon condition, that he thereby hurt not another. To whom does the power belong, to njake the most beneficial application of the proceeds 8 58 of the whole labor ot a nation f Surely to the governiiient — according to Mr. Clay. No individual can make it. Tliis power is the great desideratum in political economy ; of couri^e belonging to the political body. Upon what ground is this power claimed by the government? There can be but one, thai is ownership. Here, then, Mr. Ciay is in strict union witli Raymond — to wit : Tlie public right to every piece of property in the nation; and the government, upon that ground, " own- ership," has a right to make the best application of the aggregate pro^ ceeds of the labor of society, so as to produce the greatest sum of pub- lic good, utterly regardless of private ownership. No restraint impos- ed upon the government. The aggregate products to be applied ac- cording to its supreme uncontrolable will. Here, then, is the ground up- on which Mr. C. himself places the right to pass the tariffbili ; and it is the only ground upon which its passage could be justified. The con- stitution of the United States is totally disregarded — Mr. Clay scarce- ly deigns to mention it; and wiien he does, with a view to argument^ it is evidendy with sneering contempt and obloquy, not condescending to consult its specified provisions for restraining the will of the govern- ment, and securing the liberties of the people. Mr. Speaker, let me here solemnly invoke your attention, and ask you, sir, are you prepar- ed for this.^ Are you prepared to see the great principle for the securi- ty of human rights inverted by the substitution of one, for the unlimit- ed power of government? And let me emphatically ask, for wiiat, and for whose good t Merely to administer to the blind avarice, and greedy cupidity of the favored manufacturing class, so as to secure its sup- port for any govermental usurpation whatever ; done too, at the ex- pense of all other occupations in society. It is to do an act of great national injustice. To set moral sentiment at defiance — to introduce cunning and plunder in place of industry and honesty — an open war of discordantoriginal interests; and througii this elementary war of jar- ring atoms, to pave the way for the disunion of the United States ! Mr. Speaker, let me again beg you, sir, not to permit your mind to be drawn from this view of the subject. Listen not, sir, to the ingenious tales of the counteractions of foreign nations- — to nick-names- — to mis- nomers — to deceptive calculations grounded upon fallacious statistics ; nor to any one of the numerous devices, invented to divert your mind from its true object. These will inevitably lead you into error. The real cjuestion is too simple and plain not to be understood by every sound organized mind in America. It is this: " Is the aggregate la- bor of this nation, the great desideratum for political economy .^" Has government the right to the aggregate products of the nation ? If so, from what source does this right accrue to the government.'* Is private property the bounty of government ; or the gift of God ? Deem me not too importunate sir, when I beg you, again, not to permit your mind to be drawn away, from llie contemplation of this great subject. The rights, tlie liberties of man depend upon it. Sir, 1 mean to be tedious upon this point. My great object is, to attract to it the public atten- tion. 1 shall Slick to it, and reiterate it. Nothing else can be wanting to doom the monstrous, I'rightful hypothesis, to destruction and abhor- rence. I shall introduce it again, in other parts of my remarks. In \\:e mean lime, hear your President, upon this point; hear, not only his 39 inofficial avowals ; but his proclamation of these despotic doctrines in his official message: From President Adams' Message — 1825. Extract 1st — -from the exordium. " Europe, with a few partial and unhappy exceptions, has enjoyed ten years of peace, during which all her governments, whatever the theo- ry of their constitutions may have been, are successively taught to feel that the end of their institution is the happiness of tlie'' people ; and that the exercise of power among men can be justified only by the bless- ings it confers upon those over wiiom it is extended." Extract 2d — 4 columns front the first. " And no government, in whatever form constituted, can accomplish the lawful ends of its institution, but in proportion as it improves the condition of those over whom it is established. Roads and canals by multiplying and facilitating the communications and intercourse be- tween distant regions, and multitudes of men, are among the most im- portant means of improvement. But moral, political, intellectual im- provement, are duties assigned, by the author of our existence, to so- cial, no less than to individual man." Extract 3rd. " In assuming her station among the civilized nations of the earth, It would seem that our country had contracted the engagement to contri- bute her share of mind, of labor and of expense to the improvement of those parts of knowledge which lie beyond the reach of individual acquisition ; and particularly to geographical and astronomical science. Looking back to the history only of the half century since the declara- tion of our independence, and observing a generous emulation with which the governments of France, Great Britain, and Russia, have de- voted the genius, the intelligence, the treasures of their respective na- tions, to the common improvement of the species in these branches of science, is it not incumbent upon us to inquire whether we are not bound by obligations of a high and honorable character, to contribute our portion of energy and execution, to the con;mon stock ? The voyages of discovery, prosecuted in the couise of tliat time, at the expense of those nations, have not only redounded to their glory, but to the im- provement of human knowledge. We have been partakers of that im- provement, and owe for it, a sacred debt not only of gratitude but of equal or proportional exertion in the same common cause." Extract 4th. *' It is with no feeling of pride, as an American that the remark may he made, that on the comparatively small territorial surface of Europe tiiere are existing upwards of one hundred and thirty of these light houses of the skies; while throughout the whole Amercan hemisphere, tiiere is not one. If we reflect a moment upon the discoveries, which, in the last four centuries, have been made in the physical constitution of the universe, by the means of these buildings, and of observers sta- tioned in them, shall we doubt of iheir usefulness to every nation .'* And while scarcely a year passed over our heads without bringing some new astronomical discovery to light, which we must fain receive at second hand from Europe, are we not cutting ourselves off from the means of returning light for light, while we have neither observatory nor obser- 60 vers upon our liaif oi" ilie globe, and liie earih revoives in perpetual darkness to our unsearching eyes." Extract 5th. "The spirit of improvement is abroad upon the earth. It stimulates the heart, and sharpens the (acuities, not of our fellow-citizens alone, but of liie nations of Europe and of their rulers. While dwelling with pleasing satisfaction upon the superior excellence af our political insti- tutions, let us not be unmhidful that liberty is power ; that the nation blest with the largest portion of liberty, must in proportion to its num- bers^ be the most powerful nation upon earth ; and that the tenure of power by man, is, in the moral purposes of his Creator, upon condition that it shall be exercised to ends of beneficence, to improve the condition oj himself and hi^ fellow men. While foreign nations, less blessed with that freedom which is power than ourselves, are advancing with gigan- tic strides in the career of public improvement, were we to slumber in in- dolence, fold up our arms and proclaim to the world that we are palsied by the ivill of our constituents, xoould it not be to cast away the bounties of Providence, and doom ourselves to perpetual inferiority.^^ Extract from the Ohio Letter. The opinion of John Qu.ncy Adums, on the subject of Internal Improvement — 1824. "The question of the power of Congress to authorise the making of intrrnal improvements, is in other words, a question whether the peo- ple of this IJnion, in forming their common social compact, as avowed- ly for the purpose of promoiing their general welfare, have performed their work in a manner so ineffably stupid as to deny themselves the means of bettering their own condition. 1 have too much respect for the intellect of my country to believe it. The first object of human as- sociation is the improvement of the condition of the associated. Roads and canals are among the most essential means of improving the con- dition of nations, and a people, which should deliberately, by the or- ganization of its authorised power, deprive itself of the faculty of mul- tiplying its own blessings; would be as wise as a creator who should undertake to constitute a human being without a heart." [OAi'o JYational Crisis. Extract from Message — 1825. " But, if the power to exercise legislation in all cases whatsoever, over the District of Columbia; if the power to lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts and excises, to pay the debts and provide for the com- mon defence and general welfare of the United States; if the power to regulate commerce with foreign nations and an)ong the several states, and with the Indian tribes; to fix the standard of weights and tnea- sures; to establish post offices and post roads; to declare war, to raise and support armies; to provide and maintain a navy — to dispose of and make all needful rules and regulations respecting the territory or other property belonging to the United States — and to make all laws which shall be necessary and proper for carryirig these powers into ex- ecution ; if these powers and otiiers enumerated in the constitution, may be eflectually brought into action by the laws promoting the im- provement of agriculture, comnierce and manufactures, the cultivation and encouragement of the mechanic and of \hf e'^^tr^"' ■^••♦s. the ?»d- 61 vancement of literature and the progress of the sciences, ornamental and profound — to refrain from exercising them for the benefit of the people themselves, would be to hide in the earth the talent committed to our charge — would be treachery to the most sacred of trusts." Again, from his late message of the 5th : " In the present instance, it is my duty to say, that if the legislative and executive authorities of the State of Georgia should persevere in acts of encroachment upon the territories, secured by a solemn treaty to the Indians, and the laws of the Union, remain unaltered, a super- added obligation, even higher than that of human authority will com- pel the Executive of the United States to enforce the laws and fulfil the duties of the nation, by all the force committed for that purpose to his charge." The government only can direct the aggregate industry of a natibn, and, to enable it to do so, must be entitled to liie proceeds of that ag- gregate industry. The President asserts this principle in the following words: Extract from his Ohio Letter. "The question of the power of Congress to authorise the making of internal improvements, is, in other words, a question whether the peo- ple of this Union, in forming their common social compact, as avowed- ly for tiie purpose of promoting their general welfare, have performed their work in a manner, so ineffably stupid, as to deny themselves the means of bettering their own condition. 1 have too much respect for the intellect of n)y country to believe it." These means can be nothing short of the whole property of the na- tion. Mr. Speaker,— May I be permitted, sir, to justify myself for this great consumption of time in long quotations.'' My justificatian will be found in the magnitude of the subject. It is a question involving all human rights, all human liberties. It is all important, that it should be well understood. Let us not then, sir, grudge a little time, nor even much deep, profound reflection; nor a lavish waste of words, pen, ink and paper; besides, 1 fear the possibility of doing injustice in repre- senting the opinions of your President, and therefore, determined that he shall make his own representation, of his own doctrines; and, sir, to what do they amount ? Precisely to Raymond's doctrines. The un- limited will of the government controling the whole property of the nation for the purposes of beneficence. For the purposes of bettering the condition of the people, regardless of their will. If you, sir, will give your own attention to these doctrines of your President, proclaim- ed as fundamental laws, for the observance of the practical govern- ment, vou cannot avoid seeing claims set up, in various forms, to un- limited power, derived from sources paramount to the constitution. In that case no farther analysis from me could be necessary. But, sir, I cannot now lake leave of this quotation, without emphatically calling your attention to an analysis of the following most extraordinary expo- sition, proclaimed in the message. It requires some analysis, it i» impossible iliat it can be understood by the American people at this time. 62 "Let us not be unmindful thai liberty h power; that the nation, (alias government, not individuals,) blest with the largest portion ol liberty, must, in proportion to its numbers, be the most powerful nation upon earth, and that the tenure of poiver by man, is, in the moral pur- poses of his Creator, (tenure of power again by divine right,) is, upon condition that it shall be exercised to acts of beneficence, to improve the condition of himself and his fellow men— (power from the Creator, un- restrained in will, to be exercised in beneficence, not carrying into effect the objects of the constitution.) While foreign nations less bles- sed with that freedom, which is power, than ourselves (a decoy duck) are advancing with gigantic strides, in the career of public improve- ment; were we to slumber in indolence, fold up our arms, and proclaim to the world that we are palsied by the will of otir constituents, ivould it not be to cast away the bounties of Providence and doom ourselves to perpetual inferiority ?" Here, then, sir, we see the will of our constituents ofticially proclaim- ed, as the great obstacle to the best administration of our government. Twist it and turn it as you can, it still amounts to the same thing. It is true, this sentence is couched in terms of the most sophisticated ab- straction. The best evidence that could be given both of the design, and fears of the author; but its terms cannot be mistaken. The Presi- dent is comparing the organization of other governments of unlimited power, with ours, of limited power ; and substantially declares, that so long, as our practical government, will condescend to be palsied by the will of our constituents, so long it will be inferior to governments not thus condescending. ,'* Inferiority" is a term of comparison. What are the things here compared .'' Unlimited, with limited governments. The limited government will be doomed to perpetual inferiority, pro- vided the administrators shall suffer themselves to be palsied by the will of their constituents, i defy the veriest casuist to put any other intelli- gible construction upon this sophisticated sentence. It will be farther confirmed by criiicaiiy attending to the previous quotations, most art- fully contrived for this result. Here, then, is seen the President's doc- trinal notions for his practical administrative policy — nnlimited will, unpalsied by the constitutional will. — Raymond identified — God's vice- gerents upon earth. The following claims to power are taken from Mr. Rush's Report of 1825 — approved by the Cabinet : " To give perfection to the industry of the country ; "To draw out its obvious resources and seek constantly for new ones; " To augment the number and variety of occupations for its inha- bitants ; •'To hold out to every degree of labor, and to every modification of skill, its appropriate object and inducements; "To organize the whole labor of the country; "To entice into the widest ranges its mechanical and intellectual capabilities ; " To call forth, whatever hidden, latent ingenuity, giving to effort, activity, and to emulation, ardor; " To create employment for the greatest amount of numbers, by 63 adapting it to the diversified faculties, propensities and situation of men, so that every particle of ability, every shade of genius, may come into requisition ; " To lift up the condition of the country ; "To increase its fiscal energy; "To multiply the means and sources of its opulence; " To imbue it with the elements of general as well as lasting strength and prosperity." Mr. Speaker, were the American people ever before insulted with such monstrous and preposterous doctrines ? Do they not amount to converting man from a natural being, endowed with rights and attributes from his God, into a mere governmental machine, to be bandied about at the fantastical will and pleasure of the government? This flighty ephemeral -^ronaut, claims not only the control over all the property of the nation, but over the occupations of individuals, over mind and body, with power to lash up his obedient subservient slaves to the exer- tion of " every particle of ability, every shade of genius" at the gov- ernmental beck; — and when all this is done, then says the ^ronaut— "The farmer of the United States cannot but perceive that the mea- sure of his prosperity is potentially full! !" Poor deluded, insulted far- mer! ! Ask thyself, is the measure of thy prosperity potentially full:' Will it ever be under such fantastical notions and gilded promises? The farmer's prosperity potentially full ! ! Mr. Speaker ! What poten- tial nonsense ! ! What poieniial mischief! ! What potential despotism ! ! Mr. Speaker! You cannot but perceive, sir, the general tenor and spi- rit which characterises the whole of these administrative quotations. You cannot but perceive the identity of the doctrines with those of the tariff encomiasts — -to wit: The derivation of powers from sources pa- ramount to the constitution — the utter subversion of all its wholesome restraining provisions, and the substitution of unlimited governmental will in their stead. Sir, when I look at this vast subject — when I feel my appalling phy-; sical debility — when I look to the lime already consumed, merely in getting through this exordium — and the arduous and perplexing task 1 have before me, 1 am led to despair of my capacity for accomplishing it. But, sir, I consider this the last expiring effort I shall ever be per- mitted to make, for bringing back tlie American people to the contem- plation of their own first principles — to the contemplation of their own original fundamental laws — for saving American liberties, and with them the liberties of the whole human race. Impelled by the invigo- rating occasion, 1 must sir, proceed to exert in this great cause the last particle of mental and physical energy, now left me by an all-wise and indulgent Providence. Let me, then, call your attention to the doctrines of the tariff bill, as ushered forth by Mr. Clay in his sublimated doctrinal speeciK Before 1 enter minutely into the examination of the particular parts of Mr. Clay's speech. I beg to be indulged in a few critical observa- tions upon its general characteristics. In the first place, then, notwith- standing Mr. Clay had taken the precaution, to send up the most fer- vent invocations to the "Most High," for his divine inspiration, his burning incense seemed not to be an acceptable, holy offering, since his i4 anxious pra^'crs proved unavailing; for after all tliese devotional ef- forts, I consider Mr. Clay's speech not to be the speech of a statesman — still less the speech of the Speaker of the House of Representatives. The speech of the dignified Speaker of the House, should itself, be dig- nified. It should be liberal, candid and impartial. It ought to pre- sent a fair view of the question on both sides; and the grounds of the balance of his own motives, in favor of the side he deemed the right one. This speech partakes nothing of dignity, liberality, impartiality, or candor. It is below the level of the speech of dignified counsel, learned in the law, who feel a due regard for their honorable profes- sional standing. It is the speech of a pleading lawyer, who has en- gaged with his client for a high fee, in a bad cause, to gain it right or wrong; and who feels himself under an obligation to call, into the most active exertion, all his powers of chicanery, and special pleading: Accordingly, Mr. Clay condescends to resort to false names, to misre- presentations, to concealment of parts of a connected system of facts, and of every other device to gain liis cause, which his inflated imagina- tion could invent. Mr, Clay's fee was great, though contingent — no less his prize than thePresidenllal Chair. As one conspicuous exam- ple of these devices, Mr, Clay nick names his speech in the very jroni- ispiece. He calls it, " Speech in support of an American System, for the protection of American Industry," Mr. Clay well knew that this was a false-nomer. That it was not an American system, for the pro- tection of American industry, that he was reconnnending ; but a dis- carded British system of British indvstry, he was recommending, to be introduced into the United Stales for the first time. That it was not ^^ a genuine American system,^' as he soir.etimes calls it, but an imita^ tive system, drawn from British example, and grounded in British po- licy. Many other examples of insincerity, and chicanery may be re- ferred to in this most extraordinary speech ; some of which will be ex- posed in its more detailed examination. The present one will suffice, in this general sketch. Its second general characteristic is, that of false coloring, or misrepresentation. Upon a critical investigation, it will be found to be deceptive, and illusory throughout; and, in some instances, the artifices are too slender, to impose upon the plainest un- derstanding — candor is the first quality of true oratory. It will always b« in vain, for the orator to attempt to win the hearts of his auditors, whilst ihey are acting under the conviction, that the orator himself is not sincere — that he does not believe himself — that he is practising up- on his own convictions, of his own superior intelligence, and of their ignorance, and credulity. Even such a suspicion would steel the minds of the auditory against conversion, or conviction. The style of this speech is most peculiaj;ly characteristic. Whilst it violates many of the nitist obvious rules of criticism, it is so sonorous, turgid and bombastic, that it seems, in its first impressions, to bear down every thinf^ before it, and to cheat tlie mind of the just exercise of its convnion faculties. There is a peculiar selection, collocation and ar- rangement of the words composing each sentence, which produce the loudest and coarsest music. 1 hope to be excused for the comparison. It nvay be de'-med a coarse one. it is recommended, however, because its intrusion is always involuntary, and therefore must be impelled by 65 some natural impulse of resemblance. I never commence reading tliis speecli, but llic (joarse music of llie chiming of well regulaied clmrcli bells instanlly appears lo strike the tympanum of the ear, and to bewil- der the mindwilii its coarse, sounding, gmgling, harmony. But, sir, llie resemblance exisis only in the music. The coarse music of iho chiu-ch bells passes away, and leaves no trace of njischief behind it. Wliilst Mr. Clay's gingling, sonorous speech is said to have produced the tarill' — and with it, the lolal obliteralion of evevy restraining pro- vision in the Constitution, If so, it lias produced a mischief, both de- pltiraWe, and irremediable; and llie gingiing, successful orator, will probably live to see the day that he will lament and weep over the fatal success of his own artifices — over tiie destruction of a federative govern- ment, vvhicli had, for nearly twenty- five years dispensed the best politi- cal blessings over a great nation, now wantonly torn lo atoms, by the in- troduction of warring elements, or moulded into an odious, consolidat- ed mass of despolisu). The next characteiistic of this gingling speech, consists of its duration, its contiimation. It occupies above eight and thirty pages in close print, of a large pamphlet size. Tiiese pages form my text. With above 38 pages for my text, what must be tiie length of my sermon ? It happened to be my fortmie in early life, to be placed for my education, tnider the care of the late celebrated Dr. Witherspooii of Princet;»n College. The Doctor, ahhough liighly learned, was as much celebrated for llie simplicity and elegance of his style, and for the brevity of his orations, as for the extent and soliciity of his erudi- tion. He lectured the class, of which 1 was a member, upon eloquence and criticism, and was always delighted with the exercises in that branch of science. Amidst all the refinement of the Doctor's learning, he re- tained much of tlie |jrovincial brogue of his native town (Paisley in Scotland). Tiie Doctor generally approaciied his class with great fa- miliarity, with " How do ye do lads.'"' to wliirli the reply was. " braly, sir, braly." He commenced his lectures in the simplest style of con- versation. " Lads, if it should (all to the lot of any of ye, as it may do, to appear upon tiie theatre of public life, let me impress upon your minds two rules in oratory, that are never to be departed from upon any occasion whatever — -'jVe'er d : ye speak unless ye ha' something to say, and when ye are done, be surf arsd leave olF." Fiighlful restraints upon modern oratory ! The Doctor would jiroceed most methodically lo impress upon the class, the sacred inviolability of each of these rules, and the imiispensable necessity of liieir strict observance, "by every pre- tender to oratory. Without positively asserting, that our untiring ora- tor has violated both of these old fashioned oratorical rules, I hazard nothing in saying, that lie lias said a great deal more than he ought to liavesaid ; and lie certainly did not leave ofl' when he was fairly done. After saying a great deal more tiian Ise ought to have said, and much of whicli, I think he did not understand himself, lie lias made ten dis- tinct points, for very liitie purpose as far as I can comprehend their meaning, except for continuation — for duration. The untiring orator seems to have cleared out on a voyage of many ports, with a determi- nation to preserve its continuity, how^ever unprofitable. Mr. Speaker, I find, sir, at this last stage of life, 1 am, myself, about to violate, I fear, both these sacred precepts of my beloved and revered preceptor. I 9 find, for the first lime in my life, I sliall have to call for an adjourned speerli. 1 find abomuliess ocean before me; but, sir, like liie untiring, sonorous orator, 1 clear out for a voyage through this whole immeasur- able ocean, and will instantly set sail. Let me then, call your attention more particularly lo Mr. Clay's speech. The first eight or nine pages of itj are occupied with exaggerated descriptions, of the sufferings, dis- tresses, and even degradations of the Anjerican people ; of the depres- sion of prices, and of the vast difference of the advantages of our com- merce with European nations, when they are in a state of war; and our comnieice with them, when in a state of peace; and finally comes to the profound conclusion, in substance, that our European market in lime ot peace, is not as good, as it is in time of war. A position which, 1 suppose, no man of common sense ever doubted, without deriving his information from fantastical statements, founded on delusive statistics. I will here briefly notice a few remarks, introduced by our orator, with- out designating his object, because, whilst liiey will furnish one exam- ple, of his many equivocations, ihey leave ns in some doubt, as to his notions of tiie banking system as a necessary desideratum in his politi- cal tconoiiiy. Extract — JJOge 12. " Let us suppose, Mr. Cliairmaii, that Europe was again the theatre of sucii a general war as recently raged throughout all her dominions, such a Slate of war as existed in her greatest exertions and in our great- est prosperity : instantly there would arise a greedy demand for the surplus produce of our industry, for our commerce, for our navigation. The languor which now prevails in our cities, and in our sea-ports, would give way tu an animated activity. Our roads and rivers would be crowded with the produce of the inierior. Every wiiere we should witness excited industry. Tiie precious metals would re-flow from abroad upon us. Banks, which have maintained their credit, would re- vive iheir business; and new banks wuuld be established, to take the place of those ichich have sunk beneath the general pressure. For it is a misiakc to suppose that they have produced our present adversity ; they may have somewhat aggravated it, but they were the effect and the evi- dence of our prosperity." Now permit me lo ask you, iMr. Speaker, or tiie splendid orator's most partial (riend, whether lie really dues con- sider banking as one of the necessary desiderata in his political econo- my.'' He seems to think, but most equivocally to express the opinion, that new banks oiigiit to be established, t*) take place of those which have sunk under the general pressure. Tiiis would seem to place the orator among^^t ilie supporters of the Kentucky relief schemes, even after they had turned the nnnals of Kentucky topsey turvey. — Although it is admitted that his meaning is too vaguely and deceptively express- ed, 'o jii>tify any certain coiicku>.ion respecting it. .But let that be ad- mitted under these laborious diinonstrations, which 1 believe was never deni'fd, that oin- l^urupean peace market is not as good as our Euro- pean war market, will that admi-sion afford an argument in favor of laying a high tariff on European goods .'' Mr. Clay says yes — common sense says no. Will not increasing the tariff make the bad European market worNe.^ Would not common sense say, that it would be true policy to make it better, if it were policy to tamper with it at all .'' But G7 all just inferencps srem lo be inverted by ilie eiiclianleci, sonorous ora- tor. Because tlie European peace market is bad, therefore the sagaci- ous orator would make it worse. This he would do by lessening its capacity to purchase ; ikerefore common sense would say it ought t(» be made better by enlarging its capacity to purchase. But, sir, all these artificial contrivances tend to invert all just inferences. The chiming orator would doubtlessly conceive he had achieved a wonderful manoeu- vre lor bettering the condition of the people, by placing the nation in the artificial attitude of "heels over head," instead of permitting it to retain the natural one of "head over heels." He doubtlessly thinks the nation would be placed in a much better condition in its artificial tlian in its natural attitude; to exert its faculties in the application of its la- bor, for increasing the national wealth and prosperity, by artificially placing manufactures at the head, and agriculture at the iieels, of all oc- cupations in society, instead of leaving agriculture in its natural posi- tion, "head over heels." Without further attention to the collateral, incidental points, contained in the first nine pages, I will proceed at once to the examination of the principal errors which, most unfortu- nately, led to the adoption of this most fatal measure, and into the still more fatal doctrines upon which it is founded. Extract — page 19. \ "But Britain is herself the most striking illustration of the im- ? J mense power of machinery. Uposi what otlier principle can you ? S account for the enormous weallh which s!ie isas accismulated, and? J which she annually produces.^ A statistical writer of that country,^ J several years ago, estimated the total amount oF the artificial or s 5 machine labor of the nation, to be equal to tliat of one hundred? J millions of able-bodied laborers. Subsequent estimates of her ar- < jtificial labor, at the present day, carry it to tite enormous height j ?of two hundred millions. But the popidation of the three king-^ ^doms is 21,500,000. Supposing that to furnish ;d)le-b(.died la- ^ I bor to the amount of four iriillions, the natural labor will be but^ Mvvo per cent, of the artificial labor. \'a the production of wealth,^ 5 she operates, therefore, by a power (incliuling the whole popula- ? ^ tion) of 221,500.000; or, in other words, by a power eleven linies ^ ^greater than the total of her natural power. If we suppose^ J the machine labor of the United Stales to be equal to that of? \ 10,000,000 of able-bodied men, the United States will operate, in^ 5 the creation of wealth, by a power (including all their popnlation) f J of 20,000,000. In tl-.e creation of wealtli, therefore, the power of j ^ Great Britain, compared to that of the United States, is as eleven? J to one. That these views are not imaginary, will be, I think, evinc- ? sed, by contrasting the weallh, i!ie revenue, the power of the two? 4 countries. Upon what other hypothesis can we explain those al-^ \ most incredible exertions which Brilai-.i made during the late wars > ^ *< of Europe.? Look at her immense subsidies ! Behold her stan^.>" ^ing, unaided and alone, and breasting the storm of Napoleon'- *-y" \ lossal power, when all continental Europe owned and a-^'"'' *^.' " ^ \ irresistible swav; and fi.iallv contemplate her viff-'-''>"S prosecut.on , G3 ^ of tlie war, with nnd without allies, to its splendid termination, on j ' the ever menjorable field of VVaterh)o !" J J} gain — page 21. I I "If we looli at the commerce of Kntijhind, we shall perceive tiiat< S its prosperous condition no less denotes the iaimensiiy (»f iter riches. ? sTlie average of three yt-ars exports, ending in 1789. was between? ? 13 and 14 millions. Tiie ave:ap,e for the same term ending in 1822, J < was 40 millions sterling. Tite average of the imports for tinee ; ^ years, ending in 1789, was seventeen niillioDS. The average for j J the same term, ending in 1822, was thirty-six millions, showing a j J favorable balance of four mdlions. Thus, in a period not longer^ 5 than thut wiiich has elapsed since the establishment of our consti- J * tution, have the exports of that kingdom been tripled; and this has: J mainly been the effect of the power of machinery. The total ^ I amount of the commerce of (Jreat Britain is greater since the^ * peace, by one fourth, than it was during the war. The average of? 5 her tonnage, during the most flourishnig period of the war, was J I two million four hundred thousand tons. !ts average, during the? ^ three years, 1819, 1820, and 1821, was 2,600.000; exhibiting an ^ i increase of 200,000 t(ms. if we glance at some of the more pro- 1 Jminent articles (if iier inantilaclures. we sliali be assisted in com- ^ j prehending the true nature of the sources of her riches. The amount ^ sofcottitn fabrics exported, in l!ie most prosperous year of the war, J 5 was eighteen mil'ion sterling. In the year 1820. it was. IG. GOO. 000;^ ^in 1821, 21,500,000; iti 1822. 21,639000/. sterling: preventing? < tiie astonishing increase in two years of upwards of five millions. | I The total amotnit of imports in Great Britain from all foreign parts, s J of the article of cotton wool, is five millions sterling After sup- « J plying most abundantly the consumption of cotton fabrics within j J the country (and a people better (i^d and clad and housed, are not ^ I to be found under the sun, than the British nation,) by means of her ^ J industry, she gives to this cotton wool a new value, which enables, Mier to sell to foreign nations to the amoinit of 21.639,000/., mak-' Sing a clear profit of upwards of 16,500,000/. sterling! In 1821,? Mhe value of the export of woollen manufactures was 4,300,000/.^ I In 1822, it was 5,500,000/." I Jjgnin — pnge 21, 22. I " The amount of lier wealth annually produced, is three hundred ^ ^ and fifty millions sterling; bearing a large proportion to all of her j ^ pre-existing wealth. The ygricidtural portion of it is said by the , ^gentleman from Virginia, to be greater than that created by any? i 'her braiich of her industry. But that llovvs maiidy from a po- J i ny s-i.„;|^p jj^ jIj.jj proposed by this bill. One-third only of her ^ ^population Is oiiQraged in agriculture; the other two-thirds fin-nlsh-^ |ing a market for ttir. produce of that third. Withdraw this mar-? ? 69 ? Uet, and what becomes of her agriculture? The power and the| I wealth of Great Britain cannot be more strikingly illustrated, than j I bv a comparison of her population and revenue with those of other ^ I countries and with our own. [Here Mr. Clay exhibited the follow- | ' ing table, made out from authentic materials.] ^ ^ Population. Taxes and public Taxation per \ < burthens. capita | < Russia in Kiirope, 37.000,000 / 18.000.000 /O 9 9 < \ France, inckuling Corsica, SO.rOO.OoO /.37,000,000 /.I 4 > \ Great Britain, exclusive of"^ * \ Ireitind (tlie taxes compii- i .„,.,„ 5 t ted accordini^ to the vah.e )^ 14,500,000 Z 40,000,000 /.2 15 . > of money on the Knrope- | J \ an Continent,) J ^ < Great Mritain and Ireland, > 21,500 000 ?.4!,000.000 12 \ t collecuvelv, 5 ' r, » -. S ^ F.no-land alone, 11,600.000 /,36 000.000 t'.3 2 J %/VVV^VV^VVX*V'VVVA/X.V'V^VV'VV"V^V'VVV-VA.V'VX S Ireland, 7,000 000 /.4,000,0o0 WHO ? ^ The United States of America, 10,000,000 Z 4,500,000 ;0 9 j 5 "From this exhibit, we must remark, that the wealth of Great | 5 Britain, (and consequently her power,) is greater, than that of any i> 5 of the other nations, with which it is compared. The amount of^ 5 the contributions which she draws from the pockets of her sub-? 5 jects, is not referred to for imitation, but as indicative of their 5 \ wealth. The burthen of taxation, is always relative to the abili- ? \ ty of the subjects of it. A poor nation, can paj' but little. And I 80 I the heavier taxes of British subjects, for example, in consequence j I of their greater wealth, may be easier borne, than the much j i Ughter taxes of Spanish subjects, in consequence of their extreme 5 I poverty." i And again — pag^ 23. "The Committee will observe, from that table, that the measure of the wealth of a nation is indicated by the measure of its protec- tion of its industry ; and that the measure of the poverty of a nation is marked by that of the degree in which it neglects and abandons the care of its own industry, leaving it exposed to the action of foreign powers. Great Britain protects most her industry, and the wealth of G. Britain is consequently the greatest ; France is next in the degree of protection, and France is next in the order of wealth. Spain most neg- lects the duty of protecting the industry of her subjects, and Spain is one of the poorest of European nations. Unfortunate Ireland^ disinherited, or rendered in her industry subservient to England, is exactly in the same state of poverty with Spain, measured by the rule of taxation. And the United States are still poorer than either." The object of our splendid, deluded orator, in introducing this ta- ble of statistics, is, " most strikingly to illustrate" the superior compa- rative power and wealth of Great Britain over all other nations com- prehended within the table. For, says our orator, "from this ex- hibit, we must remark, that the wealth of Great Britain (and conse- quently her power) is greater than that of any other nation with which it is compared. The amount of the contributions, which she draws from the pockets of her subjects, is not referred to for imita- tion, but as indicative of her weaUii ;" and he states, in the next page, the test of this comparative wealth to be taxation — " measured (says our orator) by the rule of taxation." I have heard of the rule of three, and other rules of proportions, but never before heard of the rule of taxation, as a measure of wealth. But sir, however wealthy and powerful Great Britain may be, I pereniptorily deny that taxa- tion, and particularly the taxation contained in the statistical table, is any test whatever, either of that wealth, or of the relative wealth and prosperity, of the several nations mentioned in the table ; or of the relative ability of the inhabitants of each to pay taxes. The table does not state the fact, that any one af the governments mention- ed in it, has taxed its subjects to the ivhole extent of their ability to pay ; nor does our splendid orator assert that fact; and, until that fact is added, taxation is no measure whatever, of what the inhabitants of a nation can pay. I had thought that there was not a clodhopper in the U. Stales who could not see that tlie taxation imposed by gov- ernments upon their subjects, was no test whatever, of the whole those subjects could pay, until it was conceded that the governments had drawn from them every thing they could pay. Until this be conced- ed, it is self-evident that taxation atlords no rule nor test, nor indi- cation whatever, of the whole abitity of the people to pay. This fact is not asserted, and, it is devoutly to be hoped, that it has no 81 existence. That governments, with the exception of the British gov- ernment, do not draw from their subjects all they can pay, but only so much, as will answer their governmental purposes. To demon- strate the palpable fallacy of our splendid orator upon this point, suppose one of the nations included within the statistical table, France for instance, were to tax French subjects double the amount called for in the statistical table, and the French subjects were to pay the whole amount ; then, according to our orator's measures, and indica- tions, France would be proved to be double as wealthy as she is now represented to be under the table, and her sui)jects double as able to pay taxes as they now are, after their pockets had been rifled of dou- ble the amount that they were before. According to our orator's rule of measuring, or indicating wealtir and prosperity, — the rule oj taxation, — the poor United States have shared a hard but undeserved fate. Now there has been an experiment made upon the ability of the people of the United States.to pay taxes. During the late war, they were greatly augmented — yet they were paid. To do the people of the United States justice, then, the measure of their ability ought to be changed to the amount of their war taxes. The rule of taxa- tion, then, according to tiie bewildered orator's logic, would prove, that the people of the United States could pay most when they had the least ability to pay; and that even under the pressure of a most destructive war, they would pay, perhaps, double the amount they could pay in time of profound peace. The resort to the war taxes would have spared something of the impoverishment and degradation, erroneously thrown upon the peo- ple of the United States, by our bewildered orator, in his compari- son of them with foreign nations. Here again it will be clearly seen, that all just inferences are completely inverted by our orator. According to his inferences, the more that is drawn from the pockets of the individual, the more is he enabled to pay; and the amount drawn is, at the same time, the evidence of Isis prosperity, or his in- creased capacity to pay. To pursue this course of inference, it must be concluded, that when the last cent is taken from the individual's pocket, then is the acme of his wealth and prosperity ; or, to use the striking metaphor of Mr. Secretary Rush— " That the measure of his prosperity is potentially full," The statistical table, introdu- ced by our orator, if properly taken, will prove that the inhabitants of the several nations comprehended in it, can pay the amount of taxes drawn from them respectively ; but it neither proves nor indi- cates that the same inhabitants could not pay more taxes, if more were demanded of them; and God forbid that all governments should take from the inhabitants respectively, all they can pay. Until this is done, it cannot be told how much the inhabitants of either can pay — The actual taxation, v.'hatever it may be, short of the whole ability to pay, affords no test, nor indication whatever, as to their ex- treme ability to pay. Mr. Speaker, I am extremely dissatisfied, sir, with this mode of estimating the relative wealth, and prosperity of nations; because of the despicable, degraded position, assigned the United States, in their connexion with this family of nations. Our 11 S2 splendid, sonorous aspirant, places the United States — his own coun- try, and ours, — at the tail of the " tag-rag and bobtail," of nations. For, says our splendid, sublimated orator — "Unfortunate Ireland, disinherited, or rendered in her industry, subservient to England, is exactly in the same state of poverty with Spain, measured by the rule of taxation, and the United States are still poorer than either /.'" Poor United States!! The poorest pf all!! " Still poorer than ei- ther!" Really, sir, I think our aspiring orator ought to have been more sure of the correctness of his own statistics, before he could have consented to doom liis own country to a degraded state of po- verty and wretchedness, even lower than poor unfortunate, disinhe- rited Ireland, or indolent, bigotted, superstitious Spain ; and, conse- quently, to put her rank, in the family of nations, lower than either. But, sir, I derive great consolation from observing at the same time, that the rule of taxation happens to be no rule at all — for measuring the relative wealth and prosperity of nations ; and that the degraded position assigned by the splendid orator for the United States, is founded in his own misconceptions of his own statistics ; and I am sure, the aspiring orator will himself rejoice at being awakened from his humiliating, delusive dreams, to the reality, that liis own country is not the most impoverished and degraded in the world. Here, tlien, sir, you find that all this grand parade of sonorous statis- tics, has been introduced as tests of facts, when it turns out to be no test at all. But, sir, this table of statistics is not without its use, admitting it to be true. It does prove, that the people of Great Bri- tain pay more taxes than any other people in the world, and, conse- quently, are the most oppressed people in the world. I am disposed to think, that the table presents a tolerably correct view of the rela- tive degrees of oppression, of the different governments compre- hended in it, allowing for the actual relative wealth of each ; and accordingly you will find, sir, the relative effects of these oppressi- ons upon the condition of the people of the different nations respec- tively, in their relative numbers of paupers. In this respect, Great Britain indeed is superlatively pre-eminent. Think not, Mr. Speaker, that these statements and remarks, are made from any prejudice, or any invidious feeling whatever, against the British nation, or people ; very far from it — I indulge no such feelings, sir, towards any nation or people whatever ; and surely, not against the British nation, or people. I esteem the British na- tion and people, whatever may be the profligacy and oppression of their government, as amongst the most honest, industrious, skilful, independent, high-minded, and gallant in the world. I conceive too, that they have carried the inventions of saving-labor macliinery, to a higher pitch than any other people. But the astonishing produc- tions of both their natural, and artificial labor combined, have been found quite incompetent to save them, from the deprecated destructi- on of governmental oppression. How cautious then, sir, ought we to be, against plunging into a system of policy, which has doomed to vice, misery, wretchedness and pauperism, seventy-nine eightieths of the people of one of the noblest nations upon earth ? Sir, there 83 are three circumstances, accompanying the movements and remarks of our splendid orator, upon this occasion, which I acknowledge, have excited my utmost astonishment. — First ; that in pronouncing his prize speech, our aspiring sublimated orator, should have condes- cended to have put himself in the hands of a prompter, to play the part of a parrot; as I believe our orator has done on this occasion. Secondly; that he should have permitted himself to have been led into such palpable errors, and above all, that he should, without suf- ficient examination, have indulged himself in ushering forth the same errors to the world, which are, as dishonorable, and degrading to the United States; as they are obvious and palpable in themselves, whilst he was aspiring to the sublime station of their presidency. — "Unfor- tunate Ireland, disinherited, or rendered, in her industry, subservient to England, is exactly in the same state of poverty vvitii Spain, mea- sured by the rule of taxation — And the United States are still poorer than either." — Poor United States ! ! ! How deplorable is thy condi- tion! !! How much to be deprecated! ! ! Doomed to take thy sta- tion at the tail of the lowest of the "tag-rag and bobtail" of nations!!! A few plain, obvious reflections, on the pari of our bewildered ora- tor, arising from facts perpetually before his own eyes, might have caused him, at least to doubt, of the justice of placing ilie United States below every civilized nation in Europe. — Tlie vast proportion of the middling class of society in tlie United Slates, and the small proportion of niiserable poor, compared with any nation in Europe, particularly with Great Britain, ought to have admonished him against placing the United Slates, in the most degrading condition in the family of na- tions. Their exemption tVom tlie extremes of wealth and poverty, which characterize all Europe, in a greater or lesser degree, consti- tutes die great superiority of ilieir condition, if not in relation to wealth, at least in relation to real grandeur, and to every social and political blessing. Accordingly, noiwitlisianding our bewildered orator's arith- metical demonstrations, from his statistical table, we find the people flee- ing, from all those delusive, European blessings, and practically throw- ing themselves within the arms of the United States, according to our orator, to participate in their poverty, degradation and wretchedness; this, particularly, is the case with the people of Great Britain. These reflections alone, ought to have stayed the cruel hand of the bewilder- ed orator, from striking so deadly a blow against his own country : but let the enchanting prize before him; and the sublimated state of his own mind, plead his excuses, or at least, palliate his errors. But says our Orator, — page 1 9. " But Britain is herself the most striking illustration of the immense power of machinery. Upon what other principle can you account tor the enormous wealth which she has accumulated, and which she annually produces.^ A statistical writer of that country, several years ago, estimated the total amount of tlie artifirial or machine labor of the nation, to be equal to that of one hundred millions of able bodied laborers. Subsequent estimates of her artificial labor, at the present day, carry it to the enormous height of two hundred millions. But the population of the three kingdoms, is twenty one million five hundred thousand. Supposing that to furnish able-bodied labor to the amount of 84 four millions, tlie naliirai labour will be but two per cent, of tlie uriiii- cial labor. In the production of ucalili she operates, therefore, b}' a power (including the whole pc^pulation) of two hundred and twenty one millions five hundred thosisaiul ; or in other words, by a power eleven times greater than the total of her natural power. If we sup- pose the machine labor of the United States to be equal to tl.at of ten millions of able-bodied men, the United States will operate, in the cre- ation of wealth, by a power (including all tlieir population) of twenty millions. In the creation oi wealth, therefore, the power of Great Britain, compared to that of the United States, is as eleven to one," May 1 be permitted then to a^k, Mr. Speaker, what then, IMr. Ora- tor.'' Are these sounding bewildering statistics, in favor of, or against .the tariff.'' 1 cannot see any necessary affinity, nor connexion between them; and our sublimated orator has flown off without showing an}'. The obvious purpose of our orator, for introducing these, as well as other similar statistics, is to show the importance, the splendor, and the grandeur of governments. For, he seems to give the merit of all these mighty effects from the invention of labor-saving machinery, to the government; thus to magnify its blessings, and to enamour the people with its power, its splendor, and its grandeur. You cannot but observe, sir, that tlie whole tenor and spirit of the doctrine, of the fashionable economists, and particularly of the administration, is to produce the conviction, that the governn)ent is every tiling, and the people nothing. ^Vherea?, the very reverse of this position is true, to wit: — That the people, in their individual characters, are almost every thing, the government very little. The real energies of society exist in the individuals. ■ Legitimate government has very little origi- nal, active energy. Government, rightly understood, is a passive, not an active machine. The great object oi' its institution is to administer justice amongst individuals, and to protect the nation from externa! violence; after these duties are performed, and provisions of a general nature are made, which individuals cannot make for themselves, the less government has to do with the concerns of society, the better. But let the enquiry be made, in the present case, as to the merit of the invention of the whole labor saving machinery of Great Britain. Is it the merit of the government; or of individuals.'' Government, I be- lieve, never invented a spinning jenny ; nor spun a spool of cotton. The merit, then, is all to individuals ; and none to the government. Perhaps, a more illustrative example, could scarcely be furnished, to demonstrate the relative ability, and importance of the people over the government, than the one here presented by our orator. But, not- wiiiitsanding all these wonderful productions of individuals, they have been no match for the protTigacy of the government. A vast propor- tion of the people, noiwiihstanding their almost incredible exertions, are doomed to vice, misery, wretchedness and pauperism : But I ask again, for the arguments, afforded by these statistics, in favor of the tariif. Do they not most eloquently admonish every wise government, to let the people and their occupations alone. Not plunder, and then squander, the whole of the hard earnings of the productive laborer.'' Ijtt n)e now, sir, call your attention to some further statements and remarks, made by our orator, not less extraordinary in some respects. 85 ihan those which have just passed in review. In page 15, after giving a statistical account of the exports of the United States, without its having, as far as I am able to judge, any bearing whatever upon the question of the tariff, our bewildered orator remarks: "The dis- | tributlon of the articles of our exports throughout the United States, " cannot fail to fix the attention of the committee. Of the $47,155,408, to which they amounted last year, three articles alone, (cotton, rice and tobacco,) composed together $28,549,177. Now, these articles are chiefly produced to the South. And if we estimate that portion of our population who are actually engaged in their culture, it would probably not exceed two millions. Thus, then, less than one fifth of the whole population of the United States produced upwards of one half, nearly two-thirds of the entire value of the exports of the last year." May 1 be again indulged, sir, in asking, what then, Mr. Ora- tor.? are these statements and remarks, for, or against the tarifl'.'' Why make them.? You have skipped off without giving their moral; or even pointing, to their tendencies. Are they intended to intimate a threat from the physical force of 8,000,000, against 2,000,000.? and are you bringing here into practical operation, your doctrine of " the great desideratum of political economy.?" Suppose the 2,000,000. do produce and export to the amount of $28,519,177, and the 8,000,000 do not produce half as much— What then.? Is this to be the signal for the 8,000,000 to plunder the 2,000,000? or do the 8,000,000 claim an- equal right in the produce of the 2,000,000, with the 2,000,000 theni- selves .? According to your doctrine of the " great desideratum in politi- cal economy," that the whole proceeds of the whole productive labor, belong to the whole 10,000,000; to be distributed by the federal gov- ernment at its own uncontrolled will and caprice.? Is it intended here to carry into practical effect the doctrine, that the whole proceeds of the labor of the American people belong to the whole people ; in ex- clusion of the great American principle, that each part of it belongs to the laborer who produced it, subject only to fair, necessary contribu- tions for legitimate governmental objects.? If this be not your object, would it not be well to enquire, to whom does the cotton, tobacco and rice belong .? and would it not then become a question, whether you have a right to take any part of it from the owners, and give it to those, who own it not.? You have not a right to take it for public use, without just compensation. For private use, you have no right to take it at all. If you have, there is an end to the right of private property. Its constitutional security is gone. It is perfectly immaterial by what art of hocus pocus you may do this : if you can do it at all, the right ot private property is gone. But it seems not to form any part of the great desideratum of our orator's political economy, to enquire into right, into justice, into morals, into meum et tuum; but to seize the whole productive labor of society, and to distribute it regardless of right or wrong, by the fallacious standard of his capricious notions, of the mode in which it can be made to produce " the greatest sum of national wealth." This is the essence of ultra despotism. But, sir,, it will not be difficult for the most superficial observer to discover the fallacious and deceptive artifices practised by our orator in making this representation. Admitting it to be true, it is far from containing the 86 whole truth ; very far Crom containing the most material truths, to enable the mind to comprehend and decide upon the true character of the whole subject. The first important omissions, are the articles oi wheat and flour. Why not introduce these articles to share the sjjJTie fate under the tariff, with cotton, tobacco and rice.' They are equa'y burthened under the tarift', with cotton, tobacco and rice, for the prd- tection of manufactures. Why not introduce their growers then, ituc the company of tlie growers of cotton, tobacco and rice .'' V\ hy exclude them from the threats, thrown out against their associates in interests t There could be but two assignable motives with our orator for the ex- clusion. As far as I am able to discover, the one was, to give this cunning tarifl' scheme, a sectional cast, upon which its success maiidy depended. Whenever the wheat-growers throughout some of tlie manufacturing states, New-York, Pennsylvania, i\laryland ano Dela- ware, for instance, shall discover their true interests ; that notwith- standing their residence in the manufacturing stales, their interests are as much affected by the tariff as the growers of cotton, tobacco :,nd rice, they will rise in the majesty of their strength, and crush the unprincipled artifice to atoms, if our orator had included the wheat-growers witii their other agricultural associates and sufferers, his insolent ilireat would lose all its horrors, and of course, its intended effects. Instead of five against one, the majority would have been with the agricultu- rists ; and its sectional bearing would also have entirely disappeared. — Hence, the motives for the exclusion of the wheat-growers fr'.>m his formidable, threatening, statistical statements. Suppose the wheat- growers included, would not that fact alone have varied the whole character and bearing of the terrific statistical representation.? as well in relation to its pecuniary results, as to its relative, sectional bearings, and its formidable threatenings .? I think, tliis cannot be denied by any sound, well-organized mind, even in spite of prepossessions and preju- dices. But, sir, this is not the most fallacious bearing and effect of this state- ment of statistics, under its present aspect. Tiie statement gives only the value of the exports produced from cotton, tobacco, and rice. The imports from cotton, in its manufactured state, and from other foreign manufactured articles, are entirely omitted. The growers of cotton, tobacco and rice, consume imported articles nearly to the amount of the exported. Whilst, therefore, they are credited with the whole amount of their exports, they ought to be debited with the whole amount of their imports ; and the balance only carried to their credit as clear pro- fits — whereas, from the aspect of the statistical statement, as it now stands, they are credited with the whole amount of their exports, as clear profits, without any deductions for the imports. With respect to the article of cotton, there is a characteristic of peculiar hardship, pro- vided the conslilulion is to be at all regarded as the test of principle and right. Tiiis constitution prohibits the government from laying any export dut3' whatever; and of course, no export duty can be laid on cotton. — When, therefore, the cotton grower is placed under the neces- sity of consuming fi)reign manufactured cotton fabrics, the high impost duty, upon the importation, will operate upon him precisely as an ex- port duty would do upon the original article: that is, would lessen the 87 value of the article to the consuming grower, precisely in the same man- ner as an export duty upon the original article would do. Tliere is another important fact excluded from the statement, which will still fur- ther serve to show its fallacious and deceptive aspect: — that is, that a proportion of the proceeds of the exports of cotton, tobacco and rice, is transported from the South to the North, and expended in the purchase of domestic manufactured goods; and, therefore, so much of tiie pro- ceeds of the exports as are tlius expended, should be carried to the cre- dit of the manufacturer, and not to that of the consuming grower of the article. And, at llie same time, the manufacturer should never cease to recollect, that he is placed under an obligation to the cotton grower for the original fabric ; — cotton, which constitutes the great fund for a great portion of all his industry. Besides, it should also be recollected, that from the superior density of the population to the North, and other causes, a vast portion more of labor is applied there, to objects of do- mestic consumption, compared vvith the objects of production for ex- portation, than to the South : and, therefore, it is not possible, from any statistical table, to ascertain the relative productiveness of the applica- tion of labor to the North and to the South. Certainly not by the ex- tremely deceptive one furnished by our bewildered orator. The whole bearing, therefore, of this part of our orator's statistical statements, so far as it is comprehensible, is demonstrated to be deceptive and falla- cious. You have now in review before you, Mr. Speaker, with as much cer- tainty and accuracy as I can give it, the whole contents of our orator's formidable, sonorous, bombastical, statlsiical statements: and, after all this grand parade, to what do they amount.^ Do they present any in- ducements for abandoning the American system of principle, of com- petition, and of freedom, for the European one of caprice, of monopo- ly, and of despotism ? On the other liand, sir, do they not furnish the most awful admonitions against this great change of principle.'' x\nd have 1 not made good my promise, sir, in demonstrating either that they were too incomprehensible for the brilliant, superficial mind of our orator — that in fact he did not understand them — or, that he has availed himself of their complexity and incomprehensibility, deceptive- ly to practice upon tlie understandings of others, by withholding from them the most material facts, to enable them to judge correctly,^ [About this time, the debate was suspended, for above an hour, in consequence of the roaring of cannon on tiie Capital Square, in com- memoration of the birth day of Washington.] The House having resumed its session in the afternoon, the Speaker asked, whether I was ready to proceed with the debate.^ Answering in the affirmative, I rose and proceeded to remark; — I cannot help dis- closing to the house, that the state of my feelings becomes more embarrassed, as 1 progress in the discussion of this question, from the recollection of the great portion of time 1 have already occupied, as well as from the anticipation of the portion of it, which will still be necessary to enable me to present the whole of my views of the whole subject. But, sir, permit me to assm-e you, that the subject has lost notliing of its magnitude, nor interest, from examination, and con- sideration. No. sir, so f;\r from it, I become more impressed with its ^8 importance, upon every step I advance in its discussion. Still impelled then, sir, by the invigorating impulse vvhicli induced me to introduce the subject, I proceed with its thorough developemeut; and, sir, 1 have now arrived at a point, in this perplexed, and complicated speech, which has something more of affiuily, and connexion with the doc- trines of the tariff; than could be found in the remote, expansive field of our brilliant orator's sonorous statistics. Indulge me too, sir, with observing here, that although, as I think, the misconceptions, miscal- culations, and want of comprehension, on the part of our bewilder- ed orator, have before been demonstrably made to appear, in rela- tion to the whole of his statistics, his deceptive promises, preposte- rous absurdities, and palpable contradictions, embraced in the pre- sent quotation, will be rendered still more evident. They will be found too, to relate to the git of the question. They present the splendid orator's views of the whole promised protection of agricul- ture ; pretended to be one main object of this tariff scheme — his political panacea, for curing all the ills of all the occupations in so- ciety. That our brilliant Orator may have the full benefit of the whole of his views, and promises to the agriculturists, I will present the whole in one compact form. Here permit me to protest, sir, against an imputation, often brought against me ; that I have here- tofore misrepresented gentlemen, in the public prints. So far from it, I have ever made it an invariable ride, where reference could be had to written documents, to quote them, in the author's own words; so that, in every instance, he shall tell his own tale upon himself; and 1 have, at all times, taken this course, from the fear of doing, by possibility, unintentional injustice to the object of my commentaries. I am induced, by the same fear of possibly doing unintentional injustice to our brilliant orator, by my recital, to quote his speech in a connected form in its own words, in reference to each point, to which it applies — Extract from Speech — Page 14. 5%VV\/Vv\*vx/\iVvvx/v\»V'vv\/vvvv-vvx/x.vvvvvx*vx/v\/vvvvx-vvx»X'vv v^/^-vvvvx-vvww^w^vwvwvwb^ I "What sort of a figure would a member of the British Parliament J ^ have made; what sort of a reception would his opposition havef I obtained, if he had remonstrated against the passage of the Corn | \ Law, by which British consumption is limited to the bread-stuffs of? I British production, to the entire exclusion of American, and stated? I that America could not and would not buy British manufactures, ? i'lt' Britain did not buy American flour .^" s Jigain — page 16. j " Our agricultural is our greatest interest. It ought ever to be? j predominant. All others should bend to it. And in considering j \ what is for its advantage, we should contemplate it in all its varie- J ' ties, of planting, farming, and grazing. Can we do nothing to in- j 5 vigorate it; nothing to correct the errors of the past, and to? 5 brighten the still more unpromising prospects which lie before us.'"'! 89 I Kxtrnct — page 18. i "But this home market, highly desirable os it is, can only be | ? created and cherished by the protection of our own legislation | s against the inevitable prostration of our industry, which must en- | J sue from the action of boueign policy and legislation The effect | jand the value of this domestic care of our own interests will be| 5 obvious from a few fects and consideratiosis. J^et us suppose that? J half a million of persons are now employed abroad in fabricating < 2 for our consumption, those articles, of which by the operation of| i this bill a supply is intended to be provided within ourselves.; *That half a million of persons are, in effect, subsisted by us; but| > their actual means of subsistence are drawn from foreign agricul-| \ ture. If we could transport them to tliis country, and incorporate | 5 them in the mass of our own population, there would instantly* \ arise a demand for an amount of provisions equal to that which ? \ would be requisite for their subsistence throughout the whole year. ? ^That demand, in the article of flour alone, would not be less than ^ \ the quantity of about 900,000 barrels, besides a proportionate \ ^quantity of beef and pork, and other articles of subsistence. But? I nine hundred thousand barrels of flour exceeded the entire quantity | ^exported last year, by nearly one hundred and fifty thousand bar- | I rels. What activity would not this give, what cheerfulness would S < it not communicate, to our now dispirited farming interest ! But J ^ if, instead of these 500,000 artisans emigrating from abroad, we| 5 give by this bill, employment to an equal number of our own < J citizens now engaged in unprofitable agriculture, or idle, from the 5 J want of business, the beneficial effict upon the productions of ouri \ farming labour would be nearly doubled. The quantity would be I ^diminished by a subtraction of the produce from the labour of all s 5 those who should be diverted from its pursuits to manufacturing! 5 industry, and the value of the residue would be enhanced, both by^ 5 that diminution and the creation of the home market to the extent! S supposed. And the honorable gendeman from Virginia, may re- 5 5 press any apprehensions « Inch he entertains, that the plough will \ J be abandoned, and our fields remain unsown. For, under all thef J modifications of social industry, if you will secure to it a just re- 5 ^ ward, the greater attractions of agriculture will give to it that^ ^ proud superiority which it has always maintained." Jigain — page 22. \ " The agricultural portion of it is said by the gentleman from \ I Virginia, to be greater than that created by any other branch of ^ i her industry. But that flows mainly from a policy similar to that? ^ proposed by this bill," J 12 t 9ti jjgain — poge 3i>. I "The best security against tiie demoralization of society, is the ^ I constant and profitable employment of its members. Tiie greatest ? ^danger to public liberty is from idlet)ess and vice. If manufac- S Mures form cities, so does commerce. And the disorders and vie- 1 * ience whicli proceed from the contagion of the passions, are as de- i Iquent in one description of tliose communities as in the other. < There is no doubt but tliat the yeomanry of a country is the safest I depository of juiblic liberty. In all time to come, and under any j I probable direction of the labour of our population, the agricultu- 5 5 ral class must be much the most numerous and powerful, and will;; Sever retain, as it ought to retain, a preponderating influence in our^ J councils. The extent and the fertility of our lands constitute an ^ 5 adequate security against an excess in manufactures, and also^ I against oppression on the part of capitalists towards the labouring^' I portions of the community " j ^^ ^'^^ ^■'^^'^■'^'^'^'^'^ ^'^^ ^^^^ '^'^^ V**-^ V%A X/V\ A/VX X>XA X/V^ X/VA -^^ Mr. Speaker, attentively review these quotations, sir, and ask yourself if they do not furnish the most reluctant reflections; that when the human mind, once becomes enamoured of an object, daz- zled with a prize, it is rendered incapable of doing itself justice by the proper, and unbiassed exercise of its own faculties. Our subli- mated orator, dazzled with the prize of the presidential chair, was speaking to please every body ; All things, to all men ; but the great object of his speech, would seem to have been, to bribe the voters of the manufacturing states, and to risk his chance with the agricultu- ral states, upon expressions of affectionate wishes, and smypathetie interests. Hence his delusive language to the agriculturists, whilst he is actually plundering them, to make up his bribe to the manufac- turers. His protection to the ynanufacturers, is made to consist of the money of others ; whilst no money of any body's, is given to the agriculturist for his protection. In lieu of it, he is paid off with fairy tales, and delusive promises. Let me beg your attention then, sir, to t[)is highly interesting branch of the subject. Let us coolly, and calmly make the enquiry, what the agriculturist actually pays, what he gets, and what he is promised, by our orator .'* First, then, as to our aspiring orator's promises to the agriculturists. In page 21, our orator says: "The agricultural portion of it (the productions of labor,) is said, by the gentleman from Virginia, to be greater than that created by any other branch of her (British) industry; hut that Jloios mainly from a policy similar to that proposed in this bill.^' Here our aspiring orator asserts; that the great productions of agricul- ture in Great Britain, have accrued in that country, "from a poli- cy similar to that proposed in this bill." It is of course concluded, tliat the agriculture of this country, is intended by the tariff bill, to be put upon at least as good a footing, as British agriculture is, by tlieir tariff laws. This assurance is made doubly sure, by an ex- press declaration of the splendid orator: For, although he declares 91 expressly, and i believe repeatedly; that he had no intention of re* commending the British system of policy for imitation, and adop- tion here; that he was no eulogist of England ; in page 36, he says — " Let our arts breatlie under the shades of protection — lei them be protected as in England, and we shall then be ready, as England is now said to be, to put aside protection, and to enter upon the freest exchanges. To what other cause than to their whole prohibitory poll' cy, can you ascribe British prosperiiyT^ Here our orator expressly ascribes the prosperity of England to the whole of her prohibitory policy. The protection of her agriculture is the foundation of the whole, and is carried to a greater, and a more eflicient extent, than any other. Here, this whole prohibitory policy, is expressly recom- mended for imitation; and it was but reasonable to expect; that American agriculture would be let in for its full siiare of protection by the tariff bill. Let us now see how this imitative policy is carried in- to effect, in relation to American agriculture? The protection in Great Britain, is founded, in what is called their corn laws; and which are triumphantly' referred to b}' our orator in page 14. " What sort of a figure would a member of the British Parliament have made .^ What sort of reception would his proposition have at- tained, if he had remonstrated against the corn law ;" and in page 16, our orator most kindly observes; "our agriculture is our great- est interest. It ought ever to be predominat. All others should bend to it; and in considering what is for its advantage, we ought to con- template it in all its various branches of planting, farming, and gra- zing. Can we do nothing to invigorate it.'"' In page 18, our orator observes; "For under all the modifications of social industry, if you will secure to it its just reward, the greater attractions of agri- culture will give to it that proud superiority which it has always maintained." In page 39, "There is no doubt but that the yeoman- ry of a country is the safest depository of public liberty. In all time to come, and under any probable direction of the labor of our population, the agricultural class must be much the most numerous and powerful, and will ever retain, as it ought to retain, a preponderating influence in our public councils." Mr. Speaker, after all these plau- dits, and promises, did you not expect that something would be done for the protection of agriculture .f* That one main object of the tariff, was to put it, in relation to other occupations, upon at least, as good a footing as British agriculture, in relation to the other oc- cupations of that country .'* Let us now see, sir, how these gilded, de- ceptive promises, have been carried into effect, by the tariff bill. This, sir, is the main point of enquiry ; and I therefore beg your most par- ticular attention to it — I most earnestly entreat the best attention of the whole agricultural class, but most particularly of the wheat- growers, to this enquiry. Its results will be rendered too plain, not to be understood, b}' every attentive mind. What then are the corn- laws of Great Britain, which afford protection to the agriculturists, there .'' What is the tariff here, which was avowed to be intended, to correspond with the British corn laws there ? Let us critically ejcamine this imitative policy, between Great Britain and the United y2 States. The coin laws of Great Britain absolutely prohibit the inl- portation of foreign corn, until the price of wheat shall amount to 80 shillings sterling, a quarter, of eight bushels; or eight shillings sterling per bushel. The tariff law imposes a duty of 25 cents up- on the importation of foreign wlieat. So begins, and so ends, the pro- tection to the wheat growers ! Wliat are the relative local circum- stances in regard to bread stuffs between Great Britain, and the United States, upon which, this imitative policy is founded ? Great Britain is an importer of bread stuffs, to a great amount every year. A prohibition, therefore, upon the importation of foreign grain, leaves the agriculture of Great Britain to its own rivalship. Ir ex- cludes all foreign competition. Not growing bread stuffs enough, for home consumption, a good price for graiu is thus always insur- ed to the agriculturists; and the other classes of society are com- pelled to pay the monopoly price, which is generally double the price of the article in foreign countries. Under the tyranny of the corn laws, all other classes pay double as much for their bread, as they could purchase it for, from foreign countries, but for this tyran- nical prohibition. In Great Britain then, the corn laws are found to be so operative, as to ensure an enormous bounty to the corn growers, :!nd is the foundation of the xvholc monopolizing, or restrictive system. The United States are an exporting country of bread stuff' of all kinds, but particularly of wheal. No foreign country, therefore, can compete with us in that article, in our own markets. Yet, as a pro- tection to American wheat-growers,'a duty of 25 cents is laid upon tlie importation of foreign wheat — that is the whole protection under ijur aspiring orator's, flattering, gilded promises. That provision Is perfectly inoperative, and of course, the promised protection, nom- inal. No foreign wheat is ever imported into the United States, and of course, no duty is ever paid. This was precisely the case before she passage of the tariff; and it now is. In the ordinary condition of the country, therefore, the tariff protection of agriculture, is merely nominal, and inoperative. There is but one condition of the country, in which, it could be operative. That would hap- pen, only in case of scarcity ; in which case, the wheat-grower, ^v•)uld be more biirthened with the impost upon wheat, than any other class in society. In the event of a scarcity, the farmer would require more imported grain — relatively than an}' other class of the community for his seed, and for his consumption, in consequence of his greater number of hands, and beasts of labor; and the farmer of foiuse, woukl have more of the 25 cents duty to pay, than persons of any other occupations. Oi" what then Av.C'i i[\Q protection of agriculture consist? In the oriiiiiary condition of tlie countr}-, it consists of nothing. In the c\ii ^ordinary case of scarcity, which in all human probability ne- scf v. ill happen, it consists of a duty, mainly upon the agriculturist iiiiijself. Of what does the protection of manvfactories consist under the Tariff'.'* What is this protection made of. It consists of other peo- ple's money. It is made of other peo2)le\'i money. The protection of agriculture, then consists of burthens upon agriculture. The protec- tion of manvfactories consists, mainly of burthens upon agriculture-^ 9-3 iiii^h intolerable burthens upon agriculture. Is this reciprocity.'* Is it justice ? Is it not the most intolerable injustice? Can it be borne f Ought it to be borne? In regard to its imitative character with British policy, it would be quite laughable, were it not for its mis- chievous, and destructive eflects upon agriculture — The best inter- ests of the country. By the British protection, the British agricul- turists are now receiving from the other classes of society, double pri- ces for bread-stuffs, beyond the prices of prohibited foreign bread- stuffs ; whilst the American agriculturists receive nothing ; and pay double prices to the manuAicturer for every article of consumption — even for the implements of husbandry, which are used to raise the bread for the manufacturer. Here then, is a policy, professed to be imitative of British policy, recommended for the adoption of the United Slates ; in a case, in which, the condition of the two countries, stands, not only without resemblance ; but in direct con- trast, with each other — vvliat then, can be expected ; but contrasted, instead of imitative, results!!! — As far as my knowledge extends, agriculture, in no civilized country under the sun, is placed by gov- ernment in such a state of oppression, and degradation, and deterio- ration, as that of the United States. Done, too, by the tariff regu- lations ! Whilst they promise every thing for the protection of agri- culture ! I have sometimes reluctantly been led to the conclusion ; that there must have been some unaccountable carelessness, and in- attention in the organization of the Tariff bill ; otherwise, it could not be possible, that a majority , of Congress could have placed agri- culture in such a plundered and degraded condition ; and the ridi- culous attempt to gull, and appease the wheat-growers with 25 cents upon the importation of foreign wheat, whilst it affords him no bene- ficial relief whatever, is an inexcusable insult to his understanding. I beg, I entreat, the earnest, and unbiassed attention of the wheat- growers particularly, to these plain demonstrations. But it is often asked, what harm has the Tariff done ? Is not this a most extraordi- nary question ? Look at its effects in the depression of the prices of agricultural productions, and the consequent depression in the prices of lands from the Potomac to the Gulf of Mexico ; indeed, throughout the whole agricultural country of the United States ? Look at the impoverished, sinking farmers ? Ask the farmer — let every farmer ask himself— -whether under the operations of this Ta- riff, he receives for the productions of his labor a cent more than tho labor of producing them actually costs him? Ask whether the an- nual productions of his farm actually defray its annual expenditures .^ If he should indulge in imported articles, either foreign or domestic ? whether he is not compelled to apply a portion of his capital to pay the current expenditures of the year? I know it is my own case, and I believe it is with most of my neighbors. This state of things cannot last long. Bankruptcy must be the consequence. Agricul- ture could not stand the burthens, if it would. No, sir! With the best possible disposition to support the Tariff, agriculture could not do it — It would inevitably sink under the effort. The burthen is in- tolerable. t)4 But, ^Ir. Speaker, with all our flattering orator's deceptive pro- mises to the agriculturist, he seems himself to intend to impose upon liim the most intolerable burthens ; at the very moment he is promi- sing him a just reward for his industry. For, says our Orator, — "But, if instead of these 500,000 artizans emigrating from abroad, " we" give, by this bill, employment to an equal number of our own citizens, now engaged in unprofitable agriculture, or idle from the want of business, the beneficial eflect upon our farming interest would be nearly doubled." What are the means pointed oat, in the bill, by the sagacious orator, for converting 500,000 farmers into as many manufacturers.'' The only means consist of burthens, so heavy upon the agriculturist, that he will be willing to escape from his own chosen calling, without the benefit of apprenticeship — no politech- nic schools having been provided by the bill, to participate in the protection of the favored manufacturing class. And, in this way, the sagacious orator proposes to give to agriculture ; " that proud supe- riority which it has always maintained." Can there be more pre- posterous absurdities than these.'' In almost a single aspiration, our bewildered orator, speaks of our now dispirited farming interest ; of unprofitable agriculture; and of agriculture, always maintaining a proud superiority — promised to be bottomed upon a just reward to social industry. But this proud superiority, is to be obtained by giving to agriculture its just reward, with all the rest of social in- dustry ; \v\nhi ilns just reward, is to consist of such heavy impositions upon agriculture, as to drive 500,000 of its class, into the manufac- turing class, to participate with them in the protection nffovded by the bill; and which constitutes, the very just reward to the agriculturist. Can there be collected together, more ridiculous absurdities, more incoherent conceptions, and more palpable contradictions, than are huddled up together, in tlie foregoing quotations.'' But there is one expression in the group, which stands pre-eminently distinguished; and serves to demonstrate, more than any other, the sublimated, in- toxicated state, of our aspiring orator's enchanted mind. But, says the orator; asif " Jovein his chair of the sky Lord Mayor." " If we' give by this bill, employment to an equal number of citizens." Had the buoyant orator ever thought or inquired what employment •' we" have to give.'' Suppose "we" have no employment to give by this bill, or in any other way; vvliat then will become of his brilliant promises.'' I presume, that our enchanted orator has found out by this time, that " we" have no enjployment to give. Governments have no employment to give. What employments can they have to give.'' They may vary occupations by tyrannical measures, always believed to be for the uorse, but they can create none. Our orator, however, seems to think, that, " we" can do every thing. Jehovali's lords on earth, — or, at least, God's vicegerents on earli).— "We" have the whole world in a sling ; and although, according to oar great prototype, good- for-nothing fellows, "we" are ruling and fixing the destinies of the wor\(\y for purposes of bcnificcnce, for bettering the condition of the people; our standard, our own unlimited pleasure, or caprice. Pro- lific invention! ! — Filling the world with experimental schemes, with despotic restrictions upon the liberties of the people — varying their 9S occupations, and the distributions of their labor. Listen now, sir, to some of the delusive misconceptions and miscalculations of our be- wildered orator, which although then standing on conjecture, are now reduced to experience. Our buoyant orator triumphantly asks in page 14 — " What sort of a figure would a member of the British parliament have made ; what sort of a reception would his opposition have obtained, if he had remonstrated against the passage of the corn law, by which British consumption is limited to the bread-stufTs of British production, to the entire exclusion of American.'"' Might not this question, " now," witii much more propriety, be reverberated, upon our short-sighted orator ? What sort of a figure, would a member of the British Parliament " now" make ', if " now" he did not remon- strate, against the corn laws.^ What sort of a figure, does our buoyant, deluded orator, himself, '• now" make ; after having placed the policy of his tarifl* scheme, upon the whole policy of the British restrictive system, and particularly upon the corn laws, as its main pillar, when the policy of the whole system has been denounced, by the British ministry, and, as far as practicable, abandoned f No man, I presume, ever was silly enough, however, to suppose, that upon the moment of the discovery of the mischievous tendency of measures, which were transfused through all the ramifications of society, a competent remedy could be instantly applied, and the evil instantly corrected. No, sir, corrections of these complicated evils are not to be easily, and instantly effected ; and the difficuhies in providing the corrections, ought most strongly to admonish us against their original adoption. But with our enchanted, infatuated tariff-schemers, every consideration which ought to have insured delay, caution and circumspection, was urged in favor of precipitation. Let me, sir, again entreat you to behold the con- trast between the British corn laws, as affording protection to British agriculture, and the American tariff laws, as affording protection to American agriculture. The British corn laws, in effect, give a bounty upon bread-stuffs of double its actual price, on a fair principle of general competition. The American tariff gives no efiective botinty or reward whatever. Is that all i* Oh no. The American tariff makes the grower of bread-stuffs pay, perhaps, double price, upon almost all imported articles which are necessary for the consumption of agricul- ture, not excepting the very implements of husbandry themselves, em- ployed in making bread for the subsistence of the maniifactin'ers. Hence, whilst the British shoemaker, pays the British agriculturist^ double price; and receives, only the lowest price of labor for his shoes; the American agriculturist, pays the American shoemaker, double price for his shoes ; and receives nothing, from the shoemaker, but, the most depressed price for his bread. — The case equally applies, to every article required for the consumption of the American agricul- turist. — Behold the contrast, in the practical operations of this pre- tended imitative policy! ! ! It is impossible, however, not to yield to a necessity which strikes at the very salvation of the nation. l.n Great Britain, under this unjust, cruel, tyrannical system, the manulacturers are compelled to give to the British grower for all his bread-stuffs, double the price he could get them for from foreign countries. The Britisli manoi'acturer, tb.ercfure. subsists himself at double the cost of his- 96 foreign coiupeiitois ; of course, lie must ultimately sink, in all loreigij markets, and necessarily become stripped of employment at home. But, sir, our orator denies that the British goverunient !ias in fact abandoned the restrictive system. He asserts, that her restrictive system continues to a great extent. This is readily admiited. I never heard the contrary asserted — But the fact, 1 assert, is, that the British ministry have denounced the whole doctrines of il)e restrictive system; and that the denunciation has been made from the thorough conviction, that they are radically wrong in theory, and infinitely mischievous in practice: t)iai they have denounced the principle of the corn laws, and called for their repeal or modification. Do you believe, sir, that the British landliolders would tolerate sucli an unjust, unequal, and wicked burthen, a'* that imposed upon agriculture by the American tariff for one moment.'' No, sir, such a measure there, would not be tolerated for one instant, and it is wonderful to me, that it should have been tolerated here for three whole years; whilst its effects have been, using a figura- tive expression, to grind the agriculturists into dust and ashes — Our buoyant orator, still upon his high ropes, his power omnipotent, ob- serves, page 18th. "Let us suppose that half a million of persons (qtiite moderate — down to lialf millions, instead of whole millions and hundreds of millions^ are now employed abroad, in fabricating for our consumption, those articles of which, by the operation of this bill, a supply is intended to be provided for ourselves. That half a million of persons are in effect, subsisted b}' us, and th.eir actual means of sub- sistence are drawn from foreign agriculture. If we could transport them to this country, and incorporate them in the mass of our own population, there would instantly arise a demand for an amount of pro- vision equal to that which would be requisite for their subsistence throughout the whole year " Here, our sagacious orator resorts to a common artifice in argument — putting suppositious cases. The suppositious cases are generally grounded upon impossibilities, as is the present cunning device of our orator. Suppose, says he, a half million of persons employed abroad should be brought to this coun- try. To which supposition I reply by putting another — Suppose they were not. In the event of my supposition being founded in fact, the whole argument, founded upon his fictitious case, would, in- stantly become idle and unavailling. It happens in this case, that our orator's supposition did not only not happen, but could not happen. It is beyond the powers of government to transport a half million of persons from one country to another, situated three thousand miles apart, in any short time, and without great expense. Our orator's supposition is not only fallacious, but impossible in itself. My sup- position is true. His great error therefore consists in this : — He is providing a remedy for a suppositious case which never can iiappen, instead of applying his remedy to a case in actual existence. But, says our buoyant orator: "If "we" could transport them to this country." But what is to be done, and why was the subject intro- duced ; if " we" cannot transport them to this country .'' Now, I as- sert, that "we" — our omnipotent rulers — cannot transport them to this country ; consequently, this "if" is perfectly inoperative, and 97 the consequences which have been deduced from it, false and un- founded. Our orator, in the plenitude of governmental power, as- serts, in page 15: "One third only of her population (G. Britain) engaged in agriculture ; the other two-thirds furnishing a market for the produce of that third. Withdraw this market, and what becomes of her agriculture?" Permit me to tell 30U, Mr. Orator, that the government of G. Britain, with its omnipotence, united with all its wealth and physical force, cannot withdraw this market. It is essentially incorporated with society, and cannot be withdrawn by the whole power of the most powerful government on earth. Mr. Speaker, upon reviewing this part of the subject, are you not surprised, sir, at the numerous errors of our orator, both in regard to facts and doctrines ? Have they not greatly exceeded your expectations both in point of numbers and demonstrations.'' and sir, is it not a subject of the most profound regret, that our fundamental institutions should be crumbled into dust — our union hazarded — our people set together by the ears ; different sections of the country put to war against each other, by the misconceptions and miscalculations of as- piring, thoughtless, superficial, political empyrics ? Permit me now, sir, to call 3'our most serious attention, to another prominent quota- tion from our orator. Extract — pages 24, 25. *' And what is this tariff. f* It seems to have been regarded as a sort " of monster, huge and deformed — a wild beast, endowed with tremen- " dous powers of destruction, about to be let loose atnnng our people *' — if not to devour them, at least to consume their substance. But *' let us calm our passions, and deliberately survey this alarming, this *' terrific being. The sole object of the tariff is to tax the produce of *' foreign industry, with the view of promoting American industry. The "tax is exclusively levelled at foreign industry. That is the avowed '* and direct purpose of the tariff. It it subjects any pirt of American •'industry to burthens, that is an effect not intended, but is altogether " incidental, and perfectly voluntary. It has been treated as an impo- "sition of burthens upon one part of the community by design, for the " benefit of another; as if, in fact, money were taken from the pockets " of one portion of the people and put into the pockets of another. But, ** is this a fair representation of it ? No man pays the duty assessed on ^' the foreign article by compulsion, but voluntarily; and this volunta- " ry duty, if paid, goes into the common exchequer, for the common "benefit of all. Consumption has four objects of choice: 1. It may "abstain from the use of foreign articles, and thus avoid the paytnent "of the tax. 2, It may employ tlie rival American fabric. 3. It may "engage in the business of manufacturing, which this bill is designed " to foster. 4. Or it may supply itself from household manufactures." Here our orator tauntingly inquires, "and what is a tariff.''" He then answers : " It seems to have been regarded as a sort of monster, huge and deformed — a wild beast, endowed with tremendous powers of destruction, about to be let loose amongst our people — if not to devour them, at least, to consume their substance." A most excellent descrip- tion of the tariff in question — a better figurative one could scarcely be given— I, surely, cannot attempt to better it. That it will produce, 13 9$ and as far as the experimeiu has gone, has produced, precisely the el- fects upon the ap;ricuhural part of the community, described by our glowing orator, I think, cannot be denied ; and, if I should not be ve- ry much mistaken, amidst its destructive influence upon the substance of the agriculturists, our aspiring orator will himself become one of its surest victims. 1 am perfectly satisfied, that he must, himself, ultiniale- ly, be devoured by this huge monster of his own creation. Now, sir, let us see our consolation, for the introduction of this destructive mon- ster amongst us. Our deluded orator says : — " The sole object of the tariff is to tax the produce of foreign industry, with a view of promoting American industry^'' — no doubt, thought a very cunning contrivance by its author; — but he is entirely mistaken in the intended effect; his sole object is utterly mistaken. It is a tax, and a most onerous and unjust tax, upon Jlmerican industry, and not upon foreign industry, the mis- taken object of it. Who pays the tax ^ Is it paid by foreigners ? Cer- tainly not. Do not Acnericans pay it.'' Do not we, here present, pay our full proportion of it.'' If so, the sole object of the tax is utterly mistaken ; it is a tax, in effect, whatever be its object, upon American, not foreign, industry, whatever may have been the kind intention of its author. But now comes our consolation. Our deluded orator con- soles us, by carelessly and tauntingly informing us — ".(/' it subjects any part of American industry to burthens, it is an effect not intended, and is altogether incidental and perfectly voluntary." Indeed, Mr. Orator, are you so kind as not to intend the mischief.'' But here we have the consolation, that if our industry should be subject to burthens, the effect was not intended; it would, of course, be done through ignorance, not design ; and, therefore, ought to be borne without a murmur. — Of what practical benefit is it to the sufferer, that his sufferings have been pro- duced by ignorance, and not design ? Now, it turns out upon experi- ment, that American industry is extremely burthened, though by igno- rance, not by design, in direct contradiction of the sole, avowed object of the bill ; and as the tariff, in that most important respect, has entire- ly missed its own original aim, it surely ought to be abandoned, accord- ing to the avowed declarations and doctrines of our miscalculating ad- venturous orator. — But, wonderful to be told! our dashing orator ob- serves, " It has been treated as an imposition of burthens upon one part of the community, by design, for the benefit of the other; as if, in fact, money were taken from the pockets of one portion of tlie people, and put into the pockets of another. But is that a fair representation of it.'"' Most certainly it is — as fair, as plain, as simple, as can possibly be made. I ask you, in turn, Mr. Orator, is not that the fact f Is not that a fair representation of the case.'' Have yon the hardihood to deny that fact.'* I should suppose it to be impossible. Who has more frequently asserted, and proved the fact, than our interrogating orator.'' What is the burthen of his song, from the frontispiece, to the conclusion of his speecli.'' Does he not vamitingly tell us — Protection to manufactures.' Protection to a great amount, and the word "Protection" written in Roman characters, to enhance the influence of the word upon superfi- cial observers.'' Of what does this protection consist.'' 1 presume the deluded orator would not answer — of nothing. It consists, then, of something. — What, then, is that something.'' Is it not money.'' If so. 99 whose money ? Not the manufacturer's money. — The manufacturer would not thank you, for a jDrolection made out of his own money. This protection then, is made out of otiier people's money. — The be- wildered orator tells you, mainly out of the money of the growers of cotton, tobacco, and rice — he ought to have added the growers of wheal. — Nor is any class of society exempted, but the manufacturers themselves. — They are the receivers, not the payers of this vast pro- tection — Now Mr. Speaker, let me ask you, sir, if there be not some- thing here, more than a want of candor."* a want of sincerity? Is there not soinething like hardihood in this question, and answer, of our be- wildered orator ? After he had, from the beginning of his speech, to the end of it, magnified the value, and importance of this protection to the manufacturer, and proved that it was paid by others ; but, mainly, by the growers of cotton, tobacco and rice, for him to put this ques- tion, and back it by this suppositious denial, is really unexpected and unaccountable. " As if, in fact, money were taken from the pockets of one portion of the people, and put into tlie pockets of another." — Is not this the most extraordinary suppositious denial of a fact, wliich he had himself asserted, and proved, over and over again ? But our puzzled orator, does not deny the fact, absolutely. It is done, by his own peculiar logic — by his assertion of a collateral fact. By his com- mon artifice of shifting a question. Instead of an absolute denial that the tariff does take the money out of one man's pocket and put it into another, our orator says — "No man pays the duty assessed on the foreign articles, by compulsion, but voluntarily." Here is another subterfuge, as uncandid, and disingenuous, as the last. The payment is not voluntary, and it is scarcely possible to suppose, that our orator did not know that it was not voluntary. — Physical compulsion, it is true, is not applied for the enforcement of the law. But a penally, growing out of the nature of the law, is applied to its enforcement, upon the ordinary principle of penalties. No physical compulsion is applied by law to prevent one man from murdering another — but the penalty of the murder is death. The law leaves it perfectly voluntary with every man to murder his fellow— -provided he will incur the penalty. But, says the law, if you do commit murder, you shall die. So, says the tariff, if you purchase imported articles, although of the first ne- cessity, you shall pay double price for them. Let me illustrate this position, by reference to one case, taken from the British, and one from the American tariff laws. The British tariff laws prohibit the impor- tation of foreign bread stuffs j till the price amounts to an enormous sura ; and leaves it perfectly voluntary with the British subject, to pur- chase British bread stuffs, or not. Suppose the British subject should avail himself of this volition, he must necessarily starve. — The penal* ty is unavoidable, upon exercising the volition. — Surely sufficient, to give the character of coercion, to the law. The like consequence would attend the American citizen under the American tariff law, who should refuse to purchase domestic shoes — (British shoes being excluded.) In the exercise of his volition, he must go without shoes;— frost bitten feetj or worse, would be the unavoidable penally. — Surely suffirient to en- force the purchase of domestic shoes; and to strip the citizen of all vo- Vstion under the law, — But, our orator has pointed out four ways of loa avoiding the penalt}-. For, says he, " consumption has four objects of choice. 1st. It may abstain from the use of foreign articles, and thus avoid the payment of the tax." No! consumption has no choice. It is placed under a necessity to use foreign articles. But if the article be bouglit, the tax must be paid; or the penalty, consisiing of the tax incurred, and the compulsion imposed upon consumption is, that it must have foreign articles. " Secondly — It may employ the rival Ame- rican fabric." But then the penalty, equal to ilie duty on the foreign article, must be paid to the American manufacturer for his protection^ amounting in most cases, to double the actual value of the article : The very penalty, the very evil, and the very injustice complained of! — "Third — It may engage in the business of manufacturing, which this bill is intended to foster." May it, Mr. Orator f IIou- Uind is that con- solation ! It is admitted, that in this way it may escape the penalty. But it will be admitted, I presume, that this mode of escaping the pen- alty, is partial. — All cannot avail themselves of this mode of escape. Mr. Orator heretofore seemed to think, if he could drive 500.000 far- mers from agriculture to manufacturing, it would be enough. Now, all are to find refuge under the protected manufacturer's wing, against the unjust and intolerable impositions upon others. What nonsense!! What mischief!! Fourth — " Or it may supply itself from the house' hold manufactures." A sufticient reply to this suggestion is, that all cannot supply themselves from household manufactures, if they would. Even if they could, there are not materials in the southern country suf- ficient to enable the people to do so. But, sir, one material part of the consolation, offered by our mistaken orator, is not yet noticed. If the agriculturist should, from ignorance, be made to pay the tax, it should be a consolation to him to know, that it " goes into the common ex- chequer for the common benefit of all." Some alleviation, to be sure, if there were any security against its being expended in profligate schemes of disbursement, and for gratifications to unprincipled para- sites and favorites ; but where is the consolation in cases of paying the' bounty, equal to tlie duty, to the manufactures upon the purchase of domestic articles ? There is no consolation held out in the soothing balm of our deluded orator in those cases. The money in those cases goes not into tlie common exchequer, but into the manufacturer's pock- et. The only consolation, then, must consist, of the knowledge of the unprincipled plunder, of the insupportable injustice of such discrimina- tion between the different classes of society. But, Mr. Speaker, accord- ing to our orator's own avowal, that no tax was intended upon Ameri- can industry, since the most enormous tax lias actually occurred, have not the injured a right to demand an abandonment of the injurious measure, so soon as the mischievous mistake is discovered; and is not our orator bound by every principle of honor, and honesty, to use his best efforts for that purpose? And can a doubt exist of the destructive efiects of the tariff.'' Look at the price of lands, and their products throughout the whole farming country ; but particularly, from the Po- tomac, to the Gulf of Mexico. Look at the impoverished farmer, be- hold his gloom, and despondency, and hear his tale of his pecuniary distresses ; and it is not possible that a doubt should exist, as to its most extensive de&truction, over a most extended country, whilst our atten- 101 (ton is dazzled, by holding np to it, the eictreme wealth and splendor ot' a few manufacturing districts, — an effect not at all to be wondered at, when the vast amount drawn from an extensive impoverished country, is expended in these comparatively limited districts. But these facts prove, rather than disprove, the extreme injurious effects of the tariff upon the great mass of society. The partial benefit to a few over- grown rich stockholders, cannot compensate the injuries to the great mass of society. Let me now, Mr. Speaker, call your most serious attention to another quotation from our bewildered orator, which may incidentally serve further to illustrate this important part of the subject. Extract — page 35. "The relaxation from the colonial policy, in the instance of our •■'trade and navigation with the West Indies, is a most unJbrtunate ex- " ample for the honorable gentleman; for it is an illustrious proof of '• the success of our restrictive policy, when resolutely adhered to. — '' Great Britain had prescribed the terms on which we were to be gra- *' ciously allowed to carry on that trade. The effect of her regulations •' was to exclude our navigation altogether, and a complete monopoly " on the part of the British navigation, was secured. We forbade it, '' unless our vessels should be allowed a perfect reciprocity. Great Bri- " tain stood out a long time, but finally yielded; our navigation now "fairly shares with hers in the trade." Mr. Speaker, the contents of this quotation, are of no ordinary in- terest. They ought to attract the attention of every intelligent Ameri- can citizen. They ought to be well understood by all. Our sublima- ted, gasconading orator, seems here to have placed himself in a most awkward, and unfortunate dilemma. He had before spoken in the same taunting manner, of the British corn laws. He exhibited them as the solid and durable foundation and bulwark of the landed British restric- tive system ; and almost before the breath which poured forth their eu- logies, and- predicted their duration, had stayed its enchanting sounds, the abandonment of these laws is called for by the British ministry, and nation ; and that too, upon the grounds of their intolerably de- structive effects upon the British population. The principle itself had, by woeful experiment, been demonstrated to have been originally, ra- dically wrong, and with it, the whole doctrine of the British restrictive system. There again, our orator, in his best gasconading manner, ob- serves — " We forbade it, unless our vessels should be allowed a perfect reciprocity. Great Britain stood out a long time, but finally yielded, and our navigation "nou;" fairly shares with hers in the trade." — " Now", was then, March, 1824. "Now," is February, 1827. May not this question, ^^noiv,^' be triumphantly reverberated upon our de- luded, gasconading orator.'' Does our navigation faiily share with her "nowV Who stands out longest, "now," February, 1827? Great Britain, or our gasconading orator? — "Now," Great Britain has with- drawn this reciprocity, and excluded the United Slates from the trade altogether. But, says our gasconading orator, " The relaxation of the colonial policy in the instance of our trade and navigation with the West Indies, is a most unfortunate example for tlie honorable gen- deman." "For it is an illustrious prool" of the success of our re- strictive policy, tvhen resolutely adhered to." Does the present condi" 102 tion of our trade with the West Indies " now," afford this illustrious example of the success of our restrictive system, when resolutely ad- hered to f What is " noiu^^ the condition of that trade r A total ex- clusion of the United Slates from that trade; whilst European nations are invited to a participation in it. Is it possible!! How came this sad reverse? Where was the prophetic spirit of our scheming orator? Did the United States fail resolutely to adhere to the restrictive policy? or was this exclusion produced by a most resolute adherence to the same restrictive policy? It seems to have been produced by neither one course nor the other — but by the gross mismanagement of our bewil- dered orator, in not resolutely adhering to either. No intelligent, re- flecting man can doubt but that tlie loss of the West India trade has arisen i>om the tariff; nor can he fail to foresee an entire loss of the whole British trade, from the same cause, and possibly the gain of a British war. The British policy, since the passage of the tariff bill, has been as wise, as liberal, and as consistent, as that of the United States has been weak, selfish and fluctuating — until her determiucnion upon her present retaliatory system. — The British doubtlessly foresaw, that if the tariff should be persevered in, retaliation would be the inevi- table consequence. Yet, it being a mere municipal regulation, she had no right to make a formal objection to it ; but she determined, in lieu of remonstrance, to try the effect of a liberal policy towards the United States. In this liberal spirit, she relaxed her colonial restriction towards the United States, in the hope, no doubt, of exciting a reciprocal spirit on the part of the United States. Such a spirit might have led to an extension of the trade between the two countries. The American administration instead of reciprocating this liberal spirit, first postponed accepting the British proposition, and then rejected it. After Great Britain had waited with unexpected patience, and finding her proposition rejected, contrary to all reasonable calculation, she withdrew her proposition and indicated a system of retaliation. As soon as the American ad- ministration became apprised of this determination on the part of Great Britain, not resolutely adhering to, they instantly abandoned the restric- tive system; and immediately ofl'ered to accept the rejected British pro- position : But it then had become too late. The British government having taken the retaliating ground, resolutely adheres to it — and thus have the United States not only lost the West India trade, but, in all probability, will lose the whole British trade; whilst Great Britain is inviting European nations to trade upon reciprocal principles. The loss of the West India trade alone, is nothing compared with the loss of the whole British trade, and the gain of the commercial dissatisfac- tion of all Europe. This is one of the most obvious effects of the tariff — was predicted before its adoption, and is now verified. Here, then, is offered the best evidence of the destructive effects of the tariff, both abroad and at home ; and in losing this trade, could our orator have placed himself in a more pitiable condition ? First, boasting of the irresistible eflects of our restrctive system, if reso- lutely adhered to, then sneeringly reproaching Great Britain for refu- sing to yield at first; but being unable to resist the American res- trictive policy, finally yielded to it — ancj the n^omeni he found Greal 1Q3 Britain had resisted his system and put it at defiance, iastead of re- sohitely adhering to it himself, he abandoned it; and, in effect, beg- ged to be permitted to accept the rejected proposition. He is, in turn, rejected, and likely to continue so. For, Great Britain now reso- lutely adheres to her rejection. What an illustrious proof of the suc- cess of our restrictive system, when resolutely adhered to!!! What an unfortunate example for the gentleman from Virginia ! 1 ! How fortunate for our gasconading orator ! ! ! After all this taunting, and gasconading, to prove recreant himself — to beg pardon in ef- fect ; and to be refused forgiveness ! ! ! Could any attitude be more pitiable, and humiliating ! ! ! Now, Mr. Speaker, let me ask you in a spirit of mercy and moderation, what does the American admi- nistration deserve at the hands of the American people, for the loss of the West India trade alone — whether lost by ignorance or super- ciliousness, or carelessness, or by all together ? Certainly the least punishment that can be awarded them, is the loss of their offices. It seems to me that they ought to have the grace to resign, and beg the people to forgive them, for bringing so great a loss upon them, when they had it perfectly in their power to have avoided it: per- haps to have placed our commerce with Great Britain on a better footing than it ever had been before. For, Mr, Speaker, let us sup- pose, for one moment, instead of all this miserable huckstering about the protection of domestic manufactures, the American government had reduced the duties upon British manufactures, particularly her cotton manufactures, to a fair revenue standard — say 10 per cent, ad valorem — what would have been the difference in the commercial intercourse between the two countries, from what it is under the un- wise, unprincipled course which has been pursued ? and what would have been the relative wealth and prosperity of the United Slates from what they now are, under this impoverishing, restrictive, crip- pling system f Is it not highly probable, Mr. Speaker, that if revenue alone had been sought after, and the impost reduced. Great Britain might have been Influenced by a reciprocating spirit, to have reduced her tariff upon American productions.? In that case, the reciprocal benefits of a fair commercial intercourse between the two countries, would have been substituted in place of the present retaliatory, crippling system : a most unwise, unprofitable trial, of who could do the other most harm. Do you not think, sir, that a trial, of who shall do the other most good, would be far more advantageous to both ? But, says our plotting, deluded orator — " The sole object of the tariff is to tax the produce "of foreign industry, with a view of promoting American industry." A most unwise contrivance for promoting American Industry! It can never be promoted by crippling foreign Industry. Surely the wiser plan to promote American industry, would be to promote fo- reign industry. This would be easily effected by a liberal, recipro- cal, commercial intercourse. This would be in the true commercial spirit, which always tends to benefit all nations, which act under its benign influence. The principle of commercial intercourse, consists, in the interchange of goods between diftcrent nation?, so a? to supply 104 the reciprocal wants of each other. !Mone\' is tised only to make up ihe difl'erenceof the value of the interchanged goods. The capacity of one nation, to purchase of another, therefore, depends upon the amount of goods, supplied by that one nation, for the other. If the government of the United States had taken freely British manufac- tured goods, the capacity of Great Britain to purchase our articles, would have been increased : and of course. Great Britain would pur- chase more of our goods, and at better prices, than can be done, when British goods are either prohibited, or heavily dutied. Sup- pose, instead of the commercial warfare, now waging between the United States, and Great Britain, evidently having its original foun- dation in the tariff, a free commercial intercourse were going on ; such as was contained in the British overture, with such further con- cessions, as Great Britain would probably have made, upon a relax- ation on our part in the duties upon her manufactures ; what would be the difference in the relative wealth, and prosperity of the two countries, growing out of that intercourse, compared with itnow.^ It could not be possible to estimate it ; our miscalculating orator, with all his arithmetical results, from his sonorous statistics, could not come within hundreds of millions of dollars of the diflerence of the two cases. Here then, sir, is seen, one of the great errors, in the re- strictive system ; as well as one of its greatest evils. But, our gas- conading orator looks for American prosperity, in the depression of foreign nations, and he never fails to enforce his ungracious policy, upon foreign nations, without gasconading, without tilt, and tourna- ment. Our gasconading orator, once carried this disposition of his, for tilt and tournament so far, that, as well as I recollect, in another of his prize speeches in favor of the Greeks, overflowing with pathos, and sublimations, he held up one million of glittering American bay- onets, in terror, to astonished Europe. Equally unfortunate has our deluded orator been, in the selection of another article, as an illus- trious exemplification of the wisdom of the British restrictive sj'stem. It is the article of silk. It is not possible, that he could have hit upon any single article, which could have so completely put down liis reasoning from the British restrictive policy, as the article of silk ; because Great Britain, raising less silk, than sufficient for her home consumption, stands in relation to foreign nations, respecting the ar- ticle of silk, precisely as the United States do, respecting the article of cotton, as regards the supply of the home market. But hear the dashing, mistaken orator, in his own words, from pages 21, 22 : — " The success of her restrictive policy, is strikingly illustrated, in " the article of silk. In the manufacture of that article, she labors '* under great disadvantages, besides that of not producing the raw " material. She has subdued them all ; and the increase of the manu- ** facturc, has been most rapid. Although she is still unable to main- •' tain in foreign countries, a successful competition with the silks of " France, of India, and of Italy, and therefore exports but little, she " gives to two millions of the raw material, which she imports, in va- " rious forms, a value often millions, which chiefly enter into British " consumption. Let us suppose, that she was dependent upon foreign 105 ''nations for these ten millions, what an injurious effect would it not *' have upon her commercial relations with them ? The average of " the exports of British manufactures, during the peace, exceeds the " average of the most productive years of the war." Let me first meet the scheming orator's supposition, with another supposition. Suppose the unprofitable labor employed in Great Britain in giving £10,000,000 value, to £2,000,000 silk, under British bounty, was profitably employed, in some occupation, more suited to Great Bri- tain, than manufacturing silk; and were to exchange the proceeds of this more profitable labor, for the silks manufactured in other coun- tries, belter suited to its manufacture, than to Great Britain ; would there not be a reciprocal advantage to both countries, by this more profitable mode of employing their respective labor.'* Most certainly there would be; and in this omission of the extension of his suppo- sition, will be found all the errors of the mistaken schemer upon this most important point. A mistake which will be found to pervade his whole mistaken scheming projects — in relation^o the depression of the industry of foreign countries. It is now well known, that the British government has actually reduced the prohibitory duty of fo- teign silks, to a mere revenue duty ; utterly denouncing the policy of protecting duties, particularly in regard to silk. The people en- gaged in that business made doleful wailings, as to the injurious ef- fects of reducing the duty; but the repeal of the laws, for its reduc- tion, has been refused ; and the policy of the repeal re-asserted, and proclaimed by the British ministry, and nation. Here, then, is ano- ther most conspicuous example of the delusive errors, into which our miscalculating orator had fallen ; as well as of his total destitution of the gift of prophecy. But, Mr. Speaker, lamentable is the re- flection, that notwithstanding the clearest demonstrations of the de- structive efiect of the tariff, it is not oidy to be persevered in, in this country, but to be enlarged and extended to other objects. Now, Mr. Speaker, leaving these foreign, complex subjects, let us hear our sublimated orator, upon our own constitution. I propose to give the whole of his remarks upon that subject, because, having before ex- pressed my views of the invidious spirit of those remarks, others may have the same opportunity of judging in that respect, with mj'self. Extract — page 39. *' The last objection, with a notice of which, I shall trouble the " committee, is, that the constitution does not authorize the passage of " the bill. The gentleman from Virginia does not assert indeed, that *' it is inconsistent with the express provisions of that instrument, but " he thinks it incompatible with the spirit of the constitution. If we " attempt to provide for the internal improvement of the country, the " constitution, according to some gentlemen, stands in our way. If " we attempt to protect American industry against foreign policy and " the rivalry of foreign industry, the constitution presents an insupera- " ble obstacle. This constitution must be a most singular instrument ; " it seems to be made for any other people than our own. Its action " is altogether foreign ; Congress has power to lay duties and im- " posts under no other litnitation whatever than that of their being H 10(3 " uniform throiigliout llic United States. But they can onlj be im- " posed, according to the lionorabie pcnlleman, for the sole purpose "of revenue. This is a restriction which we do not find in the con- " stitution. No doubt revenue was a principal object with the fram- " ers of the constitution in investing Congress with the power. But "in executing it, may not the duties and imposts be so laid as to se- " cure domestic interest ? Or is Congress denied all discretion as " vo the amount or the distribution of the duties and imposts.^ The '* gentleman from Virginia has, however, entirely mistaken the clause " of the constitution on which we rely. It is that which gives to "Congress the power to regulate commerce with foreign nations. " The grant is plenary without any limitation whatever, and includes " the whole power of regulation of whicli the subject to be regulated " is susceptible. It is as full and complete a grant of the power aS that " is to declare war. What is a regidation of commerce ? It im- '* plies the admission or exclusion of the objects of it and the terms. " Under this power some articles, by the existing laws, are admitted " freely ; others are subjected to duties so high as to amount to their *' prohibition, and various rates of duties are applied toothers. Un- " der this power, laws of total non-intercourse with some nations, and " embargoes, producing an entire cessation of commerce with all fo- " reign countries, have been from time to time passed. Tliese laws " I have no doubt met with the entire approbation of the gentleman " from Virginia. [Mr. Barbour said tliat he was not in Congress.] "Wherever the gentleman was, whether on his farm, or in the pur- " suit of that profession, of whicli he is an ornament, I have no " doubt, that he gave his zealous support to the laws referred to." Mr. Speaker, the efibrt of reading, has nearly exhausted my ph3sl- cal power. I must, therefore, make short work of this long quota- tion. One general reflection will almost suffice — Can you believe, sir, that any gentleman could speak with such contemptuous levity, of the constitution, as the quotatioii exhibits, who felt for it a sincere afTection, and veneration ? The first part of it is scarcely worth a remark. It is introduced to mark tlse taunting disrespect, with which the sublimated orator speaks of the constitution of his coun- try. Indeed, sir, it is a subject of regret, and even indignation, to observe in the common course of Congressional debate, the con- temptuous disrespect, with which all arguments drawn from the con- stitution of the United States, are treated by the dominant party : a debater who resorts to the constitution for an argument, seems to consider himself compelled, to accompany it with an apology, to screen himself from the reproach of his antagonist. The party seems to consider the constitution as an odious, old stumbling block in its way, whenever an usurped power is wanted to effect a favorite object, and seems determined to strip it of all energy, and through ridicule, to reduce it to contempt. Sir, I cannot help expressing my great surprise, at seeing our aspiring orator amongst the foremost in this kind of remark; and the more so, because when I first had an opportunity of seeing him in a political character, I really thought him the most ardent, and wildest democrat, I had ever seen. It was 107 in the jear 1806 or 1807, wlicii our splendid orator first made his ajjpearauce in tlie Senate of the United States. He came, sir, as I thought, with his whole soul enamoured of liberty. He seemed iii his passage through the mountains, to have filled his imagination with brilliant metaphors, drawn from Alpine scenery, for the decora- iion of his adored goddess. After reaching the Senate of the United States, upon the first oc- casion that occurred, he poured them forth in profusion, and in the first style of theatrical action, to the utter amazement of every be- holder. He appeared to me to be a disciple of the first order of tlie old school of " liberty and equality, Thomas Paine and the rights of ftian" — The people's devotee. How changed!!! In 1824, our enchanted orator exhibits himself in the brilliant habitude of go- vernmental liberty, governmental power, governmental grandeur, and governmental splendour — the governmental devotee, completely con- verting the liberty' of the people, into tlse libert}' of the government. He was then as close as wax, in the interpretation of the constitu- tion, and would not allow a hair-breadth of departure from the spe- cified powers. His most favorile clause then was, " The powers not delegated to the United States by the Constitution nor prohibited by it to the States, are reserved to tlie States respectively, or to the peo- ple." In 1824, our constitutional orator, of iSOG, calls fiar express written restrictions, in the constitution, against the exercise of power by the practical government. For, says our metamorphosed orator, ♦' This is a restriction which we do not find in the consiitntiony — • But, sir, the most unaccountable error, into which our orator has fal- len will be found in tljcse words : " Under lliis power, laws of non- intercourse with some nations, and embargoes, producing an entire cessation of commerce with ail foreign countries, have been from time to time passed. These laws, I have no doubt, met with the en- tire approbation of the gentleman from Virginia. (Mr. Barbour said that he was not in Congress.) Wherever the gentleman was, v^hether on his farm, or in the pursuit of his profession, of which he was an ornament. I have no doubt he gave his zealous support to the laws referred to." Our deluded orator says, " under the power (to regulate commerce) laws of non-intercourse, and embargoes, producing an entire cessation of commerce with all foreign coun- tries have been, from time to time, passed." I never heard, to the best of my recollection, before 1S24, u'hen these new lights were first shed upon the constitution, that the embargo, and non-inter- course laws were grounded upon the power to regulate commerce ; and surely it would have been a most extraordinary mode of carry- ing that power into effect. These laws grew out of the belligerent acts of foreign nations, and were grounded u[)on the war power. — They were expressly declared to be intended, as acts of resistance against the aggressing belligerents. As soon as those belligerent acts were committed against the United States, they became invested with all the rights of war. They had a right to judge of their own interests in regard to the aggressing belligerents, and to pursue their Qvvn policy for redress. They did so : and determined upon a com- 108 mercial, mitigated warfare, in ilie first instance, grounded upon the rights of war, instead of an open war at arms. The deluded orator is therefore, entirely mistaken in supposing that the embargo and non-intercourse laws were founded upon the power to regulate com- merce. It is not at all necessary to go into a critical definition of the extent of the power to regulate comn)crce. It is sufficient to say ; it does not involve the power to protect manufactures, nor any other original, substantive, independent power. Powers of that de- scription have nothing of the incidental derivative character in tiiem ; and whenever it is proved that a power, is an original, substantive, independent power, it is proved, that it cannot honestly he exercised as a power incidental to, or derivative from, any other power. Tlie power to protect manufactures is an original, distinct, substantive, and independent power, and paramount, in its practical effects, to the pow- er to regulate commerce ; and, therefore, cannot be usurped as inci- dental to the subordinate power. But, Mr. Speaker, this constitution- al discussion is perfectly useless; and I wonder, for that reason, that our daring, dashing orator, should have wasted the little breath he has, upon so unimportant a subject. He has set up a claim to powers para- mount to the constitution, involving the power to protect manufactures and all other governmental powers. — Powers unlimited, and therefore it was perfectly idle : a mere waste of time, to examine the provisions of the constitution. Our orator says — "The great desideratum in political economy, is the same as in })rivate pursuits ; that is, what is the best application of the aggregate industry of a nation, that can be honestly made to produce the largest sum of national wealth. Labor is the source of all wealth; but it is not natural labor only." Now, Mr. Speaker, suppose you give our aspiring orator, his great desideratum of political economy — the produce of the whole labor, and industry of the country, to be distributed at his own uncon- trolled will, for national objects, would it be necessary for him to look to the constitution for the derivation of powers ? Certainly not : Because his claims to power include all powers. Why then look to the constitution, for a moment, in search of any power .'' — - Equally unnecessary would it be to look to the constitution for writ- ten restrictions against the exercise of any power whatever; because, the general, unlimited, paramoiuit power, would obliterate the whole. Once surrender the power to the practical government, here claimed by our orator, and your written constitution is gone ! ! Its forms may be preserved for a time, but its organized departments, instead of being checks to each other, would instantly coalesce, and be- come combined for the purposes of personal aggrandizement. The first Roman Emperors carried on their absolute government, under the name of the Senate, for three hundred years, after all the pow- ers of the Senate had been completely usurped by the Emperors, and nothing was left to the Senate but its name — the Roman Sen- ate. So the American President, at this moment, often most irreve- rently invokes the name of the constitution, after he has usurped, as I think, all powers, and reduced the constitution to an unmeaning nullity. If the President's claims to unlimited power be awarded t« 109 him by the people, his successors will, probably lor some time, fol- low his example; but all the protections for the liberties of the Ame» iican people, intended by the constitution, will be utterly disregard- ed, and blotted out forever. Mi*. Speaker, if any doubt could exist, after all these extraordinary declarations of our dashing, sublimated orator, as to his determination to obliterate every vestige of consti- tutional restrictions, upon the powers of the general government, 1 think none can remain, after reading the following bold and daring avowals, in which the federative feature of the constitution, is refus* ed to be recognized, and the whole of our fundamental institutions, asserted to be consolidated into " one government." Extract — page 41. "Mr. Chairman, our c;>nlederacy comprehends, within its vast limits great diversity of interests, agricultural — planting — farm- ing — commercial — navigating — fishing— manufacturing. No one of these interests is felt i': aie same degree, and cherished with the same solicitude, throughout all parts of the Union. Some of them are peculiar to particular sections of our common country. But all these great interests, are confided to the protection of " one" govern- ment, to the fate of ^one* ship; and a most gallant ship it is, mith a noble crew. If we prosper, and are happy, protection must be ex- tended to all ; it is due to all. It is the great principle on which obedience is demanded from all." Yet agriculture is excluded. — In its main branches, it gets no protection whatever. God forbid ! that all these great interests should be confided to the protection, of " one government' — Raj'mond's government, I presume, " one and indivisible." And when by this great principle ^^ protection'^- — govern- ment has a right to obedience from all. Bold doctrine this!! Until now, I really hoped and understood that all these great interests were confided to the protection of five and twenty governments, and were most wisely distributed amongst them by a federative constitu tion. But now it is asserted, for the first time, as far as I recollect, that all the great interests of agriculture, planting, farming, com- mercial, navigating, fishing, manufacturing, and all others embraced by the confederacy, are confided to the protection of " one govern- ment." If so, what interests are confided to. the protection of the State government .'* " None at all ! !" All interests vi:hatever, are con- fined to one General Government. The States are reduced to empt}-; corporations, stripped of every atom of sovereignty. Is it not won- dei-ful, that when the people of 24 States, in their associated charac- ters, as States, are made parties to the Federal Government by their written constitutions, that all the diversified interests embraced by our confederacy, are confided to one government? Particularly when in the same constitution, there is an express written reservation, of sovereign rights to the States, and to the people. Until lately., it seemed to be almost the universal opinion, that the great value, and beauty of the federative principle, consisted, jn confiding the protection of local interests, to local authorities; and confiding the general interests, to the protection of some general authority. The same pretension to universal power is since set up by the President. 110 He claims jurisdiction over all "the mechanical, and elegant arts;'' and, in short, over every object of governmental j3o\ver. According to these administrative claims to power, is it not idle to talk of the reser- vation of rights to the states, or to the people! ! ! and is not the ques- tion, most alarming, but evidently, now put, to the American people, to determine loheiher or not, they prefer their own written constitu- lion, in no constitution at all 9 and to submit all their rights, with- out any deunition whatever, to " one government ?" It cannot escape observation, that, byway of asserting, more strongly, the indivisible character of this " one government," our enchanted orator, figurative- ly, according to custom, likens this " o?ie government" to "one ship." For, says the orator, " to the fate of one ship, and a most gallant ship it is, with a noble crew." It is not possible to have chosen a figure, more emblematical of the "unity, and indivisibility" of the government, than the fate of one ship, " and a most gallant ship it is, with a noble crew." This could not possibly, however, be the same ship and crew which our thoughtless, dashing orator, was des- cribing, when contrasting them with the noblest ship and crew, in the world, according to our sublimated orator — "Old England." — Not the same which was put below, disinherited Ireland, and indolent, bigolted Spain ! i — With this view of the powers of the practical gov- ernment, is it not perfectly unavailing to look to the constitution of the United States for the distribution of powers, or for restraining provisions against the exercise of these powers. So our enchanted orator must iiave considered it, when in this discussion, he first tauntingly sported with, and then skipped over the constitutional question. But, Mr. Speaker, as if our dashing orator was deter- mined that not a vestige of doubt should remain of his opinion, as to the utter incompetency of our federative constitution, in its pre- sent form, for the present objects of the American people in their new relations, and organizations, in page 44, he proceeds to remark —"And is not government called upon, by every stimulating mo- tive, to adapt its policy to the actual condition, and extended growth of our great Republic.^ At the commencement of our constitution, almost the whole population of thetJnited States was confined between the Alleghany Mountains and the Atlantic Ocean. Since that epoch, the Western part of N. York, of Pennsylvania, of Virginia, all the Western States and Territories have been principally peopled. Prior to that period we had scarcely any interior. An interior has sprung up as it were by enchantment, and along with it neiv interests and neiv relations, requiring the parental protection of government. Our po- licy should be modified accordingly, so as to comprehend all, and sacri- fice noncy What, Mr. Speaker, is the meaning of all this.^ Can a doubt exist as to our dashing orator's meaning.'' That under the new interests and relations, recently sprung up among the people of the several states of the United States — the original constitution is found to be entirely incompetent; and that the only relief against the mischief of that incompetency, must be found in the parental protection of " one government." " Our policy, says our orator, should be modified so as to comprehend all interests, and sacrifice Ill none." No convention is to be called to remed}' the evils, if they exist, by a written constitution, adapted to these new interests and new relations; but the j^oUcy of the " one^^ general erovernment, grounded upon its parental protection, is to be modified, so Ki'ity,- comprehend the interests of all, and sacrifice the interests of none, and this governmental policy is d^eemed perfectly competent to reme- dy the evils. Mr. Speaker ! does this not amount to a poiver claimed in the part of this " o?ie" ^^arental government to legislate in all cases for the good oj the whole, as policy may dictate, without any reference tvhatever to written constitutional distributions of poiver '7 If so, can any thing be more alarming to the friends of written constitutions, than these claims to undefined, unlimited power, actually practised upon by the administration of the general government.'' Believe me, sir, if these claims to power, so baldly set forth, should not be cor- rected by the interposition of tlie American people, and I most seri- ously /ear it is too late, the philanthropist, tlie lover of liberty, the patriot, and the friends of the rights of man, have all to fear, and nothing to hope, from the once vaunted discoveries of the great Ame- rican principles in governmental science. Mr. Speaker, 1 believe it is past the usual hour of adjournment, and sir, it is uith most un- pleasant and mortifying leelings that I am now compelled to tell you, that I am physically exhausted. Yet I have one interesting point, which I wish to present to the views of the house. It is too, sir, a subject I have deeply at heart. May I tiien once more trespass upon your liberal indulgence in asking for another adjournment of the debate f Permit me this morning, Mr. Speaker, to congratulate yourself, and this honorable house, and to felicitate myself, upon approaching so far in this discussion, as to see the end of the laborious, and perplexed task which an irresistible sense of duty had imposed upon me; a task, which, so far, has been executed under every possible disadvantage. — Under a r-tate of physical debility, which has barely left me the power to stand here before you, sir, long enough to express the opinions I en- tertain upon this momentous subject; laboring too, sir, every moment under apprehensions of being rendered absolutely unable to proceed, and at the same tinie, embarrassed with the most unpleasant recollec- tion of the time I had consumed in the discussion; so nuicii, sir, were my sensibiliiies excited from this consideration, that I would have spar- ed you the indulgent attention, 1 am now receiving, were it not for the peculiar character of that portion of the subject remaining yet unex- amined, — its sectional bearings. I have designedly reserved that inter- esting part of the subject for the last, widi a view of presentiug it in one compact form, and of giving our splendid orator the full benefit of his several views of it, scattered over the different parts of his multifa- rious, complicated speech. The essential parts of them will be found in the following quotations: Extract — page 15. "The distribution of the articles of our exports throughout the United States, cannot fail to fix the attention of the committee. Of the $47, 155,403, to which they amounted last year, three articles alone, (cotton, rice, and tobacco, j composed together .^28,549, 1 77, Now £> 11 4hese articles are chiefly priiducecl to tlie South. And it' \vc entiiii~»ie that portion of oui population who are actually enga/iiffd in their cul- ture, it would probably not exceed two millions. Thus, then, less tlian ^r.VJj1h of the whole population of tlie United Slates produced up- \vard3 of ouC half, nearly two-thirds, of the entire value of the ex- ports of the last year." Extract — page 25. "The circumstance of its degradation ujifits it for the manufactuf' ing arts. The well being of the other, and the larger part of our population, requires the introduction of those arts. What is to be done in this conflict? Tlie gentlenrian would have us abstain from adopting a policy called for by the interest of the greater and fieeT part of our population. But is that reasonable.'* Can it be expected that the interests of the greater part should be made to bend to the condition of the servile part of our population.'' That, in effect, would be to make us the slaves of slaves. 1 went, with great pleasure, along- with my southern friends, and I am ready again to unite with them in protesting against the exercise of any legislative power, on the part of Congress, over that delicate subject, because it was my solemn con- viction, that Congress was interdicted, or at least not authorized by the constitution, to exercise any such legislative power. And 1 ai« sure that the patriotism of the South m^ty be exclusively relied upon to reject a policy which should be dictated by considerations altogether connected with that degraded class, to the prejudice of the residue of our population. But does not a perseverance in the foreign policy, as it now exists, in fact make all parts of the Union, not planting, tributary to the planting parts .?" Extract — page 36. "Is it true, that the interests of these great sections of our country are irreconcilable with each other ? Are we reduced to the sad and afflicting dilemma of determining which shall fall a victim to the pros- perity of the other? Happily, 1 think, there is no such distressing al- ternative. If the North, the West, and the East, formed an indepen- dent state, unassociated with the Souili, can there be a doubt that the restrictive system would be carried to the point of prohibition of every foreign fabric of which they produce the raw material, and which they could manufactiu'e ."^ Such would be their policy', if they stood alone; but they are fortunately connected with the South, which believes its interest to require a free admission of foreign manufactures. Here then is a case for mutual concession, for fair compromise. The bill under consideration presents this compromise. It is a medium between the absolute exclusion and the unrestricted admission of the produce of foreign industry. It sacrifices the interest of neither sec- lion to that of the other ; neither, it is true, gels all tliat it wants, nor is subject to all that it fears. But it has been said that the South ob- tains nothing in this compromise. Does it lose any thing '' is the first question. 1 have endeavoured to prove that it does not, by show- ing that a mere transfer is effected in the source of the supply cf its consumption from Europe to America: and that the loss, whatever it may be, of the sale of its great staple in Europe, is compensated by the new market created in America. But does the South reall}' gain nothing in this compromise .'"' 113 Extract — jjages 45, 46. "Behold the mass of petitions which He on our table, earnestly and anxiously entreating the protecting interposition of Congress against the ruinous policy which we are pursuing. Will these petitioneio', comprehending all orders of society, entire states and communities, public companies and private individuals, spontaneously assembling, cease in their humble prayers by your lending a deaf ear? Can you expect that these petitioners, and others, in countless numbers, that will, if you delay the passage of this bill, supplicate your mercy, should contemplate their substance gradually withdrawn to foreign countries, their ruin slow, but certain and as inevitable as death itself, without one expiring effort? You think the measure injurious to you ; we believe our preservation depends upon its adoption. Our convic- tions, mutually honest, are equally strong. What is to be done? I invoke that saving spirit of mutual concession under which our blessed constitution was formed, and under which alone it can be happily ad- ministered. I appeal to the South — to the high-minded, generous, and patriotic South — with which I have so often co-operated, in at- tempting to sustain the honour and to vindicate the rights of our country. Should it not ofier, upon the altar of the public good, some sacrifice of its peculiar opinions? Of what does it complain ? A pos- sible temporary enhancement in the objects of consumption. Of what do we complain ? A total incapacity, produced by the foreign policy, to purchase, at any price, necessary foreign objects of consumption. In such an alternative, inconvenient only to it, ruinous to us, can we expect too much from Southern magnanimity.'*" Before I enter into the examination of the character of the proposi- tion of mutual concession, proposed by our bewildered orator, between the North, West and East, as one section, and the South as the other, permit me merely to point to two or three instances of that spirit of in- sincerity and disingenuousness, which characterises various parts of this glittering speech. The bewildered orator observes in page 25 — " The circumstance of its degradation (slave population) unfits it for the manufacturing arts. The well being of the other, and larger part of our population requires the introduction of those arts. What is to be done in this conflict ? The Southerns would have us abstain from adopting a policy called for by the greater and freer parts of our popu- lation. But is that reasonable ? Can it be expected that the interest of the greater parts, should be made to bend to the servile parts of our population ? That in effect ivould be to make us slaves of slaves." Is not this, sir, a'most invidious statement, and preposterous conclusion .'' Is there one gentleman here present, who can believe, our intrepid ora- tor believed himself? What was it, which was to make " us slaves of slaves ?" Abstaining from adopting a policy called for by the greater, and freer part of our population. What policy is that? Abstaining from passing the tariff bill, the policy in question. Abstaining, then, from passing the tariff bill is to make the freer and greater part of our population " the slaves of slaves." Is that possible ? Is there one hu- man being who believes, that our orator, most intrepid in assertion, did himself believe so? Were the greater, and freer part of our population « the slaves of slaves," at the moment our orator was making this most 15 114 absurd, and ridiculous conclusion ? If not, tlien " tlie slaves of slaves," would, leaving ilie greater and freer part of our population in the same situation, have llie uoiuierful effrct, of converting into " the ^^''laves of slnves," those very persons, whom our orator dignifies ,ith the appellation of being, at the very moment of his making the unfounded assertion, the greater, and freer part of our population ! — Here, then, is to be seen, only invidious disingcnuonsness. For what could be more invidious, when our orator was himself representing a slave-holding state, perhaps a slaveholder himself, than to abandon the slave-holders and unite himself, under tiie appellation of " us," with the greater, and freer part of our pc-pulation? Thus vainly attempting to recommend himself to the non-slave holding states, by throwing from liimself the obloquy, of being of the slave holding class, botli in liis individual, and represerjtative character; and what can be more dis- ingenuous than the false and prepusttrous conclusion he draws liom his invidious premises? Bui liear him still further. In the same page our orator observes, " and 1 am sure, that the patriotism of the South, may be exclusively relied upon, to reject a policy which should be dictated by considerations altogether connected with that degraded class, to the prejudice of the residue of our population.-' — And in page 45, "i ap- peal to the South, the nigh-minded, generous, patriotic South, with which, 1 have so often co-operated, in attempting to sustain the honor, and vindicate the rights of our country. Should it not ofllr upon the altar of the public good, some sacrifice of its peculiar opinions.^" What a pathetic appeal to the patriotism, and magnanimity of the South, to sacrifice something of its ^^ peculiar opinions.'' I find it difficult iiere to determine, Mr. Speaker, whether this ridiculous, pathetic appeal, displays more vanity, and egotism, on the part of the sublimated ora- tor, llian it does, of his utter contempt of the understandings of the Southerns.'' Our sublimated orator liere calls upon the patriotism, and magnanimity of the South, to make some sacrifice qf its peculiar opini- ons. Our trafficking orator well knew, that it was not a sacrifice ol the peculiar opinions of the South, that he was calling for, but a sacrifice of lis peculiar interests, of its peculiar money; and by way of inducing the South to make this sacrifice upon the altar of the public good, he invokes its patriotism, and its magnanimity. Mr. Speaker, would not tlie Southerns be very foolish patriots to give up their interests, the pro- ceeds of their labor, their money, because our electioneering orator tells them that it would be patriotism, and magnanimity in them to do so.'' Surely the Southerns must be very foolish patriots to yield to such a ri- diculous call. But this sacrifice is to be made upon the altar of public good. What fascinating, honeyed words ! And what is the altar of pub- lic good, demanding this great sacrifice.? It is the protection of manu- lactures. It is to give tlie proceeds of the labor of the Southerns to those who labor j'.ot for them. It is to encourage the idleness, and to pamper the wealth of manufucturing stock-holders. This is our coax- ing orator's most sacred altar of public good. It is not possible to con- ceive, that our trafficking orator, was speaking in the sincerity of his lieart to his beloved Southern friends, whilst using this language to them, professed to be ushered forth, both pathetically and sympaiheti- scally, wliilst iic was thus adroitly engaged in picking their'pockets of 115 their cash, as a fund on their part of concessions, to the North, West, and East. Here, then, is atvolher conspicuous example of insincerity. In page 43, our bewildered orator, in the true sectional spirit, asks, " Jf ilie North, the West, and the East formed an independent state, unassociated with the South, can there be a doubt that the restrictive system would be carried to a point of prohibiiion to every foreign ru- bric, of which they produce the raw material, and which they could manufactiM-e?" VVould it be possible for the bewildered orator to an- swer his own question in the aflirmativef I should not think it possi- ble. Such a measure would certainly be at war with their best inter- ests. They most certainly would not, unless in a state of delirium. In that supposed case, the sectional aspect of tiie question would disappear, and it would become a question between difiereut occupations within the same sections.'' VVould it be possible, in that case, to believe, that all other occupations would be willing to be taxed — to give up a portion of the proceeds of their labor, for the purpose of favoring the manu- facturing class ."^ What, in that case, would become of their beloved navigation and commerce.'* No, sir, leave the North, the West, and the East to themselves, and the real enchantment in the protection to manufactures, would instantly lose all its charms; that enchantment now consists of the glittering cash of the South. The West, however, for the moment, is artificially trafficked out of its place, its true inter- esis and natural position are with the South. The delusion of the West, has grown out of peculiar circumstances. They are transitory, and the delusion will soon pass away. I am surprised, that whilst our trafficking orator was indulging in these imaginary reveries, that it did not occur to his contemplation once to think, in the supposed cases of the North, the West and the East becoming unassociated with the South, what would become of all their mechanical arts.'' their industrj? their fabrics of industry .'' their wealth.'* their prosperity .'' Surely this subject would be well worth his deepest conteuiplalion, before lie reduces i!ie supposed case to reality, by an unprincipled iril.uue, enforced by an unp; incipled combination. More especially when he recollects the rivalships for Southern fabrics in otiier parts of the world ; and the irresistible influence that circumstance would necessarily give to the South in any future policy it miglit adopt in-relation to that subject with other nations. — For surely, our threat- ening, deluded orator, ought deeply to consider ; and incessantly to recollect ; that the southerns can command extensive supplies, of arti- cles of ilse first necessity, to European nations, and can become liter- ally, their best ^^ customers.''^ Not — " rivals^ — Whilst the North, and East, have no supplies of consequence for those nations — but are, li- terally their — " n'va/s" — Not — " ciisiomers." European nations well know, how to estimate these things; and the southerns, well know, how to profit by them. Here, then, sir, is seen another example, and D.n extremely delicate one, of the hazardous, and disingenuous sugges- tions of our bewildered orator, in relation to the sectional interests he has most unwisely, and wantonly conjured up, by his selfish, elec- tioneering tariff schemes. Let us now, Mr. Speaker, proceed critically to examine, the great principle of mutual concession proposed by this {•rafiicking tariff-schemer. After, in page 15, pointing to an amount IIG of exports of twenly-eighrf^i-i-lJ-'"'? five hundred and forty-nine thousand one hundred and seveniy-seven dollars, ah "aff)*p(eTCi>d for concessions, he seems to think, on the part of the Southerns, whilst he does not any wliere point to a single jot of cash, as a fund on the part of the Northerns, Westerns and Easterns. In page 43, our bewildered, trafficking orator, observes — " Here, then, is a case for mutual conces- sion — for fair compromise? It is a medium between the absolute ex- clusion, and the unrestricted admission of the produce of foreign in- dustry. It sacrifices the interest of neither section, to that of the other; neither it is true, gets all that it wants, nor is subject to all that it fears. But it has been said, that the South obtains nothing in this compromise. Does it lose any thing, is the first question ?" Again, page 45 : "What is to be done ? I invoke the saving spirit of mutual concession, under which our blessed constitution was formed, and under which alone it can be happily administered. I appeal to the South, to the high-minded, generous, patriotic South — with which I have so often co-operated, in attempting to sustain the honor, and to vindicate the rights of our country. Should it not ofier, upon the altar of the public good, some sacrifice of its peculiar opinions.'"' Here, then, sir, we have tiie principle of reciprocal concession pro- posed by our trafficking orator .f" "It is a medium (he says) be- tween the absolute exclusion and the imrestricted admission of the produce of foreign industry." Is this suggestion of an absolute exclusion from all foreign commerce thrown out, merely in terrorem to the Southerns, as a proposition that may be within the power of the North, West, and East, and which may be adopted, in case the Southerns will not give the Northerns and Easterns, (the deluded Westerns have no lot in the matter,) by way of bounty upon their domestic manufactured goods, perhaps one-half more than they are worth .** at least one half more than the Southerns can purchase them for of foreign nations, but for the prohibitory duties.'' It is not possible to believe that the trafficking orator could be in earnest in making this proposition, upon the possibility of its being carried into eflect in any state of things whatsoever. If not, it is a mere threat, and its value consists in the ten-or intended to be inspired by it. Such a measure would be worse than Buonaparte's continental system, which con- tributed, more than any thing else, to send him to St. Helena — and } et our dashinc orator hesitates not to call in the aid of this unfeeling: despot, as aflbrding an appropriate precedent for his own despotic tarifi' scheme. At the very moment of holding out this suggestion, the trafficking orator well knew that its adoption was impossible. — It could then be only in terrorem ; and its value could consist only in the terror it would inspire in the Southerns. Could our traffick- ing bewildered orator calculate that the Southerns would value this article of terror very highly, as a fund of concession on the part of the Northerns, the Westerns, and the Easterns, when, in return for this terror, an inntiense amount of the money of the Southerns, pro- duced by their labor, is demanded, as the fund of concessson on their part .'' Is it possible to find any thing like justice, principle, morality, or equity, in these professions of reciprocal concessions '' 117 of fair compromise ? 1=^ it KCt- sheer plunder ; unprincipled tribute f Is it not coerced ? But, Mr. Speaker, this disingenuous, terrific tlireat of our entire exclusion from foreign commerce, is not the only con- cession of pretended value offered to the Southerns, by the election- eering, trafficking orator, in behalf of the Northerns, Westerns and Easterns. Tiie Southerns loss of the European market is proposed to be compensated by the "new market created in America ;" what our plotting, sonorous orator calls " a home market." To ascertain the value of this concession, it becomes necessary to inquire, what are the nature and value of the old market lost, compared with the new market gained ? The old market consisted of both the foreign and domestic markets, grounded upon a principle of competition, ex- cept so far as duties then existing on foreign articles, gave a prefer- ence to the domestic market: to which it has no claim whatever, founded on right. The concession now proposed, on the part of the Northerns, Westerns and Easterns, is " a new market" — "a home market." This new market is grounded upon a principle of mono- poly. It proposes to exclude foreign competition, or to duty foreign goods so high, as to give a monopoly to domestic goods ; a market grounded upon a principle of monopoly, then, is offered as a con- cession for a market grounded on a principle of competition. Of what value is this proposed market to the Southerns; particularly a home marliet in Boston, for Kentucky or Louisiana.'' a long home ? Certainly none, most certainly none — much worse than none. Be- cause, to get this concession, the Southerns have to give up a better market. But is this market of monopoly — this home market, hun- dreds and thousands of miles off — to be freely given ? O no ! It must be paid for by the Southerns — most dearly paid for. But in fifty years — God willing — the Southerns are to be blessed with a conversion of this new market of monopoly into another "new market of com- petition" — still confined to home competition. This market of com- petition the Southerns had, before they were stripped of it by the tarifi', extending the competition to foreign markets. Why, then, suspend it for fifty years, to get it restored in- a less beneficial form than it before was .'' — and, in the mean time, pay for the monopoly market an enormous tribute.'' Is not this pretended concession, not only an unprincipled plunder of the purse, but a restraint upon the riglits and liberties, and a mockery upon the understandings of the Southerns.'' But, Mr. Speaker, further concessions are offered. In page 44, our trafficking orator asks : " But does the South really gain nothing by this compromise.''" He then answers — "The consump- tion of the other sections, though somewhat restricted, is left open by this bill, to foreign fabrics, purchased by Southern staples. So far its operation is beneficial to the South, and prejudicial to the in- dustry of other sections; and that is the point of mutual concession.^' Did the world ever before witness such a display of sophisticated absurdities.'' Really, our bewildered orator has attenuated his no- lions of concession to such an infinite degree of fineness, as almost to escape the nicest vision of my mental optics. What is it, that our puz- zled orator tells you, is the point of mutual concession'^ It is that lis other sections are left free" lo purcl,'i;iv.->t)ji'&Jg4?_importecl article?, made of Southern fabrics? I cannot find any other meaning for this sophisticated sentence, than that the other sections are not stripped of their rights, to purchase foreif^n imported articles, because they are made of southern fabrics ; nor can I discern any injury done to their industry, by leaving them the right to invest their money to the best advantage. These rights are highly valuable to the other sec- tions ; but can aflord very little value to the Southerns. These are strange notions of our perplexed orator. To refrain from doing wrongs to other sections, to avoid stripping other sections of their rights and liberties, is to be considered as concessions of so much value to the Southerns, as to demand pay for them in money : Yesl to compel the Southerns to pay the other sections, nearly double the value of the worth of their manufactiu-ed goods. Instead of con- cessions, consisting of attenuated notions, and fairy tales, I call for something more solid — something resembling more the cash de- manded, as the only acceptable fund of concession from the South- erns. By the cunning, unprincipled contrivances of the tariff bill, very large amounts of cash, are drawn from the South, to the North and the East; — T call, — I loudly call for sums of equal amount to be returned to the South, to encourage, to protect, to invigorate, the crippled agriculture of the South. Surely this equitable request cannot be denied by the sublimated orator, who promised to agricul- ture the first and best offerings in the gift of the governmpnt. But, sir, in this delusive, fallacious proposition ("or concessions — for fair com- promise, may be seen, the unprincipled effects, of our deluded ora- tor's great desideratum in political economy. The power of distri- buting the whole proceeds of national industry, for pretended na- tional objects. Whilst he shows a fund, approaching thirty millions of dollars in money, on the part of the Southerns, he does not ex- hibit a cent, in mone\', as a ("und for concessions, and fair compro- mise, on the part of the North, West, and East. He must therefore, act upon the principle, that the North, West, and East, are joint owners with the Southerns in the proceeds of their labor, and upon that ground, he makes, what he pretends to consider, an equitable distribution of it, amongst the whole, taking a great share, from those to whom it belongs, and giving it to whom it does not belong, in violation of the sacred principle of private property. He assi- milates this case too, to the concessions made in the formation of our " blessed constitution" — pathetic enough, funny enough. — But there is not the least resemblance in the characters of these conces- sions. In the case of our blessed, conteunied constitution, the funds for concessions consisted of political rights. The North, and East, made concessions from their own funds, of their own political rights. Here money is the subject for concession, for fair competition; and here, no fund of property ; of money whatever, is offered on their part. But the whole fund of jiroperty for concession, belongs to the South. The preposterous conceptions, and fairy tales offered the Southerns, in lieu of their cash, can only be regarded, as insults to their under- standings. Our electioneering orator having, for his own purposes. 119 conjured up these sectional difficulties and perplexities, as well as [lis terrific alarm from the action of foreign industry upon American industry, pathetically puts this question, in his own fancied, perplex- ed dilemma, " Wliat is to be done?" Nothing surely, can be easier, than to answer this question. Do nothing at all — Be honest — Give to every one the produce of his own labor — Teach American citizens to be honest, and industrious — Teach them to rely upon the proceeds of their oum honest industry ; and not upon the proceeds of the honest industry of others. Teach them good morals ; and let them know that it is dishonest — that it is disreputable, that it is unmanly to pick the pockets of others, for their protection, for their encouragement^ for their emolument. This course is very simple, very moral, and very easy; whilst the unprincipled plunder, authorised by the tarift' bill, is necessarily attended with tricks, contrivances, and perplexi- ties innumerable. Is it not, Mr. Speaker, a subject of curious commentary upon the devices practised to sustain the ruinous provisions of this bill, to ob- serve, that at the very moment the licensed manufacturer has his fin- gers in the pockets of the Southerns, to plunder his bounty ; autho- rised by the bill, he is calling the Southerns, to guard themselves against the Englishman ^ If not, by the action of his industry — upon the American industry, the Englishman will rifle the Southerns' pockets of every cent. — Not so, sir, a laughable conceit! — The Englishman at tlie time has not his fingers in the Southerns' pockets, whilst the manufjcturer actually has, and is actually engaged in plundering his licensed bounty. Trust me, sir, the Englishman's industry will never hurt yours. It may enhance its value, by en- hancing the market for its productions; but never can hurt it — Equally unfounded is the charge against the British government of injurious designs upon American industry ; a mere tub to the whale. So far from it, that even after passing the tariff law, having for its avowed object the destruction of British Industry, the British gov- ernment, in a liberal spirit of reciprocity, oflered to put her colonial trade upon a better footing with the United States, than it ever had been, and doubtlessly would have extended the same spirit of liberal reciprocity, to other branches of commerce, had it not been ungra- ciously repulsed, in consequence of the most unfortunate prelerence, given to this unwise, injurious, and crippling restrictive system. — Mr. Speaker, whilst the sectional bearings given to this ruinous ta- riff, by our aspiring orator, for the purpose of insuring its success, is admitted in its full extent, it ought ever to be recollected that it has its individual bearings also. That its injurious bearings are as obvious upon different occupations, as upon sectional interests. — And its oppressive effects are perhaps more sorely felt by the wheat- growers, than any other descriptions of persons ; whilst their pecu- liar interests till now, have scarcely received the least attention. It is high time that the wheat-growers should speak out, and speak audibly. Whenever they do, they must be heard. It should ever be recollected too, that the wheat-growers residing in the manufac- turing states, .are burthened in the same manner, with the wheat- growers in the non-manufacturing states. Tlie only benefits they receive, consist in the brisker circulation of cash drawn from other states by the manufacturers; but if they will make the calculation, they will find, that incidental circumstance affords a poor compensa- tion for the increased duties they pay upon all articles of their own consumption, whether foreign or domestic. Even the journeymen laborers, the actual operatives in the manufacturing establishments, are most grievously taxed under the law. The bounty being given npon the n)anufactured article, and not upon the wages of the day laborer, he pays his portion of the unjust tax in common with other citizens. Yes, the operative shoemaker in settling his account with his master, is charged the bounty price upon the shoes of his own making, as other citizens are ; and so of every other actual opera- tive in every other manufacturing occupation. It is this principle, which has filled Great Britain with beggars, and with paupers. The same policy will produce the same effects in any other country in the world, which shall continue it long enough to produce its necessary natural effects. The only persons who receive the enormous bounty upon the domestic manufactured goods, are either the stockholders of the manufacturing scrip, or the owners of manufacturing estab- lishments. Surely the other classes of society', whether inhabitants of manufacturing states or not, can never long submit to the paj'- nient of this most unprincipled tribute, grounded upon a doctrine, directly at war widi the great, beneficial, genuine American princi- ple of written constitutions ; and when its natural and necessary ten- dency must be to make the rich, richer, and the poor, poorer. Mr. Speaker, it would be too great a task to undertake a general review and recapitulation of this comprehensive, and multifarious subject ; but, sir, there is one point, which I beg to be permitted to press upon vour most serious consideration. In it will be found, the onlv re- niaining hope for the preservation of human liberty. You cannot but observe, sir, that this unprincipled tariff scheme, is grounded in its most essential parts, upon a difference in sectional interests, tend- ing in its operations directly to disunion : Tiiat it strikes directly at" the root of tlie federative principle, the essential basis of the consti- tution of the United States. That instead of leaving the local au- tliorities to legislate for local interests, it usurps the power of legis- lating for the whole. It thus not only sets at defiance all the res- training provisions of the constitution, but subverts some of the great fundamental principles, heretofore held most dear by the American people. It strikes directly at the great principle of security in tax- ation, to wit : Representation and Taxation, as essentially reciprocal. Tlie great American principle in taxation is, that the people shall not be taxed, except by their Representatives; and the security of the people against unnecessary taxation consists in the similiarity of interests between the Representative and the constituent. The Re- presentative himself, pays his due share of the taxes he imposes upon his constituents. But, sir, under die usurped power to pass the tariff bill, upon the sole ground of protecting manufactures, the duties are imposed, not 121 by the representatives of the people most btirthened, but by represen- tatives from other sections of the country. The great principle of security grounded upon a similarity of interests, between the represen- tatives and the people, is thus necessarily set at nought. But that is not all — The duty is laid by representatives, who think at least, they have different interests from the people, who pay the duty, and instead of paying their due share of it, consider themselves, or their constitu- ents, the actual receivers of the tax imposed. The utter subversion of this only principle of security to the people, surely cannot long be tolerated. This consideration is of itself sufficient to show the un- constitutionality of the tariff, if there were no other — at least, to show that it is directly against the fundamental principle upon which the constitution is fouuded ; or, If this power be contained In the constitu- tion, it must be admitted to have been introduced by mistake, and ought Instantly to be eradicated, because it is against the original basis of its own foundation. It would not be possible to give a stronger exemplification of the correctness of these views of the subject, than by recurring to the vote upon the late rejected woollens bill. I have examined the yeas, and nays, upon the passage of that bill, and 1 find every vote, except one, and that one from the remote western parts of Virginia, against the bill, from the Potomac to the Gulf of Mexico inclusive. Whatever difference may have existed in the political opin- ions of the representatives of the people, inhabiting that extensive scene of country, they all united upon that most Important question; and, with one voice, used their best efforts to save their constituents from the unprincipled tax ; whilst the imposition was proposed to be made by representatives from other sections of the country — having, as they conceived, different, and opposite Interests. Here, then, is seen an attempt to impose taxes, the most unjust, against the unanimous re- monstrances and votes of the sections of coiujtry, upon which the bur- then was to fall most heavily — completely inverting the great principle in taxation, secured by American fundamental constitutions. AH this mischief is done, too, against the solemn warnings and dying entrea- ties of Washington. In his last legacy, his Farewell Address to the American People, Washington's chief object was, to demonstrate the absolute necessity for the preservation of our fundamental institutions, that each department, in the complicated organization of our govern- ment, should be kept, within the sphere of action, assigned to it, by the fundamental laws ; that neither should ever attempt to encroach upon the rights, of an}' other. For this great object, he solemnly invoked, and entreated the administrators of our government to act within, and be content whh, the power assigned to it, under the written constitutional distribution of powers. He calls upon them in the most pathetic and parental matuier, to avoid the introduction of sectional differences of interests in the administration of the practical government. He solemnly invokes them not to set the North against the South, nor the East against the West. He well knew that the destruction of the con- stitution was more likely to arise from the introduction of the differ- ences of sectional interests, in the practical administration, than from any other cause whatevero Ifet, this fatal tariff bill, in a spiril directly ihostile to his prophetic, parewtal warnings, as founded maioly ^yQil 122 dinerence in sectional interests. Will you not, sir, attend to tlie solemij warning of Washington — emphatically designated the Father of his Country. Permit me to say, sir, that yesterday I felt the strongest emotions, when 1 was raising my feeble voice to protect the federative principle against sectional interests. I found it drowned in the roaring of the cannon in the Capital Square, in commemoration of the birth day of Washington. I became, on the instant, more awfully impressed with his solemn warnings against the introduction of sectional interests, and the destruction of the federative principle, than 1 liad ever before been upon any former occasion. Tlie unexampled blessings wliich the American people had enjoyed under the benign influence of the federative principle, were presented fresh to my memory ; and 1 could not resist the reflections, arising from the unaccountable fluctuations in human aflairs: that the American people, in the plenitude of the most successful experiments, upon the great American principle; in the full enjoyment of its unparalleled political blessings, should, capriciously throw the whole away, in preference for the despotic principles of Eu- rope — hitherto untried in America. It brought to my recollection too, the more recent warnings of the nation's guest, the apostle of liberty, Fayette— made directly to our President, under circumstances, which could not fail to be most impressive — In reply to the President's fare- well address to Fayette, which was of a character to do him the higliest honor; Fayette, most warningly, and emphatically replies — Fayette, no doubt, had deeply reflected upon this subject, and felt it liis duty, to save, if possible, the federative principle; knowing its value, per- haps, from sad experience of the consolidated principles in unlimited governments, better than any other person in the world; calls the at- tention of the President to its preservation, in the following most im- pressive, and appropriate language: "Yet, gratifications still higher awaited me in the wonders of crea- tion and improvement that have met my enchanted eye; in the unpa- ralleled, and self-felt happiness of the people, in their rapid prosperity and insured security, public and private, in a practice of good order, the appendage of true freedom, and a national good sense, the final arbiter of all difljculties — I have had proudly to recognize a result of the republican principles for which we have fought, and a glorious de- monstration to the most timid and prejudiced mind, of the superiority over degrading aristocracy or despotism, of popular institutions found- ed on the plain rights of man, and ivhere the local rights of every sec- tion are preserved under a constitutional bond of Union The cherish- ing of that uniot) between the states, as it has been the farewell entrea- ty of our great paternal Washington, and will ever have the dying prayer of every American Patriot, so it has become the sacred pledge of the emancipation of the world." — Fayette had doubtlessly seen the President's inaugural address. It was not possible that its general spi- rit and tenor should have escaped his discerning eye. He doubtlessly was struck with the sublimated political views of the President, the glit- ter, and splendor he had thrown over the American government; but these seemed not to possess any charms whatever for Fayette. Far from being enamoured with these glittering scenes of governmental splen- dor, and governmental grandeur, portrayed by our President ; and far 123 I'rom complimenting liim upon them in his farewell reply, he in the most parental, affecting manner, reminds the President of tlie blessings de- rived from the principles of the American government, "founded upon the plain rights of man." He reminds the President of Washington's parental warnings in his Farwell Address. He most impressively pre- sents to his contemplation the great federative principle, and declares, that it had become " the sacred pledge of the emancipation of the world ! !" Was it possible to have paid a higher compliment to the fe- derative principle, than to have proclaimed it "the sacred pledge of the emancipation of the world!!" Will not the American people give some attention to the solemn warnings of Washington and Fayette? Even if it were possible to suppose that the American people had lost ail love of liberty, all love for American institutions, will they not give some attention to this recent solemn, impressive warning of Lafayette, against the rejection of the federative principle.'' Fayette, who, forty years before, had freely spilt his blood, and spent his treasure, for the establishment of the American liberties, in his farewell reply, declared to you that the federative principle has become " the sacred pledge of the emancipation of the world." Mr, Speaker, we have often witnes- sed a providential interposition in favor of American liberties. Can you not discern something like another providential interposition in sending Fayette, the apostle of liberty, to this country forty years af- ter he had so essentially contributed to American independence, and that after his surveying with a discerning, parental eye, the political condition of the country, in taking his last leave of it forever, it should have occurred to him to warn the present generation, as Washington had done the former one, against the destruction of the federative prin- ciple .'* Permit me, sir, humble as I am, in this last effort, standing lite- rally upon the brink of the grave, to unite my entreaties with Wash- ington's and Fayette's for tlie preservation of the federative principle. For, trust me, sir, when I assure you, that it is my most solemn convic- tion, that nothing but the federative principle, in full and efficient ener- gy, securing all their rights to the States, can save American liberty. " With it we are freemen-— without it, we are slaves !" VIRGINIA LEGISLATURE. SUBSTANCE OF IN REPLY TO GE.XEWai. TiXYLOYl, DELIVERED IN THE HOUSE OF DELEGATED, March 2, 1827, Mr. Speaker: I FIND myself, most unexpectedly, before you again, sir, in the attitude of a speaker. When I reached the top of the stone plat- form, at your front door, I had no expectation, whatever, of enter- ing again into this debate : — I came to the House, this morning, to vote, not to speak ; but on arriving here, being assured by many of my friends, that some repl}', to the gentleman from Norfolk, how- ever general, was expected from me, and could not be dispensed with ; I resolved, to yield to what, I was thus informed, was the gen- eral expectation. I frankly acknowledge, too, sir ; that I felt dis- posed myself, to reply to some of the most prominent remarks of that honorable gentleman, v/hich, I cannot avoid saying ; excited my ut- most astonishment. But I had indulged a hope ; that this summa- ry sketch, could be accomplished within half an hour. I could not reconcile it to myself, to occupy more of your time, sir, after I had, most reluctantly, already consumed so much ; and after the indefa- tigable gentleman from Norfolk, had consumed, so much more. It will readil}' be perceived, sir, that it would not be possible, in the space of half an hour, to reply to the whole of a most eloquent, and voluble speech, of five days duration. I shall, therefore, limit my- self to a very few points of a general character. One of tlie first, which most excited my astonishment, both in the matter, and man- ner of it, was, the charge brought against me, of supporting "God- winian principles." — Permit me, to call your attention, Mr. Speaker, to the principles, which 1 have actually supported. What are the principles contained in the preamble, and resolutions, which are thrown back on me, in terms of contemptuous obloquy.'* " Godwin- ian principles:" The principles, 1 have supported, and now retorted, under the sarcastic term of "Godwinian principles," are nothing more, or less, tljan the principles of American fundamental laws. — Fundamental laws; introduced, and supported in their original let- ter, tenor, and spirit; — quoted; — designedly quoted, in the original 225 words. When these laws, are sported with ; — treated vvltli con- temptuous disrespect; — with taunting ridicule, — branded with nick- names, as they seem to me to be, on this, as on many other occa- sions, can you fail to discern something alarming to all the written fundamental institutions of this country? Can you fail to see, sir j that all veneration, all decent respect for them, are gone ? And whilst you ccfntemplate, and must deprecate their loss; can you fail to remember, the political blessings, which have been diflused, by a wise practical dispensation of these contemned Godwinian princi- ples, amongst the American people, for the first five and twenty years, after their adoption ; and since the substitution of the improv- ed, fashionable administrative principles, can you fail to see, distrust, alarm, impoverishment, aud ruin overspreading the land? And, sir, under what circumstances has this sad reverse, in our political ex- perimental results, taken place ? In the midst of the most profound peace — both at home, and abroad.— If ever there were truly hal- cyon days, for the United Stales, they occurred at the very moment, seized upon by our infatuated rulers, to substitute principles of des- potism, for principles of freedom. Nor has any thing since happen- ed, to change this auspicious, happy scene ; except the unwise, de- lusive schemes for usurping ungranted powers to the General Gov- ernment? and the miserable, immoral, mistaken schemes, for in- creasing the wealth of the nation, by acts of most notorious injustice, between different sections of the country, and different individuals; taking from one, the proceeds of his labor, and giving them, to an- other? Great, and certain indeed, should be the increased wealth of the nation, from these unprincipled, trafficking schemes, to justify this outrage, upon the political morals, and the political justice of the government! !! Why has it been, sir, that during five and twenty years of great difficulties, and embarrassments from abroad, unexampled political blessings have been showered down upon the people of the United States? Confidence, happiness, content, and prosperity, reigning every where ; and now, when all is peace, and quiet, both at home, and abroad; distrust, alarm, discontent and impoverishment, have overspread the land ? There is no difficulty in the solution of the problem. During the first period, our rulers, were content, to reign, within the sphere, allotted to them by the written institutions of their country, — To administer the constitution upon the federative princi- ple. To leave the states, their rights unimpaired. During the last period, our rulers, have disregarded the provisions of the written constitution; have destroyed the federative principle; and usurped the rights, both of the states and individuals — and, sir, what are the principles, so triumphantly proclaimed by the learned, and eloquent gentleman, as the beloved substitutes for these despised " Godwinian principles?"— In other words, American written fundamental laws? They are principles of unlimited governmental powers. They are principles, which go to obliterate all the written restraints against governmental usurpations, contained in your fundamental laws : to break d.own all the sacred sanctnarip?, prrcted bv onr forefathers, for 126 the preservation of the rights, and liberties of the American people. They are principles, wliich go to surrender all private property, into the hands of the government; to give to government an absolute control over the persons, and occupations of individual man ; and to convert him, from a moral being, endowed with rights from his God, into a mere governmental machine, stripped of all rights. — In short, they are principles, of ultra despotism. — Do you not conceive, sir, this a most unfortunate triumph ! and instead of the gentleman's re- joicing at, ought he not rather to lament over, the success of the General Government, in this substitution of principles, which he seems to glory in contributing to support? Mr. Speaker ; in the event of the introduction of a consolidated despotism in the United States, it will, indeed, be ultra despotism, in its essence. No despotism can go beyond it. — It ought to be most deeply impressed upon our minds; before we sanction this most haz- ardous change; that our written constitution aftbrds us, our only safe-guards, for our riglits, and liberties. Give up these ; we have no other security left. Not so with the old, long established governments of Europe. — For there, although their governments, are in theory, sovex-eign, and unlimited ; yet in practice, there are customs, and habits coeval with the governments themselves, which afford their subjects, in the prac- tical administration of the government, important securities in many respects. Here, sir, we have not this advantage, of customs and ha- bits. — Spunge the written constitution, and we are perfectly at the will of the reigning dynasty, unpalsied by the will of constituents; or any thing else whatever ; — subject, too, to the capricious will of a dynas- ty cjuite green; and whose undeserved elevation, would, of itself, ut- terly unfit it for the purpose of founding a wise, free, and beneficial government. But, sir, perhaps the learned gentleman, may attempt to protect himself against this charge of contemptuous disrespect to our funda- mental laws, according to my understanding of the gentleman's re- marks, by making the application of the temn " Godvvinian princi- ples" to the principles of free trade, which I have also most earnest- ly advocated. Will that be a sufficient justification for the use of this sarcastic appellation.'' Are the principles of free trade, " God- winian principles.^" What would give Mr. Godwin, the exclusive vight to the principles of free trade? Are they not the principles of every enlightened, intelligent merchant, in both Europe and Ame- rica.'' Are they not tiie principles of every liberal, intelligent poli- tical economist, in every country.'' Are they not the principles of every enlightened man, of every enlightened philosopher in the world? Arc they not the best means of enlightening benighted man ; and extending human liberty over the world? And from whence did arise, the beloved restrictive system ? It took its rise in times of Gothic darkness, ignorance, and barbarism. — And who are now found to be its only advocates? Despots; and their advocates, and supporters. Tlic legitimates of the world, who delight in the oppressions of the many ; and in the gratifications of the few. Legitimates, who see. 127 t>r think they see, their own security, only, in this inequality, and despotism; dealt out by tliem, amongst the rest of mankind. Dealt out, as essential to the preservation, and security of their own legiti- macy. Such, sir, are the lauded, and beloved restrictive principles, tri- umphantly contrasted, and recommended by the learned gentleman, in preference to the modern, liberal principles, which, if the applica- tion be to them, he contemptuously brands, with the taunting epithet? of " Godwinian principles." But, sir, I understand the term, " Godr winian principles," as intended to apply both to American principles, and the principles of free trade. These general hints, must suffice for the present, to point to the impression on m}' mind, of wonder, and astonishment, at this unde- served imputation, thrown against our fundamental laws, and all the liberal principles of this enlightened period of the world. Sir ; I was deprived of the pleasure of hearing all the gentleman's eloquent harangue, of live days duration; but, sir; from what, I did hear my- self, and from itiformation derived from others, I do believe ; that the ingenious, and learned gentleman, has introduced arguments, almost by the dozen; through each of which, if just, every restrictive provision in the written constitution, would be either utterly obliter- ated, or rendei-ed completely unavailing. The very short time, al- lowed to myself, will prevent me from making a minute examination of each of tliese ingenious devices ; I must, therefore, content myself Avith applying to them, a few general principles. Amongst the ingenious devices adopted by the gentleman, is one, by which he derives a distinct, original, substantive power, not men- tioned in the constitution ; from another power, of the same descrip- tion, which is mentioned in the constitution. Now, I think it self evident; if any one power not enumerated, can justly be deduced by this process of reasoning, any other power, not enumerated, can be deduced, by applying to it, the same process of reasoning. If so, then the government possesses all power, There being none, which may not be obtained by a similar process of reasoning — of course, the government must be unlimited. This, is the necessary result of the learned gentleman's demonstrations, and proves the charge, brought against the administration and its supporters, of their claims to unlimited powers. But whilst these demonstrations prove the government to possess all power, or can get all power at pleasure ; its advocates still pretend, that they are administering a government, of limited powers. Now, sir, I earnestly call upon the gentleman himself, and all his associates in this mode of interpreting tlie consti- tution; I boldly challenge them; I plumply defy them; admitting, that this process of reasoning, for acquiring powers to the govern- ment, to be correct, to fix any intelligible limits of their own, against the acquisition of any power whatever, by the practical government. I peremptorily challenge them to show, any intelligible demarka- tions, to the limits of the power, of the general government, which shall definitely and intelligibly say: — "thus far thou shall go, and no farther." 128 But, sir, the learned, and eloquent gentleman, has laid down one principle, for the acquisition of power, which is to me entirely new; and certainly entitles him to the first honors, amongst his ingenious competitors, in discoveries of devices for the acquisition of powers, to the general government. This new device demands a more mi- nute, and critical examination. The learned gentleman has resort- ed to the war power, as containing a grant of all power. The power to make internal improvements, he asserts to be clearly deducible from the power to make war. — His process of ratiocination, I under- stand, to be this: the power to make war, includes all the powers, which furnish the necessary means for conducting the war, to the best advantage. The power to make a road, or canal, is often ne- cessary, to approach, or avoid an enemy: — the power, therefore, to make a road, or canal, is necessary, to carry the war power most advantageously into effect. The same reasoning will extend to all internal improvements whatever. Consequently ; the power to make War, includes the power to make internal improvements in time of war, and, as the constitutional powers of the government are always the same; — the same in peace, as in war; it follows of necessity ; that the government possesses the power to make internal improvements in time of peace ; as well as, in time of war. This must be deemed an extremely important accession to the devices for destroying, all the written restraints in the constitution, upon the powers of the prac- tical government, and leaving it perfectly unlimited ; and the gen- tleman, certainly, has borne off the palm, from all his competitors in the fashionable occupation, of discovering devices for converting a limited, into an unlimited government. For, according to the atten- uated process of the learned gentleman's ratiocination, nothing would be necessary to acquire an}- power to the general government, under the express power "to declare war;" than to suppose the power wanted, might possibly be necessary to some military opera- tion, in time of war; when the same power, would necessarily attach to the government, in time of peace. Now, as there is no power, but in some supposed contingency , might be deemed beneficial, to some military operation; in time of war, therefore, every power what- ever, may legitimately be exercised by the practical government, both in times of peace, and war. The argument being admitted, the government is unlimited in its powers — notwithstanding the gentleman's acknowledged celebrity, both as a municipal, lawyer, and civil jurist; I think, he is utterly mistaken in the source of the derivation of powers, under tlie war power — I readily admit, the constitutional powers of the general government, to be precisely the same, in time of peace, as in time of war; but I peremptorily deny, that the power to make internal im- provements is an accessorial power, to the power to make war ; and 1 also {)eremptorily deny, that wiicn, in lime of war, a road, or canal is made, witli a view to military operations ; that it can legitimately be done, solely in consequence, of the express power to make war. The power is never legitimate, in time of war; but when it is ren- dered so, by necessity. It is therefore the result of necessity i not 129 of any expression in the constitution. It is grounded upon a prin- ciple of self-defence, which is above all law — paramount the consti- tution itself. But then, the necessity must be imposed 5 and that too, by the act of another; before the right can accrue. The government has no more right to make a road, or a canal in time of war, than in time of peace, unless a necessity for the measure is imposed upon the government, by the act of the enemy — A. state of war, is a state of force ; not of law. " Inter arma silent leges;" and all the extraordinary powers, exerted in time of war, are the re- sults of coercion — of force — of necessity.— The extremely ingenious, and learned jurist, seems to have forgotten, or never to have thought, that, wiien he was deriving the power to make internal improve- ments, from the war power: he was proving too much. For, from the same process of reasoning, he could prove, that the government in time of peace, possessed the power to make internal destruction — Yes : to make internal destruction of pre-existing internal improve- ments. This is as much a war power, as the power of making in- ternal improvements; and is practised one hundred times, in time of war, where, the power to make internal improvements, is practised once. A state of war is not well suited, to making internal improve- ments — Hence, according to the very ingenious gentleman's attenu- ated process of ratiocination, the general government, would have a right in lime of peace, to batter down the city of Richmond, for the purpose of preparing to battle the enemy to advantage, in the event of war, and the presence of the enemy before the city. This right of the destruction of internal improvements in time of war, was sev- eral times carried into effect during our last war. A rope-walk, at Bal- timore was burnt, by order of the American General; and sundry houses at Plattsburg, destroyed, and other acts of destruction commit- ted. The principle upon which it was done, was self-defence ; arising from the necessity imposed, by the presence of the enemy. This des- truction was afterwards paid for; but it was admitted by all, that the government was under no legal obligation to do so, having merely act- ed in self-defence, and under a necessity imposed. The reimbursement in value, was made from equitable, and liberal considerations on the part of th.e government. Upon this point I speak with certainty, as I reported the bills, for reimbursements; and sustained them, by argu- ment, in favor of the individual suflerers. Here the gentleman must see ; that, if his favorite power to make internal improvements, in time of peace, be deducible from the war power, he must give with it, the power to make internal destruction of the internal improvements, when made ; and I presume, he will then admit, that he has rendered the genaral government unlimited, in all times, both in times of peace and war; and in short, through all the moods and tenses of ultra despotism — Permit me here, sir, incidentally to remark; that the learned gentle- man, tauntingly reminded me of passing over the discussion of the constitutionality of the power to make internal improvements — I stated my reason at the time, to be; that I considered that usurpation at an end — at least suspended in its operation. — That its impractica- bility had been demonstrated, without the accompaniment of com- 17 i3{i piete jurisdiction, over territory, within tlie limits of the respective States ; and that, I did not believe ; that one State in the Union, would surrender that jurisdiction to the general government. The subject was not therefore pressing ; whereas, the other branch of the subject was; and was, moreover, in itself, too comprehensive, to be thoroughly examined in a single speech.— If the States should sur- render their jurisdiction over the territory, persons, and things with- in their respective limits, the last vestige of their sovereignty, is gone — This jurisdiction is the only sheet anchor of their sovereign- ty — of their existence. Whilst the gentleman, is so precise in deriv- ing all powers from the war power, he, nevertheless, cannot admit, that the embargo, and non-intercourse laws, were bottomed upon the war pow er, but upon the power to regulate commerce ; and the gentleman has attempted to ridicule an argument, under the appel- lation of, " a Yankee argument," which went to prove, that the power to regulate commerce, excluded the power to destroy com- merce. The gentleman complimented the argument, as extremely ingenious ; and the only objection he had to it, was ; that it was to- tally destitute of "common sense." — Now, sir; i must beg leave to differ totally with the learned gentleman, in the real characteristics of this "Yankee argument" — totis viribus. — I think, it consists, very little of ingenuity, and almost all of common sense. I heartily con- curred in this "Yankee argument," at the time, and it has not yet lost, any of its convincing influence upon me. The argument is ; that the power to regulate commerce, excludes the power, to destroy commerce. I think the position self-evident : — Because it is self-evi- dent; that no power can exist to regulate that; which has no exist- ence in itself; — I think, the position so replete with common sense; that the dogma of the learned gentleman excited my utter surprise ; and but for the very high respect, I sincerely entertain for the gen- tleman's talents, I siiould be almost tempted to say ; that the oppo- site position, for which he contends, is common nonsense. Suppose there had been introduced into the constitution, a written clause, to the precise effect, of the power claimed by implication — to wit — " Congress shall have power, to put down, destroy, and annihilate commerce" — Does the gentleman believe; that it would have met with a single advocate in the United States f — Suppose an amend- ment, nov/, were proposed to the constitution, to the same effect; does the gentleman believe, that it would now meet with a single advocate? Would the gentleman vote for such an amendment him- self.'* Would not such a proposition, be deemed by all, the propo- sition of a blockhead, or a madman? Yet the learned gentleman, in his rage for deriving power to the goieral government, through his refined process of ratiocination, would not hesitate, even through the triumph of rithcule, to imply a power for the general govern- ment, which he would blush to vote for himself, if presented to him in written terms, directly for that purpose. But the gentleman cannot admit; that the embargo, and non-in- tercourse laws, were bottomed upon the war power. — He most ear- nestly, and perseveringly insists; that they were bottomed upon the 131 power to regulate commerce ; and to demonstrate, that they could not be deduced from the war power, asserts ; that the first embargo, and non-intercourse laws, preceded the war; and consequently, could not grow out of war rights — "a non sequitur." The gentleman ob- served, that war did not exist between two nations, until every man, woman, and child, of one nation were, at least impliedly, armed, against every man, woman, and child of the other belligerent nation. This is war complete — War de facto — Flagrante bello — In extenso. — But the gentleman should recollect ; that war rights generally, precede war acts ; and the measures of embargo, and non-intercourse, grow out of war rights, antecedent to war acts, on the part of the United States. I have pressed the gentleman to say ; when war rights do ac- crue to an aggressed nation? But I cannot prevail on him to meet the question." Certainly, when one nation commits belligerent acts towards another, the aggressed nation becomes instantly invested with all war rights, against the belligerent aggressor. Hence, when Great Britain, and France, commenced their belligerent acts against the United States, all the rights of war, instantly accrued to the United States, against both aggressing nations. The United States had a right instantly to consult their own interests, their own policy, in relation to the aggressors. — They were perfectly at liber- ty, to resort to flagrant war, or mitigated war, or bear the injuries inflicted on them. In pursuance of these rights, the United States determined, in the first instance, to resort to a mitigated state of war; and did so, through embargo and non-intercourse regulations — be- ing, in fact, a commercial war, instead of an open war at arms. I never understood, nor heard, to the best of my recollection, until 1823 or 1824, "when all old things were done away, and all things became new" — that the embargo and non-intercourse laws, were con- sidered as regulations of commerce, but a mitigated warfare against the aggressing nations. Indeed, they were almost unanimously so declared, in eflect, by the House of Representatives. That House declared a determined resistance against the belligerent aggressors ; and that resistance was afterwards made to consist of commercial restrictions, until the open war of arms, of 1812; — I knew of no other resistance; nor do I recollect ever to have heard, until 1823 or 1824, the fatal period of the civil revolution in our fundamental institutions, that the protection to certain domestic manufactures, which incidentally accrued in the ordinary course of raising revenue, was ever pretended to have grown out of the power to regulate com- merce — I always understood it to have accrued out of the specified power to lay and collect " imposts ;" and that, too, exclusively for re- venue objects :--a power, if honestly exerted, extremely difierent from the power to protect manufactures, without any limitation; and through that power, to intermeddle with, and control all the occupations of society. Hence, the learned and eloquent gentleman seems to me to have misconceived the whole of both these branches of the subject. The gentlemao strenuously denies, that Great Britain has aban- doned her restrictive system ; and to prove his position, has exhibit- ed a lon^ catalogue of excessively high duties imposed upo« foreign 132 goods, on their importation into Great Britain. I have never heard it asserted, that Great Britain had actually repealed all her restric- tive laws. Such a measure would be impracticable, without the ut- ter derangement of all the occupations of society ; but the fact, which I assert, is; that the British nation and government have denounc- ed the principles of the restrictive system, as unwise in theory, and infinitely destructive in practice ; and, as far as practicable, in the present state of things, have endeavored to abandon it in practice. Particularly is this the case, with the corn laws, the corner stone of the whole system. These once universally admired laws, are found to be as mischievous in their operations, as they are unsound in prin- ciple. Through their operations, the poor operative is obliged to pay double the price for his bread, at which it could be furnished in foreign markets. Hence, destruction to the manufacturing occupa- tions ; and ruin, pauperism, and starvation, to the poor operatives employed in manufacturing establishments. — Hence, two hundred and eighty thousand persons, hold all the property in the British empire; and twenty millions two hundred thousand are stripped of all property — a great proportion of them, both of food and raiment. This is the eflect, mainly, of the long continued system of monopoly. Is this a desirable condition for any population under the sun ? Should a policy be introduced here, which will inevitably reduce the population of the United States to that condition? And, sir, with these awful and melancholy results before our eyes, is it not wonderful ; when Great Britain, from sad experience, is endeavoring to free herself from the mischiefs of this despotic monopolizing system, that the United States should eagerly seize upon the discarded policy, and incorporate it into their system ? heretofore founded in competi- tion, in freedom, injustice, and equality.'' But when this view of the subject is pressed upon the gentleman, he denies that this deplorable condition of the British population has been brought about by the restrictive system, but by other causes. Perhaps it may be so, in part; but he must admit, that the restric- tive system has had no agency in counteracting this state of things, since it exists with the restrictive system ; and therefore ought not to be resorted to as the means of counteraction. — No! it has not coun- teracted it; but most certainly contributed to produce it, Mr, Speaker ; 1 fnid myself, exiiaustiiig too nnich of the little time, allotted me, in examining the honorable, and learned gentleman's, prhiciples ; and must therefore proceed at once, to tlie examination of his precedenls — These seem to be his chief reliance. — He could not fail to see; that his principles were merely colorable, even in his own eyes; that they wanted something to invigorate, and give them fresh color; and precedents are resorted to for that purpose. Indeed ; I have never known a case, in vvliidi so many precedents, have been invoked; and so incfssantiy, and perseveringly repeated as in the present case, wlien, as ("ar as 1 am able to comprehend, there is not a single case produced, whicli possesses the common, and essential properties of a precedent. The gentleman is a most learned and practised lawyer ; aiuj oi' course, mfist delight in precedents. — But he should recollect; 133 that wbiTst precedents are binding on courts, they are not on legislatures^ particularly are lliey not in the interpretation of the constitution. The constituiion is a written instrument, is always the same, and at all times, as much open to the interpretation of one legislature, as another. If any laws, passed by a preceding, should be found, by a subsequent legislature, to violate the provisions of the constitution, so far from being binding, it would furnish the best reason for the repeal of the uncousiiiutional act. Courts are bound by precedents ; and the gen- tleman's forensic habits, would necessarily incline him to rely much upon them, and when, in a bad cause, he is so fortunate, as to find some one, even of remote resemblance, he delights in it, and coupling it with his own ingenuity, he confidently relies upon their joint influence, as a sure guarantee, of ultimate success. So in the present case, questionable, in his own estimation, in principle, he has been extremely prolific, in the production of precedents — But give the gentleman all the weight of precedents, in this case, which they would be entitled to in a court of law, and, as far as I am able to judge, he has not pro- duced a single case, with all the essential requisites of a precedent. Even in coiirts of law, the gentleman must admit that to entitle a decision, to the weight of precedent, the question upon which it was made, must have been brought directly before the court, and its merits solemnly argued, and decided ; and moreover, it ought to receive the sanction of an unanimous opinion, or certainly, of more than a majority of the court. — Still, after all — it is subject to be reversed by the same court — Decisions, " subsilentio ;" and " obiter sayings," can never be dignified with the appellation of precedents : — the last solemn, decision too, forms the precedent. Has a single case of the man}', produced by the gentleman, possessed these essential requisites, or conformed to these rules.'' Certainly not — They are all acts passed " subsilentio" — and " obiter sayings,*' or general expressions — mostly intended for other objects, and not having the smallest resemblance to the ease under consideration. This is surely the case, with all the acts, imputed to Washington, Jefierson, and Madison. The gentle- man has not produced a single case, in which the direct question of the constitutionality of the power to make internal improvements was ever brought before either of these presidents, and solemnly decided by either of tliem in its favor. 3ut so far from it, Jefl!erson, and Madison, on several interesting occasions, have recommended an amendment to the constitution, to obtain, in a qualified form, that very power, which the gentleman contends, they have determined the general government now possess in an utiqualified form; and these high authorities are now relied upon as affording precedents for that purpose. The very requisition for an amendment to the constitution, made by these autho- rities, is the best precedent, to prove, that the general government did not, according to their judgments, antecedently possess that power. For, if they deemed an amendment essential to the acquisition of the power at one time, it was equally so, at any other time; and ought completely, to exclude all these far-fetched inferences, drawn from acts, having other objects, and bearings in view, to prove their deter- minations in direct opposition to their own deliberate decisions, upon flie point, when directly in question before them. But, Mr. Speaker, 134 whilst 1 am not allowed time, to examine each individual case, ijroughi forward, as a precedent ; and to show, that not one of them possesses the common properties of a precedent, as applicable to the case under consideration, 1 feel myself called upon to trespass upon so much of your time, as will enable me to give to one of them, a more critical examination. This is the celebrated case of the Cumberland road, which has been hawked about, as a case in point, in most of the public prints — Yes, the law establishing the Cumberland road, has so frequently, and so triumphantly been brought forward, as a precedent, directly in point, that it has been generally believed to be so; where- as, it is wanting in almost every property of a precedent. This statement has been so often repeated, and so generally believed, that the public seem determined, not to be convinced of their error, by the most positive contradictions, supported by the most authentic docu- ments. The public seem to be so much enamoured of this bold mis- representalion, that they prefer to give it credence, though proved to be false ; to its contradiction, though proved, to be true. Yes, sir, in this extraordinary case, falsehood seems to have more charms, for the public ear, than truth. 1 will notwithstanding these discour- aging circumstances, give the true history of the boasted precedent of the Cumberland road, founded upon authentic documents — and it will be found as destitute of the essential requisitions of a precedent, as any one of the subordinate cases, brought forward in its support- — The gentleman asserts, that this law was sanctioned both by Jefferson and Madison ; and he has been pleased, not in his usual spirit of urbanity, to honor me with the appellation of the father of the Cumberland road. 1 think, that after the gentleman shall give his attention to its true history, he will admit, that he has mistaken the appellation he has bestowed upon me; and that the nearest affinity' he can make out be- tween us, will be its grand-father — for, by recurrence (o the Journals of the Senate, it will appear, that I was not present in the Senate, at the time of its passage, nor at any time during the progress of the bill. The following are the Journals of the Senate, from the first intro- duction, to the final passage of the bill, Thursday, Decemher 5, 1805. The Senate took Into consideration the motion made yesterday, for the appointment of a committee, to examine the "act to enable the people of the eastern division of the territory nortii west of the river Ohio, to form a constitution and state government, and for the admis- sion of such state into the Union, on an equal footing with the original states, and for other purposes."— And Thursday, December 19, 1805. Mr. Tracy, also, from the committee last mentioned, reported, a bill, " to regulate the laying out and making a road from Cumberland, in the state of Maryland, to the state of Ohio;" and the bill was read; Ordered, That it pass to the second reading. Friday, December 20, 1805. The bill, " to regulate the laying out, and making a road from Cum- 135 berland, in the state of Maryland, to the state of Ohio," was read a second time ; and on motion. Ordered, That the further consideration of this, be the order of the day for Monday next. Thursday, December 24, 1805. The bill, " to regulate the laying out, and making a road from Cum- berland, in the state of Maryland, to the state of Ohio," was considered as in committee of the whole; and being reported to the House with" out amendment ; Ordered, That tliis bill be passed to the third reading. December 27, 1805. The bill, " to regulate the laying out, and making a road from Cum- berland, in the state of Maryland, to the state of Ohio," was read the third lime, and the blanks having been filled. Resolved, That this bill pass, that it be engrossed, and that the title thereof, be "an act to regulate the laying out and making a road from Cumberland, in the state of Maryland, to the state of Ohio." Ordered, That the secretary desire the concurrence of the House of Representatives in this bill. From these Journals it will be seen, that the Cumberland road bill, was introduced; went, through its several stages, and finally passed, with as little ceremony, and consideration, as any bill ever did pass that body. That, after the admission of Ohio into the Union, it was considered as a matter of course, and that no constitutional question, which might have grown out of it, ever was moved in the Senate. It therefore, may be said, to have passed " subsilentio ;" of course, it cannot form a precedent — But, says the learned gentleman, with his usual forensic ingenuity, that the Journals of the Senate, showing no division in opinion upon the bill — no yeas, and nays, having been called for at any stage of it, are not conclusive evidence, that the constitutional question was not moved, debated, and solemnly decided. It is admit- ted that the evidence is not positively conclusive, but is, as strongly presumptive, as evidence can be; that no such question ever was tnoved — The yeas and nays, were not only not taken, but the bill appears never to have been postponed for argument. There isone postponement seen in the formal parts of the proceedings, but not for argument — This suggestion, therefore, can only be considered as a new stratagem of the ingenious gentleman, to shift the burthen of the proof from himself, to myself. He triumphantly presents the Cum- berland road law, as a conclusive precedent in his favor ; and cf course, places himself under the obligation to show, that it has all the properties of a precedent — that it is complete to all the intents, and purposes of a precedent directly in point; but when he finds it has not one of these properties, he then calls for negative proof. 1 now ask the honorable gentleman, whether this comports with his usual can- dor ? Does he not know, that there was no such debate, with almost as much certainty, as if it had been so entered in the Journals of the Senate? If such debate had taken place, would it have been possible 136 to have eluded the public prints of the day ! and if it had been inserted in them, would not the gentleman have produced them here, to prop up his deficient precedent ? Surely he would. I now call upon the gentleman ; and put it to him to say, wliether, or not, lie ever saw, or heard of such debate. If it had taken place, is it possible to conceive that his indefatigable researches would not have found it out.'* But the Cumberland road law cannot be deemed a precedent in this case, for another reason — the principle upon which it is founded, is at this day, thought by many, not to involve in any degree, the question of the power of the general government to make internal improvements, but is an exception to the general rule ; and depends, for its own peculiar justification, upon iis own pecniiar circumstances. It is, at this day, therefore, a fair matter for difference in opinion. I am well informed, that this was Mr. Jefferson's most deliberate opis.ion till a short time before his death. The gentleman is not willing however, to exempt me entirely from his charge, of having been the fatlier of the Cumberland road bill, although I was not present at any stage of it, till its passage. He asserts ; that it grew out of a report, I had the honor to make, for the admission of the state of Ohio into the Union. That there was a condition in that report, which went to pledge a cer- tain portion of the proceeds of the sales, of the public lands, within Ohio, towards opening roads, through the public lands within that state, with an extension of such roads, through the Atlantic states to the city of Washington. I think it not improbable myself, but that the Cumber- land road bill, did grow out of the report referred to by the indefati- gable gentleman, and yet, 1 cannot think I was in the remotest degree, entitled to the appellation of the "father of the Cumberland road." The report presented a mere initiatory condition, in an arrangement, for the admission of Ohio into the Union. This was done in 1802, four years, before, even the introduction of the Cumberland Road bill. — There is too little relation between this initiatory process, and the final adoption of another measure; although possibly growing out of it, and the distance of time is too great, to connect me, in any way, with the Cumberland Road law. It is perfectly uncertain, if I had been pre- sent, whether I should have voted for the Cumberland Road bill, or not. If no constitutional objection had occurred, I probably should ; but most certainly, I should not, if the constitutional question, respecting the power to make internal improvements, had been moved ; and be- lieved to have been applicable to the provisions of thai bill. But the gentleman informs us; he has been for several months searching my speeches; for detections of inconsistencies, in my opinions, at different periods of my political life; — the gentleman no doubt, had anticipated a rich, and delicious mental banquet upon my reported inconsistencies. He seems, however, not to have spread a very rich repast before this house; but even if the gentleman, had been much more fortunate, in his researches, than he seems to have been, I can assure him, it would have been labor in vain. — I have never aspired to the perfectibility of absolute consistency ; under all circumstances; and in every period of my life. I readily acknowledge I have often committed errors; and if the gentleman had been so fortunate, as to have presented me with an error, 1 should instantly have acknowledged it without hesitation: 137 i Ijave heretofore done so, on other occasions, a memorable one, iii reference to some measures of Washington's administration. — I always mean to avail myself of experience, and reflection; and whenever they adn)onish me of an error, 1 will take pleasure in avowing it. All the pledge I ever make, is, tl)at of good intention — I yield to none in that respect— I pledge myself, that whenever called upon to express an opi- nion, or give a vote; that 1 express that opinion, or give that vote, which results from the honest conviction of my best judgment, at the moment of performing either act ; [lerfectly regardless, of what my opi- nion, or vote may have been, upon the same subject, at any former time. But, Mr. Speaker, what seems to have been the success of the indefatigable gentleman, in his laborious researches in quest of my in- consistencies ? The gentleman, in a style, and manner, more rough, than could have been expected from his accustomed urbanity, has pro- duced an entire speech, which he has attributed to me; and whichj from his peculiar ebullition of feeling upon the occasion, he does seem to think, really contains some opinions inconsistent with those express- ed by me in this debate. This imputed speech, is a miserable scrawl of some note taker, who has taken it with great carelessness, to say the least of it; and for whose most inaccurate version, 1 do not consider myself responsible in any respect whatever. — Whilst 1 thoroughly dis- claim its language, as never having been pronounced by me, I am yet willing to admit its general tenor; not so much out of respect to the verity of the note taker; as because, it appears to be, such as probably was employed by me, on the occasion. — This most imperfect scrawl, too, is brought forth, by some silly sycophantic parasite, and printed by the officious, mistaken, editors of the National Intelligencer, in one column, contrasted with another, pointing out my misconceived incon- sistencies, to the hand of the deluded, delighted gentleman. — Notwith- standing all these researches and troubles, there is no more relation, either of contrast, or resemblance, between the contents of the two co- lumns, than there is, between the contents of either, and the contents of the Lord's Prayer. Permit me here, sir, to introduce t!ie formidable scrawl at large. I can, however, but regret the waste of time in doing so. Whilst introducing it, I protest against it, as not having the least resemblance to the speech actually delivered by me. — In its interpreta- tion, however, it ought to be taken in reference to its context. — Tlie subject in discussion was, the admission of a new state (Ohio) into the Union. One of the conditions of such proposed admission was; to apply a certain portion of the proceeds of the public lands, towards making a road from the Adantic states, to unite with the roads, propos- ed to be run through the lands belonging to the United States, within the state of Ohio, when the following proceedings are slated, by the note taker, to have taken place: Extract from the Proceedings, and Debates in the House of Represen- tatives, on the 3lst of March, 1802. " On a report of a select committee respecting Ihe admission of the Northwestern Territory, as a state, into the Union, Mr. Griswold mov- ed to strike out the 3d article, which provides, that one-tenth part of the neti proceeds of the sales of western lands, should be applied to the making of roads, leading from the Havigable waiters, emptying into 18 166 the Atlantic, to the Ohio, and contined afterwards through the State of = -." Mr. Giles, in opposition, said, "lie was sorry liiere was any part of the report, that had a local aspect; but this was unavoidable. — JLocal considerations were often necessarily blended with principles ot general utility. He recollected the passage of several bills for the erec- tion of light houses, though he did not recollect how many of these were raised at the public expense on the Connecticut shores. Consid- ering them as useful, though they had a local eflect, he had always vo- ted for them. He would also mention certain circumstances attending the aiding of the fisheries to the Eastward, to which certain benefits were attached, that were derived from the contributions of other parts of the Union ; 3'et he had always voted tor them, notwithstanding their local application. So far as relates to Virginia, the simple eflect of this resolution will be, to form a road over a mountainous country. Mr. G. said he was himself as little interested, as the gentleman from Con- necticut; yet, where measures were devised, whose great object was the general benefit, though they might be attended with local advan- tages, he had no objection to them. He believed the state of Maryland, the Federal City, Alexandria, Baltimore, and Philadelphia, would be most benefitted by facilitating an interchange of commodities." I pre- sume it will be readily admitted, that no constitutional question, is in- cluded witiiin this part of the discussion ; but a mere question of locali- ty ; when I contended, that local benefits, growing out of the measures intended for the general good, ought not to form an objection to them; provided the general good would be promoted by them ; and that every measure of the description of the one under consideration, must have an effect, more or less locally beneficial, — a sentiment, which I now avow; and which I have already avowed, perhaps, half a dozen times, during this session of the General Assembly. This scrawl proceeds, partly in italics. " Mr. G. said, he considered the circumstances of con- necting the difierent parts of the Union, by every tie, as well of liberal policy, as of facility of communication, highly desirable. He further believed, that the devoting one-tenth of the proceeds of the lands, to the laying out new roads, would be, in fact no relinquishment on the part of the United States, as the lands woidd therel)y be greatly en- hanced in value. If, however, it shall he thought, that this svm will be letter applied in the opening roads, in the interior of the state, he shall' have no objection to that.'''' Is there any constitutional question involved in these remarks f Certainly none. — It is the mere expression of an opinion in favor of good roads, which is not at all abated at the present moment; but it must surely be understood to be such roads, as were to be made by the proper constitutional tribunal, and within constitutional provisions. Is there here seen, even a hint from any quarter, that the proposed road was unconstitutional.'' Is any constitutional question whatever, here made, or even intimated.'* Certainly none. — It here seems, too, from the concluding remark, that I was perfectly careless about the provision for the extension of the roads into the Atlantic states, and was perfectly willing, that the whole fund should be applied to open- ing roads within the state of Ohio. The scrawl proceeds: "The gentleman from Connecticut, (Mr. Griswold,) affects lately 139 fo have discovered a great deal of disguise in the proceedings of this House. What disguise ? What were the committee to do ? This country is placed in a certain peculiar situation. We have waters running to the East — they to the West ; and the committee thought it was desirahle to connect these by good roads. With the commit- tee, State principles or interest had no influence ; they ivere governed entirely by general principles, and the common interest" Here, sir, is again seen, in the most crude conceptions, and lan- guage, a farther enforcement of the first suggestion, that the general interests operated with the committee, regardless of local interests or prejudices. But, sir, here is an expression which called forth the most animated effusions of triumph and pleasantry on the part of the learned jurist, whilst it could not fail to excite both my smiles and my surprise. — I was astonished, that instead of the delight which seemed to be enjoyed by the gentleman, from the novel, enchanting sound; that he did not involuntarily feel its harsh grating upon his own ears. — The expression was perfectly new to me ; and its sound most coarsely grated upon my ears. I am satisfied I never heard the sound, until 1 heard it, in all the joy of triumph, from the en- chanted gentleman's lips ; nor saw it, in print, until I saw it in this heterogeneous scrawl. " State principles" — This term has occupied much of the gentleman's time ; and afforded him a delicious treat for commentary. Now, I would ask the gentleman, if lie ever before heard, or saw the term, " Stale principles.'"' If so, what ideas did it convey to his enlightened mind ^ Has he attempted a definition of the term .f' If not, 1 would now most reverently ask him to define it. What is the meaning of the term, "State principles.'*" Is it suscepti- ble of definition .'' I have often before heard of " State rights," but ne- ver of " Slate principles." " Stale rights" are susceptible of the clear- est definition. They mean the rights reserved to the slates b}' all our fundamental laws. " Stale principles" are indefinable — They are too numerous, and too various for definition. I protest against the im- putation of having used that term — strike it out, and the sentence stands in perfect accordance with the rest. Now, sir, I would ask the delighted, learned jurist, if upon this review, he is not astonish- ed himself, at having dwelt so long, with so much apparent exwlta^. tion, upon a term, so totally destitute of meaning, and insusceptible of definition.'' and whether he has not discovered, that, in his most unprofitable researches, he has permitted his passions and his preju- dices to cast some light tinge of obscurity over his own brilliant un- derstanding,'* The scrawl proceeds : — "The gentleman has also insinuated, that the Secretary of the Treasury holds lands that will be benefitted by these roads. It may be so. Mr. G. had not inquired ; but he sup- posed he did not hold all the lands. Congress may lay out these roads as they please. He could not foresee how Congress would lay them out, and it is a million to one, that they will not touch his lauds. " The United States are about making a new contract. Thes& propositions are made as additional securities^ for the national pro- perty. The Secretary of the Treasary^ having- estimated tfee annual 140 product of these lands at 400,000 dollars, Mr. G. said, as Cliairman of the committee, he had applied to him to know his opinion of the manner in which the sum could be best secured ; and he gave his opinion, that this provision would be most likely to effect that object. This is all the mystery and disguise attending the resolution." Thus terminates this careless, incorrect scrawl. — It licre appears, that the United States had large, and complicated interests, wiUiin Ohio, which required to be secured, upon its admission into the Uni- on, on the fooling of an original state; and that subject being in-- trusted to me, I had taken the precaution to consult Mr. Gallatin, then Secretary of the Treasury, as to the best mode of securing these interests to the United States, and had been entirely successful in effecting the important object. For the gentleman has been liber- al enough to admit, that not only these, but all the public interests confided to my hands, during an active service of above twenty years; have been fortunately secured, and promoted; and I assure the learned gentleman, that I derive more consolation, from this ad~ mission, united with my own consciousness of the fact, than would overbalance all the mortificaticm that could have arisen, if he had been much more successful in his laborious researclies after my incon- sistencies, than his meagre developements here, prove him to have been. For, I would put it to the candor of the lumorable gentleman himself, and to every honorable member, after reviewing his exhibi- tions, to say, whether there remains the shadow of a shade of incon- sistency to be seen, in any part of my conduct or opinions .'' and, if any should still labor under such delusion, to ask himself, where that inconsistency can be found .'' But, whilst this careless, incoherent sketch, of my remarks, exhibits no vestige of inconsistency on my part, it does serve to prove, incontestable', one fact, extremely impor-^ tant in this discussion — that upon the report made for the admission of Ohio into the Union, the question of the constitutionality of the extension of the roads from the interior of Ohio to the Atlantic wa- ters, was never made, nor discussed, nor considered ; and of course, proves as incontestably, that the law for the establishment of the Cum- berland Road, can form no semblance of a precedent for the power to make internal improvements; and consequently, can afford no jus- tification wiiatever, for the usurpation of that power by the general government. — The absence of all intimation whatever, of the uncon- stitutionality of the Cumberland Road law, in the debate, arising out of the Report of 1802 — and also, of the bill of 1806 — is a cnn-^ elusive negative proof, that no such question ever was made; and therefore, no semblance of precedent can be founded upon it. Now, ]VIr. Speaker, let me ask you, sir, what has become of this formida- ble battery of precedents, with which we have been loudly, and vaunt- ingly threatened, to justily the exercise of the power to make internal improvements.^ The precedents exist not; nor did they ever exist. — They have been conjured up, by an officious disturbed imagination, in consequence of the total defeat of the arguments derived from a fair interpretation of the constitution, upon principle. The precedents •brought forward, have been of two kinds — adjudged cases, and the 141 obiter sayings, in general declarations of individuals. As it regards the first, it is proved, that not a case produced possesses the common properties of a precedent ; and how does the case stand in regard to the general obiter declarations of the individuals, relied on by the learned gentleman, as the judges who pronounced these obiter decla- rations? As it regards President Washington, it appears that during his administration, no question was ever made, as to the unqualified powers of the general government to make internal improvements ; and as to his recommendation of certain specified points of internal improvements, it does not appear, that any of them had ever been formally argued, upon the question of constitutionality, directly brought before him : and of course, could not have received such solemn adjudication by him, as would give them the properties of precedents. Tliey were mere general declarations, not solemn de- cisions. In regard to President Jeflerson, it will appear from some of the cases produced, and from others, which might be produced, that, when the constitutionality of the power to make internal im- provements, was directly brought before him for his opinion, he re- commended an amendment to the constitution for giving that power for certain objects, and in a limited form, which recommendation cer- tainly amounts to a positive and direct incompatibility with the opi- nion of the pre-existence of that power in the general government. — Besides, no case has been, nor can be produced, in which, after so- lemn argument, nor even without it, he ever did express an opinion, that the general government did possess the power to make internal improvements in any form. Certainly not in an unqualified form.— - Independently of all these considerations, in relation to Mr. Jefferson, it is well known to his friends, that he died in a state of " the deepest affliction," from the most firm conviction, that the usurpation gn the part of the general government, of the power to make internal im-= provements, united with the power of controlling the occupations of in- dividuals, and distributing the whole proceeds of the labor of society amongst its individual members, had effectually obliterated all the restraining provisions of our fundamental laws; and would necessa- rily be followed by the substitution of the most frightful, consolida- ted despotism. Surely, the gentleman must be hard pressed for pre- cedents, when he introduces a judge with these opinions and feelings, in direct hostility to the principle for which he is quoted, as the au- thor of his precedent— Strange to tell ! Mr. Madison is also called upon as another judge, pronouncing solemn opinions, and thus af- fording precedents in favor of the power of the general government to make internal improvements ; when it is well known, that one of the last acts of his political life, was, the rejection of a bill passed by Congress, including that power ; and expressly because it did in- clude that power! — Thus, for the sake of saving this great principle from usurpation, incurring the highest responsibility a President can incur J and under a full knowledge that it was to be one of the last acts of his political life. — Yes! sir, that his future political fame would mainly depend upon it. Sir, for this act^ of sterling devotion to the constitution of his country, and to the security of the liberties 142 of his coui)lr3ineH, and of the hopes of the liberties of the whole hu- man race, combined with the protection he afforded to the freedom «f religion ; when inadvertently assailed by Congress, Mr. Madison has most justly entitled himself to the love, admiration, and veneration of the present generation ; and if American liberties should thereby be preserved, in the preservation of the restraining provisions of our fun- damental laws, Mr. Madison will then, not only have entitled himself to, but will certainly receive, the most grateful remembrance and ad- miration of applauding posterity. Under these circumstances, the last adjudication, forming the prece- dent, is it not more than strange! is it not wonderful! that Mr. Ma- dison should be invoked, as the author of precedents for establishing a principle, directly opposite to the one, for the preservation of which, he put to hazard all his own political fame, and incurred the highest responsibility attached to his high station ! ! — Mr. Speaker, humble as I am, sir, I have been honored by the indefatigable gentleman, as having afforded another precedent, in favor of his principles. Yes, sir, pressed, coarsely pressed by the gentleman upon that point, loud- ly calling to his aid the argumentum ad hominem. — He still insists, that I am the father of the Cumberland Road law ; and that, thai law furnishes a precedent in point — in favor of the power of the gen- era\ government to make internal improvements at its discretion j when upon examination, it is seen, that the law itself contains no such general principle, and that if it did, it was passed sub-silentio, without argument — without consideration — and consequently, with- out aflbrding any precedent whatever ; and so far as relates to my- self, it also appears, that I had no agency whatever in passing that law. Nor has the gentleman, with all his indefatigable researches in- to my speeches, of above twenty years, been able to exhibit the small- est inconsistency whatever in my interpretation of the constitution ; but that through the whole course of my political life, 1 have been invariably governed by the great rule of construction in the interpre- tation of the constitution, which is applied to the construction of all written instruments; and without which, written instruments would be without all certainty of meaning. That is, so to construe the con- stitution as to give every part of it its proper efficiency, and not seize upon one clause, for the purpose of destroying, and annihilating all the rest. Sir, the gentleman has totally failed to show, that I ever expressed any opinion whatever, at any period of my life, in favor of the power of the general government to make internal improve- ments. Nor did I ever entertain, or express such opinion, to the best of my recollection : — but if I had, sir, it no longer exists. — I have given to this subject the most attentive consideration — I have ex- hausted the best faculties of my mind in deliberating upon it — and I am most decidedly of opinion, that the general government posses- ses no such power; and if it did, tliat it would, in its operations, ne- cessarily subvert all our i^undamental laws. — That the power to make internal improvements, united with the power of applying all the re- sources of the country, at the will of the government, and control- ling all the occupations of society, would constitute the most fright- ful consolidated despotism. Let me then, pray you, sir^ not to de= 143 rive a scintilla of influence in favor of the frightful, despotic doc- trine, from any opinion ever entertained by me. 1 here now stand before you, and solemnly protest against being used as affording a precedent in favor of doctrines so repugnant to the soundest dictates of my head, and so abhorrent to the best feelings of ray heart. Let us now suppose, Mr. Speaker, that the gentleman were before a court, what a farcical figure would he make, sir, when amidst his vast bud- get of precedents, he fails to produce a single adjudicated case in favor of his principles ; and when those persons whom he has relied upon, as the judges pronouncing in favor of his principles, have de- nounced them with alarm and abhorrence ; and when one of them stands before you, sir, and begs, and prays you, sir, not to sanction the gentleman's doctrines; when he now, firmly and solemnly avers, that after bestowing the best exertions of his mind upon the subject, he con- sciemiously believes, that these doctrines are destructive of all the efficient provisions of our fundamental laws, and must necessarily cause to be substituted, an unlimited, for a limited government. 1 believe, sir, I have already exceeded the limit of lime, allowed for making this reply, and would now gladly take my leave of the gen- tleman's principles, and precedents, and of the debate forever, but, sir, the honorable gentleman introduced one point, upon which, he seemed to dwell, with triumphant delight, and which cannot be passed over without some animadversion. It was a point, which excited my extreme surprise, and deep mortification. It was the triumphant joy, expressed by the gentleman, at his anticipation of the downfall of Vir- ginian principles, of Virginian influence, and of Virginian institutions; and in his ebullitions of delight, from these anticipations, he placed the Virginian people and government, as 1 think, in the most depressed, degraded, and undeserved condition. I must acknowledge, sir, I was hurt, mortified, and surprised, at seeing a high-minded, honorable Virginian, rioting in the pleasure of his anticipating the downfall of Virginian principles. 1 thought sir, that some little commiseration, some little regret, would be felt by every one, at a final parting with old friends, who had stood steadfastly by us, in times of the utmost need. — Yes sir, from the recollection of the great blessings these old friends, these Virginian principles have dispensed, not only amongst the Virginians, but amongst the whole American people, so long as they were permitted to govern their destinies. Nor could 1 bring my- self to believe, sir, that this feeling could be utterly lost, even in the most sanguine anticipation of greater blessings, from the principles proposed to be substituted. Sir, what are the Virginian principles, proposed to be degraded and abandoned ? and what are the principles, proposed to be substituted in their stead .'' Virginia principles are universal — they apply to all parts of the United States. They are as much the principles of Maine, and Louisiana, as of Virginia. They seek not to take from one section, nor one individual, and give to another, but to render every one his due, wherever he may be found. Virginian principles, sir, are founded in morals, injustice, in nature; and are derived from nature's God. The principles proposed in their stead, are founded in artifice, in huckstering, and trafficking, grounded upon sectional interests and 144 individual rights — They are utterly destitute ot' morals, and of justice. Indeed, they are essentially grounded in injustice; they consist of tricks, and contrivances, by which one description of individuals, takes to itself, under the sanction of law, the proceeds of the labor of others; and the more it can get, the greater the injustice, and of course, the greater the merit of the law — Injustice, not justice, constituting the merit of the law. Yes, sir, the principle is recommended, not for its justice, but for its injustice. This extraordinary trick, in these artificial, fashionable principles, proves at once, their peculiar vice, and forbids all favorable anticipations from their prnctical operations. Yet such is the character of the gentleman's lauded substitutes, for discarded Virginian principles, and for these principles, he delusively calculates upon increasing the blessings of the American people. Sir, 1 deeply regret the necessity 1 am under, of recollecting, and reviewing, the triumphant joy dis- played by the gentleman in describing the fallen condition of his own State, in regard to her prosperity and happiness, as well as in regard to her policy ; whilst 1 enjoy the triumphant pleasure of believing the gentleman to be utterly mistaken. It is true ; that Virginia's wealth, and prosperity, have met with every check and discouragement, which the worst policy of the general government could impose; it is true, that a portion of her wealth is drawn from her, and expended in other parts of the United States; but, sir, her citizens still have enough for their comfortable subsistence; whilst her social condition is the best in the world. In no country in the world, is the law more absolute and sovereign, nor justice more impartially administered generally, nor so cheaply, to the poor ; whilst her moral principles have become prover- bial. But, says the honorable gentleman, her population is not in- creasing, in the same ratio with that of other states, her representation in Congress is lessening, and her moral influenoe in the general gov- ernment is gone. Is tliere any thing strange in the first position ! Is not the emigration from Virginia a natural consequence of the immea- surable tracts of fertile lands, recently opened to the West, and the South .'' Did not every reflecting man of common sense, anticipate precisely the present state of things, from natural, independently of political causes ? But, sir, this is no evidence, that the moral influ- ence of Virginian principles is lessening in Congress. Directly the opposite eflfect is produced by this state of emigration — Emigrating Virginians, are not lost Virginians — They took their Virginian princi- ples with them, and they have learned their value, by a comparison of them with the principles of the states respectively, in which they now reside. When they appear in Congress, from their new residence, they bring back their Virginian principles with them ; more endeared to them, from a conviction of their superior excellence, and thus ex- lend their influence, in a greater degree than could have been done, if they had remained in Virginia, and been her own representatives. Yes, sir, Virginian emigrants become more enamored with Virginian principles after their removal, than many of those who remain within Virginia's bosom, and derive their nourishment from its parental, bountiful supplies. Sir, Virginian principles never stood in higher ad- miration at Washington, than they do at this moment. It is true, they are out voted for the moment— it is true, other principles are_ con.- 145 sirucled with tliem, and substituted for them, for the moment; but, sir, in the very act of this substitution, the highest admiration h felt, and expressed for Virginians and Virginian priniiples. i am told sir, that nothing is more common amongst the trafficking schemers them- selves, when they have an unprincipled bargain in view, than to remark, it is in vain to apply to a Virginian witii your trafBcking proposition ; he will tell you at once, that it is destitute of principle; and that he never can condescend to advance the interest of his state, at the ex- pense of Virginian principles. Can any thing be more honorable to Virgi.iians, and Virginian principles, than this honorable testimonial avowed by their opponents? and ought we not to feel a pride in our successive rc'presentatives, whose honorable conduct has called forth this high tribute of respect, even from their adversaries ? No, sir, Vir- ginian principles are not down, although out voted for the moment by a mistaken policy ; nor can they ever be down, so long as they retain their pristine merits, and are supported by Virginians themselves. If Virginians desert their own principles; if they join in the unnatural outcry against them, then will Virginian principles be down indeed, and then indeed, will Virginians see, and feel their own degradation. But sir, this is the moment for comparing the relative merits of the two systems, by their practical results; and of course, the mo- ment of the triumph of Virginian principles is approaching, and must shortly arrive — Let us then, persevere in our own principles; let us never cease to contrast their merits, with the demerits of the schemes of their opponents. Let us proclaim them upon the house top, that they may be seen by the whole American people, and their triumph must be just as certain, as that virtue will triumph over vice; when left to fair combat — force, or fraud, or both combined, can alone give vice the victory over virtue.— Mr. Speaker, at what moment is it sir, that this spirit of gloom, of despondency, is called forth, and at- tempted to be difllised, throughout the Virginia people. It is sir, at a moment, when the unprincipled contrivances, substituted for Vir- ginian principles, are crumbling into atoms, and falling to pieces about the heads of their mistaken, deluded projectors. It is, sir, wheu these contrivances are rapidly introducing alarm, distrust, hostilit}', and opposition. And if left to themselves, after doing incalculable mis- chief, must necessarily eventuate in self-destruction. These natural, and necessary results too, are seen amidst peace and quiet, at home, and abroad ; whilst Virginian principles secured perfect confidence, amidst the aggressions and wars, from the most powerful nations of Europe. — Sir, the ardent, and indefatigable gentleman, lias not failed most strenuously, to urge you to take counsels of your fears, upon the present occasion. — He has threatened us with disunion, and civil war; for daring to investigate our rights under the very words of our fundamental laws. Is it come to this, sir.? that a state govern- ment, shall not dare to inquire into its relative rights, with the gen- eral government ; still less, not to resort to practical constitutional means, for protecting these rights against the usurpations of the gen- eral government, without being charged with treasonable designs against the Union ; and threatened with arms, for thus daring to do 19 146 ixself justice ? Sir, this attempt at alarm, is not new in Virginia. It has before been practised upon two most memorable occasions. In 1775, when Virginia consisted of not more than 200,000 souls, she was threatened with the mj'rmidons of the most powerful nation in tlie world — Her sovereigns, and her masters — then armed " cap- a-pee," — and in battle array, upon her coasts; — Yes sir, even with- in her territory — a frightful odds! I ! But sir, what was the conduct of our gallant fore-fathers upon this awful and terrific occasion .'' amidst this great impending danger? Did they yield to threats, Sir: Did they take counsels of their fears .'' No sir; They determined on resistance — they nobly determined to preserve their liberty, or to die. — "Liberty, or death," was then the order of the day; and when in the general assembly, the fears of the members were ad- dressed — threatened with the mighty power actually impending over them — Patrick Henr}', with a God-like eloquence, unequalled in an- cient and modern times; after scoffing at the unmanly attempts at alarm, with an elevation of soul and -of voice, most eloquently at- tuned to nature, cried out — "Let them come!!! I say, — let them come!!!" They did come; we met them in combat, — and we were free. — In 1798--1799— under much more discouraging circumstances than the present, Virginia was again threatened for daring to assert her rights. — For daring to resist the alien and sedition laws. Her representatives on this floor, were threatened with arms; — with in- carceration — Did they then meanly, and timidly yield to these alarms ? No sir ! They determined again, to regain their rights, or perish in the attempt — They then went earnestly and systematically to work — The first measure they then adopted, was, to pass a law, to protect them in the freedom of debate ; requiring the State Judges, in the event of any member, being imj)risoned for words used in de- bate, to issue a writ of habeas corpus ; and to replace the incarcer- ated member in his place, on this floor.* They then determined to arm the militia, and to make provision to purchase 5,000 stands of arms. — Then it was sir, that the foundation for the regular supply of arms to the militia was laid, in the establishment of your armory. — To defray the expenses of these measures, they raised the whole taxes of the State 25 per cent, with a single scrape of the pen. — Backed by these measures, they entered a solemn protest against the oflensive laws. These were measures truly worthy of Virginia. Did they eventuate in war.'' in disunion.'' No sir. They saved the Union — they saved the nation. — Tliese measures regained our liberties; and once more, we were free. — These measures well de- served success; and they were successful. Now, Sir, in 1827, not thirty years having elapsed. Before one generation had passed away — another crisis has occurred. It has been produced by measures, as bad in principle as the alien and se- dition laws; and incalculably more injurious in their practical ope- rations — every moment drawing from us our substance, and degrad- ing us with tribute — Now are we told that inquiry will not be toler- ated ; and that opposition, yes, constitutional opposition, will sound • Sec the Act, al the end. 147 the tocsin of disunion and war. Believe me sir, it is not inquiry — it is not opposition, which has produced this alarming crisis, leading to disunion and war; it is the intrinsic vice of the operative measures actually adopted. This alarming crisis, is the natural eflect of un- principled measures. Such measures are the common causes, which produce such effects : — Could any other effects have been expected, from seizing without reason, and without right, the wealth of one section of the country, and sending it to another.'' producing im- poverishment in one section, and prosperity in another.'' From seiz- ing the property of one man, and giving it to another ? Is it possi- ble to devise measures, better calculated to produce resistance and abhorrence ? You can but see, sir, that the true cause of the appre- hended disunion and war, is mistaken. It is not seen in a negative opposition to affirmative measures ; but in the practical necessary operations of the affirmative measures themselves. The contrary false impression, is attempted to be made by the ingenious schemers themselves, to turn the awful responsibility for the mischief they have done, from themselves, to their adversaries. But sir, a mere negative opposition, without some equivalent cartse, never did, nor ever can produce a crisis, like the present — This ingenious diversion, never can succeed. The real authors of these operative measures must be known ; and must suffer all the responsibilities, due to their own mis- chievous evil deeds. The gentleman, in his indefatigable zeal to paralvze the proceedings of this House ; and to effect a quiescent submission to a disgraceful tribute, has, 1 am told, pledged himself to this House, that Mr. Jefferson, at the time of his lamented death, was decidedly opposed to the proposed proceedings. — I know sir, that the honorable gentleman is incapable of intentional misrepre- sentation ; but, I also know sir, that he is utterly mistaken, in the pledge he has given the house. — I know, that Mr. Jefferson has seen " with the deepest affliction," the measures, which have produced the present crisis; and I also know, his recommendations to the States, would be to enter, and to keep up, solemn protests, against these usurpations, as the mildest incipient measures, suited to the deprecat- ed occasion — witli a view to more efficient ulterior measures, in the event of a continued perseverance in these usurpations. For these facts, I pledge my integrity and veracity to the House ; and that I have the evidence of them, under Mr. Jefferson's own hand writing.* No sir. Mr. Jefferson was not opposed to the measures now proposed to be adopted — He was most decidedly, and unequiv- ocally in favor of them. No man knew better than Mr. Jefferson, the deplorable consequences of sponging the written constitution. No man viewed them with deeper affliction; and no man was more willing to oppose them; by the mildest means, in the beginning; by the strongest, in the end; if, most unfortunately, the strongest should become necessary. But submission, never ; No! submission would be his last alternative: and then, onl}' by compulsion. Mr. Jefferson well knew, that in the beautiful theory of our complicated system of governments, the State governments were placed as centinels, over * See Mr. Jefferson's letter, pag'e 152. 148 the riglits of tlieir cili7,rp.s respectively ; with jiowers sufficient to guard them against the usurpations of the general government. The time is come, which most imperiously calls upon every stale government, to perform the solemn trust; and shall the Virginia government, treacherously shrink from the performance of it? No, sir, it is not possible. This general assembly will be found steadfast at its post; and will fearlessly perform this high and honorable trust- — a trust, conferred by the constitution, which every member is sworn to support. Mr. Speaker, what is the object to be effected in the performance of this most sacred trust ? It is to keep the various departments of our complicated governments within their legitimate, appropriate spheres. — It is to ward off the encroachments of the general govern- ment, from the rights of the states and of individuals. And what, sir, was the great object of Washington's farewell address? It was the same thing — It was to keep each department \Vithin its proper sphere — It was to avoid trenching upon sectional interests — It was to guard against setting the north against the south, and the ei^^t against the west. What was the great polar star which guided the administrations of Washington, of Jefferson, and of Madison.^ It was a virtuous adherence to the written constitution. — It was keep- ing within the sphere of their legitimate constitutional powers. It was leaving to the states and slate governments, all their legitimate constitutional powers. — Their virtuous self-denial was the true secret ol the success of their administrations. Will you indulge me, Mr. Speaker, with again reminding you, sir, of the last impressive warning of Fayette ? It was, to prcsei've the federative principle — It was, to adhere to the great American principle, of " the plain rights of man." He most feelingly declar- ed, it was under its potent, beneficent operations, that every political blessing had been showered down upon the people of these United States. It was to shun the glitter, the sj)lendor, and the grandeur of governments, such as were brilliantly portrayed in the President's inaugural address. Yes, sir, Fayette called your attention, most emphatically, not only to the rights of man, but to " the plain rights of man ;" most evidently, in contrast with the President's splendid, glittering government. For no man knew so well as Fayette, from most awful experience and sufferings, that the splendor of govern- ments, was the slavery of man. And, most impressively, did Fayette tell you, sir, that the great American federative principle, is not only the surest guarantee for American liberties, but "the sacred pledge for the emancipation of the world." Permit me, sir, to add my solemn warnings to those of tliese great apostles of liberty, against the surrender of state I'ights — against the fatal abandonment of the federative principle. Sir, I am done. I have J'aithfully presented my most deliberate views of this momentous subject. 1 most fervently thank my God for the physical power he has given me upon this gi'eat occasion.— I most cordially thank him for strength, both of mind and body, to ena- ble me conscientiously to perform my duty. I have now conscien- 149 riously performed It; and I have perfect confidence, that every honor- able member of this House, will, in the vote he is now called upon to give, conscientiously perform his duty. TO THE PUBLIC. -Mr. Jefferson's Letter, and Mr. Clay's "great desideratum in Political Economy." Extract from Mr. Cloy^s Speech upon the Tariff Bill of 1 824. Page 12. > " Tlie great desideratum in political economy is the same as in private pursuits; that is, what is the best application of the-aggregate industry of the nation that can be made honestly to produce the larg- est sum of national ivealth. ha'jor is the source of all wealth, but it is nut natural labor only.'''' Judging' from Mr. C's prize speech, gen- ersjiiy, and from the five foregoing lines particularly; — indeed, from all his speeches, and it would seem that Mr. Clay knows about as mu( h of the "great desideratum of political economy," a« he does about the Delphic oracles, or of the occult art of alchymy, or of the illLisory corruscations of the brilliant prospect of the Panama CoH' gress, or of the inexplicable intricacies of the West India Trade. It would also seem from the subjoined letter: that Mr. Jefferson is here directly at points with Mr. C, respecting his great political, polar star — ''the great desideratum in political economy;" and that his " deepest affliction," at the deplorable crisis, most unwisely brought upon our country, was not produced by his terrific alarms " at the election of a military chieftain" to the Presidency, but from much more substantial, and fearful considerations. From the un- principled usurpations of the practical government. From convert- ing a limited, federative government, into an unlimited, consolidated one. In substance, from the five lines quoted above ; and the inev- itable consequences from the practical operations of their contents, in obliterating all our fundamental laws. This letter was not opgin- ally intended for publication, but I now feel myself impelled to give it publicity, from the following considerations amongst others : The extract contains the whole of the political part of the letter; some parts, merely private, are omitted. The part respecting the Uni- versity has been published, as giving Mr. Jefferson's views of the then actual condition, and future prospects of this important institu- tion, which may be attended with public utility ; and also, as a refu- tation of one falsehood, out of many, which have been circulated through the press, for the last ten years, in relation to myself, to wit: That there was an unfriendly feeling existing, between Mr. Jefferson and myself. The falsehood is destitute of all pretext what- ever. For some time past, some of the Administration prints, des- perate in their utmost need, have attempted to avail their bad cause of the just influence of Mr. Jefferson's well earned political fame. 150 hy solemn assurances to the public, that I\Ir. Jcflerson, when living, was in favor of the measures of the Administration; and of the re- election of Mr. Adams. For this purpose, they have lavishly poured forth eulogiums upon Mr. Jefferson, for opinions, which they have ascribed to him, and which, if living, I verily believe, he would con- sider his greatest reproach. They have at length gone so far, as to put expressions into Mr. Jefferson's mouth, under marks of quota- tion, with intimations that they can be proved by competent evidence, (nothing doubting,) whilst they are not only altogether surreptitious, but in direct hostility with the undeviating tenor, and spirit of Mr. Jefferson's whole political life, and with his declarations, both verbal- ly, and in writing, often frankly, and openly made to his friends, as I am well informed, 'till within a short period before his lamented death. Under these circumstances, it appears to me to have become the duty of every friend of Mr. Jefferson, and of his country, who may be in possession of any written declarations from him, serving to demonstrate his real opinions respecting the perilous crisis of the country, to lay them before the public, and thus, at once, to put down the surreptitious ones. This course alone can serve to rescue Mr. Jeffersou's unsullied republican fame from the false, and unmerited aspersions brought against it, under the guise of affected plaudits, the most delusive, an(l deceptive. Besides, I conceive under these gross attempts at deception, the public has a right to demand a dis- closure of all Mr. Jefferson's real opinions, in whosesoever hands they may be, as a protection against the mischievous influence of the spurious opinions, falsely ascribed to him ; and that, too, as I be- lieve, by his now most unnatural, loving friends, not long since, his most deadly foes. Two papers of this description, which have par- ticularly attracted my attention, will be introduced here. The one, taken from the National Journal. — The devoted "coalition" paper, at least, so characterized. The other, from the Richmond Whig. This latter is ushered forth, by a writer, under the signature of "A Farmer," who., most charitably, charges his brother Farmers, and ever}' body else, not acting under the same delusive influence with himself, with being "confiding dupes;" whereas, the scribbling Farmer seems, himself, to be the most "confiding dupe," that ever undertook to enlighten a people, by overcasting them with the thick mist, in which, he is himself enveloped. So much so, that he seems to be led about, by some "ignis fiituus," with syren songs, made up in doleful, pathetic strains, which he deals out to others, in the same fascinating, heart-rending melody. These characteristics will shine, with peculiar lustre, in the example here exhibited. Should this "confiding dupe" of a Farmer possess only a small portion of the candor of his calling, 1 think, after reading Mr. J's letter, containing his real opinions, and contrasting them with the surreptitious ones, which have served to "dupe" the confiding Farmer, he will at once acknowledge ; that there is no occasion to ask, " who is the dupe?" He must stand, himself, " tlie dupe confessed." Doubtlessly, he will be surprised to be told, that he is as much the unconscious " dupe," in many other of his delv^sive disclosures to the people. Having made I 151 ihem, if he means to give the people fair play, it has become his duty, to hunt them up himself; and do his best, to undeceive his own "confiding dupes," should he have been so unfortunate as to have made any. WILLIAM B. GILES. [ Extract from the JVational Journal.'] "One venerable authority, however, has been introduced in sup- port of the claims of General Jackson, so imposing as to carry with it, if uncontradicted, great moral weight. We allude to that of the departed, and lamented Jefierson, who has been quoted, since the grave closed upon his mortal remains, on the ground of a volunteer sentiment, given by him at a Public Dinner, as being favorable to the election of General Jackson. To suit this purpose, the toast it- self was garbled ; but even thus garbled, meant nothing, but that General Jackson had earned, what he has justly received, as the re- ward of his services — the thanks of his country. Opposed to such construction, as has been put upon Mr. J's toast, we have in our possession, conclusive testimony, that the sentiments, which ive have ex- pressed, on this subject, are those, which the illustrious Jefferson ex- pressed ; but in stronger terms. We have his dying words, so to speak; and we will close this article ivith them. Of late years, that venerable man, seldom ventured to say any thing on politics ; but not many weeks before his death, he observed to a friend, " That his faith in the self government of the people had never been so completely shaken, as it had been, by the efforts made, at the last election, to place over their heads, one, who, in every station he ever filled, either military or civil, made it a point to violate every order, and instruction given him, and take his own arbitrary will, as the guide of his conduct." "In such terms, strong as they are, and much stronger, than we are disposed to use, did Mr. .Jefferson speak just before his death, of the alarm created in his mind, by the efibrt to place a merely military man, at the head of our Republic." Extract from the Whig. " These were the signs, which called forth from that great apostle of Jreedom, Jefferson, his last but terrible warning: "My country !" said he, " thou too, will experience the fate, which has befallen every free government — ^Ay liberties will be sacrificed to the glory of some military chieftain. I had fondly hoped, to have found in thee an ex- ception ; but thy support of Jackson — a man who has disregarded every order he received — who has trampled under foot the laws, and constitution of his country — and who has substituted his own un- governable will as his own rule of conduct — thy support of such a man, shakes my confidence in the capacity of man for self-government, and I fear all is lost.^^ This is the language of the dying patriot. And if ive followed him with undiminished confidence., and vnth xinr.x- 152 dmpled success, in tunes and seasons, wJien liable to temptation, lohat deference is not due to his opinion when delivered under such solemn circumstances, and in a condition, little less imposing than if he had just risen from the dead ! Under such high authority, I the more confidently assert, that the effort to elect Jackson, is the I'laiiful foun- tain of the prevailing mischiefs, which every sober man, must depre- cate, as disturbing- the repose, and threatening tiie safety of the Re- public. This infirmity of a blind, and idolatrous devotion to mili- tary success — the bane of every republic, that has gone before us — is the prolific soil, whose harvest of bitterness, we are now reaping. In the phrensy it produces, reason is no longer heard. 27ie grossest falsehoods are propagated and believed — every object is sacrificed, without scruple to the success of the idol." "MoNTicELLO, Dec. 26, 1825. "To W. B. GILP:S, Esq. Extract. *^Dear Sir, — "I see as you do, and with the deepest afiliction, the rapid strides, with which, the federal branch of our government, is advancing towards the usurpation of all the rights, reserved to the states, and the consolidation in itself, of all powers foreign and do- iTiestic; and that too, by constructions, which if legitimate, leave no limits to their power. Take together the decisions of the federal court, the doctrines of the President, and the misconstructions of the constitutional compact, acted on by the legislature of the federal branch, and it is but too evident that the three ruling branches of that department, are in combination, to strip their colleagues, the state authorities, of the powers reserved by them, and to exercise theniselves, all functions, foreign and domestic. Under the power to regulate commerce, they assume indefinitely, that also over agricul- ture and manufactures; and call it regulation too, to take the earn- ings of one of these branches of industry, and that too, the most de- pressed, and put them into the pockets of the other, the most flour- ishing of all. Under the authority to establish post roads, they claim that of cutting down mountains for the construction of roads, ol' digging canals; and, aided by a little sophistry, on the words "gen- eral welfare," a right to do, not only the acts, to effect that, which are specifically enumerated, and permitted ; but whatsoever, they shall think, or pretend, will be for the general welfare. And what is our resource for the preservation of the constitution ? Reason, and argu- ment.'' You might as well reason, and argue, with the marble col- umns encircling them. The Representatives, chosen by ourselves i* They are joined in the combination ; some from incorrect views of government; some from corrupt ones, sufficient, voting together, to outnumber the sound parts; and with majorities, of only 1,2 or 3. bold enough, to go forward in defiance. Are we then to stand to our arms V [A few words are here omitted, relating merely to an individual.] "No! that must be the last resource, not to be thought of until much longer, and greater sufferings. If every inG'action of a com- t55 pact of so many parties, is to be resisted at once, as a dissolution of it, none can ever be formed, wliich would last one year. We must have patience, and long endurance then, with our brethren, while under delusion. Give them time for reflection, and experience of consequences ; keep ourselves in a situation to profit by the chapter or accidents — and separate from our companions, only, when the sole alternatives left, are tlie dissolution of our union with them, or sub- mission to a government without limitation of powers. Between these two evils, when we must make a choice, thei'e can be no hesitation ; but in the meanwhile, the states should be watchful to note every material usurpation on their rights — to denounce them as they occur in the most peremptory terms; to protest against them, as wrongs, to which, our present submission shall be considered, not as acknow- ledgments, or precedents of right ; but, as a temporary yielding to the lesser evil — until their accumulation, shall overweigh that of se- paration. I would go still further, and give to the federal member, by regular amendment of the constitution, a right to make roads, and canals of intercommunication between the states — providing suf- ficiently against corrupt practices in Congress (log-rolling, &ic.) by declaring that the federal proportion, of each state, of the monies so employed, shall be in works within the state, or elsewhere with its consent, and with a due salvo, of jurisdiction. This is the course, which, I think, safest, and best, as yet. "You ask my opinion of the propriety of giving publicity to what is stated in your letter, as having past between Mr. John Q. Adams, and yourself. Of this, no one can judge but yourself. It is one of those questions, which belong to the forum of feeling. This alone, can decide on the degree of confidence, implied in the disclosure. — ■ Whether, under no circumstances, it was to be communicable to others. It does not seem to be of that character, or at all to wear that aspect. They are historical facts, which belong to the present, as well as future time. I doubt, whether a single fact, known to the world, will carry as clear a conviction to it, of the correctness of our knowledge, of the treasonable views of the federal party of that day ■ — as that disclosed by this, most nefarious, and daring attempt, to dissever the Union; of which, the Hartford Convention was a subse- quent chapter ; and both of these, having failed, consolidation be- comes the first book of their history. — But this opens with a vast ac- cession of strength, from their younger recruits, who having nothing in them, of the feelings, or principles of '76, now look to a single and splendid government of an Aristocracy, founded on banking in- stitutions, and monied incorporations, under the guise, and cloak of their favored branches of manufactures, commerce and navigation, riding, and ruling over the plundered ploughman, and beggared yeo- manry. This will be to them, a next best blessing, to the monarchy of their first aim — and, perhaps, the surest stepping stone to it." [The foregoing includes the whole of the political part of the letter. Then follows some information, and remarks, purely private, and it thus concludes.] " Our University has beeji most fortunate in the five professors, 20 procured from England; a finer selection could not have been made j besides llicir being of a grade of science, which has left little supe- rior behind; the correctness of their moral character, their accom- modating dispositions, and zeal for the prosperity of the Institution, leave us nothing more to wish. I verily believe, that as high a de- gree of education can now be obtained here, as in the country they left — and a finer set of youths, I never saw assembled for instruc- tion; they committed some irregularities at first, until they learnt the lawful length of their tether, since w hich, it has never been trans- gressed in the smallest degree. A great proportion of them are se- verely devoted to study, and I fear not to say, that within 12 or 15 years from this time, a majority of the rulers of our state, will have lieen educated here. They shall carry hence, the correct principles of our day; and we may count assuredly, that they will exhibit their country, in a degree of sound respectability it has never known, either in our days, or those of our forefathers. I cannot live to see it — my joy must only be that of anticipation, but that you may see it in full fruition, is the probable consequence of the 20 years, I am ahead of you in time, and is the sincere prayer, of your afi'ec- tionate, and constant friend, THOMAS JEFFERSON." The foregoing extract, containing the whole of the political part of the letter, is a true copy from Mr. Jefferson's original letter to me, written in his own hand-writing. W. B. GILES, I had intended to publish so much of the foregoing letter from Mr. Jeflerson, as would serve to protect him against the unfounded impu- tation, brought against him, of being opposed to the proceedings of the General Assembly, and to redeem the pledge of my own integri- ty and veracity, given to the House, upon that occasion ; whenever my speech in reply to General Taylor should be publislied. — Other unfounded imputations, being subsequently brought against Mr. Jef- ferson, I anticipated its publication, and extended it to the whole of the political part of that letter. This was done chiefly for the pur- pose of counteracting their deceptions upon the public, and of pro- tecting Mr. Jefferson's political fame against gross misrepresentations of his political opinions. I conceived, thnt truth belonged to the pub- lic, and that the public had a right to demand it. Tliat I was n)ade the guardian of Mr. Jefferson's political fame, so far as his political opinions were entrusted to me in that letter, and that withholding it from the public, when his political fame was wantonly assailed, would be treacliery to that sacred trust, after it had pleased God to remove him from this world, and thus to disqualify him from protecting him- self. Besides, his son-in-law, Governor Randolph, viewing the sub- ject in the same light with my&elf, had previously made a public state- ment of Mr Jefferson's opinions, which had also been most wanton- ly assailed ; and which, would be completely vindicated by the pub- ru-ation of Mr. .J« fft rson's letter. — These were additional inducements with mu for anticipating the publication of the letter; and for pub- lishing the whole, instead of a part of its political contents. 155 [The following are the Preamble and Resolniions, adopted by the General Assembly, and which formed ihe topic of this discussion.] The committee, to whom was referred, on the 2d day of Februar}', 1827, a resolution calling for an enquiry into certain points of funda- mental law, and certain differing claims of jurisdiction between the Government of this State and that of the United States, have bestow- ed on that subject all the consideration which, in their judgment, its pe- culiar delicacy and importance demand j and beg leave to submit the following REPORT : With respect to the first enquiry called for from the committee, to wit : " Whetlier or not the exclusive jorisdlction overall the territory, persons and things within the limits of this Commonwealth, was not secured to the Government of this Stale, by the Constitution thereof:" The committee beg leave to observe, that in the formation of the State Constitution, there are no grants of specified, designated powers from the governed, to the governors. The great natural rights of man are secured to the people by a Declaration of Rights, prefixed to the Con- stitution and deemed an essential part of it. Upon this Declaration of Rights, the practical principles and checks contained in the Constitu- tion itself, and the relative rights of the governed and governors, found- ed in the reason and nature of things, the people of this Common- wealth depend for their protection against Governmental oppression. The Constitution, after ordaining and declaring the future form of go- vernment of Virginia to be as follows: and that " the Legislative. Ex- ecutive and Judiciary departments shall be separate and distinct;" pro- vides that "the Legislative shall be formed of two distinct branches, who, together, shall be a complete Legislature." The Executive and Judiciary are also m;uie complete depart )ients in themselves respective- ly, forming altogether one entire Government. The committee, there- fore, report, tliat ihe exclusive jiitisdiction overall the territory, persons and things within the limits of ih'rs Commonwealth, was vested in, and secured to the Government of this State by the Constitution thereof. In regard to the second point of enquiry, to wit : " Whether private property was or was not, tliereby, (by the Constitution,) secured to the owner, against the power of the Government; so far, at least, that the Government could not, rightfully, take private property from the own- er, and give it to another person, neither rendering public service:" Your committee report, that the right of property being a natural right, and of course derived from a source paramount to all government, that principle is made applicable to the Government of this State, in the first section of the Bill of Rights, in the following words : " That all men are by nature equally free and independent, and have certain inhe- rent rights, of which, when they enter into a state of society, they can- not, by any co(npact, deprive or divest their posterity; namely, the enjoyment of life and liberty, with the means of acquiring and possess- ing property, and pursuing and obtaining happiness." In pursuance of this principle, the committee find the following provision in the fourth section of the Bill of Rigiits: '^ That no man, or set of men, are en- titled to exclusive or separate emoluments or privileges from the com- munity, but in consideration of public services." The same principle h also asserted in the amendments to the Constitution of the Uiiitec* 156 States, and in several of llic State Constitutions, as will be seen in the fuitlier progress of this report. From these cnnsideralions, the committee expres* a confident opinion, that private propert^y is secur- ed to the owner by the State Constitution, in such a manner that the Government cannot, rightfully, take it from the owner and give it to another person, not rendering public service. The next subject of enquiry the coniinitiee have examined with pe- culiar care and circumspection, to wit; " Whether or not any portion of the exclusive jurisdiction of the Government of this State over ter- ritory, persons and things, has since been granted to the General Gov- ernment by the Constitutiv-in of the United Stales ; and if so, to spe- cify particularly each and every portion of such jurisdiction, which may have been so granted." In regard to the exclusive jurisdiction which may have been granted to the General Government by the Constitution of the United States, upon the most careful review of that instrument, the committee can find no grant of exclusive jurisdiction over territo- ry, made to the General Government by the Slates, as parties thereto, except tlie following: 8th section of the 1st article: — " To exercise exclusive legislation in all cases whatsoever, over such district, (not exceeding ten miles square,) as may, by cession of particular States, and tlie acceptance of Congress, become the seat of Government of the United States, and to exercise like authority over ail places pur- chased by the consent of the Legislature of the State in which the same shall be, for the erection of forts, magazines, arsenals, dock-^ards, and other needful buildings." With respect to " the transfer of exclusive jurisdiction by this State to the Government of the United States over persons and things within its limits;" the committee would observe, that there are certain specified powers granted to the General Govern- ment ; and, that a jurisdiction over persons and things within the limits of this State, lias also been granted to that Government, so far only, as is necessary to carry into effect those specified powers. But, the com- mittee conceive this jurisdiction to be concurrent over the same persons and things, and not exclusive — the State jurisdiction applying to all purposes of general protection — the jurisdiction of the General Gov- ernment applying only to the specified powers. The committee, with like care and circumspection, have examined the next subject of enquiry : that is to say, " Whether any power has been granted to the General Government to violate the right of private property at its discretion; and, more particularly, to take private pro- perty from the ow ner, and give it to another person, neither rendering public service;" and report, with confidence, that no power whatever has been granted to the General Government to violate the right of pri- vate property at its discretion, nor to take private property from the own- er, and give it to another person, not rendering public service. So far from it, that in addition to the guarantees herein before mentioned, for the protection of private property to the owner, the committee find the following solemn pledges in the amendments to the Constitution of the United States : Extract from article 5th. ''No person shall, &;c. be deprived of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law ; nor shall private property be taken for public use, without just compensa- tion." Article 0th. '' The enumeration in the Constitution of certain 1B1 rights, shall not be construed to deny or disparage others retained to the people." Article I0t!i. " The powers not delegated to the Q. States by the Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the States are reserved to the slates respectively, or to the people." This principle of the security of property setrns to have pervaded the fundamental laws of almost every State in the Union ; and lo liave been expressly declared therein in some form or othnr, as will appear from the following extracts : From the Bill of Rights — New Hampshire. ''All men have certain natural, essential and inherent rights — among which are, the enjoying, acquiring, pos- sessing and protecting property." From the Declaration of Rights- Massachusetts. "All men are free and equal, and have certain natu- ral, essential and unalienable riglits : among which may be reckoned the right of enjoying and defending their lives and liberties; that of acquiring, possessing and protecting property," &c. And again, "No man, or corporation, or association of men, have any other title to ob- tain advantages, or particular and exclusive privileges, distinct from those of the community, than what arises from the consideration of services rendered to the public." From the Declaration of Rights^ — Vermont. Alter the like declaration as to the right of property, is the following: "That private property ought to be subservient to public uses when necessity requires it ; nevertheless, when any person's pro- perty is taken for the use of the public, the owner ought to receive an equivalent in money." From the Declaration of Rights — Maryland. ^'That monopolies are odious, contrary to the spirit of a free govern- ment, and the principles of commerce, and ought not to be suffered." Other extracts, from the Constitutions of other States, to the same ef- fect, might be here quoted, but the committee conceive the foregoing sufficient to shew the general spirit, for the security of property and for an equality of rights amongst individuals pervading as well the Con- stitution of the United Slates, as of the several States. Tlie following subject of enquiry, the committee deem highly im- portant ; and have, therefore, bestowed on it a corresponding consider ration : " Whether the several laws passed by the General Government, for the purpose of internal improvements, do not assert or involve a ju- risdiction over the territory within tliis Commonwealth, beyond the grants to that Government specified in the Constitution ot the United States." The committee here feel constrained to observe that, upon a most careful review of the Constitution of the United States, they have not been able to find therein the term " internal improvements," nor any other equivalent term therefor. Nor have they been able to find the word "canals," at all, nor the word " roads," except as connected with the post-office department. The committee conceive that the pow- er to make internal improvements is not only an original, substantive — but a priniary, paramount power in itself, and not a derivative, inci- dental one. If this power be assumed by the General Government, as an original one, it must be assumed with all its own incidents accom- panying it; and such assumption must be altogether independent of any grant, specified in the Constitution. If it should be assumed un- der the disguise of an incidental one, its own incidents must still ac- company it. In eitlier case, these consist in all the means necessary and proper for carrying it into effect. And the committee can conceive 158 ot" no means sufticient lor that purpose, which will not assert and in- volve a jurisdiction over territory, as well as a right to the acquisition of private property. Neither canals nor roads can be made wiiliout an acquisition of a right to the soil over vvhicli they may respectively pass. This acquisition could not be had without a judicial proceeding, as- serting and involving jurisdiction ; — the only mode heretofore resort- ed to by the laws of this country, for condemning private property for public uses, being by writ of ad quod damnum. The exercise of such jurisdiction by the General Government, would noi only destroy all ihe demarkations of power between the State and General Governments, grounded upon principles of locality, and generality ; but would be consolidation in its essence. The assumption of the jurisdiction would be more necessary to enable it to carry into effect its assumed power to make internal improvements, because it is deprived of all th;- means pointed out by the Constitution for investing itself with jurisdiction over all its legitimate objects. These means will be found in tlie fol- lowing provisions of the Constitution : " To exercise like authority over all places purchased, by the consent of the Legislature of the State^in which the same shall be, for the erection of forts, magazines, arsenals, dock-yards, and other needful buildings." Tiiese include all the legi- timate objects of territorial jurisdiction, granted to the General Gov- ernment ; and the committee express the opinion, thai there are no other territorial objects, over vvhicli the General Government is legiti- mately authorised to exercise any jurisdiction whatsoever within the li- Hiitsof the respective Slates, — unfess the jurisdiction over the District of Columbia, and the Territories of the United Slates, should be con- sidered as additional territorial objects — and the mode in which tliis jurisdiction is obtamed, is particularly and specifically prescribed. This minute and particular description of objects, limited and unimporiant in themselves, and the particularity of pointing out ilie means, by which jurisdiction over them siiould be obtained, are sufticient of theinseives to preclude all inference, that the power to make internal improvements, so vastly more extensive and important in itself, was ever intended to be granted to the General Government. This conclusion is rendered still more irresistible, when it is observed, that no means are punned out in the Constitution for transferring to the General Government the jurisdiction necessary for the effectuation of this substantive power. This conclusion is still further enforced by the consideration, that the term " internal improvements" is one in common and ordinary use — that the term " canals," and the term " roads," are simple and familiar ; and all the terms susceptible of the clearest definition. No reason can then be assigned, why these powers were not granted to the General Govern- ment, had they been intended to have been granted; especiallv when the power to erect a house, relatively of so litlle consequence, was thought sufikient to justify a particular grant of power, with specified means of carrying it into effect. Besides all these considerations, the peculiar character of the power lo make internal improvements, is lo- cality — locality in its most limited form; and therefore peculiarly un- suited to the jurisdiction of the General Government, which is general in its character, and peculiarly suited to the jurisdiction of the State Governmenis, whose jurisdiction is intended for local objects. FroRj 159 these considerations, and many others which might be adduced, the committep report ; (hat, in their opinion, the several laws passed by the General Government, for the purpose of internal improvements: such as the " Act to procure the necessary surveys, plans and estimates upon the subject of roads and canals," approved May 4th, 1824, and others, wliether they involve a jurisdiction over the territory within t!)is Com- miinwealth, or only appropriate money for the purpose of making in- ternal improvements, are unauthorised by the grants of power to the General Government contained in the Constitution of the U. States. The committee have bestowed the like consideration on the follow- ing enquiry : " whether the law, generally called the tarill' law, does not violate the rights of private property, by taking ii from its owner, and giving it to another person, neither rendering public service." Upon a most careful review of the Constitution of the United States, in the Slh sec. of the 1st art. the committee find an enumeration of certain spe- cified powers, granted to the Government of the United States. Tlie first specification is in the following words : Art. 1st. Sec. 8. "The Congress shall have power: I. To lay and collect taxes, duties, im- posts, and excises, to pay the debts and provide for the common de- fence and general welfare of the United States ; but all duties, imposts, and excises, shall be uniform throughout the United States." Then follow other specifications. But the committee do not find amongst them the specified power to protect manufactures. The term " protec- tion of manufactures," is not to be found in the Constitution, nor even the word "manufactures" itself; nor any equivalent term for either. The enumerated powers contain all the powers which the people thought proper, by the Constitution, to grant to the General Government, " in order to form a more perfect union, establish justice, ensure domestic tranquillity, provide for the common defence, promote the general wel- fare, and secure the blessings of liberty to themselves and their poste- rity." All the unenumerated powers were reserved to the States respect- ively, or to the people for the same objects ; and so expressly declared to be in an amendment to the Constitution. This distribution of pow- ers between the General and State Governments, was ordained and rJe- clared by the people, in their Constitmioii, to aflord the best means for effecting the great ends of its formation. The power " to lay and col- lect taxes, duties, imposts and excises," furnishes the essential means for carrying all the other enumerated powers into eftect. The object of granting this power is declared to be, " to pay the debts and provide (or the common defence and general welfare of the United States," as restrained and limited by the specified powers. Hence, under this grant Congress would have power to lay and collect taxes, &;c. for the pur- pose of paying " f/te debts of the United States," and for carrying into effect all the other enumerated powers. But Congress could derive no power from this grant whatsoever, to assume and to carry into effect any power whatever, not included amongst ttie enumerated powers. The power to protect manufactures not being included amongst the enumerated powers, Congress can therefore, derive no power whatever, from the grant to lay and collect taxes, Stc. to protect manufactures. The protection of manufactures being an original, substantive; indeed a primary, paramount power, cannot be assumed by Congress ; or, if 100 it can, then any other power whatever may be assumed at pleasure ', because it is impossible to conceive upon what principle of right Con- gress could assume the power to protect manufactures, without assum- ing any other unenumerated power whatever at its own unlimited discre- tion. And, if Congress can assume any unenumerated power at its dis- cretion, and also the means for carrying it into efiect ; then, are all the restraints imposed in the Constitution, upon the will of tlse General Go- vernment, unavailing; and that Government will become consolidated in its practice, and unlimited in its wi)l. The protei tion of manufac- tures, being a power peculiarly local in its character, affords the strong- est consideration to Congress against its assumption ; because directly against the spirit of generality and equality, which pervades' the whole Constitution; and which was indispensable to its original existence. The force of this argument cannot be, in the smallest degree, diverted or evaded by the usual resort to the term " general welfare." That term contains no grant of power whatsoever, but was intended, and is, a res- traint upon the pre-existing grant of power to lay and collect taxes, &c. The term is " the general welfare of the United States ;" and the plain and obvious meaning is, to restrain Congress from laying taxes, &;c. to provide for any other welfare than " the general welfare of the United States f^ to restrain Congress from laying taxes, &c. to pro- vide for the particular welfare of any particular State, or the local wel- fare of any particular part of any particular State. The Act of Con- gress, passed May 22, 1824, entitled, " an act to amend the several acts imposing duties on imports," generally called the tariff law, was pass- ed for the avowed object of protecting domestic manufactures. The pow- er to protect domestic manufactures, not being found in the enume- rated powers in the Constitution, Congress can have no power to lay tax- es for its effectuation. Congress having power to lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts and excises, have unquestionably the power to lay imposts upon all foreign goods, for the purpose of revenue ; provided such reve- nue be applied to carrying into effect, all, or any of the enumerated pow- ers. But, Congress have no power to lay imposts upon foreign goods, for the purpose of protecting domestic manufactures ; because the pro- tection of manufactures is not included amongst the enumerated pow- ers. The same process of reasoning would apply with full force to the complete refutation of the delusive suggestioKi sometimes made, that the power to protect manufactures is an incident to the power " to re- gulate commerce." It is denied, that the power to protect manufac- tures is an incidental power, or partakes any thing of an incidental cha- racter. It is asserted, that it is, in itself, an original substantive power; and incomparably more important than the power to regulate com- merce itself; to which it is pretended to be an incident. The tariff law i;!j not a regulation of commerce. It is a law for the protection of do- mestic manufactures ; and the means employed for that end, consist in the imposition of duties upon foreign goods; not of any regulation of commerce. The regulation of commerce, therefore, is not the end of the law, nor the means einployed by the law to effect the end ; which end is the protection of manufactures. The object of this suggestion, therefore, seems to be, disingenuously to arrive at the exercise of a plain, obvious, and palpable power, by indirect, which cannot be ap- proached by direct means. The protection of manufactures involve? 161 tlie most despotic and dangerous power that can be exercised by Gov- ernment in any form. It places the occupation and property of every man, under the control of the Government, and thns converts the citi- zen into the slave, the natural man into a governmental machine. It furnishes the widest scope for the false suggestions and false calcula- tions of Ijuman ambition, human avarice, and human cunning, which, in the absence of all moral principle, introduces injustice and inequali- ty between the difi'erent sections of the Union, and amongst individuals in all its parts. The present tariff law affords the most conspicuous evidences of these facts aiid consequences; and, if persevered in, must, in the opinion of the committee, eventuate in the most frightful, con- soliilated despotism, or in the severance of the Union of these States. JbJut whether the object of the tariff law be legitimate or not, it is cer- tain, that, under the operation of the very high imposts laid upon for- eign goods, a legal capacity is given to the domestic manufacturer of the like goods, to demand a premium in the sale of those goods to his customers; which premium consists of their money, and is over and above the actual worth of the articles sold. Hence, every purchaser pays, first, for the article, its full, actual value, and then pays an addi- tional price as a premimn for the protection of the owner of the manu- facturing stock, or in other words, for his encouragement to cause the article to be made : and through this process, property is taken from its owner and given to another person, without receiving in exciiange, fu'l, and actual value. The committee, therefore report, as tiieir opinion, that the law, generally called the tariff law, does, in its operation, vio- late the rights of private property, by takintxit from its owner and giv- ing it to another person, not rendering public service. The last object of enquiry is in the following words : " Whether, un« der the operations of the tariff law, a portion of the proceeds of the la- bor of the inhabitants of this Commonwealth is not transferred to other parts of the United States, in violation of the two great principles up- on which the Constitution of the United States is founded, to wit : ge- nerality and equality; and, if so, to report, as far as practicable, the amount of the value of such proceeds, thus transferred." The com- mittee conceive this enquiry to be extremely interesting to the people of this Commonwealth ; because it will serve to show, that, whilst they are taxed by imposts on foreign goods to an enormous amount, for the purpose of defraying the prodigal expenditures of the General Govern- ment ; they are, at the same time, taxed for the piu'pose of paying an enormous tribute to manufacturers in other parts of the United States. The fact is well known, that a very large amount of domestic goods is brought from other parts of the United States to this Commonwealth, and sold to the inhabitants thereof for consimnption. Under the legal capacity given to the venders of these goods, by the enormous duti^i- on imported foreign goods, the venders are enabled to add to the actu- al value of the article sold, the premium thus granted for its protection; which would not be tiie case, if the duties on foreign goods were re- duced to a principle of revenue, and all the unwarrantable expendi- tures of the Government were happily to be dispensed with. This pre- mium to the manufacturer consists of the money of the consumer, and is the tribute which the consumer pays the manufacturer, under the ta- 21 rift" law ; a tribute, in tiie opinion of the coinmiilee, as little founded in light as the British Colonial tribute demandetl on lea; and many fold greater in amount : A tribute, which, in the judgment of the com- mittee, ought never to have been imposed by the General Government, nor to have been borne by the pi opie o( this Commonwealth, longer than they could call into action constitutional and peaceable means of relieving themselves from so undeserved and odious a burthen. The eommittee think it extremely desirable to ascertaiji the probable amount of the tribute annually thus drawn from the inhabitants of this Com- monwealth, as a premium to manufacturers in other parts of the Unit- ed States. But the committee, at this late period of the session, find themselves without the means of ascertaining the probable amount with probable certainty. In regard lo the instruction to the couimittee, to report such measure^ for the adoption of the General Assembly, as they shall think will most effectually tend to arrest the usurpations of the General Government, if, upon enquiry, any should be Ibund to exist, — your committee would observe: That, from the advanced period of the present session, they find themselves precluded from all attempts at recommending any system of eflicient measures of counteraction ; but, relying upon the justice and intelligence of the people at large, and upon the co-opera- tion, in any measures which may hereafter be recommended for adop- tion, of such parts of the United States as have a common interest with Virginia upon the subject, — the committee recommend to this General Assembly, to enter its most solemn protest against the fore- going usurpations of the General Government; and, therefore, propose for its adoption, the following resolutions : The General Assembly of Virginia, actuated, as it always has been, by the most sincere disposition for the preservation of the Union of these States — believing that the Union can only be preserved, by keep- ing ihe General and Stale Governments within their respective spheres of action, as marked out by the Constitution of the United States — being also sincerely desirous that the General GoveriuDent should be protected in the full and free exercise of all the specified powers granted to it by the Constitution of the United States — and being, at the same time, deeply impressed witli a sense of its own duty, to preserve, un- impaired, all tlie rights of the People and Government of this State, conferred upon it by the Constitution nf the Slate, and of the United Slates — finds itself reluctantly constrained to enter its most solemn protest against the usurpations of the General Government, as de- scribed in the report of its committee — Therefore, Resolved, That this General Assembly, in behalf of the People and Governmenl of this State, does, hereby, most solemnly protest against the claim or exercise of any power whatever, on the part of the General Government, to make internal improvements within the limits and jurisdiction of the several Stales, and particularly within the limits of the State of Virginia; — and a!sO; against the claim or exercise of any power whatever, asserting or involving a jurisdiction over any part of the territory within the limits of this State, except over the objects and in the mode specified in the Constitution of the United States. 163 Resolved, In like manner, ilial t!)is General Assembly does, hereby, most solemnly protest against any claim or exercise of power, what- ever, on the part of the General Government, which serves to draw money from the inhabitants of this State, into the Tretssury of the United States, and to disburse it for any object, whatever, except for carrying into effect the grants of povver to the General Government contained in the Constitution of the United Slates. Resolved, In like manner, that this General Assembly does most sole'nnly protest against the claim or exercise of any power, whatever, on the part of the General Government, to protect domestic manufac- inres, the protection of manufactures not being amongst the grants of power to that Government, specified in the Constitution of the United Stales ; — and also, against the operations of the act of Congress, passed May 22d, 1824, entitled, "an act, to amend the several acts imposing duiies on imports," generally called the Tariff law, wliich vary the distributions of tlie proceeds of the labor of the community, in such a manner, as to transfer property from one portion of the United States to another, and to taUe private property from the owner for the benefit of another person, not rendering public service, — as unconstitutional, unwise, unjust, unequal and oppressive. The following resolutions were moved by Bir. Webster, in the year 1820, and adopted, probably unanimously, by a Town Meeting of the merchants of Boston, the head-quarters of good principles. — They correspond so exactly, in tenor and spirit, with the foregoing resolutions, that I should have been guilty of plagiarism, if 1 had not had express reference to theui, provided I had ever seen them, before writing those resolutions. I had, ho'.'iever, never seen them, until within a few months past. They are now published here, not only as precedents to justify the principles of the resolutions, so far as they regard the tariff, but to prove the erroneous statements made by many, and by some who ought to have known better, that the unconstitutionality of protecting manufactures by high tariffs, never was asserted until it appeared in those resolutions; — whereas, I as- sert, to the best of my recollection, I never heard the right to pro- tect manufactures, in any way whatever, asserted to be amongst the powers granted to the general government, until the years 1823, 1824, except so far as that effect might incidentally be produced in the honest exercise of the power to lay and collect taxes, duties, ex- cises, and " imposts," for the purposes of revenue. It is extraordi- nary, whilst the administration partlzans give Mr. Clay the exclusive merit of originating the "American system," falsely so called, ia 1823, 1824, they insist, at the same time, that it was the system of Washington, of Adams, of Jefferson, of Madison — and whilst this Anglican American system, introduced in 1824, was then declared, and is still declared to be a new sera in the practical administration of the government, it is declared to be the old system, coeval with the government itself; and is attempted to be supported by prece- dents, from the first installation of the government. How inconsis- tent! ! ! Yet the public are most sorely pressed to swallow both pills. / < 1G4 I ^'Resolved, That ue have regarded with pleasure, the establlsh- " niPiit, and success of manufactures among us, and consider their " growth, when natural and spontaneous, and 7iot the effect of a system " of bounties, and protection, as an evidence of general vvealtli and " prosperity." ^^ Resolved, That, relying on the ingenuity, enterprise and skill of "our fellow- citizens, we believe, that all manufactures adapted to our "character, and circumstances, will be introduced and extended, as " soon, anil as far, as will promote the public interests, without any far- " ther protection than they now receive." " Resolved, That no objection ought ever to be made to any amount " of taxes, equally apportioned and imposed for the purpose of raising ' revenue, necessary for the support of government ; but that taxes im- '^ posed on the people for the sole bemftt of any one class of men, are *' equally inconsistent with the principles of our constitution, and with " sound judgment,''^ *^ Resolved, That the supposition, that until the proposed tariff, or ** some similar measure be adopted, we are, and shall be, dependant on •' foreigners for the means of subsistence and defence, is, in our opini- " on, altogether fallacious and fanciful, and derogatory to the character •* of this nation." " Resolved, That high bounties on such domestic manufactures as "are principally benefitted by that tariff, favor great capitalists rather "than personal industry, or the owners of small capitals; and, ihere- " fore, that we do not perceive its tendency to promote national Indus- " try." " Resolved, That ice are equally incapable of discovering its benefi- " cial effects on agriculture, since the obvious consequence of its adop- " tion ivould be, the farmer must give more than he now does for all he " buys, and receive less for all he sells.'" *^ Resolved, Tiiat the imposition of duties which now are enormous, " and deemed by a large portion of the people to be unequal and un- "just, is dangerous, as it encourages the practice of smuggling." " Resolved, Tijat in our opinion, the proposed tariff, and the princi- " pies on which it is avowedly formed, would, if adopted, have a ten- " dency, however different may be the motives of those who recom- " mend them, to diminish the industry, impede the prosperity, and cor- " rupt the morals of the people." Governor Randolph's public statement was intended to follow Mr. Jefferson's letter. It is introduced, 1st. To show his approbation of the principles upon which I published Mr, Jefferson's letter; and hav- ing preceded that publication, I thought, substantially called for it; and it was, partly, in consequence of that opinion, that the publication took place at the time it did. 2d. Cioveruor llandolph having been unwarrantably attacked in the newspapers, { thought it due to him, to publish the letter for his vindi- cation. The opinions of Mr. Jefferson, contained in the letter, being in his own i)and writing, could not be denied by any one ; and those opinions, more than justified Governor Randolph for his statement of Mr. Jefferson's opinions respecting the present alarming crisis of the 1G5 countiy ; whilst they had no other bearing upon the present Presiden- tial election, than from inferences naturally deducible from them. To the Editors of the (Charlottesville) Advocate. Gentlemen, — In reply to your written application for a state- ment of certain political sentiments uttered by Mr. Jefferson some- time in the year, 1825, I must first remark, that I do not now con- sider myself at liberty after your request, to withhold it from your paper. My opinion has ever been this, that in a free and equal socie- ty, upon public matters of such importance, the public are entitled to demand, through any of their organs of communication, the sen- timents of public "characters of long and high standing, from them- selves, and most assuredly so, after their decease, from persons to whom they have been unreservedly made known. I was induced to relate what I had heard, the first time I did re- late it, by some ilhberal expressions applied to General Jackson, a conduct which would have been perhaps still more revolting to my feelings in regard to Mr. Adams ; for both are fully worthy in my estimation of the high honor they receive from their fellow citizens at present ; but the former I liave never yet seen. The occasion of which you speak, when we were all present at the reading of General Jackson's reply to Mr. Clay, was, I candid- ly think, the second time I ever mentioned the fact in question. I •am very sure I did hear Mr. Jeflerson say, and I think it was about the last of July or the first of August, 1825, but it might have been in December, that it was fortunate for the country that Gen. Jack- son was likely to be fit for public life four years after; for it seemed to him to be the only hope left of avoiding the dangers manifestly about to arise out of the broad construction now again given to the Constitution of the United States, which effaced all limitations of powers, and left the General Government, by theory, altogether un- restrained. Tiiat its character was plainly enough about to be total- ly changed, and that a revolution which had been hitherto indistinct- ly contemplated at a very great distance, was now suddenly, and un- expectedly, brought close to our view. Of General Jackson, Mr. Jefferson often said, that he was an honest, sincei-e, firm, clear-head- ed, and strong-minded man ; of the soundest political principles ; which he knew well, from having observed his conduct while a Sena- tor of the United States, when he was Vice President himself. He had no doubt that if General Jackson should be brought into office to correct the alarming tendency towards formidable, and otherwise irremediable evils, begiiming to develop itself in the administration of the general government, he would be entirely faithful to that ob- ject. This conversation took place either immediately after the con- Vention in Staunton of 1825, or in December following ; and it was the last free expression of his sentiments I ever heard ; a calamitous change in the private affairs of both having occurred shortly after, which prevented my being much with him, by placing him through imperious circumstances, in a situation re(Uiiring him to be unfriend- ly to ray greatest interests. 166 Having- been an elector myself in 1824, when Mr. Crawford's personal condition was deemed so very doubtful, I know certainly that Mr. Jefterson did then pi-efer Mr. Adams, after him. Indeed I never heard Mr. Jeflerson speak of Mr. Adams, from the year 1792, without acknowledging: that he was an able, learned and honest man ; to which he often added, before the period mentioned, that Mr. Ad- ams would make a safe Chief Magistrate of the Union, and was the most fit of all the New England men. Towards Mr. Clay, as a politician, Mr. Jefferson constantly manifested a very strong repug- nance, and often said that he was merely a splendid orator, without any valuable knowledge from experience or study, or any determined yjublic principles founded in sound political science, either practical or theoretical. With this impression on my mind I left Mr. Clay at Monticello, when I went to the Legislature, three days before the meeting of the electoral colleges, in December, 1 824. 1 had heard some little discussion between him and Mr. Jefferson, of those im- portant points of constitutional doctrine, and political economy, up- on wiiich they differed so widely. I Avent determined to vote for Mr. Adams, in case Mr. Crawford should be acknowledged indisputably out of condition to serve. It did not appear to me that Mr. Jefferson even viewed Mr. Clay in tiie light he is now viewed, by numbers, as a man likely to be dangerous to the Union from his principles ; or that he ever contemplated for him any other elevation than what he had already enjoyed in the House of Representatives. Should I\Tr. Clay demonstrate to the world that Mr. J. underrated him, I shall be among the first to acknowledge a genuine feeling of civic pride at it; for he is a Virginian, and my strongest public attachment of all is to the prosperity and honor of Virginia. If what I have said should excite resentment, I shall hold Mr. Clay, and him only, re- sponsible to me for any improper expression of that feeling. With great respect, TH. M. RANDOLPH, Sen. Kxirad frum a letter addressed ^' to the Honorable the Speaker and Gentlemen of the House of Delegates of Virginia,^'' — Dated JVo- rember26, 1812. " 1 wis!) the General Assembly to be informed, that I have been acting in the representative character for more than twenty years ; that during that whole time, I have taken peculiar deligl)t in the character of the representative of the people; that I not only have never made an attempt to change it for an executive one, but have invariably rej)elled every toiujjtation to such a change : of course, a small portion of the loaves and fishes have falleri to my lot: whilst my individual, pecuniary sacrifices, have not been inconsiderable. During this whole time, equally undeterred by apprehensions of popu- lar resentments, and unreduced by allurements of personal aggran discmentjl have unreuiiltingly devoted the best energies of my mind^ mi' uid the honest dictates of my best judgment, to the public service, F"rom this course of conduct, 1 have derived consolation, support, \nd happiness; and it is fortunate for man, that whilst he is at all imes subject to the assaults of others, he may be sole master of one jreat good — an approving conscience. Of this one good, I have leretofore taken, and shall hereafter take, the most precious care; md whilst I feel the most unbounded respect for the General Assem- )ly, and shall delight in the possession of its good opinion, and of hat of my fellow citizens generally, I am not now prepared, and lever can be prepared, to ofier up this one good, as a propitiation o any tribunal upon earth." Richmond, Oct. 2, 1798. SIR, The impaired state of my health has induced me to retire from >ublic employment ; I therefore do hereby resign my seat in the Souse of Representatives of the United States. Be pleased sir, to accept my respectful compliments, &;c. WILLIAM B. GILES. To THE Governor of Virginia. In Council, August 11, 1804. The board took into consideration the appointment of a Senator )f the United States, in the room of Abraham B. Venable, Esq., re- iigned. Whereupon, William B. Giles, Esq. was unanimously elected. In the House of Delegates, December 4, 1804. The House proceeded by joint ballot with the Senate, to the elec- ion of a Senator of the United States, to supply the vacany occa- sioned by the resignation of Wilson C. Nicholas, Esq. Whereupon, William B. Giles, Esq. was duly elected. In the House of Delegates, Friday, Dec. 7, 1804. The House proceeded to the election of a Senator of the United States, to supply the vacancy occasioned by the expiration of the erm of service of William B. Giles, Esq. Whereupon, William B. Giles, was duly elected. In the House of Delegates, Wednesday, Jan. 2, 1811. The House proceeded by joint ballot, to the election of a Senator of the United States, to supply the vacancy occasioned by the eX' piration of the term of service of William B. Giles, Esq. Whereupon, William B. Gilef! was doly elected. Richmond, jVovemher 2o, 1816. To His Excellency WILSON C. NICHOLAS, Governor of Virginia. SIR, A period has at length arrived, when our beloved country, after successfully passing through the trials of a just and honorable war, against a powerful nation, is enjoying all the blessings of peace, with the fairest prospects, under the guidance of wise counsels, and the divine protection, of their long continuance. This fortunate, and happy condition of tlie country, aflbrds me a favorable opportunity, of indulging myself in a desire, I have long felt, of retiring altogether to scenes of domestic life. This conside- ration, however, would not, of itself, furnish a sufiicient motive to induce me to carry this purpose into eflect, during the present sena- torial term ; but another circumstance has taken place, which I con- ceive, ought to have its influence upon my determination in this res- pect. In consequence of an absence from home, for a portion of each year, during a period of nearly five-and-twenty years, in which I have been engaged in serving the people in the representative cha- racter, my private concerns have become materially deranged; and, in my judgment, a strong obligation, is therefore, imposed upon me, to give my personal attention to their re-establishment. These con- siderations united, have determined me, to withdraw from public service at this time. For these reasons, I do hereby resign my office of Senator in the Senate of the United States. I take great plea- sure, Sir, in availing myself of this occasion, to renew to your ex- cellency, assurances of my high considerations, and sincere personal regards, &c. WILLIAM B. GILES. Revised Code, pag-e 1G4, vol. 1, chap. 51. Section 32. WHiercas the freedom of speech, and proceedings, appertaineth of right to the General Assembly, and the preservation thereof is necessary to secui-e the liberty of the people : — Be it enacted, That if any person shall arrest or prosecute, or be aiding or abetting in arresting and prosecuting a member or members of the Senate or House of Delegates, for, or on account of any words spoken or written ; any propositions made, or proceedings had, in the said Senate or House of Delegates; every such person, so ofl'ending, shall be deemed guilty of a misdemeanor, and shall bo apprehended, committed, and tried therefor, as in other cases of mis- demeanors, before the general court, or a superior court of law of this commo)nvealth ; and being thereof convicted, by the verdict of | a jury, shall be adjudged to suH'er imprisonment for a term not ex- ' ceeding one year, and shall pay a fine not exceeding two thousand dollars; which imprisonment and fine shall be assessed by a jur}'. Sec. 33. And if any member or members of tlie said Senate or jj House of Delegates, shall by arrested or imprisoned, for, or on ac- ' 16.9 ttbuAt of any words, spoken or written, or for any proposition made, or proceedings had, in said Senate or House of Delegates, such member or members may apply to the general court, or a superior court of law, or any judge thereof in vacation, for a writ of habeas Gorpus, who are hereby empowered and required to issue the same, i-etxn'nable before the said court, or said judge, or any other judge, and, upon the return thereof, to liberate and discharge such member or members. Sec. 34. The provisions of this act shall be extended to the ar- resting and prosecuting any person or persons, for words spoken or Written, or for any propositions made, or proceedings had, in said Se- nate or House of Delegates, and to the discharging and liberating any person or persons, by habeas corpus, as aforesaid, although such pei'son or persons shall, by disqualification, or from any other causes, have ceased to be a member of the said Senate or House of Dele- gates, at the time of such arrest or prosecution, or of the trial, judg- ment, or imprisonment, in consequence thereof: Provided^ That nothing herein contained shall, in any respect, extend to the power which either House of the General Assembly now hath, or may ex- ercise over their respective members- "Having been informed, that much excitement was produced amongst the members of the last General Assembly, from intimations, that I had wantonly introduced the subject of instructions, for the sole purpose of contemptuously attacking the rights of that body, &tc. h,c. &ic. ; I have deemed it proper to counteract tliis gross mis- representation, by annexing to this explanation an extract from the speech of the honorable Mr. Crawford, to which mine was a repl}* The deservedly high standing of this gentleman in the Senate, and throughout the United States, imposed on me an imperious obliga- tion to notice observations of the character of those contained in the annexed extract. The object of my reply was, to demonstrate the truth of the principle asserted in the instructions, to assert the right of the General Assembly to give them; and to vindicate it against the imputation of unworthy motives, inducing the act of instructions on its part. It is believed, that nothing will be necessary to the jus- tification of my motives on that occasion, in the opinion of every gentleman, who feels a just sensibility to the honor of the General Assembly; but, first reading the annexed extract, and then trans- porting himself, in imagination, from the floor of the General As- sembly, to the floor of the Senate, imder the peculiar circumstances attending me on that occasion. It is a subject of regret, that the duties thus imposed on me, have been executed so unfortunately, in behalf of the General Assembly, as to have drawn on me its public censure." Extract from Mr. Crnwford''s speech. "It is said, the states have reserved to themselves the exclusive right of erecting banks. That the states have exercised the right of 22 > ' (19- eMablislyug- banks, is a fact, not to be denied; but lluit they havr the right under the constitution, is extremely questionable. Had these threat states, who have undertaken, by their instructions, to in- fluence the decision of this question by Congress, contented them- selves with the exercise of this right to establish banks, I should not «pon this occasion enter into an investigation of that right. But these great states, not content with the exercise of an usurped autho- rity, are bv usurpation attempting to legislate for Congress. And, sir, what is the inducement with these great states to put down the bank of the United States.^ Their avarice, combined with the love of domination. They have erected banks, in many of which, they hold stock to a considerable amount, and they wish to compel the United States to use their banks, as places of deposit for their pub- lic monies; by which they expect to increase their dividends. And in the banks rn wliich they hold no stock, many of the individual members of tlitir legislatures are stockholders, and no doubt were influenced to give instructions by motives of sheer avarice," "Mr. Crawford's speech continues the subject for nearly a page- farther ; but this short extract is abundantly suflicient for my pur- pose. Suppose I had remained silent, under the serious charges thus brought forw ard against the General Assembly, and the individual members; would not such silence have justly subjected me to the censure of both ? Could it then have been expected, when 1 spoke out in the defence of both, and placed them upon honorable and dignified ground, as I tlien thought, and still think ; that I should have incur- red their censure for such defence ! ! ! That it should be said that I Wantonly introduced the subject of instructions, unconnected with tiie debate, from the miraculous motive of manifesting a contemptu- ous disrespect towards the General Assembly." Extract from the speech in reply to Mr. Crawford, pages 1, 18 — page 19 — pages 19 and 20 — pages 25, 26. Page 1st. — "Mr. President — It is with great reluctance that I •find myself compelled to enter into the discussion of the subject now under the consideration of the Senate ; but the observations which fell from the honorable gentleman from Georgia (Mr. Crawford) were of such a character as to impose on me an irresistible obli- gation to present that view of the subject which has resulted from the best reflections 1 have been able to bestow upon it. This obli- gation arises from the very high respect I entertain for the Legislature of the State 1 have the honor to represent — the great respect 1 feel for the gentleman, who made the observations, as well as from the res- pect manifestly due to myself." Pages 18, 19. "I will now proceed to animadvert upon some Im- portant observations made by the gentleman, upon the right of the legislatures of the respective states, to instruct the senators of the United States : *' Acting as I now am, Mr. President, under the influence of Instruc- tions from the legislature of the state I have the honor to represent, Ill I leei myself imperiously called upon, to notiee some observations which fell from the honorable gcntlcinan from Georgia, (Mr. Craw- ford,) and the honorable gentleman from Pennsjlvania, (Mr. Leib,) in relation to that subject. Pages 19, 20. "The gentleman from Pennsylvania, (Mr. Leib,) after havini? read his instructions, informed the Senate — =" that he represented one of the great states, which had given instructions, and that he felt himself absolutely bound by them in the vote he should give on the present question ; that he considered himself the reprC' tentative of the legislature of Pennsylvania ; that it was the principal, and he die agent, and bound to carry into eflect its will," &:c. &c. "However high may be the respect I generally entertain for the opinion of the honorable gentleman, (Mr. Leib,) I am compelled to dissent from him in these opinions. I feel m} self compelled too, to express this dissent, lest it might l>e supposed, that being similarly circumstanced widi that gentleman, on the present question, ray conduct might be influenced by similar considerations. I do not consider myself the representative of the legislature of Virginia, although I feel the most unbounded confidence in its wisdom and ])atriotism, and the highest respect for its proceedings. I consider myself the representative of the people of the United States, delegat- ed to that character by the legislature of Virginia. As an evidence of the correctness of this opinion, I have only to remark, that the laws which I contribute to pass, in the character of senator, are co-extensive with the United States, aiid operate upon the people thereof in their individual capacities. They do not operate upon the state legisla- tures in their corporate ciiaracters: except in cases where, in that character, they are connected with the federal government, or in- strumental in the execution of some of its powers. Still less do they operate upon the legislature of Virginia exclusively; of course, I can- not consider myself as the representative of that legislature exclusively, as its agent, and bound in ail cases to execute its will upon this floor. It is not necessary, nor do I mean to question, the right of the state legislature, so long practised upon, to instruct the senators of the United States, chosen by them respectively; because that might produce an unmeaning and useless discussion about terms; but I mean to inquire whether the exercise of the right imposes a consti- tutional obligation on thp senator instructed, to obey.? In what the real obligation to obedience consists f Whether the instruction is injunctive and compulsory on him ; or addressed only to his discre- tion.'* Or, in other words, whether the senator instructed has not a right to disobey.'' And whether sucli disobedience violates any mo< ral or political obligation.'' Pages 25, 26. " The gentleman from Georgia, (Mr. Crawford,) was pleased to say, that in giving instructions to the senators upon this occasion, the great states had been iniiuenced solely by motives of avarice. I regret the remark; and 1 think, if the gentleman would dispassionately re-consider it, he would also regret it, I think he would admit, that the Legislature of Virginia could not have act- ed under the influence of such a motive. — And, sir, I feel a pride, 11:^ and a pleasure, in standing here to repel the iinpuiatiou, and to do jus- tice to the real motives of the Legislature. I am at a loss to deter- mine what are the peculiar circumstances which could have induced the gentleman to ascribe the motives of avarice to the Virginia Le- gislature on this occasion. It is true that a branch of the Bank of ihe United States, with the trilling capital of 300,000 dollars, is established at Norfolk, and that a branch of the Baidi of Virginia is also established there. But these circumstances furnish no pos- sible motive of avarice to tiie Virginia Legislature. The amount of capital and its eifects, are quite unimportant to the State. Nor- folk itself, although equally respectable and important with any other portion of the State of the same extent and population, is not sufficient to excite the avarice of the Virginia Legislature. " The Legislature of Virginia consists principally of agriculturists, residing in the interior of the State, who concern themselves very little with banks and bank operations. They, therefore, have made no calculation of pecuniary interests upon this occasion. They have acted, in giving instructions, from the purest and most honorable mo- tives, from a conviction that the power of granting charters of incor- poration was not conferred on Congress by the Constitution, but re- served to the States respectively. That this conviction alone, was the inducement to -their instructions, will appear obvious from the in- structions themselves, which I beg leave to read : " The General Assembly view with the most serious concern, the late attempt which has been made to obtain from Congress a renewal of the charier incorporating the Bank of the United States. This As- sembly are deeply impressed with the conviction that the original grant of that charter was nnconstiiutional ; that Congress has no power whatever to renew it; and that the exercise of such a power ivould be not only unconstitutional, but a dangerous encroachment on the sovereignly of the States : — Therefore, ^'Resolved, That the Senators of this State, in the Congress of the United States, be instructed, and our Representatives most earnestly requested, in the execution of their duties as faithfid Representatives of iheir country, to use their best efforts, in opposing, by every means within their power, the renewal of the charter of the Bank of the United States. January 22d, 1811. Agreed to. ROBT. TAYLOR, S. S. JAS. BARBOUR, S. H. D. A copy from the original, Test, James Pleasants, c. h. d." " It manifestly appears from these instructions, that a conviction of the unconstitutionality of the original bank law, was the sole induce- ment with the Legislature for giving them: and here, sir, permit me to express a hope, that the arguments I have urged in favor of this opinion, will amply justify the Legislature in the honest conviction undtT which it acted. Permit me also to remark, sir, that wli'ihi J 173 cannot admit that instruction in any case, possesses a mandatory influence over the Senator, and whilst I think the practice of giving instructions in general, and upon general points of policy, is attend- ed with injurious eiiects upon the proceedings of this government, &c. — yet in a case of rights reserved to the States, the Legislature not only fjave the right, hut it is their duty to express their opinion to, or instruct their Senators (for I will not cavil about terms) to resist the usurpation of the general government. It is the mildest way in whicli their agency can be brought to bear upon all such cases ; and this being a case in point, the instructing Legislatures stand perfectly jus- tified in the conduct the}' have adopted in that respect. I hope, sir, I have rescued the Legislature of Virginia from the unmerited impu- taiioij thrown against it, inadvertently I am sure, by the gentleman from Georgia, (Mr. Crawford,) and have shewn that it has been in- fluenced by the purest, the most laudable, a«d the most honorable motives." It would seem, from a very able report of the Legislature of Penn- sylvania, adopted in March 1815, immediately after the termination of the last war; that, the embargo, and non-intercourse laws, grew out of the war power ; as indeed, was the universal understanding at that time. The report was made in reply to a proposition, to amend the constitution, limiting the power of the General Government over em- bargoes, and non-intercourse laws, made by the Legislatures of Massa- chusetts, Connecticut, New York, and New Jersey; and is in the fol- lowing words: " By the nest amendment it is proposed, that " Congress shall not have power to lay any embargo on the ships or vessels of the citizens of the United States, in the ports or harbors thereof, for more than sixty days." "The Committee can see little in the principle of this proposal, to re- commend it, and they foresee in practice very serious inconveniences from it. In most other nations, an embargo is principally used as a temporary detention, to conceal or to facilitate, the departure of some ex=. pedition ; but in addition to these causes, our peculiar situation gives tq such a measure, a character of defensive war, as well as of offensive hostility. An embargo may here be imposed as a preliminary to war, for tlie purpose of retaining at home, resources, which might fall into the hands of adversaries, and of warning our citizens to seek shelter from impending hostilities. This country too, stands in a relation to the world, which no other nation occupies. The United States is a great granary, from which many other countries are supplied, and some have been occasionally fed. To withhold for a time those necessary supplies from a nation committing aggressions against us, is a mea- sure of fair, obvious, and effectual hostility, by which the oflVnding nation may be reclaimed to a just course of conduct. Such a measure should therefore be left with other incidents of war, to the discretion of Congress. But it is obvious, that the efficacy of an embargo may de- pend on its duration. Approaching hostilities may not be averted or determined m sixty days. Within sixty days, a refusal to furnish sup- 174 ©Vies may be prodnctive of no inconvenience to an enemy. If It be said the embargo may be renewed, why the necessity of any limitation of lime, since the same power which can renew a limited, may repeal an unqualified embargo, when circumstances require it. But during the long recess of Congress, it would be impracticable to renew an embar- go every sixty days. The more judicious plan seems to be, to trust ihe power where it now is; and this, the more willingly, as our recent ex- perience will have furnished the means of ascertaining the nature and value of that species of restriction." What strange tiioughtlcssnesSj and forgelfulness, mark the politicians of the day ! !! The following is the section of appropriation for carrying into effect the Cumberland Road law.— -General Taylor read this section, exiept tl»at part of it which appears now in italics; so much was omitted.— This part contains a provision for reimbursing any money which may act ^ paid at the Treasury, for making that road, out of the fund to ac- ^' le from the sales of the public lands within Ohio, — Tliis provision, I lieve, is dispensed with, since the claim of the general power to make tulernal iujprovenients has been asserted. In tliis provision, will be seen, the distinction between the principle upon which the Cumberland Road vAas established, and the principle upon which the general power to make internal improvements is now set up by the general govern- ment. 1 intended to have made some observations upon this subject, but inadvertently omitted to do so. The section is here introduced, as forming a material part of the true history oi" the Cumberland Koad law. •' Sect, G. ^3nd be ii further enacted, That the sum of % 30,000 be, and tlie same is hereby appropriated, to defray the expense of laying out and making said road. And tlie President is hereby authorised to draw from time to time on the Treasury for such parts, or at any one lime for the whole of said sum, as he shall judge the service requires. Whicij sum of $30,000, shall be paid, fn-st out of the fund of two per cent, reserved for laying out and making roads to the state of Ohio, by virtue of the seventh section of an act passed on the 30th day of April, J802, entitled, " An act to enable the people of the eastern division of the territory north west of the Ohio river, to form a Constitution and Slate government, and for the admission of such State into the Union, on an equal fooling witii the original Slates, and for other purposes." Three per cent, of the appropiiation contained in said seventh section being directed by a subsequent law, to the laying out, opening and ma- king"roads wlihin the State of Oliio, Jind, secondly, out of any money in the Treasury not otherwise appropriated, chargeable upon, and rC' imhamabh at the Treasury, by said fund of tioo per cent., as the same shall accrue." The lollowing letters are published here to show— 1st, That the ofiice of Governor was freely conferred, without solicitation. 2d. That aotwithstanding all the popular clamor, raised about the ol 170 question of instructions, " I never could, under any circumstances permit myself to doubt of the ultimate justice of my couqtry:" oi course, could not have been influenced by popular clamor in retiring from the Senate in 1815. February lAth, 1827. Str, — On behalf of the joint committee of the Senate and House of Delegates, appointed for that purpose, we beg leave to communi- cate to you your election to the office of Governor, or Chief Magis- trate of this Commonwealth, from the 4th day of March next, in the place of John Tyler, Esq. elected to the Senate of the United States. In performing this duty, sir, wo cannot withhold the expression of our own gratification, at this distinguished proof, not only of the steady adherence, on th6 part of the Legislature, to those great principles which Virginia has so long cherished, and of which you have been a distinguished advocate; but because in it, we also per- ceive the just reward of a long course of valuable public services, both in the councils of the Union and of your own native State. Witli sentiments of the highest consideration and respect, we have the honor to be, &lc. SAMUEL TAYLOR, C. C. S. JOHN W. NASH, C. C. H. D. W.u. B. Giles, Esq. Richmond, Feb. Mtk, 1827. Samud Taylor, Esq. Chairman of a Ci mmittee of tlie Senate, Sec. John W. JYash, Esq. Chahmaa of a C(unmittee of the House of Delej^ates, Sic. Gentlemen, — Your communication, on behalf of the Joint Com- mittee of the Senate and House of Delegates, of my election to the office of Governor, or Chief Magistrate of this Commonwealth, by the General Assembly, has called into action the liveliest sensi- bilities of my heart ; and the peculiar circumstances attending the election have served to enhance its honors, and to increase both my obligations and my gratification upon the occasion. If it should have been my good fortune, heretofore, to have ren- dered valuable services both in the councils of the Union, and my own native State, I can now only observe ; that I have already de- rived abundant consolation and happiness, from a consciousness of having at all times, faithfully discharged all my public duties ; and I never could permit myself for one moment, under any circumstan- ces, to doubt the ultimate justice of my country, in putting a proper estimate upon those services. Be pleased, gentlemen, to inform the General Assembly, that I accept, with a grateful heart, the high office it has been pleased to confer on me; and all I have to offer in return is : a solemn pledge ; that whatever of mental and physical c-apacities, I have remaining, shall be sedulously employed in pro- moting the welfare of our beloved Virginia, particularly, and of our i70 common country, generally ; should any of its concerns Tail within my official sphere of action. Permit me, gentlemen, to tender yon and the committee, my sin- cere thanks for the very polite and flattering manner, in wiiich you have made the communication and my fervent prayers for your in- dividual health, prosperity and happiness. WM. B. GILES APPENDIX. — @®^~ Upon reviewing the proof-sheets of the foregoing pamphlet, it occui" red to me, that 1 had omitted my remarks in reply to Mr. Clay's no- tions of the positive independence of foreign nations on the part of the United States, after it was too late to introduce them in their proper place; and having written two numbers upon that subject in 1824, I determined to introduce them at the close of the pamphlet, as substitutes for the omitted remarks. The opinions therein expressed have not be- come impaired; but are enforced and confirmed, by experience, and farther reflection. Tariff Bill— Independence of Foreign Naiions. I have heretofore taken the liberty of saying, that the pretexts for the tariff bill appear to me to be flimsy, visionary, unfounded, and ma- ny of them ridiculous. 1 will now briefly examine one of these pre- texts, which seems to me to be the basis of all the rest — indeed, all those which have branched forth from the parent stock, I think, felo de se : I shall therefore leave them, at this time, to their own self destruc- tion, or to the destruction of the antagonist arguments of others. — The ultimate object of the tarifi' bill is avowed to be, to render the United Slates independent of foreign nations. It would be impossible to tell, how often this phrase has been ushered forth in the newspapers, within the last three or four years ; and at this moment, 1 am as much at a loss to comprehend the precise meaning, intended to be conveyed by it, or the precise object intended to be described by it, as if I had never seen it at all. According to my understanding, there is as little definite meaning or object attached to this piirase, as to any other, of the same number of words, in the English languge. I must presume that the phraseologists know themselves what they mean by it ; but as I do not, I beg leave to state my own diflicuhies in that respect; the more espe- cially, as most polemic discussions are found to depend rather upon the want of aflfixing some precise, definite tneaning to the terms used in such discussions, than upon the results from the premises after their pre- cise meaning shall be ascertained and agreed upon. The phrase "in- dependent of foreign nations," I presume, is intended to describe some state of relation between the United States and foreign nations ; but what that precise definite state of relation is, I cannot comprehend from the term itself. The word " independence" is a word of relation. Do the tariff schemers mean by the phrase, " independence of foreign na- tions," a positive or relative independence of foreign nations.^ If they mean a relative independence, how near do they mean to approach to a positive independence ^ if they mean a positive independence, I then pronounce, that it is neither attainable nor desi>'able. If they mean a relative independence, then I assert, that the United States do at this lime possess all salutary relative independence of foreign nations. If 23 178 they did not, the tarift' bill would not have the least tendency to pro- dure it; but might, and probably would, tend to lessen the existing in- dependence. In this world, there is scarcely any thing positive. It is a world of relations and dependencies. This system of relation and dependence is seen throughout all nature. It is seen, as well in regard to national as individual relations and dependences. The great principle of crea- tion is founded in the sexual systetn. In the relations of individual life, the sexes are made dependant on each other for mutual happiness. In in(ancy, tbe child is made dependant upon the parent; and in old age, the parent upon the child. Tliere are also relative degrees of depen- dance throughout all social and domestic life. The same principle of relation and dependance will be found throughout all scenes of business. The consumer depends upon the merchant to supply his wants of for- eias) goods; the merchant depends I'pon the consumer, either for mo- ney ur other goods in exchange. Tliis system will be found to pervade all callings, and conditions in individual life. To be p»)sitively inde- pendent in private life, what would it be necessary for an individual to do.f* He must be his own farmer to raise his own grain , his own miller to grind it; his own cook to bake it, before he could get a piece of bread in his mouth : he must be his own grazier, his own butcher, and his own cook, before he could get a piece of meat in his mouth : and before he could get a pair of shoes on his feet, he must add the occupa- tions of tanner and shofmaker. Besides, he must make all the tools and implements of all his variegated occupations. — Throughout his whole long catalogue of wants, he must observe the sanie process, to supply each particular want. Upon supplying hitnself, wit!) his own hands, with the whole of his wants, he would then, and not till then, be a positively independent gentleman. But while this process, if practi- cable, would render him positively independent of all other creatures, it would render liim the most positively dependant slave tjpon himself, Acccrdnig to this doctrine of positive independence in private life, a gentleman with his pockets astrut with cash, would be dependant upon his laiior, his shoemaker, and upon every body else who contributes to his enjoyments — and the old notion of a gentleman of independent fortune must be abandoned altogether. Heretofore it has been under- stood, that, when a gentleman has money enough to pay for all his • wants, he is independent : not that he is positively so, but relatively so. However wealthy a man may be, he is dependant upon the tailor for his coat, upon the shoemaker for his shoes, and so on to the extent of all his wants: but the furnishers of these wants are dependant upon him for his money. This mutuality of dependance neutralizes its effects, and produces a relative independence, which is all the independence that is practicable, or desirable, amongst mankind in private life. The same principles will be found to extend, and apply in full force to the family of nations. It has pleased tlie omnipotent Author of creation to form this world with different climates, different soils, different productions, and a vast variety of other differences. One nation produces more of a particular article, suited to the use and enjoyment of man, than it Tvants for its own use; another nation produces more of another arti- cle of a different kind, than it wants for its own use : an exchange of 179 each surplus production, therefore, becomes necessary for mutual ac- commodation. Hence the foundation of foreign commerce. For iliis purpose, God has separated continents and islands, by elements of fluids, and endowed man with skill for navigating them ; but he has not seen fit to bestow on any one nation every thing which was neces- sary or convenient for all its wants : and thus most forcibly demon- strates his design, that a mutual intercourse amongst nations should take place; — or in other words, that commerce should exist amongst mankind. In no one instance has God's infinite goodness and wisdom been more manifest, than in imposing these mutual obligations and de- pendencies upon mankind, for their own enjoyments, happiness, and the improvement of the human intellect. Through commerce tiie great- est blessings have been transferred from one nation to another. Letters from Phenicia; the mariner's compass from Genoa; printing from Germany; seeds of various kinds from one country to another ; im- provements in the fine, agricultural and mechanic arts; and in all the intellectual endowments of the human mind. In all these respects the United States have derived more benefit from commerce, than has fallen to the lot of any other modern nation. They have been greatly blessed too in their own indigenous productions; but it has not pleased God to bless them with every thing useful and necessary to the enjoy- ment of man : they have not been rendered positively independent of all other nations. There are two articles, amongst others, which are deemed highly desirable amongst all mankind, w.iih which they have been but sparingly supplied — gold and silver. Perhaps, however, the tariff schemers might rely upon iheonnjipotence of their schemes for diverting labor from its natural into artificial channels, to force a suffi- cient supply of gold at least from the gold mines of North Carolina; or they might conclude, that gold and silver were not wanted for animal gratifications, and might be dispensed with altogether. If gold and silver are not to be expunged from our catalogue of wants, then positive independence is not attainable to the United States. — Until the tariff schemers turn alchymists, and shall make gold and silver out of any thing, or nothing, they cannot render the United States positively independent of foreign nations. In regard to relative independence, the United States stand upon high ground in their inter- course with foreign nations; and will continue to do so, until they throw away the abundance of good things which their God has most bountifully bestowed upon them.— He has given them climates, and soils, suited to the production of wheat, cotton, and tobacco, amongst many other good things. These articles are wanted in other countries, and if the United States will not refuse a fair interchange of the sur- plus of these good things, for the surplus of the good things produced in other countries, which are wanted here, it will always insure to the United States a salutary relative independence of foreign nations. I should not feel at all dependant upon foreign nations for our gold and silver, so long as the nations, which have them, shall indulge the appe- tite for our flour and tobacco, and a taste for the articles produced by our cotton ; and so long as the political schemers of the United States should leave them to their natural efiects ; and should not drive back the gold and silver by their banking institutions or by other ruinous 18U scliemes. The United Stales have heretofore claimed pre-eminent ground in their relative intcrconrse with foreign nations. They pos- sess a thin, active population — a fertile and unoccupied soil — subsis- tence in abundance. Their surplus productions consist mostly of raw materials, in great demand in foreign nations — whilst in most other countries, the population is crowded — there are more hands than em- ployment — the subsistence scanty, and our raw materials wanted to aid in giving employment to the surplus hands. Tiiese ciicumsiances, if not impeded in their natural operations, could not fail to place tlie United Slates on 'vantage ground in their relations with foreign na- tions. A few months ago, 1 could not help concluding, tiiat the pre- tension to a relative, salutary independence on the part of the United States, would unquestionably have fotnid an authority in Mr. Speaker of the House of Representatives, which would have been irresistible in its influence with a majority of that House. When I contemplated Mr, Speaker, with his Briarian hands, and fancied him engaged in deliver- ing his infuriated Greek speech ; with one hand battering dov.n the constitution of the United Slates — another battering down state rights, save only the Kentucky non-resident and relief laws, — a third beauti- fying the United States with internal improvements — a fourth spread over Mexico, and all South America — a fifth stretched forth to Euro- pean Greece — a sixth with one liiile finger pointing to Africa, Messu- rado — a seventh with the fore-finger pointing to the Pacific — mouth of Columbia — and with all the rest busily engaged in unsheathing to the view of trembling, astonished Europe, one million of glittering American bayonets; 1 thought, that Mr. Speaker must be buoyed up with the hope, and even deluded witli the belief, that the United States were positively independent of tiie whole world — indeed more, that the destinies of the whole world were at their command. Could it have been expected i can it be credited ! that within one month after Mr. Speaker, in this gigantic, appalling attitude, had set at defiance one hundred and fifty millions of the most potent people upon earth, that he would advocate the most despotic scheme, upon the ground that the United States were not blessed with even a common salutary inde- pendence of foreign nations!! That they were in such a state of de- pendance, as to call forth all the energies of his mind, to legislate ihein into a state of relative independence ! I ! Dependant too, upon whom, or upon what ! ! I Upon this very Europe, he had just frightened out of its wits! with one million of unsheathed, glittering American bay- onets ! ! ! Yet are these strange things now before us ! ! A great man — a statesman — above all, a President, should be endowed with fucxxl- ties of forethought and consistency. Not only an union of thought and of action in each particular measure, but a consistency and contiimity of thought, and of object in all his measures. Do we find them here? Are not these two scliemes grounded upon directly contradiciory prin- ciples ? The one grounded upon a positive independence, which alone could justify setting all Europe at defiance — the other on a dangerous dependance upon this same Europe. But to settle this point, let a re- sort be had to matter of fact. The United States have not long since been engaged in actual war wiUi Great Britain — the nation upon which Khe United Stales are said to be more dependant, than upon any other. 181 Was this affected dependance materially felt during that war? It cer- tainly was-mstTelt in any material degree, and even so far as it was felt, it arose more from our own folly, tban from any control of Great Bri- tain over us. All tlie articles we wanted, would have been readily fur- nished upon good terms by Great Britain — not to have been obtained elsewhere ; but the United Slates refused the interchange. Instead of letting Great Britain have our flour cotton, and tobacco, we threw them away as far as they were perishable, laid embargoes, interdicted com- mercial intercourse, and thus threw every obstruction in the way of our necessary supplies. Even notwithstanding all these unwise obstruc- tions, very little inconvenience was experienced; and in any future case, by a wise policy, all necessary supplies might be anticipated. But ad- mit some temporary inconvenience during a state of ^var; would that little, adventitious, temporary inconvenience, justify a permanent, un- just, monopolising despotism, during a state of peace, and war."* Yet such is the evil, if evil at all, and such the remedy offered by the tariff" schemers. The tariff bill, Mr. Speaker supposes, will produce this un- defined independence, I presume, within a century, if ever; provided Mr. Sneaker should not be mistaken in his political calculations, and speculations; but who in all the world is more likely to be mistaken than Mr. Speaker.'' for it would seem from Mr. Speaker's whole course of conduct, during the present session of Congress, that he is acting under the influence of some excitable, eccentric, inflammable gas, which has electrified him into a very Hotspur; striking blindfold at every rustling sound that he hears. If, then, the United States do now enjoy a salutary relative independence of foreign nations: and if a po- sitive independence is neither attainable, nor desirable; upon what ground is it that the whole order of labor now established in the coun- try should be subverted, and a new order of labor introduced, and that too by arbitrary, unequal and unjust artificial regulations.'' But if more relative independence were desirable, the tarifl' bill could have no tendency whatever to produce it, and would, in its consequences produce the opposite effects, WM. B. GILES. March 22, 1824. Wigwam, Amelia County, f^a. Political Schemers-^Hard Times.— The Tariff' Bill—Independence of Foreign JVations. In my last No. I expressed the opinion, that the tariff' bill, so far from tending to produce a positive independence of foreign nations, would materially tend to lessen our relative independence of them. I will now give the reasons inducing this opinion. I think it has heretofore been proved, that positive independence is neither attain- able nor desirable. That in the ordinations of Providence, in the essential nature of things, there must exist a mutual relative depen- dence amongst nations, as well as amongst individuals. That this mutual dependance is the true source of a great portion of the im- provements, which exalt the human character, and contribute to hu- man refinements, and enjoyments. In corroboration of this doctrine, it will be recollected, that almost every nation upon earth, which has been excluded from the great family of nations, is now seen in the sav- . 182 age state. I presume, the Tariff schemers do not mean to drive the United States back to this condition, in quest of positive indepen- dence of foreign nations. According to the doctrine of the relative dependance of nations on each other, I lay down this proposition. That in proportion to the increase of the relative dependance of foreign nations upon us, will be the increase of our relative indepen- dence of them. Let the effects of the Tariff bill, be tested by this plain principle ; and let this test be applied to our commercial rela- tions with Great Britain ; with which nation, those relations are the most intimate, and extensive. The object of the Tariff bill is to coerce the manufactory, by our- selves, of all articles wanted for our consumption ; and to exclude Great Britain from the manufactory of any of them. Will not G. Britain by this operation, become less dependent upon us, than she now is, in exact proportion to the extent of this exclusion f Take the articles of boots and shoes, for example. Great Britain is alrea- dy nearly excluded from all participation in the market of these arti- cles ; as I conceive, to the great loss and injury of the United States ; and to gH-eater injustice amongst individuals. It is now proposed to make the exclusion absolute. So far then as our intercourse relates to these two articles, Great Britain will be rendered positively indepen- dent of the United States by such absolute exclusion. — But suppose, instead of this exclusion, there were ten, twenty, thirty or more thousands of hands employed in Great Britain in preparing boots and siioes for the market of the United States, would not Great Bri- tain feel a material dependance upon the United States, for a market for the articles prepared by these hands ? It is presumed the affirma- tion would be admitted by all. This dependence would be greatly increased by the following considerations : That the population of Great Britain is already overflowing — that there are more British hands than British employment — that, consequently, it is extremely difficult to change hands from one employment to another. — Instead of such change, the unemployed hands necessarily become paupers. That the laboring part of the community is already so oppressed, and plundered by the few, that the great majority of them is left with a bare subsi'^stence. That it would be particularly distressing to the British government to sec the pauper list increasing by ex- trinsic, artificial causes, already increased by intrinsic ones to an amount, which calls for the most anxious and profound consideration of every British political economist. The United States do not fur- nish the raw materials for the manufacture of these articles ; the ar- gument will be doubly enforced in all cases, in which the United States do furnish the raw materials for the manufactured articles. Take the case of cotton, which is an article of the first conside- ration. This article is becoming subservient to a vast portion of human wants, and indulgencies ; and there is accordingly seen in the wise and benevolent dispensations of Providence, a correspond dent extent of climate and soil fitted for its production. The United States have heretofore enjoyed, in some degree, a monopoly of the British market for this article, and by tjie wise policy of leaving it 183 to its natural eflecis, might still further have engrossed the Britisli markets ; but by the unwise policy of laying exorbitant duties upon British manufactured cottons, Great Britain has been induced to look out for other sources of supply, and she has not been unsuccessful in her search. If by a liberal intercourse with Great Britain here- tofore, in furnishing the cotton, and taking it, in its maufactured state from Great Britain in return, the whole of the raw material had been supplied by the United States, and Great Britain had been thus left without any other adequate source of supply, would not her de- pendence upon the United States for this important article, liave been greater than it now is ? and would not the relative dependence of the United States upon Great Britain for taking the surplus of their raw material have been less than it now is? If so, the necessary re- sult is, that the relative dependence of the two countries in their commercial intercourse with each oiher, is injuriously aifected by the existing tariff; and will be much more injuriously affected by the one proposed. It is deemed unnecessary to extend this illustra- tion further. The same reasoning will apply to the whole commer- cial intercourse between the two countries under similar circumstan- ces. It may be observed, however, that Great Britain has not been inattentive to the effects of the unwise policy of the United States, and ever on the alert, has taken measures to guard herself against it; whilst these very precautions prove the truth of the reasoning here advanced. Great Britain has looked out for every climate and soil suited to the production of cotton, and she has found them in Egypt, South America and elsewhere. Whilst we hear of 150,000 addi- tional spindles lately erected in Great Britain for twisting cotton, we hear of no apprehensions of the want of a supply of the raw material. But what will be the effects of the Tariff bill upon the physical strength of the United States ? particularly the Navy ; destined, if not crippled, nor destroyed, at some future time, to become the bul- wark and defence^oY the United States against foreign nations? — What are to be its effects on commerce and seamen ? will it not ruin the one, and diminish the other ? Suppose it were to convert every American seaman into a shoemaker, would not the physicial strength of the country be impaired by the operation ? Suppose it were to drive a portion of your seamen into foreign employment, would not this operation tend still more to impair the physical strength of the nation ? What is to become of the ships, ship builders, and commer- cial capital ? all to be driven into new occupations, or rendered use- less ? AH these operations must necessarily tend to diminish the phy- sical strength of the country ; and of course, to render it less inde- pendent of foreign nations. This reasoning is founded, in part, upon the counteraction of the Tariff by G. Britain, and all other foreign nations, which is deemed one inevitable result of the scheme ; and in that event, what will be the effect of such counteractions upon the prices of the great staple articles of cotton, tobacco, flour, rice, he. ? The prices of these articles must be reduced below their present low prices ; and certain ruin must be the consequences to the growers of them. The grow- 184 ers of lliese articles are now suffering, and most justly complaining' of " hard times ;" produced amongst other causes, by the present exorbitant Tariff. A great number of worthy, wealthy and middling farmers and planters, have already been stripped of a great portion of their property, in a great degree by various governmental schemes. Many have been reduced to poverty ; and many driven, most re- luctantl}', from their native states, and beloved friends, and firesides, to take their chances in the wilderness for better times. Many, how- ever, by great exertions and sacrifices, are now likely to recover from their losses and sufferings ; provided they can be permitted to sell the proceeds of their labor for fair natural prices ; or even for the pre- sent artificial ones ; but, if dirough the baneful influence of the Ta- riff bill, these prices should artificially be still further reduced, it would not be possible to anticipate the extent of the sufferings of the immediate growers of the articles described ; nor of the feelings of the sufierers, when they cannot avoid seeing the true causes of such unjust and undeserved sufferings. This is, at this moment, the case with the surrounding scene of country here. After their past suffer- ings, from visionary schemers, the people in this part of the country, had just begun to indulge the hope, that if the natural order of things could be permitted in any degree to be restored ; or even the present order of things to be continued, they might be enabled so far to rein- state their afiairs, as to save their families from utter ruin and despair ; but upon the first blush of this hope, this destructive Tariff bill is presented to their view ; and in an instant, it has blasted all their fond anticipations. Apprehension and despondency, are again visi- ble upon the countenances of almost all intelligent reflecting men. These are some of the inevitable sectional cficcts of this most wan- ton and unwarrantable bill. What will be its eflects upon the Uni- ted States, as an integral nation ? It would not be possible for the whole force of human intellect, to anticipate all its injurious conse- quences ; but enough may bo clearly seen, as I conceive, by the most common impartial capacity, to deter from the adoption of the project, all but its enamoured, fanatical projectors. Only consider its immediate eflects upon the exports of the United States. — Deduct the proceeds of cotton, tobacco, flour and rice, from the proceeds of the whole exported productions of the U. States ; and what would remain .'* Comparatively nothing — certaiidy nothing worth the at- tention of any commercial nation in Europe. Is there not great dan- ger, then, in tampering with this extremely delicate and important subject ? What renders the danger gi'eater at this moment, than any other that could have been chosen, is, that Great Britain and France, are at the same moment, engaged in reviewing their respective Ta- rifls ; and will tnost undoubtedly retaliate upon the United Slates, the evils of their own cupidity, vanity and injustice. An European war, even a successful one, would be a groat calamity to the United States; but it would be temporary. A commercial war, would be a far greater calamity; and when once commenced, it might be per- petual. The Uiiited States are not without experience upon this subject. They have frequently tampered with it before ; and never 185 have they done so, without the severest sacrifices. To the fashion- able political schemers, who, I am told, are now pantlii^ after a splendid government for the United States A-who are buoyed up with the enchanted anticipations of squandering millions in ornamenting the United States with internal improvements, I would address my- self; and ask, if cut oft' from the supply of gold and silver from Europe in some way or other, from whence they would get their sup- plies for the execution of all these splendid phantoms ? To the friends of domestic manufactures, I would address myself, and ask, from whence would come the means of paying the manufacturer for his goods, if the growers of the exports of the country are to be strip- ped of fair prices for their productions? To South America they would look in vain. The condition— the policy of that country is yet contingent, and uncertain. But the great difficulty widi that country would be — that upon the return of peace, in a settled state of things, South America would not want any of the exports of the United States, whilst Europe would want them all. When the Bank of the United States wanted specie capital, where did the Bank send for it ? Not to South America ; but to London. - These, and many other destructive efiects of the Tarifi* bill, must be obvious, it ap- pears to me, to the most common observer ; but the best faculties of the human mind would only feel their own impotency in the attempt to anticipate a// its destrucdve eftects. In no one instance in human aftairs, is the folly of human wisdom rendered more conspicuous, than in the attempt to foresee all the consequences of great political schemes and changes. When Constantine, at the Council of Nice, seated himself at the feet of the Clergy, little did he think, by that act of affected conde- scension, for he was not- then baptized, that he should brutalize a great portion of mankind for above ten centuries. When the Popes were preaching up the bloody crusades to meek and lowly Christians, little did they think, they were raising up a chival- rous, gallant military spirit, which was destined to shake the adaman- tine Papal throne itself to its foundation. When the Virgin Queen was indulging one momentary feeling of humanity, litUe did she think, that she was preparing the means for cooping up one-eighth* of the whole English population into poor houses in the year 1824; and which might, at some future day, shake the whole fabric of the British constitution to its centre. When William the 3d established a bank, and funded only £500,000 of public debt, little did he think, that he was laying the foundation of a debt of above £900,000,000; and thereby crushing posterity with its ponderous weight ; and little did he thinli, that he was atlord- ing the means for raising a standing army of 150,000 men; and a navy still more colossal.f • When the framers of our constitution, with the most patriotic holy zeal, were carefully looking out for definite, technical terms, to be used in its formation, as bulwarks against the encroachments of power, little did they think, that all their thrice hallowed cares and labors would so soon be set at naught, by a new congressional lexicography .J When Mr. Hamilton was projecting the Bank of the United States, 24 18^ littW.'Jic lietliink, tlial lie was creating the prolitic motlierof lour luiudred children ; tnail}'. of them both deformed and decrepid. And litlie did he think ; that he was tiii awisig. badv "P'^" Europe, and driving to India, the golden showers, which the desolaiih^^ European wars were pouring down upon the United Slates. When Napoleon, in splendid triumph, with enibattled Europe at bis heels, was inarching upon Moscow, liitle did he think, he was prepar- ing the means for reseating the Bourbons upon the throne of France; and for digging his own grave in St. Helena ; there to he buried, willj all the vile contumelious insults of the savage Sir Hudson Lowe, heaped upon his own Isead. When the Kentucky relief schemers, were authorising about forty banks, to issue bank bills, as a currency for the state, and for the re- lief of the Kentucky people, little did they think, of how much more value, were the morals of the Kentucky people to themselves, than the exemption from the whole amount of their debts. Little did they think, that the exemption of the debtor from any part of his just obligation to his creditor, would demoraliie society, and strip it of all commer- cial credit abroad. Liitle, very litlie did they think, that in less than three years from the period of the adoption of the relief schemes, a. mental jubilee would be felt throughout Kentucky, itpon every newspa- 2}er annunciation of an " auto de je" — of (he very bank bUls, which, so shortly before ivere hailed tviih delirious joy, by a great portion of the Kentucky people, as the beloved, and promised instruments of relief from all their cares and troubles. Liitle, very little do the Tarifi' schemers think or know — Litlie, very little can they think, or know of all the consequences of the destruc- tive " Tariff Bill.-' WM. B. GILES. April 15, 1824, Wigwam, JJnpelia County, Va. NOTES. * " One-eighth of tiie whole English population is in poor houses." In a former number I had slated the proportion of the paupers to the whole English population at " above one tenth." A more recent esti- mate has since been made, from which it must be concluded that at this day the proportion is actually above one eighth ; and must continue to increase under the present governmental oppression. The report under an act passed in 1803, gives the following results: The number of persons relieved in, and out of poor houses, was 1,061,716. Jn the year 1801, the resident population of England and Wales was 8,872,- 980; the number of parishioners relieved from the poor's rates appears 10 be twelve in the hundred of the resident population. •|-"And a navy still more colossal." — Many other notable examples of the incompetency of the human inlellecl lo foresee all tiie conse- quences of great political schemes, might be adduced ; but 1 will here refer to only three more : and 1 do it the rather, because they are copied from a speech, delivered by Mr. Speaker in 1816, and ought not lo have been forgolien : 187 " The power to charter companies, is not specified in the grant, and I contend is of a nature not transferable by implication. It is one of the most exalted attributes of sovereignty. In the exercise of this power, we have seen an East India Company created, which has car- ried dismay, desolation, and death, throughout one of the largest por- tions of the world. Under the influence of this power, we liave seen arise a South Sea Company and a Mississippi Company, that distract- ed and convulsed all Europe, and menaced a total overthrow of all credit and confidence, and universal bankruptcy." Could all these consequences have been foreseen by the schemers ? Is it possible for any reflecting man not to see that the Tariff" bill contains the seeds of more mischiefs than all these schemes put together.'' J " New Congressional Lexicography." — Examples. Mr. Speaker: To "establish" an incident to a principle, means to "create" or "build" the principle itself If the framers of the constitution had used Mr. Speaker's substitute, or amendment, instead of their own original term, I think Mr. Speaker would himself have laughed at them, to wit: to " create" or *' build" post offices and post roads, the roads having been before " created" or built. This is an example of an affirmative con- gressional definition — now for a negative one in Mr. Speaker's own words. Extract from Mr. Speaker's celebrated Greek Speech : " Gentlemeu may call ii enthusiastic declamation if they please ; would to God we could hear such declamation, and the utterance of such feeling from them — in the year of our Lord and Saviour, that Saviour alike of Christian Greece and of us — a proposition was offered, in the American Congress, to send a Messenger to Greece, to inquire into her state and condition, with an expression of our good wishes and our sympathies — and it was rejected. Go home, if you dare; go home, if you can, to your constituents, and tell them that you voted it down — meet, if you dare, the appalling countenances of those who sent you here, (he meant no defiance,) and tell them that you shrank from the declaration of your own sentiments — that you cannot tell how, but that some unknown dread, some indescribable apprehension, some indefinable danger, afi*righted you — that the spectres of cimetars, and crowns, and crescents, gleamed before you, and alarmed you ; and that you suppressed all the noble feelings prompted by religion, by liberty, by national independence, and by humanity." Bah! J! What fustian ! ! ! No real orator would ever solemnly invoke religion ; No — never — unless his own heart be enraptured with her charms — Then in- deed, in the sincerity of his own heart, may he speak, " from the heart, to the heart." Mr. Speaker meant "no defiance." What did he mean.'' Were all these fine words and splendid figures uttered without any meaning.'' If they meant any thing, they meant defiance, according to the old dictionaries. In them, the words " dare" and " defiance" are strict synonymes. Surely two "dares" and one "if you can," would amount to one defiance. The last " dare" is iialicized in ike writing ; from which particular mark of attention, readers at a distance are apt to conclude, that, in the speaking, the last *^ dare^^ must have been em- phasized with sonorous and terrific audibility. In point of propriety and decorum, who is the last man in the United Slates that ought to ISS have '• dared^^ the House of ReprescHtalives twice, and to have pointed out the penalties of accepting the challenge to all refractory members? Example — from the amiable, accomplished and intelligent Mr. M'Lane: To " regulate" commerce, means to " facilitate" commerce. "Regulate," according to the old dictionaries, means to make rules. "Facilitate" to make easy. Apply these definitions to commerce — to make rules for conducting commerce — to make commerce easy. "Facilitate" is one of the most indefinite words in the English lan- guage, and therefore the least technical ; and of course the least pro- per to be used in prescribing definite rules of conduct. It would com- prehend an attenuation of the Lexicography definitions until the last vestige of a shade between objects, would disappear. Insert Mr. M'Lane's substitute, or amendment of the constitution, and would its meaning be improved by it? Congress shall have power to "facili- tate" commerce. Cannot gentlemen see, that these are the mere eft'orts of anxious, aspiring genius, to free itself from all constitutional restraints, against the eflectuation of favorite objects? and only serve as mental salvos to the liexicographer. FEBRUARY 2d, 1829. REPORT Of the Select Cemmiitee on the Resolutions of Georgia and South- Carolina, as submitted by WILLIAM 0. GOODE, Esq. Member of the House of Delegates, from Mecklenburg County. The select committee to whom were referred the communication of the Governor, transmitting the proceedings of the legislature of Georgia, in relation to resolutions from the States of South Carolina and Ohio, and the proceedings of the State of South Carolina on the subjects of the Tariff and Internal Improvements, have bestowed on those. subjects their most profound consideration. Having subjected the preambles and resolutions to strict exami- nation and severe criticism, they find the annunciations and results to be mainly sustainable, so far as they pertain to the Acts of Con- gress, usually denominated the Tariff Laws, and thus designated in those several proceedings. The proceedings of the legislature of the State of Georgia, as well as those on which they are founded, emanating from the legislature of South Carolina, announce and sustain the opinions of Virginia, heretofore proclaimed by successive legislatures; opinions, which rest on truth and reason ; which your committee can discern no cause to relinquish ; but which they are ready to defend and sustain, as involving the most essential interests of the Commonwealth. Respect for the dignity and character of Virginia, and an anxious regard for the tranquillity of the Union, admonish your committee to withhold such remarks as might be suggested by the conscious- ness of oppression; such remarks could have no other tendency than to excite hostile emotions, ill adapted to the grave consideration of the momentous question which they are deputed to examine. — Your committee will, therefore, proceed with calmuess and temperance, to examine the opinion heretofore expressed by preceding legislatures of the State, that the several Acts of Congress, passed avowedly for the protection of domestic manufactures, are manifest infractions of the federal constitution, and dangerous violations of the sovereignty of the States. The government of the United States, has ever been regarded by the sovereignty of Virginia, as f'^deraiive ia character, and limited in power ; as deriving its power iVom concessions by the States, l^hich concessions were clear and explicit, plainly declarative of all wliich was delegatetl, and actually containing a specific enumeration of every power designed to be transferred. The purposes for which these powers may be exerted, have been regarded as. distinctly defin- ed, and it was considered that the government was prohibited, alike, from the exercise of any power not contained in the specific enu- meration, as from the perversion of those actually delegated, to any purpose not contemplated in the grant. The Convention which, on the part of Virginia, ratified the constitution of the United States, gave this interpretation to the instrument. Its advocates then urged its adoption, as constituting such a government as is here described. ■ It was insisted, on many occasions, that the power? of the govern- ment were expressly enumerated ; and that none others could be claimed. It was insisted, with equal earnestness, that the purposes for which these powers might be exerted, were as distinctly ascer- tained, and that they could not be perverted to any other object.— The ablest and most zealous advocates of the constitution insisted, that such was its just construction, even according to the terms of the original text, and it must be acknowledged, that this construction is strengthened, by the subsequent adoption of amendments to the con- stitution. Those, who opposed the ratification of the constitution, founded their objection on a supposed absence of limitation, ac-, cording to the plan originally submitted ; and proposed, as an. ex- pedient to remedy this defect, the amendments which were subse- quently adopted. A majority, however, of the convention, deter- niined on the ratification of the original text, explained and defined by its advocates, as organizing a government with limited powers, specially enumeratedj and restrained in the exercise of those powers, to the attainment of specific ends. An anxious solicitude to establish indisputably this construction, induced the recommendation of those amendments which have since been engrafted on the constitution, establishing this construction even in the opinion of. those who op- posed the adoption of the constitution. This being the sense in which the constitution of the United States was originally accepted, your committee have anxiously ex- amined the record of succeeding time, to discover if any thing has since occurred, calculated to change the import of the instrument ; and after the most patient examination, they confidently report, that nothing lias transpired, which could in any manner modify its just construction. ' If at any succeeding period, attempts have been made to pervert the import of the original compact, Virginia has ever been prompt to avow her unqualified disapprobation, and manifest her un- disguised discontent. The imperishable history of '98, has perpetu- ated the memory of her laudable zeal, in sustaining the true princi- ples of the constitution, and maintaining the sovereign rights of the States, in successfully resisting the lawless usurpations of a govern- ment bent on the acquisition of boundless power. The deliberations of the legislature of tliis commonwealth, during the period of '98 and 99, in relation to the construction of the constitution, by a feli- citous combination of circumstances, resulted in a just and luminous exposition of the true principles of the federal compact. This ex- pose clearly ascertained the just limitations of federal power, and happily pointed out to future generations, the Just rule of interpret- ing the instrument. The construction then, placed on the consti- tution, was submitted to the decision of the most august of all tribu- nals, and sustained by the judgment of United America. The history of Virginia discloses several occasions on w liich the constitution was brought in review, and the committee have found that on every occasion where the question was involved, the former legislatures of this commonwealth have insisted on a limited con- struction of the instrument. Sustained by the concurrence of our predecessors, from the earliest history of the constitution, your com- mittee find but little difficulty in determining the government of the United Slates to be federative in its character and limited in its pow- ers : — That the powers vested in the Government, are conveyed in an express enumeration : — That no power can be constitutionally ex- ercised, which is not contained in that enumeration : — That the pur- poses for which the government was instituted, are explained in the instrument ; and that the powers specified in the enumeration, can- not be legitimately exerted, for any purpose not designated by the constitution. Regarding these propositions as true, it seems to your committee, that to determine on the constitutionality of laws, passed for the pro- tection of American manufactures, it can only be necessary to ex- amine the enumeration of grants. If the power be there expressly delegated, then, indeed, the question ends. If, on the contrary, no such power be there expressly conveyed, we must recur to further reflection. In examining this enumeration of grants, your committee have not been able, to discover any such express delegation, authorizing the' protection of American manufactures, by means of prohibitory or protecting duties. They find, however, a clause in the constitution, empowering congress 'to promote the progress of science, and the useful arts, by securing for limited times, to authors and inventors the exclusive rigHt to their respective writings and discoveries.^ On a critical examination of this clause, it will be found to bear with much force on the question, whether or not congress have the right to ad- vance the manufacturing interest of America, by the imposition of prohibitory, or protecting duties.^ The ends which the government may attempt are plainly ascertained by the terms of the compact. — The means which may be legitimately exerted, for the accomplish- ment of these ends, are as plainly determined and described. The phrase useful art, it will be conceded, embraces and describes the manufacturing art ; and it is deemed competent for congress to pro- mote its progress, by securing for a time, to any fortunate or scienti- fic artificer, the exclusive use of all his discoveries. The interest then, of the manufacturing art may be promoted after the manner indicated in this clause ; but the suggestion of this particular mode operates as an exclusion of all other modes, and it seems to follow as *^ a natural consequence, that the manufacturing interest may not be promoted by the imposition of prohibitory or protecting duties. The proceedings which were had in the federal convention, con- lirms this construction of this clause. The plan of government final- ly adopted, was submitted to the consideration of the convention on the 29th of May, 1787, by an honorable member from the Staie of South Carolina. No such clause as the one now under considera- tion, was contained in the original draft, nor was any such engrafted on that draft, by the select committee, to whose examination the pian was subjected. On the 18th of August succeeding, it was proposed to consider the propriety of conferring on the government addition- al powers ; and among others, the following were suggested for re- flection : ' To give to congress the power 'to secure to literary authors, their copy rights for a limited time.' * To encourage, by proper premiums and provisions, the advance- ment of useful knowledge and discoveries.' ' To grant patents for useful inventions.' 'To establish public institutions, rewards, and immunities, for the promotion of agriculture, commerce, trades ^n A manufactures.^ ' These propositions were referred to a select committee, who, af- ter mature reflection, reported on the 5th September following, the clause as it now stands in the body of the constitution ; investing congress with the power to promote the progress of science and the useful arts, by securing for limited times, to authors and inventors, the exclusive right to their respective writings and discoveries. It became the duty of that cominittee, in the examination of the subjects to them referred, to inquire into the expediency of investing Con- gress with powers for the promotion' of ^manufactures.' In the event that they should find it expedient, it became their duty further to ascertain, the 'proper premiums and provisions' over which congress should be invested with power ; what 'public institutions, rewards, and immunities,' congress should be authorised to ' establish,' for the promotion of agriculture, commerce, trades, and manufactures ;' and after due deliberation, occupying the attention of the committee from the 18lh August to the 5th of September, it was determined that the only provision which should be made was contained in the clause which at present occupies our attention. Thus, actually rejecting the propositions which were referred, and negatively declaring their intention, that congress should iiave no other power 'to promote the progress' of ^manufactures'' than that of ' securing for limited times' «to inventors, the exclusive right to their respective' 'discoveries.'- — This report was sustained by the convention, who thereby afi'orded unequivocal evidence of their will and design, in relation to the sub- ject of domestic manufactures. Manufactures had become the sub- ject of their thoughts. They gravely deliberated on the powers necessary to be vested in the government, for the promotion of the manufacturing art, and after consultation of seventeen days, solemn- ly determined, that the only power over the subject, which it was wise to confer on the government, was that of securing temporarily to inventors, any exclusive advantages which might result from their discoveries. Your committee cannot but regard these occurrences as a virtual, if not an actual rejection of tl)e proposition to invest congress with any other powers for the promotion of manufactures. And they are, therefore the more confirmed in their conviction, that manufactures cannot be legitimately promoted by the imposition of prohibitory or protecting duties. Your committee would not rest assured, of a faithful discharge of the important duties which devolve upon them, were they to withhold all comment on such clauses of the constitution, as have been claim- ed to convey to congress the right to protect domestic manufactures. The 8th section of 1st article, has been relied on as conyeying that right. This section provides,. that 'Congress shall have power to lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts, and excises, to pay the debts, and provide for the common defence and general welfare of the Uni- ted States ; but all duties, imposts, and excises, shall be uniform throughout the United States.' It is insisted by the advocates of protecting duties, that Congress is invested by this clause, with un- qualified power over the subjects of duties and imposts ; which may be well exerted for the advancement or advantage of the American manufacturer ; but this proposition appears to your committee to be entirely unsustainable. So far from conveying to the government of the United States, unqualified power over the subject of duties and imposts, that government is restrained in the exercise of its pow- er over the subject, to the accomplishment of objects, enumerated in the very clause itself. The words 'to pay the debts and provide for the common defence and general welfare of the United States,' are as- certained by the plainest rules of grammatical construction, to be a limitation on the preceding member of the sentence, restraining con- gress in the exercise of the power to lay and collect taxes, duties, im- posts and excises to the objects of paying the debts and providing for the common defence and general welfare of tlie United Slates. If this be true, the section contains an express enumeration of all the purposes for which the power may be exerted ; the care and atten- tion of American manufactures, are not embraced within this enume- ration : and it would seem to your committee necessarily to follow, that the power conveyed by the section, cannot be exerted for the protection or promotion of American manufactures. It would be uncandid in your committee to elude or evade the ex- amination of the question, whether or not the words " to pay the debts and provide for the common defence and general welfare of the United States," convey to congress distinct and substantive grants of power. The afiirmative of this proposition has been main- tained by the advocates of protecting duties, but your committee confess, that after the most mature deliberation, they have not been able to arrive at a similar conclusion. The collocation of the words excludes the idea of such a construction. They are inserted after- the terms " duties and imposts," and are immediately succeeded by the words " but all duties, imposts and excises, shall be uniform throughout the United States." This concluding member of the section proves, that the attention of its framers had not been divest- ed from their primary subject. They had not introduced another subject, but were engaged in modifying, restraining or regulating the power over the subject first introduced. Their provisions were to have reference to it; there was nothing else on which they could attach, and the words " to pay the debts and provide for the common defence and general welfare of the United States," could no other- wise affect the power " to lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts and excises," than as creating a limitation, restraiining congress in its ex- ercise, to the raising of money for the purpose of paying the debts, and providing for the common defence and general welfare of the United States. — Had the convention designed these words as con- veying any substantive grant, they would have been separated by more distinct marks of punctuation. They would have been thrown into a separate sentence. This was done in every other instance. All other subjects. of grants of power have been treated of in distinct sentences. The grants and provisions on each subject, are perfected and concluded before the introduction of another subject, and it would seem to your committee to be unaccoimtable, if in this parti- cular instance the convention had introduced a distinct grant be- tween the clause which relates to the raising of money, and an ac- knowledged limitation on that clause. To construe the words as containing a substantive grant of power, is to convict the framers of the constitution of the gross impropriety of interpolating one sub- stantive gi*ant between another substantive grant and its acknowledg- ed limitation. If these words, " to pay the debts and provide for the common defence and general welfare of the United States," were designed as a limitation on the first member of the sentence, the col- location cannot be improved: They follow immediately the words which they were intended to qualify, and have a natural and obvious connexion with them. If, oi> the contrary they be designed to impart additional energies to the government, the convention are convicted of this confused in^ terpOlation, when by a natural transposition of the members of the sentence, the design would have been clear. The difficulty would have been rendered less, had the section been constructed thus : con- gress shall have power: To lay and collect, taxes, duties, imposts and excises ; but all du- ties, imposts and excises, shall be uniform throughout the United States. Congress shall have power to pay the debts and provide for the common defence and general welfare of the United States. Had this subject been thus arranged, it Avould have strengthened the argument for protecting duties; but as the members of the sen- tence are at present disposed, to construe the words " to pay the debts and provide for the common defence and general welfare of the United States, as conveying substantive grants, is to convict the framers of the constitution of disjoining the limitation, " but all du- ties, imposts and excises, shall be uniform throughout the United States," from the power " to lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts and excises," which it was designed to limit, and of appending it to the power " to pay the debts and provide for the common defence and general welfare of the United States," which it was riot design- ed to affect ai all. But, the convention is relieved from the imputa- tion of these inaccuracies of composition, by giving to their proceed- ings their rational explication, that the latter members of the sen- tence were designed as limitations on the power to raise money: — The one declarative of the purposes for which it might be raised, the other prescribing that it should not be raised in unequal proportions on the several sections of tlie Union. If this conviction wanted confirmation, it would be found in the history of the section. As it was originally introduced to the consi- deration of the convention, it contained unlimited authority over the subject of taxes, duties, imposts and excises. It was submitted in these words : " The legislature of the United States shall have power to lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts and excises." In this form it was referred to a select committee, who reported it without amend- ment or appendage. On the 16th of August, it was proposed to in- sert at the end of the section, " Provided, That no tax, duty or im- position, shall be laid by the legislature of the United States, on ar- ticles exported from any State." The consideration was postponed, and the subject referred. Six days afterwards, the committee report- ed the section with amendments, so as to make it stand: "The le- gislature of the United States shall have power to lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts and excises, for payment of the debts and ne- cessary expenses of the United States, provided that no law for rais- ing any branch of revenue, excfept what may be speciall}' appropri- ated for the payments of interest on debts or loans, shall continue in force for more than years." Your committee here discover the origin of the clause which relates to the payment of the debts, and the provision for the common defence and general welfare of the United States. Under the terms in which it was introduced, no doubt can exist as to its object. It was a manifest limitation on the preceding member. The power to raise money had been granted without limitation, and the amendment restrained its exercise to the raising of money for ^^ payment of the debts and necessary expenses of the United States," with the addition of a proviso containing even a further limitation. On tiie 23d of August, it was moved to amend this section so as to make it " The legislature shall fulfil the engage- ments, and discharge the debts of the United States, and shall have power to lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts and excises." This motion prevailed, but was reconsidered on the ensuing day, and the subject recommitted. On the 31st of x^ugust, it was agreed that *' duties, imposts and excises, laid by the legislature, shall be uniform throughout the United States." On the 4th of September, the com- mittee fully and finally reported the section, in these words, thus punctuated, " The legislature shall have power to- lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts and excises, to pay the debts and provide for the common defence and general welfare of the United States." It does not appear from the Journal of the convention, that this part of the section ever again came under consideration,. after the confirma- tion of this report, except that perhaps, on the 14th of September, it 8 received as an amendment the addition of these words, " but all du- ties, imposts and excises shall be uniform throughout the United States." A committee of five members was appointed "to revise the style of, and arrange the articles agreed to by the House." This committee was invested with no power to adopt any amendment af- fecting in any manner the import of the sentence, and whatever mo- dification it subsequently experienced, was adopted from a regard to propriety of arrangement, and accuracy of style. It is obvious from this plain relation, that the original design in introducing this mem- ber of the sentence, was the creation of a limitation on the power to raise money, prohibiting the exertion of that power, except '^for payment of debts and necessary expenses of the United States." This limitation was had constantly in view, and whatever modifications the language experienced, were adopted from a regard to the pro- priety of style. Various and numerous are the reflections which have suggested themselves to your committee, demonstrating the truth of the propo- sition, that congress cannot legitimately " lay and collect taxes, du- ties, imposts and excises," to advance the interest of the American manufacturer. It will not be contended, that congress have power, to impose and collect taxes or excises, to confer gratuities on any . favoured portion of the community; none would contend for such a power, and for the honor of the American people, it is hoped, that few would submit to its practical operation ; but the power of con- gress over duties and imposts, is not more ample than that over taxes and excises. The power over all is precisely the same, conferred by the very same section of the constitution; by the use of the very same terms; under precisely the same limitations. Any object which may be accomplished or attempted, by the exertion of the power, to lay and collect duties and imposts, may be as constitutionally accom- plished or attempted, by the exertion of the power to lay and collect taxes or excises. The selection from among these various means, is left to the wisdom and discretion of congress. The propriety of se- lecting the one or the other, must be resolved into a question of ex- pediency, and on occasions where congress may not select at discre- tion, it has no power to select at all. If then taxes and excises may not be legitimately imposed, to confer gratuities on the favourites of government, it would seem to your committee to be difficult to de- monstrate the competency of the government to lay and collect du- ties and imposts, to further the interest of the American manufac- turer, who, far from rendering any equivalent, for the advantage which he derives from the operation of the tarifl", occasions a great and incalculable loss to the treasury. Acting under the influence of these reflections, your committee are constrained to adopt the opinion, that there is nothing in this sec- tion which confers on congress, the right to foster domestic manufac- tures, by the imposition of prohibitory or protecting duties. Tliis right has been claimed for the government, under the clause, which gives to congress, tlie power "to regulate commerce with fo- teign nations, and among the several states, and with the Indian 9 li'lbes." But it seems to your committee, that the authority to rep:u-' Lite commerce, involves no power over domestic manufactures. The phrases are entirely dissimilar, and cannot be construed as synoni- mons. Each is a distinct, determined subject, and they cannot pos- sibly be identified. Commerce being the interchange of commodi- ties, implies the exchange of one thing for another, between different individuals or nations. Domestic manufactures are local establish- ments, founded for the production of commodities, and the phrase implies no exchange at all. The term commerce associates a general idea of trade. — The term manvfactures associates the idea of fixed, permanent, local foundations. Commerce supplies to the American citizen, in return for the product of his labour, the varied products of distant climes. Manufactures convert his raw material into fa- bricks for consumption. Sophistry itself cannot identify things thus substantive and distinct; nor render synonirabus, the terms or phrases by which they are represented. Yet the argument which derives the power to protect domestic manufactures from the power to regulate commerce, does indeed identify the subjects, and render the terms substantially synonimous. The power too, to regulate commerce, was grante'd with a view to its perfection. Independent of the consideration of revenue, it was delegated to secure the most advantageous arrangements in foreign trade, and to ensure domestic tranquillity, by extinguishing all sub- jects of cavil among the states, originating in particular conflicting legislation. But the policy of the protecting duty's system, is by no means the advancement of commercial interest. Its object is to ex- tinguish foreign trade; whilst it surely disturbs domestic tranquillity, by furnishing a subject of loud and heavy complaint, of severe and angry recrimination. To derive, then, the right to protect domes- tic manufactures, from the power to regulate commerce, would be to pervert the design of the framers of the constitution, defeat the ends of the instrument itself, and to establish the paradoxical propo- sition, that it is the same thing to perfect and to destroy. Having concluded this minute examination of the several clauses of the constitution, which were supposed to refer to the subject of protecting duties, or which have been claimed to have such reference, your committee find themselves occupying a position whence they may proceed with greater advantage to the contemplation of this mo- mentous subject. The great design of the federal compact, as con- ceived by the wisdom of its illustrious authors, was the establishment of a government, competent to combine the energies of the several states, for the purpose of mutual and reciprocal safety and protection, against foreign insult and aggression. A government, adequate to secure the harmony and tranquillity of America, by exterminating all subjects of feud, and interposing its friendly and impartial adjudica- tion, on occasion of cavil or dispute among the states. Experience has shewn to our sagacious statesmen, that these were subjects of a general concern, in which the states held a comnion interest; the ad- vantages of which were mainly sacrificed by the particular conflict- ing legislation of the state«. TJje jurisdictiQn over the"se, it was ob- B 10 viously proper, to vest in some common tribunal, having authority Ito legislate for the general weal, and in relation to these subjects, to secure the greatest possible advantages, to the common family of American states. The difficulty and delicacy of erecting such a tribunal, with powers adequate to these ends, yet so constructed as to ensure the perpetual independence of the states, with unimpaired authority over all other subjects, forcibly suggested itself to the sa- gacity of those who then controlled the destinies of America. They despaired of this vast achievement by the efforts and under the sanc- tions of individual man, and wisely determined to bring to its accom- plishment, the energies and sanctions of independent sovereignties. Your committee will not impose on themselves the labour of com- piling an historical sketch of the transactions, which induced the foundation of the federal government. This history, it is presumed, is familiar to all. In conformity with arrangements previously un- derstood, the distinct and independent States of America assembled in general convention at Philadelphia, and in their sovereign, corpo- rate characters, proceeded to consider the nature of the compact, which it might be d,eemed wise to establish among themselves. All the proceedings which were then had, were dispatched in their cha- racters of sovereign States, and a government was instituted, not sus- tained by the sanction of a majority of the people of America, but by the sanctions of the people of the several States. The plan of Government, then established, was conformable to suggestions here- tofore made. Each of the sovereignties then assembled determined to cede to the federal government certain portions of its sovereignly, reserving the residue unimpaired. In the cessions which were made, the government was enabled to concentrate the whole strength of the union, for the assertion and vindication of our national rights. It was invested with sufficient power to tranquillize disturbances amon^ the States; together with a general jurisdiction, over such matters of general concern, as involved the common interests of the States, but which could not be wisely arranged by the rival, partial, and conflicting legislation of the particular States. The jurisdiction over all other subjects, was expressly reserved to the Slates respect- ively. All subjects of a local nature, the internal police of the States; the jurisdiction over the soil, the definition and punishment of crime, the regulation of labour, and all subjects which could be advantageously disposed, by the authority of a particular State, were reserved to the jurisdiction of the State governments. The wisdom of this regulation will not be questioned ; for, it surely must be suf- ficiently obvious, that to subject our local or domestic aflairs, to any other authority than our own legislature, would be to expose to cer- tain destruction, the happiness and prosperity of the people of Vir- ginia. This principle was accordingly established: That all sub- jects of a general nature should be confined to the federal govern- ment, whilst those which were local in their character, were reserved for the jurisdiction of the Slates respectively. This distribution of the political power having been established by the (ionstitution, the happiness and prosperity of the American peo' 11 pie demand, that it should be preserved. The theory of government as estabhshed in America, contemplates the federal and State govern- ments as mutual checks on one another, constraining the various au- thorities to revolve within their proper and constitutional spheres. Each government is invested with supreme authority, in the exercise of its legitimate functions; whilst the authority of either is wholly void, when exerted over a subject withheld from its jurisdiction. Should either depository of political power, unhappily be disposed to disregard the constitution, and destroy the proportions of our beautiful theory, it devolves upon the other to interpose, as well from a regard to its own safety, as for the perpetual preservation of our political institutions. If there be a characteristic of the federative system, peculiarly entitled ta our admiration, it is the security which . is found for individual liberty in the separate energies of distinct governments, uniting and co-operating for the public good; but se- parating and conflicting, when the object is evil. This inherent characteristic of the federative system, was contemplated with the most anxious solicitude by the founders of the federal republic. It • was in it, that they found the general interests of America preserved from the clash of particular legislation ; it was by it, that they forti- fied our domestic concerns from the invasions and infractions of fe- deral authority. It was by it, that their fears were calmed and sub- dued, on the great question of adoption or rejection, when the very being of the federal constitution, depended on the determination of the several States. The history of that eventful period, disclo- . ses the apprehension of illustrious sages, lest the sacred liber- ty of the American citizen should be invaded by the arbitrary acts of the general government; and that these apprehensions could only be allayed by the assurance and conviction, that the .state governments were adequate to the resistance of federal en- croachments. The legislatures, then, of the several sfates are con- jlemplated by the theory of American government, as .the guardians of our political institutions, and whenever their proportions are des- troyed or violated, it becomes the duty of the several legislatures calmly and temperately to attempt their restoration. The reflections in which your committee have indulged, constrain them to express their unfeigned regret that the government of the United States, by extending its influence to domestic manufactures, has drawn within its authority a subject over which it has no control, according to the terms of the federal compact: and that this influ- ence has been exerted after a manner alike dangerous to the sove- reignty of the States, and injurious to the rights of all other classes of American citizens. Acting under the influence of these reflections, your committee have contemplated with the deepest interest the situation of the gen- eral assembly and the duties which devolve upon that body. They cannot suppress their solemn conviction that the principles of the constitution have been disregarded, and the just proportions of our political system disturbed and violated by the general government. The inviolable preservation of our political institutions is entrustet^ to the general assembly of Virginia, in common with the legislaturec- of the several states — and the sacred duty devolves upon them, of preserving these institutions unimpaired. Yet, an anxious care for the harmony of the States, and an earnest solicitude for the tranquillity of the union have determined your committee to recommend to the general assembly to make another solemn appeal to those with whom we unliappily difler; and that the feelings of Virginia may be again distinctly announced, they recommend the adoption of the following resolutions : 1. Resolved, As the opinion of this committee, that the constitu- tion of the United States, being a federative compact between sove- reign States, in construing which no common arbiter is known, each State has the right to construe the compact for itself. 2. Resolved, That, in giving such construction, in the opinion of this committee, each State should be guided, as Virginia has ever been, by a sense of forbearance and respect for the opinion of the other States, and by community of attachment to the union, so far as the same may be consistent with self-preservation, and a determin- ed purpose, to preserve the purity of our republican institutions. 3. Resolved, That this general assembly, actuated by the desire of guarding the constitution from all violation, anxious to preserve and perpetuate the Union, and to execute with fidelity the trust re- posed in it, by the people, as one of the high contracting parties^ feels itself bound to declare, and it hereby most solemnly declares its deliberate conviction, that the acts of congress, usually denomina- ted the tariff laws, passed avowedly for the protection of domectic manufactures, are not authorised by the plain construction, true in- tent and meaning of the constitution, that they are impolitic and op- oressive to a large portion of the people, and ought to be repealed. VIRGINIA LEI^ISLATURE. UOUSE OF DELEGATES, JANUARY 26, 1827. The hill, " concerning a Convention,'*^ having been engrossed for a third reading, by Ayes and JVoes, — Jlyes 105, JVoes 99, — Ujjon the question ^' Shall this bill passT* MR. GILES ROSE AND DELIVERED THE FOLLOWING SPEECH. The hill was rejected by Ayes and JVoes — Ayes 103, JVoes' 107. Mr. Speaker: I rise to address you under circumstances of peculiar discourap!-e« ment. When 1 look back upon the majorities which have heretofore appeared upon all questions involving the principles of this bill — when I look to the passionate excitements which seem to me to have driven this bill, with unusual speed, to its consummation — when I reflect upon the substitutes which have been oflered by several gen- tlemen, and particularly upon the discordant, militant materials, pro- mised us yesterday, by the gentleman from Wythe, in lieu of our present benignant Constitution — I feel my voice almost faltering, when I attempt to raise it, to say to you. Sir, that I hope this bill will not pass. — Yes, Sir, I hope, sincerely hope, that this bill will not pass. But it is a hope not founded in expectation; and, there- fore, the case may be said to be hopeless. In this stale of peculiar discouragement, and in ray extremely enfeebled personal condition, I might subject myself to the in)putation of presumption, for attempt- ing to present my views, at all, to this honorable House, upon (his great and solemn question. Perhaps, this imputation might justly be deserved, if I were acting exclusively under the impulses of my own mind; although, even then, an excuse might possibly be found in the magnitude of the question, and in the awful consequences which, I fear, will result from the passage of this bill. But 1 feel myself bound to say to you, Mr. Speaker, that I am not acting ex- clusively under my own impulses. A portion of my constituents, believing, in the present crisis of our public afl'airs, and particularly in relation to the present question, that I could render some service to them, and to our common country, made a call upon me to rea- der ti at service. Aftst embellished, sublimated, and fashionable orators, will not coi>de- scend to search for her any where but in the clouds; and, • ven there, disdain to make their addresses to her, as a grave, sedate and in* stri^ctive matron ; and woo her only as a flirtmg, dancing damsel, frolicking amongst the celestials. But, Mr. Speaker, whilst amidst all these discouragements, I must again say to you, that, in address- ing this honorable body, I never felt, upon any occasion, more un- cheering prospects, and desponding anticipations; yet I will not dis- guise from you, Sir, that I am impelled to proceed in the discussion by one other cogent and almost irresistible inducement. It is the ardent desire I feel, in the event of the passage of this bill, of hav- ing my name separated from the transaction. Yes, Sir, whether ap- pearing before you and this respectable auditory, in person, as I now do; or whether my name shall find its way to the people of Virginia, and to the world ; or whether it shall be m}' fortune, good or bad, for it to find its way to posterity; I ardently desire it should be distinctly understood by all, that I could never reconcile it to myself, to approach, with cruel speed, the first great written charter of the rights of man, and heedlessly to immolate it upon the unhal- lowed altar of untried expedients, visionary notions, and false con- ceptions — mere blunders of the mind. Yes, Sir, the holy sanctuary, erected amidst most imminent perils, by the unequalled wisdom, pa- triotism, and heroism of our Godlike ancestors, for the safety and for the preservation of the rights, the liberties, the morals, and the primiples of the Virginia People — and where, for above half a cen- tury they have been inviolably preserved in all their pristine purity and energy, perfectly untarnished, even by the rust of time, is now to be torn down, and its fragments scattered to the winds by this un- holy spirit of innovation. But, Mr. Speaker, I hope it will be un- derstood by all, that these observations are exclusively founded upon my own views of the subject, without the most distant allusion to the conceptions of others. I am acting under the perfect conviction, that the gentlemen who are opposed to me are influenced by motives the most commendable. I never could, and never can condescend to ascribe improper motives to others for a mere difference of opinion with myself, and should disdain even to accept a triumph in argu- ment, obtained by the ascription of improper motives to my antago- nists. No, Sir, I have no doubt, but that the zealous advocates of this bill do sincerely believe thrit they will render tiieir country ser- vice by its passacfe. I doubt not but that they sincerely think, that they can make a bett^^r and a more splendid Constitution for Virgi- nia, with the most pe'-fect facility — and that some of the more juve- nile, ardent spirits, with their h( arts stored with virtues, and their heads with intelliprence, do sincerely believe, that they can make a beneficial and splendid one, with as much ease and as little thought — with as much pleasure and as little concern, as they could foot down a cotillon at Mr. Xaupi's balls. But I beg to be permitted to differ with the crentlemen in this opinion. I consider the business of Constjtution-makincr as ^m occupation of an extretTiely different ciia- racter: and I had supposed, that, upon the meeting of the Conven- tion at Staunton, this course of reflection had received a perfect damper, arising from the dubious fate of the first proposition pre- sented for its consideration. Although t!iat Convention consisted entirely of brethren of the same creed, yet it has been said that no two of them could be found precisely to agree in that first proposi- tion. But, Sir, I hope I may he permitted to say that I see^or think I see, a zeal so ardent for the consummation of this measure, that I cannot hope to obtain even a listening ear, much less an impartial kindly one, to any thing I may have to ofler upon this subject. No Sir, the passions are tip; they seem to be on tiptoe; and hu- man passions have no ears. It would, therefore, be unreasonable, unkind, and even cruel in me, to ask the enamored advocates of this bill to give ears to their passions for the purpose of hearing ■any thine that I had to offer upon the subject ; and it would be su- pernatural on their parts to grant the request, were t presumptuous enough to make it. No, Mr. Speaker, I make no such request ; sti]l. Sir, this reflection gives additional influence to otlier discour- agements. Comparing small things with great, Mr. Speaker, my condition, on this occasion, reminds me of a similar condition into which the Roman sages, philosophers, and orators were thrown, up- on the occurrence of a famine in the city of Rome. After all tiie efforts for obtaining bread for the inhabitants of that city iiad proved unsuccessful ; it was proposed that the people should all assemble in the Capitol, and that the most celebrated sages, philosophers and orators should adflress them, exhorting then) to emulate the virtues of their forefathers, and bear their sufiifrings with fortitude and pa- tience, The meeting was accordingly had, when every eflbrt of the human mind was brought into requisition in addressing the people upon that calamitous occasion. The venerable and venerated Cato acted OS censor. A fter the great orators had ended their fine speeches, ^ — each one. with ears open, and intent, was looking upon the censor, for the meed of praise to be awardedto him for his peculiar merit: When Cato addressed them to the following etli'ct: "Gentle- men, I have been charmed with your eloquence and oratory. You have drawn forth all the stores ol" nature, oi' reason, ol" philosophy and of science upon this awful, melancholy occasion. But I regret < — deeply regret to say to you, that all the fine things you have said are perfectly useless and unavailing. You, gentlemen, have been addressing the Roman people with hungry stomachs. And hungry' o stomachs have no ears! ! ! Bread was the only argument that coull be heard by hungry stomachs, and, therefore, all your fine speeches, have been thrown away." So, Sir, in the present case, human pas- sions have no ears for any ari^unients, but such as tend to facilitate their own iiididgence. Still less so, at the very moment when they are on the tiptoe of fruition. Notwithstanding all these discourage- ments, Mr. Speaker, I will now proceed to give a plain, unvarnish- ed statement of the impressions made upon my mind by the hest rc- tlect^ins I have been able to bestow upon the subject. I shall do this purely in a spirit of inquiry after truth, and with the most per- fect deference and respect to the opinions of the advocates of the bill. Indeed, Sir, I will go so far as to say, that, however awful the consequences, in my apprehension of the passage of this bill may be, I ought, and shall derive some consolation from the deference and respect due to the differing opinions of others. I have been induc- ed, Mr. Speaker, to make these developments of my motives and views, upon this occasion, in consequence of unfortunately being a stranger, perhaps a misrepresented one to a great portion of the members of this honorable body ; with whom I now express my de- light at being associated upon this floor. If I had been personally known to them, I might have been spared the trouble of the whole of this exposition. Before I took my seat in this House, I had en- deavored to anticipate the process of reasoning, by which I should find it engaged in its derivative, corporate character, in instructing the people in their high sovereign character; but without success. Upon casting my eye over the original preamble to the bill, the dif- ficnh.y was dissipated in a moment. Perhaps, Mr, Speaker, it may not be st!-ictly in order to refer to this preamble, since it has been stricken from that bill, and another substituted in its place. But I refer to it merely for the purpose of illustration, in relation to the remarks intf^nded to be made upon its substitute, and in that view I presume it to be in order. (Mr. Speaker nodded his assent.) I will then proceed to read the original preamble to the bill. It is in" the following words: "Whereas it is represented to the General Assembly, that a portion of the good people of this Commonwealth, are desiroiis of amending the Constitution of the State, this Assem- bly f^el it their duty to ascertain the ivishes of the people thercvponJ* Tlie preamble states, that "it is represented to the General Assem- bly." &ic. The first inquiry I made, was, in what manner was it represented ; whether by ruuiour or petition? I was inibrmed as I expected, by petition. The preamble proceeds to state, " that a portion of the good people of this Commonwealth are desirous of amending the Constitution of the State.^^ It will here be observed, that there is a diiference by no means immaterial, betv/een the fact here stated, and that stated In the substitute upon the same point; although the original preamble had stood the test of two preceding Leci^islatures, and to tiie last stage of offering amendments to the bill during the present session. The next inquiry I made was, what portion of the good people had made this representation ? I was in- formed by some 11,000, by others 15,000 — consisting of freeholders, of non-freeholders; infants as well as adults. But I was extremely surprised to be itiformed, that all the petitions with these sifi^natures, had been presented to precedinj? Legislatives, and not one petition to tliis. So far, therefore, as this Legislature has acted upon this subject, it has been from its owti voluntary inipulse, uiiim;)el!Kl by a single petition from the people addressed to itself. Upon looking to the deduction in the preamble upon this statement of ('acislaiure) to the Legis- latw-es of Virginia, praying the passage of a law affording facilities by whch,'' 4-c. The preamble proceeds, "and whereas it is believ- ed by the present General Assembly, that the protracted agitation of this qnesiion has engendered feelings and jealousies inimical to the public weal, and which can be best allayed by a full, fair and unquestionable declaration of the public will alone : And whereas they are persuaded, by experience and observations, that from the extent of our territory, number of our population and other causes, a general and satisfactory development of public sentiment, can scarcely be had without the aid of Legislative facilities: And tvhere- as they conscientiously entertain the opinion that the grant of such fa- cilities is strictly within the limits of their Legislative powers." It . cannot escape observation, Mr. Speaker, that there is a peculiar sin- gularity in the organization of this substitute corresponding with the one in the original. The power of the General Assembly, to pass this bill, is there referred to the forum of the heart, instead of the head, — to feeling, instead of the understanding; — so here, we are referred to the forum of the conscience, and its dictates for the same purpose. I will barely here remark, Mr. Speaker, that, as regards myself, I do not believe any one of the declarations here made — so far from it, I conscientiously believe, that nothing is so likely to produce the deprecated effects, as agitating this question by the voluntary impulse of the Legislature, after the people had ceased to call upon them to do so. And I will further say, Mr. Speaker, that I am conscientiously of the opinion, that the grant of such Legislative facilities, is not within the powers of this House, according to the sense in which I shall now proceed to consider that term. A grant of Legislative facilities, is certainly a new term iu Legislative phraseology. I presume its meaning will be looked for in vain, in the last edition of Jacob's Law Dictionary. It is often said, Mr. Speaker, that there is nothing new under the sun. But in these evil, fashionable days, every thing appears to me to be new under the sun. I hope, Mr. Speaker, that the worthy in- genious author of this preamble, will not conceive that the definition I shall attempt to give of the meaning of this term, "a grant of le- gislative facilities," will be made in a spirit of criticism, still less in a spirit of sarcasm. No, Sir, I am incapable of indulging any such spirit; nor should I now make a single remark upon that point, did I not conceive it to go directly to the very essence, and to in- volve the very git of the question now under debate. The term, "facilities," is the least technical, and the most indefinable term cf any in the English language; and was for that reason, as I con- ceive, most ingeniously chosen by the gentleman for the purposes of this bill. It is subject to attenuation, till it loses all meaning in something less thnn the shadow of a shade. I have never known, except in one instance, the term introduced into legal phraseology. It was in the act under which Lithgow underwent a trial in this city. In that case, it becaiiie necessary to ascertain its precise tech- nical meaning. It baffled the skill of the most renowned Judges and Lawyers. In vain, they endeavoured to affix to it some identi- ly — some meaning. It escaped every grasp of their keenest intel- lectual efforts. They found it as slippery as an eel, and it always escaped from every hand that attempted to grasp it. Such, Sir, was the vain efforts at defining the single term " facilities." This preamble presents an entire new tribe o(" facilities — "a grant of Le- gislative facilities." There will be no difficulty in affixing a pre- cise meaning to the term by reference to the enactments, introduced into the bill under its sanction. It there plainly and simply meanSj as I conceive, a mandatory instruction to the people, by their re- presentatives, to vote for or against a Convention; and that too, ac- companied both with distrust and reproof. This plain definition may be seen in the following enactments of the bill : "Section 1. — That it shall be the duty of the several sherifls and other officers, authorised to conduct elections witliin this Com- monwealth, at the time and place of holding their respective elections for delegates to the General Assembly, in April next, to open a se- parate poll for the purpose of taking the sense of the people upon the question, whether they desire a Convention or not. The poll so to be taken, shall contain two columns; one for the names ot those who vote in the affirmative, and the other for the names of those who vote in the negative, and shall be headed thus: "Shall there be a Convention to amend the Constitution of this Commonwealth.'"' CONVENTION. NO CONVENTION. "The sheriff or other officer as aforesaid, shall take the vote up- on the question aforesaid, of every person lawfully qualified, who •-hall come forward during such election, to give his vote; and he siiall arrange the names of all those who vote in the atfirmative in the first column, under the word "Convention;" and the names of all those uho vote in the negative, in the second column, under the words, " No Convention." It will here be observed, that the following words, "the sherifl'or other ofiicer as aforesaid, shall lake the vote upon the question afore- said, of every person lawfully qualified, luho shall come forward dur- ing such election, to give his vote ;^^ impose a mandatory instruction upon the voter. The word " shall, " as applicable to the voter, is a mandatory term; and although in the sentence, in which it is here used, it might be construed into an optional one; yet it would not alter the eft'ect of a just interpretation in the smallest degree: — Be- cause, the sole object of the enactment is, that there shall he a vote. upon the question — ^^ Convention,'^ or " JV' o Convention. — And if that effect bo not produced by the enactment, then it has no effect at all, and becomes perfectly useless and nugatory. Here, then is seen a complete inversion of the order of the great principle of instruc- tion. The servant instructing the master. This General Assembly, in its derivative corporate character, instructing the people in their original sovereign character; and that too with distrust and reproof. Distrust in this — that the enactments are evidently grounded upon the fear, that unless the people of Virginia are stimulated to this vote by an act of the Assembly, they will give no vote at all. And reproof in this — that those who have expressed their will, are held forth as an example for imitation to those who have not. Whereas, 1 believe, that those who have not expressed this will, have failed to do so, in consequence of their not wishing to do so. The bill pro- ceeds in the same spirit of dictation and instruction. It goes on to say, "every person shall be permitted to vote upon the question aforesaid," &ic. Here a legislative permit is granted to the indivi- dual voter in his sovereign character: whereas, the voter derives his right to vote from a pre-existing, paramount authority. Suppose, in carrying into effect this provision, formal permits were to be granted to each individual voter, oughi the voter not to refuse to vote under the permit, but to vote under his paramount right'? The bill does not stop here. It goes on to refuse ih'is permit to another description of people. This will be seen in the following words — "anof no other person shall he permitted to vote thereon.''^ Now, Sir, as much attached as I am, to the freehold right of suffrage, I deny the right of the General Assembly to make this exclusion. Yet, if this bill were to pass, and I should be called upon to strike out these words, I should refuse to do so. Because, having legislatively usurped the power of calling upon the people to give this vote, I would give all the provisions of the bill a legislative character. It should be unique — croiuided in usurpation — it should continue in usurpation. If, on thecontrary, tlie people were left at liberty to exercise their own will, in their sovereign character, I contend, that non-freehold- ers have as much riglit to petition the Legislature to amend the Con- stitution, as the freeholders. Indeed, all persons in the community have an equal riglit to petition the Legislature — freeholders, non- freeholders, women, adults and infants — and all are in the daily ex- ercise of it. But I conceive, that the right of petition is one thing, and the proper qualification of voters in frannng fundamental laws, a very different one. From all these considerations, it seems to me, that the term, "a grant of legislative facilities," as used in the pre- amble, is a mandatory instruction of the people, in their original so- vereign character ; and, of course, an unwarrantable usurpation of their rights. In the farther progress of this bill, with the view of granting them legislative facilities, it becomes converted into a pe- nal statute; and after assigning new additional duties to our minis- terial otficers, without compensation, it amerces them with heavy fines tor the non-performance of these new duties : — in one instance, one hundred dollars; and in another, not less than one, nor more than five hundred. Thus making another addition to the question- able code of "mala prohibita." — It is here readily admitted, that the term " grant ef legislative facilities," may be constraed to raeari 2 the mere lending of our ministerial officers to the people — clerks- arifl slu^riiT. — for ihe purpose of en.ibliii^ tiiein to express iheir will. Bvi si.rb cannot be its loeaning, when tested l»y the enactments of th- bil); lUid, in thai sense, it uoiiid be utterly iis(;less and ineffica- cious. The people wmu no such laciiiiies. — They have beuec fa- cilities thein-elvts than this General A'Sjuibly h.!>> lo j.rant them. — Every day alli>i-ds evidence of tiii> fad : and ntitlier the extent of terriior\, noi i-ie popiilousness ot' t'-e country, atibrds the sraa lest obstacle to their exercise. Indeed, the people have aUnost reduced then» lo a manna!; and they pats ihroui^h theni with ahnosi as muih Tacdity, as a well drided con.pnny of soldi'rs passes through their n...nual exercise. There is, at this moineiil, an election jroi.ig on lor ihe Presidency, !>ftvvecn Mr. Adorns and General Jackson; and the people, throughout the whole United States, notwithst. i>d- ing ih.^ir extent and popiiiousuess, have not felt the least difficulty, without the Bid ef '' legislative f^icilities," in expressing their .vill upon tiiai question, whenever ihey have been disposed lo do so. — The members of the Letii.^latnre of Pennsylvania, have recently left the Legislative chamber — appointed their own President and Secretary — caused resolution:^ to bp prepared expressive of their will upon tiie occasion — and nomiualed General Jackson ^s the fa- voured candidate, widiout any '•' Ifgin'aiive facibty^^ whatever. So may any other collection of people do, who have the will to do so ; whether the expression of thai will be for the call of a Convention, or any thitij; else. I .hink, upon a review of this argument, it will be St en that I have untjueslionfddv demonstrated, either thai thia bill is an iisu'-patii.ii upon the rights of the people, or liial it is perfectly useless and nugatory ; and in either case, that it ought not to pass. AiU;Ough, after exhibiting the militant materials, of which this bill is composed, 1 diink 1 mijht safdy leave it to its own self-destruc- tiou; yot I will not av;»il myself of that circumstance, to screen our Constitution from the most rigid scrutiny into its own intrinsic me- rits, the more especially, as I am invited to that course by the char- ges hivishly brought again.a it ye.sterd;«y by the gentleman from \Vythe. i do iiot propose, huuevtr, to go into a minute exaaiina- ticn of those charges; but to devcte to tlicm a few general reflec- tions, excluding ail local and personal cojisiderations. Indeed, Mr. Speaker, I think our Constitution will find a triumph in the charac- ter of those charges tiieinseives, v/hen we lock to the great labour evidently bestowed . upon ti( dien; subject to die ordinary course of lej,ii!ation. He then retT)iuded us of certain supposed local inter- ests and antipathies, which I h'r;d hoped had long since subsided, and been forever (orgoiien. The gentleman, tor illustrations, resorted lo a grcMi variety of >uj)j>osit"! >u;- cases, all of them in the extreme, and seea^'.g ;o be derivnl from the best eflbrta of the extreme ingenuity of bis own mind. I would remark, Mr. Speaker, that of all the 11 modes of reasoning, that which is drawn from extreme suppositions, is Jlie most fallacious. These extreme s'.ippositioiis ;re .ilvva. s o cep'iop.s from the general rn'es, and the error in th«^:r application consists iii Tiiking thi? exception for the rul'-, instead of ihe proaf of ihf' rule. So, ui the geiitlenian's reasoning by a!iali!,.:v. His er- rors will be found to consist in ineeuiously e\hibiting the resem- blances, nnd \vitlih(»lding the dili'eieiices in the cases suoposed to be anrlogons. But ther- is one of the most extrava2"inl of his si.p- pcsitioas cases, which calls for n;(»re particular examination. The gentleman supposed the <'ase of a!; (be non-frt;eho;ders, being a ma- joritv, mtetink and formiug a Constitution for the government if the Statp; and concluded, by ;lie supposed case, that Congress and the prople ot die State, would be I cnnd to acktiowltdge it as our only legitimate Co'.istitution. The repiy is, that the supposition is not supposabie, and would be utt'^rly i;iidmissable, because utterly imiMacticable. Whenever an attempt of that kind should be made, it would at once produce the natu»*^! Jivision of parties among nian- kiiid — that is, between those who liave property, and thof.e who have none. And whenever those who h »ve no property -hall attempt to govern those who have, a war — an exter)ninaiing war, must be the consequence; and this would set at defiance every attempt at niik- Intr a social compact. From the time of Adam to this moment, mankind have been divided into two parties — those who have pro- perty, and those who have none. This is the natural division of party amongst mankind. Odier parties, more ardent and violent, are often got up by political exciteinents and other causes; but they are temporary in their character, and always cease with the causes which produced them. Wiiereas, tliis natural division of party, is etern.il. From these considerations it will appear, Mr. Speaker, that whilst this supposition might serve to amuse the imagination, it is too extravagant to be brought into use in the practical affairs of mankind; and the only '"eply I shall make to the whole of thest- ex- travagant suppositions is. to remind the gentleman of a very com- mon one, and of a similar character: ''Suppose the sky were to fall, it would catch larks." But, I pre.^:lme, that no danger is to be ap- prehended by the present geueratioii from >-ither event. Having made diis general reply to the charges brought against the Constitution, I will now proceed to examine its own intrinsic me- rits. And here, I confidently express the opinion, that as it was the first, so it is the best writteii Constitution the world ever saw; that it fonr.s the only scientific government known to me. And here, Mr, Speaker, permit me to take up the gauntlet, thrown by the late lamented Mr. Adams — that the British Constitution formed the on- ly scientific government in the world — deeply lamented for his great revolutionary services, and, Mr. Speaker, let the mantle of oblivion be thrown over his more recent political aberrations. I war not with the dead! ! ! When I speak of a scientific Constitution, I mean one founded in great principles of truth, deri.ed from nature, and which have good moral tendencies over the society for whose go- vernment they are intended, and established. , I'A And, Mr. Speaker, is there no merit in our Constitution, from its being the first great written social compact f The first great writ- ten charter of the rights of man? Do onr Godlike Ancestors de- serve no credit for first developing and proclaiming to ihe world, that all rightful governments were founded upon the natural rights of man ; and depend upon his consent for all their legitimate pow- ers ? Nay more, Mr. Speaker, infinitely more; for bringing into practical use for the benefit of mankind, these great first principles, by reducing them to writing in the form of our present constiiution? Europeans had long since conceived the idea, that all legitimate go- vernments were foinided on the rights of man, and derived from his consent; but it remained for the honor and glory of our forefathers to proclaim the principle, and to reduce it to practical use for the benefit of mankind. You have been told, Mr. Speaker, by the Pre- sident of the United States, that we owe a great debt to the nations of Europe, for the lights they have reflected upon us through their researches into scientific knowledge; that they have erected 130 light-houses of the skies, and filled them with star-gazers for the purpose of scientific researches; and that their discoveries had been reflected on us, for the improvement and embellishment of the sci- ences here. And for this benefit we owe tbem a sacred debt of gra- titude. How much greater, Mr. Speaker, is the debt of gratitude they owe to our immortal Virginia forefathers, for introducing into practice the great principle of the rights of man, which serves to se- cure human rights and human liberties — and thus to improve and to extend the solid happiness of mankind? The ol)ligatioM is incom- parably in our favour; because their lights reflected on us, go mere- ly to the embellishment and improvement of the sciences; whilst our great light, reflected on them, serves to illuminate political sci- ence, and thus to improve the political condition of the whole mass of mankind. Instead, then, Mr. Speaker, of approaching tliis holy ark of the rights of man, first erected by our forefathers, with parri- cidal hands for its immolation ; ought we not rather to pause and look with awful veneration upon the sacred edific;^? And, instead of tearing it down, pride ourselves in this great work of our (ore- fathers? Our innnortal sires, who are now reposing in unmerited oblivion, whilst we ought to reproach ourselves for our tardy indo- lence in not commemorating their names whh the highest honors ever awarded to mortals. I will now proceed, Mr. Speaker, to examine the peculiar organization of the Virginia Constitution, and to de- monstrate the position assumed. First, then, Sir, as to its founda- tion. — The Virginia Constitution is founded on land ; the only solid, durable and indestructable substance given by God to man. — Se- condly, as to its principle — its principle is that of representation, founded upon the freehold qualification of the voter. — Thirdly, this principle is two-fold representation: — first, by man in his individual character: second, by intermediate agents. Fourthly, it is fi)unded upon a division of departments: — Legislative, Ex'-cuiiNc, and Judi- cial, in the formation of this last department, there may be some departure from the strict principles of science. Properly and sci- entifically speaking, there are, in the nature and reason of things,, 13 but two preat departments in government. The Legislative, whose duty it is to make laws — or, to prescribe rules of conduct for the observance of the people. The Executive, whose duty it is to car- ry into effect those laws — or the rules thus precribed. The Judicial department, therefore, must scientifically be considered, as rather a scion from the Executive department, than an original, substantive, independent department in itself. And accordingly the Executive, formerly did interpret and decide upon the meaning of all laws ; and executed them according to his own decisions. But from the vast variety of ramifications and insinuosities of human transactions in the intercourse of society, the confines of right and wrong were fre- quently so' nearly approached that it became a work of great labour and science to propound and apply the meaning of the law, to all these muhifarious, diversified cases. Hence, the necessity of a Ju- dicial, growing out olthe Executive department; and hence the ob- vious duty of tile Judicial depariment will be seen to consist in pro- pounding the law, and applying its meaning in all cases which shall be brought before that department, for the purpose of enabling the Executive department to execute the law according to its true mean- ing and intent. But this departure from the strict technicality of po- litical science will find an ample excuse, if not justification, in the importance of the Judicial department itself. — Here then are exhi- bited the four great Doric pillars, upon which the Virginia Consti- tution is founded Permit me now, Mr. Speaker, to examine, more minutely, the peculiar structure and organization of each. First, then, as to its foundation on land, and the qualification of the free- hold right of suffrage. To present a clear view of this very impor- tant subject, it will be necessary to look into certain great first prin- ciples, and to ascertain the original ends and objects of all legiti- mate governments. These ends, or objects, ought to consist of three, and no more. First, protection to the society from external violence, or what is generally called, the salus populi. Second, the protec- tion of person. Third, the protection of property. These are all the ends for which legitimate governments are instituted. Before I proceed further in a more minute analysis of this particular case, it will be necessary to premise, that all that can be done by fundamen- tal laws, is to select some great principles from nature, which, in their application to society, will always produce good moral tendencies. Fundamental laws must, in the very nature of things, be general in their character and operations, and all their beneficial effects to so- ciety, must arise from their good moral tendencies. Here then, is a government, founded upon represantation, having two great obliga- tions imposed upon it — and of course two great duties to perform-— to wit: the protection of person, and the protection of properly. — The salus populi not being brought into question here as having no relation to it — a question arises, as to the proper qualification of the voter for carrying into effect this principle of representation, so as to ensure to the government the means of enabling it to discharge both its obligations, and to perform both its duties. Ought not the voter to be so qualified as to have a direct interest that the govern- ment should perform both these great duties? Would any qualifi- 14 cation tend to produce both of these great ends, when the voter was only interested in the accotnplisiiment of one of them? Still less so, when the qualification would give the voter a direct interest against one of these ends, intended to be accomplished ? Or, in other words, admitting that the duty of liie fjjovernrnent is to protect property as well as person, ought not the qualification of the voter to consist in the possession both of property and person ? In that case its uniform and necessary tendency would be to produce the prottction both of person and property. In the case of not having both these qualifi- cations, the uniform, natural tendency of the want of one of them would be, to protect the rights of person and destroy the rights of property; and of course strip the government of the essenti;il means to perform the great duty of the protection of property. But, Mr. Speaker, this is not all. The duty enjoined upon the government to protect propert, is much more diificult in its execution, than the duty to protect persons. The love of dominion over person has been almost entirely swept away with the- feudal system; whilst the love of dominion over properly has become substituted in its stead, nnd is almost universal. Yes, Sir, it is this universal pas>ion of avai iee, which calls for the restraints of government, and which it finds the greatest difficulties in furnishing. So much so, that in a perfect protection of property would be found, almost a perfect protection of person. But, Sir, the justice of the qualification of property has been questioned. If the charge of injustice, or immorality can pro- perly be applied to this qualification, the proposition '>n favour of it should instantly drop from my hands. No, Sir, I am not one of that tribe o( Machiavelian politicians, who justify the means by the end; I peremptorily deny that any end can be good which requires immoral means to efiect it. And upon tliese principles, I contend, if the freehold limit of the right of sufi'rage be not the on/// just one, that it is the only just and at the same time scientific one that has ever been devised. Can any thing be more just, wise, and rational than to require all llie qualifications of the voter which are necessa- ry to produce all the ends, for which the vote is to be given? Can nny thing be u)ore just, wise, or rational, than to require such per- manent, common altachment to the country, as is emphatically call- ed for by our fundamental laws ? And can any evidence be so strong, as that which arises from the ownership of the soil? I will proceed, 31r. Speaker, with the illustration of this point by a suppositious case ; not one far-l'etched and extravagant, but one in familiar use, and of every dny occurrence. Suppose a mercantile partnership to be formed, consisting of three partners — A, B, and C — and that the articles of partnership be considered as their constitutional charter. Suppose the mental and personal endowments of the three partners to be precisely equal, but in addition to A's mental and personal en- dowments, lie hnd the capital, I'orming the input stock of $100,000; whilst B and C had not a cent. Suppose, instead of making some security for the division of the mercantile profits of the input stock, in the articles of copartnery, or the constitutional charter, he were to leave it to the principle of general sufirage. How much do you suppose would be voied to him by B and C, for the use of \m mo- Xif oey? Do you suppose that he could reasonably expect more thau an equal portion in the division of these profits, upon the genuine principles of liberty and tquality, as the legitimate offsprings of the principle o( general suffrage? The partnership being ended, and the 'liviijion of the input stock being put in question — ought not A to think himself very well off to get one third of his own money? And suppose A, besides his input stock, to be worth $50,000 in other property, whilst B and C were worth nothing; could he rea- sonably expect any other result than that B and C would vote tlie whole $100,000 to themselves, leaving him nothing? This would be the very essence of the exercise of the right of general suffage, grounded ujwn its own gf miine, peculiar principles of liberty and equality amongst all maiikind. But, would it be founded in the com- mon and ordinary principles of justice and of morals? And would not A have ample reason to regret, that he had failed to secure him- self agaiiist this result, by the constitutional charter ? Would he not justly have to reproach himself for his extreme folly in trusting his property to the right of general suffrage, with" all its popular charms? Yes, Sir, his folly would be so great, as to deprive him of all the sympathy of society and justly subject him to its laughter and derision. Just as great would be the (oily of the people possess- ing property, in forming a social compact, to give up the manage- ment of it to be decided by the votes of those who have none, or in other words, to the popular principle of general suffrage. And in such a case, its results, in point of justice, would be precisely simi- lar to those jusi described. A gentleman from Fairfax, the other day, most appropriately, eloquently, and pathetically invoked the venerated name of one, who is now no more, in favour of his side of the question. He drew in vivid colors, a very striking picture of" the virtues and accomplishments of this great benefactor of mankind. He feelingly pointed to the mournful trappings, with which this cham- ber is now surrounded, to testily the lamentations of all upon this ir- reparable bereavement. I hope and trust, Mr. Speaker, that every heart here is shrouded with the like emblem of mourning and lamen- tation. I can only speak for myself, Sir; and I can say in sincerity and in truth, that no man feels more sincerely, than myself, this great public calamity. During his life time I knew him well, Sir; having been honored, during no inconsiderable part of it, with his frank, undisguised, and familiar friendship. I enjoyed, Sir, the un- disguised overflowings of his warm heart, which were always open to every friend. Indeed, Sir, he carried this frankness and openness of heart so far, as often to subject himself even to the malicious shafts of his enemies. Until the last Christmas of his life, I was honored with his most affectionate correspondence; and I mention this circumstance now, the rather because, amidst a thousand other calumnious falsehoods, it has often been- asserted that there was a misunderstanding be- tween this great, good man and myself. Sir, I was thus afforded every opportunity of judging of the excellence of his heart, and of the acquirements of his head ; and I now take great pleasure in giv- ing my testimony in their favour. Allowing Ibr the imperfection^ T^r common to human nature, I now assert a most thorough conviction, that his heart was unblemished, and his mind pre-eminently embel- lished. I am told, Sir, that the name of this lamented benefactor of his country and of mankind, has had greater influence in aiding the passage of this bill, than, perhaps, any other circumstance what- ever; whilst I iliink I hazard nothmg in expressing the opinion, that not one of its advocates would give his consent to the European form of Govenanent he has recommended lor adoption. But, Sir, notwithstandin:^ my admiration anfl veneration of his talents, I could not always subscribe to his opinions. No man, Mr. Speaker, is wise at all hours. Whilst, therefore. I must give the gentleman all the aid that he desires from this great name, 1 hope I may be permitted to call to my aid, in this importani point of t!ie argument, some principles laid down by him in his posthumous letters. In one of those letters, Mr. Jefferson says: "only lay down sure principles, and adhere to them inflexibly." Here, then, is a perfect agreement between Mr. Jefferson and myself. I agree that nothing will pro- duce good eflects that violates principles, however specious may be the pretext for its adoption. Mr. Jeflerson then proceeds to lay down the principle in the following words: ''the sure foundation of Repub- lican government, is the equal rights of every citizen in his person and prop».rty, and in their manggemejit.^^ Here, too, we agree per- fectly in the principle laid down. It would seem from this principle, that Mr. Jeflerson himsell adcnits the propriety of a property quali- fication of some sort. In this sense, then, we should agree in the application of this principle. We may diflbr, however, widely in some of tlie results. What is the meaning of the last words in the principle laid down? "and in their management." Does Mr. Jef- •ferson mean, that the equal right of every citizen is to manage his own property, or that of another? If his own property, then he must have property before he has its management; and, in that case, it would irresistibly follow that Mr. Jeflerson conceived a property qualiiication, of the voter, «as indispensable. In this case, then, we shall be perfectly agreed. But if Mr. J( fterson means, that the man without property shall have the management of the property of another, then we are directly at points ; and I deny the right, the justice, or the policy of his principle. This, however, is the true ground upon which tiie right of general suflrage rests. Presuming that Mr. Jeflerson could never sanction this principle, he, of course, admits the right of a property qualification of some sort. Taking it, tl;en, for granted, that a property qualification is necessary, two questions arise: The first is — v\hat kind of property is bestsuited to the object? The second — how much property ? This leads di- rectly to an examination of the merits of a freehold limit to the right of suffrage. And this question will be tested by an inquiry into the peculiar properties of land, as contra distinguished trom every other species of property. Land is the only solid, fixed, durable, and in- <^estructible substance given by God to man. Separate any thing from land that grows upon it, and it immediately becomes corrup- tible and destructible ; whilst land itsilf, possesses inherently the fa- culty of regeneration and reproduction. It is the source of all other things. It is the sourse of our own existence ; and whether we take the Mosaic account of the creation of man out of clay or not, we all know, without it we could have no existence. It fur- nishes all human indulgences. All the necessaries, comforts and luxuries of life are derived from mother earth — from Golconda's most brilliant gem, to the coarsest pabulum that sustains human ex- istence. There is besides another intimate connexion and applica- tion between earth, land and the inhabitants upon it. These will be found in our conceptions when we speak of a state or a nation. When we speak of the Slate of Virginia, we include all the land or territory within the limits of Virginia, as well as all the inhabitants upon it. It is impossible in our conceptions, to separate the inhabi- tants from the land, or the land from the inhabitants. The same conception will be found in speaking of France, or any other nation — it will always include both the inhabitants and territory. Ac- cordingly, in speaking of uninhabited territory, it is never called a nation. The territory of Arabia is never called the nation of Ara- bia, but the deserts of Arabia. And the wandering Arabs are never called the Arabian nation, but tribes of Arabs. — This arises from the want of that application and fixture of the people to the territory, which are essential to the formation of a nation. So in regard to the Aborigines of this country, who are allowed only the usufruct of the soil for the purpose of hunting, while the United States claim the right of soil. They are called Indian tribes; and although, in com- mon parlance, they are sometimes called nations, as the Creek Na- tion, he. yet, in the Constitution of the United States they are em- phatically called tribes, in contrast with nations. — "Congress shall have power to regulate commerce with foreign nations, among the several States, and with the Indian tribes." From all these consi- derations, it seeins evident, that land, earth, territory, is too impor- tant an agent in the concerns of mankind, to be entirely disregard- ed in the formation of fundamental laws for the government of the inhabitants thereupon ; and, from its peculiar properties, forms the best limit upon the right of suffrage in the representative system. This conclusion would be the inevitable result upon the consultation of nature, reason, philosophy and science; because it furnishes the best evidence of a permanent, common attachment to the country. The word ^^ permanent,''^ used in the Bill of Rights, evidently refer- ring exclusively to land, for the best evidence of a common attach- ment to the country, as actually and practically explained in the written Constitution founded upon the Bill of Rights. To ascer- tain this point more fully, let a contrast be drawn between the pro- perties of land, and another species of property: A fine horse, bri= die and saddle, and a strong elegant pair of spurs. However op- posed any gentleman here may be to a freehold qualification, it is presumed, that not one would fix upon this species of property as a better qualification for the voter. VVhy not? Because it has no ten= dency to inspire the owner with that permanent, common attachment to the country, which is the only pledge for the fidelity of the voter. Compare the natural propensities of the owner of this species of property with those of the freeholder of five and twenty acres of land, the amount required by our Constitution. Suppose the free- holder to have cultivated and improved this land with his own hands, and derived from it, a comfortable subsistence for himself and fami- ly. Would he not naturally become attached to the soil from which he had derived his comforts and his liappiness? And feel die most grateful affections of his heart interwoven with the labours of his hands? If so, would not these affections afford the best evidence of that permanent, common attachment to the country, which is called for by our Bill of Rights, and is founded in the reason and nature of things.'' Whilst the owner of the horse, bridle and saddle, might be engaged in riding about and taking his pleasure, and so far from af- fording an evidence of this same permanent, common attachment, its tendency would be to inspire him with constant notions of wan- dering ; and the kind of property would afford him the best means of indulging his propensity; and upon the first giddy thought of leaving iVis native country, tlie owner might mount his horse, and heedlessly take himself oif in a canter, abandoning it forever. In further illustration of this point, Mr. Speaker, indulge me in relat- ing a plain, simple anecdote. Upon establisiiing a temporary go- vernment for Louisiana, after its acquisition by treaty, the people sent three deputies to Congress with an urgent memorial for the ad* mission of that territory into the Union upon the footing of an ori- ginal State. — Mr. Derbigny, an intelligent, astute la\^ yer, without property — Mr. Detrihon, a native of Louisiana, and an extremely wealthy sugar planter— Mr. Sauve, a highly accomplished French gentleman, who had removed to Louisiana, and had also become an extremely wealthy sugar planter. As chairman of the committee, who were charged with that subject, I was desirous of obtainitig in- formation of the interests, and feelings of the people of Louisiana from the owners of the soil; but from their retired modesty, and their keeping Mr. Derbigny in their front as their speaker, I found no small difiiculty in accomplisliing my object. — An opportunity however occurring, I addressed myself to Mr. Detrihoti in substance as follows: — "I understand Mr. Detrihon, you are a native of Lou- isiana?" He replied, "Yes Sir, I was born in Louisiana." "You are an owner of land in Louisiana, I presume?" "Yes, Sir, I am a sugar planter." "I presume you feel much interest in the govern- ment now proposed for your country ?" " Oh Yes, Sir, I am all anxiety upon the subject." "I presume you feel great attachment to Louisiana, as the place of your nativity?" The moment that idea was presented to his mind, with all the warmth and ardor of a Frenchman, he burst forth in a bla7,e of the most patriotic enthusi- asm, — " Oh Yes, Sir, 1 love Louisiana — 1 dearly love Louisiana — I love every thing in Louisiana — I love the very ground of Louisiana — I love every tree, that grows upon the ground of Louisiana." — Here, Sir, was a sudden burst of the true amor patriot, founded up- on nativity, and improved by the ownership of the soil ; that true love of country which affords the best evidence of a permanent, common attachment to it, and the best pledge of the fidelity of the voter. Besides all these considerations, Sir, the freehold limit is rendered certain in its execution ; whereas every other limit, hereto- fore devised, has always been subject to electioneering fraud and management. Two and twenty Constitutions have been adopted in the United States since that of Virginia, all founded upon the prin- ciple of general suffrage under some modification or other. Each one imposing some limit upon the right of suffrage, and no two agreeing in the san)e limit. This circumstance demonstrably proves, that general suffrage is not founded in science; or if it be, ihat its advocates have not yet discovered the true principle of the science j for if they had, they would all have fixed upon the same limit. I fear, Mr. Speaker, that I am fatigueing yourself and this honor- able House, by going so minutely into detail upon this subject. If so. Sir, let its importance plead my excuse. And before I leave this part of the subject, let me be permitted to present a comparative view between the freehold right, of suffrage and another principle of limitation, said to be the most popular of all the substitutes proposed, and the rather, as this is Mr. Jefferson's favorite principle, whose great name has served to extend its popular influence. It is laid down in Mr. Jefferson's letter in the followina: words: "let everv man, who fights or pays, exercise his just and equal rigid in their election." Upon this principle, we are directly at points. I contend, that the military is the very worst principle that can be introduced, as fixing the qualification of the voter in civil institutions; and that it has no claim to any shadow of right or pretext whatsoever. It is a fundamental principle, that the military shall be subservient to the civil authority. What would be the necessary tendency and effect of laying the foundation of your civil institutions in a military prin- ciple? And that too, f)unded in a claim of right, for military ser- vices? Would it not tend directly to invert this order, and to make the civil subordinate to the military authority? If so, it is presumed, not a solitary advocate could be found in favor of this inversion of principle. But, Sir, I contend, that there is no shadow ofrigkt, nor even pretext of claim, grounded upon rendition of military services. To render this point ptrfecily clear, it will be necessary to resort to original, or first principles. In the formation of all social compacts, there is a reciprocity of rights and duties amongst all the members forming the compact. It is the duty of all persons, possessing the requisite physical capacities for the purpose, to render military ser- vices for the protection of the community. But, as in rendering these services, they extend this protection beyond themselves— so those who do possess physical capacities for that purpose, have a right to a just compensation from the incompetent classes, The government is the just arbiter between these differing interests, and it determines and decrees what shall be the just compensation paid by one interest to the other. The militia laws are intended to de- signate those who possess these physical capacities, and are bound to render these military services, as well as the compensation to be paid by those who do not possess such physical capacities. When the services are therefore rendered, and the just compensation paid, it completely obliterates all obligations and duties on both sides; and leaves the military without the least shadow of claim to any other compensation whatever — and less than all others, that of the right of suffrage. This point will be more strongly illustrated by reference to the regular army. There, these military services and compensations are settled by voluntary contracts; and when they arc mutually discharged, there is an end of all obligation whatsoever on either side. Pay then your military, in military honors, milita- ry offices and money — but never pay them in your civil and religi- ous rights. The best way, however, to test the merits of this mili- tary principle, is by looking to the modus operandi. Being a mili- tary principle, it ought to be carried into effect in a military form, and the voter should be bound to exhibit himself in his military cha- racter. What then must the soldier do to entitle himself to the be- nefit of this principle? He must certainly put himself in a complete military attitude. He must then, first equip himself with a full suit of regimentals. A musket and bayonet glistering to the sun, a car- touch-box, with four and twenty rounds of cartridges complete. On the day of election, thus equipped, he should take his proper stand in the ranks of his regiment, and the regiment in due military form, with the colonel at its head, should march to the polls, drums beat- ing and colours flying. Under such circumstances, Mr. Speaker, who do you suppose would be elected for your civil representative? Especially, if the colonel of the regiment had been elected just be- fore by general suffrage? And what chance do you think. Sir, those who pay would have against those who Jig/tt, in a contested election, under this military form of conducting it? Nay, Sir, what fate do you think would attend an old man, hobbling in upon a crufch— > like myself for instance — who, although not possessing the physical capacities for a soldier, might have a head upon his shoulders, and might dare to vote against the colonel of the regiment? Could he expect a better fate than to find one of these glistering bayonets thrust amidst his short ribs; whilst the valorous soldier would plume himself upon the glory of the achievement, amidst the applause and merriment of his military comrades? Surely, Sir, this state of things could not be desired by any. Whilst a review of these considera- tions ought to admonish us how easy it would be, by a mere false conception — a mere blunder of thought, to convert a government, founded upon a free representative system, into a military despotism. Other great men have also undertaken to form Constitutions, and to fix a principle lor the just limit of the rigiiis of suffrage. The cele- brated Bolivar, the great Liberator and Military Chieftain, has re- cently converted himself into a civic jurist, and after fixing upon the popular rights of general suffrage, having first emancipated all slaves to partake of this qualification, he has deemed it proper to fix limits to that right by certain exclusions. Amongst the rest, the exclusion of all habitual drunkards. Bolivar had previously intro- duced the trial by jury. It is to be presumed, that Bolivar never stopped to consider the modus operandi, by whicli this principle of exclusion was to be carried into effect. Suppose a voter to approach tlie polls, and to be challenged by the officer, conducting the elec- tion, as an habitual drunkard. The voter should deny the fact. How could the fact be ascertained so as to proceed in the election.^ Sir, great and splendid minds often indulge themselves in fascinating conceptions without condescending to look at the modus operandi ^ and from recent circumstances, 1 really fear, Sir, that the great Bo- livar will shortly convert himself into a Jack-at-all-Tradcs. So, the worthy learned gentleman, from Frederick, yesterday presented us an entire new basis for the right of suffrage; it would seem at open war with Bolivar's. He asserted, that the only just basis of representation, was intelligence. Agreed, Sir. But it is respectful- ly submitted to the gentleman, to point out the mode for ascertain- ing the proper degree of intelligence or fixing upon its proper limit. But, Sir, the considerations in favor of the freehold limit to the right of suffrage do not stop here. There are others still more irresisti- ble and conclusive. It is justified by t!)e experience of all times, and it was chiefly this experience, w hich most happily for us and for our posterity, led our ancestors into its adoption. Our forefathers had neither the safety, nor the leisure for indulging the fantastical chimeras of the mind, in framing their fundamental laws. They were impelled by dangers the most pressing and imminent, to resort mainly to experience for their guide. Happily both for themselves and for us, they well knew that they must have a government ground- ed on solid principles ; for, if they failed, their lives would be the forfeit. It has been often said, that they made the Constitution with ropes around their necks; and hence they were unwilling to resort to un- tried expedients. They looked to the freehold limit of the right of suffrage as it then existed in Virginia, and found it attended with the best moral tendencies over society. They looked to our British ancestors, from whom it was introduced here, and found in Great Bri- tain the same moral tendency there. They looked up to our Saxon ancestors, and found the same beneficial tendency there. Indeed, they looked back to the period of time, whereof " the memory of man runneth not to the contrary," and wherever the freehold limit of the right of suffrage had been adopted, at all periods, it produced the same beneficial results. Experience, therefore, under all circum- stances, and at all times, has borne its testimony in favor of the free- hold limit to the right of suffrage; and. Sir, upon a review of the whole argument upon this case, it will be found that the freehold right of suffrage will stand approved by nature, by reason, bj' phi- losophy, by science, and by experience. I have asserted, Mr. Speaker, that there are two principles of re- presentation adopted by our Constitution — the one, to be carried into efiect by man in his individual character — the other, by inter- mediate agents for his benefit. The first applies to the legishulvc representative, whose duty it is to make laws, or to prescribe the rules of conduct for the observance of the people. The other, to the election of the ministerial ofHcers for carrying into efiect those laws. It is this principle of election by intermediate agents, which has afforded the chief reproach to the Virginia Constitution, and has served to render the Constitution of Virginia more unpopular, than any other principle whatever. Yet, Sir, if the principle be im- partially examined, it will be found to be grounded in science, and to be attended with the best practical results. The Virginia Con- stitution prescribes that the voters, in their individual capicities, should choose their legislative representatives; and after investing them with powers of legislation, they are also invested with the power of choosing the ministerial agents for carrying the laws into efi'ect. And why should not the people entrust the Legislature with the power of electing the ministerial oflicers for executing the laws, after they had invested them with the paramount power of making the laws? There is no reason why they should not be entrusted with this additional power, and the best possible reasons why they should be invested with it. The reason is, that the intermediate agents are better qualified for selecting the ministerial officers than the peo- ple themselves are, in their original characters. Accordinj^ly, the Virginia Constitution provides, that the legislative representatives should elect the Governor, the Members of the Council, the Judges of the Superior Courts, and the highest military officers; and no in- telligent impartial man, ran doubt, but that these intermediate agents would make more judicious elections, than would the people in their individual characters — whilst the popular rage of the day insists on leaving to the people the election of all descriptions ofotlicers, Le- gislative and Judicial, as well as Ministerial; and that too, ground- ed upon the principle of universal suffrage. It is this unfortunate misconception of the mind, wliich has introduced most fatal, immor- al tendencies among the people; and threatens more danger to our political institutions than any otiier false conception or unhappy ex- pedient which has heretofore been devised. This subject will be further illustrated in the exnmination of the organization of our Ju- diciary system, which I will now proceed to make. I do not pro- pose to inquire into the merits or demerits of our system of Superior Courts, because I do not believe tliat there is any peculiarity in its organization. They are intended to preserve uniformity in legal adjudications; and tiiat object I believe to be as well and complete- ly carried into effect, as in any other judicial system. But the great business of dispensing justice amongst individuals, will be louitd lo be committed lo the C/omity Courts, and to the County Court Jus- tices. The frnmers of our Constitution, impelled by the same wise, circnmspe(;t regard to experience, which induced them to adopt the freehold right of suffi-age, determined them to adopt the County Court system already in existence. This system was originally brout-ht bv our forefathers from Great Britain, and experience had attested its moral tendencies both there and in this country. It is grounded upon the great moral principle of dispensing justice free- ly, without reward. And, although the Counlv Court Justices are not fleprived of ali rea:n'd, yet their compensation is received ni a ministerial, not in a judicial character, This compenr,ation consists in a monopoly of the sherifialty amongst the County Court Justices; but it adds not one to the numl)er of officers, nor a cent to the ex- pense of the State. Under this system, the County Court Justices are made strlciiy, the conservators of the peace. Their interest unites with the good dispositions of their nature, to keep iheir neigh- bors at peace; whereas, the perquisite system, which is opposed to it, and ;s intended as a substitute, bribe? the Justices to become t!)e common disturbers of the peace, in spite of the good feelings of their nature. And this is more particularly the case, where the election of the Justices is made by the people in their individual characters, grounded upon the principle of Jiniversal suffrage. Under the County Court system ol" Virginia, the Justices of the Peace consist, generally, of the middling class of society ; and one great moral, beneficial tendency of the Constitution of Virginia is, to preserve the government in tlie hands of the middling class of society. This beneficial tendency alone, is of more value to the people, than all the artificial contrivances in all the Constitutions of the United States put together. Liberty can never be endangered while the administration of the government is in the hands of the middling class of people. Indeed, in that case, it would be scarce- ly necessary to impose restraints upon the governors in the funda- mental laws; because the middling class of society can find no in- terest in doing wrong to an}'. The great danger consists in placing the govermnent in the hands of the extremes of society — cither the extreme rich or the extreme poor; because they have a direct interest in plundering society for the benefit of their extreme orders. At this moment there is an example of each of these cases, which ought to afford the most instructive, awful lesson that ever was presented to the consideration of maidiiud. In Great Britain, the government has, for a long time, been in the hands of the extreme rich; and from an artificial course of policy, in favor of their own order, they have al- most annihilated the middling class, and have reduced the laboring class to poverty, distress, wretchedness and starvation. This is done by tithes and taxes — by varying the distribution of the proceeds of labor, by taking from the productive and giving to the unproductive laborer — impelled by a spirit of avarice which knows no bounds, and which is the real source of all modern despotism. In Kentucky, under the principle of general suffrage, the govern- ment was placed in the extremes of society; and the debtor part of the community, availing itself of artificial expedients, stripped the creditor part of the community of one half its dues. iTnder the ex- citement, produced by this state of things, it is not improbable, that Kentucky was saved from a civil convulsion by her connexion witlj the other States. Let these two examples tlien, admonish the People of the United States, and most particularly of Virginia, against placing their go- vernment in the hands oi" either exti'eme uf society. Ail the tenden- cies of the County Court system of Virginia are moral, all its re- sults are bem-ficial. Under its influence, the County Court Justices are the most disinterested, the most vahiable and the most nmral class of men that ever existed in any community. Deviating in some respects fi-om the received maxim of the separation of depart- ments, the Justices of the Peace, constitute the essential Legisla- tive, Executive and Judiciary of this Commonwealth. They meet here in their Legislative character and m;il;e laws — they propound and decide upon the meaning of the laws in their Judicial character — and they direct many of themat the committee who reported the bill, would be called upon to present to the Senate, the reasons which had induced them to in- troduce the principle, upon which that bill was predicated. That, as he considered each individual gentleman of that committee, better qualified than himself, to state the genera) motives operating on the committee, and certainly to state his own individual impressions up- on the subject; Mr. Giles would confine himself to stating some of the leading motives of his own conduct in introducing the principle reported in the bill.* Mr. Giles begged to be indulged with a few preliminary observations; which, altliough not directly in point upon the constitutional question presented for discussion, would ultimately be found to be, not without some bearing upon it. Mr. Giles pro- ceeded to ob,serve, that one great object of every government was, the protection of the rights of individuals, and however diversified the forms of different governments may have been at different times, they have all, at all times, concurred at least in this one point : that one of the most effectual means of protecting rights, is the punish- ment of wrongs. In the execution of ttiis delicate power, so pecu- liarly interesting to the governed, different governments have beea variously organized as to the manner of executing it. In govern- iments founded on force, the power of punishing has generally been left solely to the will and pleasure of the Executive. In govern- ments founded on consent, the modifications of this power have been various ; according to the degree of confidence or jealousy enter- tained by the people towards their rulers. Modern jurists have ex- tended their political speculations very far, in multiplying barriei»s * There was some difference of opinion in the committee. tbi' the protection of innocence against possible or pTesumed optsres- sions on the part of the government; and it is even now questiona- ble whether tliey have not extended them so far as practically to have converted the»n into shields tor the. protection of guilt; a a ef- fect that never coidd liuve been intended by the most i^pecu]ative philanthropists. Indeed, it has been seen that in a nation celebrated for its political intelligence, as vvt'll as foi' its military prowess it.ie visionary idea was once conceived, of placing the protection "' s! rights upon the unreal basis of tl)e perfectability of mau; bi:: \ho join after the commence^ ment, are equally the objects of punishment, there would be proba- bly a general admission, that the term also comprehended making war, or carrying on war." <^ But the term is tiot for the fjrst time applied to treason by the constitution of the (Jnited States. It is a techniea! term. It is used in a very old statute of ijiai country, whose language is our lanj.uiage, and whose laws form the siibstratmo of our laws. It is scareel}' con- ceivable that the term \\;ts iK>t employed by tise fiamers ui" our con- stitution in the sense which had been affixed to it by those from whoiii we borrowed it. So far as the meaning of any terms, [larticularly terms of art, is completely ascertained, iho^c by wIkjoi they are em- ployed must be considered as cnspioying them iij that ascertained meaning, unless the contrary be proved by the context, h is there-' fore reasonable to suppose, unless it be incoir.patilde with other ex- pressions of the constitution, that the term "levying war" is used in that instrument in the same sense in whicji it was understood in England and in tlfts coiuitry, to have been used in the statute of the 25th of Edwjnd III, fion'i which it was borrowed." "It is said that this meaning is to be collected only from adjudged cases. But this position cannot be conceded, to the extent in which it is laid dowji. The superior authority of adjudged cases will never be con- troverted. But those celebrated elementary writers, who have stated the principles of the law, whose statetnents have received the com- mon approbation of legal men, are not to be disregarded. Principles iaid down by such writers as Coke. Hale, Foster, and Blackstone, are not lightly to be rejected." It cannot escape observation that the Cliief Justice here expressly lays it down, that the laws of England in relation to these species of treason, form the substratum of our ]aws; from which figurative expression, is evidently inferred an un- deniable declaration on the part of the Judge, that the laws of Eng- land, in these respects, are the foundation (substratum) of our laws; or in other words, the fundamental immutable laws of the U. States; and of course, in their essential operation, a part of the constitution of the United States. But the Chief Justice goes further, and declares, that the decisions of the English Judges form a part of these fundamental laws; and even the principles in relation thereto, laid down by their celebrated writers, are not to be disregarded. It is hardly to be presumed, that before this declaration, it had ever entered into the imagination of any man, that our Constitution was composed of such materials. If it be the case, however, it is devoutly to be wished that these laws, decisions and principles of elementary writers should be collated, printed, and annexed to our Constitution as legitimate parts thereof; and if Congress are to be excluded from all participation in the ex- ercise of this authority, the Supreme Court could not render a greater service to their country, than to make the collation with all conveni- ent despatch, for the information of Congress; and still more, for the people at large. But, Sir, are there no objections to these substrata of our laws? On no one subject of jurisprudence in Great Britain have there been such monstrous perversions of justice, and such pas- sionate and contradictory d.ecisions, as on the doctrine of treason; and why? Because they have been almost nlways made in violent, and troublesome times; and generally, after bloody contests for the crown. If this interpretation of the Constitiktion should be deemed incorrect, rather than hold some of his njost important rights upon substrata Uke these, he had thoughl of proposing an amendment 16 the Constitution, to authorise Congress to declare what acts should amount to treason against the United States. — But in reflecting up- on that subject, he (bund the 8th section of 1st article of the Con- stitution as good a provision for that purpose, as could be draw)) by way of amoidment; and he begged gentlemen to reflect upon it, and, see whether they could prepare a belter, to wit: "Cong)-ess shall i)ave ])Ower to- pass all laws which shall be necessm-y and proper for . car)-ying into execution the foregoing powers, and all other powers vested by this Constitution in the Government of the United States, or in any department or officer thereof." But, Sir, let us now dis- card this doctrine of the Chief Justice, and take up the rule laid iii the assemblage is described by the Judge as demeaning themselves in a peaceable, and orderly manner; no act of violence was committed, nor any oul- ra«^c on the laws practised. Tiiere was no act of disobedience to llie civil authority, iiorwere there any military appearances, although the n)en were drawn up in something like a semi-circle, with arms in their hands ready for action, Sec. f improving the condition of nations, and a people, which should leliberately, by the organization of its authorised power, deprive it- elf of the faculty of multiplying its own blessings, would be as wise is a creator who should undertake to constitute a human being with- lut a heart." \_Ohio JVational Crisis. The writer differs in opinion with Mr. A. in every statement con- ained in the foregoing letter. He thinks the people of this Union lave not in the formation of their Constitutions, performed their k'ork, "so ineffably stupid;" as to deny themselves the means of bet- ering their own condition; and yet, have not authorised the General government to make Internal Improvements: But, in the execution •f their work have disposed of the means of bettering their condi- ion, in a manner, much wiser, and better for that end, than is the dan proposed by Mr. A. Although the writer mighi. Justly pre- ume from Mr. A's long course of diplomatic education, the refine- aent of his taste would be such, as to assure the writer, that Mr. A. eould himself be entirely pleased with the comity he has dealt out o others, yet he cannot prevail upon himself to pronounce Mr. A's etter the most ineffably stupid, he has ever seen from any man learn- ■d, or unlearned ; he will, however, confidently express his belief, hat there is not one assertion, nor principle contained in the letter, 1 «'hich is not either luilbuiKled or misapplied. The letter commences in tiie following words: "The question of the power of Congress to authorise the making of Internal Improvements, is, in other words, a question, whether the people of this Union, in forming their common social compact, avowedly for tlie purpose of promoting their gene- ral welfare, have performed their work so inefiably stupid, as to de- ny themselves the means of bettering their condition." The writer peremptorily denies the assertion, that the people of this Union were forming their "common social compact," whilst engaged in forming the Constitution of the United States. That Constitution, is not a ''common social compact." It is a very uncommon federal compact: So uncommon, that such an one exists not, nor ever did exist, in this world, unless recently imitated by some of the South American States. The Amphictionic league, perhaps, was the nearest resemblance of it. The people of this Union were, in a previous existing state of government, when they undertook to better their condition, by adding a new government to their pre-existing governments. This, of course, could not be a common social compact, formed by a peo- ple emerging from a state of nature; but a federal compact, formed by a people in a pre-existing state of government. The great ob- ject of this federal compact was to better the condition of the people- The means for effecting this great object, consisted in a distribu- tion of the governmental powers, between the pre-existing State gov- ernments and a new government then to be created. The great prin- ciple of distribution was, to retain to the pre-existing State govern- ments, all subjects of a local, or municipal character; and to grant to the proposed additional government, all subjects of a general cha- yacter. — Nor is the question stated by ]Mr. A. the true question by which to test the power of the General Government, "to authorise the making of Internal Improvements." Nor has it the least affini- ty to the true question. It is a question in disguise. The true ques- tion is, whether the people of the pre-existing States in their sove- reign character, when fornilng the federal compact,^ did, or t!id not, take from their pre-existing State Governments, the power of making Internal Improvements, and grant it to their General Government, or, according to the mbanity of Mr. A., whether the people were so ■'ineffably stupid," as to have done so. ^ They certainly were not, and did not. If tliey had done so^ where can be found the terms of the grant in their federal con)pact? Mr. A. pretends not to point them out. Nor does he seem willing to rely upon Mr. Clay's nor Mr. McLane's nomenclature for tlic derivation of the power — to wit: "-to create," "to construct," "to build up," to fix firm Post Offices, and Post Roads; "to facilitate commerce," &c. but gets at this object at once, by the obliteration of the State Governments altogether. The whole letter is founded upon the false hypothesis, that the people had form- ed but one "common social compact." If the pre-existcnce of the State Governments be admitted, then the whole doctrine founded up- on one "common social compact," is either unfounded or misapplied. Because, in fact, the people have formed twenty-four distinct com- 3 mon social compacts, as the basis of twenty-lbur State Governments. One distinct common social compact, for each State Government. — Mr. A's mode of usurping this power, is bolder and shorter than either Mr. C's or Mr. McL's, and would be much more effectual, but for one difficulty in its way — his principle of usurpation, is directly opposed by matter of fact too stubborn to be removed by arguments Their mode of usurpation, is founded upon an ingenious play upon Suggested convertible terms. It is easy to see, that by this play upon words, every other usurpation may be effected when wanted. The power of making Internal Improvements, is a distinct substan- tive power, and according to Mr. A. it affords more important means of bettering the condition of the people, than uny of the granted powers. It is also the most susceptible of definition. It is then tlie last power, which sliould be inferred, as an accessory. If this power be the most important, and the most susceptible of definition, why was it not expressed in the grant itseU? It could not have been from inadvertency in the framers of the Constitution. It could not have been from any difficulty in tiie definition. The importance of the power, would peremptorily forbid the one inference, and the facility of the definition of the other. It must then have been omitted, be- cause it was not intended to be granted. It must have been omitted, because it ought not to have been granted. The usurpation of the power, therefore, is as directly opposed to the spirit and intention as the words of the instrument. The real question then is, not a ques- tion; "whether the people of this Union, in forming 'their common social compact,' as avowedly for the purpose of promoting their gene- ral welfare, have performed their work in a manner so "ineffably stupid," as to deny themselves the means of bettering their own con- dition," but a question, whether the power of making Internal Im- provements, as the means of bettering the people's condition, avow- edly for the purpose of promoting their general welfare, was retain- ed to the Slates respectively, to be exercised by the pre-existing State Governments, or was in fact taken from them, and granted to the General Government at its original .formation. Whctlier wise or not, the people in forming their federal compact, did determine to retain the power of making Internal Improvements, to the State Govern- ments respectively, and not to grant it to the General Government. This General Government, was intended to exercise jurisdiction over general objects only. — By general objects are meant, such objects only as extended their influence beyond the geograpiiical limits of the States respectively; and not such as miglit be subjected to a lo- cal municipal regulation within State limits. Internal Improvements are characteristically subjects of local municipal police, and ought therefore to have been the last, which should have been granted to tlie General Government for general objects. Nothing is necessary for the General Government to become "National," but the usurpa- tion of jurisdiction over local, municipal police. The inevitable con- sequences would be, the annihilation of the Slate Governments, and the substitution of one consolidated "National" Government; or to 'ise the French phraseology, one and indivisible. Whilst the French 4 term is most appropriate, its frightful example furnishes the strongest admonition against the adoption of its principle. In its application to the United States it would be infinikely more frightful, than in its application to France. The more frightful eftects, would be pro- duced by the greater variety, and stronger oppositions of sectional interests in the United States than in France — all these, need not be specified here. One, however, will be mentioned in illustration. In certain States, slavery is the principle of labour, upon wliich society chiefly depends for its subsistence and prosperity. This principle of labour, is necessarily diffused throughout all the various ramifica- tions of society. In other States, tlie principle of labour is free. — Slavery is not recognised. So far from it, that in some States, there is a blind fanatical prejudice against its existence, accompanied with the most passionate, visionary desires for its extirpation. This fana- ticism is wrought up into a phrensy, which disdains to yield for a moment, even to fate and necessity itself. Nothing is deemed itn- practicable, by this passionate delirium. Could a government, one and indivisible, regulate different socie- ties, founded upon these diflerent principles of labour? Concede it the right of jurisdiction over this subject, and could it for a moment restrain this thoughtless, destructive fanaticism? Could these fana- tical mad caps be brought to think for a moment upon the utter im- practicability, of eradicating one general principle of labour, dif- I'used throughout a whole society ; and substituting a different prin- ciple of labour in its stead? Would famine, the first inevitable consequence of such a mad at- tempt, attended with the certain annihilation of the slaves, avail aught against the phreusy of their officious benefactors? AVould they listen for a moment, to the clearest demonstration, addressed to unbiassed reason; that, eradicating one principle of labour, and substituting another in its stead, is a political problem, that admits of no solution without utter destruction to society? Nothing could slay the phrensy of the delirium. Let then the slave-holding States, be cautious, how they countenance this fanatical doctrine of one and indivisible. But would either the slave-holding or the non-slave- liolding States, consent to cede to the General Government, their right of jurisdiction over the persons of individuals, within their re- spective limits, as to the question of bond or free? If not, then let uU beware of the gilded poison in favour of one grand consolidated "National" Government; of one and indivisible. There are other questions presented by the usurpation of the power, to make Internal Improvements, which the writer thinks, re- quire the most profound consideration, belbrc the rash experiment is consummated — is the jurisdiction of tiie mtniicipal police, over tliese Internal Improvements, when n)ade, to be usurped also? Is such jurisdiction to be exclusive with the General Government? Is it to remain exclusive with the State Governments? Is it to be conc.iirrent with both? These questions will necessarily involve others. Is the jurisdiction over j)crsons, and things, within the limits of the States 'respectively, now with the State Governments respectively; or is it 5 now with the General Government? If with the State Governments, is that power to be usurped alsof Have the States ever given up to the General Government, jurisdiction over the liberty of persons, or over the right of things, iviihin their respective limits'? Or is that juris- diction retained by the States, to be exercised by the State Govern- nienls respectively? Suppose the jurisdiction over the persons of individuals, whilst upon the Internal Improvements, Roads, Canals or any other, be exclusive with the General Government ; what would be its efiects, as to the question of bond, or free, in relation to such individuals? If free, according to the laws of the General Govern- ment; thun the same individual, who might be free, while upon the Internal Improvement, in a slave-holding State, might be bond, when off the Internal Improvement, within the same State, and if bond, 3vhilst upon the Internal Improvement, within a non-slave-holding State, might be free, when off the Internal Improvement, within the same State. If the jurisdiction be exclusive with the State Govern- ments, then the whole of this grand scheme will be subject to the power of such governments respectively. If concurrent, then there might be a direct conflict in the principle of bond, or free, in relation to the same individual at the same time — similar conflicts might ex- ist in relation to things. It is high time the question of jurisdiction, between the Genera! and State Governments, over persons, and things, within the limits of the States respectiveh', should be settled, and ascertained. It would have been better to have been done heretofore. T-he unjust and enormous tariff, makes it important in relation to things — a ques- tion of State taxation depends upon it. If it had been earlier done in relation to persons, tiie electioneering fanatical mischievous dis- cussion concerning the Missouri question, might have been avoided. The writer thought it had been definitely settled b\^ a law of the second of March 1807: as will be seen hereafter. But others se'em to have thought otherwise, or not to have thought at all tipon the sub- ject. It appears to the writer, that the question essentially involved in the proposition for imposing conditions upon Missouri, in the ad- mission of that State into the Union, upon the footing of the original States, was a mere question of jurisdiction between the General and State Governments, over persons, within the limits of the States re- spectively, as to their condition of bond, or free; or in other words, as to the liberty, or slavery of such persons. If so; would the boast- ing free States have been willing to have surrendered such jurisdic- tion to the General Government? Would Pennsylvania, for in- stance, have been willing to surrender to the General Government, the power to decide upon the condition of the coloured people in Philadelphia, as to bond, or free? Would the uninformed, fanatical, intermeddling State of Ohio, have been willing to surrender the same right, in relation to the coloured peo[)le within its limits? If not, then upon every principle of consistency, the members from those States ought to have been the last, to have insisted upon an- -.pexing conditions in the admission of Missouri, asserting the right of jurisdiction in the General Government, over persons, as to bond. or free, witliin the limits of Missouri. The same considerations will apply to every other object of municipal regulation, over the Inter- nal Improvement, when made. This Internal Improvement mania seems to have become general ; and to have swept before it, every thing like dispassionate reflection, and calculation. The incurable disease seems to have arisen from the happy success of the Grand Canal of New York; and so to have infected the administrators of the General Government, as to have determined them, per fas, aut ncfas, to outstrip New York in the glory of canal-making. But it seems to the writer, that New York far from affording an example in favour of the usurpation by the General Government, exhibits at this moment, the strongest case in point against it. It proves, that State Government, to be fully competent to all the purposes of Internal Improvements, without the aid, or intermeddling of the General Government. It completely takes away the plea of necessity as the justification of the usurpation. Governor Clinton, in his splendid mnliifarious message, to the New York Legislature, cuts up, as it would seem to a stranger, the great State of New York into mince meat, by plans for Roads and Canals, the work of a century it would seem in other hands, and yet, he invokes not the aid of the General Government. So far from it, he appears to be alarmed at the General Government's vo- luntary stretching forth its voracious claws, towards the .Grand Ca- nal, already completed. He is already upon the look out for pro- lection, against their apprehended destructive influence. He calls upon the States for a new constitutional provision for that purpose. He recommends the Senate of the United States, as a proper tribu- nal for deciding all questions of jurisdiction between the General nnd State Governments ; w hilst Mr. Clay volunteers his good offices in proposing to refund to New York all expenses incurred in making the Grand Canal. Two consequences would probably result from this oflicious liberality, if accepted. It would produce a grand waste for the proceeds of tlie present unjust enormous tarifl': and aflbrd a pretext tor keeping it on, after every other object for which it was imposed should cease, except the protection of manufactures. The jurisdiction over the Canal, might perhaps be obtained in considera- lion of refunding the costs of making it. Mr. Clay could not in- tend to give above $7,000,000 of the proceeds of the imjiost foi- no- thing. Governor Clinton seems, nevertheless, resolved to shun these meretricious overtures. Other States are also competent to all the objects of Internal Improvements within their own limits. Even within the limits of eacii State, tlicre is room for great seciional in- justice in every jdan for Internal Improvements. This sectional in- justice must increase, in proportion to the extension of the limits of its exercise: and must become intolerable under a system of the General Government; which essentially consists in defraying all the expenses out of the proceeds of the imposts. These proceeds being- paid in one place and expended in another — the writer thinks it would not result from this view of the subject, that in withholding the power of making Internal Improvements from the General Go- vernmeiit, ll)e people did perform their work so ineffably stupid, ns Mr. A. would conceive. Whether or not Mr. A. has not subjected himself to the rebound of this courteous expression, let the sober, reflecting part of the community decide. But Mr. A. not content with this bold doctrine, proceeds to illus- trace it metaphorically. Thus: The first object of human assor'a- tion is the improvement of the condition of the associated. "Roads and Canals are among the most essential means of improving the condition of nations, and a people which should deliberately by the organization of its authorised power deprive itself of the faculty of multiplying its own blessing would be as wise as a creator, who should undertake to constitute a human being without a heart." Mr. A's. first assertion is right in the abstract; wrong in the applica- tion. Now, let Mr. A's creative metaphor be analysed, and applied to the real state of things. The creator in the metaphor is intended to represent the people creating their constitution. The act of con- stituting a human being, the act of constituting their government; the heart of the human being — Internal Improvements. Let then, these various metaphorical allusions be applied to the practical state of facts. When the people undertook to organize their authorised power, or in plain English to make their Federal Constitution, they were di- vided into thirteen distinct States under thirteen distinct governments, loosely bound together by articles of confederation. — Wiien jMr. A. wrote his letter they were under twenty-four distinct State Govern- ments and one General Government; the effect of compact. The people of the thirteen States, finding that some of their more gene- ral interests could not be advantageously managed by distinct State Governments, undertook to establish a government for the better management of such interests. In this undertaking the great con- sideration was, in what manner the distribution of all the governmental powers should be made between the State and General Governments for the purpose of producing the general welfare of the people, then associated in distinct States. The people determined that their wel- fare would be best promoted, by retaining the power of making In- ternal Improvements to ilie States, to be exescised by the State Go- vernments respectively, then thirteen, now twenty-four; and accord- ingly did so. Here then are twenty-four States each invested with the power of making Internal Improvements within its owti limits. This power of Internal Improvements is represented in the metaphor, by the heart of the human being proposed to be created. Could any thing be more " ineffably stupid," than to tear out the hearts of twenty-four human beings, already grown to full maniiood, and crowd them into the bosom of one human being? Tiie twenty- four human beings in that ease would necessarily be destroyed by ra- dical depletion: The one human being by redundant plethora. Mr. A. has doubtlessly heard of the disease of the perturbation of the heart. This sometinies happens when one heart is allotted to one human being. What then must be the effect of crowding twenty- four thumpers, into one human bosom ! i The application of thi?* analytical illustration of ]Mr. A's, own metaphor, to the actual eon- 8 ciilioii of tlie political histitutioris of the United States is most re- spectfully submitted to himself, and to every other political Solomoii- VERBUM SAT SAP. NO. II. GOVERNOR CLINTON'S MAGNIFICENT MESSAGE, OR, THE GRAND POLITICAL KALEIDESCOPE. Upon reading this magnificent multifarious message, a grand glit- fering kaleidescope appeared to the imaginary view of the writer, without a mental effort on his part; although he had neither seen nor heard of one for several years before. The writer could not account for this involuntary intrusion upon his imagination in any other way, than by presuming that the magnificent multifarious mes- sage, was a just and striking emblem of a grand kaleidescope, decked within with all its infinitely variegated brilliants. In the contemplation of this splendid enciianting scene, every political peb- ble in the great State of New York, even to its remotest corner, seemed to be polished with prismatic glitter; and when the Grand Canal was ushered into view, with its full share of prismatic splendor, its effect alone was exquisitely fascinating; but the congregated as- semblage of the whole group of political brilliants, exhibited a spec- tacle too grand, too glittering, too sublime, too felicitous, too en- chanting, for the imagination to conceive, or for the pen to describe. Happy people of New York, to be overspread in every nook and corner of the great State, with so many glittering political blessings! Thrice happy in the sweet recollection, that they are all effects of the exclusive exertions, and the successful experiments of State in- stitutions;* that they have been all achieved by the wisdom and ex- *NoTE. — "Happy people of New York, to be overspread, in every nook and corner of the great State, with so many glittering political blessings!! Thrice happy, in the sweet recollection, that they aix' all ell'ecfs of the exclusive exertions, and the successful ex- periments of Slate institutions!!!" The writer could not envy the people of New York, the enjoyment of all these glittering political blessings ; if without one particle of alloy. So far from it, he \vould participate in their enjoyment, by the sincerest sympathy. But in the estimation of the writer, there is alloy enough in the po- litical condition of New York, to neutralise all these brilliant bles- sings. The principle of general suffrage, proposed to be still more general ; and to extend its influence to the election of more ofiicers. A State Bank capital of $25,000,000 exclusive of the United States Bank capital. Judgment bonds — land subjected to executions — corporations as well of banks, as others, almost numberless, &sc. &tc. Heavy buriiiens upon allj who are not partakers in their plunders. erlions of their own sages, without the intrusive helping hand of tlie now courteously yclepped "national government" with its des- tructive "centripetal" tendencies. In the view of the writer, this is the brilliant of the most precious and intrinsic value. This is the true diamond which disdains to borrow one particle of artificial pris- matic ornament. In its own essence, is its own enchanting brillian- cy. In its own excellence, is its own precious value. This preci- ous diamond, is, when unadorned, sometimes called " State Rights,^' and sometimes, "the federative principle;" and "needs not the bor- rowed aid of foreign ornament, but is, "when unadorned, the most adorned." This tnost precious gem of this most magnificent mes- sage, has feasted the eyes, and fascinated the heart of the writer. It has exhilarated his drooping spirits, and inspired him with the follow- In the opinion of the writer, no political system ever was devised, better calculated to give fraud, and cunning advantages over honest productive labor. The writer has no doubt, but its eflects will be seen in perpetually ousting industrious, unsuspicious farmers of their farms, in any stage of their crops; and in any condition of their fa- milies ; and in cheating honest industry generally out of the pro- ceeds of its labor. In regard to the principle of general sufi'rage, when extended to the election of all Slate ofiicers, legislative, exe- cutive, judicial, ministerial, and military, waiving all other objections founded on both reason, and experience, the writer would inquire ; what would be the amount of taxes required for its execution, in morals, in time, in labor, and in whiskey? How many election days for the execution of this electoral principle would be necessary in the year.'' How much whiskey would be expended on each election day-f* How much would be expended in intrigues, and cabals, for the necessary preparatory qualifications to exercise the inestimable elec- tive franchise to the best advantages'? Upon a moderate allowance of every election day, for getting drunk; and two days afterwards for getting sober, there would be almost, as great a waste of labor, and a greater waste of whiskey and of morals, than is required by the ceremonials of the Catholic Church in Mexico. — There the Priests require, one third of the year, for holy days ; or more pro- perly speaking; Priests' days. In New York, perhaps nearly, as many, would be required for the due exercise of the great constitu- tional elective franchise by men of all colors. White men — red men— yellow men — black men, &ic. [See Mr. Rufus King's speech in the New York Convention.] This great political blessing, in its practical effects, is nearly as detrimental to productive labor ; and more injurious to individual morals, than the church discipline of Mexico. The practical difference is more in form than in sub- stance. — Priests are the holy instruments in the one case. Dema- gogues, the political instruments, in the other. Both love the peo- ple ; and do all for the people's good. The Priests save their souls. The Demagogues their votes, and both pick their pockets. Poor deluded people! ! ! Doomed to be plundered, under every form of government ! ! ! 2 • . - io ing reflections, to whicli lie most earnestly solicits the protound at- teniion hf all reflecting men, of all parties in the United States. If all these political blessings have been acliieved for New York, by State institutions alone, can the people of that great State be prepared to exchange these institntions, for one grand consolidated "national" government? To thro\y their most precious pearls be- fore swine of distant regions ? It cannot bt. Can there be better evidence of the inestimable benefits of State institutions, than the brilliant picture Governor Clinton's message exhibits? Can there be better evidence of the inevitable necessity for the preservation of "Slate Rights," or "the federative principle," in the complicated political system of the United States? Why, then, in the full tide . of the most successftd experiments, is nothing heard of in the fashionable political world, but one splendid consolidated "national" government? After the United States had been resounding for nearly half a century, with the grand discovery of the federative, connected with the electoral principle, and proclaiming it to the world as the great panacea of human happiness; after it had been sounded and re-sounded amongst ourselves, and boasted, and bla- zoned abroad, that the federative principle could bind together the most extended countries, the most populous nations, the most oppo- site interests, and the greatest variety of human pursuits; so as to secure man in the enjoyments of all his political, civil, and religious rights, against the consolidated despotism of his fellow man; to abandon the principle at once, without injury, without complaint, without cause, witliout pretext, in llje midst of every political bles- sing; boasting and gasconading, still cannot Jbe short of another wonder of the world!!! Nay, more!! The greatest wonder of the world! ! ! This is not all. By whom, is this whimsical caprici- ous abandonment about to be made? By Monarchists? Oh, no! ! By Fedf'ralists ? Oh, no ! ! By Republicans? OIj, no! ! But by De- mocrats. — By exclusive patriots — by friends of the people — by lovers of the people — by relief schemers — by national madcaps ! ! * Could it have been anticipated at the time of the change of the Federal for the Republican dynasty in 1800; and until 1816, that a set of up- ^ — - *. As one strong evidence of the immoral tendencies of the politica schemers of New York, and their injurious eflects upon society, it has been ascertained, that, in 1827, there were confined in their se- veral Penitentiary and correctional establishments, above thirteen hundred convicts, out of a population somewhat exceeding one mil- lion three hundred thousand souls ; when at the same time, the con- victs in the Virginia Penitentiary, were less than HO, out of a white population, exceeding six hundred and sixty thousand souls. * "National madcaps." The writer believes; that a new party is rising up in the United States; whose object is, to change the Federal, into a National Government. By the term "national mad caps," he means to designate this new party, both inns and outs, and none others. The writer thinks it a mad attempt. li start politicians, who during all this time, could define the precise limits of the granted powers, even to the splitting of a hair, would come forth in the open day, before the year 1825, and at once in ef- fect, sponge oft' every limitation upon the powers specified in the Constitution? Laugh to scorn the federative principle? Substitute the principle of "one and indivisible" in its stead ; and, in its con- sequences, abandon altogether the Republican principle itself! ! ! If the Federal Government be the first to abandon the federative prin- ciple, and consequentially the Republican principle itself, what is to become of the boasted moral influence over ourselves, over all na- tions, and all other individuals, of this grand discovery in political science ? Can it be enforced or even preserved by egotistic boast- ings amongst ourselves ? and by contemptuous reproaches, and law- less intermeddiings in the affairs of others? By an insatiable thirst for territory, already boundless in effect? By looking out for the acquisition of little sheets of land in the midst of the ocean for an extension of jurisdiction? By substituting municipal, for interna- tional law? and thus setting at defiance the rights of all other civi- lized nations on the face of the whole globe, and by vain, weak, su- perstitious, and presumptuous intermeddiings in the affairs of others. Let, then, eve-i-y sober reflecting American, who still retains his affec- tions for the fundamental institutions of his country, look steadily at the delirious ambition, and destructive spoliations of these "national" mad caps at home ? Let him look at the contemptuous taunts, the gas- conading threats, and the lawless intermeddiings abroad, and then ask himself, whether these things ought longer to be endured? Whether they ought not to be frowned down by a just, high-minded and honorable people ? In relation to home affairs, notwithstanding the present mania for Jnternal Improvements, evanescent, it is hoped, as it regards the General Government, which has seized upon the unthinking visionary portion of the people ; the writer thinks, that if the question of granting that power to the Federal Governments even at this frantic inauspicious moment, were brought before the State Governments, and presented singly and directly to their con- sideration, there is not one State Government in the Union could be induced to sanction it — more especially, if it is to be followed up by the grant of an exclusive, co-extensive jurisdiction ; and sure he is, that if such a grant had been proposed at the time of the adoption of the Constitution of the United States, by the respective Stales, it would have produced its instant and unanimous rejection. In re- gard to "national" jurisdiction over Internal Improvements, what will be said of those advocates for it, if any there be, who have al- ready battered down the court of the last resort in Kentucky? and seek to batter down, or at least to cripple the jurisdiction of the Su- preme Court of the United States? Are they prepared for the counteraction of their own views by the extension of the national judiciary, already quite unmanageable ? Are they prepared for the creation of national justices of the peace, with the necessary minis- terial officers along the whole extent of the proposed Internal Im- provements, for the purpose gf enforcing the national municipal po.- 12 lice thereupon? From Wasiiington to New Orleans, and every nliere else that the wandering iniaginations of the "national'' mad- caps may lead tliem? This can liardly be presumed. But even if it were, it would not be more absurd nor inconsistent, than a thou- sand other frantic fashionable political schemers. What says the Constitution upon the subject of exclusive jurisdiction ? "To ex- ercise exclusive legislation in all cases A\hatsoever, over such Dis- trict (not exceeding ten miles square) as may, by cession of particu- lar States, and the acceptance of Congress, become the seat of the government of the United States, and to exercise the like authority over all places purchased by the consent of the Legislature of the State, in which the same shall be, for the erection of Forts, JMaga- zines, Arsenals, Dock Yards, and other needful buildings." It must be presumed; that in this clause, exclusive legislation was authoris- ed to the full extent it was intended to be granted. It particularises "Forts," "Magazines," "Arsenals," "Dock Yards," and finally descends to " other needful buildings." Yet not one word is said about exclusive legislation over "Roads," and "Canals." Indeed, neither the word "Road," except as connected with the Post Office Establishment, nor "Canal," nor the words "Internal Improve- ments," are to be found in the whole instrument. How then can the power over either, be inferred ? How can exclusive legislation Ije exercised over either? But the clause contains conclusive evi- dence against the intention to grant either. The jurists say, expres- sio unius, exclusio aherius ; a fortiori, expressio inferioris, exclusio niajoris. The writer has not yet seen any direct claim to exclusive legisla- tion avowed. He believes the bill from the House of Representa- tives before the Senate, for punishing offences against the United States, sets up no pretension to exclusive legislation over the Cum- berland Road. — But will it not become necessary, upon the exten- sion of Internal Improvements? Can it be believed; that the fra- mers of tlic Constitution, who descended to such minute particu- larities in granting exclusive legislation over all places, in which its exercise was deemed necessary, would leave out ten thousand times a larger space where it must have been deemed equally necessary, if intended to have been granted at all, over such omitted space ? Can better evidence be required, incontesiably to prove, it was not inten- ded to have been granted? Could the power itself have been in- tended to have been granted, without also expressly granting the ex- clusive jurisdiction, which was essential to the execution of such, power? Whence then, is either the power, or jurisdiction to be de- rived ? jMost certainly, not from any provision in the Constitution ; and of course, it must be, from usurpation. In regard to afl^iirs abroad, it must appear, to even casual observ- ers, that the boasted moral influence of the fundamental laws of the United States, is rapidly abatiui.';. The nations of Europe seem to stand amazed, at the new-fangled pretensions, and monstrous intru- sions set up by the " national" mad caps. From the time of the military occupation of Amelia Island, a lawless act of despotism, as 13 i\te writer thinks, unsurpassed I)y the act of any autocrat upon the globe — from the time of the affected crusade against the Seminole land bandits, believed to be about three hundred; accompanied with the most ferocious atrocities, unsanctioned by the laws of God, or man, in the opinion of the writer, but sanctioned by instruc- tions from our own administration, and which terminated in the mili- tary occupation of Pensacola, the Seminole land bandits being dis- regarded, and almost forgotten. From the time of throwing the gauntlet against all Europe in relation to the South American States. From the time of the bombastic intermeddling in Greek affairs; when Mr. Speaker Clay, in a threatening, gasconading tone, un- sheathed one million of glittering American bayonets, in terror, to astonished Europe, &tc. the moral influence of American institution- al principles has evidently been rapidly retrogading. Great Britain herself, although stimulated by the strongest retali.atory, political, and by the most tempting commercial interests, was induced to stand aioof for a long time in relation to the adventure of the recognition of the Mexican, and the South American States ; (now most fortu- nately recognized by Great Britain) and stands uncommitted to this day, as far as is known to the public, in the throw of the gauntlet against all Europe. Even the sympathetic British radicals, seem to have been astounded at the presumptuous Greek adventure. What then must be expected from the deliberate effort, to establish munici- pal blockades ? to interpolate a new-fangled principle into the laws of nations, and to execute it by force, without the consent of any nation? and against the rights of all nations.'' To place Great Bri- tain — to place France — to place all the world, under its subjection. In quest of water bandits, to proclaim a new order of pirates to the world, called '■'■land pirates,'''' and to authorise their seizure upon land ; regardless of the impossibility of distinguishing by legal evi- dence, when once out of view from fresh pursuit, " land pirates, ^^ from other landsmen.'' — From land planters, land gentlemen, or lan-d labourers*.^ Are not these, and many other outrageous acts of the "national" mad caps, both in relation to internal, and external af- * "In quest of ivater bandits, to proclaim a nevv order of pirates to the world, called "land pirates;" and to authorise their seizure upon land, regardless of the impossibility of distinguishing by legal evidence, when once out of view from fresh pursuit, " land pirates, from other landsmen. — From land gentlemen, or land labourers." The writer, "albeit unused to the pvffmg mood," is ever delighted with rendering deserved praise. With great pleasure, he presents iiis thanks to Mr. Tazewell from the bottom of his heart for his able, and eloquent speech, upon the bill for the suppression of piracy. It has inspired new hopes. He is delighted to see the old genuine \irginian morals once more revived. Sound principles, and good morals once more introduced into the administration; and the Con- stitution may yet be safe. But the writer doubts, whether Mr, Tazewell's zeal, has not carried him too far. He therefore takes the liberty, most respectfully, of requesting Mr. Tazewell's candid, and lairs, sufficient to deinaiid the most serious utteiilioii of all sober re- flecting men of all parties? The whole of whose doctrines are now put at nought, and set at defiance. Why cannot these national mad caps, be content in the enjoyment of their rightful political blessings at home ? Why all this restlessness, all this intermeddling both at home, and abroad? More, much more, miglit be said in a review of these momentous subjects, as the writer conceives them to be; but it is not the writer's intention to go into minute illustrations. His great object is, to call into action the devoted attention, and pro- found reflection of others, merely to sketch an outline view ; and by avoiding details, to exhibit to the public consideration, if he can, MULTUM IN PARVO, February 15, 1825. liberal review of the following extract from his oratorical, luminous, and unanswerable speech : " I have no doubt, Sir, on this subject of fresh pursuit: a pirate is an outlaw, a beast of prey; wherever you find him, you liave a, right to pursue and slay him. For my part, I don't care wliether the pursuit is fresh or not; I believe you may lawfully go any where he unlawfully is. You may take him, condemn him, and after you bave condemned him, I would not pardon him. If, in this pursuit, you find any one aflbrding him refuge, giving him aid or comfort, you are at liberty to attack liim also; he is an accessary both before and after the fact, a parlicejis crimiiiis, and must take the consequen- ces of his guilt." Mr. Tazewell confounds the distinction between fresh and stale pursuit. The writer thinks the distinction all important to the doc- trine of ''fresh pursuit.'' "Fresh pursuit" implies continued view. If the view be once lost, the pursuit is not " fresh," and ought to be discontinued. How could the person of the pirate be identified, after once out of view? By what evidence could the just and ne- cessary discrimination be made, between the innocent and the guilty ? Surely this discrimination could not be trusted to the pursuers ? Men acting under the potent influence of the most angry, ungovern- able passions, with arms in their hands to execute vengeance upon the detested objects of pursuit? Who could be found innocent by such triers? But the circumstance, most worthy of remark in this new device for suppressing "land pirates," consists of its connection with another proposition in the bill, offering a premium for all pi- rates, land, or water, who should be caught, and hung. 15 NO. III. The contrast, or Governor Pleasants'' s quiescent Message — Governor Pleasantsh Message is in strict contrast with Governor Clinton^s. It has none of the properties of the grand political Kaleidescope. It has nothing within to feast the eye, nor to felicitate the heart. It is quiescent. It is memorable, not for its contents, but for its non- contents. For several years past, Virginia has been protesting against the centripetal tendencies of the projects of the General Go- vernment. Conscious of the rectitude of her morals: Certain in her expositions of the Federal constitution: Unseduced by the blan- dishments of tempting interests — Virginia stood upon the watch- tower, and undismayed, warned her sister State Governments against the actual and meditated usurpations of the General Government. Until now, Virginia had not received any kindly sympathetic re- sponses, to these prophetic warnings. Her voice, however, was not unheard, nor her warnings disregarded. In spile of prejudices, pur- posely excited, her undeviating morals and sound principles gave res- pect to her prophetic alarms. At the last session of Congress, all the preliminary efforts for usurping the power of making internal im- provements and protecting manufactures, by increasing the already enormous tariff, were consummated; accompanied too, with avowed principles, which, in the opinion of the writer, struck at the foudation of the federative principle and of all State Rights, and if acted up- on in future, would deprive the State Governments of their last spark of vital energy. Some of these principles are not less despotic and far more injurious, than the avowed principles of any known des- pot upon earth. What principle is, or can be, more despotic than intermeddling in the established and settled occupations of society? In driving laborers by oppression from one occupation, to take shel- ter in another.'' What can be more injurious, what can be more un- just, than taking away from one, and giving to another.'' What can be more unprincipled than sectional bargainings, for sectional plun- derings.f' Yet this is said to have been one of the means resorted to, for effecting the ends of despotism. If so, the worst of the Roman tyrants never did worse; and the more improved modern autocrats would be ashamed, if not of such tyrann}', at least of such folly and injustice. Is such a crisis to silence Virginia.'* to put down Virgin- ian morals and Virginian principles.'' Forbid it every noble Virgin- ian sentiment!! Why should Virginia become quiescent? Why should she succumb.'* Why send in her adhesion.'' Is it because she has become convinced of her error .f* Unfortunate conviction!; Just at the moment when others have become convinced of her truth!! Is it because she has not the means to do herself justice.'' Unfortunate mistake!! She has abundant means in her own hands, and in the hands of others, associated with her in injury, in feeling, and in interest. How much then, is it to be lamented that Governor Pleasants did not call upon the General Assembly to persevere in Virginia's right- 16 fill resistance a little longer? If he had done so, he would now have found a potent auxilary in Governor Clinton — and doubtlessly soon, in every State government in the Union. His unfortunate recession, has placed Governor Clinton in the front rank in the glorious work of saving the federative principle!! of saving State Rights; in bet- ter hands it could not be placed ; whilst Governor Pleasants must take his place as an auxiliary. New York takes the front rank in this great work — Virginia Ibllows in her wake. Is it not then, much to be lamented, that Governor Pleasants did not come forth in a manly style, expose to the General Assembly the usurpation of the General Government over the power of making Internal Improve- ments; and call for a solemn protest against it? That he did not call for retaliatory measures against the unjust increase of the enor- mous tariff? If he had done so, there cannot be a doubt, but that he would have found a hearty co-operation in all the southern and south-western States. These States deeply feel this sectional injus- tice, and are prepared to do themselves retaliatory justice; and can the success of such retaliation be doubted? What must be the in- evitable consequences of a tax upon all animals on foot, and their drovers, and upon domestic manufactures, when brought within the limits of the plundered States respectively? Let the plundered States, for example, lay a tax upon Kentucky hogs and their drovers, and where would Kentucky find another market? There is none other. She must then, either keep her hogs at home, or pay the duty. In the one case, she would have, to use her own phraseology, hog and hominy enough, excellent articles when wanted, but of little worth when not wanted ; but she would then be almost without mo- ney. In the other, it would exhaust all her little cash to pay the tax. In either case, she would be made to feel the retaliatory effects of her beloved tariff; of her darling scheme for encouraging "Nation- al Industry." One inevitable consequence of this dilemma, would be such an uproar amongst the multitude on the Kentucky side of the line, that the sturdy popularity of the champions of this relief scheme, would probably be borne down by the torrent. Mr, Clay has been so much delighted, and so busily engaged in the singular employment of grinding farmers and planters into mechanics, that, in the judgment of the writer, he has either overlooked, or disre- garded the true local interests of Kentuck}^ He has stated a fact, in debating on the Cumberland Road, this session of Congress, which ought, in his sober reflections, to have admonished him against putting the Kentucky market at the pleasure of the injured and in- sulted Atlantic States — to wit : That the Atlantic market was more important to Kentucky, than the Mississippi market. In either case, however, the market is hazarded. But the essential interests of Kentucky, are against a high tarilf at all times.* Kentucky manu- *NoTE. "Kentucky manufactin*es but little for exportation, and never can manufacture much. — Her political institutions are at open war witii every system of manufacturing for exportion." The la- borers of Kentucky have upon their own shoulders, the momentous 17 factures bat little for exportation, and never can manufacture mucli. Her political institutions are at open war with every system of man- ufacturing for exportation: and the tariff has no effect upon house- hold manufactures for family consumption. — Nor could a counter- vailing tax upon manutactures, fail of success. If the States of Virginia, North and South Carolina, Georgia, Tennessee, Alabama, Mississippi, and Louisiana, were to unite in such a tax, where would domestic manufactures find a market ? To the South American States they would look in vain. There they would meet British competition. To Mexico they would look in vain; there they would find a British preference. British subjects are already in the mines. British agents in the Cabinet — whilst the United States have no minister there. Why or wherefore, cannot be conceived. Surely it cannot be out of compli- ment to N. Edwards, the cidevant renegado minister, with $'1 1,000 of public money in his pocket. Domestic manufactures would then be concerns of governing themselves, and others. They are perpetu- ally called off from their labor, to exercise the glorious elective fran- chise, or to qualify themselves to do so, by frolicks, and due potati- ons of whiskey. These laborers, it is true, have other rights; but they are deemed of little worth, in comparison with the glorious elective franchise. They have the right to labor. They have the right to the proceeds of their labor. These rights are found more useful, and beneficial to themselves, to their families, and to their country; but they are less dignified, and delectable in their exercise. They must, of course, always give place. In Great Britain, Mr. Clay's great manufacturing prototype, the operating artisan, is strictly drilled upon the true mechanical princi- ple — division of labor. His mind is not indulged with the range of two ideas ; nor his body with two varieties of action. He is strictly drilled to a single incessant effort of mind and body. At this, he toils all day, and night too, if required; and when his toil is ended, he is allowed of the proceeds thereof, barely enough to af- ford him a scanty subsistence of the coarsest fare; and a scanty co- vering of the coarsest materials. All the rest of his hard earnings are taken care of by his blessed benefactors — his employer — his king — his priest. — He is never drawn from his incessant uniform toil to exercise the glorious elective franchise, nor to whiskey frolicksi, by way of due preparation thereto. Even if disease overtakes him, his only solace, and refuge, is a poor house. The most wretched doom, of the most miserable wretches. In a competition for the profits of manufactures there is a fright- ful odds, between the Kentucky whiskey drinking politicians, and the regularly drilled British artisan. If Mr. Clay wishes to dignify Kentucky with the appellation, of a manufacturing State, he must correct this irresistible political ten- dency against it; and invent some improved drilling for the operat- ing artisan. . Tariffs will not do. What a blessing to Kentucky, to add to her pfpseut host of law-givers, a new host of wretched artisans." 3 18 without a market, or wliat would amount to the same thing; would meet ivitli a fair British competition in the market. But two questions arc made against these measures— 1st, They would endanger the Union — 2d, They would be repugnant to the Constitution. They would not be repugnant to the Constitution. They would preserve both the Union and the Constitution. The way to save the Union, is not to yield to sec- tional bargainings, but manfully to resist them. Good morals and sound principles, supported by unyielding resistance, never will dis- solve the Union. Sectional bargainings and sectional plundering^ Ought, and will dissolve the Union, even if it were made of adamant. In the administration of a written Constitution, ignorance and vice will corrode and destroy the most durable parchment; whilst wisdom and virtue will preserve and render it eternal. But infinitely better dis- solve tile Union, lamentable as it would be, than submit to sectional plunderings at the avaricious whims of the plunderers. Fortunately for the plundered States, they would have nothing to fear, if insatia- ble cupiditN' were to drive the plunderers to that extremity. The plunderers are the commercial and manufacturing rivals of all the commercial and manufacturing States of Europe. The plun- dered States are the best commercial customers of all; the rivals of none. The plunderers knew well how to apply the moral, and how to dread it. As it regards the Constitutional question, it is resolved into this: Have the State governments jurisdiction over persons and things within their limits respectively.^ or is the jurisdiction with the General Government? These questions would be tested with per- fect certainty by the inquiries; under what jurisdiction is the pro- tection of persons and things, within the limits of the respective States? If injured, to what jurisdiction do they resort for redress? Surely to State tribunals of justice. As protection and allegiance in relation to persons, and protection and contribution, in relation to things, are correlative, State jurisdiction becomes a necessary conse- quence. But this question has been most deliberately settled, by a Legislative interpretation of the Constitution, made by Congress on the second of March, 1807; attended with every circumstance, vvhicii could give the most solemn and certain sanction to precedent. No further inquiry will be here made respecting that great funda- mental principle. It deserves, and shall receive a separate and distinct consideration. In the centripetal tendencies and medita- ted usurpations of the General Government, will be found the battle-ground between the General and Slate Governments. So long as the State Governments shall retain their jurisdiction over persons and things, within their respective limits, they will retain their existence. The moment this is usurped by the General Government, ) and abandoned by the State Governments, their existence would not be worth preserving. These are the great essentials of tiieir power, and never can be surrendered, but with liie surrender of all their other corporate powers. How much then is it to be lamented, that at this cri- tical moment, Virginia, in appearance at least, should have sent in her adhesion to these destructive usurpations. But it is not yet too late for the plundered States to do themselves retaliatory justice. Let 19 Governor Pleasants then, be prepared with firm and dignified expo- sitions of the outrage practised upon the Constitution, by the usui*- pation of the power of making Internal Improvements. Let liim sound the feelings and opinions of the plundered States, and be pre- pared at the next meeting of the General Assembly, to act as occa- sion may require. This course is called for at this moment, b^^ the most imposing and imperious considerations. Every unjaundiced eye must see, tliat as the period for the final discharge of the public debt approaches, the manufacturing schemers, are upon the alert, to find out pretexts for keeping up the tarifi' to its highest pitch. The writer thinks they never will abandon it with- out compulsion or re-action. They will keep it up, if they can, for the illegitimate purpose of protecting manufactures, after every legi- timate object for which it was imposed, shall have ceased. They never will consent, that manufactures shall be left to take theh' equal natural stand, witli the other occupations of society'. Indeed, how- ever low the tariff may be reduced, manufactures must still be fa- ^ voured to the full extent, to which it may finally be fixed. One in- evitable effect of this state of things is, that the manufacturing in- terest is now at actual war, against every other interest in society. This is always one injurious efiect of unjust favouritism, shewn to one occupation over others ; and constitutes one of the greatest ob- jections to such unwise, visionary, delusive schemes. From the pe- culiar political condition of this country, at this time, this belligerent effect is peculiarly striking and impressive. Let the truth of this re- mark be tested by several illustrative inquiries? Suppose a question of war or peace, should arise, would not war be the interest of man- ufacturers? Would not peace be the interest of all other occupa- tions? Suppose a question of increasing, or decreasing the public debt; would not the increase be the interest of the manufacturers? Would not the decrease, be the interest of all other occupations? Suppose a question; whether all the money in the treasury should, or should not be squandered amongst unprincipled parasites, and fa- vourites; sinecures for ex-presidenis, ex-vice presidents, and other high ex-officers; would it not be the interest of the manufacturers to make the squandering? Nay, to make it to the greatest possible ex- tent? V/ould it not be the interest of all other occupations, not to make the unprincipled squandering at all? and at least, to confine it within its smallest limits? Suppose a question ; whether or not, at the grand annual exhibition of American manufactures, at Wash- ington, blazoned forth, as proof positive, of the "national" wealth and prosperity, with the view of dazzling and deluding the unthink- ing, and visionary, all the surplus money in the treasury, should, in grand procession, be taken to the Potomac bridge, and thrown into the majestic Potomac itself, as a solemn propitiatory sacrifice to the Gods, for the success of "national industry;*' would it not be the interest, nay, the glory, of the manufacturers, to cause the splendid, costly propitiation, worthy of the Gods themselves, to be made ? Would it not be the interest of all other occupations, that this costly .Heathenish rite should be dispensed with? Suppose a question, foi' a grand Inaugural Roman Aqueduct; would not the result be the same? Other illustrative inquiries might be made, but these are suf- ficient to shew, that the more squandering, the more protection. The higher the tarifl", the greater the protecting fund. The more tarill' other occupations pay, the more protection the manufacturers receive ; and demonstrably proves, that war is now waging in disguise, by the manufacturing, against all other occupations. This unwise, barbarous, unjust, despotic policy, more unsuited to the political condition and institutions of the United States, than to those of an}' other country in the world, after a full experience of its mischievous tendencies, is about to be discarded every where, except in the United States, the last place in the world where it ought ever to liave existed. Particularly is this the case in Great Britain; whose fexample has been urged with too much success, and with too little understanding, for its introduction into the United States. Great Britain has already denounced the principle; discarded it in prac- tice, as far as she could ; and probably will shortly eradicate the last mischievous vestige of it, by the abrogation of her corn laws altogether; whilst the government of the United States, as the public debt diminishes, and of course, the occasion for reve- nue diminishes, acting in direct inversion of all common justice, and common sense, proportionally increases the tariff, as an artifici- al, arbitrary stimulus to manufactures; when, too, certain parts of the country pay, and certain other parts receive, the unhallowed pro- ceeds of this governmental iniquity. It is in vain for President Monroe to tell the people, in his IVIessage, that he has greatly re- duced the public debt, without any burthens whatever, upon the peo- ple. It is in vain for President Adams to say in his Inaugural Speech, "all the purposes of human associations, have been accom- plished, as effectually, as under any other government on the globe; and at cost, little exceeding in a whole generation, the expenditui'e of other nations in a single year." The Treasury report lells very different tales: To say nothing of State expenditures. The tariffs are enormously high, and the money paid under them, although not seen, is as burthensome to the payers, as if it were seen. Its invio- lability eludes tlic attentions of the payer; but it cannot elude the payment. A thousand other considerations might be mentioned, to call Governor Pleasants into action — all of these will be avoided; except one, which cannot be. The writer thinks it due lo the hon- orable, dignified stand made by the Virginian delegation in Con- gress, against these wrongs and usurpations, that the State should be called upon to give the members its best and firmest support. Vir- ginia would be delighted to honor their morals, and support their principles. The writer well knows Governor Pleasants' real worth — his amiable philanthropic disposition; but Governor Pleasants should never cease to recollect, that philanthropy herself, is often compelled to weep over the deplorable effects of a spirit of submissi- on to injury and insult, when too much indulged, b}' its own solici- tude to avoid the very effects it deprecates and produces. A memo- rable example will be givep, in Governor Pleasants's great proto- 21 tvpe, the philosopher, and philanthrophist, Mr. Jeflerson : whom we all delight to honor. In the years 1808, 1809, when the United States were suffering under British orders, and French edicts; Mr. J. Avas urged to make a just and equal proposition to both the belligerents, to revoke their, hostile edicts respectively, and to pledge the United States, that in case of the acceptance of the proposition by the one and the rejec- tion by the other, to issue letters of marque, and reprisal against the rejecting nation. Mr. J. could not be prevailed upon to adopt this measure, so imperiously demanded by the crisis, and peculiarly fitted to, the occasion. He would not do any thing, which would even seem to tend to produce the shedding of one drop of human blood. At length, the Senate resolved to press the measure upon him by re- ducing it to the form of law; and passed a bill containing a provi- sion to that effect. The measure put Mr. J's friends in the House of Representatives into an uproar; and out went this provision. — Mr. J., nevertheless, being charged by his opponents with a design of involving the United States into a war with Great Britain ; the following defence was then made for him against the extraordinary charge : "No, Sir, this suggestion of insincerity is nothing more, than a miserable delusive vision; a mere catch of the human mind, to in- dulge itself in its own passions and prejudices, when there is no jus- tification, that can be derived from more substantial considerations. It is the result of a forced suspicion, from the want of some docu- ment or paper, as a justification for the indulgence of these unfor- tunate passions. Observe, too, the inconsistencies and absurd con- tradictions of gentlemen, labouring under the influence of these pas- sions. In the same breath, Sir, they accuse the President of such a devotion to a vain philanthrophy and speculative philosopl»y, as to dis- qualify him for the rugged duties of a politician; and of an insince- rity in conducting our foreign relations, with a view of involving the United States in war, in direct opposition to the habitual and domi- nant passions of his mind. No, Sir, the President is the lover of peace, and I fear, that his amiable and anxious solicitude to preserve it, may have had some tendency towards rendering war indispensable." The proposition was rejected — war came — and never was war more miserably conducted!!* — Well might philanthropy weep over the scenes, which ensued ! ! — Well might all the cardinal virtues at- tend her, as sympathetic mourners ! ! ! Thousands slain — millions squandered. Not a military enterprise projected worthy of the power and dignity of the United States. — *NoTE. — "The proposition was rejected — war came." The wri- ter does not mean to say, that war was the consequence of the rejec- tion of the proposition for letters of marque, and reprisal. That is a point rendered inscrutable by the rejection itself. Nor is any cen- sure intended. All he means to say, is, that the rejection did not prevent war. Nor will submission to sectional bargainings, for sec- tional plunderings, save the Union nor the Constitution. 22 Wortii}' one million of American bayonets. No conquest achlevecl — a mere border-war — with cruel, miserable, "national" duel-fight- ing. The combatants freely pouring forth their precious blood with heroic chivah-y, without an object and without eflect. The battle won, or lost, like personal duels, settled nothing. Whilst streams of the best blood of the country flowed in vain. The war at length became defensive — scenes still more lamentable and disgraceful fol- lowed. The country pillaged — cities sacked — Washington sacked and burnt!!! Here the pencil drops in shame!! ! Finally, one great object of the war abandoned. Instead of all these lamented scenes, the Declaration of war, could and ought to have been first proclaim- ed from the walls of Quebeck. Let Governor Pleasants then stand firm and undismayed. Let him look steadily at this instructive, de- plorable example. Let him look steadily at the present crisis.— Ponder well and apply the moral. March, 1825. To the Editors of the Richmond Enquirer. GeNTLExMEN, Having seen in the National Intelligencer, re-published from the National Gazette, a communication from the Honorable Mr. Lloyd, containing some strictures upon certain expressions contain- ed in my letter of the 5tli of January, 1809, addressed to Mr. Adams; and being informed, that you intended to re-publish it, I ask the fa- vor of you to accompany it with the following cotemporaneous ex- planation : — From my knowledge of Mr. Lloyd's punctilious delicacy of feel- ing, I was apprehensive, that he might draw inferences from some of the expressions quoted by him, not in strict unison with that peculiar delicacy; and I regretted the publication of that part of my letter, solely upon that ground. — In other respects, I was gratified with Mr. Adams' publication of my part of the forgotten correspondence — and I lake this occasion, publicly to inform Mr. Adams, that I con- ceive his publication of my letters to him, without his to me, is only doing me an act of half justice — and that complete justice cannot be done, without also publishing his letters to me. — I regret, it has become necessary for me again to remind Mr. Adams, that after the course he had taken, first, in the disclosure made by him in his au- thorised expose — second, in reading his part of the correspondence to his subservient Editors, leaving them free to make their own com- mentaries upon it — and third, in giving publicity to my letters, and withholding his own, that an act of justice is still due to i)imself, and 1 conceive his own honor essentially implicated in the transaction. Besides, I regret to remind Mr. Adams further, that he has, by this extraordinary course of conduct, placed himself under an irresistible obligation, as I conceive, to the American people, to give publicitv 23 to his part of the correspondence, so that the public may understand- ingly rorm a just estimate of its whole contents, without which, no such correct estimate can be formed. It should be recollected, that Mr. Lloyd first took his seat in the Senate on the 7th November, 1808 ; and that my letter to Mr. Adams bears date the 5th January, 1809. — The only acquaintance I then had with Mr. Lloyd, was such as had taken place within that shotr interval. — Our acquaintance was then necessarily limited. — In my letter of the 5th January, 1809, I merely state the occurrences of that day, in relation to a resolution moved by Mr. Lloj^d, on the day preceding, leaving Mr. Adams to draw his own inferences from them, without drawing any of my own. The 5th was the day on which the resolution moved by Mr. Lloyd, on the preceding day, was to he taken up, according to the ordinary rules of the Senate, and Mr. Llo3d's friends, in his absence, assigned the reason for its not being called up; nor could I devise on the 5th, what course Mr. Lloyd pro- posed to take with his resolution on the 6th — my information, there- fore, relates exclusively to the occurrences of the 5th. — I take pleasure in concurring in the entire correctness of Mr. Lloyd's statement, in relation to the courtesy of the Senate towards its individual members, during my whole experience in that honorable body. After the 5th January, 1809, I believe I may be justified in say- ing, that 1 became intimately acquainted with Mr. Lloyd, at least in relation to his political character and conduct; and It now af- fords me much pleasure to state, that I have always found Mr. Lloyd's conduct open, frank and undisguised ; and that in conse- quence of his high-minded, honorable conduct, he tiien attracted, and still retains, my most respectful considerations, and friendly re- gards. Mr. Lloyd is amongst the last of my many honorable congression- al associates, to whom I could ascribe insincerit}', duplicity, or eva- sions in his public or private character. Having served with Mr. Lloyd frequently upon the most important committees, particularly on one during a whole session, for preparing the means for conduct- ing the late war with Great Britain, I can bear honorable testimony to Mr. Lloyd's consistency, fidelity, and ability in the discharge of his public duties; and, although difi'ering in political opinions with Mr. Lloyd, I often derived useful and valuable information from his frankness and candor. — I have deemed this explanation a just tribute to Mr. Lloyd's high-minded and honorable deportment, and the best reparation I could make to his wounded feelings, although it is evi- dent, that the injury done to them, arose from the publication of a paper, without any intention on my part, but from the most unexpect- ed and extraordinary circumstances, beyond my controul. WM. B. GILES. Richmond, JVovem'ber 25, 1828. 24 from the JVaiional Gazette. Mil. Editor, — The letters from Mr. Giles to Mr. Adams, pab- lislied in the National Gazette of Friday last, escaped my observa- tion until this afternoon, when I have referred to them in consequence of their casual mention in conversation by a friend. In the letter of Mr. Giles to Mr. Adams, of January 5, 1809, he remarks : — " Within two or three days past I haved paralyzed the movements of the Opposition in the Senate, by stating that, if the President's proclamation for excluding Britisli armed vessels from our waters, had been the only impediment to the accommodation of the affair of the attack on the Chesapeake, that would have formed no obstacle whatever to the successful termination of Mr. Rose's negotiation — that an arrangement, with his consent, was made for removing that obstacle altogether out of the case; but, that, as soon as that was done, a list of otiier humiliating concessions was presented, and a compliance with it demanded before a word could be said of the pre- tended reparation. I stated this fact as derived altogether from ai* inofficial source; and that the Executive did not know that I pos- sessed a knowledge of it, nor had the least reason to conjecture the source of my information upon the subject. Mr. Lloyd has, in con- sequence of this information, laid a resolution on the table, calling npon the Executive for all informal correspondence respecting Mr. Rose's negotiation. The resolution will not pass; and, upon inqui- ry, I believe he begins to think that he has been rather precipitate. Instead of calling up his resolution yesterday, he left the Senate Chamber, and Mr. White, who seconded his motion, intimated that he was indisposed. He looked as well as usual in the early part of the day. I shall give the substance of my observations in the dis- cussion upon the which this disclosure was made to the public, and will forward to you the newspaper in which they shall be first print- ed." Before, however, replying to this insinuation, it may be proper to state, that the rules of the Senate forbid a resolution being acted on t,he day it is offered, except by unanimous consent; and that such is the liberality of that distinguished bod}', a motion is rarely if ever permitted to be brought into discussion if the mover is absent, or wishes it to lie for a farther time; or even if any gentleman who is known to feel a particular interest in the subject should not be pre- sent, although he may not have expressed a wish that it should lie over on his account; — hence, it frequently happens that resolutions remain on the table for many days, sometimes for weeks, and occa- bionally for a still longer period, before they come under discussion. In the present instance it is true that iMr. Giles did make the ob- servations he states, going to show that information, important, ma- terial, and relevant to the subject then before the Senate, was in ex- istence; that he was apprised of the fact, and by unquestionable in- ference, that the Administration also were in possession of a know- 25 ledge of it, but of wlilch the Senate was ignorant. Thus publicly informed from so high an authority, it appeared to me the dictate botli of duly and propriety, as it was done by no otlier gentleman, to form a resolution on tlie subject which miglit be in the possessiou of the Executive. This resolution was ofiered on the 4th January; by the regula- tions of the Senate as before stated, it could not be acted on until the 5th — why it was not called up on that day I know not, for I do not pretend to retain any recollection with regard to it. It appears, however, that "it was not called up," and therefore could not come before the Senate; and, a fortiori, no reason could have been assign- ed to the Senate for its delay. For the probably casual remark, in familiar conversation, of an honorable friend, long since gone " to that bourne from whence no traveller returns," I cannot be responsi- ble; but I find, that on the day succeeding, the 6th of January, the resolution was taken into consideration, attempted unsuccessfully to be amended by a preamble, distinctly recapitulating the previous remarks of Mr. Giles, as furnishing the occasion of the call, and then eventually negatived, as predicted by him, by ayes and noes, and by the usual majority of that period. I am well aware that this subject is now of little moment to the public, and one certainly of no great interest to myself; but I am still unwilling that an Imputation from such a source should rest up- on me — affirming, that no resolution offered by me, at any time, or in any public body, was evaded, or attempted or wished to be eva- ded by me ; and that no resolution ever propounded by me to that honorable body, or in any other, was unduly delayed, or, as I fully believe, omitted to be definitively acted on. Integrity of purpose, clean hands, and an entire and unlimited devotion to the endeavor to perform the duties committed to me in the public stations I have held, I proudly claim : they formed the only return I could make to those by whom I was so repeatedly, and so highly honored; and perhaps on these heads few individuals who have long held i-esponsi- ble official stations liave less to reproach themselves with. For eight years, while a member of the Senate, I was never absent from Washington at the commencement of the sessions, nor left it until their close, with the exception of a rapid journey to Massachusetts during the long term of 1812; — and during the whole of which pe- riod, I doubt if I was absent from it, altogether, half that number of days, from any cause whatever. Very Respectfully, J. LLOYD. Philadelphia, JVov. 15, 1828. 26 To the Editors of the Enquirer. I feel it my duty — a sacred duty which I owe to my native State f 10 say something in behalf of an aged Patriot, who, though almost on the verge of the grave, is still devoting all his energies, and all tli€ faculties of his yet vigorous intellect, to the advancement of his country's prosperity. Even if his political misdeeds were mountain high, still I would rebuke him mildly, unless, like the mountain tor- rent, they should threaten nothing but devastation and dismay. I would not handle rudely the foibles of any Hero who fought, of any Sage who wrote, or of any Patriot who toiled in the camp or the cabinet, during our struggles for independence and for the emanci- pation of man — I would not cause even the breath of mild reproof to visit too roughly any venerable veteran v.ho aided to work out our political salvation, and faced for us horrors which are not sur- passed in all the histories of all the martyrs. How, then, can I stand by and see, with a stoical indiflerence, the feelings of William B. Giles mangled by political enthusiasts, with more than savage cruelty I ! From the onset of Governor Giles's career, he has been a consist- ent Democratic Republican, and, without the shadow of changing, the steady friend of State Rights. He is the champion of the re- served rights of the States ; and, at the same time, he has been ever unwilling to curtail the constitutional power of the General Govern- ment, or to enfeeble its necessary energies. He has advocated the rights of the State Governments as the best barriers against Anti- Republican tendencies; while he has urged "the preservation of the General Government in its whole constitutional vigor, as the sheet anchor of our peace at home and safety abroad." This has been the creed of his political faith, and the creed of the political faith of the fathers of the Republic. Governor Giles has always advocated the supremacy of the civil, over the military power, and " the strictest economy" in the dis- bursements of the people's money by their agents — also a speedy extinguishment of the nation's debt, and the encouragement of agri- culture, and of commerce as its handmaid. The purity of popular elections, the liberty of religion, the liberty of the press, the freedom of speech, the trial by jury, and the diiiusion of intellectual light, have all felt the happy influenrc of his able advocacy; for he has viewed them as the guarantee of the representative system — the pal- ladium of a free government, and the iEgis of our federative exis- tence. The polar star of his political career, whether in the flood- iide of his influence, or in the hour of his weakness, has been, and is, the protection of the rights of individual man, against the insidious encroachments of governmental power; and is not this the best touchstone by which to try the services, and to test the principles, with unerring accuracy, of those whom we trust, and invest with au- tlx^rity? — Shew me a man of ambition and abilities — a strenuous advocate of governmental power — and, if he has been clothed with 27 a little brief authority, 1 will track in his tract a loss of the people's liberty; or at least, a bold and an open, or what is more fearful and oftener fatal, an insidious etlbrt to wrest from them some of their rights. But is there an instance in which Mr. Giles has aimed to wrest from this people aHy of their privileges ? If there is, point it out, you whose enviable vocation is, to vilify and slander this vene- rable veteran. But there is none, or else green-eyed envy would long since have descried and used it with malignant pleasure. — Then such a man should be retained in high places of trust, to the entire exclusion of those who would put him down, for they would not scruple to defile the fairest fabric that human nature has ever reared. Nor has Governor Giles hid his "light under a bushel" — he has not been a silent supporter of his principles or his doctrines. One of the most astute observers, profound thinkers, and cogent reason- ers, his country has produced; he has warmed and animated, while he has enlightened thousands, by his writings and eloquent harangues. When all the powers of his mind have been called into action, and lighted by the love of liberty he has often produced a sponta- neous language, marked genius, the diffusion of sentiment and the grandeur of perspicuous illustration, which will survive "the wreck of many years;" will be admired as a splendid monument of the powers of human genius, and be used and resorted to by the friends of libert}-, as strong armour for the conflict, and as a tower of strength amid the storms of State. But this will not be till he has expended the last drop of vital energy in warding off the rude and unwarrant- able assaults of his and the people's enemies — until time has shed its propitious influence, and a new generation has risen up with new habits and divested of partiality — until the growing expansion of li- beral feelings, and the illuminating progress of political philosophy, shall have had a salutary tendency in checking prevalent prejudices and removing causeless antipathies. Then, and not till then, will it be seen and acknowleged, that no matter what were his words^ his writings, or his actions, they were all subservient to human hap- piness and the prosperity of his much loved, and much served, but ungrateful country. BRUTUS» Petersbv.rg., Extract frern an address to the Republican Party in the next Le- gislature of Virginia, by " A FRIEND or JUSTICE." "What is now the system of warfare matured, and put in active operation by the petty presses of the day, and the ephemeral politi- cians of an hour.'' Is it with scurrillity and abuse to lessen the in- fluence, and destroy the well-earned fame of the distinguished men of Virginia — who, in " the days that tried men's souls," were not found wanting in the defence of your Constitutional rights, aad who 28 never struck a flag to tlje enemies of your libcrt}-. Their ofience is too great to be forgiven. Violent denunciation and torrents of abuse have, according to this system, been heaped upon Virginia's noblest, ablest sons. How, then, could Governor Giles expect to escape.'' His ardent patriotism, his devotion to Constitutional doctrine — his dislike of the Adams and Clay dynasty, have pointed him out as the victim to be sacrificed at the shrine of vn/ioly, insatiate amJntion. Let us look a little into the political history of William B. Giles. Let us sec what he deserves of tiie countr}-, and the great Republi- can Party of Virginia — and then, on the other side, let us view the little factionists of the day, who are constantly doing their dirty work, endeavoring, as far as in their power, to tarnish the fame ol the illustrious patriots of the land, the faithful sentinels of the Con- stitution. William B. Giles commenced his political career in the last century. — He was distinguished previously to the "reign of ter- ror" under the elder Adams. He was at that time the fearless and intrepid defender of your political rights. He breasted the storm that then hovered over your land, and by his unequalled eloquence and moral courage, in a just and righteous cause, dispelled the clouds of despotism that covered your political horizon. This merit cannot and will not be disputed. It is a historical fact. — Can such splen- did and faithful services be so soon forgotten by the Republican parly of the country? I cannot bring myself to believe it. During the administration of the immortal Jefferson, he was seen at the head of the Republican Party in the Senate of the United States. — How elevated and conspicuous he then stood, is known to you all. His opponents, the leaders of the Federal Party, were al- most silenced — and their eflbrts paralyzed by liis masterly prowess in debate. He was second to none in that great assemblage of genius and talents. Mr. .lefierson's administration continued for eight years — he distinguished himself during that of his successor, when he re- tired to private life. The untoward and alarming message of the se- cond Adams, aroused this patriot to a sense of his duty to himself and his country. He again put on the armour of defence in favour of yonr rights and your Constitution. He has been active, and at his post. And is it for this that William B. Giles is to be cashiered.'* William B. Giles, and the Jrtter of the Z()th pulUshcd l-y Mr. Giles. The repetition of the charge of a breach of confidence, Ly the merciless accusers of this distinguished man, appears to call for some defence on that point. It is to be remarked, that although Mr. Giles did not publish the letter of the 25tli, which was intended by Mr. .Tefi'erson "for the public eye," yet he did not publish more of he letter of the 2Cth politicallt/, than was contained in the letter of 29 the 25tli, wliicli he had tlie liberty of publishing. The substance was the same, though couched in dillerent language. The private part of the letter of the 26lh, Mr. Giles has never published. How then, is it properly called a breach of confidence? Unquestionably, the reasons which influenced Mr. Giles not to publish the letter of the 25th, as they then appeared, were sufficient. Mr. Giles had no evidence before him, that the letter of Mr. Jefi!erson of the 25th, was to be taken in a figurative sense, as we since understand from Mr. J. Randolph. Ail that Mr. Giles could judge from, was the language belbre him. And surely the language before him was po- sitive and not figurative. I am even now doubtful, whether it be in the power of Mr. Randolph to make an impression on the public mind, that it was intended to be figurative. We see nothing but positive and express language, that the " war then going on and embargo," were co-existent. — If Mr. Jeflerson had intended it as figurative, would he not have employed other language, so as to have given us an indication of his real meaning? Besides, Mr. Giles was not singular in this construction of the letter. Mr. Adams liimself, represented by his friends as one of the most acute exposi- tors of language in the world, placed the very same meaning on Mr. Jefferson's language ; and in his late extraordinary expose in the National Journals, attempts to show in what way Mr. Jefferson was betrayed into the supposed mistake. There was no other alternative then, it seems, for Mr. Giles, but the conjecture that Mr. Jefferson's memory had failed him on this occasion; and that it was his duty to conceal this defect from the gaze of the public. What else could he, or any other person, have determined to do, under the same circumstances? Is it not peculi- arly strange, that Mr. Giles should have been censured, and charged with a breach of confidence, when he promulgated to the world only what he was authorised to publish in another letter — (to wit,) the treasonable views of the New England Federalists, agreeably to the history given Mr. Jeflerson by Mr. Adams. Both letters ap- plauded the course of Mr. Adams, which Mr. Jefferson thought highly creditable to him, but which, it is feared, will not be the case when all the information of Mr. Adams proposes on the subject, is given to the world. — With this view of the subject, I consider it im- possible but that Mr. Giles must stand justified in the eyes of the Public. F. of J. (t?' Note. — The publisher is authorised te state positively; that Mr. Giles neither knows, nor suspects, who is the author of either of the three foregoing anonymous publication?. 30 10 THE EDITORS OF THE EXQLIKEK, NO. IV. rOLlTIOAL DISQUISITIONS.— RANDOM shot. Ge.\tlemen, A Republican, of the old school, congratulates the people of Virginia, and felicitates himself upon observing, that after the lapse of more than half a century, a laudable spirit of inquiry should be manifested through your paper, to ascertain the day on which the Bill of Rights and Constitution of Virginia were first adopted, and proclaimed to the Virginian people, and to the wliole world, as well as the original authors, of tiiose inestimable works. The writer thinks the subject presents the most curious reflections and contem- plations. It is certainly little short of a miracle; that the proudest day in the whole calender for the people of Virginia, and perhaps for the whole human race, and most justly entitled to the special commemoration of every Virginian, should remain unnoticed until now ; and that diificulties should even now occur in fixing on so me- morable a day with authoritative certainty. One point, however, seems to be agreed by all inquirers, that the Virginian Constitution is the first written social compact that ever was made and brougiit into practical operation. Theorists and Utopians had before assert- ed the principle, that all rightful governmental power was derived from the people as the only legitimate source of all political power, and was founded upon their consent, ascertained by a social compact, «?ither expressed or implied ; but the great work remained, to reduce this first principle to actual practice. This great work was achieved by our heroic, illuslrious fathers. They, therefore, are most justly t^ititled to the first honor and the highest homage, not only of their own sons, but of the whole human race. — The merits of our vene- rated fathers do not slop here. The writer confidently expresses the opinion, that they were not only the original authors of the first written social compact, grounded upon .the natural rights of man the world ever saw, but of the best written social compact the world has over yet seen. The writer fondly indulges the hope, that the sound and S|)londid talents now engaged in ascertaining the first point, will extend their useful and laudable inquiries to the ascertainment of the second. Tlie writer iias been led into this course of reflection at this time, from attentively observing a highly interesting and intelligent communication in your paper of the 30th ultimo, under the signa- ture of J. C.,* — and headed "George Mason of '76." The following is an extract: "The Constitution of Virginia, was the first written Republican Constitution which has ever been adopted in the world. At all events, history gives us no account of any other being previously adopted. It was the model of imitation for all the other colonies in the United States, and may therefore be called the original, from * Probably John Campbell, now Treasurer of the United States. 31 winch have been copied all the free governments that have been es- tablished in the world, since the period of its adoption. In this point of view it becomes a matter of most interesting inquiry, who was the author of this immortal document? I had always understood until lately, that George Mason was the author of the body of the Constitution, and that Thomas Jefferson was the author of the Bill of Rights, containing the principles upon which it purports to be founded. In this opinion I find I am mistaken. George Mason was the author of both. Mr. Jefferson wrote the preamble to the Con- stitution of Virginia, which I, in common with many others, I pre- sume, have confounded with the Bill of Rights/' In evidence of these facts, J. C. then introduces an extremely Im- portant correspondence between Judge Woodward and the late Mr. Jefferson, whose recent lamented death has shrouded the whole coun- try in mourning. Upon an inquiry made by letter, from Judge Woodward, respecting the authorship of the Bill of Rights and Constitution of Virginia, Mr. Jefferson makes the following state- ment of facts: " The fact is unquestionable, that the Bill of Rights and the Con- stitution of Virginia, were drawn originally by George Mason, one of our really great men, and of the first order of greatness. The history of the preamble to the latter is as follows: — I was then at Philadelphia with Congress, and knowing (hat the Convention of Virginia was engaged in forming a plan of government, I turned my mind to the same subject and drew a sketch or outline of a Constitution with a preamble, which I sent to Mr. Pendleton, Presi- dent o£ the Convention, on the mere possibility that it might sug- gest something worth incorporation into that before the Convention. He informed me afterwards, by letter, that he received it on the day on which the committee of the whole had reported to the House the plan they had agreed to; that that had been so long in hand, so dis- puted inch by inch, and the subject of so much altercation and de- bate, that they were worried with the contentions it had produced,, and could not, from mere lassitude have been induced to open the instrument again : but that being pleased with the preamble to mine, they adopted it in the House by way of amendment to the report of the committee ; and thus my preamble became tacked to the work of George Mason, The Constitution with tlie preamble, was pass- ed on the 29th of June, and the committee of Congress had only the day before that reported tb that body the draft of tlie declaration of Independence. The fact is, that that preamble is prior in com- position to the declaration, and both having the same object of jus- tifying our separation with Great Britain, they used necessarily the same materials of justification ; and hence their similitude." This statement completely settles the point: that George IMason was the author, or, at least, the writer of both the Bill of Rights and Constitution of Virginia, and Thomas Jefferson the author of the preamble to the body of the Constitution ; but this statement contains still more important matters of fact. The first is — That these inestimable State papers were not the effects of sudden, incon- 32 sideratc excitements, as have been asserted by persons unfriendly to them; but "that they had been so long in hand, so disputed inch hv inch, and the subject of so much altercation and debate, that the_v (the members of the Convention) were worried witli the contentions it had produced, and could not, from mere lassitude, have been in- duced to open the instrument again." The other most important lact is — " The Constitution, with tiie preamble, was passed on the 2er gmni'etZ by the Con- stitution, to the Federal Government, growing out of a general power retained by the States respectively, and the object of the pro- visoes was, to draw the precise boundary line, between the granted and the retained power. The greatest possible attention, therefore, was bestowed upon every word of the two provisoes. 4th. The discussion was long, considerate, and dispassionate ; and eventuated in the conviction of every member of both Houses of Congress, that the jurisdiction over persons, was with the States re- ^ spectively. The bill passed unanimously in the Senate, as is be- ^ lieved, the ayes and nays not being taken, and with five dissenting votes in the House of Representatives.— Those votes were under- stood to have been given against the bill, in consequence of other objections. The principle contained in these provisoes, produced the discussion of the Ibllowing questions. Has slavery existed from the beginning of the world to this day, as far as authentic accounts of the human race have been recorded .' Is slavery recognised and sanctioned b^'^ the Constitution of the United States? Is slavery recognised and sanctioned bv the Holy Scriptures ^ Is slavery recognised and sancr tioncd by international law ? Is slavery recognised and enforced by tlie municipal laws of individual nations? and particularly by the municipal laws of the several States?* What coercive acts, performed by one, or a number of persons upon the body, or bodies of others, would have the eftect of reducing those others, to a state of slaver}', or in other words to subjection to the will and disposition of the person, or persons, exercising these coercive acts, according to the municipal laws of individual nations, and the sanctions of international law? All these questions were most ably discussed, upon legal, political and philosophical grounds ; and eventuated in the conviction of every one ; that, notwithstanding the refined sensibilities of the pre- sent times, slavery then was, and always hsid been, a legal and actu- al condition of man ; as deduced from all the preceding authorita- tive texts. The clause in the Constitution which authorised the passage of the bill from which the foregoing sections are taken, is in the follow- ing words; " The migration or importation of such persons, as any of the States now existing shall think proper to admit, shall not be prohi- bited by the Congress, prior to the year eighteen hundred and eight; but, a tax or duty n)ay be imposed on such importation, not exceeding ten dollars for eacli person." The preceding part of the 4th section, having interdicted the im- portation of Slaves into the United States, concludes as follows:— *' And neidier the importer, nor any person, or persons claiming from or under him, shall hold any right, or title whatsoever, to any negro, mulatto, or person of colour, nor to the service, or labour thereof, who may be imported, or brought within the United States, or Territories thereof, in violation of this law; but the same shall remain subject to any regulations, not contravening the provisions of this act; which the legislatures of the several States, or Territo- ries, at any time thereafter, may make, for disposing of any such ne- gro^ mulatto, or person of colour.^'' The first part of this clause goes to declare, " that neither the im- porter, &c. shall hold any right, or title to any negro, Sic. who may be imported, or brought within the United States, or Territories thereof, in violation of this law/' Here stops the jurisdiction of the JVote — *" Is slavery recognisebby. If so, I think, notwithstanding present appear- ances, they will soon find themselves once more prostrate in the dust. It is not possible that the present scheme for a tariff can be popular long. — It is, as I conceive, the most unwise, unjust, unequal, oppres- .sive, insulting, and arbitrary ir>easure, ever presented to my consi- deration. The pretexts for it, too appear to me to be flimsy, vision- ary, unfounded, and many of them ridiculous. When we hear oi "a bill to amend the several acts imposing duties on imposts," we naturally look to the improvement of the revenue. But Mr. Chair- man frankly says. This is not a revenue bill. No, it most certainly is not. Its first destructive influence is to be exerted on the revenue; and it would afford great consolation if it were to be exerted on no- thing else. It is then a bill in disguise — it has a fiilse title. But its friends, as if really unconscious of the mischief they are doing, as they must be presumed to be, boldly come out, and frankly tell what lis real objects are, and what are the means relied upon to efiect those objects. They say, it is a bill to encourage domestic manufactures, and to promote national industry; and the means are, to coerce the sale of these domestic manufactures upon the consumer. This co- ercion is to be effected by prohibiting foreign manufactures. Hav- ing then the objects and the means, it is easy to strip the bill of its false, title, and give it its true one. It should be entitled " A bill to pick the pockets of a great portion of the community, and put the plunder into the pockets of a small portion thereof, for the purpose •>f encouraging that small portion to promote national industry, or ihe industry of the great portion of the nation thus plundered." — What an anomaly f)i' ends and means! — Instead, then, of its being a revenue bill, as its title would import, it turns out, when stripped of ■ts disguise, to be literally "a pick pocket bill." This most extra- sirdinary bill proposes to take money out of one citizen's pocket, and .put it into another's pocket, when the right of the property of each is equally entitled to the protection of the Government. It proposes to vary the distribution of a great portion of the proceeds of the la- bor of the country— to derange the present natural employment of a great portion of the capital of the country, and to force it into new and artificial channels, he. he. Is it possible to conceive of more despotic measures than these.'' I could ask Mr. Speaker, and Mr. Chairman, always with due respect and consideration, Whence the derivation of this sovereign, despotic, uncontrolled power.'' I will not pin them down to search for it in the Constitution. I conceive, the visionary, fanatical, excessive democracy of the country has thrown off even all decent respect to that instrument. But, I would ask them, whence the legitimate derivation of that power by any Government founded linon the natliml i-iohf<: nf mun nnrl niTiro<;«Jninr tn rlpi-ivp all its powers from man's consent? I would ask tiiem to ponder and con sider well whether taking money out of one man's pocket, let the disguise be what it may, and putting it into the pocket of another, wiihoul any consideration for public service rendered, is not a most palpable violation of the natural right of property? Whether, therefore, its exercise is not a most palpable usurpation ? 1 would still more urgently beg them to pause a little, and look back upoit the afiairs of mankind, and then determine, whether almost all the past and present sufferings of the many by the combinations of the few, have not arisen from this usurpation in some form or other? I would ask them, Whether the very excess of their projects will not render them impracticable? I would ask them, Whether their schemes are not unequal, oppr^fesive, and insulting to large united sections of the country? and, Whether they v;ill not be, and ought not to be, counteracted? I would ask them to consider well, W^hether the op pressed and insulted States have not the most ample means in their power of a successful retaliation? I would ask them to consider well the American character, and determine, Whether it ever did, or ever will brook insult or oppression, whether infJicted by the electioneeringj professing. democrat, or by the stern, sovereign autocrat? I would ask them to consider well the power of the States over persons and things, when once domiciliated within their jurisdiction; and, Whe- ther an internal capitation, and excise, may not be made to counter- vail the effects of arbitrary external imposts? I would ask them, Whether they do not see, and feel, that the arbitrary preferences given to the manufacturing interests, will not rendes- both the manu- facturer and his goods odious to the plundered and oppressed? and Whether the goods ought not, and will not, most justly and righte- ously, be thrown back upon the manufacturer? I would ask them, Whether the money taken from tlie pockets of the many will not find its way into the pockets of the actual, manufacturing operator, the jonrneyman? Or will it not become located in the pockets of the employer — the capitalist — whether he be manufacturer, or lawyer^ or preacher, or merchant, or farmer, &:c. he, provided he bo tlie rich owner of the manufacturing stock? And whether the journey man will not himself feel most heav-ily the pressure of this most ex- traordinary scheme? I would^ in short, ask them to consider well, Whether the actual labourer ever was, or ever can be bettered, by coercive variations in the distributions of the proceeds of his owu labor? and whether every coercive regulation of that kind does not tend to make the rich richer, and the poor poorer f The poor never were,, nor can they ever be, the favorites of Government.-— I would fujally ask them for the moral too, of authorising one man, under any pretext, or by any legerdemain whatever, to pick the pockets ai another : and whether the moral may not be found in the relief laws of our most busy and daring political schemers? I propose to give all those subjects an attentive exaraination, and to present the results on rny mind to the public view, wiih the leave of Messrs. Printers, and provided the presses themselves arc not undi'T too much restraint, from their fears of the same electioneering spirit, tcnnined to make these inquiries, ci)ipily noin two considerations— one is, that I fee! myself perfectly' exempt from the deleterious influ- ence or the electioneering spirit — I also leei mvself perfectly exempt from all unfriendly personal feelings. If I speak of men, it will be solely in reference to their public acts — of these, I propose to speak according to my own unbiassed opinions of their deservings. From a long course of providential visitations, my healtii is so impaired, that 1 consider myself already rather the tenant of an un- known, future, eternal world, tl)an tiie tenant of the present fleeting transitory one. If it were possible, in this condiiion, to feel the in- fluence of the electioneering spirit, my personal infirmities would admonish me every moment of my little remnant of life, of my phy- sical incapacity to enjoy the successful fruits of it. BiU so long as I shall remain the tenant of this world, I hope to feel an unabated attachment to my country, and to its political institutions — besides, I have children and every other endearment to extend this attach- ment to posterity. The second is — although doubtlessly, better things, and more tilings, have been said, and will be said upon this subject than I pro- pose to say, yet they are not the same things I shall say, nor said in the same way I propose to say (hem ; but when so frightful a scheme as an avowed attempt to convert the whole revenue system of the United States into a systematic, manufacturing despotism, is present- ed for consideration, and likely to be adopted, I deem it the duty of every citizen, who has bestowed any reflections upon the tremendous subject, frankly to present them to public view for the purpose of being thrown into the. mass of public considerations. — I propose to perform this duty under my proper signature; not that I hope, ex- pect or wish to give any extrinsic influence to my observations, for I am sensible it may produce an opposite eO'ect; but because 1 feel in- disposed to "cover any acts or opinions of mine, under any disguise whatever. lie pleased, gentlemen, to accept my respectful consideration. WM. B. GILES, March 10, 1824. JVigwam, Amelia County. Note. — The reader will be pleased to ask himself upon a review, whether there he any expressions in the foregoing communication to justify the reprimand of the Editors'? The exhibition of Messrs. .Monroe and Clay in their ridiculous scuffles for priority in mounting ilie popular hobbies of the day, mas nothing more, than placing the two hobby-riders before the public in the ludicrous attitudes assumed bi/ themselves. Ko indecorous expressions were applied to either of them, nor any thing else which did not fow from the just descriptions of their own acts ; and the comparisons of the wisdom of IVashington with their own fantastical follies, were nothing more, than the appropriate results from their own acts. The extreme sensibilities of Messrs. Editors for their own order ought certainly at this day to be completely merged in a revieio of the sharp-shooting ivhich has since taken place between themselves, and their brethren of the type— particularly the two JS'n- iionals. FROM THE ENQUIRER, APRIL 13, 18.24. NO. I. POLITICAL SCHEMERS.— HARD TIMES. Recognition of the, distinction between Clergy and Laity, In making the promised inquiries, in relation tci some of the most prominent consequences of the tariff bill; I propose, very cursorily, to review some of the great political schemes, which have had the xnost destructive influence upon the affairs of mankind; and I think, il will be found, that political schemers, including spiritual and tem- poral, have heretofore done more mischief to the great mass of man- kind; especially since the recognition of the distinction between Clergy and Laity; than all other sinners In the world, male, and fe- male put together. My object in making this compendious review is, to enable me, by looking to the past, to judge better of die pre- sent; and by looking to the present, and the past, to enable me, to judge the better of the future. I think it will be seen, from this course of reilection, that "hard times" at all past times, have been, and at all times, must be, the necessary consequence of too much govern- mental scheming, and regulation ; lei the forms, or professions of such scheming governments be what they may; and that the "hard times" so justly complained of at this time in this country are, in a great degree, attributable to the visionary, fanatical, political schemers of the day- I think it will also "be found, that almost all these schemes, past, and present, have been founded upon {he same principle, how- ever various the forms of government, adopting it — governmental usurpations upon man's natural right to property. A great unifonni- ty will likewise be found in the means resorted to for carrying these usurpations into effect. These means have been the taking money out of one man's pocket, and putting it into the pocket of another, neither holding a public office. The first great political scheme, which has proved the most destructive to the affairs of mankind, must be attributed to the christian Clergy. It consisted in prevailing upon the first christian Emperor, Constantine, to recognise a distinction, they had before set up, between Clergy and Laity. The act of recognition took place about the year 314, of the christian era. Before that time, neither the Grecian, nor the Roman governments ever had recognised the distinction, although they extended over the whole civilized world during a great portion of their duration ; and the two governments taken together, had then continued for above ten centuries. Only a few years after the act of recognition, the great Constantine, in the nieekest spirit of christian humihation, seated himself on a low stool, at the feet of the Clergy, assembled in the Council of Nice — 325. By this fatal act of condescension, he acknowledged the supremacy of spiritual over the temporal power.— The Clergy, elated to intoxi- 10 cation, by the success of their great polrtjcai scheme, in a spirit, un- like that humility, and self-condcsccusion, before preached and prac- tised by their first spiritual master, Jesus Christ; and now again preached and practised by their temporal master, Coustantine, but impelled by a spirit of ambition, avarice, and self-aagrandiyement. rushed forward to the perpetration of every profanation, sacrilege, and idolatry, their fertile imaginations could invent. They set up an idol — called the Pope, OOG, cndov. cd him with the infallibility of God himself— invested him with the power to grant indulgences for the commission of sins ; and for their absohilion after conniiis^ion. In short, declared him God's vicegerent here on earth, with power to act the part of God hitoseif on this lower world. They made the inlallibility of the Pope an essential article of fait!) ^ and in substance, demanded of the Laity an unconditional surrender of tlieir consci- ences and their reason, into the hands of the Priests, for holy keep- ing. Was it possible to conceive that the Laity would ever have submissively yielded to this extravagant, impious, and despotic de- mand r That they would have yielded to the Priests their conscience, and their reason? The noblest gifts, which they had themselves re- ceived at the hands of their bountiful Creator! ! • Yet they did yield up both, not only without a murmur, but with the most biggotted and rapturous enthusiasm!! What could the Laity have hoped to have retained for (hemselves, after they had given up to the Priests their conscience and their reason ? Could they have expected to have denied to the Priest? their sacrilegious demands for aflected purifica- tions.^ Could they withhold from thetn the best aflections of the hu- man heart .^ Could they have hoped to liave retained the love of the sexes, implanted in the human heart b}- God himself, for the best and wisest of purposes.'' Could they have expected to preserve their per- sons from the severest castitzations, upon the demand, and for tiie pleasure or for the dominion of the Priests? Could they have expect- ed to retain from the rapacious hands of ilie Priest, the bread they had prepared for their own moutlis, or tlie xjothing for their own backs, by the labor of their own hands? If they could have hoped for all, or any o( these things; they found themselves most wofully mistaken. — Having parted widi their conscience and their reason, every other human right, and blessing went with them. The Priests greedily sei/.ed upon the. whole; and thus brutalized all their misera- ble deluded votaries. Indeed, they did more. They reduced man below tlie brutes — after stripping him of liis conscience, and his rea- son, man found himself witliout the instinct, which God had given the brutes for tlieir government. The Clergy not couteni, with all these humiliations and sacrifices from individuals, proclaimed the su- premacy of the Pope, not only over the Church, but over all the temporal Kings of the earth. During the plenitude of these infinite attributes, })estowed on him by miserable, sinning mortals, the bold- est temporal Kings trembled at his nod. He could dispose of tem- poral kingdoms at pleasure; and if any resisting, rebellious spirit was manifested by the legitimates, against his stern, capricious de- crees, it was instantly dissipated by the omnipotent thunders of the 11 Church. But it is not tny object to recount all the profanations and abominations of the Clergy. after they had become completely tri- umphant over all the rest of mankind. All the volumes of the Alex- andrine library would scarcely -suftlce to record them all from the fourth century to the present time. Suffice it for me to say; that after religion, as it was sacrilegiously called, became triumphant and unrivalled, especially during the monkish reign, mankind was redu- ced to a more degraded condition, than in any other period during his whole history from the beginning of the world to the present mo- ment. During that benighted period, nothing is heard of worth re- cording. Nothing to enlighten the human mind, or to improve the degraded condliion of man. The worhl was tilled with miracles — with Saints — with martyrs— with monks—rwilh crucifixes — with beads -—with rosaries — with im|3ious purifications and profane dominations. After the Clergy had become sated and exhausted, in the exercise of their dominion over .the temporal princes, within their own juris- diction; and over man individually in his enslaved, degraded condi- tion, they determined th.at foreign nations should also feel the de- structive, and horrible effects, of their despostic, capricious suprema- cy. — About the tenth century, tliey resolved upon ihe war of the cru- sades, whilst they were preaching up to others, the huiliility of Christ even to submission to insults, if stricken on one cheek, tjie other was submissively to be turned and held fair to receive the next blow: Intoxicated with their own wild, ni>jd ambition, they determined on these bloody, desolating wars of two hundred years' duration — The pretexts were, the ancient title of the Christians to- the Holy Land, and still more, to Mount Calvary, and the Sepulchre of Christ; and the scandal to the christian name, aiid profession, to permit (his holy and consecrated spot to remain longer in the hands of the infidels. — After the destruction of millions of human beings in these pre- sumptuous, impious wars of two centiiries, these blood}' Priests fail- ed in their object; and we find the infidels in possession of the Holy Land, and the consecrated spot, at the present moment. — But under the unerring intluence of Providential dispensations, these bloody, desolating wars, laid the foundation of checking in some degree, the unbridled, destructive influence of the Priests—They served to dif- fuse throi^gh the crusading armies a chivalrous military spirit, accom- panied with a gallant love of the fair sex.-— These active energies, so long dormant under the severity of affected monkish purifications, and sanctifications, promised lair to restore to man, once more, his long lost rights, and liberties. These events were followed by others, which also had great influence in divesting man of his artificial monk- ish character; and reinstating him in his original, natural character. —The discovery of the mariner's compass — 1302 — and the art of printing — 1440 — could not fail greatly to contribute to the promo- tion of this desirable object. The one, by aft'ording the greatest pos- sible facility in the interchange of ideas amongst individuals — the other, by affording additional safety and facility to the interchange of ideas of different nations, and the individuals of such nations — but the great, and beneficial effects expected from these two wonder- 12 fill discoveries, were materially impeded by the ever vigilant craft of the Priests. They immediately seized upon the press, and endea- voured to convert it into a new engine for confirming their dominion over the rest of mankind. They claimed and exercised the exclusive business of education. They established an inquisitorial power, over the writings of others, and composed their own homilies for the read- ing and instruction of their credulous, fanatical votaries. The ob- ject of these homilies was not to enlighten, but to darken the mind. They determined, by these means, to envelope it in smoke; and so well did they succeed In this scheme, as to make the mind of every be- lieving votary, as black as a smoke jack. — What, but the extinction of every spark of light in the human mind, and of every particle of good feeling in the human heart, could account for tlie conduct of the blind votaries of the Priests, in consenting to execute tlie millions of barbarous, and shocking decrees of their masters in all past times j but especially from the fourth century to the present moment? What else could account for the unnatural, bloo'dy, fanatical scene exhibit- ed in Spain during this enlightened age!! What else could account for the contumelious indignities, so recently displayed, in the execu- tion of the heroic, patriotic, liberal, benevolent Riego.'' This was done by the mad votaries of Paez, the keeper of Ferdinand's con- science \ I And what a conscience-keeper, must be Paez, the Priest ! I Riego, who had hazarded, and lost every thing dear to him, even life itself, for the purpose of restoring these savage fanatics, to their own lost rights, and liberties, in the act of rendering up that life, is treated with every mark of savage barbarity, reproach, and contumely. After the great discoveries of the compass and the press, another event took place, which tended still further to relax the spiritual su- premacy. The reformation — 1317. It must be presumed, that long before this great event, a portion of mankind, was shocked and disgusted, with the profligate idolaries, and profanation of the Cler- gy j but was compelled by irresistible terrors of the church, to re- strain their feelings and opinions within their own bosoms, until the sixteenth century, when a few adventurous spirits came forth, and first openly preached, and finally protested against the most prepos- terous of these abominations of the Catholic Clergy. The Priests, ever on the alert, instantly exerted all their powers, both spiritual and temporal, the bulls of the church, and the arms of the Catholic Princes, to put down this alarming rebellious spirit. It, however, sternly resisted all their efforts, and triumphantly effected the estab- lishment of the Protestant religion. The Protestants deserve the first plaudits of mankind for relieving him thus far, from the spiritu- al dominion, which had been so long, and so wantonly exerted over him. But the Protestant's creeds still retained too much of the old leaven of original Catholicism. Nor did they succeed in causing a general reformation. . Perhaps four fifths of the Trinitarian christian? are at this day, Roman Catholics, After the crusades, these, and other events, served materially to relax the supremacy of the spiritu- al, over the temporal power. The Clergy finding themselves occa- -jionally in need of temporal assistance, consented to an union, and 13 combination of the spiritual, and temporal powers — and thus formed, what in modern times, is technically called "Church and State." This rapid review of the effects of the recognition of the distinction, between Clergy and Laity, and of the supremacy of the spiritual, over the temporal powers, gives but a very faint glimmering of the incalculable mischiefs done to mankind by these great political schemes ; and the union of Church, and State, which grew out ot them, is the great source of mischief to mankind at the present day. The people of the United States flatter themselves with a perfect ex- emption from this fatal, destructive combination ; but they are cer- tiainly mistaken. There is to be sure, a relaxation of the effects felt by the people of most modern States ; yet its baneful influence is far from being entirely eradicated. The only State paper, I recollect to have seen from any of the governments of the United States that entirely cuts asunder the union of '* Church, and State," is the law of Virginia, establishing religious freedom, 1785 — in direct oppo- sition to the doctrine of more than fifteen centuries of darkness, and oppression. That law does in substance declare, the absolute sever- ance of Church and State. In that respect, I have always consider- ed that it may in time become of more importance to mankind, than the Declaration of Independence itself — at present, however, it rests quietly in the statute book ; and is rarely disturbed by being called into action. This important Stale paper, substantially pro- claims the great original principles : That man by nature, and of right, is the sole keeper of his own conscience ; and is exclusively interested in making his own peace with his God. If he should choose to do this, by means of an intercessor, he has the exclusive right to make the choice himself; and to be sole judge of the means and of his contributions; and that government has no right what- ever to intermeddle in these matters. Still unfortunately, the dis- tinction between Clergy and Laity will be found in the Virginian Constitution. Notwithstanding this formidable union of *' Church and State," the facility of interchanging ideas amongst mankind, introduced by the art of Printing; the general improvements of the human mind in morals, and all sorts of knowledge, in consequence of that facility, would in all probability, have produced a total sever- ance of this fatal union at an earlier period, if it had not found a most potent auxilliary in another great political scheme, — the inven- tion and practical use of " public credit." WM. B. GILES, March 13, 1824. Wigwam, Amelia county, Va. NO. II. POLITICAL SCMEMERS—HARD TIMES. PUBLIC CREDIT — FUNDING SCHEME. The next great political scheme, which, as I conceive, heretofore has been, now is, and for a long time to come in all probability will be the most destructive in its influence on human affairs, is the in- vention, and practical use. of public credit: or in other words, the 14 substitution of paper bilb, without the property of intrinsic vahic, as a circulating medium, in place of the precious metals, gold and silver, which do possess intrinsic value. There are two kinds of public credit now proposed to be examined.' The one may be called the system of funding — the other the system of Banking. These, ought to be carefully distingdished from each other on account of their diflercnt modes of operation, to enable us to judge more accu- rately of the diflerent eflects of each, upon the affairs of mankind. Both systems arose from the unwise, improvident, and profligate poli- tical schemes of governments. These schemes involved the scheming governments in greater expenses, than could be defrayed by the re- venues of each year. In consequence of the deficiencies of the re- venue, this scheme was resorted to, for defraying the surplus of the expenditures. It consisted in borrowing money on interest, by gov- ernment, from individuals, or corporations ; upon certain stipulated terms. In general, the terms of the government were, to pay the in- terest, in the course of each year; and not to reimburse the princi- pal, until some specified future period; or at the pleasure of the government according to the specified terms of each proposed con- tract. .The stipulation not to redeem the principal until some future day, was called the irredeemable quality of the debt. In the early stages of funding, this quality was considered as adding something to the value of the debt, to the lender: but at present, speaking of the British government, the original inventor of the system of funding, I believe, the most irremediable quality of the principal of the debt, is to place its redemption on the pleasure of the government: — Because, the British debt, particularly, has arisen to such an enormous amount, that the government could not redeem the principal if it would, nor would if it could ; so that the public debt of Great Britain must be considered, as perpetual. Taxes are accordingly laid, made perpet- ual, and pledged to the creditor for the annual payment of the in- terest and the ultimate reimbursement of the principal. This reim- bursement, however, is neither intended, nor expected ever to take place. Both the contracting parties consider the perpetuity of the debt, as of the first importance to each. The government, because it finds, that a perpetual public debt, consolidates and continues a great monied interest, which will always unite in supporting the government ; and thus adds greatly to its despotism", power, stability and safety. The creditor, because, by this perpetuity, he may make permanent, do- mestic establishments, or any others; if he should choose to continue to be the creditor of the government himself; and because if he should choose to dispose of his debt, he can always get a full price for it in the market. These debts of the government, are evidenced by promissory notes from the government to the lender, or holder, with a transferable quality; and are denominated "stock." Great Britain has carried this system of public credit, to a greater excess than any other modern nation: and it has been found, to be proportionably more destructive in its consequences to the great mass of British subjects, than the same system has been to those of any other nation.— There are two wonderful descriptions of effects resulting from the great political scheme of the British funding sys- 15 tern.. The one in regard to posterity — the other in regard to the past and present generation. This system was first introduced with small beginnings. It is now swelled to an enormous amount. Its begin- ning may be considered to iiave been in 1697 — when the whole a- mount of debt then funded, very little exceeded £5,000,000. sterling money, It has arisen at this day, to above £900,000,000 sterling. This enormous debt, cannot be, nor is it intended, that it should be paid off by the present generation: it must then necessarily be thrown upon posterity; and to that amount, must anticipate the re- sources of generations to come. VVhat a pressure upon posterity, to defray the expenses of the profligate, and wicked political schemes a( the past and present days!! How horrible to be thus manacled before it is born !! Its first destructive influence, upon the past, and present generation, has arisen from its having created, and consolidated a great monied interest in the British nation; which has always united, and always will unite itself, with Church and State, in support of their despotic and destructive schemes .over the great mass of society. Its most destructive influence has arisen from its instrumentality, in producing extreme inequalities between the difierent orders of society. Its per- petual, uniform and inevitable tendency has been to make the rich, richer, and the poor, poorer. Such have been, and now are the as- tonishing eflects of this tendency, combined with the co-operating tendencies of other schemes ; tiiat at this moment, more than one- eighth of the whole English population, are cooped up in poor houses: the miserable receptacles of human wretchedness, degradation, filth, rags, and every other human abomination. One of these co-operating schemes, from which, all good, and no harm, was universally expected, and of course, extremely popular at the time of its adoption, arose from the momentary, humane, and charitable feelings of Queen Elizabeth. The only humane and cha- ritable act, I believe, that ever was attributed to the Virgin Queen. She, in one tender mood, 43d of her reign 1601,* directed her par- *This act, (forty-third of Queen Elizabeth) may be considered the foundation of the poor laws, both in England and Virginia." The Virginian schemers, have improved upon the English model, as most imitators do — they have discovered, that it is better to have two tier of poor- — the one for subsistence — the other for mental or- nament. This improvement has been ushered forth under the deno- mination of Primary Schools. This is the Virginian policy of the day. This scheme involves as palpable a violation of man's natural right to property as the tariff bill, or the Kentucky relief laws. It is highly pernicious in all its tendencies. It tends to give a false di- rection to the moral sentiment in disrespect of honest productive la- bor — it tends to destroy the moral feeling of its favorites — it demands of them an unnatural and base abandonment of the first obligation imposed on tiiem by their God, (to take care of their own children,) as an indispensable, qualification > to entitle them to the receipt of the iiament, to pass aii act, in substance commanding the overseers of the poor in the parishes, to collect all the poor, both married and un- married, to put them into houses to be procured for them ; and to give them employment. The obedient overseers soon prepared the receptacles, and filled them with great numbers of the poor. But they were astonished to find, notwithstanding the omnipotent decree of their sovereign mistress, they could not find employment for the congregated poor. They discovered that there were more hands than employment out of the poor houses ; and, therefore, none for those within. One part of this sovereign scheme was, therefore, rea- dily executed, the other was not, nor could it be. The paupers thus became thrown upon the public contributions for a miserable subsis- tence. This act* is the foundation of the poor laws, both in Eng- land and in Virginia. Since that time, the paupers have been con- tinually increasing, until they now amount to above one-eighth of the whole English population. They must necessarily continue to in- crease, so long as the political schemes which have produced the in- j crease heretofore, shall cotjtinue to exist. In Scotland there are no general poor laws, and of course, none of these miserable recepta- cles for the poor. — The poor, for that reason, are proportionably fewer, and better off in Scotland, than in England. Besides this j.darming proportion of paupers to the whole English population, there are millions of poor persons, not technically paupers, who are struggling by their own labour, for a mere subsistence, against the intolerable burthens imposed on them, by the political schemers of Great Britain. It is a well known fact, such are the numbers of ' distressed laborers, that upon every material unfavorable fluctuation in the price of breadstufls, one-half of the whole English population, is compelled to rely upon the alms of the other half for subsistence. A still more lamentable political effect of the public debt of Great Britain will be found in the astonishing influence it has had in con- granted favors. It tends to place temptations in the way of the dis- tributors of these favors. In this respect, I am told, it has already been attended with considerable success, &lc. 8ic. No scheme bot- tomed upon such principles as these, can produce good, whatever may be its popular glossary. — This scheme afl'ords one heavy item to the credit of hard times — and one heavier debit to rights, morals, and honest, respectable labor. * "To effectuate its own exchanges," "funded debt." It re- quires a considerable portion of the circulating currency to carry on the business of stock jobbing or gambling in the funds. This ope- ration is performed by bargains in stock, payable and deliverable at some future day. When the stipulated day arrives, the stock is nei- ther delivered nor the price paid, nor intended to be so. The dif- ference of the price on the day of contracting, and on the day of executing the contract, is all that is demanded on either side, and is a mere wager upon the contingency of the rise or fall of stock. This unproductive wagering draws a large portion of the circulating cur- rency from employments in productive labor, to pay these unprofita- 17 iirming, and perpetuating the union of Church and State. Or, in othei words; the union of the spiritual and temporal powers.-r-This has been done, not merely by consolidating an enormous monied inter- est, acting itself, in strict concert with Church and State; but by affording the means for incorporating with this coalition, a consider- able portion of the physical strength of the nation. Tlie government, through this medium, has obtained the means of extending the army and navy establishments, to an amount that never could have been anticipated, at the commencement of the funding system. Before this extension of the Army and Navy, the British government was under perpetual apprehensions for the safety of the union of Church and Slate. These arose, chiefly, from two considerations. The first was, the vast and progressive improvements, which were made, and are continually increasing, in the human" intellect, and consequently in all the arts and sciences; arising principally from the discovery of the art of printing and the facility thereby afforded to the interchange of ideas amongst men. The government clearly foresaw that if this progressive improvement of the human intellect should be permitted to go on, the fraud of the oppressive union of Church and State, would soon be discovered, and that this discovery would extend to the great mass of British subjects; then, unfortunately, laboring un- der a blind, and biggotted attachment to the church. — The other was that if the discovery of this fraud should extend to the great mass of British subjects, the disproporiioned superiority of the physical power, which was in the mass of British subjects, over that which could be commanded by Church and State, the fraudulent and op- pressive union might be severed ; and the great mass of the people relieved from the bondage they had so long labored under from this fatal union. A counteracting physical force was, therefore, all im- portant to the continuation of this despotism, and the government being furnished with the means by the monied interest, found it, in the extension of the Army and Navy. Had it not been for this ac- cumulation of physical strength in favor of the government, the great mass of the British subjects, conscious of the superiority of their physical powers, and impelled by the intolerable wrongs so long in- flicted upon them by the favored few, might long since have severed the union of Church and State, relieved themselves from their wrongs and sufferings under these political schemes, and once more rein- stated themselves in their long-lost rights and liberties. — Their pros- pects are now gloomy indeed ; for although there is still remaining, with the oppressed subjects of Great Britain, a vast superiority of "physical strength over the whole combined power of the few; yet they are distracted and disconcerted ; and never can be brought to an union of action, more especially when bound down by mental manacles, fastened on them by the church : — whilst the few, ever on tlje alert, act in the strictest concert, and supported in their oppres- sions of the many, with all the physical powers of a well equipped, disciplined Army and Navy, have been irresistible heretofore, and pro- bably will be for a long time to come. The insupportable contributi- ons too, for all this vast parapharnalia of the government, are thrown 18 upon the proflnctive labor of the whole nation ; and thus tlie contri- butors are made the instruments of their own oppressions and suffer- ings. These contributions are made by coerceive variations in the distributions of tiie proceeds of labor-^by taking' money out of tlie pocket of the productiA e laborer, and putting it into the pockets of the favored unproductive few. This operation is effected by taxes, monopo- lies, &c. The fust fruits are given to the priests, by tythes, and ali the rest distributed amongst the civil list, Army, Navy ami public creditors; leaving the productive laborer scarcely enough of the proceeds of his own labor to keep his body in good condition to labor on for the pur- pose of pampering the pricle, and administering to the luxurious indul- gencies of tlie unproductive favored few. Notwithstanding the unjust, cruel and oppressive effects of the funding system upon the great mass of productive labours, a trite dogma is not wanting to induce a belief, that it is a blessing to the British nation — to wit: "A public debt is a public blessing." This dogma is true or false, according to its application to the dif- ferent classes of British subjects. If it be applied to the holders of the stock, and of course, the receivers of the Interest thereon, it would by them, be considered a great public blessing. If it be ap- plied to the contributors of this annual interest, it would much more certainly be known and felt by them, as the greatest curse that could possibly be inflicted on them. As the receivers do not amount to one hundredth part of the contributors, the public debt must be con- sidered as more than one hundred limes a greater curse than bles- sing to the British nation. Indeed, one hundred times more may be multiplied, to arrive at the relative magnitude of this curse ; because the receipt of money by one, who had more beforehand than he had genius to spend handsomely, must in the nature of things, be almost 'infmitelv lesser blessing,' than is the curse to one, who in making his contribution is coercively stripped, not only of all the little pittance of money he has, but the bread from his own mouth, and the mouths of his children. This is but a faint glimmering outline view of the deplorable effects of the public debt of Cj'reat Britain, upon this vast proportion of British subjects. Yet this is one of the political schemes not only recommended for the adoption of the United States, but actually adopted. The pretext for ihis false dogma, is; that the stock issued, as the evidence of this pubhc debt, adds to the active capital of the nation, by finding its way into some productive employments and thus serves to increase the productive powers of labox'. The funded public debt never can have this operation to any great extent. It has but very few of the properties of a circulating currency. It is generally is- sued in too large sums to answer the common purposes of exchange. It may, sometimes, indeed, be introduced into large commercial speculations, and into large purchases of landed or other property, but it never can perform the ordinary functions of active capital. This incapacity constitutes its principal distinction from bank bills. So far from the funded debt performing the offices of active capital; it diverts a great portion of that capital from its employment in pro- 19 moting^ productive labor to its employment in the unproductive busi- ness of transferrin t,^ stock from band to band ; it being in a perpe- tual course of excbange. Stock itself being a mercantile commodi- ty; and being of great representative value, requires of course, a large portion of the circulating currency, to eftectuate its own ex- changes. From the enormous and increasing amount of contributions called for, to defray the expenses of the various political schemers of go- vernment, a national bankruptcy has for a long time, been foretold, and expected b}' many shrewd political economists; but the aston- ishing efforts of the British people seem to increase proportionably with their accumulated, and accumulating burthens. The wonder- ful improvements in the productive powers of labor from the inven- tion of labor-saving machines; combined with the increased indivi- dual industry, and exertion, have hitherto saved the nation from bankruptcy. — Indeed, funding seems just now, to have arrived at its zenith. London at this day abounds with loans of all sorts. Span- ish loans — South American loans— Mexican loans — and Greek loans, &tc. &c. ^c. ' The money lenders too, appear to be the most important person- ages of the age. Rothschild, the Jew broker, is announced in his tours through Europe, as of more importance than any one of the legitimates. He seems to direct and control the measures of all the legitimates. In this enlightened age, his scrips for cash, seem to be regarded by tl)e legitimates of the day with as much reverence as were the bidls of the Pope, by the tcmjioral kings of the earth, dur- ing the benighted period of Moukisli despotism. In addition to this concerted, political and monied influence, bear- ing down upon the rights and liberties of a vast majority of mankind, a powerful instrument in aid of this concert, has lately been in- vented and brought into practical use. It is denominated the " ho- ly alliance." The avowed object of this alliance is, to crush in the bud every rising effort of the majority, to regain their long-lost rights, and liberties, and to free themselves from the intolerable bur- thens, and exactions of the tew. All the "Holy Allies" recipro- cally agree, that if the subjects of any one of them, should make the unholy attempt, to free themselves from their intolerable bondage, the whole of the rest shall instantly employ all their physical strength to put it down, and to inflict merited punishments upon its authors. So that the oppressed majority can never expect to better their poli- tical condition; but by a simultaneous movement of all the oppres- sed subjects, of the whole of the allied legitimates. What deplora- ble effects have already been exhibited in Italy, and in Spain, from this Holy Alliance! ! And how soon after its formation, did the oc- casions arise for the exertions of its power! ! The funded debt of the United States, ought scrupulously, spee- dily, and honestly to be paid. There were many urgent reasons at the time for funding the debt; but I am of opinion at this day, that it was an unwise measure. No great inconvenience has yet been ex- perienced from it: because it has not risen to an amount bevond the 20 convenient ability ol" the United States. But its tendency is most dangerous; and if the schemers of the day remain uncliecked in their thoughtless career, they will soon produce necessities or pre- texts for its extension. The interest of this debt, however, must be set down as one item to the credit of " hard times." Cannot the political schemers of the United States be brought to consider, that the same causes, under similar circumstances, will al- ways produce the same eflects? Can they wish to see the eflects of the political schemes, here very faintly sketched,;inlroduced amongst the people of the United States? Do they not see, that ihey arc precedents to be shunned, not to be followed ? WM.^. GILES, March 16, 1824. Wigwam, Amelia county, Va. FROM THE ENQUIRER. NO. III. POLITICAL SCHEMERS.— HARD TIMES. PUBLIC CKEDIT— BANK SCHEME. I have been induced to consider the system of banking under the head of public credit; because, although the current bank bills are not issued directly from the government, yet their credit originates with, and depends upon, the government. The United States have borrowed also, the system of banking from Great Britain; and that too, with the most wonderful schemes for improvement, upon the ori- ginal model. Banks are corporations created by governments upon certain stipulated conditions, contained in their respective charters of incorporation. In England there is but one incorporated bank, called the bank of England. In Scotland there are two — the bank of Glasgow, and the bank of Edinburgh. These two banks have but little connection with the British Government, and will therefore be no further noticed. The bank of England being both a great political, and commercial engine, and being the model for the banks of the United States, shall be only so far noticed, as to give a gene- ral view of the system of banking. Of all the pernicious monopo- lies, that ever have been invented, banks must be considered as the most pernicious. Their superiority in mischief over all other mono- polies, arises from the more extensive influence they have, than an}' others, over the affairs of mankind. It is a monopoly over the cur- rency of the country; for which every individual has some necessary use, and which ought to be left equally free to the acquisition and use of every one. Every individual has, hij nature, as absolute a right to his own money, gold or silver, as he has to any other pro- perty; and to restrain him in the exercise of his own discretion in using his money, is a palpable usurpation of liis natural right to property. It is unwise, unjust, and tyrannical- The bank of Eng- land was incorporated in 1694. It has proved to be the great source of the extravagant schemes of the British Government from that time to the present day. It is now said, that this bank has as much 21 control over the finances of the government, as the government has over the aflairs of the bank. Since the late peace in Europe the government has made several attempts to compel the bank to pay its bills in gold or silver. An act for that purpose was passed a few years ago, generally called Peel's bill; but, I believe, without effect. In lieu of Peel's bill, a scheme has since been introduced, and, I be- lieve adopted, for increasing the paper currency. The bank in the true spirit of monoply, caused a stipulation to be inserted in its ori- ginal charter; that during its continuance, no other bank should be established in England, nor should any company of private bankers be permitted, which should be composed of more than six members; whereas, in Scotland, the private bankers in one company might con- sist of thirty-six members. After a long course of practice it has been observed, that there have been frequent failures of banking companies in England.; whilst there never has been the failure of a private banking company in Scotland. The great principle of dis- tinction between chartered and unchartered banks, consists in this — all the private property of the stockholders of the chartered banks except stock itself, is exempted by laiv, from all responsibihty for the payment of the current batik bills, or any other bank engagements. Their stock in bank, is alone made responsible for such payments. In the unchartered banks, the whole of the private property of all, and every stockholder, is by law responsible for all the engagements of the bank of every description. To this principle of banking, I cannot see any objection. It is a mere traffic in money instead of other things. To the prrinciple of the exemption of private proper- ty from liability for all bank engagements; I see nothing but objec- tions. Great Britain could not venture to incorporate more than one bank upon this dangerous principle of exemption ; and finds some difficulty in controlling that one. The United States, and indi- vidual States together, have adventured to incorporate upon this principle of exemption, I believe above four hundred banks. The bank of England is subject to the control of only one head, which will always be impelled by an unity of motive, and action, and this head, the Parliament, is said to be omnipotent in its powers. The multitude of banks in the United States, are subject to the control of twenty-five heads, impelled by discordant views and interests. Each of these heads, is also composed of manifold individual heads; how- well qualified to create and manage banks, let the multitude created, and the disgraced state of the currency determine. When the Bri- tish Government determined to extend the issues of paper bills, it first contracted with the bank for leave to permit the Increase of the number of members in the private banking companies from six, to thirty-six, upon the Scotch model. These private banks were per- mitted to issue their bills; and the bank of England pledged itself to the government to receive the bills issued by the private or un- chartered banks in payment. For this pledge and for a relaxation of the monopoly upon the numbers of persons composing the pri- vate banking companies, the bank demanded a bonus, which was given by the government. The new paper-issues, are bottomed up- on the whole private property of every member ol" the issuing bank- ing companies; and also upon the pledge ol'the bank of England to support tlioir credit. In this arrangement will be seen the extreme caution of the British Government, in relation to the paper credit ot that country. In this country, the bank schemers, and most unfor- tunately, the bank makers, have in many instances created banks j and authorised them to issue paper bills, for the purposes of a cur- rency, which depended solely for their credit upon the bank stock ; and when, the bank stock itself was not worth a cent. What could have ensued, or been expected to have ensued; but the utter dis- grace and confusion of such a currency? What but speculations, tricks, frauds, losses and distresses of all sorts? Are not all these consequences now practically before us? Have they not arisen from the cunning devices, or the thoughtless ignorance of bank schemers? Credit, and monopoly, are the great principles of banking. These accrue to the banks from the governmental acts of incorporation. The government authorises the bank to issue bills for the purposes of a currency upon this legalized credit. It also authorises the bank to issue its bills of credit to three times the amount of its specie ca- pital; of course;, the bank, when in full business receives three times as much interest upon its credit, as it does upon its money. Indi- viduals can only receive interest upon their money. Hence one great injustice i/i the law, against individuals; and profitable par- tiality in favor of banks. Bank credit consists, in written pro- mises upon paper to the holder of it, that the bank will pay specie in discharge of such promise, whenever the paper shall be presented at the bank for that purpose. These written promissory notes, are called bank bills. Whenever the bank can obtain the belief of the holder, that the promise made in the face of the bank bill, will be • strictly complied with, the credit of the bill, and consequently of the bank becomes consummated. If the bank could not obtain this be- lief of the holder of its bill, it would be without credit; and having no intrinsic value in itself, of course, valueless. Solvent banks are always enabled to obtain this belief in consequence of tlieir legaliz- ed charters of incorporation. There is one fundamental, and essen- tial difference in a currency of paper bills, and of gold and silver. The paper bills have no intrinsic value in themselves. Their value is only representative, and arises altogether from the written impres- sions on the face of them. Gold and silver possess intrinsic value. Erase the impression from the face of a bank bill, and the paper left, would not be worth a cent. Erase the stamp, or impression from an eagle, or a dollar, and it will be worth precisely as much as it was before ; except so far, as the actual weight might be diminished by the erasure. The value of the one, is in the idea impressed upon it; The value of the other, is in the thing itself. The principal ad- vantage to the bank, and mischief to the community, arises from the audiority given by law to the bank to receive six per ct. upon its credit, in exchange for the credit of individuals. Every issue of bank bills is fouuded upon an exchange of credit with individuals. Let the illustration of this principle be made, by taking a view of . 23 H practical transaction at the bank. The usual operation is perform- ed by an exchange of credit between the bank, and the individual dealer with tiie bank. The individual dealer, ofiers his bill of credit to the bank for discounting. The bank gives its bill of credit in exchange; but upon very unequal terms. The bank deducts from the dealer's bill of credit, at the rate of six per cent, per annum, for every sixty days ; and makes this deduction too, at the time of this exchange of credit, and not at the time of the completion of the terms of the ex- change. This st-ill further enhances the value of the exchange to the bank. When the dealer puts these bank bills of credit into circula- tion ; they must necessarily go into circulation, charged with this compound percentage ; and must necessarily act as an indirect tax upon the contributors of this per centage. If this most unjust, and unequal traffic continue long; and the bank should be honestly and judiciously conducted, will not the inevitable tendency and effect, be, to make the stock holders rich, and the contributors poor.^ The act for establishing the fnst Bank of the United States, pass- ed the 25th February 1791. Without stopping, at this time, to in- quire into the wisdom, or policy of this political scheme, at the time, and under the circumstances of its adoption, I conceive, it has cer- tainly been .most unfortunate, and pernicious in its practical opera- tions. Its first indirect effect was, to lay the foundation for above four hundred other banks. The commencement of the French re- volution preceded its adoption. And from the movements of the legitimates in consequence of that event, there was every reason to anticipate a bloody and exterminating war in Europe. This antici- pation was soon realized in the war which followed ; and u'hich, it is believed, was resolved upon by the legitimates, assembled at Piluitz., .Inly 21, 1791. The United States not only furnished, at enormous- ly high prices, the articles of the first necessity, but soon became the principal carriers, for all the belligerents. If in this propitious state of things they had been favored with the good fortune, to have es- caped this banking scheme, they would have been overflowed with gold and silver. These were in a great degree kept out of the Uni- ted States, by the substitution of the Bank currency in their stead. Instead of this Bank currency without intrinsic value, an abundant currency of intrinsic value would have flowed into the United States. Even the position, that the gold and silver, if unimpeded, would have assumed in the United States, would have been attended with the most beneficial eflects. They would, upon every principle of free circulation have found their way into every place, where they were most wanted ; to the western as w ell as to the eastern frontiers. They Nvould have become generally divided into small sums for ordinary uses ; and they would have been free to the use of every holder, un- incumbered with taxes, or contributions, in any way to the stock- holders. Instead of these obvious, natural, and beneficial results, the Jirst effect of the Bank currency was, to prevent the introduction of so much of the gold and silver into the United States, as the merchants could find employment for abroad. The next was, that the portion, which did force its way into tliein, was immediately collectedj in large 24 suins, into the vaults of the Banks. The most important of these were seated in the large commercial towns. This artificial position of the gold and silver, was the most convenient, that could have been devised for its exportation to the East Indies, whilst its natural posi- tion would have afforded all the salutary checks to it.* The excess, therefore, of this ruinous traffic is attributable solely to the circulation of the artificial currency. Political arithmetic would be incompe- tent to the calculation of the diflerence in the liberties, wealth, and prosperity of the people of the United States, in favor of the naluraj, over the artificial state of the currenc}^ Nor do I conceive the pre- sent Bank of the United Stales to have been founded upon the best terms which were within the power of the government; if indeed it had any right to found a Bank upon any terms. I think it would have been attended with many beneficial eflects if the capital stock of the Bank of the United States had been composed in part of the stock of the solvent, sound State Banks. This measure would at once have put an end tq t!)c Banking of States; and consequently to the shocking anomaly of their Banking schemes; and nnght, in some degree, have substituted a sound for a vicious currency. f It would, however, have been attended with an accession of power to the government of the United States, which is by no means desirable; and tli/s State gov- ernments would have thought themselves stripped of their brightest jewel,— but this result is inevitable. It is not possible to have a sound currency, under twenty-five discordant heads; with a new head add- ed to the score almost every year. The States must in time give over Banking; and the only security they can have against the in- creased power of the United States, is to amend the Constitution so as to strip that government also of this usurped power, usurped both by General and State govetnments. This, I trust in God, will be done, as indispensably necessary to the safety and preservation of the rights and liberties of the people of the United States. If, at the formation of the present Bank of the United States, all the stock o{ the solvent, sound Slate Banks had been absorbed in the capital .>tock of that Bank, I am satisfied, there would have been no great fluctuation in the value of the currency, in relation to the value of other things; and if there should not have been, independendy of countless other benefits, thousands of worthy, wealthy families, would have been saved from distress and poverty. Great mischiefs to soci- ety, always result from sudden aud great fluctuations in the relative value of the currency, to other things ; but the sudden and excessive fluctuation produced by the establishment of the present Bank of the United States; and the resumption of specie payments by the State Banks, certainly caused more general mischiefs than ever were ex- perienced in this country on any other occasion. These impoverish- ed and commiserated sufferers, can unerringly and feelingly point their fingers to these destructive eflects of the Banking schemes, as fhe prolific sources of " hard times." The Bank of the United States itself, would have derived considerable advantage from this opera- tion. The gold and silver in all the solvent State Banks, although little enough, would probably have been sufficient to have enabled 25 the United States' Bunk to have commenced its operations, without resorting to ruinous loans in London for that purpose; provided the gold and silver had been placed under the direction of one head. I have hastily sketched this outline view of the deranged currency of the country, arising from the distracted schemes of Banking in the hope of drawing the attention of the reflecting men of all parties to this deeply interesting subject; and to show to the people of the United States, the heavy items which must be carried to the credit of "hard times" under the ruinous "system of Banking." — But be- fore I designate the heavy items on the score of money, let a short sketch be made of its heavier influence on morals. It disrespects la- bor, and thus lessens the productive powers of labor, by holding out temptations to all, to get money by their wits, instead of getting money l)y llieir labor. It holds out temptations to counterfeiting. To Bank and Mail Robberies. To breaches of trust innumerable. In short, to the commission of almost all sorts of crimes. It thus greatly tends to demoralize society. Its demands upon the pecuni- ary resources of society for its ovvii emoluments, are truly heavy, and essentially contribute to the "hard times." They may be general- ised under the following items: Amount of dividends paid by the contributors, to the stockholders. Costs of Banking houses and other Banking machinery. Wages of oflicer^. Estimating these at ten to each Bank, they would amount to about fo\;tr thousand. Nearly equal to two-thirds of the milita- ry establishhient. These hands are taken too from productive and put to unproductive employment. Can the people of the United States doubt of the causes of "hard times" wlien they see- these things? If not, then why suft'er them? The government of the United States, os at present administered is, in principle, as much a government of the favored few, over the oppressed many, as is any government in Europe. The diflerence consists, not in the principle, but in its limited dura- tion, and extent. This limitation, however, as to its extent, relates only to the funding system. In the Banking system, the United States have already outstripped in numbers, all the governments of Europe put together. Whatever may be the forms, or professions, of a govern- ipent, if in its practical administration it shall adopt a permanent sys- tem of funding, bottomed upon a permanent system of taxation; and a permanent system of Banking, I pronounce it "a despotism.'''' If to these two permanent systems, it shall add a permanent system of manufacturing monopolies, the despotism assumes a still more ag- gravated form and effect. The mere forms of a government, can af- ford no protection against the efiects of its practical adimnistration; and if unfortunately, the present fanatical career of political sche- mers should continue long, we shall all be convinced, disregarding i'orms, that "the government that's best administered is best." WM. B. GILES. March 18, 1824. Wigwam. Amelia county^ Va. 20 NOTES REFERRED TO BY THE WRITER, i\ THE PRECEUIPyG No. * •' The excess therefore, of (his ruinous traffic, is attrihutahle ^lely to the circulation of an artificial currency. ^^ The writer does not mean to say, that a profitable export trade, under certain circumstan- ces, may not be carried, on in gold and silver, and whilst these arti- cles alone, form the measure of the value of other merchantable arti- cles, they possess merchantable properties in themselves, and are proper subjects of merchandise; tfieir exportation therefore, ought not to be prohibited. — The ground of complaint respecting the export trade in gold ifind silver, consists in its excess. — This excess is produced by the artificial facilities, given to this trade, by drawing the gold and silver from their natural positions in small quantities scattered over the whole country, and always finding the place ichere they are most wanted if lejt to their natural operations ; and by artificially drawing them from their natural position and placing them in the vaults of the banks on the sea-board in large quantities, ready for exportation, ruinous over- trading i^ produced. Artificial facilities are thus afforded to specu- lators and capitalists, of commanding gold and silver at their own pleasure, and at a moment's warning, which always has produced a7id ever will produce overtrading in gold and silver. f "/i! would, however, have been attended icith an accession of pow- er to the Government of the United States, ivhich is by no means de- sirable." Infinitely less desirable now, than when this paper was writ- ten. The General Government having usurped all power, and libe- rated itself from all constitutional restraints, whilst it is intrenching itself in usurpations of all sorts — but particularly in the corrupt ex- tension of its patronage, and profligate waste and expenditure of pub- lic money.^ — True patriotism at this day, loould consist in counteract- ing tTi^e deplorable usurpations ; by stripping the General Govern- incnt of all its assumed power and patronage, and particularly in put- ling down the Bank of the United States, at least by a refusal of the reneioal of its charter. — The States must be Ift to exercise their own policy upon the subjects of establishing Banks; unless the people should be found wise, and happy enough to strip the State Govern- ments also, of that despotic, and destructive power, and thus once more reinstate themselves in their own rights and liberties, and extend their own wealth and prosperity. — The existence of Banks and of freedom in the same country, at the same time, is impracticable and impossible. No people can bej'ree who will permit their whole currency to be placed under monopolies. From the Enquirer of April ^, 1824 NO. IV. POLITICAL SCHEMERS— HARD TIMES. Tariff Bill: — Whence the derivation of the right to pass it. The Tarifl' Schemers tell us, by way of commendation to the bill, and consolation to ourselves ; that the tariff bill is also borrowed ti'om Great Britain. The funding and banking schemes have been before borrowed ; and now the monopolising, manufacturing scheme is proposed to be borrowed. I would respectfully ask the tariff sche- mers, what other scheme, the British Government has left to lend f I know of none worth the imitation of these gentlemen ; except her colonizing and contributory systems. The contributory system, I believe, is brought to a higher state of perfection in Great Britain, than in any other country in the whole world — I mean by the con- tributory system, the art of getting money out of the pockets of the many, and putting it in the pockets of the few. In Great Britain, this art has arrived to perfect consummation — I do not know whe- ther the tariff schemers have ever thought of it ; but I will now re- mind them, that in borrowing the funding, banking, and manufactur- ing schemes, the contributory system, is consequently borrowed with them. — The contributory system is an essential appendage to the borrowed schemes. It affords the means which are indispensable to their execution. I would ask them, in what the actual difference between the government of the United States, and that of Great Britain, will consist after the practical administration of the one, shall be borrowed from tiie practical administration of the other .'' I would ask them, what has become of all their own lofty political pretensions heretofore assumed? What has become of the sublima- ted doctrine of man's capacity to govern himself? What of the il- luminations of the whole world by the brilliancy of our own politi- cal inventions? What of the promised amelioration of the degrad- ed political condition of man throughout the whole world? What of a thousand other illuminations from the wonderful inventions of our own fundamental laws? I would most emphatically ask, are these humble Imitators, the same aspiring, chivalrous knights, who, only one little month before, mounted each upon his hobby, armed capapie, resolved to take the grand turk by the hand, in defiance of all the legitimates of Europe ! ! Forbid it, common sense ! ! Forbid it, on consistency ! ! Under what circumstances too, are these destruc tive schemes to be transferred from the one government, and trans- fused into the other? Can the justification be found in any analo- gy, between either the objects, or the conditions of the two govern- ments? The object of the British Government, is to legislate for the benefit of the few. The whole number of the receivers of the contributions in Great Britain, is less than the whole number of pau- pers cooped up in poor houses. The United States profess to legis- late for the benefit of the many, or in other words, to do justice to 2Q qll. This is all lliat ever is desired by the luauy, ov could ever be for their benefit. Justice is the only riglitcons object of all legiti- mate governments. The condition too of the two countries in re- lation "to the foundation of the tariff scheme, is directly contrasted. Great Britain imports bread stulfs— the United States export bread stuffs. Is any analogy to be fuinid here? It is upon this circum- stance in the condition of Great Britain, that her whole monopoliz- ing scheme is bottomed. In consequence of requiring more bread- stufls for her own internal consumption, in years of ordinary pro- duction, than her agricuUure produces; she is enabled to lay the foundation of her luonopolisiiig system in agriculture; and she has accordingly done it. Her (irst object in her monopolising system was, the encouragement of agriculture. For that purpose she has proliibited the introduction of foreign grain, until the price of wheat in Great Britain, shall be eighty shillings sterling per quarter of eight bushels. Tiiis measure so far protects British agriculture against foreign competition— Great Britain generally requiring more bread stulis lor internal consuniption, than her agriculture produces, this provision is an operative encouragement. The relative prices of wheat in Great Britain and the United States during the last year, affords an exemplification of its practical effects. The United States raising every year more bread stuffs than they can consume, could not, by the same menns, afford any encouragement to agriculture. The prohibition of foreign grain, would be altogether in-operative in the United Slates, because none comes here, without the prohibi- tion. — Notwithstanding this contrasted condition of the two coun- tries, these humble imitators have determined to assimilate their schemes to the British model. They have proposed to put twenty- five cents duty per bushel on foreign wheat. — This imitative contri- vance, would be in-operative, except in the only case in which it would be injurious to agriculture." That would be, in a case of scarcity approaching to famine. In that case, twenty-five cents bounty would be more beneficial to the Atlantic farmer, than twen- ly-five cents duty ; because the farmer consumes relatively more grain in conducting his business, than any other description of persons. — The farmers remote frosu couunerce, would not be affected by the duty in any way. This proportion would be ridiculous, if there were not mischief and insult in it. With those two ingredients, it is contemptible. Hence it is seen that the effects of the same measure in these two countries, placed in contrasted conditions, must also be contrasted. Why then this aflectation of imitation, at a moment too, when Great J^ritain is herself ashamed of the folly and mischief of her own monopolising system? But upon this subject, there is mat- ter of higher considerations — are the powers of the two governments assimilated ? 'i'he British Government asserts the claim to omnipo- tent powers — powers over all the persons and properties of all Bri- tish subjects. The Government of the United States asserts, that all rights and powers are originally with the people; and that go- vernments arc founded upon man's consent : That the legitimate ri<^hts ant} powers of all govenunenis are derived solely from that 29 portion of the natural rights of man, which he has consented to give uj3 for the purposes of government. The question then arises — is the right of property, a natural right? If so, did man ever consent to give up the whole of his natural right of property to government? or did he agree to give so much thereof only, as was sufficient to pay all the necessary officers and agents of government, an adequate compensation for their services? The first question involves the in- quiry, respecting the origin and foundation of the right of proper- ty. If it be a natural right, it must necessarily be coeval with the creation of man; and, therefore, must be looked for in the principles of his creation. The sacred historian tells in substance, that after six days' labor, God created the world; and on the sixth day he made one man out of the clay he had created ; but God finding it was not good for man to be alone, threw him into a sound sleep; and during his agreeable repose, took out one of his ribs; and metamor- phosed it into a woman. This, according to the aforesaid account, is the foundation of the sexual system of the universe; although the development of its eftects was postponed for some time thereafter, But, as the sacred historian has omitted to tell us, how the rib was replaced ; as our own anatomical observations inform us, that there are now as many ribs on one side of a man, as on the other, and the same number on each side of a woman, as a man ; all arranged in like order, and symmetry; as such an operation is inscrutable to our finite perceptions; and it would be difficult for us finite mortals to comprehend, how the rib could have been replaced after its metamor- pliosis, into a woman ; and as moreover, the sacred historian has al- together omitted to tell us, whether or not, the same modus operan- di was observed in the creation of all other creatures, and things; some sceptical minds might raise some doubt, whether the sacred his- torian might not himself have been misinformed upon these points, through a tradition of nearly twenty-five hundred years, of barbari- t}', superstition, ignorance and fable; and whether some of the most material facts in relation to the principles of our creation, might not liave been forgotten during so long a period; I do not mean to rely upon this recital altogether for the principles of man's creation. In stating my premises, 1 shall discard every thing which is not known, and may be doubted ; and rely upon nothing, but what is known, and cannot be doubted. It is then known, that man exists; and, therefore, must have been created. That his existence is founded and continued upon the sex- ual system. That the love of the sexes is one passion implanted by God in the human heart. That it is the strongest of all human pas- sions. Besides man, it is known, that a vast variety of animals and other things, were created, and exist in the world; and that the whole of them were created upon the sexual system, under various modifi- caiinns. The uniformity and universality of this principle, would seem to demonstrate, that God acts by general, not by partial laws. Man was also created with appetites and capacities for enjoyments ; and there were also many good things created, and set before him for his- enjoyment. God in his infinite goodness and Ipcwinty, blessed 30 juaij with an innate sense of right and wrong; and with a right of property, as the necessary means for his enjoyment. This right, was to be determined by this innate sense. To ensure man's enjoy- ment, God implanted in him the love of property. This passion would stimulate man to acquire property; and is the foundation of his industry in its acquisition. According to these impulses, and prin- ciples, in a state of nature, whilst all things were in common, if one man took himself to any particular thing, and by his own labor ren- dered it more convenient for his own use, it was admitted by the uni- versal consent of all the rest of mankind, that the thing thus taken and improved, became his property : — That he had a right to it as the proceeds of his own labor : and that it would be wrong for any other individual to deprive him of it. Hence it is seen, that the right of property, is the right of nature — that it is the gift of God to man in his original creation. The origin of property, therefore, is in nature — and that the foundation of this right when brought in- to practice, and ascertained by man's innate sense of right and wrong, is occupancy and labor. Hence the derivation of man's in- dividual natural right to the proceeds of his own labor. When man entered into the social compact, and agreed to form a government, did he consent to give up to the government this natural right to the whole proceeds of his labor, or did he consent to give up so much only, as might be found necessary to pay the governmental licensed agents, compensations for their services.'* Certainly man in his in- dividual character, never intended to strip himself of his natural right to the whole of the proceeds of his own labor, nor did'govern- ment want the whole for any beneficial, legitimate object. When man then went into a state of government, he retained his natural fight over the whole of the proceeds of his own labor; except so much thereof, as would suffice to pay all the governmental officers and agents. So far from man's giving up to government, his natu- ral right to the whole of his property ; that he consented to give up the smallest part thereof, that could suffice for governmental purpo- ses — that smallest part too was given up in consideration of an im- plied agreement on the part of the government, to secure to man in his individual character the enjoyment of all the rest, at his own in- dividual pleasure. So far then from the government's possessing the rightful control over this surplus of individual property, it stands pledged to secure the individual in his own exclnsive enjoyment of it. The Constitution of the United States, confirms this doctrine in every line of it, which relates to the subject. The two words, com- pensation and 'service, are invariably coupled throughout the whole of that valuable and disregarded instrument. Whence then the de- rivation of the governmental rigiit, to take from one man the surplus of the proceeds of his own labor, and give it to another.^ Neither rendering public service; and both being equally entitled to the pro- lection of the government in the enjoyment of^ all their individual rights. No legitimate government, still less the Government of the • United Slates; being a government of chartered, limited powers, has any right whatever, to intermeddle with the surplus proceeds of 31 • man's labor, afier paying the public contributions ; and an}' en- croachment upon this sacred guarantee to the individual by govern- ment, is a palpable and unjustifiable usurpation. But the rapacious hand of government, "feeling power, and forgetting right," has at all times seized upon this surplus of the proceeds of labor, for the accomplishment of its capricious, profligate, and mischievous schemes. Instead of the government of the United States acting in the inde- pendent spirit of its own political intelligence, asserting and pro- claiming to the world, this great principle, and thus irrevocably fix- ing this boundary limit for the protection of individual rights, against governmental encroachments, it has servilely borrowed from Great Britain, the worst of her political schemes for the unprinci- pled usurpation upon this right; and none worse, than the monopo- lising tariff bill, now proposed to be borrowed. If then the Government of the United States possess not the right to take the surplus proceeds of the labor of one man, and give tliem to another, or if such right be even questionable, whilst the wrong amongst individuals is unquestionable; and if the provisions of the bill should tend to produce this effect directly or indirectly; still more, if they should tend to increase our relative dependence upon foreign nations, as will be demonstrated hereafter, it ought to drop from the hands of its contrivers, and supporters; however enamoured they may heretofore have been of their own delusive anticipations of its beneficial effects upon society. This subject, involving, as I con- ceive, the most interesting inquiries, respecting the rightful basis of all legitimate governments ; and having, for the most obvious rea- sons, heretofore received but little attention from the political econo- mists, may be hereafter resumed; provided it should please God, to grant me the small portion of health, which would suffice for that purpose. WM. B. GILES, TVigivam. Jimelia county. Va. March 20. 1824 FROM THE RICHMOND ENQUIRER, AUGUST 26, 1825. NO. VII. POLITICAL DISQUISITIONS. Raymond's Elements of Political Economy — or, the text-hook of the neiv Political School. The practical government of "this Union" far ahead of the fun- damental laws of "this Union." Fellow- Citizens: Read and ponder well on what you do read! Our fathers solemnly admonished us, to have frequent recurrence to fundamental principles j not for the purpose, as some amiaole, vision- ary spirits seem to suppose, to alter or amend these principles; but for the purpose of correcting all aberrations from them, by the prac- tical administrators of the government. These principles are de- clared to be derived from nature and from nature's God; and are, therefore, immutable and eternal. It could not be possible for our fathers under these solemn convictions, to liave advised this frequent recurrence, for the purpose of changing unchangeable eternal truths; but for the opposite purpose of considering them as infallible guides! to direct the practical administrators of the several governmental in- stitutions ; and to bring them back from their wanderings, if any should occur, to tL-e unerring truths, proclaimed in these fundamental laws. In utter disregard of this sacred injunction, as the writer con- ceives, Our federal administration has flown far ahead of our funda- mental laws. The writer thinks that our liberties are in danger. That the practical administration has assailed them ! That the eflbrts of the people in their individual capacities alone can save them ! That in consequence of these lamentable latal aberrations, a necessity has arisen for solving the great and awful political problem — Are the American people capable of self-government.'' Raymond's Elements of Political Economy will develope, as the writer thinks, the politi- cal elements of Mr. Adams, and Mr. Secretary Clay's practical ad- ministration. They, therefore, deserve to be read and well consider- ed in reference to that interesting subject. Raymond is believed to be a disciple and leader of the new political school ; and like most zealous sectarians, and still more the founders and leaders of sects, he is, in that respect, a fanatic. He may be considered as a fair ex- ample of the true taste and etiquette of the political fashionables. The writer thinks that Raymond possesses some genius, and acquired knowledge, and intrepid boldness, both in asserting his own princi- ples, and in assailing the most renowned authors in his own art. When he treats of the elements of political economy in reference to governments of unlimited powers, some of his views are entitled to respect and consideration. When he applies his elementary princi- ples to the government of the United States, he is entirely out of his own clement. He then becomes converted into a fanatic of the new corresponding precisely, as the writer conceives, with the avowals of the practical administration, appears to be, to liberate the Gov- ernment of " this Union," from all limitations, and to make it one and indivisible. Another appears to be, to render its administrators irresponsible and inviolable. The first is attempted, by asserting the unity of all Governments, comprehending that of the United States; and corresponding with President Adams' notion of "a common so- cial compact" in its application to the Government of "this Union;" forgetful of its lederal ingredients; forgetful of the several common social compacts which are the basis of the several State Governments; forgetful of State sovereignties, of State rights, and even of the re- served rights of individuals. These, the writer thinks, are evident results from President Adams' avowals, both in his Ohio letter, and in his Inaugural Address. Upon this point, let the author be heard in his own words, and the analogy shall be sketched hereafter. Extract from Raymond's Elements of Political Economy — Page 35, Volume ], " A nation is a unity and possesses all the properties of unity. It possesses a unity of rights, a unity of interests, and a unity of pos- sessions; and he who professes to treat of the interests of this unity, but departs from them, and treats of the interests of some constitu- ent part of it, will just as certainly arrive at a wrong conclusion, as the arithmetician would, who, in performing an Algebraic computa- tion, should leave out one term of the equation." Again, page 43. — " It must be remembered, that a nation is as much a unity as an individual, and must always be considered so, when treating of national interests. It possesses all the properties of unity — unity of rights, possessions, and interests." Again, page 44. — "A nation is one and indivisible ; and every true system of political economy must be built upon this idea, as its fundamental principle." Again, page 45. — When we apply "to nations, the principles which govern indivifhials, we must consider nations as individuals, distinct in all their })ropertie3, and not as part nation and part individual. Tlie nation must be considered as one and indivisible; its rights, in- terests, and possessions, as one and inchvisible." In the foregoing extracts, which are copiously made, as affording the moans of correcting any possible unintentional misconstruction, the author has effected his first object. — He has made a nation, an unity. One and indivisible. He lays this down, as an indispensable fundamental principle. — "Upon it," he says, " ever^' true system of political economy must be built;" of course, comprehending that of the Government of "this Union."— The author effects his second object in pages 221, 222; vol. l.™"No m;ni can be expected to forego a present advantage to himself, provided there is no immoral- ity in the enjoyment of it, upon the ground ihat it may be prejudicial to posterity. He may have no posterity, or if he has, their interests at the distance of two or three generations, are too remote to influ- ence his conduct. The influence of self-interest on human conduct, like the laws of gravitation, is in the inverse ratio of distance and 5 quantity. Legislators, however, are not permitted to take sucli lim- ited, short-sighted views of tlut)gs — they are placed on a more eleva- ted station— they move in a higher sphere — they are traitors to their high trust, if they do not look to the future as well as the present ; they are in one sense, (though, in a very humble one) the vicegerents of God on earth ; and, as he regulates and governs the w orld, by the laws of eternal justice and wisdom, in regard to the future, as well as the present ; by the same laws, ought legislators to regulate and govern the nations of the earth, over whom they preside. Even ac- cording to the laws of self-interest, the remoteness of the interests of future generations, should be counterbalanced by the magnitude of those interests." Here then, it appears, according to the new hypothesis, that legis- lators instead of being representatives, or servants of the people, as heretofore supposed, " are in one sense, although a very humble one, the vicegerents of God upon earth." This is the exploded doctrine of the divine rights of kings revived in the United States, and extended to all American legislators, "in one sense, although a very humble one." The objects of comparison intended by the author, it is presumed, are American legislators, and the priests and kings of the earth ; and al- though they are all the vicegerents of God upon earth, the author seems to be willing to lower the new pretensions of American legislators, to the old fashioned supremacy of priests and kings. Let not the reader, in his astonishment at this new American doctrine suppose, that the term "vicegerents of God," is here used in a figurative sense. It is used in its literal sense, and the doctrine is believed to be indis- pensable to the author's subsequent developments, as will be seen hereafter. The author himself frequently inveighs most bitterly against the use of figurative terms in polemic disquisitions. Hear him in one instance in his own words. Page 76, vol. l.—r-" Almost every word in our language has a lit- eral and figurative meanmg, and an indiscriminate use of words in their literal and figurative sense when treating of a science, cannot fail to produce ambiguity and confusion. This is a principal reason why so little Improvement has been made in the science of political economy. The most standard authors perpetually use words in their figurative, when they should be used in their literal sense. But the man who supposes political economy to be a suitable field for the flourishes of rhetoric, is greatly mistaken, and instead of throwing any light on the subject, will be sure to envelope it in thicker darkness." The author cannot be presumed to violate a rule, which he con- ceives to be essential to the perfection of his own art. Besides, the author invests his legislators with the same powers " to regulate, and govern the nations of the earth, over whom they preside, as the eter- nal God himself, possesses for regulating and governing the world: ' — and these powers are alike to be exercised by God himself, and his legislative vicegerents, according to the same laws of eternal justice and wisdom; of which, each in his own sphere, is inade the exclusive judge. This investiture of legislators, as completely unfetters them from all Constitutional restraint; and it does no more, — as do the new devices for interpreting the Constitution of the United States. Tiie wnier thinks President Adams and Mr. Clay have their lull share in these inventions, as will be shevi^n hereafter. The efiect of both of these plaYis, in unfettering legislators from all Constitutional responsibility, is precisely the same. The mode only, of effecting the same object, is different. That of the author, the writer thinks, more plain, more candid and more honest; but not more effectual for the object. If American legislators be vicegerents of God, in any sense, they can be responsible to him only for their public conduct. They cannot be responsible to the people, who dignified them, with this humble divinity. Heretofore it has been thougiit, that each man made his own peace with his own God, in his individual, not in his corporate character; but according to the doctrine of the new school, legislators are God*s vicegerents, in their corporate character, and of course can be responsible to him only in that character for their le- gislative acts. They cannot be responsible to the people in any cha- racter. The spirit of priesthood has at all times cheerfully lent its aid to invigorate the strong arm of Government. But the prie>^ts have heretofore claimed the exclusive title to God's vicegerency on this lower world in spiritual affairs; and conferred the same title on kings in temporal affairs. What will the pope and the priests say to this new American extension of this divine right to American legis- lators? What will the kings of the earth say to it.'* What will the temporal American constituents of these vicegerents say to it? Let our author now be heard in his own words, of what manner of men it is, that these vicegerents of God upon earth, are composed. Extract, page 224, vol. 1—" Legislation should always be nation- al, and not individual ; instead of which it is more frequently indi- vidual than national. This is not to be wondered at, when we con- sider what a mass of stupidity and ignorance is ordinarily selected for the administration of public affairs. It seems almost to have grown into a maxim, that "when a man is fit for nothing else, he is lU for a legislator,"- =-that neither talents, education, nor experience, are at all necessary to qualify a man to take charge of a nation's iii~ l^erests."' • Thus God's vicegerents are asserted to be good for nothing fellows, composed of "a mass of stupidity and ignorance." This "mass of stupidity and ignorance," is to be invested with the divine right of exercising its capricious despotic will over the liberty and property of the American people — not only for the present generation, but for posterit}'. Nor is God to be at all consulted in tlie selection of his own vicegerents; but tiiis "mass of stupidity and ignorance," is to be iniceremoniously palmed upon him, by tiie popular principle of universal suffrage. And the maxim of this principle of universal suffrage is, that "when a man is fit for nothing else, he is fit for a legislator," and thus, at once, becomes translated into a vicegerent of God upon earth, with powers absolute and unlimited. What ab- surdities and difficulties must ever encompass the disciples of the new school, in every attempt to exhibit to the world the militant combus- ■ibie elements of their fantastical, destructive political economy! Ju^rust 15, 1825. FROM THE ENQUIRER OF AUGUST 30, 182i'>. i\0 VIII. POLITICAL DISQUISITIONS. Raymond''s Elements of Political Economy — or, the iext-booJc of the- neiv Political School. The practical government of " this Union" far ahead of the fun- damental laws of " ihis Union." "A nation is an Unity." This is the fnndamental point upou which the author has placed himself, in regard to his wliole system of elementary political economy; and, like Archemides in relation to the natural world, give him this place to stand upon, and tiie au- thor seems to think, he can at pleasure move the whole political world. This principle is true in one sense, but it is not true in the sense of the author. A nation may be defmed to be, Uie land com- prehended within certain geoprahlcal boundaries, over which one gov- ernment presides ; whether indivisible, or composed of difl'erent parts, and the people inhabiting the land within those boundaries. Tiie term "nation" comprehends as well the lands, as the inhabi- tants thereupon, within the prescribed limits of tiie government. In- deed, in speaking of a " nation," it is impossible, in our concep- tions, to separate the land from the people, or the people from the land. If the people were removed from the land, they could not properly be considered as a "nation;" nor could the term "nation" be properly applied to a tract of country without an Inhabitant, The Israelites, whilst removing from Egypt, could not properly be considered as a nation, until they possessed and Inhabited the prp- inised land. Nor were they called a nation during their pilgrimage. They were called the people of Israel, not the nation of Israel. Af- ter inhabiting Palestine, they became the Jewish nation. During their pilgrimage they wanted that ownership of land, and fixture upon it, which are essential to nationality. So, at this da}^, the wandering Arabs are not called nations of Arabs, but tribes of Arabs. The American Aborigines, although in common parlance, are often called nations; yet in the Constitution of the United States, they are called "Indian tribes," in direct contradiction to foreign nations. "Congress shall have power to regulate commerce wi^b foreign nations, amongst the several States, and with Indian tribes.-' This distinction is founded upon the same principle — ^the want of ti- tle, possession, and fixture upon lands, within certain prescribed li- mits ; and their consequent savage condition. For, although the Indians claim certain lands, the United States deny to them all title, except the usufruct. Still less, can an uninhabited country be called a nation. The uninhabited country of Arabia, is never called the Arabian nation, but the Arabian deserts. The author, although highly sensible of the importance of precise, specific definitions, in all polemic disquisitions, often confounds tlic terms nation and go- vernment, and uses them as convertible terms; whereas, there are not two terms in the English language of more distinct and separate 8 meaning. The difference between a part and a vvtiole. Govern- ment may be defined to be, a corporation consisting of one or more persons, invested with the exercise of all rightful political power, over a nation, *^ and is a constituent part of such nation. Govern- ments have been derived cither from force, fraud or compact. Those derived from force and fraud, have been said, to have their origin in the immediate gift of God, to the respective Governors, without anj- intermediate right, or invention of the people. Those derived from compact, have their origin in the people, as the rightful source of all political power through the gift of God to them in their original na- tive character. The people being then the original sovereign own- ers of all power derived from the gift of God to them in their native State, they by written compacts, have granted out certain portions thereof, to governments in their corporate character, to be exercised for tiie benefit of the people in their original character. The Con- stitutions of the several States and of the United States, afford the first examples of the formation of governments of this description, and of course, they are of recent origin. This discovery has here- tofore been thought to promise much for improving and meliorating the political condition of man: and the first experiments under it, were thought to iiavebeen successful, even beyond the most sanguine hope, or expectation of the most sanguine admirers of this invention ; but lamentable to be told, the writer thinks this great American in- vention, so much wanted by all mankind, and so much cherished and beloved by the American people, is already strangled in its infancy by the untaught, unthinking, unwise, visionary, ambitious, political fasliionables. *"And is (a government) a constituent part of such nation." A national flag is an emblem of the whole nation, of which the govern- ment is only a constituent part. Thus the flag of France, is called the French flag, not the King's flag, nor the Government's flag, but the French nation's flag, one and indivisible, comprehending as well the territory, as the inhabitants of France. The flag of "this Union" is called the American flag. It is an emblem of the whole American nation; comprehending all its vari- ous governments, territory, and inhabitants. The States compre- hending State Governments are rej)resented in die flag by stars and stripes. After the admission of several new States into " this Uni- on," the writer tiiinks, a law was passed to increase these emblems. so as to correspond in numbers with the admitted States. Accord- ing to the doctrines of the new school, if a law at this day, were to be passed upon that subject, it would blot out all the emblematical stars and stripes, and fill up the blanks with the awful words nation- al — "one and indivisible." AVo be to the American people, whenever these beloved emble- matical stars and stripes, shall be stricken from their flag; and, when- ever, the friendly, propitious State Governments, shall be stricken from their proper spheres in the celestial regions of American Con stitutions! ! ! 9 If then, by the term "nation," the author merely meant that a nation consisted of a certain extent of country within prescribed limits for the purpose of government, and the inhabitants of that country amalgamated in one conception, it is admitted, in that sense; that "a nation is an unity," "E Pluribns Unum" — but then this amalgamation must be made up of its different integral units com- posing the whole, with all the properties rightfully belonging to pach, whether these units consist of States, governments, or indivi- duals. In tliis sense, the author's great fundamental principle would not answer his purpose. He, therefore, proceeds to explain the sense in which he uses the term, and in which sense alone, can it be made to answer his purpose. Thus — "It" (a nation) "possesses a unity of rights, a unity of interests, and a unity of possessions." This also may be true, if it be confined to the lawful rights, inter- ests and possessions of a nation in its national character, as, for in- stance, the rights, interests, and possessionsof the unsold lands belong- ing to the nation of the United States, as contradistinguished from the rights of the individual members thereof; whether sovereign States, State Governments, or individuals: but if in this unity, is intended to be compreheiuled all the rights, he. of the integral units composing this nation, whether States, Governments, or individuals, then it is not true. It then becomes a principle involving the most unfounded, despotic, and preposterous results. Yet it is in this sense only, in which ilie unity of a nation can be made to answer the author's ohject : in developing his frightful elementary principles of political econom)\ What can the author mean, by an unity of rights, 8ic. beloiiging to a nation, unless it be ail rights natural and derivative.'' He makes no distinction ; and must, therefore, be under- stood to include the whole. It is a matter of some surprise to the writer, that political economists, have not heretofore made some at- tempts to draw more precisely the line of discrimination between these two great descriptions of rights. The writer does not now propose to make the attempt; but he will sketch out a few of the first description, which, he thinks, will be sufficient abundantly to shew the preposterous absurdity of a national unity of all rights, na- tural aud derivative. The right to labor — tlie right to make bread — and the right to eat it, it is presumed, will be admitted to be na- tural rights. Man is absolute sovereign over these rights, in his in- dividual native character, and in that character, he exercises them at his pleasure. Suppose in this amalgamation of rights, he could and would give them up to the nation for the purpose of forming its quality of unity; how coidd it be exercised by a nation in this qua- lity of unity.'' Could this unity eat bread for "an individual, and di- gest it after eating it.'' The notion is absurd and preposterous. The right of marriage is a natural right. Could a nation in its quality of unity execute this right i* If so, the writer calls upon the author for the modus operandi in either case. When a man becomes a member of a nation, he does not abandon these rights, but he re- tains them with him to be executed in his individual original charac- ter^ in his associated State ? The^e are simple, but important rights; B lit more impoitaiU than llie whole tribe of conx entionai rights put to- get4ier; for upon their exercise depend the very existence and con- tinuation of tlie human species. These and innumerable other na- tural rights, precious as numberless, belong to individual man, whe- ther in a natural or associated State, to be exercised by him in his individual character as original sovereign owner. Without descend- ing into a more minute illustration at this time, the writer thinks this view will demonstrate the absurdity and folly of an amalgamation of all rights natural and conventional, individual and corporate, as the foundation of this magic quality of national unity. Every individu- al after becoming a member of a nation, retains to himself all that portion of his natural rights, which, in free governments, is not ce- ded by his voluntary consent, and in despotic ones, which is not compulsively taken from him by the government. Even in the most despotic European Government, the writer thinks, there are some rights reserved to each individual member, to be exercised in his ori- ginal, native character, if not in the avowed theory of such govern- ments, certainly in the practical administration of them. This is one respect, in which the writer thinks, the author's notions of the extent of governmental powers over individual rights, would not be avowed by the most depotic Government in Europe. This point will be more particularly explained hereafter. The author's princi- ple, strips the individual members of government of all rights, and usurps the whole for the nation in its united character, to be exercis- ed by the government of that nation in its corporate character. Not a vestige of right is to be executed by the individual member in his original native character. On the contrary, the writer contends, that each individual member retains to himself his most important natu- ral rights. That he is absolute sovereign over these retained rights to be exercised by himself at his own pleasure ; and that no govern- ment can rightfully control him in the exercise of these retained rights. This is the practice, whatever be the theory of governments, one and indivisible, v.hen acting under the claims of sovereign un- limited powers; but it appears now to be disavowed by the disciplee- of the new school, in their application to the Government of the Uni- ted States, although limited in its powers by a specific charter. This doctrine is absolutely inapplicable to the Government of " this Uni- on," and expressly forbidden by the fundamental laws of every American Governmental institution: and more so, in application to the Goverinnent of "this Union," than to any one of the State Go- vernments. The Government of "this Union," is composed of the people of the United States, previously associated by express written social compacts, under several Slate Governments. Thus associated, the people of the United States formed the Government of the Uni- ted States by a division of political powers between the General and State Governments ; but, far from abrogating the pre-existing State Governments, they made the States themselves, in their sovereign character, parties in the formation of the General or Federal Govern- ment. The people of the United States, reserved to the States in their high sovereign character, all rights and pov/ers whatever. 11 Vthlch were not expressly given to the General Government in their Federal compact, the Constitution of the United States. The peo- ple retained to themselves all rights, not expressly given either to the State or General Government to be exercised by tliemselves, at theii own pleasure, as original sovereign owners thereof. Indeed, neither the General Government nor the State Governments can properly be considered as sovereigns over the rights granted to them by the peo- ple; because the people retain the sovereignty over the granted rights. They are not absolutely but conditionally granted to these Governments respectively. They are held in trust for certain pur- poses specified in the written grants; and, if the Governments re- spectively violate these trusts, the people reserve to themselves the jight to resume these grants at their own pleasure. Sovereign is absolute and uncontrollable. If a right be held subject to the con- trol of another, the holder is not the sovereign of such right, but tlia) other who has the ultimate control of \L Hence, according to the fundamental institutions of the United States, the people are absolute sovereigus over all political rights, granted, as well as retained. Neither the General nor State Governments possess the sovereignty over even the granted rights; because the granted rights are to be executed by these Governments respectively in trust, according to the conditions specified in their respective charters, subject to the ul- timate control of the sovereign people; the retained rights are to be executed by each individual in his native character, as original, sovereign owner. But if, according to the doctrine of the new school, the American nation possess an unity of rights, interests, and possessions, in exclusion of all individual and State rights, to be exe- cuted by the Government of "this Union," then the people of "this Union," possess no rights whatever, neither natural nor convention- al: nothing being left to them but the delusive hope, not the right, of being well governed by their sslf-created sovereigns absolute. The States also, thus become despoiled of all rights, whilst the Government of "this Union," one and indivisible, becomes possess- ed of all rights, interests and possessions in absolute sovereignty. Now when it is considered, according to the author's hypothesis, that this national unity is to be controlled and directed by legisla- tors who are made God's vicegerents upon the earth for that pur- pose, and consist of good for nothing fellows, a " mass of stupidity and ignorance," unrestrained by any other influence than the laws by which God governs the world; can the imagination conceive of a more frightful form of government, held forth to the American peo- ple by this admired and lauded disciple of the new political school ? What invention or device, could more effectually abrogate every re- straining principle in the Constitution of the United States? What more vauntingly defies and insults the fundamental laws of every American political institution ? What says the Constitution of the United States, upon this main doctrine of amalgamation of all riglits to be executed by the Govern- ment of "this Union.?"- The people of "this Union" anticipated the possibility of this frightful and inonstrous itsurnation; and as a safeguard against even tliis possibility, caused the following amend- ments to be annxed to tlie Constitution of the United States: Amendment 11. — "■ Tlie enumeration, in the Constitution of cer- tain rights, shall not be construed to deny or disparage others, re- tained by the people.'''' ' 12. — "The poM-ers not delegated to the United States by the Constitution, nor prohibited by it, to the States, are reserved to the States respectively, or to the people.'" The same principle of retain- ed rights by the people, is solemnly declared in every State Consti- tution, which has any reference to that subject. In open defiance of all these solemn declarations, made by the people of this Union, in their high sovereign character, the political fashionables, as the wri- ter conceives, have unblushingly and contemptuously trampled under foot all these gi-eat fundamental truths, and substituted for them the fantastical, unlimited discretion of legislators. This circumstance itself affords ample matter for observation. It shall receive some consideration hereafter. Let the analogy be now sketched between the political consequen- ces of the author's doctrine of national unity, and President Adams's doctrine of a common social compact, as applied in his Oliio letter j and the following doctrine taken from his Inaugural Address: "To the topic of Internal Improvement, emphatically urged by him in his Inauguration, 1 recur with peculiar satisfaction. It is that from which I am convinced that unborn millions of our posteri- ty, who are in future ages to people this continent, will derive their most fervent gratitude to the founders of this Union, that, in which the beneficent action of its Government, will be most deeply felt and acknowledged." The analogy of the same political consequences deducibJe from the rules adopted by Preiident Adams in interpreting the Constitu- tion of the United States, shall form the subject of the next Num- ber. In the meantime ; for the analogy deduclble from the Inaugural Address, the render Is respectfully referred to No. 3, of these Dis- quisitions, printed the l/iih April last, before the writer had seen ilaymond's book ; and for that deduclble from the Ohio letter, to a re- view thereof, printed the 25th February last. To enable the reader to trace this analogy with the more facility, you are now requested Messrs. Editors to republish that review, vvlilch has been reconsidered and corrected. It may thus form part of this No. This request calls for some additional printing; but, if the writer be not much deceived in his views of this solemn subject; it calls for much writing, much printing, much reading, much consideration, and much practical counteraction from the peo- ple of the United States, to save their most precious rights and li- berties, froiT! the deprecated tendencies of the doctrines asserted by the practical government of "this Union," to liberate itself from all the wholesome restraints, solemnly imposed upon it by the fundamen- tal laws of "this Union," as the necessary and liallowed safe guards of these inestimable rights and liberties. This subject to be continu- ed in the next No. - August 18, 1825. PROM THE ENaUIRER, SEPTEMBER G, 1825. POLITICAL DISQUISITIONS. NO. IX. Raymond's Elements of Political Economy— or the Text Booh of the new Political School. The practical government of "this Union"— far ahead of the fun- damental laws of " this Union." " A nation is an unity." Having in the last No. attempted to ex- plain the author's doctrine of national unity, and to point out some of its most prominent political consequences; having also referred to two papers to shew the analogies between that doctrine and President Ad- ams' doctrine of a ^^ common social compact," as explained in his Ohio letter, and his doctrine of "this Union," in application to ''its gov- vernment," as avowed in his Inaugural Address; the writer will now proceed to shew the analogies between the same doctrine and the in- ventions of the new school for interpreting the Constitution of the United States. Inventions for interpreting the Constitution of the United Slates so as to destroy all its limitations upon the powers of the practical government, seem of late, to have become the fashion- able occupation of its practical administrators. The late President has the credit, as the writer understands from the newspapers, of the following rule of interpretation : That, according to tiie provisions of the Constitution, the powers of the practical government extend to every legislative enactment, which will admit of the application of money for its effectuation. Now, as the writer cannot conceive of any legislative enactment, which may not be made to admit the ap- plication of money for its effectuation; the powers of the practical government, by consequence, must extend to every legislative enact- ment whatever ; and of course this rule annihilates at a single thought, every restraining provision of the Constitution, upon the powers of the practical government. The writer is not informed vvhether, or or not. President Adams has adopted this simple, operative rule of in- terpretation. He cannot, however, but infer the affirmative, from the eulogy pronounced in his Inaugural Address upon the "eminent citi- zen," who has the credit of the invention ; and upon the whole course of the "eminent citizen's" administration, without any exception, or reservation whatever. But this point, is of the less importance in the estimation of the writer, since he conceives that President Adams has either invented or adopted other rules of interpretation, which tend to produce the same effects. One of these rules is, to consider the term " general well'are" in itself, as a grant of power to the prac- tical government; and not an end, for the promotion of which, cer- tain specific powers are granted, that all the means necessary and proper for carrying into effect this general grant of power, must fol- low, as incidental to the grant itself; and the choice of these means 14 is left to the midelined and unlimited discretion of legislators. This is the doctrine of national unity identified in all its essential political consequences. This rule of interpretation shall form the subject of a future No. Another invention of the same tendencies, consists in substituting words of more indefinite meaning, not in the Constitu- tion, for words of more definite meaning which are in the Constitu- tion. Thus the term "facilitate," is substituted for the term "regu- late." But, the writer thinks. President Adams has recently borne off the palm in this fashionable occupation of inventing contrivances for destroying all constitutional restraints upon the powers of the prac- tical government. Tliis new invention, as the writer understands the Inaugural Address, consists in this: That the practical govern- ment has the right of assuming any power it may want for experi- mental projects. Internal Improvements being the example present- ed, and the right or wrong of such assumptions may be tested after- wards by actual experiments upon the assumed power. If these ex- periments shouW prove, that the assumption had produced practical public blessings, then the assumption would be rightful; but, if un- fortunately, the experiments should prove, that the assumption pro- duced practical public curses, then the assumption would be wrongful. Several difficulties present themselves to the writer, in the execu- tion of this new invention. It would often be as difficult to deter- mine, whether the experiments upon the assumed power, had pro- duced practical public blessings, or practical public curses, as to test the right or wrong of the original assumption, by the application of plain, honest common sense, and plain common honest reasoning, to interpreting the meaning of the original grant. For example — Take the finest feather in the cap of the last administration; the acquisi- tion of the Fioridas. The writer is decidedly of opinion, that the waste of public character; and of the moral influence of American Institutions in the profligate means, as the writer thinks them, which were resorted to for effecting that object, have produced more prac- tical evils to the United States; more fatally injurious effects upon their fundamental laws, than could be counterbalanced by the acqui- sition of one hundred such Fioridas. The different dispensations awarded to General Jackson and Commodore Poier for the like acts, seem latterly to have come down upon President Adams in consequence of his having been the defender of the one and the accuser and punisher of the other. From the very conspicuous part President Adams acted in the Florida scenes, he probably differs with the writer in opinion. This matter of experiment then, at least thus far, is still matter of opinion. How mucii further this difference of opinion extends, the writer knows not. Another difficulty presents itself, respecting the point of time, which would be required by the practical government, to ascertain the facts from the experiments upon the assumed power. For example— Take the assumed power ^o make Internal Improvements. How long would President Adams require possession of this power, for the purpose of experimental projects? Would he be satisfied with a century's possession? This 15 would be about the limit of time within which, Mr. Secretary ClayV, delusive promises of a home market, for the people, under the lardy operation of his Tariff law, are to be realised. Suppose a century granted for experimental projects upon Internal Improvements, and at the expiration of that time, it should most unfortunately turn out, that these projects had produced practical public evils, instead of practical public blessings, as the writer is very sure it would in rela- tion to Internal Improvements in the unsuitable hands of the Gene- ral Government; by what process or ceremony could the power thus wrongfully assumed, be restored to its rightful owners; — the State Governments? And could it be expected, that the plundered State Governments would be quiet, patient lookers on, during a century, for these capricious experiments upon their own usurped rights.'' But what- ever may be thought of the ingenuity of this invention, or the diffi- culties attending its execution, the writer solemnly calls upon all his fellow-citizens, most attentively to review all these inventions for in- terpreting their Constitution; to consider well, their political tenden- cies and consequences; and then ask themselves, whether they do not all eventuate in the same political results with those of the doctrine of national unity, to wit: The abrogation of all the provisions of the Constitution, which limit the powers of the practical government, and the substitution of the unlimited discretion of its administrators in their stead? Admit that these political results will be thus insti- tuted by the practical administrators, in place of the fundamental laws, which the people had solemnly made, and declared for them- selves; and no doubt can exist upon this point in the mind of any impartial, intelligent human being; the General Government would thus become converted, into an absolute despotism of the worst or- ganization and tendencies. It would, in substance, thus become transformed into an elective monarchy for four years, extended by custom and courtesy, to eight. The elections would be grounded mainly upon the principle of universal suffrage. Under its evil influ- ence, legislators with unlimited discretion would be chosen; who, ac- cording to the author, are to be considered as God's vicegerents upon earth; and generally consist of a mass of stupidity and ignorance; and whilst it is admitted that there are many virtuous, intelligent, patriotic American legislators, the author might probably have men- tioned another compound mass of selfishness and vice, more mischiev- ous than the compound mass of stupidity and ignorance; the united compounds, perhaps, forming a majority of the whole; under whose baneful influence the Tarifl' law and other ridiculous, destructive re lief schemes have been palmed upon the people of the United States. These hopeful legislators would posses an absolute discretion to vote patronage to the Executive suflicient to corrupt themselves, and to enable them to corrupt their constituents, whose maxim, according to the author in exercising this inestimable right of suffrage, has al- ready come to this — " That when a man is fit for nothing else, he i"; fit for a legislator." Fellow-Citizens, critically review this picture, examine it with your best attention, and ask yourselves if it be over- drawn!!! Ask yourselves further, whethpv you do pcf belield some 16 of these things iti actual operation at this moment!! If so, Is it not time to consider well, and determine whether you are prepared to exchange your own fundamental laws, made by yourselves, and if fairly and honestly interpreted, most aptly fitted to the protection of your rights and liberties, and to assure you of enjoying the highest destinies awarded to man in a social state, for these new-fangled in- ventions, which in the opinion of the writer, exhibit the most fright- ful despoiisnj ! ! But, horrible as this picture is, its most shocking and deprecated feature is yet to be sketched and exhibited. This con- sists in the application of this new-fangled, complicated system of desnotism, to the peculiar condition of the territory and people of the U. States when compared with the people and territory of any other nation. These monstrous political anomalies would arise from the vast extent of territory, and the present and rapidly increasing num- ber of inhabitants, connected with the difi'erent climates and produc- tions of soil; and the diflerence in the pursuits and interests of the inhabitants; greatly aggravated too, by the circumstance of their be- ing in a great degree sectional. It was on this ground that States and State Governments now to be annihilated become essential in- gredients in our beautiful system of fundamental laws; and above all, from the diflerence in the great principles of labour, established in diflerent sections of the territory, upon wiiicli, the community in each, depends for its subsistence, its prosperity, and its happiness. Ill estimating these views of this part of the subject, it should be primarily observed and should never be forgotten; that none of these diflerences in sectional pursuits and interests grow out of the natural relations of different occupations in society. They are all created by the artificial intermeddling of the Government. It is impossible to find any difference in the natural relations of the slave-holding and the non-slave-holding States, nor in the different occupations of their inhabitants respectively. The cotton planter of the South raises an article which is indispensable to the prosperity of the manufac- turer of the East, whilst he wants the manufactured article in return. In the natural operation of their different sectional pursuits, they become reciprocally beneficial to each other, and no difference of in- terests is seen to exist between them ; but the moment the government intermeddles with these occupations, and artificially takes from the cotton planter a certain portion of the annual proceeds of his labour, and gives it to the Eastern manufacturer, then commences the differ- ence of interests between these two sectional occupations. This dif- ference of interests consists in precisely the quantum of the produce of the labour of the one, compulsively taken by Government and given to the other. The interest of the one is to increase, of the other to lessen, the quantum of labour. Let nothing be taken from the one and given to the other, and all difference of interests instant- ly vanishes, and a reciprocity of interest, becomes instantly restored. The one condition being the natural and rightful relation of these two occupations; the other, the wrongful artificial relation created by the Government. Different occupations in society, and still more, if such occupations be sectional, afford the most fruitful means to Govern- uients, of creating artificial differences of interests in society; and through such artificial differences of establisliing and confirming their own despotism. The most detestable acts of the most detest- able tyrants have often derived their pestilential influence from this condition of society. They play off the interest of one occupation against another; and thus make all dependent upon them, for the fa- vors they capriciously deal out to each. The Tariff law, is the most illustrative example of the truth of this doctrine. It is upon the ar- tificial difference of interests created by that law, as the writer con- ceives, that the present administration has placed itself for support; and that interest in its meretricious courtship of the administration, has yielded up, in the opinion of the writer, every wholesome restrain- ing principle of the fundamental laws ; and relying upon the favorit- ism of the Government, has heedlessly thrown all its own rights up- on the partial discretion of the administration. Introducing this law, at this time, merely for illustration, without pursuing the subject m detail, the writer will only observe further; that in his judgment, this law is, at this moment, producing the most injtirious effects upon the Government and people of the United States. It has deranged the natural beneficial relations between different sections of the country and different occupations in society. In consequence of an unjust favoritism, it has destroyed all the moral influence of the Government. The writer believes, that there is not an intelligent cotton, nor tobac- co planter, nor wheat farmer, who does not know, that he is plunder- ed of a considerable portion of the annual proceeds of his labor, for the benefit of the manufacturer. This necessarily produces antipa- thies and jealousies, where mutual confidence before existed. The intelligent manufacturer knows the same thing and indulges the same spirit. With this knowledge and feeling, neither can have any con- fidence in the morals of the Government. The only difference be- tween them consists in this — the manufacturer is bribed by the favor he receives to support the immoral measures, and every other of the partial administration. He thus becomes corrupted and demoralised himseli^ The planter, conscious of his own wrong, must despise the sturdy robber; whom he mistakingly thinks, he has no means of re- straining and repelling. Innumerable other evil consequences result from these preposterous inventions, for interpreting the Constitution of the United States. One of the most extensive and prominent, consists in the unprincipled shufliing for offices, and patronage. This has produced and extended far and wide, a baneful electioneer- ing spirit; out of which has arisen a still more evil spirit of idolatry. Here let the reader pause, look around and see; if this evil spiiit of idolatry, is not already unblushingly stalking through the land? Let him then consider well; what manner of evil spirit, is this spirit of idolatry? It is that evil spirit which degrades man from his own dignified, independent nature, conferred upon him by his God, and converts him into the miserable dependant upon an ither. It is that evil spirit which strips man of his own intellectual energies, and makes him the slave and the sport of every intriguing, flattering demagogue. It is the fun-^Atical evil spirit which exalts others, and c 18 debases itself. It is tiic deiirions evil spirit which worships an idol, more unworthy than the idolater. It is that evil spirit which ascends to the divine right of Kings; and sanctifies the oil of the Lord's an- ointed — which makes the monarch every thing and the people no- thing — *\vhich converts its idol into the Almighty, and the people into "sheep of his liand." The world has recently seen two of these idolatrous ceremonials. Have the people of the United States he- come lascinated with them? Are they ready for their introduction here, and their extension to their own legislators? If not, then let the people of the United States beware how they countenance and indulge this evil idolatrous spirit, already introduced, and bids fair to become predominant amongst them. Let President Adams tooj deeply reflect and well consider how much the future dignity and welfare of the whole human race, how much the future fame and glory of his own country and of himself, are concerned in fi owning down this degrading, destructive, deprecated spirit, and in reinstat- ing the rights of man by leaving to him the enjoyment of all, in his individual character, except the smallest portion thereof, which ma}' be found indispensable for all the necessary objects of Government. — How deplorable might be the consequences to the whole human race; if, at this luminous period of the world, when other people, and other Governments are actively engaged in developing the ener- gies of the human mind, and urging individual man on to the high destinies awarded him in his creation by his God, President Adams, blinded by the false glitter of his high station, should endeavor to arrest these glorious efforts of others, by dishonoring the great poli- tical truths first discovered in his own country; and by disavowing the blessed and happy results of the most successful experiments up- on these great American developments! ! August 22, 1825. JVote. — *" Which converts its idol into the Almighty; and the people into 'the sheep of his hand.' " This thought reminds the writer of an anecdote told of a French Catholick, who had become converted into an English Protestant. This "rare giv's,"' with the burning zeal of a new convert, resolved to preach protestantism in I^nglish, before he had become acquaint- ed with either the idiom, or words of the English language. Being himself enraptured with the Episcopal Lnturgy, whilst delivering one of his most glowing sermons, thinking in French, and speaking in English, it occurred to him, that he might iinpro\e his own heated eifusions, by the following quotation from his admired Liturgy — "For the liord is our God — we arc the people of his pasture, atid the sheep of his hand." When arrived at the last clause of the in- tended quotation, the inspired orator found to his great surprise and confusion, that he had lost all recollection of the English word "sheep." In this distressing dilemma, he began to ejaculate. "Ah, ho, ha, diable, vat datyou call 'em?" At this critical moment of per- plexit}', the thought of the French word " moutori'^ most opportune- ly presented itself to his relief, and recollecting its similarity in sound FROM THE ENQUIRER, SEPTEMBER 9, 1824. POLITICAL DISQUISITIONS. NO. X. Raymond's Elements of Political Economy — or the text book of the new Political School. The practical government of ''this Union" — -far ahead of the fun- damental laws of " this Union." Without giving further attention at this time, to the prefatory pre- parations of the author for the great object of his work, the writer will proceed at once to his chapter on "protecting duties." This subject appears to be the git of the whole work ; and it seems to have been written principally with the view of provhig the right of the Genei-ul Government to lay duties for the sole object of protect- ing domestic manufactures. From the circumstances attending the publication, it may fairly be presumed to have been written, at the request and under the influence of the manufacturing interest. The first edition was dedicated to tiie late " Honorable Robert Goodloe Harper, L. L, D.," on the 20th of November, 1820. It soon ran through one edition, and the preface to the second edition, bears date December 4, 1823. From these and other circumstances it would appear evident, that the principles avowed in this work, form the basis of the right to pass the Tariff bill, and have been received as orthodox, by the supporters of that law, and by the disciples of the new political school — the present political fashionables. This sect of politicians, now constitute the dominant party in the practical Government, as the writer believes; and, therefore, these principles deserve to be profoundly considered and well understood by tlie whole American people. To give the sect the full benefit of their own elements of political economy, you are requested Messrs. Edi- tors, to publish the following extract. The writer thinks its devel- opments, if duly understood, will full3' justify the printing for the to the English word " mutton," which designates sheep for slaughter, the delighted orator exclaimed ah — oui — ca ira — dat is de niouton and triumphantly proceeded with the quotation — " We are de people of his pasture, and de ^^mouton''^ of his hand." It really seems to the writer, from the new-fangled notions recent- ly exhibited in the public prints, that the poHtical fishionables have actually prepared themselves, voluntarily to abandon the high and happy destinies awarded to the American people by their fundamen- tal laws, and ignobly to humble themselves into "national" nmtton; to be fleeced, slaughtered, or pampered at the capricious will of their darling "national" Government; and with the like burning zeal of Jiew converts, are strenuously urging the whole American people lo debase themselves into the same miserable humiliation. 20 mfonnatiou of every citizen, who feels a patriotic interest in the fundamental laws of his countr}-. Extract from Raymond's Elements of Political Economy, from, page 201, to the bottom of page 205, inclusive, Vol. 2. "Upon all subjects relating to political economy, and especially upon the subject o( protecting duties, it is ever to be remembered, that the public interests are paramount to individual interests — that a private mischief, or inconvenience, must be endured for the public good ; and that when a political economist has shown that public and private interests are opposed, he has made out a case in which the interposition of the Government is necessary — he cannot be re- quired to prove that private interests ought to give way — this is. to be taken for granted. "In military tactics, it is a fundamental principle, that the army is one, and the general head; no soldier is permitted to have a right or an interest, opposed to the general good of the army. So, in political economy, it should be a fundamental principle, that the na- tion is one, and the legislature the head; no citizen should be per- mitted to have a right, or an interest, opposed to the general good of the nation. Until this comes to be admitted and acted upon as a fun- damental principle, political economy will remain in its present crude chaotic state, and cannot be subjected to the rules of science." " It may, with as much propriety, be maintained that the power and capacity of an army, would be augmented, by permitting every soldipr to exercise and employ his military skill and prowess in what manner he pleases, as that the power and capacity of a nation will be augmented, by permitting every citizen to employ his skill, industry and capital, in what manner he pleases. "The rights and duties of a general and his soldiers, are totally distinct and frequently opposite. The rights and duties of a legisla- ture and its citizens are as distinct and scarcely less frequently oppo- site. The soldier should have as much liberty as is consistent with the good of the army. It would be oppression to deprive him of this. The citizen should have as much liberty as is consistent v/ith the good of the nation. To deprive him of this would be tyrann}^ More than this he ought not to claim. The general is the judge in the case of the soldier. The legislature is the judge in the case of the citizen. Soldiers take all the liberty their general will give them. Citizens take all the liberty the law allows them — they were never known to refrain from engaging in any profitable trade or business which the law allowed, because it was detrimental to the nation. If the slave trade is profitable they will engage in it, unless the law forbids it, and often even then. If they refrain at all when there is no law against it, it will be from other and iiigher motives, than regard to the nation's welfare ; and it will be the same with every other kind of trade or employment." "We often hear people talk about individual rights in a strain that would lead one to suppose, that national interests and individual rights were, in their opinion, often at variance. They seem to suppose that 21 the riG;bt of property is absolute In the individual, and that every one has arip;ht to sell to whom he pleases, and to buy of whom he pleases; and that any interference by the Government, in restraining the ex- ercise of this right, is arbitrary and tyrannical. They will tell us, that Government has no right to control them in the disposition of their property, merely with a view that other citizens ma\' derive a benefit from it." " This is a manifest error. Individual right to property is never absolute, but always relative and conditional. There is no such thing as perfect, absolute right, but in those things which are the gift of nature; such as life, liberty, strength, talents, personal beauty, Sec. The rigiit to property is merely conventional or conditional, subject to such regulation as may be made respecting it, with a view to the general interests of the whole nation. No man has, nor can have, a perfect exclusive right to property of any description. Every man in the community has a qualified right to it, and under certain cir- cumstances, has a right to a living out of it. The public right to ever}' piece of property in a nation, is superior to the private right of the individual owner. Hence, the right of the public to take any man's property from him, whenever it becomes necessary for the pub- lic good. If this were not so, the social compact would not be sus- tained; Government could not be supported. "If individual right to property was absolute, Government would have no right to take an individual's property from him, for any pur- pose whatever. The public has no right to deprive a man of his life, his liberty, his talents, his strength, his personal beauty, or of any other gift of nature, merely for the public good, and for t!ie plainest reason in the world, because he does not derive any of these from the public — they are the gifts of his Creator, and he alone has a right to deprive him of them. No man or bodj' of men has a right to take them from him, unless they have been forfeited by some crime. " Upon the same principle that God has a right to deprive a maij of health and life. Government has a right to deprive him of his pro- perty. The former is the bounty of God, and held subject to his will. The latter is the bounty of Government and held subject to its will. But for the social compact no man could have an exclusive right to any spot of this earth. The right of property is, therefore, a conventional right, and the public grants no title to propert}^ in derogation of the public weal. An individual may have a title to property, superior to the title of any other individual, or to any num- ber of individuals, less than the whole, but it cannot be superior to the title of the whole, because the whole includes the title of the in- dividual himself, as well as the title of every body else. Hence, the right of the public to take a man's property for the purpose of mak- ing public roads, or erecting fortifications, or for any other purpose which the public good may require. Hence the right of the Gov- ernment to levy and collect taxes in any manner the public interests may require, Hence the right to prohibit a man from selling his pro- perty to foreigners, or to buy from them those things he may want. 22 The Government has a clear and perfect right to make any regula- tions respecting property, or trade, which the public interests may require. "Every question, therefore, respecting a tariff, or protecting du- ties, must be a question of expediency, and not a question of right.^^ This extract connected with those heretofore exhibited, gives a full view of the Governmental machiner}', which the author and the dis- ciples of the new school deem necessary, as the foundation of flie right of the General Government^ to pass a law for the protection of domestic manufactures. The writer concurs perfectly in opinion with the author, and the disciples of the new school, as to the necessity of all this Governmental machinery, or its equivalent, to establish a right in the General Government, to pass a law for the protection of man- ufactures, or any other occupation in society. Let then the inquiry be made into the principles here avowed, as the basis of all this necessary' Governmental machinery or chicanery. The following are laid down by the author, as fundamental laws, without which no right would exist in the General Government to pass laws for protecting manufactures : or, in other words, to pass the tariff law. 1st. That the nation is an unity — and the legislature the head of the nation. 2d. That the legislators are irresponsible. 3d. That they are unrestrained in the exercise of their legislative discretion, by any other influence than that which is derived from the laws, by which God governs the world. 4th. That the legislators possess the same rights over the people, which a general does over the soldiers of an army. 5th. That the )>eople have no more rights than the law allows them, and this law is to be pronounced by God's vicegerents, or irresponsible legislators. Cth. That whilst the right of life is a natural right, the right of pro- perty is conventional. 7th. That all property belongs to the nation of which the legislature is the head-, and none to the people in their individual character. 8th. That Government has tlie right to dispose of the proceeds of the labor of every individual in society ; and that the individual has no right whatever, to dispose of the proceeds of his own labor : and by consequence, that the Government has a right to take from every individual any portion of the property, of which the individual may be possessed, without any compensation therefor. 9th. That every individual labors for the community, and not for himself, &c. he. Fellow-Citizens! look steadfastly at this catalogue of fundamental principles, and ask yourselves, if they are not worth examination ; especially, when considered in connection with the acts of the practical Government, anj the avowals of some of its adminis- trators ? Under the full conviction, that they call for the best attention and consideration, the writer proposes, to give'to some of them, such gene ral examination, as may serve to attract the attention of others. August 29, 1825. FROM THE ENQUIRER. POLITICAL DISQUISITIONS, NO. XI. Raymond's Elements of Political Economy-^or the text-hoalc of the new Political School. The practical Government of "this Union"— far ahead of the fun- •Jameniai laws of "this Union." The Government of this Union, has no right to take property from one man and give it to another. No — Not eveii by the fashionable mode of legislating — Neither by hook — nor b}^ crook. The writer having in the last No. introduced the common written social compacts, or Constitutions of the several States, composing the United States of America, for the purpose of dissipating the doctrines of the new school, in relation to the origin, and possession of the right of property ; and to shew that the people in their native char- acter, are the only rightful source of all political rights and power; and that the Government has no right whatever, to take private pro- perty, even for public uses, without just compensation ; he will now present some of his general views, in relation to the still more monstrous doctrine, relied upon by the author, as the foundation of the Governmental right, to take property from one man and give it to another; and that too, without any compensation whatever. The writer understands the author to admit, that if the Government pos- sesses not this right, it has no right to pass a tariff law, for the pur- pose of protecting domestic manufactures; which does, in fact, take from one man the proceeds of his labor, and give them to another without compensation. In this admission, and in this alone, the wri- ter concurs fully in opinion with the author, and the disciples of the new school. But the great difference of opinion consists in this: — whilst the author, and his tariff disciples, insist upon this principle, as resulting from the rightful power of the Government of "this U- nion ;" the writer thinks that no rightful Government has any such power; and less than any other, the Government of this Union; and that the exercise of such power, if it had, would be an act of the ut- most despotism and injustice, that could be committed by the most absolute sovereigns. To exhibit in the most striking point of view, the direct contrast, between the venerable, orthodox doctrine of the old school, and the fantastical heterodox doctrine of the new one, the writer will here insert the words of the author; and then, those from the fundamental laws of the United States and of the several States, in relation to the great cardinal doctrines upon which the rights and liberties of the American people depend: — First, in relation to the origin and derivation of the right of property. Extract from the author's book, pages 204 and 205. "Upon the same principle that God has a right to deprive a man of health and life, Government has a right to deprive him of his property. The former is the bounty 24 of God, and held subject to his will; the lattei- is the bounty of God and held subject to its will." Extract from the declaration of rights, made by Virginia, 6th of May, 1770, containing the fun- danieiital j)rinciples, upon which the first and best written common social compact was made, which the world ever saw. It is the first and most holy ark, ever erected, for a hallowed sanctuary of the rights of man. It is the most important State paper in the world; because the ^rs^, to break man's oppressive chains asunder; and practically to assert, amidst appalling dangers, his long lost, long for- gotten rights. But, lamentable is the thought ! even this towering, venerable, sacred sanctuary, is now to be laid low, by the indescri- minate, all-destroying, unrelenting scythe of well-wishing, ardent de- luded melioraiors. This sacrilegious abomination, "be the intent wicked or charitable," may God of his infinite goodness forbid ! ! ! "That all power is vested in, and consequently derived from the people. That magistrates are their trustees and servants, and at all times amenable to them." Extract — declaration of rights. Massa- chusetts, 2d March, 1780. — "All power residing originally with the people and being derived from them, the several magistrates, fiic. are at all times amenable to them." — Every other written, common social compact of the several States, is founded upon the great fundamen- tal principle, first proclaimed by Virginia: that the people are the true, and only origin of all political power. Hear the author, in,the next place, in relation to the right of the Government to take pri- vate property for the public good: page 203. "They seem to sup- pose, that the right of property is absolute in the individual ; and that every one has a riglu to sell to whom he pleases, and to buy of whom he pleases, &cc. This is a manifest error." Again, page 204. •'The public right to property is superior to the private right of the individual owner. Hence the right of the public to take any man's property from him, whenever it becomes necessary for the public good."— Extract fi-om the sixth amendment of the Constitution of the United States: "Nor (shall any person,) be deprived of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law: nor shall private property be taken for public uses, xoithout just compensation^ These great fundamental principles, are asserted in every State Constitution in the Union, in which the subject is expressly mentioned, and where it is not, it is implied: and the Constitution, in every case, is bot- tomed upon it. It would be a waste of time and of words, to resort to arguments to show, the preposterous errors of tiie author, upon these all-important points, when these high obligatory sanctions, are presented in direct contradiction of them. Yet it is upon these niost abominable, heretical errors, that the author has bottomed the right of the Government of "this Union," to pass the tarifl' law, for the protection of domestic manufactures. Tliis law the author admits, was intended to take, and iii fact, does take property from one man and give it to another without just compensation. The author, ne- vertheless, justifies all this, from the potent, bewitching influence of his enclianted notion of national unity.— Hear him in his own words: Page 229, vol. 2. — " If it be admitted that a man had better em- ploy a week in making a pair of shoes when he has nothing else ic do, than pay tlic ordinary price of a day's labor for a pair, I shoulci like to know why tlie same principle will not apply to a nation. The cases are parallel, if it be admitted, that a nation is an unity; if it be not an unity, I should like to know what it is? If a plurality, I should like to know, whose interest among its members, is para- mount; or, whether such member is to be permitted to pursue his own interest, regardless of the public good; and if so, whether this would not utterly destroy the social compact!!" This notion of the unity of a nation, has been heretofore explain- ed; but in compliance with the author's earnest desire, this addition- al notion, of the impossibility of this unity, being composed of plu- ralities, shall receive some further illustration. The error of the au- thor seems to consist in a notion, that a nation is a great crucible which melts up and amalgamates every thing that is thrown therein, into one mass. The author probably would admit; however, that when man becomes a member of a nation, he still retains all his phy- sical organizations. He is still permitted to wear his own head upon his own shoulders : To retain his own tongue, his own eyes, his own nose, his own ears, his own body, his own limbs, and, in short, all the physical faculties of sense. He thus becomes an integral unit, in the organization of a nation; and, as one of the integral pluralities, which, when collected together in one conception, forms a nation. But whilst the author might admit to individual man, in his associ- ated state, his physical organizations ; he peremptorily denies to him his natural, moral rights; such as a right to property, Uc. Uc. Now the writer thinks, there is no more difficulty in conceiving, how an unity can be formed out of pluralities, composed of integral units, with natural, moral rights, than with physical capacities. As the author seems to find great difficulty in comprehending this plain conception, the writer will endeavour to present him with an emblem of a nation in miniature, Avhich may perhaps be more suited to his complete comprehension. This, he thinks, be will be able to do, with a little aid from the author's own imagination, which, on this occasion, is respectfully solicited. Let us then conceive of an im- mense flock of sheep, congregated into one fold; and that each one is the owner of the particular spot of earth upon which he stands; that he enters the fold with all his physical capacities, his head and tail, body and limbs—that he has also the power of locomotion at pleasure, provided he thereby injures not another. This may justly be termed, his right to liberty. That he also retains the right to bleat at pleasure, provided he does no injury to another. This may be called the right of speech, and of the press. The author seems willing to admit the liberty of the press, though his doctrines would, doubtlessly, swallow up that, as well as all other liberties. Suppose the father of the flock, should be made Lord paramount, or, if the author likes it better, the sovereign absolute, over the rest of the flock, with his humble suit of judicial and ministerial sub-dignitaries. It will then be presumed, the author can have no difficulty in conceiv- ing of one flock of sheep composed out of all these integral units with their physical, natural and moral rights, consiituting pluralities. 20 - ' If so, then he can have no cTifi'icnlty In conceiving a nation sisnilarly composed. To aid liim still furtbcr, however, in a more particular analysis, let us suppose, that the cnrlosnre of the fold shall represent the geographical boundaries of the nation: The area within the en- closure, the territory of the nation : The sheep upon this area, each with the right to the spot he stands on, the people of the nation with their right to their land respectively. The physical organization, and the natural, njoral rights of the sheep to represent those of the peo- ple individually; and the patriarchal government of the sheep, lim- ited by a charter, that of the Government of this Union ; and he will then have before him, the miniature emblem of the American nation. The whole mass taken together, will form one flock in the one case, and one nation in the other. It is in this sense on!}', that a nation can be considered an unity. If upon the author's notion of national unity, all rights were to be amalgamated into one mass, to be directed by the unlimited will of the national Government, it wouhJ constitute the most shocking despotism the world ever saw. It would reduce the American nation to tlie most quiescent, submissive, con- temptible flock of sheep, that ever were collected together into one fold. The writer cannot suppress the thought, that the author must have taken up this notion of the immense mass of rights in the na- tion, from impressions made on him in his boyish days, when indulg- ing himself with his playmates in repeating the following fanciful, im:iginary notions, common amongst children. — '*If all the heads in this world were to he made into one head, what a great head that would be!!" "If all the noses in this world were to be made into one nose, what a great nose that v.'ould be," &.c. &;c. So the author: "If all the rights of the American people were to be amalgamated into one mass, what a great mass of rights that would be!!" "If the American nation possessed all this great mass of rights, what a great American nation that would be! !" -'If all this great mass of rights could, by magic, be taken from this great Ame- rican nation, and placed in one "national" Govermnent, what a great splendid, consolidated, devilish, monster of a " national" Government would that be! !" A most terrific devil of a "national" Government would it be!! possessing all capacities and properties to do good or evil; bui all propensities and tendencies to do evil; none to do good. This is precisely such a Goverinnent as the author and the disciples of the new school would impose ii|)on the American people, in lieu of the iifcc, beautilid, happy organization of their own Gov- ernments, made by themselves, for the protection and preservation of their own rights, liberties and happiness. But the author's fear seems to be, that without this amalgamation of rights, and the unlimited control of the "national" Government over them, the social compact would necessarily be destroyed. So far from this amalganjation of rights, preventing the destruction of the social compact, it necessa- rily involves the utter destruction of the social compact. It leaves tlie compact with one party oidy. All compacts have at least two parties. The social compacts would tlms be left with oidy one par- ty — to wit: the Governors. They will have the whole amalgama- 0-7 tion of rights. The governed vvoukl become stripped of all rights, of course; become deprived of all interests in the compact; and con- sequently, not a beneficial party to it. Besides, what inducement would the people or the governed, have for entering into compacts, by which, they were to he deprived of all rights.'' The writer can form no idea of the author's notion of a social compact. All written social compacts are made by the people, or the governed, in their m- dividual characters, in the absence of the Governors — and it would be great folly on their part, to give up all rights to their Governors when appointed. They have not done so; but they have given up to the Governors, only the smallest portion of their natural rights, which can be made to suffice for Governmental objects. All the re- sidue, they retain to themselves. The surrender of that small por- tion, is made in express consideration ti)at the Governors shall pro- tect the governed, in the enjoyment of all iheir retained rights. But, according to the author's notion, the Governors possess all rights, in- terests and possessions, independently of the people; and, therefore, must be relieved from the obligation of protection to the governed altogether; whereas tiiis right of protection from the Governor, is tlie only Conventional right, that the governed have reserved to them- selves, or in other words, all other Conventional rights are included in this right of protection. According to this view of the subject, the right of private pro))erty being absolutely vested in the owner, and the Governor.^ being solenuily hound to protect the owner in the enjoy- ment of it; cannot of right, violate that obligation of protection, take from the owner his private property, and give it to another. But to avoid these inevitable results, the author proceeds to make the fol- lowing application of his own Governmensal principles. Page 232, vol. 2.— "But, if the general good of the country re- quire, that the farmer should be compelled, either to do without these articles, or to buy them of his fellow-citizens, he has no right to com- plain of being compelled to do this; for he holds his land, upon which he raised his corn upon condition, that he should use it in such a man- ner as shall be most for the public good — his right of property is not absolute, for the whole community has an interest in it, and the na- tion has a right to make such regulations respecting it as the public good shall require." The author after admitting that the property of the farmer is in- directly taken from him, and eventually given to the manufacturer, then asserts, "that the farmer has no 7-ight to complain of being thus plundered of his property for the benefit of the manufacturer." Why not.'' Hear the author's reason against the right of the farmer to complain of this notorious act of injustice: "For he" (the farmer) "holds his land upon which he raised his corn, upon condition that he shall use it in such a manner, as shall be for the public good." Did any American citizen ever before hear of such a tenure? Did any American citizen ever before dream that he himself held his lands by such a tenure.'' No such tenure ever disgraced the feudal system. When the feudal Baron, granted out a parcel of lands to his tenant for valuable consideration, he annexed no such condition to his grant; 28. nor did lie retain to himself any right to violate any condition upon which such grant was made. In the United States it ha? heretofore been thought, that lands were not held by any tenure from any Lord paramount whatever, but were allodial, or of absolute right in the owner. According to the doctrines of the new school, farmers are now to learn, that they hold their land by a new tenure, and one con- dition of this tenure is, that the proceeds of their labor upon the land, a\f to be taken Irom them and given to another for the public good; and this is to be done too, without taking into the estimate the labor bestowed upon the land. And who is to judge whether the poor far- mer is using his land for the public good or not? Not the poor far- mer himself: but the legislators — God's vicegerents upon earth — good for nothing fellows — a mass of stupidity and ignorance. Are farmers prepared to bear this doctrine? VVill not this rouse them from their torpidity into efficient action ? All this dospotlsm could be put down by a single blast of their breath. Not only are farmers to be plundered of the proceeds of their labor for the benefit of the man- ufacturer, but a new and grievous tenure is to be annexed to their lands : which wployment of any kind.'* What miser able lolly! ! ! what mischievous new conceits! ! I FROiyi THE ENQUIRER, OF OCTOBER 13, 1825. POLITICAL DISqUISITIONS. NO. XII. Raymond's Elcmcjits of PoUtical Economij — or, the text-hook of the new Political School. The practical government of "this Union" — far ahead of the fundamental laws of " this Union." — " Home Market." In lieu of the terms used in the Constitution of the United Slates, for the purpose of describing the objects of its formation, the follow- ing (abalistical phrases have been introduced into the practical gov- ernment — "Home market" — "Independence of foreign nations" — "Protection of domestic manufactures" — "Internal Improvements" — " American s^'stem of national industry," &ic. fcc. Not one of these cabalistical phrases, is to be found In the Con- stitution, nor is one of the objects described by them, mentioned therein, as an inducement to its formation ; nor is one of them men- tioned as a power intended to be granted to the General Govern- ment. Indeed, nothing could have been more remote from the ori- ginal design and object of the Constitution, than granting this ca- talogue of undefined powers to the General Government: Some of them being strictly local in their character; and some of them alto- gether iilegitimaie, as governmental powers. In consequence of these deprecated aberrations from the original design and object of the Constitution, by the practical government, the most destructive effects are accruing to all fundamental American institutions, and consequently, to the individual rights of American citizens. The inevitable tendency of the powers usurped, under cover of these ca- balistical phrases, is to produce consolidation ; or anniliilation of the Federal feature in those institutions altogether. Almost ever}' intel- ligent man in this part of the countrj', not favored by the present partial administration, seems to be sensible, that something is wrong in the practical government, but appears to be at some loss to deter- mine in wliat that wrong consists. If any intelligent man in the whole community, will take the trouble of examining the subject with the attention it deserves, he cannot fail to find that the wrong con- sists, in the usurpations by the practical government, of powers not suitable to its peculiar organization; in its disregarding the objects contemplated in the Constitution and substituting others, utterly un- suitable to its peculiar character; and that the substituted powers are those described by the foregoing cabalistical phrases. These phrases have been introduced into the practical administra- tion, without any precise intelligible definition of the meaning of either of them : none having been given by their inventors ; and as far as the writer is informed, none having been demanded by their opponents. Hence, it has become essentially necessary at this time; 32 that these cabalistical phrases should severally, be critically defined, and their meaning respectively, clearly ascertained. Let, then, the meaning of this magic term, "Home Market," be first critically ex- amined. To define clearly the term, " Home Market," it becomes necessary to understand the true meaning of the general term, " Mar- ket." — Market means the act of buying and selling ; and includes as well the dealers, as the things bought and sold in the market. It includes all dealers, and all vendible things, without any discrimina- tion whatever. " Home Market," in its common and ordinary ac- ceptation, means buying and selling things for home consumpiioiif whether these things be of domestic or foreign production; or whe- ther the dealers in the market, be citizens or foreigners. A free and legitimate Home Market, includes the right of every dealer, to sell to whom he pleases, and to buy of whom he pleases, or in other words, that every dealer having a right to property, may use it in the Home Market, at his own pleasure. He can make the most of it, for his own benefit with the single limitation, that he does not so use it for his own benefit, as thereby to injure another. — After the fun- damental laws made by the American people had declared the right of property to be in the individual owner, and not in the nation, still less in the government; and had ordained, and established the law that private property should not be taken for public use, without just compensation, the people thought themselves perfectly secure in the enjoyment of their own property, at their own pleasure and for their own benefit; subject only to indispensable public contributions; but under cover of the bewitching term " Home Market," and the use made of it by the practical government, they now find themselves stripped of the inestimable right of using their own property at their own plea- sure; and for their benefit respectively: The term " Home Market," in its governmental sense, being entirely difierent from its meaning in its common and ordinary acceptation. The power assumed by the government under cover of the term "Home Market," accord- ing to the writer's understanding of it, consists in restraining the owner from selling to whom he pleases, and from buying of whom be pleases; and thus substitutes governmental for individual discre- tion, in the use of private property; and thus "Home Market" in its governmental sense, essentially consists in compelling the owner of private property to buy of those only, and to sell to those only, as well as to buy, or to sell the things only, the government shall choose. In the practical illustration of this governmental meaning, the ta- rift' law essentially enacts, that the owner of money shall not buy shoes with if, if made abroad ; but sliall buy shoes with it, if made in the United States. This enactment, it is true, does not involve a direct, but an indirect, prohibition in the one case, and a command in the other; and practically, the same prohibitory and mandatory "effects are produced, by the one operation, as by the other. The tariff upon foreign shoes, amounts to a prohibition ; so that the owner of money is absolutely prevented from buying them with it, if he choose to do so ; and tlie command to buy American shoes, is 33 enforced by the owner's absolute want of shoes and his prohibition from buyini^ any c.ther than American shoes. So, in other cases oi* a high tarili", which does not amount to a prohibition; the duty im- posed, acts as a penalty upon the purchasers. If he purchases the dutied article, he must pay the penalty, which consists in the duty imposed upon the article; and thus the advantage given to the do- mestic manufacturer, consists in this penalty imposed upon the pur- chaser: Buy the domestic manufactures without the duty; or buy of others and pay the duty. The governmental " Home Marlvet," then, promised the people in its practical effects, turns out to be a governmental cheat upon the people. It consists in restraining the people from the legitimate exercise of their own rights, over their own property: and instead of the nick-name given it by the practi- cal government, " Home Market," its true name, corresponding with its practical effects, should be Home Slavery. According to the Governmental notion of "Homo Market," the dealer in it, is obliged, first, to purchase the market itself, or in other words, the right to deal in the market upon equal terms; and, then, to buy the thing he wants. The price too, he is compelled to give for the pri- vilege of the market is, in some cases, equal to the thing he wants to buy in it. The notion of buying a market, wlicn the term itself includes the right as well as tlie act of buying and selling, is in itself a solecism. It is perfectly idle and fallacious to say, that the Tarift' law contains no compulsion on the purchaser to buy shoes of domes- tic manufacture, when it proliibits shoes of foreign manufacture from con)ing into the market. The compulsion is not express, but conse- quential. It consists in the absolute want of shoes on the part of the purchaser, and the exckision of all other than domestic manufactured shoes from the market. Suppose a duty, equal to the market price of bread, were laid upon it ; and a man without bread were told, you are at full liberty not to pay the duty on bread, but if you do buy bread, you shall pay the duty; you are, however, left perfectly free in your choice to buy bread or not; would not this proffered free choice be insult- ing mockery to the hungry man.'* This obligation to obey the law, or in other words, to buy the bread, is enforced by the strongest pos- sible sanctions, the indispensable wants of nature. The unavoidable obligation to buy the dutied article, gives the sellers an advantage in the sale, over the purchaser, to the full extent of the duty, and in this advantage consists the immorality and injustice of the Tariff law; and in this, consists the cheatery, covered under the nick-name '•Home Market." — It is wonderful to contemplate the extent of the influence of nick-names, upon mankind. It is wonderful to see how great a portion of mankind is content and even delighted with nick- names, when the things described by them, would be repelled with disgust and indignation. The nick-name, " Home Market," affords the most instructive illustration of the correctness of this observation. Whilst the term " Home Market" fascinates the ear of many unthink- ing American citizens, the term, "continental system," would strike the same ear with insult and indignation ; yet the terms " Home Mar- ket," and "continental system," mean precisely the same thing; both 'ifo nrl«rvnrirl£if 34 the same practical results. The British term, "restrictive system/ although unfortunately, more familiar to the American ear, and there- fore, less alarming, is, nevertheless, founded upon the same despotic principle, produces the same injurious eflects; and, in substance, means the same thing. In what did the odious French "continental system" consist? In precisely the same thing, that the beloved Ame- rican "Home Market" consists. In refusing to individuals the right to sell to whom they please, and to buy from whom they please. In restraining the French people from selling to foreigners, and bnying from foreigners. In sliort, in giving the French people a " Home Market," and thus making the French nation, pusitively independent of foreign nations. — All this was done in France, as in the United States, for the "public good" — for "ihe general welfare;" and in like manner, although extremely oppressive to the present generation, this public good — this general welfare, was to overtake the French peo- ple in some two or three centuries to come. Who was the author of this French "continental system" — this French "Home Market.^" Napoleon Bonaparte, Emperor, Sovereign absolute of France. The most splendid schemer of this enlightened age. Where is now this splendid schemer? Where is now the Great Napoleon? Not long since the terror of the world!!! Where are all his splendid, magni- ficent schemes of universal empire? His splendid schemes are given to the winds! ! The splendid schemer lies ignobly low in St. Helena ! ! ! Wherefore? How did all this happen? This splendid schemer was a despot and a tyrant — as all splendid schemers are. What has this splendid schemer done to hurl him down from his late high eminence to his present low condition ? He became a splendid schemer. He boldly undertook " to raise his own greatness upon his country's ruin." He despoiled his country of its most precious blood. He despoiled the people of their mosi precious rights. He drew forth the youthful blood of France, and poured it forth in schemes of mad ambition. He usurped the sacred rights of private property. He would not permit the French people to sell to whom they pleased, nor buy from whom they pleased. He gave them a "continental system." He gave them a " Home Market." He vainly thought to make Fvancejpositively independent of foreign nations. All for the people's own good — all for their own welfare, some centuries to come. Was not his a cruel fate, to be laid so low, by those for whom he had done so much? No. The splendid tyrant did all this for the indulgence of his own mad ambition. Stimulated by bad impulses, he mistook his schemes, and in that sad mistake he laid his country's ruin. And for that wanton, sad mistake, he well deserves his fate. ^^ Sic semper tyrannis ! ! V It should b6 recollected that the brave French people were never con- quered by their foreign foes. They were conquered by their splen- did domestic tyrant. In the year 1813, when the allied army pur- sued the retreating tyrant into France, that army was placed in the hands of the French people. After the allied army had reached Montmatre, the whole of that army would not have made a breakfast for the whole of the French people, if the u'hole of liiat people had ♦.bought proper to make a meal of the whole of that army. Out oi i+iirty miliions of the brave French people, but sixty thousand couM be brought to join their scheming tyrant's standard; and those were soldiers, not citizens. With these sixty thousand troops, and the school-boys from the polytechnic school, Napoleon had discomfittcd the whole of the allied army. After the battle of Montvnatre, the allied army which entered France, 200,000 strong, was reduced to 120,000. Upon that discomfiture, the Emperor of Austria fled to Dijon, with a single attendant; and could have been made prisoner by a single Frenchman. But no Frenchman could be found to per- form that office. After the treaty of Chatillon, the Parisians alone could have destroyed the remnant of the allied army, had they will- ed its destruction. But the Parisians said, no. We have two alter- Katives. Both dreadful ! ! Both deeply humiliating! ! Both heart- rending!! Both fervently to be deprecated ! ! But better hazard the doubtful dominion of foreign foes, than longer to endure the cer- tain evils, inflicted by the domestic scheming tyrant. Fayette— the good, the great, the patriotic Fayette—- at ail times, and under all cir- cumstance^-, the devotee of the rights of man, the Nation's Guest, was there. He, too, preferred submission to foreign foes — dreadful al- ternative to his sublimated soul— rather than the longer endurance of domestic tyranny: rather than further schemes of mad ambition. And whilst the splendid schemer lies low in St. Helena, what has become of his insulted and degraded country? His bleediiig, im- poverished country—- plundered of her rights, has been compelled to seek for peace and safety in her ancient deprecated regime. Deplo- rable destiny both of the tyrant and of his country! Ought not this recent example to afibrd an awful, instructive lesson to the little fash- ionable schemers of the day? Does it not teach the little ephemeral fashionables, whilst strutting in a littk brief, unmerited authority, the deplorable consequences of depriving man of his great, origiual, essential, native rights? And of usurping them by the mere force of Governmental power? Of depriving individual man of the right to sell to whom he pleases, and to buy from whom he pleases? Of stripping him of bis right to property; and of forcing upon him a ^^ Home Market?"^ This was one of the greatest political sins ^om^ mitted by the great, splendid schemer. of France; and, sin it ji'as enough io doom him to his humiliated destiny. Do not the little imitating fashionable schemers tliemseives think, he well deserved bis fate? Have they ever thought that the awful consequences of mis- taken schemes do not follow immediately upon their own heels; but they finally' come with double vengeance on the devoted heads of the sche- mers? Scheming tyrants are never too much punished. Tii-e mis- chief done to mankind by their ambition, their vanity, and tlieir folly, are so great, so infinitely beyond all reparation, that the measure of punishment never can exceed the measure of guilt. But, say the lit- tle fashionable schemers, it was not the French "continental system," but the British "restrictive system," that stood God-father for the American Tarift' law — The American " Home Market." Where is the diflerence? And what has become of this foreign, delusive spon- sor? Crushed into atoms! ' Given to the winds! ! This great good ■"^O o(. to mankind has heen achieved by the improvement of the iiumau in- tellect, by enlightened wisdom, by niorsd honcsfy- These, the wri- ter hopes and thinks, will ere long, with God's good speed, put down all diese little minded, cunning, traliieking depredators upon the lights of individual man, and place him once more in tlie dignified station awarded him by his God, in his creation; and secured (o Ame- rican citizens at least, as was heretofore thought, by (lie tunrh-nnental laws of American institution^;. In one single bill, lour hundred and sixty-five restrictive laws, have been repealed by the British Parlia- ment. The restrictive j)rincipJe, has not oidy been practically de- nounced by the British Parliament; but avowedly by the British IVIonarch from his throne, by the British ministry in their places, and by the British people in their individual characters. Yet the Tarifl' schemers here deny this audible denunciation altogether. And well they may; for they must see their own destiny sooner or later, in this great and happy development. Their great prototype lias denounced the experienced misciiieis of their theoretical, imitative schemes; and the silly imitators must sooner or later fall victims to the just denun- ciation. And what effects have already accrued from unfettering the Britisli people of four hundred and sixty-five ligaments, heretofore, unwise- ly bound around their rights of property, restricting individual eflbrts, in using their labor and their property to the best advantage? .The measure has not only produced the most cheering activity in every branch of industry in Great Britain, but its benefiical etiecis have been already felt, as far as the commercial relations of Great Britain with foreign nations have extended; and in no country have thej' been so sensibly felt as in the United States. — It should never be forgotten, that Government itself is an evil : but to a certain extent a necessary one. Beyond thiit necessary extent every movement of the Govern- ment is in derogation of common riglu, and becomes a connnon curse to the j)i'opIe. Every enactment is in derogation of conmion right; and every enactment bevond the necessary limits of Governmental powers is an act of despotism. It is an usurpation of the lights ot I he people. Yet, from the folly and thouglillcioness of legislative schemers, the Aiuerican codes are already swelled to an unwieldy- bulk; whilst, perhaps, more than nine out of ten of the laws are either wholly useless, or worse than useless. The itch of scheniing and of legislating is the prevalent, infectious, political disease of the country. It iiuist be checked, or the country ruined. During the Roman Empire, although the Emperor's will was the law; yet, the written rescripts, edicts, and other enactments had become so numer- ous that they could not be even read over in one long life-time. They amounted to many camel loads. In (he time of Justinian, it becaine absolutely necessary to abridge the enormous mass; a)id even the abridged Justinian pandects amounted to iifty books. What must hav^e been tlie accumulated folly and consequent mis- chiefs of the whole British restrictive system, when it became both wise and necessary to repeal fom- hundred and sixty-five laws by a single breath.'' Let the author tell of some of the mischiefs of the system upon the laboring populatiou of Great Britain. 37 Extract, tage 245, vol. 2. "The extensiveness of the manufacturing establishments in Eng- land, in consequence of which, the manufacture is carried on with much more economy, the mukitude of people they employ of every age and coniHtion, at wages which barely supply them witli the ne- cessaries of life, and not even that, as the public maintains many of them, some part of the year, as paupers; the superior skill which these people have acquired in many branches of manufacture, render it utterly impossible for liie people of this country to enter into com- petition witii the English upon equal terms; and they never will be able to enter into such competition until they are reduced to the ne- cessity of working as hard, and living as poor as the English labor- ers, which, it is to be hoped, will never be their condition." Here, then, the author tells the American people that the enormous Tariff ti)ey pay, is to prevent American artizans from laboring as hard, and hving as poor as British artizans; and to prevent these ef- fects, he recommends the adoption of the very system, which has produced them in Great Britain, and if persevered in, will produce the like effects in this, or in any other countr}'. This recommenda- tion, too, is made at the very moment when Great Britain is proclaim- ing these mischiefs to the world; nnd attempting by the abandonment of all this artificial folly as far as it is possible to do, after so long and extensive an accumulation of the system. What a hopeful prosyect, too, is held forth to the American people, of increasing the national wealth and prosperity, by this restrictive elementary system of politi- cal cconomv? Surelv the author, and his affiliated fashionables, must have forgotten, or never could have thought before, that this deplora- ble condition of Britisii laborers, was brougiit about by the very re- strictive system, recommended to the adoption of the American peo- ple. The author is yet, in his description, far short of the real con- dition of British laborers. In England alone, there are above one and an half millions of wretched laborers in poor houses. It is pro- bable, the author would not like to see the same number of his fellow- citizens doomed to this wretched fate; 3'et he recommends the same system, whicii has mainly contributed to produce this effect in Great Britain. He asserts, too, that it is the duty of legislators to set all the lazy and hungry people to manufacturing. How remiss must be the British legislators, in not complying with this injunctive duty.^ Now let the American people see, wliat the future blessings are, which are promised them, as inducements to bear with patience all their jore- sent artificial suflerings and humiliations, and to live on future hopes- Hear the author: — Page 250, vol. 2. "It may be, and often is, folly in a legislator, not to be longer-sight- ed in his schemes than the wisest individual — the schemes of the lat- ter can only be adapted to the probable duration of this life, which can only be for a lew years at most. The schemes of the former may be adapted to the life of the nation, to which no limit can be fix- ed. Upon the same principle, then, that it is wise for an individual to make calculation, and adopt measures vi'hich look ten, or twenty years ahead; it may be wise for a leeislator to adoot monoures. ivhich 38 look centuries ahead; although it may he more beneficial for the time heing, for a nation to import, than to manufacture its own com forts of life, still that ought not to decide the question. — The inqui- ry should be made, how xdll it he ffty years hencc9 Admitting that, for the first five years, domestic manufactures may come at double price : still if in ten they will come at single price, and in twenty at half price, we may be very sure that the present extra cost, is money well laid out for the nation ; more especially when it is considered that the annual product of labor, cannot be accumulated; but must be annually consumed." What scheming!!! What nonsense!!! And upon whom does the aiuhor rely for calculations, respecting the supposed political con- dition of this country centuries ahead .'^ "God's vicegerents!!'' •' stupid, ignorant legislators ! ! !" — What vanity ! ! ! What folly ! ! I — Within the very first year, after the Tariff law was passed by these vicegerents, upon these idle, silly calculations, the actual condition of the country became entirely reversed.— Great Britain, whence the scheme was borrowed, denounces its mischiefs; and the uproductive- ness of agricultural pursuits, which was strangely made tiie basis of the law, becomes converted into a productiveness, unusually abundant. What mistaken folly, then, to talk to the people of the United States of the benefits of scheines centuries ahead, when the silly schemers liave proved their absolute incapacities to look a single year ahead; yes, incapacities to look a single inch beyond their own noses in their own faces. Fine prospects these held out to the American people, bv the political fashionables!!! — Yet, they furnish Mr. Clay with another text, which makes a brilliant figure in his prize speech of political anomalies. Another inducement held forth to the Ame- rican people to compensate them for the present privations, is, to make the American nation positively independent of all foreign na- tions, in some centuries to come. Vain, idle, presumptuous thought! It is directly at open war with all God's providential dispensations awarded to nations; and just as impracticable and presumptuous, as the war waged by Bonaparte against the Russian climate. Tliis sub- ject, as well as internal Improvements, having been before particu- larly examineil, will now be passed over without further comments The next cabalistical tub tlirown out to the whale, presents itself un- der the phrase— "Protection of domestic manufactures" — How long- will the people of the United Slates consent to play the part of the whale, with the political tubs thrown out for their amusement, whilst the political fashionables are busily engaged in usurping their sub- stantial rights.? What is the real meaning of "Protection of domes- tic manufactures?"— What is this protetion made of.-" In what does it consist: The true meaning of protection, k.c. is other people's money. It is made of other people's mono}'. It consists of other peopfe's money. Can other people be prepared to give their money to manufacturers for their protection—and what is to be the natural and obvious consequences of giving tii^m this money .^ It is to encour- age them in immorality — in idleness — in extravagance — the universal eflecis of the principle of monopoly. But then, in aid of all these tubs, comes another most imposing nick-name— " Encouragem.ent 39 of the American system of national indifstry." The definition of this nick-name, can be given with facihty, and with certainty. It is both a fraud and a falsehood. It is an imposition attempted to be prac- tised upon the American people under the mere disguise of a nick- name, in direct opposition to truth. The system is not an American, but a British system, attempted to be transplanted into America; and its first transplantation was to be effected by the bill under consider- ation ; and that too, at the moment that Great Britain liad denounced the system, from dear bought experience of its destructive efiects. Fellow-citizens ! look at tliese cabalistical phrases — look at the powers usurped under cover of them — look at the despotic character of these powers — then turn to your Constitutions— examine well all your own fundamental laws ; and see if one of tl>ese powers be grant- ed to the practical Government of the United Staics. If not, is it not your first duty? Is it not your first interest to recur to these t'undamental principles; to tear from tliC practical Government, all usurpations not having their only legitimate sanction; to correct its destructive abberrations; and thus to restore to 3'our fundamental laws, their pristine wisdom, purity and energy; and to yourselve?. all your violated rights. September 26, 1825. The writer of Political Disquisitions, is authorised to say, that the annexed defence of Raymond's Elements of Political Economy, is made by Raymond himself. Pray reader, turn to the quotations made from Raymond's own works, in his own words, and ask yourself, whether this defence does not amount substantially to a dereliction of his own doctrines of ele- mentary political economy plainly laid down by himself, except in two instances? and behold his own attempted justification of those two exceptions! Then ask yourself, whetlier this puerile unavailing defence, does not substantially amount to an abandonment of all his essential elementary political doctrines? [communicated.] For the Enquirer, December 6th, 1826. "POLITICAL DISQUISITIONS." Under the above title a writer in the Richmond Enquirer has, for several months past, professedly been writing commentaries or criti- cisms upon Raymond's Elenaents of Political Economy. The num- bers have been characterised with no small share of asperity and vi- tuperation ; but as the principal doctrines attacked, are not to be found in Mr. Raymond's work, the writer has wrought himself into a fury and spent his strength for naught. The following is a quotation from the 8th No. published on the- 9th September, 1825. «' The foi lowing are laid down by the author (Mr. Raymond) as fundamental laws, without vvliich no right would exist in the General Government to pass laws for pro- tecting manufactures ; or in other words, to pass the Tariff law. 1st, That the na- tion is an unity— and the legislature the head of the nation. 2d. That the legisla- tors are irresponsible, "d. That th^^v ar** unrestrained in thf» P!cer<-isE» of thrtli^ 40 legisliiuvo (llscretlon, by any oilier influence than lliat wliich is derived frpm the laws by which God .^-overns the world. 4th. Tiiat tlic iegislators jjossess the same rights over the people, which the General does over the soldiers of an army 5th. That llie people ha\'e no more rights th.in the I.vv allows rliein, and this law is to be pronounced by God's vicegerents or irrespon.sible iegislalors. 6th. IMiat whilst the right to life is a natural right, the right of property is conventional 7th. That all properly belongs to the nation of which the legislature i&the head; and none to the people in their individual character. 8lh. I'hat the Government has the right to dispose of the proceeds of the labor of every individual in society; and that the individual has no righl whatever, to dispose of the proceeds of his own labor; and by consequence, that the Government has a right to take from every individual any portion of the property of which the individual may be possessed, without compcnK;ii.ion therefor. — 9ih. That every individual labors for the com- munity, and not for himself" On reading the above quotation every person who had not read Mr, Rayuiond's work, would conclude that he had laid down each of these propositions in to tidem verbis, as a fundamental law: what tlien, will be tlie surprise of the reader whet) he is informed that so far is this from being true, that, save the first and tiie si.\lh pro- positions, Mr. Raymond not only has not laid them down in terms, but he has not laid down any fundamental laws or principles, from which they can, with propriety, be inferred, or to which, tney bear the slightest resemblance. Mr. Raymond does indeed s-'iy, that a nation is a v.jiiii/, or in other words, that a nation is one nation and not many nations, and that the Government or legislature possesses the supreme or legislative power, and is, therefore, "the head of the nation." These propositions are so obvious and common place, that we presume' iMr. Raymond does not claim the merit of originality for them, although this Virginia critic has attempted, [with such success as usually attends- those who uttempt to overthrow self-evident propositions,] to overthrow them ; I\Ir. Raymond also rnaintains, that our right to life is a natural right, or in other words, that we are indebted for our existence and life to our Creator, and not to the civil institutions of the country. If the critic doubts this, he must remain in doubt, for reasoning woidd not avail to remove his doubts. Mr. Raymond also holds, tiiat in a so- cial community, our right to specific property, is a conventional riglit, and depends entirely on the laws of the country. That mankind have a natural undefined right to undefined proper- ty, is no doubt true, but in the social state, our right to specific proper- ty dcpejnds. exclusively upon the laws of the countrv. Were thi. Virginia critic required to show his right to his plantation, he would in defiance of his own Political Disquisitions, as readily as any one- else, produce his title deeds, and the laws of the State which secured it to him. ^ We have read Mr. Raymond's work more than once; wc have a.- so referred to each chapter and page cited by tiie Virginia critic, but we have not been able to find any such propositions or fundarnental laws, as have been attributed to him by the writer of the Disquisitions, with the e.xceptions above stated. The rest appear to be the produc- tions of the writer's own heated imagination— mere men of straw, set up by the critic for the purpose of showing his skill in beating them down. _^. So much for the Political Disquisition?, of this boasted son ot Vir- From the Enquirer, November 1, 1825. POLITICAL DISQUISITIONS, NO. XIIL Raymond' 3 Elements of Political Economy^^or^ the text-hook of the new Political School. The practical government of " this Union" far ahead of the fun- damental laws of "this Union." The Tariff — Its reduction — Pros and Cons, by classes. The tariff ought to be greatly reduced. It ought to be fixed ac- cording to the strict principle of revenue — Not according to the par- tial notion of protection to domestic manufactures. The one is a legi- timate object of the government of *'this Union"— The other is not. The consequential protection of domestic manufactures, by a tariff, even upon (he strictest principle of revenue, would be too great. This is one of the evils of a system of indirect, insiead of direct taxes. It would be more wise, more politic, and more just, and more eco- nomical, to raise the greater part of the revenue of the governm. nt of "this Union," by direct, than by indirect taxes; but the indirect system having been adopted, a change of this policy caujiot imme- diately be expected. The Constitution was originally founded upon the basis of direct taxation ; and hence, the apportionment of repre- sentatives was fixed, partly upon the slave populaiioo. The facility and cheapness of the collection of imposts, afford no sound consi- deration for a preference of that mode of taxation. If the revenue were chiefly raised by direct taxes, the saving in the public expendi- tures would amount to millions more than the costs of the collection of both direct and indirect taxes. It would tend to check the profli- gate schemes of patronage and the assumptions of unauthorised powers by the practical government. These greatly swell the pub- lic expenditures. Besides, imposts are often laid upon articles of the first necessity ;• and operate extremely unequally upon different sections of the United States, as well as upon differ nt individuals. The watchful spirit of avarice throughout every administration, has seized every occasion to raise the tariff; and upon every such occa- sion, has pledged its promises, that it should be re luced as NO«)n as the occasion which caused it, was over. This was particularly the case with what was called the Medi'erranean fund. But after repeatedly violated promises, the writer thinks, that fund was finally incorpora- ted with the permanent tariff. The last tariff bill was a phenome- non, which the writer believes, was never before seen in the political world. No additional revenue was either wanted or called for; yet Congress increased the tariff, so as to increase the whole revenue upon imposts, to about 7 1-2 per cent. The writer believes this is the first instance in the annals of legislation, in which the represen- tatives of the people, of their own mere notion and liberality, increas- '*d |heir taxes, without ^ call, without an estimate, and without axi object, unless ii were tiie protection of domestic manufactures. ThiA was an illegitimate oljject; and, although at first avowed, was finally disvwowvd. The condition of the country, at this momeni, is pecu- liarly favourable for the reduction of the tarift'; provided the govern- ment would limit its calls for expenditures to its legitimate objects. This act of delayed justice ought now to be done, if it should even cause some delay in the final extnigulshment of the public debt. But it is believed it may be done without piodiicing that effect. What hope can be indulged in favour of this reduction, so ioag as the ele- mentary doctrines of the author, the favorite apostle of the new school, shall be acted upon by the practical government? Hear him : Extract from page 247, vol. 2. *'There is no part of the statute-book that requires such frequent revision as the tariff law, although we sometimes hear it said, that a tariff should be permanent, and seldom, if ever, changed; but this is a great error. A year does not pass, in which the tariff upon some pariici'lar ariicle may not be raised v\ith advantage. The most gen- eral rule on this subject is, that a tariff ought not to be reduced, al- though it may frequently require to be raised." ^Igaiji, jjoge 248. *'The reduction of a tariff is one of the harshest and most violciit measuri's that a governmeiit can possibly adopt." What an unblushing spirit of avarice is here displayed.'' The manufacturers, whose insatiable cupidity seems not satisfied with the extreme injustice of the present tarifl*, are still to be upon the watch, and every year some new addition is to be made to it. Every im- ported article is to be strictly watched; and if not already burdened to its highest pitch, is to be strained up annually a little higher, whilst "the reduction of a tariff is one of the harshest and most vio- lent measures that a goverimient can possibly adopt." AVhat ele- mentary logic! What political morals! Every occasion is to be cre- dibly seized upon to add to the plunder of the proceeds of the labour of one man, and give them to another, who did not labour for them; but to cease from further plundering is " one of the harshest and most violenj, measures that a governjuent can possibly adopt." Is this also the doctrine of the new political school? Is this doctrine to be honored by the sanction of its future enactments? On the other hand, the writer contends; that the practical govenmicnt is now call- ed upon, by every motive that moral honesty, and by every principle, that the "general welfare" can suggest, to suspend this plunder, and to leave to every individual labourer, the proceeds of his own honest labours. Waiving, then, for the present, the constitutional right of the gov- ernment of "this Union" to pass the tariff bill, the writer will look, for a single minute, to its policy in regard to the "general welfare." He will waive too, all reference to the visionary phantoms, which may, or may not happen "centuries ahead;" and make his calcula- tions in reference to the present practical condition of the different occupations in society. Suppose, then, the reduction of the tariff were proposed, and the quesiiou put to the different occupations in 3 society; are yon pro? — or — are you con ? Wheat farmers — What say von ? Can there be any doubt of an affirmative reply from this class? The wheat farmers have suflVred more uoder the operation of the ta- riff law, both before and since the passap::e of the last bill, than any other class of society. The low prices for the chief articles sh^y raise, and the high prices of the imported articles they consume, produced by the enormous tarifl', have been felt by them with great severity. — But the unjust burden has been better borne by some, than others of this class. Some of them have, in a degree,^ protect- ed themselves by their own abstinence and parsimony. Some are <:ontent to live on the offal of the produce of their labour, and to give up the first fruits, to satisfy the impositions of the government. These form an admirable corps of dray horses, for the service of despots. They seem not to care, and can n-ever tell, on which side their political slice the butter is. But the heavier the burden im- posed, the stronger they pull; and tlie more they stint themselves, so as always to have a surplus, to administer to the indulgencies of tiieir insatiable task-masters. There are, iiowever, very many vvho have been educated in more gentlemanly habits, and who require some of the first fruits of their own labour, to administer to their own indul- gencies. Upon this description of wheat farmers, the tarifi' has fallen with a heavy hand. This observation will forcibly apply to the North Western section of Virginia; of which, the county of Loh- doun may be taken for the centre. Wheal is the gi^eat staple of this section of country. It is cultivated at great expense; and its car- riage to market, falls heavy on its price. The surplus of that price, after defraying the expenses of cultivation and carriage, 'eaves but little to the grower.^ If he should persevere in his habitual indul- gencies of consuming imported articles, at the double prices pro- duced by the tariff, his little produced by his own labour will soon be exhausted; and he must be left to the distressing alternatives, either of abandoning his former habitual indulgencies; or buying on credit; in the delusive hope of better times to enable him to pay; and if they should never come, to be doomed to utter ruin. In this section of country much political discontent is seen; but it seems to vent itself in angry complaints against the Constitution of Virginia-; r.nd not against the tariff law. Tiie writer is fully impressed with llie great intelligence and sound practical observation of the people of this section of the State; and would be the last to attempt to in' terpose his judgment for theirs, in deciding upon their own interests; but, he thinks, no one can doubt of the oppressive effects of the enor- mous tariff, upon that section of country; and he hopes he may be excused for saying in behalf of the beloved Constitution of Virginia; that after the most respectful attention given to the complaints urged against that Constitution, he has been unable to see a single subsian-^ iial practical evil arising therefrom to the people in that section ol country; and that he sees, or thiiiks he sees, more substantial practi- eal good, diffm^ed by that Constitution, not only amongst those peo- ple, but throughout the whole State of Virginia, than ever was dif- fused throughont a whole people by any other Constitution upoi? earth. The writer hopes to he excused, for observing further, in a spirit of respecilul candor; that he has for some years looked on with surprise, at the attention, which appears to be given by the pr;;c- tical intelligent people in that section of the State to the multitude of ephemeral meteors, which have for some time bespangled the po- litical horizon of the United States; and that they should seem dis- posed to follow these political Jacks in their lanthorns, in their devi- ous paths, through their fascinating, meliorating political thickets; btcause the writer thinks, that every reflecting, intelligent man must see that these meliorating relief thickets, are thickly set throughout with Brambles, Bamboos, Hawiiiorns, Black J icks, &tc. Sic., and that if all the people of the United States could be enticed to follow these igncs faiui in all their devious wanderings, through these en- chanted thickets, they must have their political habiliments torn into tatters, their exteriors miserably mangled with scratches; and fortu- nate would it be, indeed, if they contiiuied the bewildered pursuit to the limits of these enchantments, if they admit of any limit, the de- luded people should find they had left remaining one vital spark of political energy. The deluded people of Kentucky, have exhibited the most awful, monitory lesson, to all other people, of the fatal con- sequences of their devotion to the Kentucky Jacks in their relief lan- thorns. They seem to have become sensible themselves, of the severe scratches they have received in their enchanted wanderings through their meliorating ihlckets, and it would be well, if these seemingly exterior scratches, should not have penetrated to the very core of all social morals. The Colonization Societies, will soon add another impressive warning, against the indulgence of ardent wishes, in op- position to the dictates of sober judgment. The writer thought it due to the importance of the occupation of wheat farmers to make this digression, in the earnest hope of inducing them to look at things as they are; and not as enthusinsiic schemers wish them to be; who, without the vestige of a shade of the spirit of prophecy, vainly haz- ard their guesses, as to what the stale of things may be " centuries ahead." Cotton and Tobacco planters stand on the same ground with wheat farmers, with this diflerence only; that from the high prices of those articles, the planters can better bear the unjust burdens of the tariff law. All other agriculturists, except sugar planters, may be set down in one class, for the reduction of the tarifl*. The next class in point of suffering is the journeymen artizans. This arises from the boun- ty being given upon the price of the article; and not upon the price of the day labour. — Hence the combinations complained of for rais- ing wages. They are mere attempts of the day labourers to parti- cipate in the bounty; and are quite shocking to the feelings of the owner and stock capitalists, of the manufacturing establishments. It may be laid down as a posiulatum in political science, that artificial variations in the distribution of the proceeds of labour never did, nor ever can benefit the actual labourer, it is this governmental vari- ation of the proceeds of labour in Great Britain, by means of tythes and taxes, restrictive systems, &tc. which i^as produced the deplorable extremes in llie condition of the people of that country ; and doom- ed so many labourers to the wretched alternative of poor houses; and many more lo ask charity of those who, by the partial distribu- tion of the government, are rioting in the proceeds of the labour of the very beggar asking such charity. Let. then, all labourers beware of every measure which varies the distribution of produc'ive labour. All annuitants, including help- less widows and orphans, have a direct interest in the reduction of thr" tariff — All clergymen, all lawyers, all physicians, all shipwrights, all merchants, all sailors — the army, the navy, and all other classes, who jonsume imported goods; the owners of manufacturing estab- lishments and stock, and the sugar planters, only excepted. The manufacturer himself would be bettered by the reduction, if his mo- rals are worth u'ore than his money; and if an honest reliance upon his own skill and industry, be better than a reliance upon a bounty, forcibly taken from the proceeds of the labour of others. But, more tiian all others, the government of "this Union" would he_ bettered by it, because it would thereby reclaim its character against an ill- judged act of iujustice, and consequentially, so far regain its lost moral influence. Is this a fair picture of the effects of the tariff law upon the government itself; and the various occupations in society? Il it be, will It not excite the wonder of every reflecting, impartial m iu in the commfuiity, to observe the heavy burdens imposed upon the many for the benefit of the few? And that too, by turning top- syturvy the soundest principles in political economy — by substi- tuting the principle of monopoly, in place of the principle of com- petition — falsely asserting it to be "the American system for encour- aging national industry." When the principle of monopoly is ex- pressly and most justly denounced by the fundamental laws of most of the States; and when one great object in forming the Constitu- tion of the United States was to promote the general welfare, " in preference to the particular local welfare." This, the writer believes, to be a fair picture of the effects of the tariff law, upon the various classes of freemen in society; but most unfortunately, there is another class of human beings in the United Slates, upon which, this law falls with a cruel, heavy hand. This class consists of slaves — of commiserated slaves. It has been before remarked, that some of the imposts were laid on articles of the first necessity. Amongst these, are the duties on coarse woollens and linens, striped blankets, coarse shoes, hats, 8ic. These articles are consumed by labourers generally, but particularly by the commiser- ated slaves. The master too, must judge for the slave, as to the ex- tent of furnishing him witli these articles for his comforts and indul- gencies. The author admits, as a general rule, that the consump- tion of foreign goods will be lessened in proportion to the duties im- posed upon them. Suppose, then, that the duties imposed upon these articles, consumed principdly by slaves, should be averaged at 33 1-3 per cent, according to the rule, the slaves would be strip ped by the tariff law of one-third of their warm covering by day, and one-third of their warm blankets by night. What can be the meni of a law, which shall strip these commiserated children of the sun, of one-lhird of their comfortable covering, and thus expose them to the biting frosts of the morning, and the chilling blasts of the night? No case can exemplify, better than this, the contrasts between delusive projects and practical realities; let it then be more particularly analyzed. The author is both a fanatical devotee to the tariff law ; and a commiserating meliorater of the condition of slaves. He is, in fact, an honored member of the Baltimore anti-slave socie- t}'. Let him then approach one of these commiserated slaves, with the tariff law in one hand, and the constitution of the anti-slave so- ciety in the other; and address him upon the merits of each. Mr. Jtaymond to the poor commiserated slave! "Poor commiserat'^^d slave" !!! How deeply do I bemoan your fallen condition !!! Rly very bowels are, at this moment, overflowing with compassion for you ; and the tenderest sensibilities of every heart are, at this moment, working wonders for your relief!!! Look at my watery eyes, and their briny tears will attest tlie sincerity of both bowels and heart. But here is the tariff law. That awards me one of }our blankets, ^nd I must take it for the benefit of the domestic manufacturers. Give me too, your jacket, your shirt, your pantaloons, jour shoes, and your hat. The law awards it, and I must have them all. Poor commiserated slave — I know you love sunshine, you love fire, you love warm covering by day and by night, I know you must be chill- ed almost to death in this cold climate, when stripped of your warm covering; but 30U have no right to complain of the tariff law. It leaves you yet your meat and bread* The cupidity of the manufac- turers iias yet left the whole of tliem to you. Take care of your meat and 3 our bread. This tender spirit is still on the watch. Be- sides, you have no right to compUin, because all I take from your comfortable covering, is wanted "for t-iie protection of domestic ma- nufacturers;" "For the encouragement of the American system of ''national" industrj^," all for the public good. The "national" gov- ernment has a right to every piece of property in the nation, to be ♦disposed of for the pul)l}c good. But here is the grand panacea for all your sufferings. Here is the ■constitution of the Baltimore anti- fclave sociel}'. Hear the blessings I have in store for yoin' poor com- miserated slave — O slavery!! "Thou art, in thyself, a bitter pill;^' feut I thought, I could make a sweei electioneering one out of thee. I had vainly thought, through thee to have become one of God's vicegerents upon earth; yet strange to tell, the Baltimore people would not swallow the pill at the last election ; although 1 thought it very nicely honeyed over. — Nevertheless, be o^f good cheer. Not- withstanding this first discomfiture, ihey will swallow it at the next election; and then I shall arrive at the summit of all iHy aspiring hopes; and then look out for the blessings I have in store, to pour forth for you in plentiful abundance. Then I will hatch projects enough, for your emancipation, ^'centuries ahcad.^' Then you shall be elevated to the enviable rank and condition of the free blacks, and then I will send you back to the coiuitry of your fathers, to Liberia, to St. Doiningo, beyond the llocky ^lountain, or seme where else, God only knows where, most likely to the D — 1." What swee; erurnbs of comfort "centuries aheaiV for the practical blessings of the present day!!! And how warm the sensibilities, which pour theiu forth in such a waste of profusion!! Away with all the selfish dreams of all electioneering panders. — Their's is the devouring spirit of the present times. It is high time the American people had stopped the bewildered pursuit of these destructive ignes fatui. It is high time for them to resume the exercise of their own sound practical intelli- gence in conducting their own aflairs. It is not too late to cure the wounds inflicted by the tarifl" law. This is the happiest moment for that purpose. The moment its mischiefs are developing themselves, is the most appropriate moment for applying the remedy. Let then, the Secretary gf the Treasury be called upon, the first day of the next meeting of Congress, to report a system of advalorem duties upon the strict principle of revenue; to report all articles, upon whifh prohibitory duties now exist — and what would be the product of such duties, if reduced to the smallest advalorem duty, sufficient for all constitutional expenditures. Let him be specially instructed, to exclude from his estimate all disbursements for "Internal Improvements," "protection of domestic manufactures," "encouragement of tlie American system of 'nation- al' industry," all unnecessary patronage, all sinecures, and all other cabalistical phrases, which have been introduced into the practical government; but are not to be found in the Constitution of the Uni- ted States, and thus restore the Constitution to its pristine purity, wisdom, and energy; and thus, by constitutional means, and in the true sense and spirit of the Constitution itself, "promote the general, and not tie particular welfare." Octobfr 11-1825. From the Enquirer, JVutember 4, 1820. THE GENERAL WELFARE. We earnestly recommend the following Disquisition to the reader's attention. It is worthy of the ve.y interesting subject v hich it pro- fesses to discuss. The writer is a man of great experience, of exten- sive reseai'ch, of vigorous mijid. Such are the principles, and such the man, whom Virginia at this great crisis ought to upiiold. The heresy which he attacks is now creeping upon the public mind; and if permitted to take eft'ect, will poison the very principles of our Union. If his powerful arguments required any confirmation ; if the geni- us of our government stood in need of any further elucidation, we should find it in the cotemporaneous expositions of the Constitution. We should find it in the Debates of the Virginia Convention, where the friends of the Constitution deny tliat this clause conferred any new powers upon the government. We should find it in the Feder- alist, (No. 41,) where Mr. Madison peremptorily excludes and tri- umphantly overthrows the idea of "an unlimited c<;mmission to ex- ercise every power, which may be alleged to be necessary for the common defence or general welfare." We find an equally clear de- monstration of that clause from the pen of the same gentleman, in bis triumphant Report of '99. In a word, we find an irresistible confirmation in the very origin of these very phrases, being copied from the Articles of Confederation, that most limited instrumen. ol" political power. The 8th Article of the Confederation says; "1'hat all charges of war, and all other expenses that shall be incurred for the common defence or general welfare, and allowed by the United States in Congress assembled, shall be defrayed out of the common treasury," &c. Stc. ; words which are quoted, both in the Debates of the Convention, and in the Nos. of the Federalist, to prove that they conveyed no new substantive power. *'A similar language again occurs in Article 9, of the Confederation." "Construe (says the Federalist) eitlier of these articles, by the rules which would justify the construction put on the new Constitution (by its opponents at that day, and its •alleged friends at this, as Governor Van Ness and others,) and they vest in the existing Congress, a power to legislate in all cases whatsoever. But, what would have been thought of that as- sembly, if, attaching themselves to these general expressions, and disregarding the specifications, which ascertain and limit their import, they had exercised an unlimited power of providing for the common delence and general welfare.'' How difficult it is for error to escape its own condemnation!" Bui the idea is as absurd in theory, as it ■would be pernicious in practice. — [^Editors. For the Enquirer, POLITICAL DISQUISITIONS, NO. XIV. Raymond^s Elements of Political Economy-^or, the text-book of the new Political School. The practical government of "this Union" — far ahead of the fun- damental laws of "this Union." " General welfare," Omnipotent — as national unity. ^"^ The author seems studiously to have avoided any reference what- ever, to the Constitution of the United States as the proper source for the derivation of the power to protect domestic manufactures, or in other words, to pass the tariff law; whilst the practical administrators, with seeming contemptuous reluctance, have called into action, their whole intellectual energies to give such interpretation to the Constitu- tion, as will subserve the same object. The term "general welfare" seems to have afforded the most scope for the exertion of their forensic faculties. It has, therefore, become of the first importance to the effi- ciency of the Constitution; that this terra should be perfectly under- stood, that not the shadow of a doubt should rest upon it. — This the writer thinks, can be done with facility, and with certainty. He will now attempt to perform this duty. The terra, "general welfare," in itself contains no grant of power whatever. It is twi^e used in the Constitution. Once in the pream- ble — once in the body of the instrument. In the preamble it is used only as a declaration of one of the great ends, intended to be pro- moted, by ordaining and establishing "this Constitution for the Uni- ted States of America." The words of the preamble containing this declaration, are the following — "We, the people of the United States, in order to form a more perfect union, establish peace, ensure domes- tic tranquillity, provide for the common defence, ''promote the gene- ral welfare,^' and secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity, do ordain and establish this Constitution for the United States of America." Preambles never contain enactments. They are used only, to express the objects or ends to be effected by the enactments, or the inducements to such enactments. The term "gen- eral welfare," as here used, so far from granting a general power, does not contain the vestige of any grant of power whatever. It merely declares one of the great ends intended to be promoted, or effected by forming "this Constitution for the United Slates of Ame- rica." The specific words in relation to this specific point, are— "In order" "to promote the general welfare." What is done " ia order to promSte the general welfare.?" The people "do ordain and establish this Constitution"— " in order to promote the general wel- fare." For whom, or for what, did the people "ordam and estab- lish this Constitution ?" "For the United States of America." Not B 10 for the people llieinselves, ni tlieir original characters, but for tiiem- selves in their associated characters, as political members of the seve- ral pre-existing States, composing the "United States of America." What are the means pointed out, and where are they to be found, for promoting the "general vvelftire?" In " this Constitution." — "This Constitution" must, therefore, be examined, for the purpose of ascertaining what are the means pointed out " in order to promote the general welfare." U^on examining this Constitution, these means will be found to consist in grants of powers of a general character to a general government. By general powers is meant, powers whose practical operations extend beyond the geographical limits of thlTseveral States. By rese«ving powers of a local character, such as do not extend then- influence beyond the limits of the Slates, to the pre-existing State governments. And by retaining all other rights to the people, to be executed by them respectively, in their original native characters. — For examples: This Constitution will be found to have granted to the general government the power "to regulate commerce:" To have reserved to the several States the power to make internal improvements through the State govern- ments respectively, as not having been granted to the general gov- ernment: and have retained to the people their natural right to their property respectively, as not having been granted, neither to the general nor State governments; but expressly secured to them, against being taken from them, even for public uses, "without just compensation." Thus the people in their associated character of States, have resolved to judge for themselves, of the means which are necessary and proper for promoting the general welfare; and have solemnly enacted and declared, that these means consist in the distribution of powers, upon the plan and in the mode described in their Constitution. This code of fundamental laws is expressly en- acted for the observance of the practical administrators; and the ob- ligation for their observance is enforced by the solemn sanction of an oath imposed upon each administrator. So say the American people in exercising their rights of judging for themselves, of the necessary and proper means for promoting the " general welfare." But, say the practical administrators to the people, in substance, as the writer conceives — A fig for your opinions, and your restraining fundamental laws. You have organized a government, and most strange to tell, by hook or by crook, we have become its administra- tors. We find in your code of fundamental laws, the words "gene- ral welfare." We will consider these words as an unlimited grant of power to ourselves, and we will take the liberty of judging of the necessary and proper means of carrying into effect this unlimited grant of power. Our own discretion shall be our only fundamental law. We will thus make ourselves Lords paramount over all your rights, and will deal out a goodly share of them to oTirselvcs, and to our favorites; and help yourselves if you can. — But, if we were even to condescend to derive our unlimited power to promote the "gene- ral welfare," from the specified powers in the body of the Constitu- u lion, it may he found, amongst these specifications, in the following words: — "The Congress shall have power to lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts and excises, to pay the debts, and provide for the common defence and general welfare of the United States; but all duties, imposts and excises shall be uniform throughout the United States." Here is a repetition of the powers mentioned in the pre- amble, and nearly in the same words. It is from these words, in the body of the instrument, that we derive our unlimited powers, and gainsay t!ie power if you can. The writer accepts the challenge, and will attempt to do so. The words, "provide for the common defence and general wel- fare," in this clause, no more contain a grant of power, than the words used in the preamble. So far from it, that they were intend- ed to contain, and do contain important limitations — the specified 2Jower to lay and collect taxes. They are the same words, with the omission of the word "promote," and were introduced here, to ex- press some of the great ends for which the specific power, just preced- ing, was granted. That specific power was, in its nature, immediate- ly appropriate to the effectuation of the ends expressed, to wit: — tlie specific power, '"to lay taxes," &,c. has a direct operative influence, as means " to provide for the common defence and general welfare," being the common and indispensable means employed for effecting those objects. Hence the inducement, in the repetition, for dropping the word "promote," which was used in the preamble in the absence of the specified power — "to lay taxes," the word "provide" being the common and technical word used, to describe monied means, to produce a given end. To " provide" means for the common defence and general welfare. The word " promote" would not have corres- ponded with the technicality of the word " provide" in its applica- > tion to monied means, to eflect an end; and therefore was deemed unnecessary, if not improper, in the repetition. — But there are other words in this clause, which leave this interpretation of its meaning, without a doubt. The words are, " to pay the debts." Are these words considered, as an unlimited grant of power? Or do they con- tain an object, or an end, to be effected, by the specific grant of the power "to lay taxes," Sec. &ic. immediately preceding them? "To lay taxe?," surely must be the specific means granted, to effect the object of paying " the debts of the United States." What could be the quality and operation of a power conferred, to pay debts, with- out the grant of means to effect the object? It would in no sense be deemed a power granted, but an obligation imposed; a very serious one, unaccompanied with the necessary means to effect the object. The meaning of this clause, then, is plainly and simply this — a power is therein given to Congress to lay taxes, to enable it " to pay the debts of the United Slates," and also to enable it, " to provide means for the common defence and general welfare;" explained and limited by the specifications of particular powers in the Constitution ; and by the express reservations in the amendment. If these three terms, to pay the debts— to provide for the common defence — to provide 12 for the general welfare, are respectively to be considered, as unlimit- ed grants of power, it would have been quite uiuiecessary to have gone further, than the first grant— the unlimited power to pay debts. Because, that granted power being without limitation, the choice of all the means necessary and proper for carrying it into effect, being expressly granted, the unlimited power of Congress could be just as well inferred, from the general power to pay debts, as the general grant "to provide for the common defence"— or, "to provide for the general welfare." Because, the unlimited power consists, not in the end to be effected, but in the unlimited choice of means to effect the end. Thus, Congress would be left as perfectly unlimited in the choice of means " to pay the debts," as in the unlimited choice of means to provide for the " general welfare." — Yet the writer has no recollection, ever to have heard, in all the forensic quibbles which have been resorted to, for the purpose of destroying all the limita- tions of the powers of the practical government, that they were all absorbed in the general power " to pay the debts of the United States." But the very same inferences might be drawn from that general grant of power, if such be its real meaning and character, as from the unlimited grant of power " to provide for the general welfare." In choosing terms for expressing the fundamental laws of the United Slates, the framers of the Constitution seem to have coii- sulted both simplicity and sententiousness. Hence the word "to" is used, to express the end ; for which a specific power is granted, to effect that end; and when taken in connexion with the first "to" used in granting the povver, has given an opportunity to forensic quibblers, to consider the last "to" as also intended to make a grant of povver. This construction is somewhat aided too, by the interposition of a comma, before the last " to." But it should be recollected, that in critical constructions of sentences, all stops are to be obliterated ; and the construction grounded exclusively upon the literal meaning of the words used, taken in their relations, to each other. Thus, the words used in the Constitution, in their relations to each other, with- out the intervention of a comma, would read thus — "Congress shall have power — to " lay and collect taxes" — to " pay the debts of the United States." — Here, then, is the clearest expression of a mean, and an end, peculiarly and technically suited to each other, according ^ - to the relative meaning of each. Perhaps, if the framers of the Consti- 1 tution had departed from their general rule of sententiousness in this case, and had used the words "for the purpose of paying the debts," &c. it might have been a better form of expression, than the term " to." But it is presumable that the framers of the Constitution could ne- ver, for one moment, have anticipated that so miserable a subtlety would have been resorted to, (or the purpose of battering down all the limitations they had set up, with so much patriotic care and la- bour, as safeguards to the rights and liberties of the people, against the possible usurpation of the practical government, as have grown out of this little unfortunate word "to," in its relation to another little "to." It should be alwa3's recollected, that uncontrollable wjll, is in 13 ils essence, sovereignly — unlimited discretion, despotism ; — and that these essentially consist in the choice of means to efiect an end, and not in the end to be effected. But there is in this clause, an express limitation upon the power of the practical government, which most certainly excludes the interpretation, that the terms, pay debts, pro- vide for the common defence and general welfare, are grants of pow- er. It is contained in the following words — " but all duties, imposts and excises shall be uniform throughout the United States." These words contain a most important limitation upon the discretion of the practical government, in the exercise of this specified power. Is it possiole to conceive, that, in the same clause, the framers of the Coii- siitution, would impose a limitation upon^that discretion in the exer- cise of the specified power; and, in the same clause, make three un~ limited grants of power; each of which, would completely destroy not only every limitation, upon the specification, but upon every other restraining power in the Constitution. Such a supposition would be, at once, absurd and preposterous; and therefore utterly in- admissible. • So far from the terras, " to pay the debts of the United States" — ■ •' to provide for the common defence and general welfare," contain- ing any grant ol power whatever; they were evidently intended to coniain, and do contain important limitations upon the exercise of the specified power — " to lay and collect taxes" — " To lay and col- lect taxes to pay the debts of the United States." — The limitation consists in grantmg the power to pay the debts of the United States, and no other debts. The power to pay the debts of the United States only, negatively excludes the power to pay any other debts, than the debts of the United States. The clear meaning of the lan- guage addressed to the practical administrators is: — You may lay and collect taxes to pay the debts of the United States; but you shall not lay and collect taxes to pay the debts of the several States; the debts of New York, for example, incurred in making the great ca- nal ; the debts of Virginia, incurred in her efforts to make the James River Canal. Nor shall you lay and collect taxes to pay the debts of one another, nor of any other favorite ; Ninian Edwards, for ex- ample. You may also lay and collect taxes for the common defence, but not for the defence of the police laws of the several States; such as the defence of the penitentiary establishments; this object being for local, not common, defence. You may lay and collect taxes for the general welfare, but not for a local, or particular welfare. You shall not lay and collect taxes for internal improvements, that power not having been granted in the Constitution, and being local in it? character, is reserved to the Slates : — nor to protect manufactures^ that being a particular, and not the general welfare. Nor is that power specifically granted to the general government. You shall not lay and collect taxes to establish a system of sinecures for retir- ing Presidents and Vice-Prcsicents; nor for paying Daniel Raymond for writing a book upon the Elements of Political Economy; the evident tendency of which is, to destroy all limitations upon the 14 powers of the practical government, &ic. he. It is most extraordi- nary that the very terms introduced for the purpose of utterly ex- cluding all partial interests, and favoritisms, should be seized upon, as the foundation of the whole system of locality and favoritism. The exposition here given of the meaning of these terms is not only demonstrably correct in itself, but is warranted by the whole spirit and tenor of the Constitution, as well as by many of its subsequent provisions. And ought not such to be the true spirit and interpre- tation of the Constitution? Surely it must be admitted by all; that such ought to be the provisions of the Constitution, and that the terms are amply sufficient for that object; but if a contrary interpre- tation should be put upon these terms, others ought certainly to be introdticed into the Constitution to effect the object for which these were manifestly intended. liet it ever be freshly remembered, that the term "general wel- fare" considered as a grant of power, is "an unity." — One and in- divisible. — That its powers are indefinite and irresistible. It stops at nothing. It sweeps every thing before it. If it* can invest the practical government with the power to make internal improvements when that term is not in the Constitution, nor any other bearing the least affinity to it; it can, in like manner, invest the same govern- ment with the power to protect domestic manufactures, in the absence of all expressions bearing the least affinity to that power. If that investiture can be derived from it, so can the power to protect reli- gion. — It is said, that President Adams, like the first christian Em- peror, the great Constantine, is playing a doubtful game between the Trinitarian, and Unitarian creeds, or like the great reformer, and detestable tyrant, Henry the VIII , vibrating between Catholicism and Protestantism. When he shall settle down upon one of them, perhaps he might think that all the American people, ought likewise to do so, and if they will not, be will make them not only for the " general welfare," but for universal harmony, in private opinion. This measure will admit the application of money for its eflectua- eion; and fire and sword to aid it. Auto defes, — might again become fashionable fo;" " the general welfare" and universal harmony in pri- vate opinion. " General welfare," can accomplish all this; and then mount at once lo the author's utmost limit of despotism, the public right to every piece of property in the nation; and the governmental right to take it from the individual owner, an-d to apply it to the pub- lic good, alias, the " general welfare." Are tjie people of the Uni- ted States prepared for these frightful results, arising fi'om the omni- potent influence of the term "general welfare?" If not, let them again pause, look stedfastly at these things, consider them well; and then ask thcinseKes, if one atom of power be derivable from the term " general welfare," where is the stopping place? If it grants an atom of power, it grants all power. It must finally eventuate in the most awful, terrific, uncontrollable despotism. But there is another view of this subject not less interesting, and calling, perhaps, still more loudly for tlie most profound attention of every patriotic American IS citizen. The practical administrators of the government, are fre< qucnily boasting of tlie great American developements in political science. The great blessings they have already diffused amongst the whole American people, the hopes of the greater blessings to pos- terity, as the developements shall become improved and matured; and finally, the diffusion of these improved blessings to the whole human race; and at the same moment, as the writer thinks, or fears, have, under ilie potent charm of " general welfare," laid the whole of these blessed devolopcments prostrate in the dust, and trampled them under foot. Fellow-citizens, pause again, look stedfastly at these things, consider them well, they well deserve it, and ask your- selves in what these great American developements consist? In what? but in your fundamental laws. In what? but in the specifications and limitations ordained and established in your Constitutions. Oblite- rate those, and wliat have you to boast of in the discoveries of the great elements of political science, more than tlie other nations of the earth? Nay, than the most despotic nation upon earth!!! In what do these all-important specifications and limitations consist? Most certainly in restraints upon the unlimited discretion of your rulers. These form the great ramparts for the protection of your rights and liberties; impregnable with your own superintendence, and under your own firm reliance upon your own capacity for self- government: worse than nothing, if left to the unlimited discretion of your rulers, in the choice of means to promote the " general wel- fare." Let it be always fresh in your memories, that unlimited will, whatever be its form, is unlimited despotism. Look at President Adams' inaugural address upon this point, and you will then see the most beautiful and glowing anticipations of the blessed eflects upon the whole human race from the great American developements in po- litical science. Look at Mr. Secretary Barbour's address to the Ca- dets at West Point, and you will see the same laudable, philanthro- pic anticipations. Look at Mr. Secretary Clay's address to one of his electioneering dinner parlies, and you will there see the same thing. Yet, if these great American developements do really consist in constitutional limitations upon governmental power, you will find them all " dissolved into thin air," by the omnipotent, magic influ- ence of the term " general welfare." Perhaps you may be told, your great security will be found in the checks of departments. Listen not a moment to the syren voice of this delusive ''ivicked sprite.'' — Checks of departments, without limi- tations upon power, and without the guardianship of the sovereign people, are always converted into combmations of departments. The patronage of the Executive, corrupts the other departments, and con- verts them into instruments of its own aggrandizement. That is the great evil in the practical government at this moment. Other gov- ernments have checks of departments. Great Britain hns her checks. France has her checks — all, like the American checks, coalescivg with the Executive departments. The American people alone, have 5^e- cifx Umitations vpon governmental poivers, ordained and established iO in their fundamental laws. Americans alone are secured in their great interests, through the benign influence of the federative princi- ple. These are the great American developements — these are the great American 'peculiarities — these are the great blessings, of which they can exclusively boast. These are their great inventions for the security of human rights. These are their great ramparts for their protection; and it is against these, that the elementary artillery of the political fashionables is directed. If they should unfortunately succeed in battering down these; farewell, and a long farewell to human rights!!! to human liberties!!! to human happiness!!! October 15, 1825. J From the Enquirery J^ovemher 11,1825. . "GENERAL WELFARE." POLITICAL DISQUISITIONS,— No. XIV. [concluded.] Raymond's Elements of Political Economy— or^ the text-book of the new Political School. The practical government of " this Union" far ahead of the fun- f^amental laws of " this Union." '* General welfare" — omnipotent — as " national unity." But let it be supposed, that the writer is mistaken in iiis interpre- tation of the meaning of the term " general welfare," and in the in- tents and objects, for which it was used in the Constitution; and that the framers of the Constitution did inadvertently, by the mere slip of the pen, introduce into the Constitution, a general phrase, which swept away all the limitations, recommended to be ordained, and es- tablished for the protection of the rights, and liberties of the Ameri- can peojale: Recommendations, flowing from the pure fountain of love of country: The results of sound wisdom, anxious care, and patriotic labour. If it be possible to believe, that the framers of the Constitution had committed so fatal an error, it can only be ascribed to inadvertence. It would be impossible to ascribe it to intent; be- cause it would be a wicked intent. It would be the most atrocious and abominable fraud, that could have been practised upon the con- fiding American people, and therefore, utterly impossible, and inad- missible. If the term "general welfare," be construed into a grant of power, if it be but an atom, it is a grant of all power; because it is "an unity," "one and indivisible;" and would necessarily destroy all the limitations upon the powers of the practical government. — However improbable, let it, nevertheless, be supposed, that the fra- mers of the Constitution did, inadvertently, employ a general phrase which effectually destroyed the whole beautiful plan, they had devi- sed for the government of the United States ii\ their compHcated re- lations to each other, by an adaptation of general powers to a gene- ral government, local powers to State governments, and by leaving to the people individually, all the rights not granted, either to the general, or State governments, and that it had fallen to the lot of the political fashionables to make this fatal discovery. What obli- gations would such an extraordinary discovery impose upon the practical government? What obligations would thereby be imposed upon the President of the United States? What upon the legislators ? Surely, it would then become the first duty of the President to com- municate so important a fact, so important a discovery to Congress. It is his sworn duty, " to give to the Congress information of the state of the Union." What information could be more interesting to the Union, than the discovery, that all the fundamental laws were c 18 rendered nugatory, bj a fatal inadvertency in tlieir framers? That all the limitations upon the powers of the practical governments were destroyed; that all the safeguards set up for the protection of the rights and liberties of the people were annihilated; and the whole of them, left to the capricious absolute will of the practical government? Surely, the President would be called upon by every motive, which his official duty could suggest; by every sanction, which the solemni- ty of an oath could impose; by every impulse, vvhich patriotism, public and private morality could inspire, to give this all-important information to (Congress. And what would it then become the in- dispensable duty of Congress to do, in so fatal a dilemma? Surely, to call upon the American people to remedy the great defect pro- duced by the deprecated inadvertency; to make provision for amend- ing the Constitution, so as to explain the true meaning of the term ''general welfare;"' and if it should be found that it had in truth, and in fact, prostrated all the restraining provisions of the Constitu- tion, deprived the people of all the great American developeme:its in political science, and left them without any protection whatever for their rights and liberties; tiiat the people might thus be afforded an opportunity of setting up, new safeguards, in the place of those so unexpectedly and inadvertently battered down and destroyed. — These would be the obvious and indispensable duties of the Presi-- dent, and Congress. Surely it never could be expected, that an American President, and an American Congress, would stoop so low, as to avail themselves of such a discovery, to obtain by stealth from the people, every power they might fancy would be proper for the general welfare — and the promotion of their own personal ag- grandizement — to employ all their forensic powers for so base a pur- pose, and pride themselves in the unhallowed acquisition. Yet, wonderful as it may be, have not great advances been made by the political fashionables, in this unhallowed occupation? If President Adams really believes, in sincerity and good faith; that the term " general welfare" may be used to sweep away all the limitations upon the powers of the practical government, has he yet given any intimations of his intention to give this all-important information to Congress, and solemnly to call upon the legislative body, instantly to furnish a remedy for this great misfortune, which was discovered to liave befallen the code of fundamental laws? Has he not, on the other hand, given the most alarming forebodings of the uses, he wishes, or intends to make, of the term "general welfare"? Do you jiot fmd the unlimited scope given to his interpretation of its mean- ing in his Ohio letter, and in his inaugural address? In the dilem- ma in which President Adams would be placed by this new discove- ry, is he not called upon by every consideration arising from the loVe of country, and a love of future fame, to deliberate well, and to decide wisely upon the course he ought to pursue? And can this be better done, than to see what others have heretofore done in the like dilemma; and what destinies have awaited each actor in the scene, ac- cording to his conduct pursued, on each great occasion? Let Presi- dent Adatns then inquire, what would Washington now do, if placed 19 in President Adams's supposed dilemma, if he Iiad discovered this great inadvertent defect in the fundamental laws? In so sad a dilem- ma, his former acts would prove his present conduct. He would on the instant, nobly, honourably and openly proclaim the fact to the proper tribunal, and call for the proper remedy. What did Wash- incton in a former dilemma? When his discontented army offered him a diadem, he disdained the alluring glittering overture, and crushed the wicked spirit that dared to tempt him with a crown. Vv'hen the rights and liberties of his country becatne secure, he re- tired, honoured and dignified, to a private station. When his coun- try again wanted and demanded his efficient aid, in forming funda- mental laws, and establishing a practical government, he again left his beloved retirement; an^ after he had seen the government fixed upon an unshaken foundation, as he ardently hoped, and firmly be- lieved, he again sought for happiness in his enamoured retreat. But, upon the instant of doing so, he left to his beloved country an ines- timable legacy:— His Farewell Address. In that Address, with a wisdom and patriotism, almost divine, he admonishes his countrymen, against the very political shoals, and quicksands, upon which the practical government seems now intent to place itself :— exciting oc- cupation against occupation, section against section. Washington well knew that the great and stable pillars of the government of this Union, w eve generality and equality. — He therefore" prayed with the most holy fervor, that these might always be deemed too sacred to be polluted by any sacrilegious touch whatever. Where now are these hallowed pillars? Pulled down, cut up, and. given to the de- vouring flamesin Occupation, is now set up, against occupation; section, against section, and worse than all, each section is stripped of its constitutional federative protection— State authorities— State rights. Where is now the great, the good, the patriotic Washing- ton? He is no more seen in the land. His inspired admonitions have become the sport, and contempt of the political fashionables. But his soul is doubtlessly in the regions of the blessed. His memo- ry is embalmed in the hearts of his countrymen; and his great good fame is coextensive with the civilized world!!! What would Bolivar do in this dilemma? His former acts, would also prove his present conduct. He, like Washington, would nobly perform his duty. He would disdain the accumulation of ungranted powers by forensic subtlety. After being invested with the dictatorship, and liberating his own country from the most oppressive bondage, he, like Wash- ington, begged permission to retire to a private station, declaring to the legislative body, that his country was about to be relieved from two of the most frightful curses that could attend it; the war and his own dictatorship. Such noble disinterested patriotism could ne- ver stoop to low usurpations of illicit power. Where is Bolivar f And where his present fame? He is now hailed, as the liberator of his own country, and the benefactor of mankind. The whole civil- ized world is now paying homage to his profound wisdom, his heroic bravery, and his sublime patriotism; and more than any other peo= pie, the liberated people of the United States. In all the sentirqen» 20 tal incidents which fiave been called forth by tlie visit of iiie nation's* illustrious guest, alike honourable to the nation and its guest, none has been better selected than the present bestowed by Mr. Custis upon Bolivar. How great the honour, how great the reward, to se- lect Bolivar, lately risen up in the new world, amidst bigotry, super- stition, ignorance, barbarism and despotism, as the most worthy to be presented with the precious relict of his own great prototype, our own renowned and beloved V/ashington. What would Julius, the first Ceesar do, if placed in this dilemma? His former acts too, must prove his present conduct. He would avail himself of every false pretext, of every forensic subtlety, "to raise his own greatness upon his country's ruin." What has become of the great, the splendid Ju- lius Caesar, and his fame? Ask the Roman patriot; ask Ceesar's bo- som friend; ask his own Brutus. He will tell you, "Csesar was am- bitious, and I slew him" !!! Under Brutus' fatal stab, Cresar lies igno- bly low, a detested and detestable tyrant, and as lime rolls along and the human intellect becomes more improved, the memory of Julius Caesar, and of every other tyrant, becomes every day more detested. The enlightened world now bestows its homage and its plaudits, not upon the destroyers and plunderers; but upon the benefactors of the human race. What would the great Napoleon, the last Ca?sar do, if placed in this dilemma? His former acts would also prove his pre- sent conduct. The Trier consul. The Premier consul. . The Em- peror for life. The Emperor absolute, prove that he, like the first CcEsar, would avail himself of every subtlety " to raise his own great- ness upon his country's ruin"!!! Where is the great Napoleon? Where his fame? His awful destiny has been recently sketched; and therefore, need not now be repeated. Let it sufiice to say, that he lies low in St. Helena, the common subject of reproach, with every patriotic philanthropic mind: His own, the just and awful doom of fivery other tyrant. Is it not truly shocking to every philanthropic mind to look back, and behold the many destroyers, and the i'ew be- nefactors of the human race, who have appeared in the world, from the time of Julias the first, to the lime of Bonaparte, the last Caesar? Out of these far-famed originals, can President Adams hesitate to choose the model for his present glory, and his future fame ? Have his first impressions seized so strongly upon his mind, as to deprive it of its own proper energies in this weighty contingency? If so, he still may find an infallible index, in a recent impressive incident. He may find it, in the affectionate, paternal reply of the nation's late illustrious guest, to his own beautiful, sentimental farewell address : An address highly honourable to President Adams and to his coun- try: An address, so fraught with the sensibilities of the heart and the glitterings of the imagination, with incidents so happily chosen, and so beautifully portrayed, that every disapproving American patriot, on other occasions, would upon the instant, and upon the occasion, be- come disarmed of every hostile feeling, and own himself proud thus to be represented by the nation's President. How much more de- plorable then would it be, if President Adams with such refined sen- sibilities of heart, and glittering capacities of imagination, should 21 attempt, like the Caesars, «*to raise his own greatness upon his coun- try's ruin." Let him then listen, with due devotion, to the emphatic, impressive voice of La Fayette ; ushered forth, too, upon an occasion, and in a tone never to be forgotten : " Yet, gratifications still higher awaited me — in the wonders of creation and improvement that have met my enchanted eye; in the unparalleled and self- felt happiness of the people; in their rapid prosperity and insured security, public and private; in a practice of good order, the appendage of true freedom ; and a national good sense, the final arbiter of all difficulties— I have had proudly to re- cognise a result of the republican principles for which we have fought, and a glorious demonstration to the most timid and prejudiced mind, of the superiority, over degrading aristocracy or despotism of po- pular institutions, founded on the plain rights of man, and where the local rights of every section are preserved under a constitutional bond of union. The cherishing of that union between the States, as it has' been the farewell entreaty of our great paternal Washington, and will ever have the dying prayer of every American patriot, so it has become the sacred pledge of the emancipation of the world." How difierent is the spirit and tenor of this language, from that used in President Adams's inaugural address. Let them be com- pared — "To the topic of internal improvement, emphatically urged by hi«i in his inauguration, I recur with peculiar satisfaction. It is that, from which I am convinced, that unborn millions of our poste- rity, who are, in future ages, to people this continent will derive their most fervent gratitude to the founders of ^'this Union ;'^ that, in which the beneficent action of its government, will be most deeply felt and acknowledged." Fayette, far from becoming enchanted with the glittering promise of the beneficent action of the govern- ment of this Union in its usurped exertions, for splendid magnificent internal improvements, which are to call forth the fervent gratitude of millions of unborn posterity to the founders of this Union; in a tone and spirit directly opposed to this enthusiastic, sublimated con- ception, most emphatically says — '« I have had proudly to recognise a result of the republican principles for which we fought, and a glo- rious demonstration to the most timid and prejudiced mind, of the superiority over degrading aristocracy, or despotism, of popular in- stitutions founded upon the plain rights of man :"* [See note.] Not upon governmental usurpation; not upon governmental splendoro Still less enchanted wiih the pledge of the beneficent action of the government of "this Union," in exclusion, or forgetfulness of the be- neficent action of the State governments, yet more emphatically says ; ** and where the local rights of every section are preserved under a con- stitutional bond of Unions Nor does Fayette seem at all enchanted, with the ardent spirit of rivalship displayed by President Adams in another part of his address, with the ancient republics, in the mag- nificence and splendor of their public works, roads, canals and aque- ducts ; but seems resolved to charm it down by calling the sober at- tentions of President Adams to republican principles, founded upon the plain rights of man; tending to produce individual happiness, 22, not governmental splendor, and still more emphatically, calling his attention to the farewell entreaty of our great paternal Washington, *' to the cherishing the Union between the States,^^ which he feeling- ly asserts, "will ever have tlie dying prayer of every American Pa- triot." Nor does Fayette's affectionate, fervent admonition stop here; but most emphatically further says; " so it" (the union between the States,) "has become the sacred pledge of the emancipation of the world." Here is the express recognition of the federative prin- ciple; and so far from Fayette's wishing it to be annihilated, or de- bilitated in its smallest atom, he exhibits it as " the pledge of the emancipation of the world." Could it be possible to pay a greater compliment to the federative principle; than to hail it, as " the pledge of the emancipation of the world. ^" Does Fayette here express any fond hopes of any anticipated blessings from consolidation.' From the fashionable notion of "one national government."'" From the usurpation of all State rights.'' From the costly glittering toys of governmental splendor.'' But these are not all of his parental, pa- triotic admonitions. He calls President Adams's best attention to Washington's farewell address. He seems to be impelled by the strongest conviction; that it is high time to recur to fundamental principles to correct the aberrations of the present day; and for that purpose, he most judiciously interposes Washington's last inestima- ble legacy. In that inspired production, these great fundamental principles will be seen portrayed in colours most impressive and en- chanting: That the federative principle is indispensably necessary, in the distribution of the governmental powers of the American peo- ple: That in the distribution, each government and each department should act within its own designated sphere. If it should be found upon experiment, that any power had been misplaced in making the distribution, the error should be corrected in the constitutional mode, by amendment, never by usurpation, never by forensic subtleties of construction, however specious the pretext: That principle should always be preferred to expediency, whatever may be the seeming temptations to the violations of principle: That geographical par- ties should especially be avoided: — that the North, should not be put hi opposition to the South, nor the East, to the West: that sec- tion, should not be put against section, but that justice should be general and equal to all. How different in principle and eflect from the partial measures of the political fashionables? Let President Adams turn his eyes then, to Mr. Jeflerson's whole administration. He will there observe subslanlially the same respect to the preserva- tion of all the distributions of powers within their proper spheres ; frowning down, every disposition in the one, to encroach upon an- other department. He will observe Mr. Jefferson's whole admirable system of political philosophy to consist in preferring right, to wrong; justice, to injustice; general equality^ to local inequality, yielding, rather than usurping power; and above all, preferring the arts of peace, to the arts of war; doing good, and avoiding evil, to mankind; and thus, upon the republican principle of "the plain rights of man," to diffuse indiviflual happiness; regardless of gov- 2s: ernmental splendor. President Adams might find another illustri- ous model in Mr. Canning. Fettered with the inthralments of long established principles, and institutions, originating in bigotry, in barbarism, and ignorance; supported too, by ancient prejudices, and settled habits, by governmental fears, and individual interests, his great embellished mind burst asunder those strong and obdurate li- gaments, and, as far as was possible, in his perplexed dilemma, re- stored to his country the great principles of social and private rights^ of social and private justice, substantially founded upon " the plain rights of man." Would it not be as wonderful, as deplorable, if when the great American developements founded upon " the plam rights of man" are liberating the minds of the rest of the world, and introducing their practical blessings amongst the human race, the practical American government, with President Adams at its head, seduced by the counsels of an electioneering, grovelling, ava- ricious spirit, should throw itself back upon the blessings, now be- coming ditfused amongst mankind, throuiiih the influence of Ameri- can discoveries, and thus, retard the anticipated happiness of the whole human family? The writer has now performed his painful obligatory task. He has attempted to present to the view of the whole American people, for their consideration, the despotic, dangerous political principles now afloat amongst them; rendered infinitely more alarming, by the countenance, and sanction, which he thinks are awarded them, by the practical government. He has also presented these same things to President Adams; and called his consideration to the perilous des- tinies which await him, in his highly responsible ofiicial station. — Without one word more, these things are submitted to his own so- lemn contemplation. It will be left to himself to determine, whether he will further pursue the dangerous suggestions of weak interested incompetent minds in accumulating power by the subtlety of con- struction, in drawing into his administration, all the jarring elements of every discordant political atom, and in their dread explosion, to blow up at once his own fame, and all his country's boasts and bles- sings, or, whether, he will nobly break through the entanglements of first false impressions, and restore the violated Constitution to its original objects and principles. • Whether, like the detestable Caesars, he will avail himself of all the subtleties of construction, " to raise his own greatness upon his country's ruin," and the ruin of the whole human race; and share their just and awful destinies; or whether, preferring the great mo- dels set before him, of the beloved benefactors of mankind, he will present himself to the observant world, as another great example of sublime virtue, of disinterested patriotism, and of exalted magnani- mity; and share with tliem the honors and the plaudits of a grateful admiring world!!! The author cannot yet take leave of this subject, without inquir- ing; what would it become the iiidlspensable duty of " we the peo- ple" to do in the supposed dilemma.'' What would it become the first duty of " we the people" to do; whilst these upstart would-be 24 despbts are whetting their forensic weapons, to ascertain whether or not "we the people" in the formation of our Constitution had been " so ineffably stupid" as to grant the unlimited power of judging of the means of bettering our own condition; after "we the people" had judged of the means ourselves; and solemnly "ordained and established" these means, as obligatory rules for their government, limiting their rights of judging to definite prescribed boundaries; or in other words, whether or not " we tlie people" have been " so in- effably stupid," in performing our work, when, being then their so- vereign masters, as to make ourselves their voluntary slaves? or to make it even doubtful, whether " we the sovereign people" be their masters, or their slaves ? for. that is the essential question involved in the inquiry. Whether or not, the term " general welfare," does invest these upstart puzzlers, vvith the power of exercising their own unlimited will, over the rights, and liberties of " we the sovereign people." In such a dilemma, "we the people" being sovereign, have but one plain, sovereign duty to perform; that is, by one sove- reign act, indignantly to hurl from their unmerited offices, these two years, four years, or six years upstart, would-be despots, if such in- deed there be, who dare, even to make a question ; whether *' we the sovereign people" be their masters, or their slaves. This our sove- reign act, would effectually settle the true meaning of the term "gen- eral welfare." It would never admit another quibble, and would in- contestibly prove, that the Constitution is a good work, requiring no amendment in that jioint. It would solve the puzzle, and lay the wicked spirit which raised it so effectually, that it would never dare again, to raise its head, and insult the majesty of " we the sovereign people." It would .demonstrate to them, and to the world, where the sovereignty of the American nation was placed by the fundamen- tal laws. — Surely no question can ever arise, which could more loud- ly call for the interposition of this efficacious act of sovereignty. This act, would gratify the would-be despots, in the only sovereign- ty to which they ought ever to aspire. It would elevate them once more to the condition of the rest of the sovereign people. But it would never wash away the stain of their foul ambition!!! They must ever after remain unworthy members of the original sovereign- ty. If " we the people" should be found incapable of performing this indispensable act ofspvereignty ; then, the writer most reluctant- ly, but most solemnly and confidently pronounces his opinion of our deprecated doom — that the rights and liberties of "we the American people," are gone forever. October 25, 1825. i5 NOTE. * Fayette's farewell reply, to President Adams's farewell address -^^^ plain rights of man." It will be obvious to every reflecting, intelligent man in the community, who will attentively consider, Fayette's farewell reply, that he intended it, as a codicil to Washing- ton's farewell address : — That Fayette had given the most profound attention, to the difiering doctrines of the old and the new school : That whilst he professed himself enraptured with the doctrines of the old school, he seems to have found no bewitching charms in the doc- trines of the new one — on the other hand, he seems to have evinced the most serious alarms; and to have introduced the adjunct "plain" to the common term, *' rights of man" as an antidote, against the apprehended dangers of the glittering fooleries of the political fash- ionables. It cannot escape observation, that no notice is taken of President Adams's splendid inaugural address; whilst Washington's legacy is pressed upon President Adams's consideration with enthu- siastic devotion. If it be said that Fayette was restrained from re- curring to President Adams's inaugural address, from a sense of the indelicacy of complimenting President Adams to his face, it is re- plied — That during the Jubilee year of Fayette's visit, compliments to faces, have been the common order of the day: That all election- eering dinners, are contrived for the express purpose of dashing ful- some compliments, directly into the faces of the idolized guests. In each case the compliment is seized on by the feasted idol, and forms the text of an electioneering speech. By this contrivance the guest is afforded an opportunity of recommending himself to the people, by proclaiming some new egotistic capacity, or by forswearing or dis- guising some former political sin — and thus lie whitewashes himself for the next electioneering enterprise. President Adams's recent modest visit to his venerable father augurs well. It is certainly a damper to electioneering dinner parties, and the spirit of idolatry. It is, at least, a negative reproach upon the splendid tours of his " eminent predecessor." ^^Aut Ccesar^ aut nullus.''* — This term, ^'nullus,^^ is used hereafter in reference to Washington, or Bolivar — held up in the foregoing number, as an alternative model for Mr. Adams's imitation. Mr. Adams in his first message to Congress, rejected the model of both, in preference for the Caesars. Hence the introduction of the term "nuUus^^ — Nobody. RETROSPECTS— NO. VIII. COMPILATIONS— REVIEWS— AND REFLECTIONS. Messrs. Daniel Jlaijmond — John Qiiincy Mams, and Hen- ry Clay. — All affiliated Triumvirate in the Elemeuis of Political EcollOlll3^ CONSOLIDATION. -^©^- ULTRA-DESPOTISM. [RAYMOND'S ELEMENTS OF POLITICAL ECONOMY.] Extract from Political Disquisitions, August 1835. — " From the cir- cumstances attending- the publication of it," (this book,) " it may fairly be presumed to have been written, at the request and under the influ- ence of the manufacturing interest. The first edition was dedicated to the late " Honorable Robert Goodloe Harper, L. L. D.," on the 20th of November 1820. It soon ran through one edition, and the preface to the second edition, bears date December 4, 1823. From these and other circumstances it would appear evident, that the principles avowed in this work, foriii the basis of the right to pass the Tariff bill, and have been received as orthodox, by the supporters of that act, and by the disciples of the new political school — the present political fashionables." Again — "Raymond's book, considered as a fair and candid de- velopment of the political principles of the practical administration, calls loudly for the most profound attention of every American citi- zen. Tills observation will be abundantly justified by the follo'.ving considerations: — 1st. This work is exhibited as the text book of the new political school; and is believed to be pressed upon the public attention, by the political fashionables, with anxious avidity and ex- travagant applause. 2d. It has been announced in a Baltimore newspaper as the chosen political text book for the Virginia Univer- sity. Upon first seeing ti)is annunciation, the writer determined to possess himself of this book, for the sole purpose of ascertaining-, as far as he could, what manner of book it was, which had been thus honored with this high and influential destiny. The writer has done so. * He has devoted the best energies of his mind to this interesting investigation. The inquiry has conducted the writer to the follow- ing conclusions: — 1st. That the elementary principles of this work, are in strict analogy with the elementary principles avowed by the practical administrators. 2d. That, at this enlightened period of the world, these elementary principles are more despotic, than would be avowed by the most despotic Government in Europe." After the writer had published his review of this Elementary Ta- fift' Book; at least so far as to develope and expose, ihe most hete- rodox of its elementary doctrines, Mr. Raymond in disguise, ap- peared before the public in their defence. It is now proposed to ex- amine that defence, to expose its follies and absurdities, and shew a strict affiliation between its heterodox doctrines, and those of Messrs. Adams and Clay: A BY RAYMOND, IN DISGUISE [communicated.] For the Enquirer, December G, 1825. "POLITICAL DISQUISITIONS." Under the above title, a writer in the Richmond Enquirer has, for several months past, professedly been writing commentaries or criti- cisms upon Raymond's Elements of Political Economy. The num- bers have been characterised with no small share of asperity and vi- tuperation; but as the principal doctrines attacked, are not to be found in Mr. Raymond's work, the writer has wrought himself into a fury and spent his strength for naught. The following is a quotation from the 8th No., published Oft the 9th September, 1825: "The following are laid down by the author (Mr. Raymond,) as fundamental laws, without which no right would exist in the General Government to pass laws for protecting manufactures ; or in other words, to pass the Tariff law. 1st. That the nation is an unity — and the Legislature tlie head of the nation. 2d. That the legisla- tors are irresponsible. 3d. That they are unrestrained in the exer- cise of their legislative discretion, by any other influence than that which is derived from the laws by which God governs the world. 4th. That the legislators possess the same rights over the people, which the General does over the soldiers of an army. 5th. That the people have no more rights than the law allows them, and this law is to be pronounced by God's vicegerents or irresponsible legis- lators. 6th, That whilst the right of life is a natural right, the right of property is conventional. 7th. That all property belongs to the nation of which the Legislature is the head ; and none to the people in their individual character. 8th. That the Government has the right to dispose of the proceeds of the labor of every individual in society ; and that the individual has no right whatever, to dispose of the proceeds of his own labor; and by consequence, that the Gov- ernment has a right to take from every individual any portion of the property of which the individual may be possessed, without compen- sation therefor. 9th. That every individual labors for the commu- nity, and not for himself." On reading the above quotation, every person who had not read Mr. Raymond's work, would conclude, that he had laid down each of these propositions in to tidem verbis, as a fundamental law : what then, will be the surprise of the reader when he is informed that so far is this from being true, that, save the first and the sixth propo- sitions, Mr. Raymond not only has not laid them down in terms, but he has not laid down any fundamental laws or principles, from which they can, with propriety, be inferred, or to which, they bear the slightest resemblance. 3 Mr. Raymond does indeed say, that a nation is a unify, or in other words, that a nation is one nation and not many nations, and that the Government or legislature possesses the supreme or legislative power ; and is, therefore, "the head of the nation." These propositions are so obvious and common place, that we presume Mr. Raymond does not claim the merit of originality for them, although this Virginia critic has attempted, [with such success as usually attends those who attempt to overthrow self-evident propositions,] to overthrow them ; Mr. Raymond also maintains, (hat our right to life is a natural right, or in other words, that we are indebted for our existence and life to our Creator, and not to the civil institutions of the country. If tiie critic doubts this, he must remain in doubt, for reasoning would not avail to remove his doubts. Mr. Raymond also holds, that in a so- cial community, our right to specific property, is a conventional right, and depends entirely on the laws of the country. Mr. Raymond's first criticism is, that the reader would suppose these results to be his own propositions in to tidem verbis. — This is not pretended by the writer. — They are stated as evident results from his propositions; but not the propositions themselves, in to ti- dem verbis. His second criticism is, that except the first, and sixth, Mr. Raymond "not only has not laid them down in terms, but he has not laid down any fundamental laws, or principles, from which they can, with propriety, be inferred, or to which, they bear the slightest resemblance." " Here Mr. Raymond and the writQj- are di- rectly at points. — This diflerence however, can easily be tested by reference to the fundamental laws or principles, which Mr. Raymond has laid down in "j'o (idem verbis.''^ Extract from Raymond's Elements of Political Economy — Page 35, Volume 1. " A nation is a unity and possesses all the properties of unity. It possesses a unity of rights, a unity of interests, and a unity of pos- sessions ; and he who professes to treat of the interests of this unity, but departs from them, and treats of the interests of some constitu- ent part of it, will just as certainly arrive at a wrong conclusion, as the arithmetician would, who, in performing an Algebraic computa- tion, should leave out one term of the equation." Again, page 43. — " It must be remembered, that a nation is as much a unity as an individual, and must always be considered so, when treating of national interests. It possesses all the properties of uni- 13;^ — unity of rights, possessions, and interests." Again, page 44. — "A nation is one and indivisible; and every true system of political economy must be built upon this idea, as its fundamental principle." Again, page 45. — "When we apply to nations, the principles which govern individuals, we must consider nations as individuals, distinct in all their properties, and not as part natioil and part indi- vidual. The nation must be considered as one and indivisible; its rights, interests, and possessions, as one aiid indivisible." Again,— extract paije 224, vol. I . — " Legislation should always be national, and not individual ; instead of which it is more frequently individual than national. This is not to be wondered at, when we consider what a mass of stupidity and ignorance is ordinarily select- ed for the administration of public affairs. It seems almost to have grown into a maxim, that " when a man is fit for nothing else, he is fit for a legislator," — that neither talents, education, nor experience, are at all necessary to qualify a man to take charge of a nation's in- terests." Again, — "Legislators, however, are not permitted to take such li- mited, short-sighted views of things — they are placed on a more ele- vated station — they move in a higher spherc^ — they are traitors to their higli trust, if they do not look to the future as well as the pre- sent; they are in one sense, (though in a very humble one) the vice- gerents of God on earth; and, as he regulates and governs the world, by the laws of eternal justice and wisdom, in regard to the future, as well as the present; by the same laws, ought legislators to regulate and govern the nations of the earth, over whom they pre^ side." Again, — page 76, vol. 1. — "Almost every word in our language lias a literal and figurative meaning, and an indiscriminate use of words in their literal and figurative sense w hen treating of a science, cannot fail to produce ambiguity and confusion. This is a princi- pal reason why so little improvement has been made in the science of political^ economy. The most standard authors perpetually use words in their figurative, when they should be used in their literal sense. But the man who supposes political economy to be a suitable field for the flourishes of rhetoric, is greatly mistaken, and instead of throwing any light on the subject, will be sure to envelope it in thick- er darkness." Again — Extract from BaymoiuPs EJrvients of Political Economy, from page 201, to the bottom of page 205, inclusive, Vol. 2: "Upon all subjects relating to political economy, and especially, upon the subject of protecting duties, it is ever to be remembered, that the public interests are paramount to individual interests — that a private mischief", or inconvenience, must be endured for the public good; and that when apolitical economist has shown that public and private interests are opposed, he has made out a case in which the interposition of the Government is necessary — he cannot be re- quired to prove that private interests ought to give way — this is to be taken for granted. "In military tactics, it is a fundamental principle, that the army is one, and the general the head ; no soldier is permitted to have a right or an interest, opposed to the general good of the army. So, in poli- tical economy, it should be a fundamental principle, that the nation is one, and the Legislature the head; no citizen should be permitted to. have a right, or an interest, opposed to the general good of the nation," Again, "It may, with as much propriety be maintained, that the power and capacity of an army, would be augmented, by permitting every soldier to exercise and employ his military skill and prowess in what manner Ik* pleases, as that the power and capacity of a na- tion will be augmented, by permitting ev^ry citizen to employ his skill, Industry and capital, in what manner he pleases. " The richts and duties of a General and his soldiers, are totally distinct and frequently opposite. The rights and duties of a Legis- lature and its citizens are as distinct and scarcely less frequently op- posite. Tiie soldier should have as much liberty as is consistent with the good of the arm}^ It would be oppression to deprive him of ihis. The ciiizen should have as much liberty as is consistent with the good of the nation. To deprive him of tliis would be ty- ranny. Alore thnn this he ought not to claim. The General is the Judge, in the case of the soldier. The Legislature is the Judge, in the case of the citizen." Again, " We oiten hear people talk about individual rights in a strain ihat would lead one to suppose, that national interests and in- disidual rights were, in their opinion, often at variance. Tliey seem to suppose that the right of property is absolute in the individual, an' the preliminar}'. That interview T remember well; not indeed in the very words which passed between us, but in substance, which was of a character too awful, too deeply engraved on my miud, and influencing too materially the course 1 had to pur- sue ever to be forgotten. Mr. Adams called on me pending the Em- bargo, and while endeavors were making to obtain its repeal. He niade some apologies for the call, on the ground of our not being then in the habit of confidential communications, but that which he Jiad then to make involved too seriously the interests of our Country not to overrule all other considerations with him, and make it his duty to reveal it to myself particularly. I assured him there was no occasion for any apology for his visit, that on the contrary his com- munications would be thankfully received, and would add a confir- mation the more to my entire confidence in the rectitude and patri- otism of his conduct and principles. He spoke then of the dissatis- faction of the Eastern portion of our Confederacy with the restraints of tlie Embargo then existing, and their restlessness under it. That there was nothing which might not be attempted, to rid themselves of it. That he had information of the most unquestionable certainty, that certain Citizens of the Eastern States (I think he named Massa- chusetts particularly) were in negotiation with agents of the British Government, the object of which was an agreement that the New- England States sl'.ould take no further part in the War then going on; that, without formally declaring their separation from the Union of the States, they should withdraw from all aid and obedience to them; that their navigation and commerce should be free from re- straint or interruption by the Britisli; that they should be consider- ed, and treated by them as neutrals,, and as such might conduct them- selves towards both parties; and, at the close of the War, be at liber- ty to rejoin the Confederac}'. He assured me that there was immi- nent danger that the Convention would take place ; that the tempta- tions were such as might debauch many from their fidelity to thp Union, and that to enable its friends to make head against it, the re- peal of the Embargo was absolutely necessary. I expressed a just sense of the merits of the information, and of the importance of the disclosure to the safet}' and even salvation of our Country : and, how- ever reluctant I was to abandon the measure, (a measure whicii, per-^ severed in a little longer, we had subsequent and satisfactory assure ance would have effected its object completely,) from that moment, and influenced by that information, I saw the necessity of abandon- ing it, and instead of eftecting our purpose by this peaceful weapon, we must fight it out, or break the Union. I then recommended to my friends to yield to the necessity of a repeal of the Embargo, and to endeavour to supply its place by the best substitute in v/hich they could procure a general cQucurrcnce. I cannot too often repeat that thi;; statement is not pretended to he in the very words wliicli passed; tiiat it only gives laithfully the im- pression remaining on my mind. The very words of a conversation are too transient and iugitive to be so long retained in remembrance. But the substance was too important tv be forgotten, not only from the revolution of measures it obliged me to adopt, but ako from the renewals of it in my memory on tlie frequent occasions I have had of doing justice to JMr. x\dams, by repeating tliis proof of his fidelity to his Country, and of his superiority over all ordinary considerati- ons when the safety of that was brought into question. With this best exertion of a waning memory whicii I can command, accept assurances of my constant and afieclionate friendship and re- spect, . THOMAS JEFFERSON. Moniicdlo, December 26, 1825, To Wm. B. Giles, Esq. EXTRACT. Dear Sir, — "I see as you do and with the deepest affliction, the rapid strides with whicli the Federal branch of our Governnlent, is advancing towards the usurpation of all the rights reserved to the States, and the consolidation in itself, of all powers foreign and do- mestic, and that too, by constructions whicii if legitimate, leave no limits to their power. Take together the decisions of the I'ederal Court, the doctrines of the President and the misconstructions of the Constitutional compact acted on by the Legislature of the Federal branch; and it is but too evident that the three ruling branches of that department, are in combination, to strip their colleagues, the State authorities, of the powers reserved by them, and to exercise themselves, all functions foreign and domestic. Under the power to regulate commerce, they assume indefinitely, that also over agricul- ture and manufactures; and call it regulation too, to take the earn- ings of one of these branches of industry, and that too, the most de- pressed, and put them into the pockets of the other, the most flourish- ing of all. Under the authority to establish post roads, (hey claim that of cutting down mountains, tor the construction of roads, of dig- ging canals; and aided by a little sophistry on the words "general welfare," a right to do, not only the acts, to efi'oct that, whicii are specifically enumerated and permitted; but whatsoever they shall think, or pretend, will be for the general welfare. A.nd what is our resource for the preservation of the Constitution.^ Reason and Argu- ment? You niigitt as well reason and argue with the marble columns encircling them, — the Representatives chosen by ourselves .^ — They are joined in the combination, some from incorrect views of Govern- ment, some from corrupt ones, sufficient voting together to out-num- ber the sound parts, and with majorities of only 1, 2 or 3, bold enougis to go forward in defiance. ./2re ive then to stand to our armsV^ [A fevv words are here omitted, relating merely to an individual.^ "No! that must be the last resource, not to be thought of until much longer, and greater sufferings. If every infraction of a com- pact of so many parties, is to be resisted at once as a dissolution of it, none can ever be formed which would last one year. We must have patience and long endurance then, with our brethren, while under de- lusion. Give tiiem time for refleclion and experience of consequences ; keep ourselves in a situation to profit by the chapter of accidents — and separate from our companions, only when the sole alternatives left, are the dissolution of our Union with them, or submission to u Government without limitation of powers. Between these two evils, when we must make a choice, there can be no hesitation ; but in the meanwliile, the States should be watchful to note every material usurpation on their rights— to denounce them as they occur in the most peremptory terms, to protest against them, as wrongs to which our present submission shall be considered, not as acknowledgments or precedents of right, but as a temporary yielding to the lesser evil — until their accumulation shall overweigh that of separation. I would go still further, and give to the Federal member, b}' regular anjend- ment of the Constitution, a right to make roads and canals of inter- communication between the States — providing sufficiently against corrupt practices in Congress (log rolling, fee.) by declaring that the Federal pro^iortion of each State of the monies so employed, shall be in works witliin the State, or elsewhere with its consent, and with a due salvo of jurisdiction. This is the course, which I think, safest and best as yet. "You ask my opinion of tiie propriety of giving publicity to what is stated in your letter, as having past between Mr. John Q. Adams and yourself. Of this, no one can judge but yourself. It is one of those questions which belong to the Forum of feeling. This alone, can decide on the degree of confidence implied in the dis- closure. Whether, under no circumstances, it was to be commu- nicable to otiiers. It does not seem to be of that character, or, at all to bear that aspect. They arc historical facts, which belong to the present, as well as future time. I doubt, whether a single fact, known to the World, will carry as clear a conviction to it, of the correctness of our knowledge of the treasonable views of the Fede- ral party of that day — as that disclosed by this most nefarious and daring attempt, to dissever the Union of which the Hartford Con- vention was a subsequent chapter, and both of these having failed, consolidation becomes the first book of their history. — But this opens with a vast accession of strenglli, from their 3^ounger recruits, who having nothing in them of the feelings or principles of '76, now look to a single and splendid Government of an Aristocracj', found- ed on banking institutions, and monied incorporations, under the guise and cloak of their favored brandies of manufactures, commerct- and navigation, riding and ruling over the plundered ploughman, and beggared yeomanry. This will be to them a next best blessing to the Monarchy of their first aim — and perhaps the surest stepping stone to it. [The foregoing includes the whole of the political part of tlie let- ter. Then follows some information and remarks, purely private, 'and it tluis concludes :1 6 ' Our University has been most fortunate in tiie live Professors procured from England, a finer selection could not have been maue, besides their being of a grade of science which has left little superior behind; the correctness of tlieir moral character, their accommodat- ing disposition and zeal for the prosperity of the institution leave us nothing more to wish. I verily believe, that as high a degree of edu- cation can now be obtained here, as in the Country they left — nod a finer set of youths, I never saw assembled for instructions; they com- mitted some irregularities at first, until they learnt the lawful length of their letter, since which, it has never been transgressed in tiie smallest degree. A great proportion of them are severely devoted to study, and 1 fear not to say, that within twelve or fifteen years from this time, a majority of the rulers of our State, will have been educated here. They shall carry hence the correct principles of our day, and we rnay count assuredly that they will exhibit their Coun- try in a degree of sound respectability it has never known, either in our days, or those of our forefathers. I cannot live to see it— my joy must only be that of anticipation, but that you may see it in full fruition, is the probable consequences of the twenty jears I am ahead of you in time, and 1$ the sincere prayer, of your afleciionate and constant friend, THOMAS JEFFERSON." The foregoing extract, containing the whole of the political part of the letter, is a true copy from Mr. Jefferson's original letter to u)e, written in his own hand writing. W. B. GILES. '([j^ The above note was annexed to the publication of Mr. Jefler- Son's letter, on September 7, 1827. Mr. G. stated at that time, that "this letter was not originally intended for publication," but "I Jiotr feel myself compelled to give it publicity, fron) the following conside- rations among others," (here Mr. G. enumerates them, as they are stated in the preceding article.) In the course of that explanation, he says: - . - "They have at length gone so far, as to put expressions into Mr. JetTerson's mouth, under marks of quotation, with intimations that they can be proved by competent evidence, (nothing doubting,) whilst they are not only altogether surreptitious, but in direct hosti- lity with the undeviating tenor, and spirit of Mr. Jeflerson's whole political life, and with his declarations, both verbally, and in writing, often frankly, and openly made to his friends, as I am well informed, 'till within a short period before his lamented death. Under these circumstances, it appears to me to have become the duty of every friend of Mr. Jefi'erson, and of his Country, who may be in posses- sion of any written declarations from him, serving to demonstrate his- real opinions respecting the perilous crisis of the Country, to lay them before the public, and thus, at once, to put down the surrepti- tious ones. This course alone can serve to rescue Mr. Jeflerson's vmsuUled republican fame from the false, and unmerited aspersions brought against it, under the guise of afiected plaudits, the most de- lusive, and deceptive. Besides, I conceive under these gross attempts at deception, the public has a right to demand a disclosure, of all Mr. Jefferson's real opinions, in whosesoever hands they may be, as a protection against the mischievous influence ^f the spurious opin- ions, falsely ascribed to him; and that, too, as I believe, by his now most unnatural, loving friends: not long since, his most deadly foes. Two papers of this description, which have particularly 3,ttracted my altontion, will be introduced here," &ic. The friends of the Administration are mistaken, when they expect to profit by the above publication of Mr. Jefferson's letter of December 25 — because, the whole tone of his letter of the next day (the 26th) taken in context with Mr. Giles' letter; the sentiments of which it distinctly re-echoes — and also in connexion with Governor Ran- dolph's developments of Mr. Jefferson's opinions, show conclusively how awfully he was impressed by the heresies in Mr. Adams' Mes- sage of 1825 — and how fatal he considered such doctrines to be to the Constitution of liis Country. FROM THE ENQUIRER, JANUARY 5, 1820. NEW SERIES.— NO. I. [By the Author of Political Disquisitions.] The Golden Casi^et — or. The Presidents Message — or, a procla- mation of a great civil revolution, in the Governments of "this U« nion." "All that glisters is not gold. " Often have you heard that told ; " Many a man his lite hath sold, " But my outside to behold ; " GiUted tombs do worms infold, ■_ " Had you been as ivise as bold, " Young in limbs, in judgment old, "Your answer had not been unscroll'd; " Fare you well ; your suit is cold." — iShakapeare. PRELIMINARY REMARKS. Before the writer proceeds to unfold the door, and exhibit to view the genuine contents of this glittering Casket, stripped of their ornamental abstractions, and ingenious metaphysical deductions, he proposes to make some preliminary remarks, which he thinks, will tend to eluci- date the subject, and enable the mind to judge more correctly of its real bearings and effects : Whilst the writer is not desirous, that the following disquisitions should be considered anonymous, he will con- tinue this form of making his communications r 1st. Because it i? probable that these disquisitions may hereafter appear in a c1ifleree whole American people. Love, for the rights and liberties of the whole human race. Love, for the fundamental laws of their own country : The great and blessed de- velopment of tiieir fathers; the only refuge and last hope of the "plain rights of man." Perhaps, by adroitly balancing these con- flicting passions, they may so far neutralize the mind, and produce such a state of equilibrium, as may fit it for the reception of unvar- nished truths; and thus afford themselves some chance of deciding right, without depriving themselves of the delicious pleasure of in- dulging their own causeless angr}' passions. December 22, 1825. NOTES. (a) "Forgetting that the liberty that can better, can also worst, and will worst the condition of the people for its own gratifications." Bonaparte's Imperial Government of France, was a Government of unbounded liberty; and how far tlie liberty of his Government bet- tered the condition of the French people, bleeding, impoverished, humiliated France can most feelingly tell. — But the object of the writer now is, to bring to the mind of the American people, the man- ner in which Bonaparte exerted the liberty of his In)perial Govern- ment in the execution of his Ranibouillet Decree. — He ordered the proceeds of the sales of American vessels and cargoes, the writer thinks, under that decree to be placed in his privy purse, for better- ing the condition of his people. If a war had ensued in consequence of this scandalous Imperial act of avarice, the French people would have had to fight themselves out of it. All this, Bonaparte would tell you, was done for the express purpose of bettering the condition of his loving subjects. Strange!! that mankind should be so long deluded by such fantastic professions of mad ambition!!! (h) '* Tbeprcponderancc of the executive, over the other departtuents, 15 arising from patronage and consequent corruption." The alarming influence of executive patronage seems to be admitted by all the members of the legislative body, who write or speak upon the subject, whilst no one seems to admit its application to himself. — At this mo- ment, amendments are proposed to be made to the Constitution, grounded upon the admission of undue executive influence, upon the legislative body. — The proposed amendments may, and probably would, palliate the evil: but will not cure it. The real evil will be found in the Constitutional organization of the executivve department. The only effectual remedy, is a new organization. The evil, is pa- tronage. Remove the patronage, and the evil is removed, Nothitig else will do. (c) Chaff-— for tlie hyper — ^critic. NEW SERlES.™No. IL [By the Author of Political Disquisitions ] The Golden Casket — or. The President's Meesage-^ov, a procla- mation of a great civil revolution, in the Governments of *' this Union." « All that glisters is not gold, <• Often have you heard that told ; " Many a man his life hath sold, " But my outside to behold ; " Glided tombs do worms infold. " Had you been as wise as bold, " Young in limbs, in judgment old, 'f Your answer had not been unscroll'd : "Fare you weli.; your suit is cold." — [Shahspeare, PRELIMINARY REMARKS. The writer is well acquainted with Mr. Adams, both personally and politically. He believes that Mr. Adams with brilliant natural mental endowments, has devoted a great portion of his life to read- ing, study, and reflection ; not only in relation to belles-lettres, but to the science of politics; and that he is quite an adept in all the oc- cult mysteries of the art. Mr. Adams, had the misfortune, however, to receive his first political impressions in a heterodox school, and from some peculiar organization of mind, his first impressions are indelible, and unconquerable, (a) They are permitted to ripen into habits, and they become to him obligatory and irrepealable laws. — They disdain to listen for a moment to all counter impressions, and always resist them with a zeal, and a fervor proportioned to the pressure of their just influence. Indeed, the most conspicuous trait in the organization of Mr. Adams's mind, is a native enthusiastic ar- dour, and even a poetic fire, which knows no bound?. They look 16 down with contempt upon all the admonitions and restraints of wis- dom, which will always be found in "the middle path," and delight to soar aloft, amidst imaginary splendid scenes; the delightful sug- gestions and enchantments of unfettered power. — There was a time, when, after often working together in the same vineyard, the writer had found favor in the eye of Mr. Adams, insomuch that Mr. Adams selected the writer as the depository of iiis avowed political conver- sion; and even the medium of the communication of this conversion to the then President, (Mr. Jcflerson.) — This act of Mr. Adams has turned out to be the most eventful to himself, of any act of his whole life ; and if the American people can be induced to follow Mr. Adams in his sublimated conceptions of bettering their condition by unfettering himself from all limitations upon his power, and by usurp- ing unlimited powers, unchecked by the ivill of constituents, may be- come the most poi'tentous to the rights and liberties not only of the American people, but of the whole human race. The writer thinks, therefore, that every circumstance attending this professed political conversion, ought to be unfolded by Mr. Adams, to the American people, and to the world ; the better to enable both to judge of the sincerity of this avowed conversion, aiid the real object of the checkered political career which has buoyed Mr. Adams up to his pre- sent high eminence; and infinitely more important to judge more certainly and correctly, of the ultra purposes Mr. Adams means to eflect through his official elevation, as disclosed by his sublimated message. The first earnest given by Mr. Adams, of the aflected sincerity of his conversion, was his vote in favor of the embargo law, with a full knowledge, as the writer believes, that it was direct- ly opposed to the opinions and wishes of the Massachusetts Legis- lature, and people, as well as to the opinions of his colleague (Mr. Pickering.) — Indeed, this vote produced an extreme state of irrita- tion between Mr. Adams and his colleague ; which was carried so far that each of them, as well as the writer recollects, made a writ- ten representation to the Legislature of Ids State, differing essen- tially in some material facts. ]Mr. Adams asserting that the British Orders in Council, "stood in front of the inducements to the em- bargo law." — Mr. Pickering asserting in substance, that the Orders in Council were not known at the time of the passage of that law, and of course, could not have afforded any inducement whatever to that measure. The Legislature intimated some displeasure at Mr. Adams's conduct, in consequence of which, it was then said, Mr. Adams resigned his seat in the Senate, and retired to private life; resolved from the delicacy of his situation), as the writer understood, not to accept of any political preferment, from the republican admin- istration. — This retirement, however, was quite unexpected to the writer, nor could he at the time, account for Mr. Adams's determi- nation in that-respect. At the following session of Congress, Mr. Pickering resolved to follow up his victory over his political adver- sary, anil in his absence, to crush his political fame and standing in- to atoms. Circumstanced as the writer was, in relation to Mr. Adams, he deemed it his imperious duty, to attempt his defence: and 17 in reply to two of the most vindictive and irascible speeches, deliv- ered by Mr. Pitkerinpf against Mr. Adams, and the administration. The writer made the following defence of Mr. Adams. This duty was to him an extremely reluctant one in relation to Mr. Pickering; but the writer thouglit the duty indispensably imposed upon him, and he was also pressed by nearly the whole republican party to its per- formance, with an urgency for such strength and severity of remark, as would tend to prodiue more caution and circumspection in all Mr. Pickering's future passionate effusions against the administration, as well as against Mr. Adams. The following is an extract from the writer's speech, delivered on that occasion in compliance with these urgent injunctions, and his own sense of duty: "The gentleman from Massachusetts, [Mr. Pickering] has taken great pains to shew that the Orders of Council had no influence in producing the embargo laws. I think this circumstance of no sort of consequence to the community, but the gentleman seems to think it is of the last importance to himself individually. It probably is; I suppose he stands committed to the public upon that fact. — I was not present at the time of passing the first en)bargo law; but the gentleman*s labor has perfectly convinced me, that he is utterly mis- taken in the fact. Let me critically examine the gentleman's evi- dence. First, he says, that the orders are not mentioned in the Pre- sident's Message; and secondly, that the Secretary of State refers Mr. Pinkney to the President's Message for the causes of the em- bargo laws. I have examined the President's Message, and think it perfectly correct, the gentleman's angry invectives to the contrary notwithstanding. I do not believe the gentleman could now frame as good an one, after all the lights, which time and a farther disclosure of events have shed upon the subject. Permit me now, Mr. Presi- dent, to call your attention in a particular manner to the contents of this message. "The communications now made, shewing the great and increasing dangers, Vviih wliicli our vessels, our seamen, and merchandise, are threatened on the high seas and elsewhere from the hclUgercnt powers, of Europe, and it being of the greatest impor- tance to keep in safety these essential resources,^' 8ic. &tc. Now Sir, what were the communications accompanying this message.'* The correspondence between Mr. Armstrong and Sir. Champagny, shew- ing that the Berlin de.crec was in a state of execution, which had before been su^ended in its operation in relation to the United States. But, says the gentleman, no papers were communicated re- specting these orders of Council, and therefore the gentleman infers that no apprehension existed, which could influence this transaction. I draw a very diflercnt inference from the message itself. I presume the communication of this hostile act of France, so immediately af- ter it was known to the executive, and avoiding a direct reference to the apprehended hostility of Great Britain, could not be conceived to be an act of favoritism towards France. That some hostile act from Great Britain was in contemplation, is most evident from the message itself. From what quarter does the message say that great and increasing dangers arc threatened io our vessels, our seamen and c 18 merchandiser' From the belligerents of Europe- Here \i no except tion. The belligerents of Europe, mean uU the hcUigercnts. If the President conceived there were no dangers tlireatened Jiom any other than France, he would have used the term Francs; not the bellige- rents of Europe. — But why communicate the evidence of Ijis appre- hension from France, and not from Great Britain, if he entertained any? Why, Sir, for the most obvious reason imaginable, because the information from France was official. The inforaiation from Great Britain was not. It was contained in newspapers only, which were in the hands of every gentleman ; and their conlents every gentleman could appreciate, as well as the President. INow, Sir, under these circumstances, was not the message of the President perfectly correct.'' Let me ask the gentleman if he can now mend it.'' If, Sir, the President in his message, had conmiuiiicated tliis newspaper inforniation, respecting the apprehended hostility of the British Government, uhat a glorious theme of invective v/oukl have been afforded the gentleman, of favoritism to France and liostility against Great Britain? The omission, however, to do this, pould not screen ihe President from the same angry reproaciies. If the gentlenian will impartially review all these circumstances, and then turn his eyes towards his Ottn heart, he will find tlmt the errors he has so uncharitably ascribed to the President., will !)e found in his own unhappy, ungovernable passions, l^ut. Sir, this is not all. I will now refer the gentleman to some evidence to show t'ue incorrect- ness of the assertions he has made; evidence which he cannot deny, because it comes from his own words and wns attended with sucli circumstances in the face of this Senate, that it cannot be mistaken. In the gentleman's passionate zeal yesterday, he told us, that no time was allowed in the Senate for the discussion of the original embar go law: but that it was discussed in the House of Representatives; and the principal arguments urged there in favor of the measure were drawn from the iiostile acts of (ircat Britain. The gentlemasi said, that i^^ was urged in that House that the measure would starve Great Britain ; that it would bring her to our feet, &.c. he. Now, Sir, Mhy these arguments in that House, if there were no apprehen- ded acts of hostility from Great Britain? They would have been strange arguments, if tiie only hostile acts inducing the measure, were the imstilc acts of France, not of Great Britain. [Mr. Pickering rose to explain ; he said he mentioned tiiese cir- cumstances yesterday, to show the effects expected from the measure by tlie friends of it; in which they had been mistaken. He did no: speak of them, as inducements to the measure.] " I readily adniit that the gentleman, at the time of making th^^sc observations, was entirely insensible of their irresistible operation in establishing a fact, wlilch he thinks so important to l)iinself to dis prove; and in my judgment Sir, they do unquestionably prove that these British orders, or the apprehejjsions of ihem, stood in the front of the inducements to the original embargo law. Sir, were not these arguments in the House of Repjfesentatives immediate results from these inducements? And v.hai v/as iImj actual state of the facts? 19 Why, Sir, tijat although the orders were not received in such an of- ficial form as to Justily their communication by the President; the intention to issue them was announced in the newspapers with so many marjvs of probabilit)', as justly to excite apprehensions in the Government for the safety of our seamen and commerce, and tojus- tify that measure for the protection of both. It has been stated not only tliat this information was published in newspapers before the passage of the act in the Senate ; but the gentleman will recollect, that it did not p:iss the House of Representatives for two or three days after it had passed the Senate. It was ijot very natural, that the longer tliese apprehensions wore felt, the stronger would be the inducements to the measure deduced iVom them; and hence the cha* racter of the discussions in that House described by the gentleman. IJut the gentleman seems to think, that apprehensions are not correct grounds for legislation. In ordinary cases it is admitted^ but this was an extraordinarj' case. T!ie measure was prccautionarj'j and if liiese apprehensions had not been realised, it would at any time have been in the power of the Government to dispense with the precau- tion; whereas if Congress had v.aited for a Jbrmal autlienticaiion of the orders, their intended object would have beeii answered, and the precautionary measure rendered unnecessary. But, Sir, I think this explanation of very little consequence to the nation. It can be of little consequence to ascertain whether the adoption of the embargo was a lucky hit or a dictate of v.isdom ; and I should not have taken the trouble of this examination, if the gentleman from Massachusetts [Mr. Pickering] had not availed himself of this occasion, to assai! ilie reputation of his late colleaugc [Mr. Adamsl ; a gentleman who represented tiie State of jMassachu setts with so inuch honor to him- self, and advantage to the State, and the nation; upon a point too, in which the gesitleman here present, has put himself so clearly in tne wrong from his own showing. I had h.opcd, Mr. President, that the gentleman would have so far restrained his feelings, as to have permitted this gentleman's retirement to have shielded him from these unmerited reproaches; but V. now seems that no delicacy of situalioa can procure an exemption from the inveteracy of the gentleman's pas- sions. This cruel attack has imposed upon me an indispensable obliga- tion to defend this absent gentleman; and it has been principally this circumstance, whicii has driven me again most itluctantly into this debate. Sir, I can attest, and now do attest with great pleasure, the disinterestedness and piwity of the motives, which dictated that gen- tleman's [xMr. Adams] late political conduct. As to its wisdom, that is matter of opinion, and now in a course of experiment; but as to his exemption from all views of personal promotion, or aggran- dizement, i here assert that factj upon my own knowledge and upon my own responsibility, as far as can be *^ xvarranted hi/ the most ex- plicit and unequivocal assurances from the genileman himself; given too under circumstances, which render their sincerity unquestionable.'" It gives me great pleasure to defend this abseiit gentleman, not only on account of tiis innocence of those reproaches, but on account of J^is merits, his virtue^, and his talent, which, in my judgment, place t) 20 him on so liigli a grdund, as not (o induce a wish on his part, to shrink from any comparison with either of the five worthies of Mas- sachusetts of whom we have been informed by the gentleman" " (Mr. Pickering-)" In forming a just estimate of this act of avowed conversion on the part of Mr. Adams, which, from the unexpected and extraordinary turn of subseqnent events, may become extremely interesting to the whole human race, it cannot escape observation, that Mr. Adams had completely won the confidence of the writer, and tha.t this confidence was grounded upon " the most explicit and unequivocal assurunces" of Mr. Adams himself, attended with the most imposing circumstan- ces. For the writer's confidence in Mr. Adams's professions, must have been complete, to have justified him, in using this strong lan- guage in debate — " As to its wisdom (Mr. Adams's "late political conduct" alias his conversion) thai is matter of opinion; and now • in a course of experiment; but as to his exemption from all vietos of personal promotion, or aggrandizement, I here assert that fact vpon 7ny knowledge and imj cum responsibility, as far as can be ivar- ranied by the most erpUcil and unequivocal assurances from the gentleman himself; given too under circumstances, ivhich render their sincerity vn questionable ^ The writer htiving thus made this pidjlic avowal to the world, of his perfect conlidence in ]Mr. Adams's pro- fessions of sincerity and di.-interestcdncss, in his avowed political conversion, now takes occasion most reluctantly, liut most sulemnl}', in the face of the whole world to revoke that avowal, and to declare, that from the most strict and steady observance of Mr. Adams's po- litical conduct, from that time till the appearance of his message, ilia writer is now perjectly convinced, that instead of Ivlr. Adams's "■ ex- emption from all vicivs of personal promotion or aggrandizement,'" asserted and enforced by himself, under suggested inducements rf the most imposing character, attended also loith the most solemn and. une- quivocal assurances, tluit the chief if not the sole object of liis afiVct- ted conversion, was "/«'s otvn personal promotion and aggrandize- ment," and the writer oflcrs up his most fervent tliankluhiess and gratitude to his God, for permitting his little rennianl of life to be spun out until this message appeared before the world; which, the writer thinks, has not only afforded a just occasion, but called uj)on him for this solemn disavowal of his former confidence; and the de- claration of his perfect conviction that Mr. Adams's chief object in this afiected act of sincerity, was his oivn ^'■personal promotion and aggrandizement.'" For nothing could be more abhorrent to the wri- ter, than to give his sanction in any forn) whatever, to the sincerity of Mr. Adams's political character, after he had become jierfectly Convinced that he was deluded and mistaken in his former convic- tion and avowal in that respect; and that Mr. Adams has availed him- self of that act, as well as many subsequent ones, not only for the purpose of elevating himself to his piesent high station; but also of availing himself of that elevation, to bring about a complete civil revolution in the fundamental principle of American Governments, nor could any occurrence whatever, be more lamented by the writer 21 iior afllicting to his feelings, than leaving this world with this public icstimonial of confidence in Mr. Adams's sincer'mj, unrevoked. For, be this testimonial of little or great account, it is, to its intent, thft writer's all — and he most nrdenliy wishes thoroughly to wash his hands of the sacrilegious efforts, w hich, he verily believes, are now making, in effect, if not intent, to imm(»1aie the rights and liberties of the American people, upon the unhallowed altar of unlimited power. The writer thinks, that the inducements suggested by Mr. Adnms for his political conversion, if known, would essentially tend to aid the public in forming a Just estimate of liis checkered politi- cal course, from that time, until the exhibition of his tpessage ; and also of the genuine character of the message itself. He now submits it i(! Mr. Adams, to make a disclosure of the suggested inducements himself If he should not do so, the writer will deliberate upon the course of conduct he ought to pursue, in the present imminent crisis, as he deems it, of political affairs. Declaring at the same time, a perfect consciousness and conviction, that there is scarcely any thing too sacred to be disclosed, which could tend to arrest a course of measures, that, if pursued to consummation, must necessarily demo- lish all the noble fabricks of American political institutions. The writer has not taken this course unadvisedly. He has kept an undc- viating eye upon Mr. Adams's checkered political conduct, from the time of his disclosure, to the exhibition of his message. He has at various times given publicity to his increasing doubts and distrusts; with a view not only to public consideration, but to Mr. Adams's special observance; and in No. 14 of his Political Disquisitions, he intcntionall}' places this portentous subject before IMr. Adams in the strongest terms, then at his command. He exhibited models, on both sides of his contemplated measures, for the choice of Mr. Adams, in the sincere hope that Mr. Adams would deliberate well before he de- cided. The writer considers his message an awful annunciation of his choice; and that soaring above the v\isdom, patriotism, and self- denial, of Washington, Jefferson, Fayette and Bolivar, he has made his choice of the Ctesars for his model, and like them, risked his pre- sent glory, and his future fame, upon bettering tli.e condition of the people, by the usurpation of unlimited power ; and thus, unchecked by the will of his constituents, of his own parental love and good will, to decorate them with all the costly trappings, and glittering imageries, of the most splendid despotism; nor does Mr. Adams seem to imagine, that the people, especially that great portion of them, who are struggling for common comforts for their families, or against the pressure of debts, could be so inefl'ably stupid, as not to over-look these little grovelling considerations, and take delight in yield- ing tip a portion of their hard earnings, most cruelly taken from the pinching wants of their families, for purchasing the sublimated hap- piness of beholding the magnificence and splendour of their beloved President absolute; and these fascinating glittering trappings and imageries of his sovereign despotism. December 2S, 1825, NOTE. (a) "Mr. Adams liad tlie misfortune, however, to receive liis first political impressions in a heterodox scboo!; and from some peculiar organization of mind, his first impressions are indelible and uncon- querable." The writer here alludes to the heterocfox school of his father. — The heretical doctrines of whicli, are extensively displayed in his de- fence of the American Constitution, against the attacks made upou them by Turgot. In the execution of this work, Mr. Adams defends and eulogises the British Constitution, and endeavours to assimilate the Anjcrican Constitutions to the British, as far as the analogy should be carried. But in relation to an hereditary Executive and nobilit3'5 when the analogy failed, Mr. Adams gives a decided pre- ference to the hereditary over the elective principle. The writer's ttsual organs have deceived hirn, if lje cannot discern the nrst rising dawn, of the same preference in the President's message. To the description of unl)elieving readers, who rather distrust their own vi~ s'ion, than to admit such a gentle hint possible, the writer would re- spectfully put the following questions: — Admitting the President's first impressions to be in favor of the hereditary principle; and that }ie had, heretofore, succeeded, in converting a Government of limited, into a Government of unlimited power, is it less probable, after his first success, that he should introduce his preference far the heredita- i*y principle, whilst he is himself in orlice ; than that he sliould, here- tofore, have made the bold effort of converting a limited, into an un- limited Govennnent, as the writer believes he has done? And are not the chances of his success noio in an attempt to introduce the he- reditary' principle over the elective one, umch greater than they were at the commencement of his "eminent predecessor's" administration, in the atfempt to convert a limited, into an uuiimiled Government? so far from tiie chances of sv.ccess in the hitter case, being less proba- ble than in t!ie former one, the wL'iler thinks that the heredilart/ jjrin- ciple, is the necessary consequence of introducing a Government of unlimited, in place of one of limited power. The President's fatlier thought the concealment from the people, of the preference of the hereditary principle, over the elective one, was a weakness if not a vice. The writer has no doubt, but that the son tliinks wil(j the fa- ther in this respect; and that he will ^ake dpe care, to exempt himself from all imputation of such weakness, and of such vice, after, if not before the next Presidential flection. Mr. Rush's political fairy tale, in the form of a Treasury report, tends greatly to confirm this im- pression upon the writer's mind. But, take the President's political preceptor's words upon this subject. They will be found in Taylor's inqiiirv, a book of gre;it merit; and at this moment, onght to be in the hands of every American citizen, who can think, as well as read. The first extracts will be found in Taylor's Inquiry, pages 100, 101. In Adam's defence, vol. 3, 3G0, 453, 39J. The second, in Taylor's Inquiry, pages 109, 110; in Adam's defence, vol. 3, page 3G7. The ihird, in Taylor's Inquiry, pages 147, 148 — Adam's defence. voL 3, pages 2S2, 283, 29G. 23 '' A science certainly comprehends all the principle^ in natui'(;' which belong to the subject. Tlie principles in nature vvhicli relate to Governtncnt cannot all be known, without a knowledc-e of the history of mankind. T/te English (jonstitution is the only one which has considered and provided for all cases, that are known to have gen- erally, indeed, to have always happened in the progress of every na- tion; it is therefore, the only Scientifcal Government.'^ " Whenever the people have had any share in the Executive, or more than one-third part of the Legislative, they have always abused it, and rendered pro{7erty insecure. " But a mixed Government produces, and necessitates constancy in all its parts; the king must be constant to preserve his prerogatives ; the Senate must be constant to preserve their share ; and the House theirs. "It is therefore the true policy of the common people io place the whole Executive power in one man, to make him a distinct order in the State, from whence arises cm inevitable jealousy beiivcen him and the gentlemen.''^ " Ati hereditary limited monarch is the representative of the whole nation, for the management of the Executive power, as much as an House of Representatives, as one branch of the Legislature, and as a guardian of the public purse; and the House of Lords too, or a standing Senate, represents t!ie nation for other purposes, viz: as a watch set upon both the Representatives and the Executive power. The people are the fountain and original of the power of Kings and Lords, Governors and Senates, as well as the House of Commons, or Assembi}' of Representatives: and if the people are sufficiently enlightened to see all the dangers that surround them, they will al- ways be represented by a distinct personage to manage the whole Executive power; a distinct Senate to be guardians of property against levellers for the purposes of plunder, to be a repository of the national tradition, of public maxims, customs and manners, and to be controllers in turn, both of Kings and their Ministers on one side, and the Representatives of the people on the other, when eitlier discover a disposition to do wrong: and a distinct House of Repre- sentatives,, to be the guardians of ihc public purse, and to protect die people in tiieir turn, against both Kings ar.d Nobles. " Nedham had said "that the people by Representatives succes- sively chosen, were the best guardiatis of their own liberties. And that the life of liberty, and the only remedy against self-interest, lies in succession of powers and persons." In answer to which, I\Jr. Adams observes: " If this is so, the United States of America, have taken the most effectual measures to secure that life, and that reme- dv, in establishing annual elections of their Governors, Senators anri Representatives. This will probably be allowed to be as per.M?ct an. establishment of a succession of powers and persons, as human laws can make: but in what manner annual elections of Governors and Senators will operate, remains to be ascertained. It siiould always be remembered, that this is not the first experiment that was ever made in the world of elections to great offif p<; of State : how they •2i have bpetated in every great natiort, and wliat has been their end, it very well known. Mankind l)ave universally discovered that chance was preferable to a corrupt choice, and have (rusted Providence, ra- ther than themselves. First Magistrates and Senators had better be made hereditary at once, than that the people should be universally debauched and bribed, go to loggerheads, and fly to arras regularly every year. Thank Heaven; Ainericans understand calling Con- ventions; and if the time should conje, as it is very possible it may, when hereditary descent shall become a less evil, than annual fraud and violence, such a Convention tnay still prevent the First Magis- trate from becoming absolute, as well as hereditary. Nedham had also said: "that it is but reason that the people should see that none be interested in the supreme authority but per- sons of their own election; and such as must in a short time rctm-n asrain into the same condition with themselves. In answer to which, Mr. Adams observes, "that the Americans have agreed with this writer in this sentiment. This hazardous experiment, they have tried, and if elections are soberly made, it may answer very well; but if parties, factions, drunkenness, bribes, armies and delirium, come in, as thev always have done, sooner or later, to embroil and decide every thing, the people must again have recourse to Conventions, and find a remedy. Neither p!iilojop})y nor policy has yet discover- ed anv other cure, than by prolonging the duration of the First Ma- gistrate, and Senators, the evil may be lessened and postponed, by elections tor longer periods of years, till they come for life; and if this is not found an adequate remed^^ there will remain no other, but to make them hereditary. The delicacy, or the dread of unpo- pularity, that should induce any man to conceal this important truth from the full view and contemplation of the people, would be a v.eak- Bess if not a vice." NEW SERIES— No. III. [!5y llie Autlior of Puliticul Disquisitions. J ' The Golden Casket — or. The President'' s Message — or, a procla- mation of a great civil revolution, in the governments of "this Union." «' All that, g-listers is not p^old, " Ot'ien liHve you lieard Ihat told ; " Many a man his lil'e hath sold, ♦' Hut iny outside to behold ; ' Gilded t'imba do worms iiifuld. •• Had y(JU been os wise as bold, " Young- in liinbs, in iudgmc7ll old, '• Youratiswev liad not been unscioH'd ; " Fare )ou ivel/ ; your suit is cold." — Sliaki-peure. PRELIMINARY RExMARKS. In the last No. the writer, in substance, observed that he liad kept an undeviating e3'e, upon Mr. Adam's course of political conduct; from the time of his casting oil' the federal and putting on the Re 25 publican nianlle, and iVom tins strict observance, he was now perfect- ly convinced that this manoeuvre was a mere "rwse de guerre.'^ The writer will now give a brief sketch of some of Mr. Adams's most prominent acts, which produced this conviction. The first act after Mr. Adams had exchanged the ensigns of part}', which attracted the writer's attention, was the resignation of his seat in the Senate of the United States. Mr. Adams having avowed his determination to sup- port the republican administration; the writer expected that he would continue his station in the Senate, to enable him to render the pro- mised support; but his resignation deprived him of the power of do- ing so. The writer was of opinion at the time, that the displeasure of the Legislature of his State, under the peculiar circumstances of the case, was not a justification of that act; but the writer presuming Mr. Adams honestly thought otherwise, continued the confidence pre- viously inspired by Mr. Adams's solemn asseverations. The writer still believed that Mr. Adams's avowed conversion was sincere. He now views that act as the first move made by Mr. Adams, upon his checkered political chess-board ; and his resignation, the second. So far from the administration receiving his support, Mr. Adams's resignation imposed upon it an obligation, to support him. By that act, he assumed the attitude of a persecuted convert, and all new proselytes, especially when under the persecution of the deserted sect, call with an irresistible voice upon the High Priests of the adopted creed, for peculiar commiseration and distinguished support — St. Luke, chap. xv. verse 7. "1 say unto you, that likewise, joy shall be in heaven over one sinner that repenteth, more than over ninety and nine just persons, which need no repentance." Mr. Jefferson doubt- lessh', acted under the inlluence of strong impressions when he re- collected Mr. Adams, iji his chosen retirement, and nominated him to the Senate, as Minister Plenipotentiary to Russia. The nomina- tion of Mr. Adams to that office was one of the last acts of Mr. Jefierson's admiuistratlon; and took place about the beginning of March, 1809. The Senate, however, not concurring with Mr. Jef- fersGH in the policy of the mission at that time, without acting' upon the nomination, passed a resolution to the following eflect: That it is not expedient to send a minister to Russia at this time. The only effect of this proceeding upon Mr. Adams, was a short postpone- ment of the reward of gratitude, whicli awaited him from the Re- publican administration. Mr. Madison, after having succeeded Mr. Jefierson, both in office and policy at the next session of Congress, as well as the writer recollects, nominated Mr. Adams to the Senate for the same office. Tlie Senate, then yielding, advised the appoint- ment. Regardless of his former scruples, Mr. Adams accepted the mission, and has been from that lime regarded as one of the main pillars of the republican party. The acceptance of this mission, after Mr. Adams's solemn assurances, that in his change of politics, he was entirely " exempt from all views of personal promotion and aggrandizement," is the third and most important move upon his checkered political chess-board. It enabled bim, iVom his dexterity at the game of political chess, to cherk-m^itf^ she whole republican o 20 part}-. Under the inliucnce of that party, he has succeeded in placing liimself at tlie head of the go%-ernment; and availing him- self of success, he has boldly come forth, and in his first mes- sage, as the writer conceives, imir.olated the whole republican party, men and principles, upon the unholy shrine of his own in- satiable ambition. He has done more: He has, as the writer thinks, undauntingly struck at all the restraining provisions of the con- stitution, tin-own ofl' all the limitations upon the powers of the practical government, declared that "liberty is power," and insists upon being left perfectly free to better the condition of the people, imchcckcd by the will of constituents. He seems firmly resolved to stop at nothing short of the power of the Cfesars, and according- ly, seems himself to have stamped this characteristic motto upon his own message — "Ant Caesar — Aut Nullus." The war with Great Britain, having been commenced in 1812, ihc first development of Mr. Adams's mission, was seen in the Russiaii mediation. The writer was then under the impression, as he now is, that this mediation was obtained through the diplomatic skill of Mr. Adams, although he does not pretend that this impression was derived directly from official papers. The British Minister then at the Court of Russia, playing his diplomatic part with equal skill, probably con- trived to obtain information of this arrangement; and the writer believes, the British government, finally rejected the Russian mediation, in con- sequence of the representations of their Minister. Shortly after this transaction, Jonathan Russel was nominated to tl;e Senate as Minister Plenipotentiary to Sweden, under circiunstances of the most peculiar character. The Senate disapproving the policy of this mission, passed the following resolution, July 9, 1813. "Resolved, That it is inexpedient at this time to send a Minister Plenipotentiary to Sweden." Here are seen two cases, in which the Senate actually exercised its controlling power over the origination of foreign Blissions. The one in the person of Mr. Adams — The other believed to iiave arisen through his agency, or at least, must be presumed, to have come within his knowledge; yet in his Message he uses this sovereign language to tlie Senate and to the world — " Commissioners (to Panama) sfiallhe commissioned." Could any one of t!ie Csesars have used more sovereign language to his Senate? Could Louis tiie 14th have used more sovereign language to the registering Parliament of Paris? This subject, however, being now under the consideration of the Senate, will, for the present, be passed over witliout further comment. It is intro- duced here, merely to sliow Mr. Adams's diplomatic skill, and des- potic propensites and principle; . The writer will content himself, with mentioning only one more incident, occurring during Mr. a\dams's various European missions; the memorable difference re- specting the fishing and the Mississippi interest between himself and ins diplomatic associate, Mr. Clay, now his ciiosen bosom friend, and confidential Secretary. These tlien diplomatic pugilists, now loving confidential friends, converted this difference into a diploma- tic crow which they pledged themccives to pull, in open defiance of 27 each other, and in the face of the whole American people, and of the world. But with the characteristic pliancy of skilful negotiators, have postponed the exiiibition, upon a suitable occurrence, and in lieu of it, have entered into a most intimate political union; the endearing union of one bone and one flesh. For, (he confidential connexion between the President, and his Secretary of State, has heretofore been regarded equally sacred vvilh that which grows out of the mys- tical union of marriage in private life, and to insure a just confidence from the public, ought to be founded upon principles equally pure and platonic. Neither suspicion, nor distrust ought ever to be per- mitted to intrude themselves into this holy union. Whilst this diplo- matic pugilism, between the president and his Secretary, remains un- settled, it must be presumed that the President relies, for the unsus- pected fidelity of his Secretary, solelj^ upon his snow white fame, and renown, for the immaculate purity of his morals, both public and private; and that tliese stand so firmly fixed, that the President, dis- regarding all counteracting influences, reposes securely upon them with unsuspecting confidence. However justified this reciprocal confidence between the President and his Secretary, may be ground- ed upon the compromise of their reciprocal interests; upon what ground is it, that the people shall place their confidence in this coni- promitted union; when they are no parties to the inducements which produced it; and when their best interests must have formed the basis of the compromise ? The writer will remind the public of another incident which followed these diplomatic squabbles. That each of the diplomatists furnished Mr. Monroe a case for his decision, which formed a precedent in his favour in the settlement of his claims;* the * "The benefit of which, (his, Mr. Monroe's decisions in the cases of Mr. Adams and Mr. Clay) in the body of his expose ; but disclaimed in a note appended thereto." — Extract from the body of the expose — page 8 — " To have a full view of the whole subject, it may be useful for you to recur to a decision which t made in , on a reference to me M)y the accounting officers of the Treasury', of the claims of Mr- Adams and Mr. Clay, in which I examined all the precedents, as to salaries and outfits, wliicli had been allowed to. our Ministers in Europe, from the commencement of our government until tiiat day." The note at large — It is believed that, in some instances, under particular circum- stances, our ministers have been permitted to receive their compen- sation, like other officers of the government, on return visists, during their absence, and while at home. Any decisions, w Inch I may have made since I came into the administration, under the admonition of my own experience, will not be considered as applicable to my claims. Reference will, of course, be had only to the decisions which were made by my predecessors. The amount of the respective claims allowed, will be seen in the Hccompanying documents. The decisions attended with great labor, and the aid to a certain extent, of the opinion-, of the Attorney Ge-= npral. All deservincc serious consideration. 28 benefit of which he claimed in the body of his expose; but disclaimed in a note appendant thereto. Mr. Adams, a claim of $9,000, beyond his allowances at the treasury. Mr. Clay, a claim of $4,500, beyond his al- lowances at the treasury. Both of them allowed by Mr. Monroe. With- out further remark upon Mr. Adams's diplomatic career, the writer will take a view of his political course in the office of Secretary of State, under President Monroe's Administration — an administration called republican, and commenced under republican auspices; but after va- rious mutations terminated, as the writer thinks, in disregard of eve- ry wholesome restraining principle of the constitution. The writer will here pause, before he attempts to recount the most prominent measures of this eventful administration ; w hich, as he thinks, mainly under the guidance of Mr. Adams, have produced the present crisis A crisis big with inscrutable destinies. A crisis which is to deter- mine whether the American Governments are to remain federal, or to become "one and indivisible." A crisis which is to determine whe- ther the people have retained jffiy rights to themselves; or have given UD the whole to the consolidated government, to be exercised for bet- tering their condition without the check of their own will!!! A crisis which is to solve the great political problem : Are the people compe- tent to their own government ? NEW SERIES— No. IV. [By the Author of Political Disquisitions ] The GoLiiEN Casket — or. The Pesuhnt's Message — or, a procla- mation of a great civil revolution, in the Governments of "this Union." " All that glisters is not gold, •' Often have you heard that told • " iLiny a man his life hath sold, " But iTiy outside to behold : " Gilded tombs do ivo'ins infuld. " Had you been as 7uise as bold, «' Young in limbs, in judgment old, " Your answer had not been unscroli'd : " Fare you -veil .• your suit is cold," — [Shakspeare. PRELIMINARY REMARKS. In the last Number, tlic writer intimated his intention of taking a view of Mr. Adams' course of political conduct, whilst acting in the office of Secretary of State, under Mr. Monroe's Administration. In doing so, the writer was desirous of having reference directly to offi- cial papers, and has been delayed for some time from pursuing his remarks, by attempts to obtain them. He regrets that he has failed in these attempts, because he wished to have quoted the identical words of each actor in the scene, which he deemed to be most woi- 29 ihy of remark. He is now compelled to have recourse chiefly to his memory; and to give only a very general sketch of transactions which deserve much more particular consideration. Mr. Monroe's Administration commenced the 4th of March, 1817. The War with Great Britain having terminated in the Spring ol 1815, and the European War having also terminated before that time, Mr. Monroe found the United States in profound peace, and it seem- ed to every reflecting man in the Community, that it was scarcely possible for diplomatic ingenuity itself, to interrupt the harmony of the United States with foreign powers. Mr. Monroe also found the Constitution of the United States in full vigor and energy — venerated by the American people, and confidently relied upon as the palladium of Slate rights, as well as of the rights and liberties of individual citi- zens. His predecessor, Mr. Madison, under its banners, had passed through a War with one of the strongest powers in the World; and with the exception of some slight unintentional scarifications, proceed- ing from the War, had left tlie Constitution, not only undefiled, but invigorated. By the wise and patriotic exercise of his Constitutional veto upon two bills, which had been unadvisedly passed by Congress, in disregard of Constitutional provisions, he asserted and enforced the sovereign dominion of the Constitution, over liCgislative usurpa- tions. The one, a bill for incorporating a Religious Society — the other, a bill for internal improvements. The veto on the one, gave additional security to Religious freedom : The veto on the other, for a time, gave additional security to both State and individual rights. For the virtuous and independent exercise of his Constitutional power in these two most important respects, the writer takes this occasion to ofler to Mr. Madison individually, his most grateful and fervent thanks ; and thinks him justly entitled to the thanks of the present, and of all future generations. If ever the United States were blessed with the complete and undisturbed enjoyment of Halcyon days, it was at the period of Mr. Monroe's installation into the Presidential Office. Nor has any incident occurred, from that moment to this, that ought for one instant, to have interrupted the full fruition of the political calm and felicity, which seemed to have been awarded them, as if by a special interposition of Providence. So far from it, that two great events have since occurred, which seemed also to have been Providentially interposed, for extending the moral influence of the fundamental laws of the United States, throughout the whole Civilized World. The successful revolutions of the South American and Mexican States, and the adoption of American Institutions as models for the formation of their own Governments, and Fayette's visit to the United States. This visit, although that of a single indi- vidual, was attended with such circumstances as gave it an eclat. throughout the Civilized World. It was perfectly unique. Such a spectacle never before was, and perhaps never will again be exhibit ed to an admiring World, It was a visit of a devotee to Liberty, forty years after his philanthropic efforts had contributed to her tri- umph, over the most galling despotism. He found her still seated in her beniffnant throne> surrounded with all the variegated blessing? 30 which hei" tiomiiiiun over despotism had spread over a wide cxionded Country. He was received by her millions of enamoured votaries, with one spontaneous and unanimous burst of affection and gratitude. h was the magnificent and glorious exhibition of a great Nation, pouring forth the best feelings of the heart to a single individual for tlic blessings it enjoyed at his hands, in connexion willj compatriots; now no more seen. It served to set a new value upon Liberty in the eyes of all beholding and admiring Nations, and could not fail to give additional force to the moral inlluence of American Institutions. How, then, in this sublime and felicitous state of tilings, does it hap- pen, that the sound of a portentous crisis is heard.'* That Liberty herself is in danger of being dethroned, and Despotism enthroned, in her place.'' That the liberty of the people is attempted to be convert- ed into the liberty of the Government, which is power absolute, and unlimited; palsied in nothing by the will of constituents.'' The alarm- ing tale is plain, and easily told ; but the danger lies in not reading and considering it well, and in not justly applying its eventful moral. According to the fasiiionable oriental style of thinking, of writing and of speaking — extending itself even into the gravest State papers — it was universally said, at the time of Mr. Monroe's installation, there was not a speck discernable upon the political horizon. It was splendidly transparent, under the blessed influence of the genial Ame- rican sun, which our fathers had ushered forth from the West, to iiiu- ininate and to bless, not only the Western, but the whole Eastern hemisphere. It was to give to the East, the greater blessing of poli- tical light, in exchange i'or ornamental scientific light. At length, bv n)icroscopic diplomacy, a little speck was discovered upon this trani;- plendent political horizon; but it was considered as a mere flitting transient cloud, that would pass away in a moment, without any ob- scuration worth the politician's regard. It was discovered that cer- tain freebooters were interrupting the revenue at the port of St. Ma- ry's, and that it was necessary to put an end to this interruption. The only competent means to eflect this end, which could be devised by the ingenuity of the Administration, consisted in the forcible seiz- ure, and military occupation of the Spanish Amelia Island — Spain uwn being in a state of peace with the United States. This deter- miualion was immediately carried into eflect, without the sanction of any law whatever, as the writer believes, and in direct violation, as he thitdvs, of the plainest principles of international law. This iiitk- speck, this transient cloud, did not dissipate quite so quietly and un- ceremonioush', as was at first expected. After holding this portion of territory, belonging to a Nation at peace with the United States, under military govcrmnent for some months, the House of Represen- tatives called for information, as to the kind of government which had been established over Amelia Island, then belonging to Spain. The President replied in substance, that it ivas a Military Government, entrusted to Colonel Bank head and Conimodore , for its execution. This reply appeared perfectly to have satisfied, what turned out to be either the idle curiosity or unmeaning call of the House of Representatives. That House did not even pretend to in- ijuhe, whence the President had derived the authority to seize the territory belonging to a Nation at peace with the United States, and to hold it under a Military Government, but from a silence upon thi? receipt of this information, seemed to admit, if it be a mere Military Government, it is all very well; but seemed to think, if you, Mr. President, had dared to establish any other Government, than a Mili- tary one, this House would have been upon the very marrow-bones of your usurpation, in an instant, with its whole dread force of the terrific power of impeachment. Instead of this speck of a cloud tran- siently escaping from the resplendent political hori/on, sharp sighted diplomacy discovered another little speck. The Scminoles had be- come quite pugnacious. A bandit of not more than three or four hundred skulking vvarrrors, as the writer believes, was magnified into a formidable Nation, and it became necessary to convince them also of the military prowess of the United States — a conviction wliich pre- viously existed in full force, and of course no new conviction could have become necessary: But to produce the new conviction, a consi- derable military force was put under the command of General Gaines. A treaty was demanded with hard conditions towards the poor de- fenceless Seminoles. They, acting under the full conviction and horrible dread of the known military prowess of the United States, submitted to these hard conditions, one town only refusing. But tins town finding the dreaded military force then moving upon it, sent in its submission and adhesion. This was forwarded to the Governor of Georgia, Mr. Rabun, and by hira forwarded by express to Gene- ral Gaines, and reached him, as the writer believes, before he reach- ed the oflending and repenting villago.. General Gaines, without acknowledging the receipt of Governor Rabun's despatci), proceeded to the village, and slaugiucred some of its inhabitants, plundered and destroyed the village. General Jackson was at length invested with the command of the crusading army, and set out from Himtsville to take command of it in person. He raised, with or wiihout authoritj', fifteen hundred Indians as a vanguard for his army, consisting, as the writer believes, of several thousand men ; coramissioned o.^icer? at pleasure, eitlicr with or without authority; and it was said these illegitimate, non-descript officers were put upon Courts Martial, for the trial of oflences, perhaps some involving capita! punishments. The writer feels no disposition to exaggerate the scenes wiiich took place under this crusading army. He greatly regrets such as a re- gard to truth compels him to recount, and could most sincerely wish to cast the mantle of oblivion over the whole. Suilice it tlien to sa^-, that General Jackson moved rapidly upon, and took forcible posses- sion of Pensacola, as President Monroe had previously done of Ame- lia Island — Spain still remaining at peace with the United States. Whether or not this outrage upon the plainest principles of ii^terna- tional law, was committed with or without authorised instructions, remains unknown to the writer; and probably to tiie American peo- ple, but with instructions, as the writer firmly believes. This out- rage, however, was so flagrant, that the President did not hesitate in disavow it in his Message to the Congress, v.hich met shortly aftci- nards, although in all probability done under the imposing sanc- tion of instructions. Thus declaring in the most solemn manner to the American people, and to the World, that this act of General Jack- son's was wholly unauthorised. It must be presumed, that if Mr. Adams were not the chief instigator of these measures, he was cer- tainly privy to them, and concurred in advising them. Notwith- standing this solemn disavowal, after it was discovered, that the peo- ple were deluded into a toleration of these most profligate measures, as the writer thinks them; Mr. Adams, in a letter of instructions ad- dressed to the American Minister in Spain, but contrary to all diplo- matic usage, published in the American Newspapers, for the infor- mation of the American people, most eagerly and ardently entered into a full defence, both of the Government and General Jackson in relation to the whole proceedings respecting the forcible occupation of Pensacola, the real object of the formidable armament, as the wri- ter believes. — The Seminole War having been abandoned, and almost forgotten. This celebrated defence of Mr. Adams, was more in the spirit and style of an epic poem, than a diplomatic paper; and seemed evidently intended to disguise the profligacy of the whole transaction, by the false glare of poetic fiction, and oriental imagery. Here tlien are seen, acts of the first impression, involving violations of the funda- mental laws of the United States, and of international laws, at one time disowned, and at another attempted to be defended and justified, by the same Administration. The President's disavowal, as well as the writer recollects, was accompanied with a pledge, that the then plundered territory should be restored to Spain upon certain condi- lions. — At the same moment, forcibly holding upon Amelia Island. Here then, was seen the Government forcibly holding two extreme points of the Florida territory, evidently occupied with the same view, and pledging itself to give up one point, and hold on the other.- — Both forcibly acquired, and believed to be held with the view to the occupation of the whole Floridas. With what sincerity, this solenm governmental pledge to Spain was made, subsequent events have suf- Hclently proved. The Senate of the United States has recently ma- nifested a laudable disposition to unfold its doors for the information of the people upon several interesting occasions. If it will follow up those examples by exhibiting to view the proceedings in relation to the proposition for the forcible seizure of St. Augustine in 1813; the American people will then see, as the writer believes, the real views vtf the Goverinnent in relation to the profligate crusade against the defenceless Seminoles.(rt) The people will then see, that in the midst of the British War, a military- force was actually ordered by the Ad- ministration, to be prepared for the purpose of seizing upon St. Au- gustine by "cow^y de inain,^^ and forcibly to occupy it with reference to the tjltimate occupation of the whole Florida territory, as the wri- ter believes. They will also see, that this unprincipled movement was grounded mainly upon the profligate suggestion, that Spain had become so far reduced by the events of the War in Europe, as to be imable to preserve the accustomed relations amongst Nations, and 33 upon that ground, the United States would be justified in forcibly seizing- her territory, bordering upon their own. There was no in- tervention of Seminoles at that time, as well as the writer recollects, as a medium of assault upon the Spanish territory. But as the wri- ter understood the proposition then, it was to the following effect — Spain is now weak ; the United States are relatively strong. They want her territory, and they shall have it. Not upon any principle of moral, constitutional, or international law; but as the writer thinks, upon the lawless will of power. At that time, the President deter- mined to pass through the ceremony of asking Congress for its con- sent to this profligate act of War against Spain ; which consent was then refused by the Senate. The last Administration thought this ceremony unnecessary, and forcibly seized the Floridas without it. If the Senate will also unfold its doors upon tht* proceedings of the Government in 1812, in relation both to the Canadas and Floridas, still further lessons of instruction will be afforded to the people of the United States in relation to the ambitious projects of their Goverti- ment, and will tend to show the absohite necessity of their own vigi- lant interposition. The writer verily believes, that by a just, honor- able and liberal policy towards Spain, the Floridas could have been acquired earlier, and upon belter terms, than they have been acquir- ed by this machiavelian policy; but if even he should be mistaken in the opinion, every reflecting man in the Nation must know, that the possession of the Floridas at some time, must necessarily have been effected by the mere pressure of American population, and by the im- possibility of Spain's exerting an efficient jurisdiction over the Coun- try, of which Spain herself had become perfectly sensible. Under this *view, the Congress had passed a law, putting at the disposal of the President, the whole pliysical force of the United States, to prevent the occupation of Florida by any other nation, than Spain, its right- ful owner. Bat the acquisition of Florida, is the great boast of the last administration, and strange to tell, the people overlooking the means, have been deluded into an approbation of the end which has been effected. It is true, the Floridas have been acquired. They have been acquired by a military triumph; but the same triumph which conquered the Floridas, was a military triumph over the Con- stitution; over the public morals, and over the sanctity of interna- tional law. The United States have become owners of the Flori- das ; but they have been purchased as the writer thinks, in exchange for their fundamental laws and public morals!!! Did ever any people make a worse bargain!! Upon the meeting of Congress, after the forcible seizure and occupation of Pensacola, the House of Represen- tatives, seeming to be shocked at the flagrant outrage upon the Con- stitution, in a laudable spirit for its preservation, commenced an in- quiry into the conduct of General Jackson upon that occasion. But this laudable spirit mistook its real object. The House of Repre- sentatives had nothing to do with General Jackson; and it was a condescension on its part to notice his proceedings, unless in refer- ence to the President's Constitutional responsibility. The President wns the true object for its animadversion- He formed a co-ordinate department with Congrtss, and was, by tlie Conslitatioii, made speci- ally responsible to the House of Representatives, under its power c( impeachment. If, fortunately for the Conslitntlon and the American people, the House of Representatives liad given their inquiry its pro- per direction, and had impeached the President for these flagrant niilitury usurpations, as the writer thinks tijem; and the Senate had performed its duty in reirwving him from oflice, it would have had the happy efleci of saving the Constitution from military pollution. If that had been done, it would probably have deterred the daring eflbrts of Executive power and patronage, from attempting anotlier military violation of the Constitution, lor half a century. The failure to adopt this course by giving a new impulse to this power, and this patronage, the writer conceives to be one of the chief causes of the present crisis. January 19th, 1826. NOTE. * "The people v/ill then see, that in the midst of the Britisli War, a military force was actually ordered, by the Administration, to be prepard for the purpose of seizing upon St. Augustine by '^ coup de main.^' The writer would respectfully rci'er those readers who feel tremblingly alive for the sanctity and safety of Governmental secrets, to an able and eloquent speech delivered in the Senate of the United States, upon the proposition forcibly to seize. St, Augustine, by Mr, Hunter of Rhode-Island. This speech, although delivered in the Senate with closed doors, was afterwards published; and the writer believes, contains a fair and candid statement of the objects of the Administration in making the proposition. In the present crisis, that* speech is highly worthy of a second edition. NEW SERIES.— NO. V. [Dy the Autlior of Foliticu! Di.squis)tio;is.] The Golden Casket — or. The PrcsUhnfs Message — or, a procla- mation of a great civil revolution, in the Governments of "this U- nion." "All that g-lisfers is not goli!. " Often have jovi heard thiu tolJ ; " Many u inaii his life iiatli sukl, " But my outside to behold ; " Giltlcd tombs do -ivorma irtfu/d, " Had you hcen as wise as bo!d, " Young- in limbs, in judgment ohi, "Your answer had not been unscrollM; "Fare you well; your suit is Cold." — [Shakspeart. PRELLMINARY REMARKS. In the last No. the writer endeavoured to present to the public view, the progressive steps by which a military triumph had been achieved over the constitution, and the public morals ; he will now attempt to show the progressive steps by which a civil triumph over 35 holh, has iik,ewise been arliievp<1. The election of Mr. Monroe to tire Presidency, the writer conceives to have been one of the most extraordi- nary, and one of (he most unfortunate events, that ever occnrred in the United States. It can only l»e ascribed to the nnrivalled influes^ce of his two immedinte predecessors, an(J the ill-judged partialities they had long indulged for him, not without some partial interrup- tions. It can never be ascribed to his own intrinsic merits, nor to his own intrinsic talents. It cannot be ascribed to his success in any one of Jjis many former offices ; for the writer believes, he had never been successful in any. He complete!}' failed in all his foreign em- bassies, except when associated with Mr. Livingston in the treaty for the acquisition of Louisiana. He failed in France, and was recalled with Washington's strong disapprobation, in 1796. He failed in Spain, in IS05. He failed in Great Britain, in 1807. In his diplo- matic intercourse with Mr. Fox, 1806, (see his letters Ma^' 17, 20, 1806) he subjected himself and his country to the most humiliating condescensions. His conduct in Great Britain in 1806, to the best -of the writer's recollection, was such, as induced the Senate, by an unanimous vote, to request the President to send another Minister to London. lie had, about the same time, the permission of the Pre- sident to return home; Miiich he- refused to do. He, with his asso- ciate, jMr. Pinkney, made a treaty whicli was not thought worthy to be laid before the Senate for their advice, and consent to its ratifica- tion. He was afterwards again informed, as the writer thinks, of {lis permission to return home. He refused to do so for some months, insisting upon having the eclat of adjusting the affair of the Chesa- peake. He nailed in his attempts at its adjustment. After his return liome, he attempted to organize a new party in the L'niled States which he aftcrward*s abandoned ; and once more sheltered himself under the old republican party. He was again received into favour; and was bandied about from one office to another, and as the writer ti'.inks, dishonored all. In his office of State, he was swindled by Henry, as the writer believes, out of $'50,000 from the fund for se-^ cret service mone\% and the expense of an armed vessel to take Hen- ry to France. H-e became the dupe, as the writer also believes, of a black leg from London, one of Henry's associates, under the assum- ed title of " Count Crillon," to whom it was said he gave more mo- ney, perhaps $20,000 from the same fund, for the part he played in Henry's deception. He was at the same time said to be the dupe of another bankr-upt associate, of the name of Melville, who was after- wards nominated to the Senate, as deputy Commissary General, and rejected; Melville was nevertheless afterwards very improperly pro- vided for, as tlie writer was informed- The writer officially saw Henry's original papers, which were purchased with this sacrifice of character and money, and did not think them worth picking up, if found in the streets. Bir. Monroe's conduct in the War Office was attended v/iih no better success. As an initiation to this office, it was said, he had the command of the army given him for the defence of Washington, against an inferior British army; and ucder this com- inand the battle became converted into the celebrated Bladensburg MC6s; whilst Wasliinglon was disgracefully deserted by the Ameri- can army, and was sacked and burnt by the inferior British army. His War report to the Military committee in 1814, was unani- mously rejected, in every line and letter, by the Senate's committee, and a project of its own substituted in its stead. The bjll reported to the Senate, which afterwards scn-reptitiously obtained the appella- tion of " Monroe's bill" — did not contain one suggestion of Mr. Monroe's: but it was then understood, that he was opposed to it, and used all his eflbrts in his way, to defeat it. Without any counterbal- ancing good for all these and many other evils on the part of Mr. Monroe; he afterwards became President of the United States. — Most fatal choice!!! — This could only have been the unfortunate ef- fect of some blind fatality. When placed in the high office of Pre- sident, he was compelled to act in matters of great concern; but his mind seemed to be incapable of native original conceptions; and it therefore became indispensable for him to adopt the conceptions of others; hence, the writer has always considered the measures of his administration, the results, not of his own, but of his cabinet conceptions. Various opinions have been expressed as to the master spirit in his cabinet. The writer never doubted, but that Mr. Adams was that master spirit. Mr. Monroe was originally an anti-federalist. He became a republican of the old school. He professed to con- strue the constitution in its most restricted and limited sense. Inso- much so, that he had obtained the appellation amongst many plain people like himself, of the plain honest republican, James Monroe. This appellation seems to have been one of his chief passports to the many offices he attempted to fill. But the plain honest republi- can James Monroe, is thought to have returned from the glittering scenes of European courts, with a Tflind very ditlerent from that which he carried thither. It became tinged with their prismatic glit- ter, without brightening its original republican obscuration. It was a liu,ht "shining in darkness; but the darkness compre- hended it not." — This shining influence imparted to it no usefulness, nor improvement for the administration of republican government. Yet ]Mr. Monroe ascended the presidential chair as an avowed repub- lican. He could not do otherwise. He was placed therein by the republican party. It is true, he seemed under his first impression, to indulge a wish for an ama-lgamation of parties; but lie soon found the attempt an abortive one. There were too man}' vociferous hun- gry expectants of his professed party, to admit of any exotic par- ticipations in the loaves and fishes, which his patronage distributed. His first message, however, in general chimed in with the republican chorus. He went so far in his restricted interpretation of the consti- tution, that he warned Congress against sending him any bill assert- ing the right in the General Government to make Internal Improve- ments at the peril of his constitutional veto. He asserted that his own opinions were fixed upon that point, and were also backed by the opinions of his predecessor; the celebrated orthodox republican ex- positor of the constitution. Mr. Monroe wrote a treatise in favour of this unalterable exposition — yet before he left his office, he chang- 37 ed this fixed decree. Like most new converts, he ran headlong into an opposite extreme. In the broad interpretation of the constitution, he asserted the opinion in substance, that any measure was constitu- tional that would admit the application of money for its effectuation. It will be observed, that this opinion is not confined to the mere question of internal improvements. It sweeps off every limitation in the constitution. At the time of this change of his political creed, Mr. Monroe is believed to have been above sixty j^ears of age. His opinions formed at an early period of his life, and persevered in till aljove three score years of age, must be conceived to have ripened into habits. Particularly so, as the subject during most of that time, must have been quite familiar to his constant cogitations. Some considerations of more than ordinary influence, must have operated to have produced this change in despite of fixed inveterate habits. What could have been this extraordinary influence? Must it not have been composed of the conceptions of others? could it have been produced by any views of his own contemplations, or did it originate in part from his own peculiar interests? The new princi- ple assumed, fitted precisely the case of his own extraordinary claims upon the government, and the precedent he introduced for its future movements. Whatever may have been the inducements to this fatal change, it is certain, that a complete change in this great principle of the interpretation of the constitution was fatally acted upon by Mr. Monroe. It is certain, he descended from the Presidential Chair with avowed principles for the interpretation of the constitution, di- rectly opposed to those which he avowed upon ascending it. Had Mr. Monroe's old republican mantle become so threadbare from long use, that he found himself obliged in obedience to the conceptions of others, and the fashions of the times, to turn it inside out, and thus exhibit himself a spectacle to his country, and to the world, as a turn- coal from his old republican creed, after more than three score years had passed over his hoary head. Ought not Mr. Monroe to have looked well at himself in his new attitude, and to have considered well the figure he would make, and the impressions, such figure would produce upon all beholders, after he had turned his old man- tle of Republican true blue, into a new one of artificial despotic black!!! Not one of the old federal black, but a new one of the deep- est despotic dye!!! and who would be so likely to urge Idm to cover himself over with this sable mantle, and to exhibit himself thus shrouded in the despotic black to his country and to the world, as one, who had himself, put off his original black, and for a time put on an artificial republican blue, still longing for an occasion to re> turn again with rapturous delight to his first love? From whatever causes this fatal change in the presidential interpretation of the con- stitution, was brought about, it is chiefly to that change that the pre- sent civil triumph over the constitution, over individual liberty, and over the public morals, is to be attributed. Its adoption not only gave a power to the practical Government over Internal Improve- ments, but also swept away with a destructive stroke of the pen, every constitutional limitation upon the power of practical Govern- 33 iiieiit. Mr. Adams being- perhaps more tlie instrumcni ol" producing this fatal change than any other, seems more than any otlier, to be sensible of its effects, and more tlian any otlier to profit by, and en- joy its destructive triumph over the constitution — over individual li- berty—and over the public morals. His Ohio letter seems to have been written in a transport of delight, at the accomplishment of the triumph. In this letter he seems to exult in the conception, that the people in forming their common social compact, could not have been so ineffably stupid as to den}' themselves the means of bettering their own condition; and in his late message has carried up this concep- tfon of governmental power in denouncing the notion of being pal- sied in its efforts bv the will of constituents ; an abstraction callinj? 7JWfi loudly for explanation and application. In his Ohio letter too, lie speaks of only one common social compact, and likens the Federal Government without a power to make in)provements, to a lieartless man; *'a human being without a heart." Although the Federal Government not only had lived above five and thirty 3'ears without this m;>in spring of life, but had enjoyed full health, vigour and acti- vity, and had diffused more blessings amongst the American people, during that time, than will fall to their lot during centuries, after [he Govcrmneut shall become artificially invested with this original attri- bute of life, and all its consequential attributes. President Adams seems to have become still more sublimated with delight after having reached the acme of his long hopes, and toilsome troubles, when in his inau- gural address, after a fallacious and flattering review of the measures of the former administration, he introduces th.e following f^ritftsiical conceptions: " In this brief outline of the promise and performance of my immediate predecessor, the line of duty for his successor is dearly delineated. To pursue to their consummation, those pur- poses of improvement in our common condition, instituted or recom- mended by him, will embrace the whole sphere of my ohligati6ns. To the topic of Internal Improvement, empiiatically urged by him at his inaguration, I recur with peculiar satisfaction. It is that from which i atii convinced that the unborn millions of our posterity, who are in future ages, to people this continent, will derive their njost fer- vent gratitude to the foumlers of the Union; that, in which the bene- ficci>t action of its Governmetit will be most deeply felt ;uid acknow- ledged. The magnificence and splendour of their public works are among the imperishable glories of the ancient republics. Tlie roads and aqueducts of Rome have been the admiration of ail after ages, and have survived thousands of years a/ter all her conquests have been swallowed up in despotism, or become the spoil of barbarians." The ol)}ect of presenting those imaginary glittering scenes to tiie fascinated contemplations of the American people, seems to have been to divert the mind from the useful and instructive contempla- tions of the fundamental laws, and to keep it in the state of fascination produced by the events which had previously caused the military tri- umph over them. From the military seizure and occupation of Ame- lia Island, the public mind seems to have been completely engrossed by faspinations of governmental power, of grandeur, of splendour, 39 and of plunder. During tliis period of nearly ten years, a new or- der of politicians has grown up under the influence of these delight- ful imaginary reveries, and seems to have forgotten or despised llje fundamental laivs discovered and ordained by their fathers for the protection of their rights and liberties. The mind, once intoxicated with in)aginary fascinations, turns back with reluctance to liie con- templation of the plain unvarnished scenes of real life, and hence the giddy course now pursuing of adapting practical measures to an ideal, instead of an actual state of things. The administration, buoyed up by former successes, seems to have transported itself into fairy lands, and to be amusing their inhabitant with fairy tales. In this delusive state of tilings, it seems that nothing is necessary to tear up the most ponderous rocks, to level Alpine mountains, to divert the greatest waters from their accustomed course, but the as pirations o( the General Government ; whilst the same magic virtues are denied to tlie aspirations of the State Governments. Several competitors for laurels in these fantastical eflbrts of the imagination, have recently appeared; amongst whom, Mr. Adams and Mr. Clay have triumphantly borne off the first decorations; but Mr. Secretary Rush has far eclipsed both, antJ torn their fading laurels from their brows. Hear him in i)is own words — " The territorial size and fer- tility of a country, depend upon nature or uj)on accident. Botii the one and the other may exist upon the largest scale, but in vain, if a provident government do not second these gifts; whilst nations destitute of them, and struggling against positive obstacles of nature, are seen to arrive, through the wisdom of their policy, at the heights of prosperity and renown. To give perfection to the industry of a country rich in the gifts of nature, and blessed in the beneficence of its government, to draw out its obvious resources and seek constantly for new ones, ever ready to unfold themselves to diligent inquiry, urged on by adequate motives; to augment the number and variety of occupations for its inhabitants; to hold out to every degree of la- bour, and to every modification of skill its appropriate object and inducement; these rank amongst the highest ends of legislation. To organize the whole labour of a country; to entice into the widest ranges its meciianica! and intellectual capabilities, instead of sufic-r- ing them to slumber; to call forth, wherever hidden, latent ingenuity, giving to effort a^vity, and to emulation ardour; to create employ- ment for the greatest amount of numbers, by adapting it to tlse di- versified faculties, propensities, and situations of men, so that every particle of ability, every shade of genius, may come into requi- sition, — is, in other words, to lift up the condition of a country; to increase its fiscal eoergy; to multiply the means and sources of its opulence; to imbue itwitli the elements of general, as well as lasting strength and prosperity." Has ever such a sketch of despotism been before exhibited to a thinking world, as is contained in this quo taiion? Was ever any despot yet bold enough to avow such princi pies to his enslaved and degraded subjects? How then does Mr. Se cretary Rush become emboldened to recommend them to the adoption of the American people, amidst the boast of their liberties, and fmidu 40 menial laws? Surely "Sh: Rush could never have thought of the means necessary to effect these ends. Indeed, in these days, it would seem, that the great object of the lashionable politician is to amuse the itnaginatiou wit!, promises of felicitous ends without spending a thought about the means of efieciing them. Mr. Clay probably never thought of the machinery that would become necessary to convert five hundred thousand farmers into mechanics; the po- litechnic schools and meclianic teachers to effect that end — nor time, nor e.\pense. So Mr. Secretary Rush certainly never could have spent a thought about the Governmental machinery which would become necessary " to augment the number and vari- ety of occupations for its inhabitants; to hold out to every degree and to every modificaiion of skill its appropriate object and induce- ment:" and " to create employmenl for the greatest amount of num- bers, by adapting it to the diversified faculties, propensities, and situ- ations of men, so that every particle of ability, every shade of ge- nius, may come into requisition-" The writer frankly acknowledges his utter incapacity to point out the Governmental machinery which would become necessary to effect all these objects. No Governmen- tal machinery ever yet entered the mind of man, that could " aug- ment the number and variety of occupations" for the inhabitants of any country, nor " to create employment for the greatest amount of its numbers" he. Nor will the Avriter pretend to point out all the ma- chinery that would be necessary, " for adapting it (employment) to the diversified faculties, propensities and situations of men, so that every particle of ability, every shade of genius, may come into requi- sition." But he will suggest two contrivances, which would become indispensably necessary " to adapt employment to the diversified fa- cullies, propensities, and situations of men, so that every particle of ability, every shade of genius, may come into requisition." The first would be a number of national supervisors, proportioned to the whole population, whose duty it should be, to inspect every Indivi- dual operator in the nation, and assign to him his appropriate occu- pation ; according to their views of the fitness of his pljysical and mental capacities; and second — a number of national whippers up. with the cat o'nine tails, whose duty it should be, to lash up ever} operator to the utn)ost stretch of his power, so that " every particle of ability, every shade of genius" when put into qj^uisition, may ex- ert the utmust of its functions, so as to arrive "at the heights o( prosperliv and renown." Without this operation should be perform- ed, some' particle of ability, some shade of genius, might be "s?/- fered to dumber,''' and thus fail in the performance of its appropri- ate function. The writer conceives, that with very little reflection, the shadow of a shade of genius, niight discover that this picture exhibits a refinement in despotism which the world never before saw. To effect its objects it must keep every operator perpetually upon the stretch under the national lasli ; without allowing him time either to nray or play. More especially if these operators are told, whilst under the " national". lash, that the proceeds of their labor belong to the " National Government," and are to be disposed of for bettering 41 xhe condition of the p.eopio, at the will of tlie Government, without being palsied by the will of constituents. For under this principle, what "inducement" could be held out to the operator, to exert every particle of abilit}', and every shade of genius, but the national lash of the cat o' nine -tails? If, instead of tliese fantastical follies and mischiefs, with their kindred accompanymenls, Mr. Secretary Rush could have contented himself with looking at the fundamental laws of his countr3', and the true practical principles of political economy, he would have found it a much plainer and easier taskl If he could have descended from the wings of fancy, and contented himself with practical inquiries, he would liave found these two questions, all tiiat it would have been necessary to have considered 5 and the answers would have been easy and certain. Has any government the iegili- mate power to take the proceeds of the labour of one man, and give then) to anotlier? Does not the tariiT take the proceeds of the labor of all other occupations and give them to tiie manufacturer.'' If it were possible for him to be deluded into the opinion, that every go- vernment grounded upon the principle of omnipotence, did possess such po^yer, then to put this further question, — Has the Federal Government of limited powers the right to take one man's pro- perty and give it to anolhev ? The property of A. the agri- culturalist, to M. tlie manufacturer? Would not the following quo- tations completely solve that question ? "Nor" (shall any person,) be depri\?ed of life, liberty oy property, without due process of law; nor slmW private propert}/ be talcen for public use ivithout just compen- sation.''' "The powers not delegated to the United Slates by the constitution, nor prohibited by it to tlic States, are reserved to the Stales respectively, or to the people." But it is in vain to recur to the fundamental laws, whilst the people remain intoxicated with these fantastical, imaginary notions of Governmental power. Governmental perfection, and Governmental splendour. The veriest sciolist in po- litical economy, however, may see that this Governmental machinery converts individual man from a natural, providential being, endowed with rights— the gifts of his God, into an artificial being, stripped of all rights, and plundered of all the gifts of his God, It is also strange to see Omnipotent Governments awarding to indi- vidttal man some rights by fixed established laws, which the federal limited Governraejit heretofore denominated free; and, grounded upon individual rights and written grants, asserts the power of put- ting into acquisition, every particle of ability, and .every shade of genius for the general welfare. Nor is Mr. Secretary Rush's middle manufacturing pillar," corresponding with Mr. Adams's iieart- • css man, less fanciful in its conceptions. He assigns to it the of- fice of dispensing blessings around it, to other occupations, back- wards and forwards, right side and left ; whilst other occupations are made its foot stools, and being raised upon them, by the productions of their industry, capt wiih.ir.juslice, extravagance, idleness and fraud; and whilst it is the only pillar, ever before erect- ed, that could exert any intluence, but at its bottom, and its top! The vvriier has sketched these remarks hero upon thi;S delusive, gjim*- F 42 men'ng rush light, because he conceives this ignis fatuus to be a light of the Presidents' adoption; and, because, it appears to have been ushered fortli as the after piece to the grand drama, exhibited in the President's message, intended to produce an effect by its as- tonishment. If the reader will take into consideration this report, in connexion with tlie President's message, and review the progres- sive steps by which both a military, and civil triumph has been achieved over the constitution, and public morals, together with Mr. Adam's previous checkered course of political conduct, he will then be prepared to judge of the real meaning and objects of the Presi- dent's message. January 22, 1826. NOTES. (rt)"When placed in the high office of President, he (Mr. Mon- roe) was compelled to act in matters of great concern, but his mind seemed to be incapa4Dle of native, original conceptions." The wri- ter gives this outline sketch of Mr. Monroe's official acts with reluc- tance and regret, but he deemed it essential ta the full development of important truths and principles. In the many thousand lines written by Mr. Monroe, the writer does not recollect to have. seen one valuable native, original conception. His mind was not fitted, as the writer thinks, for the high office of President of the United States. The writer is apprised, that there is a feeling of commise- ration attempted to be excited in favour of Mr. Monroe, be it so. The writer is in search of truth, and cannot yield to the influence of these excitements. He will perform his duty and leave it to all other?, to perform theirs. If the people of the United States are resolved to shut their ears against truth and principle from misplaced feelings of commiseration, they certainly are at liberty to do so. But, the writer thinks, the last who ought to call out for pity and compassion, are those who push themselves into public offices witliout the capacities to discharge the duties of ihem. (6) "To augment tlie number and variety of occupations for its inhabitants," he. "rank amongst the highest ends of legislation." In these days of Governmental pcrfectibilil3', it is wonderful to be- hold the gross absurdities ushered forth in the ascription of attributes and powers to Governments, which they never did, nor ever can pos- sess. This seems to be the great error of the pseudo-political eco- nomists of the day. No Government ever did, nor ever can " aug- ment the number and variety of occupations" for the inhabitants of the country over which it presides. If Governments ])ossessed such power, they have never yet become sensible of it. If the British Government believed it possessed such power, would it not have deemed it a duty, to "augment the number and variety of occupa- tions," for fifteen hundred thousand inhabitants of their poor house?, and five hundred thousa»id sturdy beggars in Ireland? If Mr. Rush had really discovered this hidden Governmental power, was it not ex- tremely cruel in him, to leave Londo.n, without making the disclo- sure to the British Governme!it r" Governments have the power to -43 create unproductive, but not productive labour. They may augment the army, the navy, the civil list, Stc. but they cannot augment the number of occupations for subsistence, nor wealth. So Mr. Rush might, for the purpose of calling into requisition " every particle of ability and every shade of genius," add the occupation of manufac- turing bastinadoes, or cat o' nine tails; but such occupation would not in itself, augment, neither the subsistence, nor wealth of the na- tion. Its beneficial effects must be consequential, by affording the means to whippers up, to lash up the operators in productive em- ployments — " so that every particle of ability, every shade of ge- nius may come into requisition." NEW SERlES.~NO. VL [By the Author of Political Disquisitions.] The Golden Casket— or. The President's Message — or, a procla= mation of a great civil revolution, in the Governments of " this Union." " All that glisters is not g-old, " Oflen have you heard that told, " Many a man his life hath sold, " Hut my outside 4o behold, *' Gilded tombs do worms infold ,- " Had you been as luise as bold, " Younff ill iimbs, in judgment old, •' Your answer had not been unscroU'd ; " Fare you well, your suit is cold " — [Shakspeare. Ant C(ssar. — Aut JVullus. The President's message to Congress is made in obedience to the follov»ing injunctions of the Constitution: " He (the President) shall from lime to time, give to the Congress Information of the state of the Union, and recommend to their consideration, such measures as he shall judge necessary and expedient." In the performance of these duties on the present occasion, so far as the President has confined himself within the prescribed limits ot the Constitution, his message is not only unexceptionable, but is pe- culiarly suited, in all respects, to its contemplated objects. Most unfortunately, however, the President seems to be impatient of all constitutional restraints, and resolved to unfetter himself altogether from all its galling ligaments. — It is proposed to examine the con- tents of the message, in relation to this object only ; and in the Pre- sident's efforts to effect it, as the writer thinks, will be found, the real existence, and true character of the present portentous crisis in pub- lic affairs. After the public mind had become debauched by the mi- litary triumph over the Constitution,^ and the public morals, and par- ticularly by the means resorted to for effecting that unfortunate re- sult, the writer conceives, that the civil triumph over both, originated in the most extraordinary change in the interpretation of the Consti- tution by President Momoe in relation to the power of the General Government over the subject of Internal Improvements. 44 The writer conceives that this change must n^ce'ssarily eventuate in more important and deprecated consequences, than have ever yet flowed from the adoption ol" any measure, during the wliole adminis- tration of the General Government. It was exclusively from this consideration, that he was induced in the last No. to introduce the chief causes, which must have produced that lamentable change — a change, which under the broad principle laid down for the interpretation of the Constitution, has converted the General Government, as the writer thinks, from a Government of limited, to one of unlimited power. Without this fatal change, the President would have found him- self without the means of seizing upon the fanatical passion, for In- ternal Imjjrovements, in substitution for the passion for Military power, splendour, and plunder, to break down all the constitutional limitations upon the power of the practical Government. By this fatal measure, the more fatal passion for governmental splendour and power, is kept up in full activity, to this day. The duty imposed by this consideiation, was an extremely reluctant and unpleasant one; but tlje writer believed it indispensable to give a just view of the subject, and that yielding to these feelings, would be a dereliction of duty rendered absolutely inadmissible by the magni- tude of the subject. At the time this eventful change wa« brought about, Mr. Adams was Secretary of State, the first adviser in the Cabinet, and accord- ing to his present Secretary's notions, and calculations, heir apparent to the Presidency. My. Adams seems not only to have comprehend- ed, but to have exulted in the eventful consequences of this change. The first evidence of his views and feelings upon this subject, will be seen in his Ohio letter; and they may be traced, attended with cumulative delights and hopeful anticipations, to the exhibition of his present message. By looking back to the course pursued by all former usurpers, the similarity and uniformity of the means pursued by each, to effect the object of his usurpation, would afford the most instructive lessont to tlie contemplative mind — and the writer conceives, tliat no occa- sion ever called more loudly for such reviews, and conlemplationSj^ than is afforded by the present crisis in public affairs. The writer will here present to the solemn consideration of the American people, a ^icw of the means resorted to Ijy some of the most celebrated usurpejs, to effect their usurpation over the rights and liberties of the people, and uho have unfortunately succeeded in raising "their own greatness upon their country's ruin;" and the writer thinks, the redecting reader will be astonished, not only at the similarity of the means heretofore used by each, but at the similari- ty of the whole with the measures heretofore pursued, and now pur- suing by the President of the United States. — The art consists, in coaxing tiie people to coax the usurper to accept unlimited power over them, whilst the usurper affects a dissembled modesty, and I'e- Iftctance, in doing so, until he is entirely overpowered by the loving caresses, and unyielding urgencies of the people, when he submits t(5 45 his hard fate, with Platonic disinterestedness in relation to himseli, and with a heart overflowing with love and gratitude towards his en- amored people. Thus Julius, the first, and most subtle of the Roman tyrants, mix- ed his affected tears of compassion with the earnest tears of the suf fering and hungry poor; and thrice refosed the kingly crown on the Lupercal. But when the people could not be prevailed upon to yield to his modest entreaties and refusals, he finally determined to yield to their loving importunities, and accept the Imperial purple, for the purpose of bettering their condition, without one seeming passing thought about himself. The writer will here insert a few passages from the history of iiis successor, the most accomplished Augustus, and the most refined ty- rant. These will shew the artifices and dissimulations practised by him upon a deluded people and Senate, for the purpose of preserving th'^ Imperial purple usurped by his predecessor. Kxtraci from Goldsmith's abriJgmeni of the Roman History, pagc^ 181, 182, 183. •'Thus having given peace and happiness to the empire, and being- convinced of the attachment of all the orders of the Slate to his per- son, he (Augustus Ca?sar) resolved upon impressing the people with an idea of his magnanimity also. This was nothing less than making a show of resigning his authority; wherefore, having previously in- structed his creatures in the Senate how to act, he addressed them in a studied speech, importing the difficulty of governing so extensive an empire; a task which he said none but the immortal Gods were equal to. He modestly urged his own inability, though impelled by eve- ry motive to undertake it: and then, with a degree of seeming gene- rosity, freely gave up all that power which, as he observed, his arms had gained, and the Senate had confirmed. This power lie repeat- edly offered to restore, giving them to understand, that the true spirit of the Roman was not lost in him. This speech operated up- on the Senate variously as they were more or less in the secret; man% believed the sincerity of his profession, and therefore regarded his conduct, as an act of unequalled heroism, be3'ond any thing that had hitherto appeared in Rome — others, equally ignorant of his motives, distrusted his designs. Some there were, who, having greatly suffer- ed during the late popular commotions were fearful of having them renewed; but the majority, who were entirely devoted to his in- terests; and instructed by his ministers, frequently attempted to in terrupt him while speaking, and received his proposal with pretended indignation- These unanimously besought him not to resign the ad- ministration, but upon his continuing to decline their request, they, in a manner, compelled him to comply. Again, this show of a re- signation only served to confirm him in the empire and the heart* of the people. New honors were heaped noon him. He was t\w\'. 40 li(5t called Augustus, a name I have hitherto used, as that by which he is best known in history. A laurel was ordered to be planted at his gates. Mis house was called the Palace, to distinguish it from that of ordinary citizens. He was confirmed in the title of father of hisi country, and his person declared sacred and inviolable." Now hear the speech of the bloody Tiberius, the third Caesar: — Translation from Tacilus's Annals, liber I, chap. J I, 12. "When the will of Augustus had been read in the Senate; and the mode of honoring l)is remains had been agreed upon; Messala pro- posed that Tiberius shouid be recognised as Emperor, and that the oath of allegiance should be yearly administered in his name. Ti- berius seemed distressed, lest the proposition of Messala should ap- pear to be the result of combination. But he was soon relieved by the declaration of that Senator, that '^/ic only consulted the public good,^' by proposing to recognise as Emperor, the man who had long been the chief counsellor of Augustus. " When dccloi'ed Enjperor by the Senate, he modestly replied, ^'that he felt hnpi-esscd ivith the magnihide of the task before him; that the tvisdoni of his predecessor alone was adequate to the performance of the duties imposed by that ^eminent charge,^ that in the vicissitudes of a life devoted to the service of his country, and particularly since he had been called to a participation in the cares of his illustrious pre- decessor, he had learned hoto arduous and how important a trust that was which he was about to undertake: "Wherefore, he could not but regret, that among so many citizens. all enjoying in eminent degrees the confidence of their country, he shotdd have been selected, to bear alone the lohole burden of the Empire. He ivas desirous at least, of having the labours of his high trust divided. if the Senate woidd not consent to his declining it altogether.''^ " Upon which, Assinus Gallus had the boldness to ask, what portion of the public afiairs it was his pleasure to administer.'^ Tiberius struck with so unexpected an interrogation, was at first silent; then turning to Gallus, with a countenance that to a certainty presaged the ap- proaching ruin of the Senator, he replied with his wonted afi'ectation Ki( modesty, "that it did not become him to choose, or to reject, any i3or(ion of that burden from bearing Avhich, he vi'ould willingly bo «ixcused." These will suffice for the modelsof the ancient usurpers — Now , take a view of some of the modern cast. Oliver Cromwell, is the most remarkable in modern history; and although as great a hypo- crite as any tyrant of ancient or modern times, had differed somc- >vhat from the rest in the "modus operandi." He effected his despotic objects through religious fanaticism, for the love of the Lord, and the good of the nation; or in other words for '^bettering the condition of the people." He employed a fanatical army for his elevation to unlimited pov/er, and made rather shorter work with his Parliament, than the Koaian t^ffisar did with the Roman Senate. Hear the account of his last act of usurpation, taken from the history of Modern Europe, vol. ", .pag^e 423, 4 f^ "Enraged at such obstinac}^ Cromwell hastened to the House with three hundred soldiers, some of whom he placed at the door, some in the lobby, and some on the stairs. He first addressed himself to his friend, St. John, telling him, "he had come with a purpose ol" doing what pierced him to the ver}' soul, and what he had earne?t- Jy besought the Lord not to impose upon him; but there was a ne- cessity, he added, for the glory of God, ami the good of the nation." He sat down for some time, and heard the debates. Afterwards, starting up suddenly, as if under the influence of in- spiration, or insanity, lie loaded the Parliament with the keenest re- proaches, for its " tyranny, oppression, and robbing the public." Then stamping with his loot, which was a signal for the soldiers to enter: "For shame!" said he to the members, "Get you gone; and give place to honest men; to those who will more faithful!}' dis- charge their trust. You are no longer a Parliament! I tell yon, yon are no longer a Parliament! The Lord hath done with you; he ha;^ chosen other instruments for carrying on his works." Sir Henry Vane, remonstrating against this outrage, Cromwell ex- clamed with a loud voice, "O! Sir Henry Vane! Sir Eienry Vane! the Lord deliver me from Sir Henry Vane;" words by which it should seem, that he wished some of the soldiers to dispatch him. Taking- hold of Martin by the cloak, "Thou art a whore-master," said he; to another, "thou art an adulterer;" to a third, "thou art a drunk- ard and a glutton," and to the fourth, "thou art an extortioner." He commanded a soldier to seize the mace, saying, "What siiall we do with this bauble.'' Here," added he, "take it away; it is you," subjoined he, addressing himself to the members, "t!iat have made nie to proceed thus. 1 have sougiit the Lord night and day, t!iat He would rather slay me than put me upon this work!" And having previously commanded the soldiers to clear the House, he ordered the door to be locked, put the key in his pocket and retired to his lodgings in Whitehall!" Here Oliver, whilst in the act of turning his Parliament out of doors by means of a fanatical armed band, declared it was their own work, and the work of the Lord; and that he had sought the Ijord, day and night, that He would rather slay him, than put him upon this work. So Bonaparte, in the progressive steps of his usurpa- tions, declared they were nothing for himself, but all for bettering the condition of the French people; and after possessing himself of" the power, and patronage of tiie nation, placing himself at the licad of the army and navy, he most disinterestedly, and patriotically, threw himself upon the election of the people, for his hereditary, Imperial diadem, and founded his title to the Imperial throne upon the peo- ple's election. So, more recently, Iturbide coaxed the Mexicans to coax him to be their Emperor, solely for the purpose of bettering their oivn con- dition, and carried his modest refusal so far, as to remind the people of the duplicity of the Caesars, and declared, that he could not be prevailed upon to follow their example. But when the people yield- ed to his reasoning and his refusals, being at the head of the army, 4b he determined to coax himself to become tlie Mexican Emperor, and was so declared. Now liear the President's reply to the committee of the House of Representatives, appointed to notify him of his elec- tion to his eminent charge. ''Gentlemen, — In receiving this testimonial from the Representa- tives of the people, and States of this Union, I am deeply sensible to the circumstances under which it has been given. All my prede- cessoi-s in the high station to which the favor of the House now calls me, have been honored with majorities of the electoral voices in their primary Colleges. It has been my fortune to be placed, by the occa- sion, in competition friendly and honorable, with three of my felloic- citizens, all justly enjoying y in eminent degrees, the public favor ; and of whose worth, talents, and services, no one entertains a high- er and more respcctfd sense than myself The names of two of thenr were, in the fulfilment of t^io provisions of the Constitution, presented to the selection of the House, in connexion with my own ; names closely associated with the glory of the nation, and one of them further recommended by a larger majority of tlie primary electoral suiirages than mine. In this slate of things, coxdd my refusal to ac- cept the trust delegated to a^e, gice an immediate opportiaiiiy to the people to form and to express with a nearer approach to unanimity, the ?.uhject of their preference, I should not hesitate to decline the accep- tance oj' " this eminent charge,^^ and to submit the decision of this momentoxis question again to their determination. But the Constitu- tion itself has not so disposed of the contingency which would arise m the event of my refusal. I shall, therefore, repair to the post as- signed me by the call of my country, signified through her constir tutional organs; oppressed, with the magnitude of the task before me, hut cheered ivifh the hope of that generous support from my fellow-citir- zens, ichich, in the vicissitudes of a life devoted to their service, has never failed to sustain me — confident in the trust that the ivisdom of the Legislative Councils will guide and direct me in the path of my official duty, and relying, above all, upon the superintending Provi- dence of that ^^ Being in whose hand our breath is, and lohose arc all our ways.^^ Gentlemen, — i pray you to make acceptable to the House tife assurance of my profound gratitude for their confidence, and accept for yourselves my thanks for the friendly terms in which you have communicated to me their decision. JOHN qUINCY ADAMS. Washington, lOth February, 1825." The writer now calls upon every candid and intelligent reader to consider well, and to determine, whether more candour and sincerity are to be found in this dccJarntion, than in any one of Cue usurpers before quoted r Especially wiien lie reviews the means resorted to and the anxieties manifested by Mr. Adams during the Presiden- fia! canvass, and more especially of the understanding said to have been concerted, either directly or indirectly, between himself and Mr. Clay, whicli placed him with a minority of votes into the Pre- 4.9 sidential office; and still more especially — when Mr. Adams' change of political conduct is recollected, as well as his checkered conduct of policy from that time to the present. The writer here takes occasion again to remind Mr. Adams of the propriety of giving publicity to the suggested inducements to that change; and to inform him tlial the writer is in possession of the sub- stance of those inducements, — take notice, the substance of those in- ducements, from the highest and most authentic source, superadded to his own recollections. The President asserts : " In this state of things, could my refusal to accept the trust thus delegated to me, give an immediate opportuni- ty to the people to express with nearer approach to unanimity, the object of their preference, I should not hesitate to decline the accept- ance of the eminent charge, and to submit the decision of this mo- mentous question again to their determination." Hear what Mark Anthony says of the first Caesar: "He was my friend, faithful and just to me! But Brutus says, he was ambitious; And Brutus is an honorable man. He hath brought many captives home to Rome, Whose ransoms did the general coflers fill — Did this in Caesar seem ambitious? When that the poor have cried, Caesar hath wept: Ambition should be made of sterner stufl'. Yet Brutus says, he was ambitious: And Brutus is an honorable man. You all did see, that on the Luperca), i I thrice presented him a kingly crown. Which he did thrice refuse. Was this ambition: Yet Brutus sa3's, he was ambitious: And sure, he is an honorable man. I speak not to disprove what Brutus spoke; But, here I am, to speak what I do know. You all did love him once, not without cause; What cause withholds you then to mourn for himr' O judgment! Thou art fled to brutish beasts; And men have lost their reason." Look now at the solemn assertions of the accomplished Augustus; and could a more striking analogy be found to tlie President's con- tingent refusal of his "eminent charge.^" Yes! a still more striking analogy will be found in the speech and policy of Tiberius Csesar. Substituting Mr. Speaker Clay, for the Senator Messala, and the analogy would be so complete, that every observant reader would be forced to the conclusion, that President Adams and Mr. Speaker Clay must have consulted Tacitus, and taken the incidents occurring in the Roman Senate, upon investing Tiberius with the Imperial dig- nit}', as the models for their observances in the elevation of Mr. Adams to the Presidency, and Mr. Clay to the office of Secretary of State, the birth place of Presidents. — All ^^for bettering the condition of the people, tinpalsied by their ivilL^^ o 60 Connect those Incidents with tlie following declarations of the Pre- sident in his Inaugural Address, and the mind would be almost com^- pelled to conclude, that the President had n)ade a translation from the speech of Tiberius, and taken it for ins own, under similar cir- cumstances. In several of its most important parts it would seem that the translation was an exact one; and the deficient parts of the President's letter will substantially appear to have been made up in his Inaugural Address. '^Passing from (his general review of the purposes and injunctions pf the Federal Constitution, and their results as indicating first traces of the path of duty in the discharge of my public trusty '^^ J turn to the administration of my predecessor^'''' &:c.-— Again, ^^ under the pledge of their promises made by that eminent citizen, at the time of his first induction to this office, in his career of eight years^ The writer will here pause, although this part of the subject is far from being exhausted, to give time for review, for comparison, and for reflection. If the reader should still doubt that the effects of the President's measures will be, to convert a limited Government into an unlimited one, with or without the formality of a Congress, the writer thinks, that all his doubts will be completely dissipated, by accompanying the writer with an impartial mind, intent only upon the discovery of truth in the further examiiiaiion of the President's Message; that the President himself is acting under the impression that he has already boldly passed that Rubicon, and that no alternatives are now left him but ''Aut Ccesar, Aut KullusllV February 1, 182G. NEW SERIES.— No. VII. [By the Author of l*olitical Disquisitions ] The Golden Casket — or, The President's Message — or, a procla- mation of a great civil revolution, in the Governments of " this Union." " AH that glisters is not pold, " Often liave you heard that told ; " Many a man liis life halh sold, " But my outside to behold ; "■ Gilded tombs do -worms infold. <' Had you been as -u-ise as bold, " Youi)}^ in limbs, in jiid^mern old, " Your answer had not been unscroll'd : " Fare you wkll; your suit is cold."' — [Shakspeare. Aut Ccesar — aut Julius. In the last Number, the writer endeavoured to present to the view and contemplation of the American people, the arts and dissimula- tions practised by certain ancient and modern usurpers, to effect their respective objects, and to point out the similitude between them, and 51 those now in a course of practical operation by the Presidc^it bf the United States; the effect of which will be, whatever be the intent, as the writer believes, to pave his way to unlimited power; either with, or without the formality of a Congress. The writer then paused, t6 give the intelligent reader an opportunity of reviewing, comparing, and reflecting well, upon these developments; but the writer would not be surprised, if in the review, whilst the American people would laugh at the Roman people, and Senate, for becoming the dupes of the arts, and dissimulations of the Roman usurpers; of the British people and Parliament, for becoming the dupes of those of Crom- well; of the people and Conservative Senate of France, for becoming the dupes of those of Bonaparte; of the people and Government of Mexico, for becoming the dupes of those of the short-lived Iturbide, they should think themselves perfectly secure, under precisely similar circumstances, and at the very moment, they are theurselves becom- ing the dupes of precisely similar arts and dissimulations, as the wri- ter verily believes, tliem to be. — Thus, whilst the American people hug themselves in confident security, that their rights and their liber- ties, are too sacred, too well established, ever to be assailed by the most daring usurper, they may hereafter find and lament, that they are are not favored with this delusive exemption, and that their own egotistic confidence, is the real source of the present danger to both their rights, and their liberties. — It is this very confidence which causes them heedlessly to indulge a passion that Is excited, and em-' ployed as the instrument of the impending usurpation ; and if such should be the unfortunate result, and any should still remain confi- dent in their security, and obstinately reject the lessons of experience, the writer bogs the impartial attention of all such unbelievers, to a further extension of the similitude. In the early part of the Piesi* dent's Inaugural Address, it would seem that his great object was, to pronounce the highest wrought eulogy upon the peculiar organization of American institutions, and most particularly upon the value and importance of the federative principle, as an indispensable ingredient in their composition; but towards the close of this same address, he seems to ascribe every beneficent action over Internal Improvements, to the Government of this Union, leaving nothing for the State Governments practically to perform, and of course, stripping them of all claims to such beneficent action. — Hear him in his own words: "In unfolding to my countrymen the principles by which I shall be governed, in the fulfilment of those duties, my resort will be to that Constitution, which I shall swear, to the best of my ability to preserve, protect and defend. That revered instrument enumerates the powers, and prescribes the duties, of the Executive Magistrate; and, in its first words, declares the purposes to which these, and the whole action of the Government, instituted by it, should be invari- ably and sacredly devoted ; — to form a more perfect union, establish justice, ensure domestic tranquillity, provide for the common defence, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to the people of this Union, in their successive generations. Since the adoption of this iocial compact, one of these generations has passed 52 away. It is the work of our torefalljeiK. Adminislered by some of the most eminent men who contributed to its formation, through a most eventful period in the annals of tfie world, and through all the vicissitudes of peace and war, incidental to the condition of associ- ated man, it has not disappointed the hopes and aspirations of those illustrious benefactors of their age and nation. It has promoted the lasting welfare of that country so dear to us all; it has, to an extent, far beyond the ordinary lot of humanity, secured the freedom and happiness of this people. We now receive it as a precious inherit- ance from those to whom we are indebted for its establishment, doubly bound by the examples which they have left us, and by the blessings which we have enjoyed, as the frnits of their labors, to trans- mit the same, unijupaired, to the succeeding generation. "In the compass of thirty-six years since this great national cove- nant was instituted, a body of laws, enacted under its authority, and in conformity with its provisions, has unfolded its powers, and carri- ed into practical operation its effective energies. Subordinate de- partments have distributed liie executive functions in their various re- lations to foreign aflairs, to the revenue and expenditures, and to the military Ibrce of the Union, by land and sea. A co-ordinate depart- ment of the Judiciary has expounded the Constitution and the laws; settling, in harmonious coincidence with the Legislative will, numer- ous weighty questions of construction, which the imperfection of hu- man language had rendered unavoidable. The year of Jubilee, since the first formation of our Union, has just elapsed ; that of the decla- ration of our Independence is at hand. The consummation of both was effected by this Constitution. '* Since that period, a population of four millions has multiplied to twelve; a territory bounded by the iMississippi, has been extended from sea to sea; new States'have been admitted to the Union, in num- bers nearly equal to those of the tirst Confederation ; treaties of peace, amity and commerce, have been concluded with the principal domin- ions of the earth; the people of other nations, inhabitants of regions acquired, not by conquest, but by compact, have been united with us in the participation of our rights and duties, of our burdens and bles- sings ; the forest has fallen by the axe of our woodsmen; the soil has been made to teem by the tillage of our farmers; our commerce has whitened every ocean ; the dominion of man over physical nature ha? been extended by tlie invention of our artists; liberty and law have marched hand in iiand; all the purposes of human association have been accomplished as effectively, as under any other Government on the globe; and at a cost little exceeding, in a whole generation, the expenditure of other nations in a single year." Fellow-citizens, behold and exaniine this just and well drawn pic- ture of the political blessings which you have heretofore enjoyed un- der your wise and beautilul federal forms of Government, and ask 5'ourselves; if all these felicitous blessings could have been dispersed throughout all the various ramifications of society, by Governiuents without a "heart;" without the power over Internal Improvements, or if such should be the blessings of Governments without a heart — ; 6l3 better are they without a heart, than with one. Do you vainly hope to increase these blessings by changing the forms and essential pow- er of the federative system ; and by investing the Federal Govern- ment alone, instead of the State Goverments, with Mr. Adams' sug- gested " heart" for his neio fashioned splendid consolidated Govern ment? and how is this strange metamorphosis to be accomplished? By the most cruel and unnatural operation of tearing the hearts out of twenty^four State Governments, amalgamating them into one, and forcibly incorporating it into the body of one "national," — one con- solidated "national" Government. Do you not think that under the guise of this goodly compound heart, there may be great danger of introducing some lurking evil spirit, into your federative system, which ma^r strip you of all the blessings heretofore realized and en- joyed, under the practical operation of that system, before the intro- duction of the theroretical metamorphosis now proposed? Are you so sure, that this cannot, and will not be the case, as to justify you in risking all these experienced blessings so beautifully described by the President himself, in search of the glittering glories of the world, which are placed in perspective before your fascinated eye.'' provided you will fall down and worship him ; provided you will grant to him all the means of bettering your condition, Avithout any concern or control of your own. Ought you not to be doubly sure of your mark, before you hazard all these realized inestimable blessings upon untried schemes, merely because they are made to glitter upon the eye, whilst they fade away, when held up to the faithful mirror of sound unbiassed judgment? ''Have you not been often told^ All that glisters is not goldT^ Does not holy writ most emphatically so admonish you ? and are you still resolved to proceed, for fear you may be overtaken in your enchanted delusions? for fear you ma}' be awakened from your fairy dreams of splendor, into the dull realities of life? Are you now to be told, that, as heretofore, so now, and at all limes to come, the splendor of Government, is the slavery of man? You surely have much to hazard, and one more step may precipitate you down a pre- cipice, from which you never can return. Let the writer then, in the fullness of his heart, entreat you, to pause a single year, before you take the last fatal step. Take caution from the anxious speed which urges you to instant, irretrievable ruin. "O most wicked speed! ! ! ! ! to tear the hearts from the State Governments, ere that the sounds which gave due praise to the federative principle, had ceased to vibrate on the tongue." From these solemn warnings and admonitions, let the wri- ter proceed to show you, what the President emphatically says of the inestimable value of the federative principle in the organization of our complex, beautiful Governmental institutions. Here the Presi- dent tells you : — "The collisions of party spirit, which originate in speculailve opinions, or in different views of administrative policy, are, in their nature, transitory. — -Those which are founded on geographical divi- sions, adverse interests of soil, climate, and modes of domestic life, 64 «re more |iertnaAerit, and therefore, perhaps more dangerous. It is this which gives inestimable value to the character of our Govern- ment, at once federal and national. It holds out to us a perpetual admonition to preserve alike and with equal anxiety, the rights of each individual State in its own Government, and the rights of the whole nation in that of the Union. Whatsoever is of domestic con- cernment, unconnected with the other members of the Union, or with foreign lands, belongs exclusively to the administration of the State Governments. Whatsoever directly involves the rights and interests of the federative fraternity, or of (breign powers, is of the resort of this General Government. The duties of both are obvious in the general principle, though some times perplexed with difficulties in the detail. To respect the rights of the Stale Governments, is the invi- olable duty of that of the Union; the Government of every State, will feel its own obligation to respect and preserve the rights of the whole." Yet it is this very federative principle of inestimable value to the character of our Government, that must be completely eradicated by the measures now recommended, and urged with distrustful, fearful speed, to its consummation. The President proceeds: — ^^ It holds out to us a perpetual admonition to jyreserve. alike and ivith equal anxiety, the rights of each individual State in its own Govern- ment, and the rights of the whole nation in that of the Union^ Yet this perpetual admonition seems to be exerted in vain upon the Pre- sident himself; for, whilst at the moment he is engaged in suggesting its influence, he is also engaged in passionately urging a policy, as the writer thinks, in utter disregard, and despite of his own sugges- tion. The President proceexls:— " Whatsoever is of domestic concernment, unconnected with the other members of the Union, or with foreign lands, belongs exclusive- ly to the administration of the State Governments.^^ VVhat can be more characteristic of domestic concernment, than Internal Improve- ments — roads and canals, ivithin the limits and jurisdiction of the in- dividual States? Can more candour or sincerity be found in this solemn declaration, than can be found in the President's assertion of his determination, unhesitatingly to refuse the Presidential office, but for the want of some Constitutional provision for such a contingent event ? at a time too, when it was morally certain, that if left to thc will of the people, he could not have been elected to the " eminent charge.'*" and when now, he seems determined not to be palsied in his measures by any regard to that will: — To that very will, which he asserts he was tlien willing to refer his own political destiny .'' and when too, he makes the following declaration in the same address: "In this brief outline of the pro^mise and performance of my im- mediate predecessor, the line of duty, for his successor, is clearly de- lineated. To pursue, to their consummation, those purposes of im- provement in our common condition, instituted or recommended by him, will embrace the whole sphere of niy obligations. To the topic of Internal Improvement, em|)hatically urged by him at his Inaugu- ration, 1 recur with peculiar satisfaction. It is that from which I am convinced that llie unborn millions of our posterity, who are, in fdr ture ages, to people this continont, will derive their most fervent gra- titude to the founders of the Union; that, in which the beneficent action of its Government will be most deeply felt and acknowledj^ed. The magnificence and splendor of tiieir public works are among the imperishable glories of the ancient Republics. The roads and aque- ducts of Rome have been the admiration of all after ages, and have survived thousands of years, after all her conquests have been swal- lowed up in despotism, or become the spoil of barbarians." The contradiction and inconsistency of these two quotations are so obvious, both in letter and in spirit, that it can scarcely be neces- sary to point them out. Let it then suffice to say, that the beneficent action over Internal Improvements, which is to call forth the fervent gratitude of unborn millions, is exclusively claimed for the national Governme:»t; whilst the State Governments whose powers are before admitted, to extend exclusively to every thing of ^ domestic concernment,* are excluded from all participation in this beneficient action; and of course, from all participation in this fervent gratitude of the unborn millions. Let us proceed at once to the examination of the con- tents of the Golden Casket. The first section of these contents re- quiring attention, will be found in the following words: — "Europe, with a few partial and unhappy exceptions, has enjoyed ten years of peace, during which all her Governments, lohatever the theory of their Constitutions may have been, are successively taught to feel that the end of their institutions is the happiness of the people; and that the exercise of power among men can be justified only by the blessings it confers upon those over whom it is exerted." Upon reading this volunteer, insulated section in the exordium of the message, whilst its efl'ects will be found in the peroration, the writer's first impression, suggested the following inquiries: 1st. For what purpose were the contents of this section introduced here.'* 2d. What lessons have been taught to the powers of Europe since the European peace, which caused them " to feel, that the end of their institutions is the happiness of the people, and the exercise of power among men can be justified only by the blessings it confers upon those over whom it is exerted .'"' .3d. And what demonstrations all the powers of Europe, " whatever the theory of their Constitutions may have been," have given within the last ten years of having been taught, within that time, these beneficent lessons which could have entered into the President's contemplations.'' From long habit the President seems to have acquired a peculiar faculty of transposing any particular impress from his own mind, to that of another, by the use of general, abstract phrases, which he seems to prefer upon deli- cate occasions, as if to avoid the responsibilities arising from par- ticular applications, whilst he thus effects his object, in making the intended impression. Upon first reading this quotation, the impres- sion made upon the writer's mind, was, that there was no difference in the forms or theories of Constiutions, the ends of all being the same; that the inestimable federative principle in the American insti- tutions had been heretofore mistaken j and that the distribution of dti powers under that principle, and the limitations of the powers of the practical Governments, had lost all their peculiar merits, or never possessed any; and without an effort of mind on the part of the wri- ter, Pope's notions of the forms, and theories of Government, invol- untarily presented themselves, as expressed by himself in the follow- ing lines — "For forms of government let fools contest, That which is best administered is best." And in the common course of the succession of ideas, this impres- sion was followed by another, produced by the opinions expressed, in substance, in Mr. Adams' Ohio letter : That the people could not be S3 ineffably stupid in the performance of their work, when, in forming their Government, as to deny to it the means of bettering their own condition: since the whole merits of Government consist, not in their forms and theories, but in their administrations. The writer from a long course of reflection upon the subject, differs essentially, both with the President and Mr. Pope, respecting the immateriality of the forms and theories of Governments. He believes the differ- ence consists in the selection of great principles in nature, as the ba- sis of different Governments: That there are great principles in na- ture, which, when introduced into the formation of fundamental laws, have very different tendencies in producing good results, from mis- taken principles, in producing bad results upon the different practical Governments, founded upon them respectively. That good princi- ples derived from nature, and made the basis of fundamental laws, will intrinsically produce good tendencies in the practical Govern- ment, founded upon then); whilst mistaken notions, not found in nature, will intrinsically produce evil results; and that the great art in forming Constitutions, or fundamental laws, consists in choosing the natural principles, having in themselves good, and avoiding mis- taken notions, having in themselves evil tendencies. The writer thinks that these principles in nature, having good tendencies in them- selves, ought to form a new science of political economy, as hereto- fore explained. He thinks also, it particularly belongs to Americans, to introduce this new science into the world, which would repay u itii political light, all the scientific light received from the rest of the world. This point is introduced here, merely as an intimation of the grounds of the writer's difference of opinion, additionally to the experience of the practical effects of American theories, with the great poet and the great politician; and, having bestowed much reflection upon this important subject, may hereafter present to tlie public con- sideration, tlie results of such reflections. In the meantime, he in- vites his countrymen to the critical examination of this suggestion; and to unite their reflections with his upon it. He thinks tliat, draw- ing more accurately and certainly the line of demarkaiion, between individual and GovernmoiUal rights, to which the science would di vectly lead, must tend to add more security to imlividual rights against Governmental oppression; than any science which has been heretofore discovered. The vriter is utterly at a loss to conceive what demonstrations all 57 the Governments of Europe, "whatever the ilieory of their Consti- tutions may have been," have given within the last ten years, since the European peace, of having been taught "to feel that the end of their institution is the happiness of the people ; and thni the exercise of power among men, can be justified only by the blessings it con- fers upon those over whom it is exerted.''^ Could the President mean to include the Holy Alliance, as one of the beneficent lessons, which have been taught lo "all the European Governments," within thp last ten years ? Could he have included within these demon^tradons of new beneficent lessons, the French crusade in Spain with the "cor- don sanitaire," for the purpose of crushing in the bud, the noble ef- forts making by the gallant and intelligent part of the Spanish peo- ple to throw ofi' their cruel despotic chains, and to regain their long lost liberties? By means of which machiavelian policy, and wicked, bloody crusade, not only has liberty been completely immolated in Spain, but, perhaps, tiie last drop of the best Spanish blood has been made to flow, in attempts to save the adored Goddess from that im- pious immolation, whilst the miserable remnant of the Spanish people are placed under still more galling, heavy chains. Cruel chains!! on conscience!! on mind!! on body!!! Did the President intend to in- clude in his high encomium, the demonstrations of Austria in Sicily, Naples, and Piedmont: made for the same objects, and with the like success? Did he mean to include the demonstrations of all the Europe- an Governments towards Greece? Towards classic Greece, when, after remaining for centuries, under the Barbarian Mussulman's iron rod, her spirits broken — her morals gone — her ancient energies unnerved — her treasures plundered. — Wljen Greece once more calls forth the latent germ of the still remaining virtues of her Godlike ancestry, to unfetter herself from her heavy chains; and when all these European Governments under the lessons they have been taught since the peace within the last ten years, look on with stoic philosophy and behold all those noble eflorts made in vain. Nay more, behold the Greeks, men, women, and children, most wantonly and cruelly slaughtered; their dwellings burnt, their classic grcives and fields destroyed, and perhaps their names extinguished !! ! blotted out from the names of nations!!! by the unbelieving. Barbarian Mussulman! ! ! Even re- ligion loses her charms, in the eyes of these eulogised newly taught European Governments, however lovingly wooed by them, on other occasions, when she would stretch forth her potent arm to stay the bloody barbarian hand of despotism ; to break the galling unrelent- ing cliains of slavery's victims; and to restore to suffering, plunder- ed, degraded man, the blessings of liberty, his birth-right from his God!! Did lie mean to include the demonstrations of all the European Governments in fixing their iron claws upon the press — the friend and guardian of liberty, and the rights of man, and the dread and terror of tyrants? and turning the science of political econ^ mny out of the doors of all the seats of learning in most of the coun- tries of Europe? Since these demonstrations made by all the Eii- ropean Governments, under the theory of their constitutions, what is EPeK in continental Europe, but the silent death-like calm of despot H &8 ism? All the legiiimates exerting tlie liberty of their Government; in bettering the condition of ilieir suhnnssive subjects, unpalsied bv the will of constituents. Their submissive subjects being denied all will — or if will they have, it must be kept witlsin their teeth, whilst the only right awarded them, is the right to obey the stern mandates of their sovereign masters. To obey them too, without one murmur of complaint whispered above their breath. Have there been any oti'.er demonstrations worth regard than these, since the European peace, within ihe last ten years, which would have taught all the European Governments "to feel that the end of their institution is the h?ippine?s of the people, and that the exercise of power among men can be justified only by the blessings it confers upon those over whom it is exerted." The Holy Alliance is the only great lesson taught all the Governments of Europe, since the European peace, tviihin the last ten ySars; and these are the demonst»alions of the re- sults of that lesson. If there be any other wonh regard, the writer knows them not. He hopes the President knows of some other, to which he alludes in his high wrought eulogium upon the practical re- sults of the theories of all the Governments of Europe, developed witi u) the last ten years. — If he should know of none others, then this glittering sublimated message contains the strongest demonstra- tions of his welcome of these beneficent results to these United States. Perhaps these are amongst the European lights, for which the Pre- sideiii acknowlerlges a debt of gratitude from these United States to the European Governments, and that these lights ought to be substi- tuted iiere in exchange for the great American political luminary— -The blessed light of libert}^ Fellow-Citizens! Look well at these things. The papers now laid before you are all authentic. Examine them for yourselves. — Ponder upon their contents. Perhaps the writer may have uninten- tionally mistaken their meaning. But he fears he has not. Do you know of any other great lesson taught all the European Govern- ments within the last ten years under the theory of their Constitu- tions, than the lesson of the Holy Alliance? If you should recollect none others yourselves, ask the President's most partial friends, ask his blind devotees, ask the panders of his will, and the sycophants of his patronnge, whether they recollect any others, and to tell you, what these other lessons are? If there should be none other, do you see no danger in the ligiits reflected by those lessons? If there be danger in them, is it not increased one hundred fold through their eulogies, and welcome here, by the highest officer in the nation? 1 presume, lew will require to be told, of the danger to liberty from the Holy Alliance, and its practical demonstration already made; but many are yet to be told, that the danger to liberty from the Holy Alliance, and its results, is comparatively nothing, as the writer verily believes, to the danger from the unholy alliances already formed, and forming at Washington, to trample justice and principle under foot, as well as liberty — to plunder one man for the benefit of another!!! When such cunning trafiic becomes the law, then justice,, virtue and liberty must all be trampled under foot!! After their glittering crowns had been made to totter upon the heads of all the legitimates of Europe, by the French revohition, and might have tottered to their fall, but for the mad ambition of one daring usurper, it was to have been expected, that all their Governments would league together against liberty. They have done no more, in their Holy Alliance. But could any thing have been more unexpected, and deprecated than the high eu- logiums paid their developments here? Paid by the chief of the Union! ! ! That the forms and theories of our federal system, should fall before them. That all the limitations upon the powers of die practical Government should be turned to naught: and that these new European lights, shed forth within the lasi ten years, should be welcomed in their stead!! Thai the light of liberty should be ex- tinguished before the more dazzling lights of the Holy Alliance!!! The great American western light of liberty! ! And "once put out (hy light," in these United States, thou great bright luminary!! Thou celestial beneficent Goddess!!! Thou great benignant bene- factress of mankind!!! Until now the Goddess most worshipped and adored by the American people and Govemment — " Once put out thy light" in these United States! ! ! and where is that Promethe- an heat, that can thy light relumiue ! I! ! February 10, 1820, NEW SERIES— No. VIIL [By ihe Author of Political Disquisitions.] The Golden Casket — or. The President's Message — or, a procla- mation of a great civil revolution, in the Governments of "this Union." *' All that g^listers is not gold, " Often have ym heurd that told ; " Many a man his hfe hath sold, '■' But my outside to behold ; " Gilded tninbs do -worms infuUL " flad j'ou been as wise as bold, •' Young ill limbs, in jud^mejit old, ♦« Your answer had not been unscroll'd ; " Fare you we//; your suit ia cold." — Shakspeare. Aut CcBsar — Aut Nullus. The President speaks of a few exceptions from the lessons taught to all the European Governments, and from the blessed effects of their administrative policy within the last ten years. T!ie writer is at a loss to conceive the particular instances of exceptions to the ad- ministrative policy of all the European Governments within the last ten years, to which the President alludes. He knows of but two ex- ceptions — Both highly honorable to tlie excepting nation. — Great Britain has expressly disavowed the great principle of the Hi>ly Al- liance : That all the parties to the Holy Compact shall stand bound CO to each other, to unite in the suppression fjf all att«mpts of the sub- jects of any one or more of the contracting parlies, to better their own condition, by the exercise of their own will, in chancing: their own political institutions. But this honorable exception seems to have escaped all the President's culogiums, upon all the Govern- ments of Europe, v/hatever may be the difference in the tlieory of their Constitutions, for llieir beneficent administrative policy towards their subjects, within the last ten years — The British policy seeming to be directly at points with his own administrative policy. Great Britain in the other exception, has, by her late administrative policy, shocked the feelings, and palsied the darling administrative policy of the last and present administi ntion of the United States, against long established customs, and inveterate prejudices and habits, by the mere force of the improvement in the human intellect. Great Bri- tain within the last ten years, and whilst all the other Governments of Europe were making demonstrations upon the lessons taught them by the Holy Alliance, has taught the wis;^r lesson; that through her restrictive administrative policy, corporations, monopolies and boun- ties, her population had become divided into extreme rich and ex- treme poor. The rich made vicious, and profligate, by the excess of their riches. The poor made vicious, and wretched, by the ex- tremes of their poverty ; and that this operation had been going on, till one million and a half of the poor had become technically pau- pers, inhabitants of poor houses; and whilst perhaps less than half a million of the whole population were made wretched, from the want of genius to spend their wealth, for their own healiii and com- fort, which had accrued to thesn, by the unwise and unjust favoritism of the Government, and had resolved to make a wis<- and laudable effort to relieve the nation from this destructive artificial administra- tive folly, and injustice. The remedy consisted in breaking down the misctiievous system as far as it ivas found practicable in the -pre- sent artificial state of things, in Great Britain — a state of things produced by former notions, now found to have been mistaken. — But for these great, wise, and benevolent efforts, the British Govern- ment has found no favor in the eyes of the President, but has sub- jected itself to the resentful rebukes of his two first Secretaries — Mr. Clay, and Mr. Rush; Mr. Clay by way of precedent, is forced to lament; Mr. Rush, after subsequent .•^dvisement. Jn Mr. Clay's ('aj "yclept speech in support of an American system for the protection of American industry," he introduces such a crowd of statistics, it is wonderful that even his great memory was not borne down by their ponderous weight. But he seerns to have at least been so op- pressed by the burthen, as either to have mistaken their applications and results altogether, or to have left tl.eni altogether unemployed. Thus, in page 13, Mr. Clay gives the following towering statement of staiislics. " A statistical writer of that country, several years (a) The loregoing quotations will be further analized herealter, in reference to other views of the subject— all going to prove the same results. 6b ago, estimated the total amount of the artificial or machine labor of of the nation, to be equal to that of one hundred millions of able bodied laborers. Subsequent estimates of her artificial labor at the present day, carry it to the enormous height of two hundred milli- ons. But the population of the three Kingdoms, is 21,500,000. Supposing that, to furnish able bodied laborers to the amount of four millions, the natural labor will be but two per cent of the artificial labor. In the production of wealth, she operates, therefore, by a power (includh)g the whole population) of 221,500,000, or in other words, by a power eleven times greater th;in the total of natural power. If we suppose the machine labor of the United States to be equal to that of 10,000.000 oi able bodied men, the United States will operate in the creation of wealth, by a power (including all the population) of 20,000,000. In the creation of wealth, therefore, the power of Great Britain, compared to that of the United States, is as eleven to one." What then Mr. Clay? where is the moral to be de- duced from all these many millions of natural, and artificial labor- ers? Does it furnish an argument for, or against, an unjust tariff? you have forgotten to tell, whether it be pro or con. — ^The argument against an unjust tariff would be irresistible, if individuals be the real inventors of all these labor-saving machines. But Mr. Clay seems here, to be upon the very verge of converting the British King and Parliament, into inventors of spinning jennies, and twisters of cotton, without any discernible object, unless it be, to pass the bene- ficial results, from this sounding collection of statistics, to the credit of the British Government, and to take them from the individual in- ventors, and operators; or why introduce them here? There could be no object, unless it were, to show' the unbounded beneficence of Government, in bettering the condition of the people, by the inven- tion and employment of labor-saving machines. Now, it ought to haN'e been known to Mr. Clay, that the British Government never did invent one of these machines for saving labor; nor even spin a spool of cotton ; nor did any other Government ever invent a labor saving luachine, nor exercise a mechanic art for the improvement of productive labor, and for bettering the cdhdition of the people. All these beneficial inventions, are the works of individuals; and in this fatal misconception, will be found the great error of the fashionable political economist. Individual rights, and individual energies, are mistaken for Governmental rights, and Governmental energies; and the fatal conclusion is, that Government is every thing, and the people nothing; of course the Government becomes despotic, and the people enslaved; whereas, the people, in their individual capaci- ties, are the source of all productive labor, and no legitimate Go- vernment has any right over the products of such labor; but to ap-- ply the great principle of justice, in securing to every one, the pro- ducts of his own labor. The moment Government introduces its in- justice into the distribution of the proceeds of labor, by taking from one man, the proceeds of his own labor, and gives them to another, the principle of natural justice, is set at naught; the inducement to individual labor is lessened, and all the evil consequences follow. {i2 which ever have, and ever will attend all violations of the great prin- ciple of natural justice. — "Honesty is the best policy." Nor did ever any departure from it, produce any good. — Great Britain has carried this principle of the variation of the proceeds of labor, far- ther than any other nation, and she is now feeling its deplo.able ef- fects more deeply than any other nation on the globe. These re- sults have been prcjduced in despite of more moral, political, and ter- ritorial advantages, than ever perhaps has fallen to the lot of any other nation. One general effect has been, to produce greater ex- tremes in the pecuniary condition of the British population, than of any other nation. One million and a half of her people are in poor houses. Other millions are laborers upon a bare subsistence, whilst perhaps less than half a million, are living in a state of unequalled splendor. One description is thus rendered vicious, submissive, and wretched. The other, profligate, overbearing, and gouty. When these wretched extremes of the British population, produced by ar- tificial variations in the distribution of labor by tythes and taxes, by restrictive corporations, privileges, and monopolies, are presented to the view of the fashionable economists, they turn away from the mil- lions of the oppressed, and with triumphant plaudits, point to the fa- vored kw, with all their glittering wealth and splendor. Thus, when you point to the miseries of the oppressed, they point to the glitter of the oppressors. No one ever pretended, that the few favored op- pressors were oppressed; but the many unfavored laborers, whose labor affords the means of their own misery, and oppressions, as well as of the luxuries and splendor of their oppressors. It is this unnatural and deplorable state of things, arising from the principle of favoritism which the British economists have discovered, and are attempting to remedy; and it is this effort, which seems to have call- ed down the disapprobation of the American administration. But the buoyant Mr. Secretary Rush, is not content with the extremes to which Great Britain has carried her system of favoritism, and which Mr. Clay calls " an American System, for the protection of American industry', " — a singular example, amongst many others, of his disregard of candor anfl sincerity; he claims capacities and pow- ers for the American Government, which the British statesmen never thought of He thinks it amongst "the highest ends of legislation, to augment the number and variety of occvpations, and to create em- ployment" for all the inhabitants of the country, and to make them work to the utmost stretch of their physical, and mental powers. Now, the British Government, with all its researches into the artifi- cial contrivances of Government, never claimed capacity, nor power, "io augment the number and variety of occupations" in society, nor " io create employment^'' for all the inhabitants of Great Britain; still less, to keep all the human faculties unremittingly at work, so as to bring into requisition every particle of physical power, and every shade of genius. These may be considered purely the products of Mr. RusIj's inventive faculties. Suppose then, that Mr. Rush may find himself mistaken in these new developments, would he not ad- mit, that the consequences he deduced from them, may also be mis- 6$ taken, and if so, would he not forbear the measures he bottoms upon these misconceived doctrines? Doctrines, which extend the despo- tism of Government to a higher pitch, than ever before entered the mind of man. " Ne plus ultra." If these whimsical notions be ne- cessary to sustain the tariff, ou^ht it not to be repealed when their fallacies are discovered ? The President is certainly responsible for all these despotic doctrines and imaginary notions; because he se- lected his first Secretary, after he had asserted these, and many other equally extraordinary, despotic, and misconceived imaginary notions; and his second, before his new inventions, which, however, must be presumed to have be-^ni laid before ihe President, and of course, to have received his approbation and sanction. These views are exhi- bited here, as (he adopted views of the President, and to show that he claims powers for the limited General Government, not only un- limited in themselves, but powers beyond the limits of all Govern- mental objects, and capacities, whatever may be the theories of their Constitutions. But if further proof were wanting upon this point, the writer thinks it is abundantly afforded in other parts of the President's Message — Hear its own words : "But, if the power to exercise exclusive legislation in all cases whatsoever over the District of Columbia; if the power to lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts and excises, to pay the debts, and pro- vide for the common defence and general welfare of the United States; if the power to regulate commerce with foreign nations aiid among the several States, and with the Indian tribes ; to fix the stan- dard of weights and measures ; to establish post offices and post roads; to declare war; to raise and support armies; to provide and maintain a navy; to dispose of and make all needful rules and re- gulations respecting the territor}' or other property belonging to the United States ; and to make all laws which shall be necessary and proper for carrying these powers into execution : If these powers, and others enumerated in the Constitution, may be effectually brought into action by laws promoting the improvement of Agricul- ture, Commerce, and Manufactures, the cultivation and encouraLce- ment of the mechanic and the elegant Arts, the advancement of Li- terature, and the progress of the Sciences, ornamental and profound, to refrain from exercising them for the benefit of the people them- selves, would be to hide in the earth the talent committed to our charge — would be treachery to the most sacred of trusts." This quotation furnishes a quizzical, hyyothetical process of ratio- cination, but its object can be no more mistaken, than if it had been explicit and unequivocal. It is most ingeniously arranged, as the writer thinks, for the purpose of presenting the object, and avoiding the responsibility of a direct application. The git of this ratiocina^ tion consists, in the amalgamation, and consolidation of certain se- lected specified powers taken from the Constitution, forming a mo- mentum by their union, which would not be produced by 'a single specified power, as a medium for the derivation of any other iiici- dental power, when taken singly, and unaided by the amalgamation 64 of other specified powers with it, and from this consolidated niomen- tiiin makes this l)ypothetical deduction — " If these powers, and others enumerated in tlie Constitution, may be effectuall}' brought into ac- tion, by laws promoting the improvement of agriculture, commerce, and manufactures, the cuhivation and encouragement of the mecha- nic, and the elegant arts, the advancement of literature, and the pro- gress of the sciences, ornamental and profound, — to refrain from ex- ♦■rcising them, /or the benefit of the people themselves, would he to hide in the Earth the talent committed to our charge — would be treachery to the most sacred of trusts.'" Terrific trusts!!! Now, it should be first, and necessarily asked, here, what talent it is, which is commit- ted to our charge? The answer would necessarily be, the powers above enumerated, and those hypothetically deduced therefrom. In the next place, it should be asked, if all these powers are to be exer- cised by the General Government, what powers are left to be exer- cised by the State Governments? The writer knows of none. The General Government then will have swallowed up all powers, and left none to the State Govenmients. But suppose, these specifica- tions, and deductions, should not have swallowed up all the powers, may not all the rest be obtained at pleasure, by adding another link to this chain of sophisticated ratiocination ? For if the amalgamation, and consolidation of the specified powers, can produce all the fore- going deduced powers, add then the accumulation of powers thus deduced, to the specified powers, and the momentum of the whole, being greater than the momentum of the part deducing them; a for- tiori, the two momentums amalgamated will necessarily attract alt other powers when wanted. This conclu^ion is undeniable; and con- sequently, all power whatever is usurped by the General Govern- ment; leaving not one scintilla to the Slate Governments. The wri- ter has not overlooked the solenm admonition of the President, to Congress, in the preceding section; "not to permit any considera- tions to urge it to transcend the powers committed to you by that venerable instrument, whicl) we are all bound to support — let no consideration induce you to assume the exercise of powers not grant- ed you, by the people.'' But this admonition can only be considered as a decoy, to draw the attention from the true character of the practical measures strongly recommended by himself immediately afterwards, described to he "a talent committed to our charge,'' and to refuse to use il, "■xoould be treachery to the most sacred of trusts:" Solemnly warning Congress against hiding this talent in the earth, which talent consists in unlimited power, as the writer conceives, is in direct hos- lility with this other solemn admonition to Congress — and seems to ihc writer, to represent the President in the unholy attitude of fondly hugging his venerable, beloved Constitution with one arm, whilst he (s cruelly stabbing to the heart, the dear object of his love, with the other. There is nothing, in the judgment of the writer, which proves more clearly the President's object, in the usurpation of unlimited power, than the theoretical decoys, which uniformly attend every prac- tical contrivance to effect each usurpation. The President proceeds : "Tlic spirit of improvement is abroad upon the earth. It stimu- lates the heart, and sharpens the faculties, not of our fellow-citizen • 65 alone, but of tlie Nations of Europe, and of their rulers. While dwellinjT with pleasing satisfaction upon tlie superior excellence of our political institutions, let us not be unmindful that Liberty is Power; that the Nation blessed with the largest portion of liberty, must, in proportion to its numbers, be tlie most powerful Nation up- on eartii ; and that the tenure of power by man, is, in the moral pur- poses of his Creator, upon condition that it shall be exercised to ends of beneficence, to improve the condition of himself and his fellow- men. While foreign Nations, less blessed with that freedom which is power, than ourselves, are advancing with gigantic strides in the career of public improvement; were we to slumber in indolence, or fold up our arms and proclaim to the World that we are palsied by the will of our constituents, would it not be to cast awa}' the bounties of Providence, and doom ourselves to perpetual inferiority?" It cannot escape observation, that tliis quotation exhibits the same quizzical, hypothetical organization, with the other, and holds out a similar decoy to divert the attention from the practical effect, it seems intended to be produced. What is the plain inference from a just analysis of the following sentence? "While foreign Nations, less blessed with that freedom which is power, than ourselves, are ad- vancing with gigantic strides in the career of public improvement; were we to slumber in indolence, or fold np our arms and proclaim (a the World, that toe arc palsied by the xoill of our constituents, would it not be to cast away the bounties of Providence, and doom ourselves to perpetual inferiority^/'^ Fellow-Citizens! examine this section well— It well deserves analysis, and dissection. You will find your dearest rights and liberties deeply nfiected by its contents, when strip- ped of their ambiguity, abstraction, and metaphorical confusion. It commences with reference to foreign Nations, and evidently uses the term Nations, as synonymous with Governments. What sayS the President of foreign Nations? That "they are less blessed with that freedom, v.hich is power, than ourselves." Without analyzing at this time the meaning of the term, "that frecdoin, which is power," as being unnecessary in the present view of the subject, it is admitted to Iiave been introduced here, for the purpose of asserting a superiority of our political institutions, over those of foreign Nations. But it can only be considered, the decoy for the practical usurpation, which is immediately after deduced from a comparison of the superiority of the Administrative power, and policy of foreign Governments, over those of the United States, so long as those of the United States are palsied by the will of constituents, and those of foreign Nations, alias Governments, have perfect liberty, which is power, to act according to their own unlimited will, without the restraints of the will of con- stituents. Here is another term of pure abstraction of great import, and deserves to be well understood. What is liie will of constituents in its relation to the practical Government, so as to palsy the will of that practical Government? The will of constituents is the funda- mental law, and nothing else, in relation to its influence in palsying the will of the practical Government. This will is proclaimed in the Constitutions of the States, and that of the United States,, and the z 66 most material part of that will consists, in restraints upon the will, or the power of the General Government. These are the only instru- ments, in whicli the will of our constituents is expressed, and the wri- ter knows of no other mode of expressing; that will, in reference to its influence upon the practical government but one; and that is, by elections. The President then, not directly, but by interrogatory, admits the superiority of foreign Governments in their Administra- tive policy, so long as the American Governments are palsied by the will of the consfituents of iheir administrators-. For, says the Presi- dent, "were we to slumber in indolence, or fold up our arms, and pro- claim to the World that we are palsied by the will of our constitu- ents, would it not be to cast away the bounties of Providence and doom ourselves to perpetual inferiority f" Inferiority to what? To foreign Governments? What would produce this inferiority ? This inferiority would be produced, by the follov/ing causes: "were we to slumber, or to fold up our arms, and proclaim' to tlie World, that we are palsied by the will of our constituents." These acts would ber"to cast away the bounties of Providence, and doom ourselves to perpetual inferiority?" What then is the President's remedy for tliis great evil? This inferiority of the American Nation, or Govern- ment, to foreign Governments? It would be, not to sufter the Admi- nistrators of the General Government, to be palsied by the will of their constituents; or, in other words, not to sufler themselves to be palsied in the exercise of their own wills, by the will of their consti- tuents, proclaimed in the fundamental laws; but boldly throw off all the restraints imposed by that will in the fundamentcil laws: and be us free, or to have as much, liberty', as the Administralions of foreign governments, who have no fuiidamental laws to palsy their will: Their liberty, which is unlimited,, being their power, which is also un- limit-ed. By these means, the inferiority of the American Govern- ment would be removed; and the American Governments put upon a footing of equaliiy, the theories of all political institutions being equal,vvitli foreign Governments in their practical Administrative po- licy; and then, tliey would be enabled equally, with foreign Govern- ments, to avail themselves of the bounties of Providence, which they will be compelled to throw away, so long as they shall be palsied by the will of constituents, or in other words, so !«ng as they shall be bound to the observance oftlie limitations upon the practical Govern- ment, proclaimed in the fundamental laws, which laws are tiie will of constituents. In the first quotatiot) it will appear that the Federative princple is completely annihilated by the usurpation of all political \ power, under a mode of interpreting the Constitution, which is per- fectly new; and leaving the States destitute ©f all power. In the last, will be seen, the most artful and earnest efforts, as the writer thinks, to annihilate all the limitations upon the powers of the prac- tical Governments. If these positions be true; and if it be also true, that before this Message, certain powers were retained to the States; and that the Federative principle still formed an essential part of our fundamental laws, and also that those laws did contain restraints up- | on the powers of the practical Government j does not the Message '67 amomit to *'a proclrHnation of a great civil rcvolulioii in the Govern- ments of this Union?" and do not these ardent, hypothetical, meta- phorical eilbrts of the President to effect these objects, demonstrate his fixed determination to become — Aut Cazar, — Aut nulliis !!! February 16, 182<5. NOT-E. ' ~~ (b) "Speech in support of an American System for the protection of American industry." This title is altogether deceptive. It should be — "Speech for introducing the British System of favouritism into the United States, for the protection of American industry." This title corresponds with the body of the bill. The assumed title then, being deceptive and disingenuous, as the writer thinks, could only have been inti-oduced, ad capiantlnm vvlgus. Is this the snbtilty aC a forensic quibble, or the dignit}^ candor and impartiality of the Speaker of the House of Hepresentativesi^ The celebrated Mr.. Web- ster took this view of the title, in reply, and cracked a joke upon it. Quere — Is this uncaudid artifice, as the writer thinks it, a proper subject for a joke.' Are not morals involved in it? If so, does it not call for more severe reprehensions than are generally found in a jokef If any man is found deliberately wanting in candor, can any confi- dence be afterwards placed in his sincerity.'* If not, is it not a deplor- able thing that the first officers of the Nation should claim exemp- tions from the obligations of sincerity .'' Under such claim, what con- fidence ought to be pJaced in their official communications? On one occasion, so sacred did the British Parliament consider the veracity of their Monarch, that they entered into a -seven yea's v/ar, in .conse- quence of a charge of insincerity, brought against him by the Aus- trian Minister, the Count De Palm, in 1726 — although this Monarch was believed to be guilty of the act of insincerity charged against him. — See Ist Vol. Belsham's History of George III, pages 192, 193, and Journals, House of Commons, Anno. March 13, 1726. — In pages 13, 14, 15, 10, of Mr. Clay's niost wonderful "Speech, in support of an American System for the protection of American indus- try," will be found a still more sounding collection of statistics, from which Mr. Clay does make some deductions. His object appears to be, to ascertain the relative ability of the peopl*? of certain Nations to pay taxes, according to the population of each ; and the test of this ability, is the amottnt of taxes actually jyaid to each Government. This is no test at alL To make it a test it would become necessary for each Government to call upon its people, to pay all they can pay. If this should not be done, it would not be possible to ascertain how much more the people could pay, if called on for more. According to this fallacious test, the poor people of the United States, are placed below the poorest people m Europe. He puts the people of Spain above them, in the proportion of , eleven shillings sterlitjg, to nine. Hear his deduction from his collection and table of statistics — page 15. "From this exhibit we must remark, that the wealth of Great Britain, (and consequently her power,) is greater, (deriving her power from her wealth, not her liberty.) than that of any of the other Na- 68 ^ tion?, ^itli uliicli it is compared. The amoiint of tiie contributions which she draws from (he pockets of her suhjects, is not referred to for imitation, but us indicative of their wealth. The burden of taxa- tion is ahvays relative to the abilitij of the subjects ^f it. A poor Na- tion can pay but little. And the heavier taxes of the British sub- jects, for example, m;iy be easier borne than the mxich lighter taxes of Spanish siil)jectp, in consequence of tlieir extreme poverty." Would it not be better to tax the people of the United States more, rather than bear this disgrace? Perhaps they could pay more if called on. Now hear the concluding nioral, and it will be found that tlie poor United States come off still worse, in comparison with other Nations. This error arises solely from the want of understanding on the part of Mr. Clay, of the real bearing- of his own collection of statistics. Page 16 — "The Committee will observe from that table, that the measure of the wealth of a Nation, is indicated by the measure of its protection of its industry; and th;it the measure of the poverty of a Nation, is marked by that of the degree in which it neglects and abandons the care of its own industry, leaving it exposed (o t^ie ac- tion of foreign powers. Great Britain protects most her industry, and the wealth of Great Britain is consequently the greatest. France is next in degree of protection, and France is next in the order of wealth. Spain most neglects the duty of protecting the industry of her subjects, and Spain is one of the poorest of European Nations. Unfortunate Ireland, disinherited or rendered in her industry subser- vient to England, is exactly in the same state of poverty with Spain, measured by the rule of taxation. And the United States are still poorer than either.''^ Poor United States!!! still poorer than the poorest!! How honourable to themselves and Government!! But, Mr. Clay means to make them richer than all, by taxing them more than all. By Taxes and Tariffs, and Tariffs and Taxes. What re- medies for poverty!! All for the general welfare, all for the public good, all for bettering the condition of the people. Strange! that the people of the United States should so long suffer themselves to be the sport of such wild pranks as these!!! It will also be seen that, before the end of the lirst year, after Mr. Clay had buoyed up the wealth and splendour, and ability of the British people, beyond all others in Europe, and America to boot, arising solely from the restric- tive and protective system, Great Britain herself comes out, denies ♦Jic bcnelits of the whole system, and denounces its principles in toto; — particularly in the very instance, selected by Mr. Clay for his high- est eulogies — the protection to siik manufactures, now abandoned. It would be well to reprint all those four pages of statistics, for con- sideration at the present day. Their follies and njistakes would strike every intelligent reader with astonishment. It would be well, too, to make a comparison between the fiuure the United States make in the foregoing picture, and that drawn by the President in }iis Inaugural Address, of the superlative' blessings the United States enjoy The combatants, if in earnest, might find as much ground for political, as diplomatic pugilism. The public will, doubtlessly, be astonished to find, the great Orator docs not understand his own Speech. NEW SERIES— No. IX. [By the Author of Political Disquisitions ] The Golden Casket— or, The President's Message — or, a procla- mation of a great civil revolution, in the Governments of "this Union," ♦' All that glisters is not gold, " Ofien have you heard lliat told : " Many a man his life hath sold, " IJut my outside to behold : " Gi (led iombg do worms infuld. " Had you been aswise as bold, "Young in limbs, in jxidgmeni old, «' Your answer had not been «inscroll'd : '• F^re you ive'd : your suit is cold." — [SkakspeOhe, Internal Imiirovements — Individual — Governmental. "Look on this picture, and on that." Believing the subject of Internal Improvements to be the pivot, up- on which all the Governmental machinery has been turned, and is turning, for subverting the constitution of the U. S. and eradicating its federative principle, the writer thinks that too much attention can- not be bestowed on it, especially as it regards the use, which seems intended to be made of it in the hands of the master workman. He will, therefore, insert here every thing the President may have said upon that subject, as disclosed in the newepapers, whether official, or unofficial, separating his views of that subject, from all others, as far as is practicable. Let the writer most earnestly entreat you, fellow citizens, to look steadfastly at this subject for yourselves. It calls loudly for your own distinct and profoimd consideration. The writer has given the subject his whole attention. But yet he may be mis- taken. It would pain him to the heart, to do the smallest wrong to any human being. But when human liberty is at hazard, all consi- derations of personal feelings must stand aloof. To avoid even the dread possibility of doing the slightest wrong to another, the writer solemnly calls upon you, fellow citizens, for the exercise of your own ihoughts, and your own judgments. Trust no one, with a subject sc important. But judge in mercy, not in anger. .The writer will fur- nish you with the means of judging for yourselves. He will furnish, too, his own judgment upon them; made up in the sincerity of his heart; but he wishes you to judge over his judgment. First then, hear ever thing the President has said upon this momentous subject, disconnected, as far as practicable, with every other. Complain not of its length, it will amply repay all the troubles, all the cares, you shall bestow upoi^ it. Besides, it would be unjust, to give less than all. If the writer be not grossly mistaken, you will find in the con- tents, dangers to your liberty, most boldly, most ingeniously threat- ened. 70 llie opinion of John ^ulncy Adams on the subject of Internal Improvements. "The question of the power of Congress to authorise the making of Internal Improvements, is in other words, a question whether the people of this union, in forming their common social compact as avowedly for the purpose of promoting the general welfare, have per- formed their work in a manner so ineffably stupid as to deny them- selves the means of bettering their own condition. I have too much respect for the intellect of my country to believe it. The first object of human association, is the improvement of the condition of the as- sociated. Roads and Canals are among tSie most essential means of improving the condition of nations, and a people which should deli- berately by the organization of its authorised power, deprive itself of the faculty of multiplying its own blessings would be as wis^ as a creator who should undertake to constitute a human being without a heart." ^Ohio JVational Crisis. Extract from the Inaugural Address. •'To the topic of Internal Improvement, emphatically urged by him at his inauguration, I recur with peculiar satisfaction* It is that from which I am convinced that the unborn millions of our posterity, who are in future ages to people this continent, will derive their most fervent gratitude to the founders of (he union; that on which the most beneficent action of its government will be most deeply fek a-nd acknowledged. The magnificence and splendour of their public works are among the imperishable glories of the ancient republics. Tlie roads and aqueducts of Rome have been the admiration of all after ages; and have survived thousands of years after all her con^^u^sts have been swallowed up in despotism, or becomes the spoil of barba- rians. Some diversity of opinion has prevailed with regard to the powers of Congress for legislation upon objects of this nature. The .most respectful deference is due to doubts, originating in pure pat- yiotism, and restrained by venerated authority. But nearly twenty 5ears have passed since the construction of the first national road was commenced. Tlie authority for its construction was then un- ijnestioned. To how many thousands of our countrymen has it prov- ed a benefit .'' To what single individual has it ever proved an injury? Repeated, liberal and candid discussions in the legislature have con- ciliated tiie sentiments and approximated the opinions of enlightened ;ninds, upon the question of constitutional power. 1 cannot but hope, that, by the same process of friendly, patient, and persevering deli- beration, all constitutional objections will be removed. The extent and limitation of the powers of tlie General Government, in relation to this transcendantly important iiiterest, will be settled and acknow- ledged to the common satisfaction of all, and every speculative scru- ple will be solved by a practical public blessing." Sundry extracts from the President's Message. "Upon this first occasion of addressing the Legislature of the Union, with which I have been honored, in presenting to their view I 71 tlie execution, so far as it has been effected, of the rneasures sanctioned by them for promoting the Internal Improvement of our country', I cannot close the communication without recommending to their calm and persevering consideration the general principle in a more enlarg- ed extent. Tlve great object of the institution of civil Government, is the improvement of the condition of those who are parties to the aocial compact. And no government, xn whatever form constituted, can accomplish the lawful ends of its institution, but in proportion as it improves the condition of those over whom it is established. Roads and Canals, by multiplying and facilltatirrg the communications and intercourse between distant regions, and multitudes of men ; are among the most important means of improvement. But moral, poli- tical, intellectual improvement, are duties assigned, by the author of our existence, to social, no less than to individual man. For the ful- fifment of those duties. Governments are invested with power; and^ to the attainment of the end, the progressive improvement of the con- dition of the governed, the exercise of delegated power is a duty as sacred and indispensable, as the usurpation of power not granted, is crimitial and odious. Among the first, perhaps the very first instru- ment for the improvement of the condition of men, is knowledge; and to the acquisition of much of tl>e knowledge adapted to the wants, the comforts and enjoyments of huna-an life, public institutions and seminaries of learning are essential. So convinced of this was the first of my predecessors in this office, nov/ first in the memory,, as liv- ing, he was first in the hearts of our country, that, once and again, in his addresses to the Congresses, with whom he co-operated in the public service, he earnestly recommended the establishment of seminaries of learning, to prepare for all the emergencies of peace and war — a National University, and a Military Academy. With re- spect to the latter, had he lived to the present day, in turning his eyes to the institution at West Point, he would have enjoyed the gra- tification of his most earnest wishes. But, in surveying the city which has been honored with his name, he would have seen the spot of earth which he had destined and bequeathed to the use and bene- fit of his country, as the site for an University, still bare and barren- " In assuming her station among the civilized nations of the earth, it would seem that our country had contracted the engagement ti> contribute her share of mind, of labour and of expense, to the im- provement of those parts of knowledge which lie beyond the reach &( indiividual acquisition; and particularly to geographical and as- tronomical science. Looking back to the history only of the half century since the declaration of our independence, and observing the generous emulation with which the governments of France, Great Britain, and Russia, have devoted the genius, the intelligence, the treasures of their respective nations, to the common improvement of the species in these branches of science, is it not incumbent upon us to inquire whether we are not bound, by obligations of a high and bonourable character, to contribute our portion of energy and exer- tion to the coj.omon slock ? The voyages of discovery, prosecuted in tlie course of that time, at the expense of those nations, have not only 72 redounded to their glory, but to the improvemeut of Jiuinan know- ledge. We have been partakers of that improvement, and owe for it ji sacred debt, not only of gratitude, but of equal or proportional ex- ertion in the same cominon cause. Of the cost of these undertak- ings, if the mere expenditures of outfit, equipment, and completion of the expediiions, were to be considered the only charges, it would be unworthy of a great and generous nation to take a second ihofight. One hundred expeditions of circumnavigation, like those of Cooke and La Perouse, would not burden the exchequer of the nation fit- ting tliem out, so much as the ways and means of defraying a single campaign in war. But, if we take into the account the lives of those benefactors of mankind, of which their services in the cause of their species were the purchase, how shall the cost of those heroic enter- prises be estimated.^ And what compensation can be made to them, or to their countries, for them.'* Is it not by bearing them in affec- tionate remembrance.'' Is it not still more by imitating their example? by enabling countrymen of our own to pursue the same career, and to hazard their lives in the same cause? "In inviting the attention of Congress to the subject of Internal Improvements, upon a view thus enlarged, it is not my design to re- commend the equipment of an expedition for circumnavigating the globe for purposes of scientific research and inquiry. We have ob- jects of useful investigation nearer home, and to which our cares may be more beneficially applied. The interior of our own territories has yet been very imperfectly explored. Our coasts, along many de- grees of latitude upon the shores of the Pacific Ocean, though much frequented by our spirited commercial navigators, have been barely visited by our public ships. The river of the West, first fully dis- covered and navigated by a countryman of our own, still bears the name of the ship in which he ascended its waters, and claims the pro- tection of our armed national flag at its mouth. With the establish- ment of a military post there, or at some other point of that coast, recommended by my predecessor, and already matured, in the deli- berations of the last Congress, I would suggest the expediency of connecting the equipment of a public ship for the exploration of the whole northwest coast of this continent. " Connected with the establishment of an university, or separate from it, might be undertaken the erection of an astronomical obser- vatory, with provision for the support of an astronomer, to be in con- stant attendance of observation upon the phenomena of the heavens, and for the periodical publication of his observations. It is with no feeling of pride, as an American, that the remark may be made, that, on the comparatively small territorial surface of Europe, there are existing upwards of one hundred and thirty of these light-houses of the skies; while throughout the whole American hemisphere, there is not one. If we reflect a moment upon the discoveries, which, in the last four centuries, have been made in the physical constitution of the universe, by the means of these buildings, and of observers sta- tioned in them, shall we doubt of their usefulness, to every nation ? And while scarcely a year passes over our heads without bringin^r 73 some new astronomical discovery to liglit, which we must fain receive at second hand from Europe, are we not cutting ourselves ofl' from the means of returning light for light, while we have neither obser- vatory nor observer upon our half of the globe, and the earth re- volves in perpetual darkness to our unsearching eyes? "The Constitution under which you are assembled, is a charter of limited powers. After full and solemn deliberation upon all or any of the objects, which urged by an irresistible sense of my own duly, I have recommended to your attention, should you come to the conclusion, that, however desirable in themselves, the enactment of laws for eflecting them would transcend the powers committed to you by that venerable instrument which we are all bound to support; let no consideration induce you to assume the exercise of powers not granted to you by the people. But, if the power to exercise exclu- sive legislation in all cases whatsoever over the District of Columbia ; if the power to lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts, and excises, to pay the debts, and provide for the common defence and general wel- fare of the United States; if the power to regulate Commerce with foreign nations and among the several States, and with the Indian tribes ; to fix the standard of weights and measures ; to establish post offices and post roads; to declare war; to raise and support armies; to provide and maintain a navy; to dispose of and make all needful rules and regulations, respecting the territory or other property be- longing to the United States; and to make all laws which shall be necessary and proper for carrying these powers into execution: If these powers, and others enumerated in the constitution, may be ef- fectually brought into action by laws promoting tlve improvement of agriculture, commerce, and manufactures, the cultivation and en- couragement of the mechanic and of the elegant arts, the advance- ment of literature, and the progress of the sciences, ornamental and profound, — to refrain from exercising them for the benefit of the People themselves, would be to hide in the earth the talent commit- ted to our charge — would be treachery to the most sacred of trusts. *' The spirit of improvement is abroad upon the earth. It stimu- lates the heart, and sharpens the faculties, not of our fellow-citizens alone, but of the nations of Europe, and of their rulers. While dwell- ing with pleasing satisfaction upon the superior excellence of our po- litical institutions, let us not be unmindful that liberty is power; that the nation blessed with the largest portion of liberty, must, in proportion to its numbers, be the most powerful nation upon earth; and that the tenure of power by man, is in the moral purposes of his Creator, upon condition that it shall be exercised to ends of benefi- cence, to improve the condition of himself and his fellow men — While foreign nations, less blessed with that freedom which is power, than ourselves, are advancing with gigantic strides in the career of public improvement; were we to slumber in indolence, or fold up our arms and proclaim to the world that we are palsied by the will of our constituents, would it not be to cast away the bounties of Pro- vidence, and doom ourselves to perpetual inferiority ? In the course of the year now drawing to its close, we hav<^ beheld, under the aus- K 74 pices, and at the expense of one slate of this Union, a new Univer- sity unfolding its portals to the sons of science, and holding up the torch of human improvement to eyes that seek the light. We have seen, under the persevering and enlightened enterprise of another State, the waters of our Western lakes mingled with those of the ocean. If undertakings like these have been accomplished in the compass of a few years, by the authority of single members of our confederation, can we, the representative authorities of the whole Union, fall behind our fellow servants in the exercise of the trust committed to us for the benefit of our common sovereign, by the ac- complishment of works important to the whole, and to which neither the authority nor the resources of any one Stale can be adequate?" Upon reading these communications from the President, the reader is insensibly struck with the spirit of enthusiasm, and of anxiety, which calls forth the whole energies of the President's mind upon the subject of Internal Improvements. It would seem intrinsically to be a subject of arithmetical calculation, or, if some of the higher branches of geometry are called in to aid in the execution, it is still confined within rigid rules of art, which admit no scope whatever of impulses of passion; nor for imaginary conceptions. Why then has it happen- ed, that whenever the President presents this subject to view, instead of complying with the injunctions of the constitution, in giving " to the Congress information of the state of the Union,'' and, in recom- mending "to their consideration such measures as he shall judge ne- cessary and expedient," in plain simple language, he should call into requisition, and put upon the stretch, the whole energies of his mind, decorated with. metaphysical abstraction, poetical effervescence, and metaphorical rhapsody f Can it be for any other object, than to call the passions into action, in a case in which, it would seem, that judg- ment alone ought to be consulted? If artificial. Mechanical Internal Improvements of the country alone were in question, surely those would not afibrd any scope whatever for the indulgence of passion- ate excitements; but when they present a question of power; with a hope and prospect that political Internal Improvements may become substituted for artificial Internal Improvements, and one made the medium for effecting the other, then they open an unbounded view to the passions. Ambition, love of power, individual exaltation, go- vernmental splendour, are all arrayed before the enchanted imagina- tion, in all their glittering fascinating charms. Upon reviewing the President's message and precedent opinions, can a doubt remain, that I he is acting under this fasciuating hope? This glittering prospect? To give him success, it is indispensable that the passions should be excited, and kept up in full activity. Hence after the military pas- sion excited by the late war, had subsided, it became renewed by the Seminole crusade; and again subsided, it was found necessary for the purposes of usurpation, that some other passion should be substitut- ed : and that passion has been the passion for Internal Improvements, as the writer believes. The object of this communication then, is to I counteract the fatal tendencies of this passion, by proving its exis- tence, and exhibiting to view its deleterious effects. So far has this 75 passion for Governmental Internal Improvements been carried, such have been the unceasing excitements to its indulp:ence, so constantly has it been kept before the public, that it seems to have entirely es- caped the recollection, that tiiere is any such thing; as Individual Inter- nal Improvements. The great object appears to be, to keep these un- der the rose ; and, like the case of the beneficial energies of society, to give all credit to the Government, none to the people ; so all the beneficial effects of Internal Improvements, are ascribed to the Government, none to the people. Still pursuing the same system of making the Government ever3' thing, and the people nothing; whereas in this case, as in the other, individual energies in mak- ing Internal Improvements are incalculably greater, and better, than Governmental energies exerted in public Internal Improve- ments. It will be the object of this number, to make a general com- parison of individual and Governmental Internal Improvements, in the hope, that when the vast superiority of individual over Govern- mental Internal Improvements is seen, it may check the destructive papsions, which have been enlisted in favour of Governmental ; whilst the existence of Individual Internal Improvements seem to have been forgotten. It will at least serve to show, that the power to make In- ternal Improvements, is not so essential to the General Government, as to be purchased at the expense of the federative principle, and the restraints upon the powers of the practical Government. First, Indi- vidual, are more extensive than Governmental Interna! Improvements. Individuals being left free, with their own means of Internal Improve- ments, will spread them over the whole extent of the nation. Each individual improving his particular spot, the improvements become general throughout the nation, corresponding with the residence of each individual inhabitant; whereas all Governmental Improvements are local in their positions, and partial in their effects. Second, In- dividual Internal Improvements, are more valuable to the nation than Governmental ones, according to their respective expenditures. — ■ The building of a house, a mill, a labour-saving machine, cutting a ditch for the reclamation of lands, fertilizing lands and all others of the like descriptions, are more valuable in themselves, than Govern- mental Internal Improvements of any kind, according to the sums re- spectively expended upon them. A census of such improvements for each ten years, would prove an astonishing superiority of individual, over Governmental Improvements, both in extent and utility. Third, Individual Internal Improvements are of positive, whilst Governmeti- tal are of comparative good. An individual, in building a house for his comfortable residence, benefits himself, his country and posterity, whilst he injures none. Canals, the chief objects of public Internal Improve- ments, being local in their positions, and almost always partial m their effects, whilst they benefit some, do injuries to others. Thus, the Great Canal of New York, which is perhaps the most useful Govern- mental Internal Improvement ever made, appearing from the peculiar topography of the country through which it passes, to have been in- tended by the Creator for calling into activity the energies of man, is vet partial in its operations. It has opened a market for the products 76 of a vast extent of coinitry, M'hicli v/ere before excluded : one effect of which, has been, to lessen the price of the great staple article of the country, wheat, and of course to work an injury to those farmers, who before had an access to market; the reduction in the price of wheat will necessarily lessen the price of lands in all the wheat grow- ing country. At present, when more grain is raised in the countr}^ than is wanted for its own consumption, and the export demand is limited, it is doubtful whether the comparative good of the Great Ca- nal, is greater than its comparative evil. In the event of an export demand, its comparative good would be .greater, but in the present state of things, the increased quantity of grain, beyond the wants of home consumption, brought lo market through that canal, is alTect- ing materially the course of cultivation in this part of the country ; although so remote from its local position. Farmers are now delibe- rating upon the policy of changing the wheat cultivation for some other. This canal also offers another douceur, in the cheapness of grain to the favoured manufacturing class. Thi§ great canal, there- fore, is entitled in its practical results, only to the comparative good, over the comparative evil, produced by it. But this is giving the best example in favour of Internal Improvements; and even in this most successful and splendid public work, it is much questioned, if the in- dividual citizens of New York, had been permitted to apply the mo- ney expended upon it, in improvements of their own, whether the State and nation would not have been more benefitted by such appli- cation of it. This view of the subject also shovvs, that there must be in the nature of things, injustice done to some, and favoritism award- ed to others, in the execution of all great public works of this de- scription. The wheat farmers, inhabiting the lower part of the State of New York, have been taxed in common with others, for the means of making this canal; when, so far from receiving a benefit from its operations, they are at this moment sustaining material injuries — having access to markets before, the canal affords them no additional facilities, whilst it affords great facilities to a vast extent of country before excluded from market, benefitting its inhabitants, at the ex- pense of others. This inequality and injustice, will attend almost every great public Internal Improvement, and the limits of each State are extensive enough for the operations of this local inequality and injustice. There is no need for extending their operation throughout the limits of the whole United States. These considerations prove too beyond all doubt, the great superiority of the wisdom of our fa- thers, who teamed the constituiiot), over the superficial, chimerical, unsubstantial scheming ultras of the day. Those having left this ca- nal-making-power with the State authorities; these blindly endea- voring to tear it from them, and place it in the General Government, Fourth, Individual Improvements are more certain in the utility of their results, than Governmental ones. It is very seldom seen, that an individual undertakes an improvement, vvitlunit producing some benefit to himself, or others. But government seldom realizes an equivalent, for the expenditure upon public Internal Improvements, -, ind often fails altogether. The Jarjes River Canal it is feared, may Tt. be given, as a recent and conspicuous example of a total failure, of a total loss of all the money expended upon it, and of great injury to the country through which it passes. Many other examples of fail- ure or loss in public undertakings might be given. Even Great Bri- tain, the renowned country for Internal Improvements, has just disco- vered, that a great portion of the astonishing expenditures upon her Canals and other improvements, have been thrown away; the appli- cation of the power of steam, and rail-ways, having rendered them useless, or at least materially lessened their utility. Fifth. — The mo- ney expended by individuals in Internal Improvements, is both more judiciously and economically applied to its objects, and the objects themselves of more value, according to their costs, than in the case of public expenditures for public works. Thus money expended in reclaiming, and fertilizing lands, will produce more beneficial eftects, according to the amount of the expenditure, than will be produced by perforating the Alleghany mountains. In that case, even if the in- tended effect should be ultimately produced, the labor employed to produce the effect, must be of the most unproductive character. Mo- ney expended too by the public, becomes very much reduced by filtra- tion, in coming into, and going out of the Treasury, whereas, when expended by individuals, it is done under the eye of the owner; the best securit}' for its judicious and economical application to its object. Sij:th. — In the common and beneficial course of things, individual precede Governmental Internal Improvements. Governmental Inter- nal Improvements can never be much required, until the country be- comes filled with Individual Internal Improvements. In this country, there being still a vast scope for Individual Internal Improvements, Governmental Internal Improvements cannot be much in demand for at least a century to come. A comparison, therefore, of the subject of Internal Improvements in Europe, with this country, is not founded in analogous conditions of the two countries, and of course not appli- cable in its consequences here. The ivriter has no objection to the exercise of this power by the State Governmenis, where it is placed by the Constitution ; but he very much doubts whether it would not be better to restrain them in the exercise of it, except to a limited eXf tent, for at least half a century. The Internal Improvements, with the same means in the hands of individuals, during that time, he be- lieves, would be more beneficial to the States respectively, and to the nation, than if left even to the State authorities. Seventh. — And above all — Individual Internal Improvements are founded upon individual rights, individual justice, and individual liberty. Governmental In- ternal Improvements are often founded in governmental favoritism, and injustice. This would now seem in the fashionable political worlds to be its merit, not its fault. "Do evil, that good may come," seems to be the ruling star with the fashionable scheming ultras. When an individual makes his own Internal Improvements, he does it with his own money: He exercises his own liberty In the application he makes of his own money: He takes nothing from another. In Governmental Internal Improvements, the administrators of the Government take not iheir own money, but the money of others. If, like individuals, they 78 applied their own money, to eftect their own objects, their passion for Internal Improvements would lose all its terrors to others, and the atility and beauty of the Internal Improvements, all their charms to the enamoured administrators themselves. It is not then the passion of improving and beautifying the country, mechanically and artifici- ally, which enraptures the administrators of the Government, but the passion for applying the money of others, to effect objects of their own. It is not the Internal Improvement, when made, but the power to make it: It is not the artificial, mechanical Internal Improvements of the country, but the political Internal Improvements of the funda- mental laws. It is the annihilation of the federative principle: It is the removal of all restraints upon the practical Government: It is the love of the exercise of unlimited, uncontrolled will : It is the old fashioned passion, ambition: It is the love of power. It is this pas- sion, with which the President seems to be enraptured : It is this, as the writer thinks, which has put into activity the first energies of his mind : It is this which has eloquently called forth his metaphysical powers, elicited his poetic fires, and awakened his metaphorical rhap- sodies. Look at the quotations, and see how those luminous visions of his imagination are made to dance in perspective, and to dazzle the eyes of all beholders. The President seems to have bounded from the earth, intent upon placing himself in the chariot of the sun, and his satellites in the light-houses of the skies. He seems to be im- pelled by all the turbulent passions, recommended in the mythology of the ancients; and to long for indulging all the glittering, volup- tuous joys of the Mahomedan heaven, whilst he seems to have lost sight of the inestimable humilities of revealed religion. How long will the people of the United States permit themselves to be the dupes and the means of the indulgence of passions like these ! ! ! Tlie writer hopes that he may at least be pardoned, for disturbing the President's sublimated delicious reveries, by calling his attention for a moment to some of the more humble, but more valuable, evangelical precepts, the excellence of whose ethicks has done more to humanize mankind, to improve his morals and promote his happiness, than all other sys- tems of ethicks the world ever saw. He will find these holy precepts, just as valuable to him, in his Presidential as in his individual cha- racter, and particularly in their appropriate application to the wiiole spirit of his contemplated measures. Their just influence would be to moderate his ambition — to restore the Constitution to its original wisdom and purity, and to give every one his own. — " Do unto others, as you would have them to do unto you." — "Give unto Ca?sar the things that are Caesar's, and to God the things that are God's,"— 'Do justice, love merc}^ and ivaUc humbly before God'^ ! ! ! Fchniary 27, 1826. J NEW SERIES— NO. X. [By the Author of Political Disquisitions.] The Golden Casket — or, The President's Message — or, a procla- mation of a great civil revolution, in the Governments of " this Union." " All that glisters is not gold, " Often have you heard that told, " Many a man his life hath sold, " Bui my outside to behold, " Gilded tombs do loorms infold ; " Had you been as luiae as bold, *• Young in !iml>9, in judgment old, " Your answer liad not been unscroll'd ; " Fare you -well, your suit is cold "-^[Shakspeare . Jlut Casar, — jlut JVullus. In the message, the President suggests three general sources from which he attempts to derive powers to the General Government. If these be legitimate sources for the derivation of powers, it is admit- ted, that he may, through either of them, derive unlimited powers for the practical Government. The President selects the power of making Internal Improvements as the first, and favorite example of a derivation of power from each source; and makes it the master power, which will involve in its exercise all subordinate ones. He car- ries this preference so far, as to comprehend within this master power, the circumnavigation of the globe; and building light houses of the skies. The first source for the derivation of power, according to the writer's understanding of it, is the social compact, or "the great object of the institution of civil government" supported by the di- vine assignation of duties to social man. The second — From an as- sociation of the General Governments, with the other Governments of the world, and the relative duties growing out of that association. The third — From constructive powers to be exercised over the Con- stitution of the United States. The claim of power under the first source of its derivation, is set forth in the message in the following words: — "Upon the first occasion of addressing the Legislature of the Union, with which I have been honored, in presenting to their view, the execution, so far as it has been effected, of the measures sanctioned by them, for promoting the Internal Improvement of our country, I cannot close the communication without recommending to their calm and persevering consideration, the general principle in a more enlarged extent. The great object of the institution of civil Government, is the improvement of the condition of those who are parties to the social compact. And no Government, in whatever form constituted, can accomplish the lawful ends of its institution, but in proportion as it improves the condition of those over whom it is established. Roads and Canals, by multiplying and facilitating the communications and intercourse between distant regions, and multitudes of men, are amongst the most important means of im- 80 I provement. But mora), political, intellectual improvement, are du- ties assigned by the author of our existence, to social, no less than to individual man. For the fulfilment of those duties, Governments are invested vvidi power; and to the attainment of the end, the progres- sive improvement of the condition of f'-ic governed, the exercise of delegated power, is a duty as sacred and indispensable, as theusur- pation of power not granted is criminal and odious. Among the first, perhaps the very first instrument for the improvement of the condition of men, is knowledge; and to the acquisition of much of the knowledge adapted to the wants, the comforts, and enjoyments of human life, public institutions and seminaries of learning are es- sential." It is easy to see that this quotation contains a re-assertion of the general principles advanced in tlie Ohio letter; and recom- mends its adoption "in a more enlarged extent." It would seem, that the President is resolved to die by his first impressions, as de- clared in that letter, or carry its piiiiciples into effect, "in a more enlarged extent;" and for that purpose, employs the foregoing meta- ph3sical abstractions, most singularly conceived and arranged. Before the writer undertakes the task of decyphering the contents of the foregoing quotation, he begs the reader to examine them well himself; and to ascertain the true meaning and objects. Let hnn ask himselt', whence the derivation of power claimed under this quo- tation? By whom are the duties of moral, political, and intellectual improvement assigned to social man ? By whom are Governments in- vested with power, for the fulfilment of those duties? By whom is the power delegated ; the exercise of which, is a sacred and indispensable duty? What limitations are there upon such delegated power? Are there any limitations upon such delegated power? If so, in what do they consist? If there be no limitations upon the delegated power, how can there be any usurpation of power not granted, which would be cri- minal and odious? Is there any appeal to the Constitution of the United States for the purpose of ascertaining and adjusting all these great fun- damental points? The writer will readily admit, that if the President can rightfully avail himself of "the great object of the institution of civil Government," and assignation of governmental duties by the aullior of our existence, for the derivation of any power whatever to the General Government; that the power thus derived, is unlimited, because it is paramount, and undefined; and of course, must be un- limited. But it is denied, that the General Government, as consti- tuted, has any thing to do with "the great object of the institution of Civil Government," in regard to the improvements of the condi- tion of those who are parties to the social compact; tliat being a sub- ject of original paramount power, when tiie General Government is a secondary subordinate power, depending for its own organization, and for all its legitimate powers upon that original paramount power. That original paramount power - xists in the will of the people, or of the parties to the social Federal compact, and is ordained, and proclaimed in their Constitution : the only grant of power to the Gen- eral Government. The General Government itself, being a seconda- ry derivative power, cannot claim any original power whatever; but 81 must look for all its own legitimate powers, to the terms of the grant, in which they are ordai.if*! and declared, to wit— to the Constitution of tlie United States. When the people of the United States in their previously associated character, undertook to form their Constitu- tion, they undertook to judge for themselves, of the best mean's of improving the condition of the associated, and their decision is or- dained in the Constitution of the United States. When the Presir dent, in behalf of the General Government, undertakes to derive powers from the social compact, or form " the great object of the in- stitution of Civil Governments," he intrudes himself into the place of the people, in their sovereign character, and usurps their power of judging for themselves, as to the means of bettering their condition; and makes a Constitution for them, according to his will, instead of carrying into eflect a Constitution made according to theirs, and, of course, usurps their sovereign will. In forming the Constitution of the United States, the people exercised that act of sovereignty for themselves. They judged of the best means of bettering their own condition, and those means consisted in having one General, and a number of Local Governments, amongst which, all their political powers were distributed. They determined, amongst other things, that the General Government should be limited in its powers to gen- eral objects specifically defined; and that the power to make Inter- nal Improvements, being local in its character, should remain with the State Governments, and should not be granted to the General Government. But, says the President, "And no Government, in whatever form constituted, can accomplish the lawful ends of its in- stitution, but in proportion, as it improves the condition of those, over wliom it is established." This assertion contains another very intelligible hint, in relation to the President's views, as to the imma- teriality of the forms, in which Governments shall be constituted, provided they be so constituted as to answer all the ends of their in- stitutions; and this can only be done, in proportion, as they shall be empowered to improve the condition of those over whom they are established, clearly inferring, that the means for improving the con- dition of the people, should be left unlimited, otherwise the practical Government might be palsied in the choice of means, and consequent- ly doomed to a perpetual inferiority to Governments which are placed above the will of their constituents, and of course, would not be pal- sied by their will, in the choice of the means to better the condition of those over whom they are established. But, admit the President's abstract position to be true, in what way will he make the applica- tion of it to the General Government, so as to derive any power from it whatever? If it be true that all the powers of tlie practical Govr ernmeni are derived from the Constitution of the United Stales, how can he add to those powers, by the consideration that "no Govern- ment, in whatever form constituted, can accomplish the lawful ends of its institution, but in proportion as it improves the condition of those over whom it is established?" This consideration may go, as it does go, to impugn the wisdom of the Constitution in having fix- ed limits to the powers of the practical Government; but Govern- r. 82 ment holding all its powers under that institution, cannot rightfully place itself above that Constitution, and invest itself with powers be- yond the limits of that Constitution, merely because the President thinks those limhs are unwise, and that it woald have been better to have left the practical Government unlimited in the choice of means to improve the condition of the people. The President may, and doubtless does, most heartily regret, that these restraints are imposed upon the practical Government, but he cannot help it. He has no remedy, so long as the Constitution imposes the law upon the prac- tical Government. The President proceeds — "Roads and Canals, by multiplying and facilitating the communications and intercourse between distant regions and multitudes of men are amongst the most important means of improvement." What then.'' Does it therefore follow that the power to make them, could not be as well, na}', bet- ter executed by the State Governments, than the General Govern- ment.'^ But whether or not, it being the will of the people, that the power should remain with the States, to be executed by the State Governments, there is no pretext for the usurpation of the power by the General Government. In the next sentence, the President points to a course for the derivation of this power, with others still more in- definite, paramount to both the will of the people and the Constitu- tion. " But moral, political, intellectual improvements are duties as- sig7ied hy the author of our existence to social, no less than to indivi- dual man." By whom assigned to social man, or in the application of the abstract expression, "social man," to the General Govern- ment,'' Assigned by the author of our existence. Here, then, is a derivation of power from divine right. There can be no other mean- ing put upon the words — "Assigned by the author of our existence to social man." The author of our existence is no other than the divinity. Social man, no other, than man in his governmental, as contrasted with his natural condition. Hence, the President has mounted up to the divinity, in aid of his claims to sovereign power, as being paramount to the Constitution itself. This conclusion is put beyond question in the following sentence: "For the fulfil- ment of these duties, Governments are invested with powers, and to the attainment of the end, the progressive improvement of the condition of the governed, the exercise of delegated power is a du- ty as sacred and indispensable, as the usurpation of power not grant- ed, is criminal and odious." What a sentence! ! How strangely or- ganized! ! How can it be decyphered .'' Why all this abstraction and obscurity in a case, where plainness and simplicity alone ought to have been consulted.^ Was the President desirous of being under- stood.'' Did he not possess capacity to make himself understood, if he desired it? "For the fulfilment of these ends (making roads and canals, moral, political, and intellectual improvements,) Governments are invested with power." By whom are Governments invested with power? Governments, mean all Governments. The General Gov- ernment, is not made an exception, certainly the answer is, by the author of our existence — moral, political, and intellectual improve- ments, are duties assigned by the author of our existence to social 83 man in the sentence above; and in this, "for the fulfilment of these duties, (the same duties,) Governments are invested with power," of course, b}' the same authority: by divine authority — by the author of our existence, equally applicable to the Governments of the Uni- ted States with all other Governments; "and to the attainment of the end — the progressive improvement of the condition of the governed, the exercise of delegated power is a duty sacred and indispensable." "The exercise of delegated power:" delegated by whom? Certain- ly by the author of our existence, certainly by the divinity. Where are the limitations, he has imposed upon his delegated power? If there be any, where are they defined? There are none, ff the au- thor of our existence should have delegate^ any power whatever to the practical Government, that power is delegated without any limi- tation whatever ; and according to the meaniiig of the President, if jt is this delegated power, the exercise of which is sacred and indispes- sable. Here, then, as the writer thinks, is the old doctrine of the jure divino, revived by the President of the United States, and pracr tically applied to the powers of the General Government, in CQipmoq with ail others. It is here peremptorily denied, that any duties whatever, are as- signed by the author of our existence to ''social man," to be per- formed in his social or official character. All God's gifts to man are in his natural, not in his social, nor corporate character; and all duties assigned hmi by his God, are to be executed in the same cha- racter. God made man in his natural character, and left him to make his social compacts at his own pleasure. This right is the true foundation of the great principle asserted in all our fundamen- tal laws: That the People are the true source of all political power. Now if the author of our existence, assigns to social man, moral, political and intellectual improvements, as duties to be performed in ins social or oflicial character, and the performance of which in that character, is made sacred and indispensable, tlien the basis of all American Constitutions has been mistaken, and the people can no Jonger be deemed the true source of all political power. Because, if in fact, the author of our existence does confer all political power upon social man, his power being paramount the power of the peo» pie, of course, their power cannot be the original source of all poll- tical power, and Governments consequently must be of divine ori- gin, if the President's hypothesis be true. It is denied that God assigns any duties to rnan in his social character, to be .executed by him in his official character; they being assigned by his fellow man; because all the relations of man to his God are in his individual, not in his corporate character; and if the President ever finds his way to Heaven, he will go there as John Q.uincy Adams, not as Presi- dent of the United States. God is no respecter of persons, and the King and the Beggar stand in like respect before him. It is believed that the Kings of this world will make a very different figure in the next, compared with the little glittering ephemeral dash they make amongst their fellow beings here below. It is true, that man, intrust- ed by his fellow man, with the discharge of social duties, is respon- sible to his God for the due nerformauce of ihcm: btU these duties 84 are in fact imposed upon him by his fellow man, and not by Iiis God, and his responsibility to his God is in his individual, not liis corpo- rate character. God makes man, man makes Governments. God never made a corporation — he pern)its man to make them— and poor, weak, silly man, indulges his little cunning in making them, to the destruction of his own natural inestimable rights and liberties. Corporations, especially paper corporations, are at this day the great governmental instruments for enslaving mankind. Could it l)ave been expected that in the first half century after our fathers had dis- covered and proclaimed the great political truth — tliat the rights of man were the true source of all political power, it would have be- come necessary to defend that principle against the doctrine of the "jure divino," declared by the President of the United States in his message to Congress.'' But, fellow-citizens! marvel noi at these things, for the writer challenges the President, and his whole cabi- net, to find more despotic doctrines in the writings of the most in- trepid defenders of the divine right of Kings, than are contained in his message, in the speech of his first, and the report of his second Secretary. It is presumed, that these doctrines have become neces- sary, as they certainly are necessary, to sustain the splendid consoli- dated Government of which, the cabinet seems to have become en- amoured, and infinitely more to be regretted, of which the people seem also to have become enamoured. "'Tis strange! ! ! 'Tis pass- ing strange"]! ! that any people, unimpelled by any excitement what- ever, either by fear or by force, in a state of perfect volition, should de- liberately choose to give up their inestimable rights and liberties, their solid happiness, in exchange for the empty vanities of sound, and the glittering gewgaws of splendour! I ! The President admits, that the usurpation of powers not granted, is criminal and odious. What powers are these.'' If all moral, political and intellectual power, be delegated to "social man." by the author of our existence, it seems to the writer to include all power. There is none left ungranted; of course, it would be impossible to commit the act of usurpation, which is denounced by the President, as criminal and odious, and in that way, the President may avail himself of this decoy, and escape from his own denunciation. But if the Constitution be considered as the only charter of the powers of the General Government, then the usur- pation of powers beyond the grants of that charter will, in the opi- nion of the writer, justly subject the President to the odium and cri- minality which, in that event, he denounces against himself. It is true, the President in another part of his message, speaks of the venerated Constitution : but whenever the President speaks of the venerated Constitution, he reminds the writer of a dashing, head- strong prodigal, who professes most highly to respect, and most dear- ly to love his venerated grand-mother, but prides himself upon dis- regarding all her wise, admotiishing precepts, and adopting a maxim of his own, for his own rule and conduct, " Neck, or notiiing," which may be considered a free English version, of the President's imputed motto — Aut Ccesar, — Aut JSfuUus- Marck2, 1826. NEW SERIES— No. XI. (By the Author of PoUtical Disquisitions.] The Golden Casket — or, The Presidents Message — or, a procla- mation of a great civil revolution, in the Governments of "this Union.'* " All that glisters is not gold, •« Often have vou heard that told ; " Many a man his lite hath sold, " But my ou'side to hehold ; •' Gilded tombs do luorms infold. " Had you been as -wige as bold, '■'Yonng\nY\(vhii.\n judgment old, " Your answer had not been ui.scroll'd ; " Fare you -well; your suit is cold." — Shakspeare. ^ut Ccesar — jlui Nullus. The second source, resorted to hy the President in his Message, for the derivation of power to the General Government, as the wri- ter thinks, is, from an association of the General Government with the other Governments of the world, and the relative duties growing out of the association. The President, in his Message, introduces the subject, of his views of he abstract science of Government, or of the administrative policy of European Governments, associated with the General Government, in several different piaces. The wri- ter conceives, that the President's views of these subjects woiild be best understood, by bringing them together, and considering them in a connected form. In the exordium of the message, the President introduces his opinions of the Governments of Europe, in the follow- ing words: — *' Europe, with a few partial and unhappy exceptions, has enjoyed ten years of peace, during which all her Governments, whatever the theory of their Constitutions may have been, are successively taught to feel that the end of their institution is the happiness of the people^ and that the exercise of power among men can be justified only bv the blessings it confers upon those over whom it is extended." Immediately after the commencement of the peroration, the fol- lowing abstract opinions respecting the theories, and objects of Ci- vil Governments are exhibited : " The great object of the institution of Civil Government, is the improvement of the condition of those who are parties to the social compact. And no Government, in whatever form constituted, can accomplish the lawful ends of its institution, but in proportion as it improves the condition of those over whom it is established. Roads and Canals, by multiplying and facilitating the communications and intercourse between distant regions, and multitudes of men, are among the most important means of improvement. But moral, po- litical, intellectual improvement, are duties assigned by the Author of our existence, to social, no less than individual man. For the fulfilment of those duties, Governments are invested with power ; and 86 to the attainment of the end, the progressive improvement of the condition of the governed, the exercise of delegated power, is a du- ty as sacred and indispensable, as the usurpation of power, not f^ranted, is criminal and odious. Among the first, perhaps the ver}' first instrument for the improvement of the condition of men, is know- ledge; and to the acquisition of much of the knowledge adapted to the wants, the comforts, and enjoyments of human life, public insti- tutions, and seminaries of learning are essential." After a siiort interlude, introduced out of place, and against the true rules of the oratorical art, the President developes himself more at large, in the following words : "In assuming her stntiou among the civilized nations of the earth, jt would seem that our country had contracted the engagement to contribute her share of mind, of labor, and of expense, to the im- provenjent of those parts of knowledge which lie beyond the reach of individiial acquisition; and particularly to geographical and as- tronomical science. Looking back to the history only of the half century since the Declaration of our Independence, and observing the generous emulation witli which the Governments of France, Great Britain, and Russia, have devoted the genius, the intelligence, the treasures of their respective nations, to the common improvement of the species in these branches of science, it is not incumbent upon us to inquire, whether we are not bound, by obligations of a high and honorable character, to contribute our portion of energy and exer- tion to the common stock? The voyages of discovery, prosecuted in the course of tiiat time, at the expense of those nations, have not only redounded to their glory, but to the improvement of human knowledge. We have been partakers of that improvement, and owe for it a sacred debt, not only of gratitude, but of equal or propor- tional exertion, in the same common cause. Of the cost of these undertakings, if the mere expenditures of outfit, equipment, and com- pletion of the expeditions were to be considered the only charges. It would be unworthy of a great and generous nation to take a second jFiought. One hundred expeditions of circumnavigation, like those of Cook and La Perouse, would not burden the exchequer of the aation fitting them out, so much as the ways and means of defraying a single campaign in war. But, if we take into the account the lives of those benefactors of mankind, of which their services in the srause of their species were the purchase, how shall the cost of those heroic enterprises be estimated? And what compensation can be niade to them, or to their countries for them? Is it not by bearing I ihem in aflectionate remembrance? Is it not still more by imitating Xheir example? By enabling countrymen of our own to pursue the same career, and to hazard their lives in the same cause? '^^In inviting the attention of Congress to the subject of Internal '^ Improvements, ujjon a view thus enlarged, 'it is not my design to re- commend the equipment of an expedition for circumnavigating the globe for purposes of scietitific research and inquiry. We have ob- jects of useful investigation nearer home, and to which our cares may be more beneficially applied. The interior of our own territo- 87 ries has yet been very imperfectly explored* Our coasts, along^ many degrees of latitude upon the shores of the Pacific Ocean, though much frequented by our spirited commercial navigators, have been barely visited by our public ships. The river of the West, first fully discovered and navigated by a countryman of our own, still bears tiie name of the ship in which he ascended its waters, and claims the protection of our armed national flag at its mouth. With the estab- lishment of a military force there, or at some other point of that coast, recommended by my predecessor, and already matured, in the deliberation of the last Congress, I would suggest the expediency of connecting the equipment of a public ship for the exploration of the whole northwest coast of this Continent. *' The establisliment of a uniform standard of weights and mea- sures was one of the specific objects contemplated in the formation of our Constitution, and to fix that standard was one of the powers de- legated by express terms, in that instrument to Congress* The Governments of Great Britain and France, have scarcely ceased to be occupied with inquiries and speculation on the same subject, since the existence of our Constitution, and with them it has expanded in- to profound, laborious, and expensive researches into the figure of the earth, and the comparative length of the pendulum vibrating se- conds in various latitudes, from the Equator to the Pole» These re- searches have resulted in the composition and publication of several works highly interesting to the cause of science. The experiments are yet in the process of performance. Some of them have recently been made on our own shores, within the walls of one of our own Colleges, and partly by one of our own fellow-citizens. It would be honorable to our country, if the sequel of the same experiments should be countenanced by the patronage of our Government, as they have hitherto been by these of France and Britain." "Connected with the establishment of an University, or separate from it, might be undertaken the erection of an Astronomical Ob- servatory, with provision for the support of an astronomer, to be in constant attendance of observation upon the phenomena of the Hea- vens, and for the periodical publication of his observations. It is with no feeling of pride as an American, that the remark may be made, that, on liie comparatively small territorial surface of Europe, there are existing upwards of one hundred and thirty of these light- houses of the skies; while throughout the whole American Hemis- phere, there is not one. If we reflect a moment upon the discove- ries, which, in the last four centuries, have been made in the physi- cal constitution of the Universe, by the means of these buildings, and of observers stationed in them, shall we doubt of their useful- ness to every nation.'* And while scarcely a year passes over our heads without bringing some new astronomical discovery to light, which we must fain receive at second hand from Europe; are we not cutting ourselves ofl" from the means of returning light for lightj while we have neither observatory nor observer upon our half of the globe, and the earih revolves in perpetual darkness to our unsearch- ing eyes?" 88 The President then winds up these subjects with the following me- taphorical rhapsody : "The spirit of improvement is abroad upon the earth. It stimu- lates the heart, and sharpens the faculties, not of our fellow-citizens alone, but of the nations of Europe, and of their rulers. While dwelling with pleasing satisfaction upon tlie superior excellence of our political institutions, let us not be unmindful that Liberty is Power ; that the nation blessed with the largest portion of Liberty, must, in proportion to its numbers, be the most powerful nation up- on earth; and that the tenure of power by man, is, in the moral pur- poses of his Creator, upon condition that it shall be exercised to ends of beneficence, to improve the condition of himself and his fellow- men. — While foreign nations less blessed with that freedom which is power, »han ourselves, are advancing with gigantic strides in the ca- reer of public improvement; were we to slumber in indolence, or fold up our arms and proclaim to the world that we are palsied by the will of our constituents, would it not be to cast away the boun- ties of Providence, and doom ourselves to perpetual inferiority?" The writer cannot discover any object in introducing into the Message, the following sentence, unless it were to show, that there was no merit in the theories and forms of Constitutions; that all the difference amongst Governments, consisted in the relative merits of their administrative policy; and that all the Governments of Europe had been particularly happy in their administrative policy, within the last ten years. "For," says the President, "Europe, with a hw partial and unhappy exreptions, has enjoyed- ten years of peace, during which, all lier Governments, whatever the theory of their Constitutions, may have been, are successively taught to feel, that the end of their institution, is the happiness of the people; and that the exercise of power among men, can he Justified only by the blessings it confers upon those over whom it is exteiided.'^ Now, how could the President tell, that all the Governments of Europe, within the last len years, had been successively taught to feel, ^Uhat the end of their institution, is the happiness of the people, and that the exercise of power among men can be justified only by the blessings it confers up- on those over whom it is extended^ except as those lessons have been demonstrated, within that time, by the administrative policy and practice of each Government successively? The President has not thought proper to designate the happy lessons to which he alludes ; nor to tell, which of the happy Governments of Europe were the first, in the order of succession, to learn the happy lessons, "that the end of their institution is the happiness of the people; and that the exercise of power among men, can be justified only by the blessings it confers upon those over whom it is extended;" whether Russia, was so happy as to be the first to learn how to confer those blessings upon man, and Spain the last; or whether Spain comes in for the first honor, and Russia the last ; nor, whether Great Britain, has yet been admitted into this happy succession of the new taught Go- vernments for conferring blessings upon mankind; nor whether that happiness is yet in store for her : Great Britain having, hitherto. 89 refused to be instructed in the great lessons taught by the Holy Alli- ance : the only great lessons taught the European Governments, within the last ten years, which they did not know before. Nor can the exceptions, spoken of by the President, relate to any of the practical effects of the Holy Alliance, since demonstrated, as ex- plained in a former No. ; because they have been the necessary and regular results of the lessons of the Holy Alliance, and not ex- ceptions from them. In the peroration, the President repeats the opi- nion, as to the immateriality of the forms of Government, with some qualification abstractedly, and somewhat obscurely expressed, as fol- lows: "The great object of the institution of Civil Government, is the improvement of the condition of those, who are parties to the so- cial compact. And no Government in whatever form constituted, can accomplish the lawful ends of its institution, but as it improves the condition of those over whom it is established.^^ " Roads and Canals, by multiplying and facilitating the communications and intercourse between distant regions, and multitudes of men, are amongst the most important means of improvement.'* Here then, is a clear inference from the President's own declarations, that no Government can ac- complish the lawful ends of its institution without the power to make Roads and Canals; since these are amongst the most important means of improvement, and no Government can accomplish the law- ful ends of its institution, but in proportion as it improves the con- dition of those over whom it is established. Roads and Canals be- ing essential to such improvement, the Government, therefore, which does not possess the power to make Roads and Canals, cannot ac- complish the lawful ends of its institution. Yet the President in his inaugural Address, did most eloquently assert, that the Government of the United States had accomplished the lawful ends of its institu- tion. Not only had it done so, but it had done so in a superlative style; so superlative, as to throw all the other Governments in the world, into the back-ground, which had been brought into compa- rison with the General Government, before it had usurped the power to make Internal Improvements. The President proceeds — " But moral, political, and intellectual improvements, are duties assigned t)y the Author of our existence, to social, no less, than to individual man." Here the President has pressed into his service^ the Author of our existence, for moral, political, and intellectual improvement, in addition to the improvement by Roads and Canals. The term, '^social man,'' as used here, can only mean official man. It cannot mean mankind in general, because mankind, in general, in their na- tural and inofficial state, cannot perform the duties assigned by (he Author of our existence, for the improvement of the moral, political, and intellectual condition of man ; those duties, therefore, must be intended by him to be assigned to official man, or in other words, the administrators of all Practical Governments. If the moral, political, and intellectual improvements, are duties assigned by the Author of our existence to the administrators of the General Government, amongst others, what political duties remain unassigned to that Go- vernment? Do not these general expressians embrace all conceiva- 90 » hie political duties'? If so, and those duties are assigned by the Au- thor of our existence, to the administrators of the General Govern- ment, where is the limitation imposed upon the exercise of those du- ties? what is the practical use of the limitations in the Constitution, if unlimited power can be derived from a source, paramount tlie Constitution itself? From the Author of our existence il From the Divinity!! It will be found, that this doctrine of the Divine right, is again intimated and enforced in another part of this gilded nies- sage. The President suggests another source for the derivation of unlimited power- — in the foliowing words: "In assuming her station among the civilized nations of the earth, it would seem that our coun- try had contracted the engagement to contribute her share of mind, of labour, and of expense, to the improvement of those parts of knowledge, which lie beyond the reach of individual acquisition." The President here uses the term, "country," instead of Govern- ment; but as used, it is a perfect synonyme with Government. Be- cause, if our country has in fact contracted such an engagement, the practical Government alone, can execute it. It cannot be executed by "owr country''^ in any other form; and, if it be left to the will of the administrators of the Government to determine upon the cha- racter, and whole extent of such engagement, then they derive an undefined power from a source, beyond the Constitution; and con- sequently not subject to any of its restraints nor limitations. Be- sides, if " our countrf^ has in fact contracted any such engagement with the other civilized nations of tlie earth, such engagement must confer a power upon the General Government, co-equal and co-ex- tensive with the power of other civilized Governments; otherwise, the General Government could not, in honor, and good faith, perform all the engagements entered into and which may be entered into by "our country" with other civilized nations. Here, then, is another source for the derivation of power, paramount the Constitution, and beyond its limitations. The President proceeds to designate the Go- vernments of France, Great Britain and Russia, as examples for imi- tation; they having, " in generous emulation," "devoted the geni- us, the intelligence, and the treasures of their respective nations to the common improvement of the species," In geographical and as- tronomical sciences; and then puts this interrogator}' — "Is it not incumbent upon us to inquire, whether we are not bound by obliga- tions of a high and honorable character, to contribute our portion of energy and exertion to the common stock" ? and after putting this question, comes to the following positive conclusion — "We have been partakers of that improvcnicnt, and, owe for it, a sacred debt, not only of gratitude, but of equal or proportional exertion in the common cause." Admit, for a moment, that we do owe a debt of gratitude to Great Britain, France, and Russia, for their generous emulation, in the common cause for the acquisition of knowledge, has the Constitution granted the power to the General Government, to judge of the ex- istence, and extent of such debt, and to apply means to the discharge of it? or is the assumption of this power a sheer usurpation? Per= 91 haps the President may conceive that this debt of gratitude, is com- prehended within the debrs which Conjrress is authorised to pay un- der the following- clause of the Constitution — "The Congress shall have power to lay and collect taxes, &ic, to pay the debts of the Uni- ted States." The term, ''debts,'' might be extended to the inclusion of debts of gratitude to foreign nations, as well as pecuniary obliga- tions, with more plausibility, than other terms of the Constitution, have been extended to the inclusion of other powers, without any greater degree of affinity towards each other, respectively. But how long has it been, since the General Government, has adopted the no- tion, that there is or can be, a debt of gratitude, due from one na- tion to another? During the late European war in which France and Great Britain were engaged, the doctrine of a debt of gratitude to France, for her exertions in the cause of our independence, was most stoutly denied — particularly by the Federal party, and by no one of that party more loudly than by Mr. Adams. The doctrine then was, that tlie views of all nations were exclusively selfish; and that if the conduct of any one tended to the advantvage of another, it was a sheer consequential effect, of such selfish conduct; and im- posed no debt of gratitude whatever upon the nation receiving such consequential benefit. Yet, if ever there was a case in which a debt of gratitude might accrue, from the effects of the conduct of one nation, towards another, without interest, it was the case of France towards the United States, during their revolutionary struggle. But in the present case, there is no pretext whatever, set up by either of these generous emulating nations, that they had any object in view, than the improvement of their own condition; and of course, their claims of gratitude upon the United States, are less, than the claims of France, who made a common cause with the United States; and whether intcHtional, or not, did contribute materially to achieve for the United States the greatest possible blessing: The blessing of li- berty — A blessing, once highl}^ prized by the American people, and Government; but is now, amidst the fashionable glitter and splendor of the day, entirely bereft of all its intrinsic value, of all its fascina- tin"", endearing encliantments. Washington, in his inestimable Fare- well Address, speaks most wisely and eloquently against the intro- duction of this doctrine, of debts of gratitude to foreign nations ; and of all entangling alliances; and Mr. Adams himself in his 4th of July Oration, strains his juvenile, excursive, oratorical faculties, to the utmost, In denying the existence of any such debt, on the part of the United States, towards foreign nations. He even claims a great balance of account against them — -hear him in his own words: : THE ORATION. " And now, friends and countrymen, if the wise and learned philo- sophers of the elder tuorld, the first observers of nutation and aberra- tion, the discoverers of maddening ether and invisible planets,'^ (Her- schel and all that class o( observers) "the inventors of Congreve rockets and Sharpnel shells, should find their hearts disposed to in- quire. What has America done for the benefit of mankind? Let our answer be this: America with the same voice, which spoke herself in' 92 to existence as a nation, proclaimed to mankind the inexiingushable rights of human nature, and the only I aivful foundations of Govern- ment," &;c. &ic. At this time, Mr. Adams, in a strain of rapturous patriotic enthu- siasm, proclaimed his opinion to the world, that America had over- paid, to all other nations, every thing she had received from them by the great discover3', »*of the inextinguishable rights of human na- ture," and the only lawful foundations of Government!!! So at that day, thought every true-hearted American. How changed is Mr. Adams at this day!! How altered is his patriotic spirit!! How altered the professions of his tongue!! Nothing is heard from him now of "the inextinguishable rights of human na- ture." Nothing of the "only lawful fomidations of Government." Nothing of liberty, but Governmental liberty, as connected with Governmental power. This great American discovery seems no longer to have any charms for Mr. Adams. All his former enthusi- astic love, seems now to be converted into deadly hate. Then his best friend, now his most fearful foe. Then calling for the gratitude of other nations — now all claims abandoned; and a "sacred debt" — a debt of gratitude acknowledged to be due from America to other nations — whilst the great American discovery seems to be despised, and ai last set down in the account at naught!! Here Mr. Adams, under different circumstances, then out, and wishing to get in; now in, and wishing to keep in ; and bettering too, his condition whilst in, is seen in direct opposition to himself. He seems, as on another occasion, to have usurped the powers of the Queen, and to have moved himself directly the whole extent, from one side of Ijis check- ered political chess board, to the other. So he did at the time of his conversion from the Federal, to the Republican creed ; and now again he has flown to a sightless distance beyond the* utmost limits of the creed, from which he had proselyted to another. It is time for Mr. Adams to inform the world of liis suggested inducements to that great change which has already become so eventful to himself; and may so become to the rest of the world. The people, the wri- ter thinks, have a right to demand the public avowal. His own bi- ography essentially calls for it. It would not be possible to do jus- tice to his biography without it; and he is now become too great a man ; his destinies too much aloft, to permit the world to remain in darkness, as to the most important act of his wl)ole life. But above all, his repudiated old Federal friends, have the strongest claims up- on him. They have a right to be inlbrmed, why he put them off why he left them in the lurch; more especially, as it now turns out, that it could not have been for any disrelish to the energies of their old doctrines. Have they not a right to infer that their fidelity, their honor, their patriotism, as a party, became implicated in his desertion from them, and that too, in their utmost need ? If so, it becomes the justice, and candour of Mr. Adams, to satisfy them in relation to these most serious apprehensions. His high station can pit ad no excuse for a dignified silence; so far from it, it is that very high station, that makes it essential, that the wgxld shuuld be iofgrtw- 93' ed of his motive for an act, so characteristic of his life; and increa' ses the obligation on him to give the information, not only to the world; but in especial manner to his repudiated Federal friends. At the time of his desertion, the Federal party had a system, and was guided by principle. They mistook the true character of the Con- stitution. They thought it wanted energy ; and they would supply the defect, by legislating the necessary energy into it. In this, they were mistaken, as most schemers are, and in this mistake they found their ruin. But many, very many of the party were high-minded, honorable patriots, and at bottom, sound Ilepblicans. This portion of the Old Federal School mnst be shocked at the despotic follies and extravagancies of the day, and it is confidently hoped will be found in the array against them; whilst the renegado Democrats, the exclusive patriots, the exclusive friends of the people — the lovers of the people, the fond partakers of the loaves and fishes, lead the array in support of notions and measures, directly at war with all their former professions and vociferations. After a number of erratic effusions, which the writer thinks, are strangely introduced into the message, but which do not call for par- ticular animadversion, the President seems to gather up all his men- tal eulogies ; and to explode them, in the following rhapsodies ! " The spirit of improvement is abroad upon the earth. It stimulates the heart, and sharpens the faculties, not of our fellow-citizens alone; but of the nations of Europe, and of their rulers. While dwelling with pleasing satisfaction upon the superior excellence of our political in- stitutions, let us not be unmindful that liberty is power, that the na- tion blessed with the largest portion, must in proportion to its num- bers, be the most powerful nation upon earth, and that the exercise of power by man, is in the moral purposes of his CrPMtor, upon con- dition that it shall be exercised to the ends of beneficence, to improve the condition of himself and his fellow-men." This is the most sin- gularly arranged section, and the most inexplicable in its meaning, that the writer ever undertook to decypher, and analyse. The first clause is merely rhapsodic; and, will therefore, be passed over witli- out comment here. But what can be the meaning of this sentence? "While dwelling with pleasing satisfaction upon the superior excel lence of our political institutions, let us not be unmindful that liberty is power." l^iberty is here applied to pcliti-jal institutions, and hence it becomes necessary to remind us, that liberty is power; that is, the liberty of political institutions, is the power of political insti- tutions; that the nation blessed with the largest portion of liberty, must, in proportion to its numbers, be the most powerful nation upon earth. The term nation here, must necessarily be used for Govern- ment, otherwise it would be nonsense. The next senience gives it that meaning, but so covertly and obscurely, as to require soiue ana- lytical attention to find it out, "For," says the President; "and that the tenure of power by man i? in the moral purposes of his Crea- tor, upon condition, that it §hall be exercised to the ends of benefi- cence, to improve the condition of himself and his fellow-men." What description of fnan is it. which is to Jioldth? tenure of power? 94 Oflicial, or Natural Man? It cannot he natural man, because in a state of nature, there is no "tenure of power" whatever. Every man exercises his own power, without the tenure of power over ano- ther. The tenure of power, therefore, must relate to official man; to the admuiistrators of Government. In that case, taking the term nation to have been used for Government, the sentence ma^' be un- derstood to mean, that the Government which has most liberty, has most power; and is comparatively to its numbers, the strongest Go- vernment upon earth. — Here, too, is anothei* aspiration of the Di- vine right — "For," says the President, "the tenure of power by man, of course official nian, is in the moral purposes of his Creator, upon condition that it shall be exercised to the ends of beneficence, to improve the condition of himself and his fellow-men." Here, then, is another key to unlock this n)ysterious Golden Casket. This tenure of power is to be exercised according to the moral purposes of his Creator, to better the condition of himself and his fellow-men. Now, none but official man can, by the tenture of power, better the condition of his (ellow-men, whatever man might do in a state of nature towards bettering his own condition. This key, then, open^ the door to the mysterious contents of the Golden Casket. The President proceeds: "while foreign nations, less blessed with free- dom, wliicli is power, than ourselves, are advancing with gigantic, strides in the cause of public improvement.*' — Here, again, the term nation, is evidently used for Government, because all public improve- ments are executed by the direction and authority of the Govern- ment, and not by the nation, in its original sovereign character, and the term "less blessed with freedom, which is power, than ourselves" is a direct contradiction to every other conception in the whole quo- tation upon the same pointy and can be considered as nothing more than the cliosen decoy, ill its appropriate place for the usurpation of power in this form; and now we have arrived at the grand denoue- ment of all these mysterious metaphysics — "were we to slumber in indolence, or fold up our arms, and proclaim to the world that we are palsied b\' the will of our constituents, would it not be to cast away the bounties of Providence, and doom ourselves to perpetual inferiority?" These most wonderful conceptions and avowals arc rendered still more wonderful by reference to Mr. Adams's concep- tions upon the same point in the erratic excursions, and oratorical nourishes, \Aith which he decorates his ^Ith of July Oration — Hear iiim in his own words: " Stand forth, ye champions of Briiajxia, ruler of the Avaves ! Stand forth, ye chivalrous Knights of chartered liberties and the rotten bo- rough ! Knter the lists, ye boasters of inventive genius ! Ye mighty masters of the palette and the brush ! Ye improvers vpon the sculpture of the Elgin marbles! le spaivncrs of fustian romance, and lascivi- ous lyrics! Come and inquire what America has done for the bene- fit of mankind ! In the half century which has elapsed since the declaration of American Independence, What have you done for the hencfu of mankind?'^ [Yes, what have you done, ye Cooks and ye Parrys? Ye Heischels and ye Bradleys! Ye founders of astrouo- 95 mical observatories, and ye observers stalioned in them! Ye, that for the "half ceniury since the Declaration of our Independence," have with generous emulation "devoted the genius, the intelligence, the treasures of your respective nations, to the common improvement of the species in these branches of science," "what have you done for the benefit of mankindV^ Ye Byrons and ye Scotts, ye cultiva- tors of the "e/egant arta^'' and of "the sciences, ornamental and profound,''^ ye observatories and "observers stationed in them," ye observers of the "phenomena of the Heavens," in your boasted "one hundred and thirty of these light-houses of the skies," ye noters of "nutation and abberration," ye "discoverers of invisible planets," what have you done for the benefit of mankind V^ — Why should you pretend "to doom us to perpetual inferiority 7'"'\ It is strange that the President should have continued so long ena- moured with these sportive, puerile conceptions, as to introduce them into a grave message to Congress, and completely to invert the con- clusions of the whole. In his Oration, he contemptuously flouts at the pretension of dooming us to perpetual inferiority. In his mes- sage he substantially admits that same inferiority, and the remedy he suggests against its perpetuity, consists in disdaining to be "palsied by the will of our constituents." There is something so eccentric, ;o wonderful in these conceptions of the President, that the writer thinks, lie can best present the view of them, by a sliort apostrophe in the style of the erratic 4th of July Oration, in behalf of the Pre- sident to the desperate supporters, and coadjutors of his wild, inta- tuated schemes of blind ambition: "Stand forth, ye dear friends!! Ye fond lovers !! Ye intrepid desperadoes in a common destiny !! Our all is at hazard! Time to me is every thing! Not a moment is to be lost! This is no time to "slumber in indolence ! to fold up our irms and proclaim to the world, that we are palsied by the will of 3ur constituents! to cast away the bounties of Providence, and doom )urselves to perpetual inferiority" — No ! Perish every such puny bought!! Now, stand forth, ye gallant champions and desperadoes — recollect that ye are united in a common cause— placed beyond ihe Rubicon — without retreat. Now is the precious moment for ac- ion. Now is the moment to harrow up our blood. To strengthen Dur arms, to sliflen our sinews, to set desperately pell mell, on our ireadful — " Pugnis et calcibus, unguibus et rostro" — and boldly strike down to everlasting perdition, the will of our constituents, and remorselessly stab to the heart our country's liberty. If we should mcceed in the daring enterprise, glorious will be our triumph; and rich our reward. I shall then succeed in all the towering hopes of my mad ambition, and become your great Caesar, sovereign and ab- solute; whilst ye shall riot upon the spoils of our constituents. Such will be the glorious trophies of a decisive victory over the will of Dur constituents, over our country's liberty. — ButO! thought too horrible!! if per hazard, our dread foe, the will of our constituents, guided by the terrific genius of liberty, should triumph over us; then are we all for ever lost!! Then shall we altogether lie low In the dust!! Then all my towering hopes will sink down to the bottom of 96 the deep Tartarus ; and I shall fall like Lucifer, " never to rise again !" and all my fancied greatness must dissolve into nothing, %vhilst ye must become the wretched sharers of our common dis- graceful well-merited destinies. The which, may God of his infi- nite goodness, irrevocably decree!! And thus, once more, graci' ously interpose for the salvation of American Liberty!!! March 9, 1826. NEW SERIES— NO. XIL [By the Author of Political Disquisitions.} The Golden Casket — or, The President's Message — or, a procla- mation of a great civil revolution, in the Governments of "this U- nion.'- " All tliat g-listers is not gold. <* Often )>ave you heard that told; '< Many a man his life hath sold, " Hut my outside to behold ; *• Gililed tombs do lecrma i%ifo!d, " Had you been as -wise as bold, " Young in limbs, in judgment old, " Your answer had not been unscroll'd; "Fare you WEit; your suit is cold." — [Shakspeare.. Aut Casar — 'Out A'ullus. The writer, after bestowing his best attention upon a review of the message, in relation to the President's abstract views of the theories* and objects of Givil Governments, and to his comparative views ofj the General Government, with the Governments of the rest of tliej ^vorkl, as avowed thereii:, cannot avoid adopting the following con- clusions : 1st. That, in the President's opinion, there is no difference in thej theories of Governmental institutions; provided they leave the prac- tical Governments perfectly free» in the choice of means to better thej condition of those over whom they are respectively extended. 2d. That all Governmental duties are assigned to '^social man'*! by the Author of our existence; or in other words, that all Govcrn-j mental rights and powers, are of divine origin. 3d. That "no Government, in whatever form constituted, can ac- complish the lawful ends of its institution," unless it be left free to| exercise an unlimited discretion in the choice of means, to better the] condition of those over whom it is extended. 4th. That the restraints of the will of constituents are absolutelyj incompatible with such unlimited discretion. 5th. That, in this important respect, the theories of European] Governments, particularly those of Great Britain, France and Russia, | have a decided advantage over the General Government ; and that] this advantage must continue, so long as the administrators of thej 97 General Government shall condescend to be palsied by the will of their constituents. 6th. That it is in consequence of this '* ineffable" advantage, that the Governments of Great Britain, France and Russia, are repeat- edly recomtnended in the message, as examples for imitation; the opinions expressed in the 4lh of July Oration, to the contrary not- withstanding. Nor can the writer avoid expressing his great surprise, at the spi- rit which must have dictated the following and other similar expres- sions, in a message from the President of the United States. — "The spirit of improvement is abroad upon the earth. It stimulates the heart, and sharpens the faculties, not of our fellow-citizens alone, but of the nations of Europe, and of their rulers." The facts here stated are doubtlessly true ; so far as regards the people, but not their rulers. — It is not known that the rulers of the nations of Europe, have partaken of this excessive delirium. — There is not only a spirit of improvement abroad upon the earth ; but this spirit has been conjur- ed up into a wild enthusiastic rage for improvement. Amidst this mis- chievous rage, what was to have been expected from a President of the United States.-* That *'he would have mounted the whirlwind," and added more destructive elements, thunder and lightning, to the raging storm!!! No! certainly not. But that he would the rather, have kept himself entirely aloof from the destructive influence of this des- tructive storm. That in the midst of it, he would have remained steadfast in mind and purpose, and would have coolly and soberly admonished the people of the United States against its desolating effects. That he would have told them, there ought to be no passion- ate excitements intermixed with the mere business of Internal Im- provements ; that it was a matter for arithmetical calculation, to be decided by the tribunal, entrusted with the exercise of that power. That in the organization of American institutions, the power over In- ternal Improvements, was left with the State Governments, and that the General Government had nothing to do with it. That the State Governments had deeply participated in tiie universal rage for Inter- nal Improvements; and did not require any provocations to exertion. That Individual Internal Improvements, in all new countries, were more beneficial than Governmental ones. Such surely would have been the suggestions of wisdom and moderation. This would have been the middle path, heretofore strongly recommended to the Presi- dent's observance ; and the writer hopes and thinks, the President himself will regret his departure from it within the next three years. For, what effects have already been disclosed both abroad and at home, from this destructive storm i* What effects are felt from it, at this mo- ment, in the great money emporium of the world.'* What scenes does London exhibit at this moment!* All the wealth of London, nay, of the whole British Empire, could not withstand the destructive rage for stock and improvements, both internal and external. There are, too, some prophetic developments unfolding themselves in these United Stales, which lead to the fond hope that the desolating storm will waste itself here within one more year without further mischief; N 9S and perhaps with the blessed ellect of purifying the poisonous: poli- tical atmosphere. The writer will now proceed to examine the third source, resorted to by the President, lor the derivation of power to the General Gov- ernment. "Constructive powers exercised over the Constitution of the United States." These will be found in the following quotation from the message — "The Constitution under which you are assembled is a charter of limited powers. After full and solemn deliberation upon all or any of the objects, which, urged by an irresistible sense of my own duty, I have recommended to your attention, should you come to the con- clusion, that, however desirable in themselves, the enactment of laws for effecting them would transcend the powers committed to you by that venerable instrument which we are all bound to support; let no consideration induce you to assume the exercise of powers not grant- ed to you by the people. But, if the power to exercise exclusive legislation in all cases whatsoever, over the District of Columbia; if the power to lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts and excises, to pay the debts, and provide for the common defence and general wel- fare of the United States; if the power to regulate commerce with foreign nations, and among the several States, and with the Indian tribes; to fix the standard of weights and measures; to establish post offices and post roads; to declare war; to raise and support armies; to provide and maintain a navy; to dispose of and make all needful rules and regulations respecting the territory or other property be- longing to the United States; and to make all laivs ^vhich shall be necessary and proper for carrying these powers into execution: If these powers and others enumerated in the Constitution, may be ef- fectually brought into action by laws promoting the improvement of agriculture, commerce and manufactures, the cultivation and encour- agament of the mechanic and of the elegant arts, the advancement of literature, and the progress of the sciences, ornamental and pro- found, — to refrain from exercising them for the benefit of the people themselves, would be to hide in the earth the talent committed to our charge— would be treachery to the most sacred of trusts." The construction contained in the foregoing quotation, the writer cojiceives, to be made over, and not tinder, the Constitution of th? United States; because it disregards two rules, not only universally applied to the constructions of all written instruments, but are, in sub- stance, expressly recognized in the Constitution itself. The one is^ that all written instruments ought to be so construed, that every part shall be effectual, when there is no direct contradiction in the several parts themselves. The other is, that the expression of one thing, shall be deemed the exclusion of another. Both of these rules are, in substance, expressly rccognixed in the Constitution in the follow- ing words : — "The enumeration, in the Constitution, of certain rights, shall no« be construed to deny or disparage others, retained by the people." "The powers, not delegated to the United Slates, by this Consti- tution, nor prohibited by it to the States, are reserved to the States respectively, or to the people." £• ^9 The President in his construction supersedes both of these rules. This is done by the contrivance of amalgamating certain specified powers, taken from th<3 Constitution, and proposing by their influ- en<:e, "to bring into action," all Governmental powers wiiatever, through "laws," to be made for the improvement of all conceivable Governmental objects. By this subtle contrivance, the President escapes from the responsibility for deductions, which, he must be con^ Ecious, could not be made from his premises. Such construction must supersede the Constitution itself, because after reciting the fore- going specifications, instead of applying the rule, diat the expres- sion of these specifications, is the exclusion of all others, the Presi- dent makes the expression the ^^ inclusion of all others," in direct vi- olation of tlie rule laid down in the Constitution itself, and thus ap- plies his constructive powers over, and not under the Constitution. Tile President also avails himself of the amalgamation of these spe- cifications, to destroy the eliicacy of each particular specification | and thus to defeat the very end for which eacli specification was in- troduced into tlte ConstilutioD. An example of each of these cases will be given: From the powers to "exercise exclusive legislation ui all cases whatsoever over the District of Columbia" and ibe povv-! cr "to dispose of, and make all needful rules and regulations res- pecting the territor}', or other property belonging to the United States" when amalgamated with other powers, the Pi-esid^nt infers powers, to exercise exclusive legislation in all cases whatever, over the whole United States; as well as over the particular District of Columbia; whereas according to the just, and universal rule of in- terpretation, as well as according to tiie provisions of the Constitu- tion, expi'essly giving the power of exclusive legislation over tlje Dis" trict of Columbia, excludes all pretext of an intentioH to give exclu-'' SAve jurisdiction, over all other districts within the United States. The same conclusion will inevitably result from the power to make all need- ful rules and regulations over the territories. The other universal rule of interpretation is violated, by deductions from the following expressed power — "to lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts and excises, to pay the debts an