LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 
 
 DDDDSD7fl3t.E 
 

 v ^ 
 
 «o- -^' 
 
 .^^ *: 
 
 
 ^^<b- 
 
 o » • 
 
 
 ..'. o 
 
 1-^ t 
 
 V 
 
 
 
 ^Otv^ 
 
 
 
 
 o « o 
 
 '. % ^^ ^ 
 
 
 
 -^vT. 
 
 
 
 ** s^ •^ *^ 
 

 't.. 
 
 
 0^ 
 
 
 f,^' 
 
 s* A 
 
 •^> "^ 
 
 <^. 
 
 .-^^ .'-^.^ 
 
 
 "' ^ 
 
 
 
 ,-^ 
 
 <S.'' 
 
 
 <*► 
 
 
 ^ 
 
 <? 
 
 
 .0 
 
 ..^ 
 
 ^o 
 
 i: 
 
 
 r/- 
 
 
 s' A 
 
 A 
 
 ^* 
 
 ^<f>. 
 
 
 >v: 
 
 qi-. 
 
 < 
 
 v^^ 
 
 ^V ^ 
 
 vO^ 
 
 ■q.. **.,.•* ^0 
 
 
 '' .^^ 
 
AN 
 
 TO THE 
 
 ■ ■y.- 
 
 ON THE SUBJECT OF THE 
 
 PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION 
 
 — @®©— 
 
 Fellow Citizens : 
 
 Few events can be more interesting to a free people, than 
 the election of their chief magistrate. The time is rapidly approaching, when 
 you will be called upon to exercise that high function. Much of your political 
 happiness, and the welfare of your country, depends, at all times, upon a judicious 
 choice. But at no period of our government, has it been more important to in- 
 quire, with the most rigid scrutiny, into the qualifications and opinions of those 
 who aspire to the highest honor in your power to bestow. The venerable patriot 
 of the revolution, who is now your President, has pursued a course of measures^ 
 suggested by the experience of the late war, suited to our multiplied interests and 
 augmented population, and calculated, while they inspire confidence and give 
 security at home, to command the respect of foreign nations. This wise sys- 
 tem of policy received, as it merited, the gerveral approbation ; but it cannot be 
 concealed, that while the wounds of ancient party contests were gradually healing, 
 new ones have been inflicted by former friends ; and that a faction, under the 
 denomination of the Radical party, h^s sprung into existence, which, disregarding 
 the lessons of re;cent experience, aims at substituting feebleness in the place of ener- 
 gy — a niggard and short-sighted parsimony, in place of a wise and liberal econo- 
 my, and shutting their eyes upon the threatening signs of the times, would neg- 
 lect those preparations for war in a season of tranquillity, which are always the 
 best security for the continuance of peace. To prevent the incalcula- 
 ble evils which the predominance of such a party would necessarily inflict upon 
 our country, it behoves you to blast it at once, by the frowns of your indignation, 
 and to withdraw all favour from that candidate, under whose banner it marches. 
 If, from this situation of your Internal afli'airs, the election of the next President 
 is made peculiarly interesting, it becomes doubly so, from the position in which 
 you are placed in relation to the great powers of ti.e world. You are fully aware 
 that, under the impious appellation of " T'lie Holy Alliance,^'' a combination of 
 absolute and powerful monarchs has been formed in Europe, to carry on a re- 
 lentless crusade against the liberties of mankind, which threatens to extinguish 
 tht light of learning and science together with the light of freedom, and bring 
 back upon the world the barbarism, the heartless despotism, and gloomy supersti- 
 tion, of the dark ages. This political monster, more terrific than any which thg 
 
 * In preparing the following address, the principal oWeut of which is, by giving Extracts 
 from Mr. Calhoun's speeches aud Reports, to place beft)re the public his political opinions 
 and views, in his own language, apamphUu pulilishcl in Noith-Carolina, on the subject of 
 the Presidential Election, and ^lo-ne pif;cep uublitlied in the Richmond Enquirer, signed 
 " Thomson," have been freely -..'soriefi to, not only for the Extracts, whicji are made witf; 
 great judgment, but in many instances for the comments on t-hem. = 
 
k a 1 , % 
 
 o! 
 
 AA 
 
 4 
 
 fluoes orniodcnt ipvolaiioii liavo ])iO(1ace(1, having bound in chains tlie noitli of 
 I'Airope, anfl ti(j(l(len muler loot tl'.e fair lloweis of iVeedom that began lo bios- 
 s'oni in tlie classic soil of" Ital}', has since driven deg'oded- France to attack and 
 crush the generous assertors of Spanisli liberty ; to restore the horrors of the in- 
 (juisition, and to rivet the fetters of slavery iiiicm liie niir.d^as well as the bodies 
 of men. And now, unsatis'ied with t!ie limits ol" continental Europe, casts across 
 the Atlantic his withering glance upon the new-liorn re[;ub!ics of America, Our 
 political chief has met it undismayed, antl utteretl a voice of calm defiance, 
 which has found an echo in tlie breast of every freenian. If a war of extermina- 
 tion is to be waged upon republican government in the Southern part of our 
 continent, and the great battle Ijetween liberty and despotism is to be fought 
 there, we cannot remain still, and look on the awful conflict as unconcerned 
 spectators. In view of these threatening perils from abroad, it is matter of the 
 deepest concern to our interest, our honour, and the safety of our beloved coun- 
 try, that a man should be placed at the head of the government, w iiose system 
 of policy, whose energy and firmness, whose lofty genius and high-souled patri- 
 otism, fit him for the impending crisis. 
 
 Such a man, the past services and history of Joiis C Calhoun proclaim him 
 to be. Of them, I propose to give you a sketch, in the following pages, which, 
 that no material fact may rest upon assertion, will be principally occupied by ex- 
 tracts from his speeches and reports. These will give you a living picture, 
 though necessarily an imp&rfect one, of this great statesman, and afford such of 
 you as do not already possess them, the means of forming your own opinions of 
 his qualifications for the Presidency. 
 
 From his earliest youthful conceptions on political subjects, up to the present 
 period, John C. Calijoun has uniformly manifested the warmest attachment to 
 the pure republican principles which form the basis of our free institutions. — 
 From a mother of Roman virtues, who had been often compell -d to desert her 
 Jiome by the ravages of the tov'es, he imbibed those noble sentiments of national 
 devotion, which gave sucli a ciiann to his parliamentary eloquence ; and from 
 a father of sound and discriminating judgment, who served in the Legislature of 
 South-Carolina, during the wliole period of the revolution and after its termina- 
 tion, till his death, he imbibed those sentiments of lofty patriotism, which have 
 " grown with his growth, and strengthenexl with his strength." Having literally 
 devoured most of the ancient historians, at an extremely early age, and before 
 he commenced his grammar-school studies, the impressions made by these pa- 
 rental lessons were swelled into an enthusiastic admiration of the great models of 
 republican antiquity. After the death of his father, he was placed at the Acade- 
 my, aiid under the superintending care of his brother-in-law, the celebrated Dr. 
 Waddel ; a gentleman alike distinguished for the graces of religion, and the ac- 
 complishments qf a scholar. 
 
 From the academy of Dr. Waddel, he was transferred to Yale College, m Con- 
 necticut. Here he was destined to encounter his preceptor, tlie celebrated Dr. 
 Dwight, in the field of political discussion. In the course of a recitation, thf; 
 Doctor expressed a doubt whether the republican system was really better calcu- 
 lated to promote the happinei^s of the peoiile than a limited monarchy. Tiiis gave 
 rise to a warm and animated debate between tlie Doctor and Mr. Caliioun, in 
 which the latter evinced such depth of thought, and power of argument, that the 
 foriuer predicted his future rise to the Ihghest honors of the republic. ''That 
 young man," said he afterwards to a friend, "has talents enough to be President 
 of the United States." 
 
 From Yale he vent to Litchfield, where he attended for two years the celebrat- 
 ed Law Lectures of Judges Reeve and Gould. After an absence of five or six 
 yeiis, he returned to his native state, and entered on the practice of the law with 
 the success usual to all his endeavors. But the n,i:io'ial excitement against Eng- 
 land L^aily increasing, vjth her increasing at rog'.nce i;^r) injustice, he was readily 
 prevailed upon to become a member of the State Legislature. Indeed, he seems 
 
n 
 
 fmm the fust, to havestudiod tlie law iiinre ns a subordinate branch oftlic science 
 of irovoninicnt, tlnii uitli a view to a Ioh'j, professionul |)i;iclice. Havin;:, l)y hi'* 
 Jegislative services at Columbia, laid (hcrouiKlation of a popularity throughout the 
 state, as permanent as that iu his own immediate neisiliboinhood, we next fmc{ 
 Mr. Calhoun on a theatre suited to his j^veat talents and inlormation — a mem- 
 ber of the Congress tliat (ieclared war against (Jreal IMtaiii. 
 
 Preceded by the fame he had already aci]uired, liis appraranco in the national 
 legislature was hailed as tlie most important acquisition to thar l;ndy. Mr. Speak- 
 
 rer Clay, without regard to seniority of years or services, plared him, at once, the 
 second member of the committee (foreic^n relations) at thetiine emphatically the 
 *S flrst in tile house: and of uhich cosnmittee he soon became the ciiairman. Iu 
 
 O this leading position none but a statesman of the first order could have sustained 
 *^ himself. During a parliamentary contest of more than four years; and against a 
 *^ weight and style of opposition unknown to the Congress of the revolution, Mr. 
 i^ Calhoun, by his reports and speeches ; by his genius, eloquence, lirmness, and 
 ^ patriotism, made himself the chief support of the second war of our independ-^ 
 fi^ ence; and, like the primitive patriots of tlie revolution, triumphed in the glory of 
 his country. That tiiis is not an extravagant encomium, I appeal to the feelings 
 of the period, and to documents. Tiie Richmond Enquirer, of the ilth ol 
 December, 1811, thus speaks: 
 
 " We present this clay the speeches of Mossis. Randolpli and Calhoun, the 'counterfeit 
 prcsentmeiu' of two otatois, liu it is ' liv|)<'il:ia to a Satyr.' 'jljc one amuses us by ex- 
 cursiveness ; the other delisihts us by the conc'ensalion of hi's ideas. Tlie one is an edition 
 of Clinton ' run mad ;" the other resemble* one ol the old sages of the old Congress, with 
 the graces of youth. Mr. Randolph has surpa.^sed liimself la his own line ol actini; ; the 
 snarlin<: and petulent <;ritic, who raves and bit'es at eveiy thin"; around him ; obliquf' in his 
 positions; extravaifant in his fact.?; flo(uiderii:<( and blundering in his conclusions. Mr. 
 Calhoun is clear and precise in his reasoninjj ; niarch inf; us directly to the object of his 
 attack, and felling down the errors of his op|K)nent wiih tlie club of Hercules ; not eloqii'^nt 
 In his tropes and figines : but, like Fox, in the uioial elevation of liis sentiments, tree fioia 
 personalily: yet full oftho.s^e (ino t04jches of indiijjnation, which are the severest cut to a man 
 of feeling." His speech, like a fine diauing, aliounds in tho^e lights and shades, which set 
 ofl' each other ; the cause of his country is robed in li^hl ; while her opponents are wrapped 
 in darkness. It were a contracted wish that Mr. Calhoun were a Virginian ; though after 
 the quota which she has furnished, with o[>[iosition talents, sucl; a wish, might be forgivea 
 us. Yet we beg leave to participate, as Americans and friends of our country, in the honors 
 of South Carolina. We hail this young Caiolinian, as one of the master spirits who stamp 
 their name upon the age in which ihey live." 
 
 About the same time we find the following notice copied into the Enquirer: 
 
 '• The Hon. John C. Caihonn, (says the correspondent of the Hartford Mercury.) a Re- 
 presentative tViiin South Carolina, the jeailein in sc'cond named on the conimittee ol Foreign 
 Relations, graduated at Vale College, in this '^tate, in the year loO-,'. In his high, ibirnclcr 
 as a scholar, and the Heaailean vigor of his understanding, American liberty caniio' tad to 
 find a most pow rlul supj ort." 
 
 The speech so justly characterized and applauded by the Enquirer, and which 
 called forth a general burst of admiration, was Mr. Calhoun's first essay in Con- 
 gress — at an age less than thirty. No one then thought him inn yoims: to talio the 
 lead in defence of our rigiits. That objection has been fwelvc years reserved— io 
 the period when the country is no Inn^tr labouring under tlr: pressure ol external 
 and internal difficulties, and wlien, from the lapse of time, the obligations of pub- 
 lic gratitude are supposed to be relaxed or forgotten. But to return to the occa^ 
 sio7i of tiie speecii. 
 
 The committee of foreign relations had reported in favorof immediate prepara- 
 tion for war, with the avowed object of an early declaration of hostilities. 3Ir. 
 Randolph opposed the measures recommended by the committee ; took a wide 
 view of our foreign relations, and deprecated war as tnijust to England and calam- 
 itous to ourselves. To Mr. Calhoun was as.signed thiC duty of replyinj: to Mr. 
 Randolph ; and from the masterly style in which tlie task was executed — not to 
 <*peak, in this place; of subsequent victoiies obtiineil over the sanie individual, oil 
 
ihe same great questions, we may perceive whence the feeling that dictated the. 
 denunciation of Mr. C. by the factious appelhition of "the army candidate." 
 
 During every stage of the discussions which preceded the declaration of war 
 against Great Britain, and during every stage and every vicissitude of that event- 
 ful and trying contest, Mr. Calhoun took a leading and distinguished part in the 
 debates of Congress. As chairman of the committee of Foreign Relations, it be- 
 came his peculiar duty to devise and sustain the various measures necessary for 
 the prosecution of the contest. A perusal of his various speeclies, will result iu 
 convincing every impartial reader, that for Roman energv, lofty patriotism, pro- 
 found political sagacity, and masculine eloquence, Mr. Calhoun has no superior 
 in the present day. I have deliberately weighed every phrase of tiiis eulogium, 
 and I feel perfectly assured, that it will be confirmed by the judgment of posteri- 
 ty. I invite your attention to a brief review of some of his speeches fcr a con- 
 firmation of the opinion I have expressed. And though disconnected quotations 
 can give but a feeble notion oftlie impression made by tlie connected argument, 
 yet enough will be presented to communicate the spirit of the orator, and to j'.sti- 
 fy the foregoing complimentary remarks and predictions of Mr. Ritchie, in the 
 Kichmond Enquirer. 
 
 Among the energetic measures proposed in the session of 1811-12, for placing 
 the nation in an attitude of defence, was a bill to fii up, and put in commission, 
 dU the vessels of the navy, and to build a certain numlier of frigates. The latter 
 provision received the ardent support of Mr. Calhoun, but was finally lost. Let 
 it be here observed, that this vote was taken before the declaration of war, and 
 of course, before the navy liad fought itself into favor with politicians of less wis- 
 dom and foresight. 
 
 We next find Mr. Calhoun (Gth March, 1812^ supporting an embargo for 90 
 days as a measure preparatory to war. Here again it was his lot to reply to Mr. 
 Randolph. Mr. Calhoun said, m the course of his speech — 
 
 " We will not, I hope, wait the expiration of ihe Embarg^o to take our stand against Eng- 
 land — that stand which the best interests, and the honor of tiiis nation, have so loudly de- 
 manded. In his zeal against the Embargo, the gemleinan from Virginia says, it was en- 
 gendered between the Comniittec of Foreign Jlelatiou.^ and the executive. Engendered! 
 The gentleman must be sensible of ilie impropriety of such language — applied to the execu- 
 tive, or a committee of this house. No, s.r, it was not engendered, but adopted by Iwth the 
 executive and committee, from its manifest piopriety as a prelude to war. There is no 
 man in his reason and uninfluenced by party feelings, hut must acknowledge that a declara- 
 tion of war on our part, ought almost invariably to be preceded by an Embargo. One 
 might suppose, from the language of the genlleraan from Virginia, that he was much in the 
 secrets of the government. He says, the plan now is, to disband the army, and carry on a 
 predatory war on the ocean. 1 can assure him, if such be the plan, I am wholly ignorant of 
 jt ; and that, should it be proposed, it would not meet with my approbation. I am decisively 
 of opinion that the best interests of the country will be consulted, by calling out the whole 
 force of the community to protect its rights. Should this course fail, the next will he to 
 submit to our enemy with as good a grace as possible. Let us not provoke where we cannot 
 resist. The mongrel state, half war, half peace, is more to be deprecated. The gentleman 
 from Virginia has told us much of the signs of the times. I did hope, that the age of super- 
 stition was past. Sir, if we must examine the auspices ; if we must inspect the entrails of 
 #ie times, I would pronounce the omens good. It is from moral— ^not brute or physical 
 omens, that we ought to judge, and what more favorable rould we desire than that the na- 
 tion is at last roused from its lethargy, and stands prepared to vindicate its interest and hon- 
 or .' On the contrary, a nation so sunk in avarice, and so corrupted by faction, as to be 
 insensible to the greatest injuries, and lost to its independence, would be a sight more por- 
 tentous than comets, earthquakes, eclipses, or the whole catalogue of omens which we have 
 heard the gentleman from Virginia enumerate. 1 assert, and gentlemen know it — if we 
 submit to the pretensions of England, now openly avowed, the independence of this nation 
 is lost — we shall be, as to our commerce at least, re-colonized. This is the second struggle 
 for our liberty ; and if we do but justice to ourselves, it will be no less glorious and success- 
 ftil than the first. Let us but exert ourselves, and we must meet with the prospering smile 
 of heaven. Sir, I assert it with confidence, a war Just and necessary in its origin, wisely 
 and vigorously carried on, and honorably terminated, would establish the union and pros- 
 perity of our countr" for centuries." 
 
 This speech may be regarded as a history before the fact, of the mighty strug- 
 gle in which we were about to embark. The youthful orator, who "resembled one 
 
5 
 
 af the old sages of tlie oU Cong»cs.s,"lo()koil ihiougli tlie stoimanil glooru of war, 
 to the clear siuisliine of^lory which biust on his coiiMtiy ;it ilic conclusiuii. jMay 
 the lust letter of his pretliction be tHiuully accdinphsluMl ! 
 
 In a previous reply to Mr. Randolph, Mr. Calhoun had said— 
 " Tiie gcntlciiian from Virfjinia has not failed to touch on the (-[ihiniitii's of war ; that 
 fruitful source of declamation — by whicii, plly becomes the ailvDcale of cowartlicc ; but I 
 know nnt what we hav(Mo do with the subject. If the ijen'lemnii desires to repress tiie 
 gallant ardour of our countrjnion l)y such topics, let nic inform liiin, that true coura>,^e re- 
 tards oulv the cause ; auci il contidout that liiat is just and necessarv, despises the pain and 
 <lai!Ter of war. If he really wishes to promote the cause of huinaiiily, let his eloiiuencc 
 be addressed to Lord Wellesley and Wr. rercival, aufi nol to the Amerieaii Compress. Tell 
 iheni,that if they persist in surli ilaring insult and injury to a neutral nation, that however 
 incliued to peace, it will be bound in honor and interest to resist ; and that our patience 
 and lieiicvolence, however i;ieal, will be exhausted ; that the calamities of war will ensue, 
 and that tke British governmcnl, in the opinion of wounded humanity, will he ansvver.ible 
 for all its devastations and niisefy. Let meltina; pity, a regard to the interests of huihauity, 
 stay the hand of injustice ; an!, my life on il, the gentleman will not find it ditlicult to call 
 oft" his country from the bloody sceucs of war. \Vc ar« next told of the daiejers of war !— . 
 I helieve we are all wiliiii? to .icknowleaf;e It.; hazards and accidents; but I cannot think 
 we have anv extraordinarv dau<;er t<> contend with — at least, so nnu'h as to warrant an ac- 
 quiescence in the injuries wc iiave received. The balance of power has also been intro- 
 duced as an arsutnent for submission. England is said to be a barrier against the niilitarv 
 despotism in France. There is, sir, one great error in our legislation. We are ready enougii 
 to protect the interests of the European States; and, it would seem, ffom this argument, to 
 ■watch over tiiose of a foreign nation, while we grossly neglect ourown immediate concerns. 
 This arsument of the balance of power, is well calculated for ihe British parliament; but 
 not at all for the American Congress to entertain. Tell the Britons that they are eombatting 
 with a mii'lity power in Euio[)e, and that, if they will jiersist to insult and inJHrc the Amcri- 
 ran people, weshall be compelled to throw our whole force into the scaleof ilK-iradycrsury 
 I-et the gentleman from Virginia pourtiay the danger to them, and if they will d<!sist Iroru 
 iiHury, i will answer for it, that we shall not disturb the balance of power. But it is pre- 
 posterous to talk of the balance of power, while diev, by their couduct, deride our simple, 
 good-natured, pacific and tbrbearing policy. If, however, in the contest, it should be found, 
 that they underrate our strength, which I liojiearid believe events will demonstrate, and we 
 can, in fact, influence the.balance of power, then it will not be difficult for us to obtain such 
 terms as our rights demand.' 
 
 At length the moment arrived, when Mr. CALHotF>', from the Comnihtee of Fo- 
 reign Relations, to whom was referred the Message of the President, recommend- 
 ing war, made a report, conceived in a spirit, and expressed in an eloquence, 
 which unquestionably renders it the second document in the annals of our inde- 
 pendence; and when the personal jealousies and political prejudices of the present 
 day shall have given place to the generous etiusions of patriotic feeling, the De- 
 claration of our Wiongs and Rights of 1812, cannot fail to be placed, with one 
 consent, next to,the immoital Act which first called us into national being. I 
 will cite, as a specimen of it, the concluding paragraph only : 
 
 " Your Committee helieve, that the freeborn sons of America are worthy to enjoy the 
 liberty which their fathers purchased, at the price of much blood and treasure ; and, seeing 
 in the measures adopted by Great Britain, a course commenced and persistetl m, which 
 might lead to a loss of national character and independence, feel no hesitation in anvising 
 resistance by force, in which the Americans of the present day will prove to the encaiy and 
 the world, tliat we have not only inherited that liberty which our fathers ga\e us, liif also- 
 the will and power lo maintain it. Relying on the patriotism of the nation, and coi!li(:cntIy 
 trusting that the Lord of Hosts will go with us to battle in a rinhteous cause, and crown 
 our efforts with success— Your Committee recommend an immediate appeal to AK^.b. 
 
 After the war was declared, Mr. Calhoun, always deprecatingjialf-way mea- 
 sures 
 on th 
 
 trays, a--^^ 
 
 the old Congress with the graces of youth," that I must be excused for makmg a 
 copious extract. It gives the most admirable exposition of the restrictive systenj 
 ever published : 
 
 " T!ie restrictive system, as a mode of resistance, or as a means of obtaining redress, has 
 never i'.eeii ; favorite'one with me. I wish not to censure the motives which dictated it, or 
 :^tri;?ule weakueas to those wlia fust resorted to it for a restojation ol our n^h's. liut, sir^ 
 
6 
 
 1 object to the restrictive system^iecanse it does notsuit the genius of tlie people, or tfia* 
 of our government, or the geographical cliaracter of our country. We are a people essen- 
 tially active. I may say wc are pre-eminently so. No passive system ciin suit such a peo- 
 ple: in action superior to all others; in patient endurance inferior to many. Nor docs it 
 suit the genius of our government. Our government is founded on frcedon), and hates co- 
 ercion. To make the restrictive system eftective, requires the most arbitrary laws. Eng- 
 land, with the sevcre.st penal statutes, has not been able to exclude prohibited articles; and 
 IVapoleon, with all his power and vigilance, was obliged to resort to tlie most barbarous 
 laws to enforce his continental system." 
 
 After slowing how the whole mercantile community must become coiriiptecl, 
 by the temptations and facilities for sijnuggling. and how the ptiblic opinion of the 
 commercial community, (upon which the .system must depend for its enforce- 
 ment,) becomes opposed to it, and gives sanction to its violation, he proceeds : 
 
 " But there arc other objections to the sj'stem. It renders government odious. The far' 
 mer inquires, why he gets no more for his produce, and he is told it is owing to the embar- 
 go or commercial restrictions. In this he sees only the hand of his own government, anij 
 not the acts of violence and injustice, which thissysteni is intended to counteract. His cen- 
 sures fall on the government. This is an unhappy state of the (luldic mind; and even, 1 
 might say, in a government resting essentially on public opinion, a dangerous one. In war 
 it is different. The privation, it is true, may be equal or greater, hut the public mind, un- 
 der the strong impulses of that state of things, becomes steeled against sufferings. The dif- 
 ference rs almost infinite, between the passive and active state of the mind. Tie down a 
 hero, and he feels the puncture of a pin ; throw him into battle, and he is almost insensible 
 to vital gashes. So in war, impelled alternately by hojie and fear ; stimulated by revenge; 
 depressed by shame, or elevated by victory, the people become invincible. No privation 
 can '■•>kf their fortitude; no calamity break their spirit. Even when equally successful, 
 til' contrast between the two systems is s«riking. War and restriction may leave the coun- 
 try equally exhaustcel, but the latter not only leaves you poor, but, even when successfid, 
 di.-i! it ited, divided, discontented ; with diminished |)atriotisni, and the morals of a consider- 
 able portion of your people rorrupted. Not so in war. In that state the common danger 
 unites all, strengthens the bonds of society, and feeds the flame of patriotism. The national 
 character mounts to energy In exchange for the expenses and privations of war, you ob-' 
 tain military and naval skill, and a more perfect organization of sueh parts of your adminis- 
 tration as arc cnnni'cted \vith the science of national defence. Sir, are these advantages 
 to be counted as trifles, in the present state of the world .-' Can they be measured by moni- 
 ed valuation .'' — I would prefer a single victory over the enemy by sea or land, to all the cood 
 we shall ever derive from the continuation of the non-imporiation act. I know not that a 
 victory would produce an equal pressure on the enemy, but I am certain of what is of great- 
 er consequence, it would be accompanied by more salutary effects on ourselves. The me- 
 mory of Saratoga, Princeton and Eutaw is immortal. It is there you will find the country's 
 boast and pride ; the inexhaustible source of great and heroic sentiments. But what will 
 liistoi-y say of restriction .'' Wiiat examples worthy of imitation will it '"urnish posterity ? 
 What pride, what pleasure, will our children find in the events of such times? Let me not 
 be considered romantic. 
 
 " This nation ought to be taught to rely on its own courage, its forlitud^ its skill and vir- 
 tue for protection. These are the only safeguards in the hour of danger. Man was endu- 
 ed with these great qualities for his defence. There is nothing about him that indicates 
 that he is to conquer by endurance. He is not incrustcd in a shell : he is not taught to rely 
 upon his insensibility, his passive suffering, for defence. No, sir: it is on the invincible 
 mind, on a magnanimous nature, he ought to rely. Here is the superiority of our kind ; it 
 is these that render man the Lord of the world. It is the destiny of his condition, that na- 
 tions rise above nations, as they are endued in a greater degree with these brilliant quali- 
 ties." 
 
 Eloquence worthy of Demosthenes ! sentiments worthy of the best days of 
 Greece and Rome ! and political reflections that would do honor to the most ex- 
 perienced statesman! If the picture had been drawn after the war, he could not 
 have described its beneficial effects with a nicer precision. 
 
 In March, 1814, soon after the first dethronement of Bonaparte, to the eye of the 
 timid, our affairs assumed a gloomy and disheartening aspect. The whole power 
 of our enemy, flushed with success, was about to be poured in upon us. The op- 
 position, vigilant and powerful, .seized upon the occasion to embarrass the govern- 
 went, and used every efltr t to defeat the Loan Bill ; a measuie essentia! to the 
 finances of the country. They denounced the war as unjust and inexjjedient^ 
 Stnd painted the hopelessness of the unequal contest in which we w^e engaged. 
 
Mr. Calhoun replied, Hiaspeech,whicli no American can read without liaviriij 
 
 his feelings raised to a pitch of" moral elevation," wliich it is the prerogative of 
 wisdom, eloqiie;itiy spoken, only to excite. 
 
 To show the expediency of the war, he took a historical view of the British 
 maritime usurpations from the celebrated rule of 17.00, up to the time of the dis- 
 cussion; and demonstrated that these aggressions were not accidental or lumpo- 
 rary, but that they entered essentially into the system of the maritime policy of 
 the enemy. From this luminous view of the origin, nature and principKr ol tiie 
 wronu-s we suffered, he clearly showed both the (limsine.ssof the pretexts by which 
 the enemy sought to justify them, and the folly of expecting to obtain redress by 
 sheathing the sword, and throwing ourselves upon the justice of the enemy. In 
 concluding his view of the subject, he proceeded as follows : 
 
 " This country was left alone to support the rights of neutrals. Perilous was '.he condi- 
 tion, and arduous the task. We were not intimidated. We stood opposed lo British usur- 
 pation, and by our spirit and efforts have done all in our |)ower to save the last vcsli'„'es of 
 iit!utralric;hts. But, say our opponents, these cflbrts are lost, and our condition hopeless. 
 If so, it only remains for us to assume the garb of our condition. We must submit, humbly 
 submit, crave pardon, and hug our chains. It is not wise to provoke, where we cannot re- 
 sist. But lirst let usbe well assured of the hopelessness of our state, before we sink mto 
 submission. On what do our opponents rest this despondent and slavish belief.' On the re- 
 cent events in Europe .' I admit they are great, and well calculated to impose on the ima- 
 sjination. Our enemy never presented a more imposing exterior. His fortune is at the 
 flood. But I am admonished, by universal experience, tha^ such prosperity is the most pre- 
 carious of human conditions. "From the flood the tide dat(5s its ebb. From the meridian the 
 .sun commences his decline. Depend upon it, there is more of sound philo.sophy than of fic- 
 tion in the fickleness which poets attribute to fortune. Proiperity has its weakness; ad- 
 versity its strength. In many respects our enemy has lost Sy those very changes which 
 seem so very much in his favor. He can no more claim to b« struggling for existence ; no 
 more to be fighting the battles of the world, in defence of tEe liberties of mankind. The 
 magic cry of French influence is lost. In this very hall we are not strangers to that sound. 
 Here, even here, the cry of French intluenre, that Ijaseless fict\og, that phantom ol faction, 
 HOW b'^nished, often resounded. I rejoice that the spell is brok(,n. by which it was attempt- 
 ed to bind the spirit of this youthful nation. The minoritv can no longer act under cover, 
 but must come out and defend their o|)i5osition on its own intrinsic luerits." — "' Our exam- 
 ple can scarcely fail to produce its eftects on other nations interested in the maintenance 
 of maritime rights. But if, unfc tunately, we should be leftalone to maintain the contest ; 
 and if, which may God forbid, necessity should compel us to yield for the present, yet our 
 generous efforts will not have been lost. A mode of thijiking, and a lone of sentiment have 
 gone abroad, which luust stimulate to future and more successful struggl.-s. What eould 
 not be effected widi eight millions of people, will be done with twenty. The great cause 
 ■will never be yielded; no, never, never."— " Sir, I hear the future audibly announced iiithft 
 past— in the splendid victories over the Guerriere, .lava, and Macedonian. We, and all na- 
 tions, are, by these victories, taught a lesson never to be forgotten. Opinion is power. Tl\e 
 charm of British naval invincibilitij is s;otie.'' 
 
 Such were the animating Strains by which Mr.CALnou.v, nearly ten years ago, 
 roused his country to action amidst a complication of adverse circumstances, cal- 
 culated to overwhelm the feeble and appal the .stoutest. Never faltering, never 
 doubting, never despairing of the Republic, he was at once the " stately column" 
 of his party, and the beacon-light of his country. 
 
 At tiie close of the war, such was the confidence reposed in the integrity and 
 talents of Mr. Calhoun and such his practical energy of character, that he had 
 a principal agency in .such legislative measures, as were necessary for the organi- 
 zation of a peace establishment. 
 
 In fixing the number of the army, Mr. Madison was understood to be m favor 
 of twenty thousand ; Mr. Clay contended for at leasl fifteen tiiousand ;• and Mr 
 Calhoun insisted that it ought not to be higher than ten thousand ; contendmg 
 then, as he has alwavs done since, that the great point was not to have tiie esta- 
 blishment lar^e, hyi{ permanent and ivell organized. Frequent changes, he said, 
 destroy the spirit and zeal of the officers, and the organization of the army ; de- 
 feating' the very objectof the establishment. With the same general views, ho 
 zealously supported the Military Academy at West Point ; an institution then 
 
 * Gen. Smith, our Senator ip Congress, voted for 15;0C0. 
 
'8 
 
 struggling against powerful prejudices, but nmv the general favorite of the natfoli. 
 It is beyond question the cheapest and the safest mode of diffusing military sci- 
 ence through the country. 
 
 While Mr. Calhoun has always contended for maintaining our establishments 
 for national defence, upon a scale commensurate with our resources, and adapted 
 to our existing and probable relations with the great powers of the earth, he has 
 as uniformly contended for strict economy in the public disbursements, and ex- 
 empUJied his theory by his practice. 
 
 He was the first to introduce a law depriving the executive of the power of 
 transferring money from one head of appropriation to another, and make all ap- 
 propriations specific. This measure he supported by a speech, in which he ably 
 enforced the necessity of </i a < strict accnuntahiliiy in pvhlic ffge??/s, which, as 
 Secretary of War, he has since introduced v.iih such signal dflvantage to the 
 country. 
 
 In 1816, a proposition to repeal the direct taxes gave rise to a debate on the 
 state of the republic, involving a discussion of the policy of the country in time of 
 peace. The speech delivered by Mr. CAXuouNon that occasion, elicited a burst 
 of approbation, and extorted from a member, not friendly to the orator, this invo- 
 hintary exclamation : " what a prodigious effort of the human mind !" The edi- 
 tors of the Intelligencer stated, in their noliceof it, that Mr. Calhoun might safely 
 rest " his fame as a statesman and orator" upon that single production. I regret 
 that of this speech, as of thst on the Loan Bill, I can only give a few detached 
 ^sentences. Taken togetiier, they contain a summary of all that can be said 
 ofthe interests of the Reptblic, and the duties of the government in war and it^ 
 peace. After taking a profound view of our probable relations with other pow- 
 ers, and the policy which ive should pursue towards them, he proceeded to consi- 
 der the measures of preparation necessary for our defence : 
 
 " The navy, said he, niosfcei'taiiily, in every point of view, occupies the first place. It is 
 the most safe, most effectiul, and the cheapest mode of defence. We have heard much of 
 the danger of standing armies to our liberties ; die objecuon cannot be made to a navy. — 
 Generals, it must be acknowledged, have often advanced at the head of armies to imperial 
 lank and power; but in what instance had an Admiral usurped the liberties of his country .-"' 
 
 " In regard to the miliiia, I would go as far as any man ; and considerably farther than 
 those would, who are so violently opposed to our small army. I know the danger of large 
 standing armies ; I know the militia are the true force ; that no nation can be safe at home 
 and abroad which has not an efficient militia. 
 
 " The maritime frontier is our weak side, and ought to be rendered strong. There are 
 Jwo points in it particularly weak, the mouths ofthe Missis ippi and the Chesapeake Bay — 
 which ought to be cautiously attended to — not, however, neglecting others. Ihe adminis- 
 tration which leaves these two points in another war without fortification, ought to receive 
 the execration of the country. Look at the facility afforded by the Chesapeake Bay to 
 ^maritime powers in attacking us. If to its margin we add those of its rivers, navigaiile for 
 vessels of war, it makes an addition of 1400 miles to the line of out sea-coast ; and that of 
 the most vulnerable character; for an enemy is there so securely protected, that he is with- 
 out the fear of being driven from his position. He has, besides, the power of assaulting 
 two shores at the same time, and must be expected on bodi. Under such circumstances, no 
 degree of expense would be too great for its defence. The whole margin of the Bay is, 
 besides, an extremely sickly one, and fatal to the militia of the upper country." 
 
 After indicating the various other defensive preparations demanded by the 
 true and permanent interests of the country, he enforces his views by the follow- 
 ing eloquent and impressive peroration : 
 
 " The people, I believe, are intelligent and virtuous. The more wisely, then, 3'ou acf, 
 the less you yield to the temptation of ignoble and false security, the more you will attract 
 •their confidence. Already they go far, veiy far before this House, in energy and public spi- 
 rit. If ever measures of this kind beconu- unpopular, it will be by speeches here. I do 
 sincerely hope that the members of this House are the real agents of the people ; they are 
 sent here, not to consult their ease and conveniei'ce, but tlieir general defence and coirmon 
 welfare. Such is the language of .bo Constitution. In discharge of the sacred trust re- 
 posed in me by those for whom I nc'; I have faithfully [lointed out 'hose measures which 
 our situation and telation to the •.!..* of the world re'.cler necessary for our security and 
 lasting prosperity. I know of no sluitior.so responsiblt-, if pioperly considered, as ours. — 
 "iVe are charged by Providence nut only with the happiness of this,great and risiug people. 
 
9 
 
 Rai, in a. considerate «lp<;rec, with that of tlir Iiiiman race. \Vc have a govcrnoiCDt of a 
 uew or<i«r, perfectly dislinit fmm all wliirli liaxe preccdcil it. A j,'Dvernnieut, touiided on 
 the lights of man ;' leslin^j, not on aiilhoiitv, nxt on picjmliro, not on snpt-istition, wit 
 rea.-ion. If it sh.ill siicrced, as fondly ho|>od "l)y its founders, it will lie the coninienccnie«t 
 of a new era in human allairs. All civilized go\ernnicnls must, in the course ol time, con- 
 form to it!< principles Thus circumstanced, can you licsilate \vhntci>urse to choose .-— 
 The road that wisdom indicates, leads, it is true, np tiie steep, but lends also to security and 
 kistinjj glory. So nation that wants the fortitude to tread it, ought ever to aspiro to grca;- 
 iiess. Such ought to sL'ik, and will sink, into the list of those that have done nothing to be 
 remembered. Ilis immutable ; it is in the nature of things. 'I'he love of present case an4 
 pleasure, indifference about the future, that fatal weakness of human nature, has never f*il- 
 •d, in individuals or nations, to sink to disgrace and ruin. On the contrary, virtue and wis- 
 rlom, which regard the future, which spuin the temptations of the niomciit, however rugged 
 their path, end in happiness. Such are the universal sentiments of all wise writers, Irom 
 the didactics of the philosopher to the fictions of the poet. They agree, and inculcate, tl>at 
 pleasure is a flowery path, leading off among groves and gardens, but ending in a dreary 
 wilderness — that it is the Syren's voice, which he who li.stens to, is ruined— that it is the 
 cupof Circe, of which, whosoever drinks, is converted into aswinc. This is the language 
 of fiction ; reason teaches the same. It is my wish to elevate the national sentiment ta 
 that which animates every just and virtuous mind. >'o effort is needed here to imj>el us tlve 
 opposite way. That niav be too salelv trustyd to the frailties of our nature. This mation i3 
 now in a situation similar to that which one of the most beautiful writcrsof antiquity «»erib«* 
 to Hercules in his youth : He represents the hero as retiring into the wildernegs, to deliber- 
 ate on the course of life which he ought to clioosf. Two Go<ldesses approached him ; one 
 recommending to him a life of ease and plea.sure, the other of labor and virtue. Ihe Hero 
 ado()icd the counsel of the latter, and his fame and glory are known to the world, ftlay 
 this nation, the youthful Hercules, possessing his ftnm and muscles, bo animated by similac 
 sentiments, and follow his example!" 
 
 Another great parliamentary eftbrt was made by Mr. Calhoun about this time 
 on the "treaty making power." The late Mr. Pinkney, who followed in debat<ri 
 siiiil — " The strong power of genius from a higher region than that of argumeot 
 had thrown on (the question) all the light with'which it is the prerogative of genius 
 «o invest and illustrate every thing." And still more diiectly— "The gentleman 
 from South Carolina (Mr. Calhoun) has exhausted the correct constitutiona! 
 groimds of the question, and left him nothing but to recapitulate his arguments.' 
 
 I have quoted these complimentary notices as well to justify the high anticipa- 
 tions of the Enquirer, expressed on 5lr. Calhoun's first appearance in Congres*, 
 as because I have not, at this moment, the speeches by me to exhibit for them- 
 selves. 
 
 Mr. Calhoun was the first who proposed in Congress the establishment of q 
 permanent fund for internal improvements, by setting apart for that object the 
 bonus paid by the U. S. Bank for its charter, and the dividends of the stock in 
 that institution belonging to the government. I shall conclude this rapid glance 
 at his Congressional services, by making an extract, containing one of this viewsj 
 from the speed) he delivered in support of his proposition : 
 
 " But when we come to consider (said he) how intimately xhif strength and proaixwity of 
 theRepublicaio connected with the subject, we (ind the most urgent reasons why we shouM 
 apply our resources to the construction of roads and canals. In many respects, no rouiitry, 
 of equal ijopulation and wealth, possesses equal materials for power with ours. The peopk, 
 in muscular vigor, in hardy and cnterpriziug habits, and in a lofty and gallant courage, arc 
 surpassed by none, in one respect, and, in my opinion, in one only, wo are materially 
 weak. We occupv a surface prodigiouslygreat in proinirtion lo our numbers. 1 he com- 
 mon strength is brbiight, with difficultv, to bear u^on the point that may be uwnaccd by ra 
 enemy." " Good roads and canals, judiciouslv laid out, are the protier remedy. In the re- 
 cent war, how much did we suffer for the want of them ! Besidt« tiie t.iidiness and co««e- 
 quent inefficiencv of our inilitarv movcwejts, to what increased eKpensu was tlie countij' 
 put, for the article of transportation alone ! In the event of another war, the saving, in this 
 particular, would go far towards indemnify iug Ui for the ovpcnscsof cooitrucUng the nieatis 
 of transportation." 
 
 After explaining the importance of roads and canals in the fiscal operations of 
 the government, and in restoring the equilibrium of the currency, disturbed ky 
 disbursing the revenue at the seat of war, he proceeds : 
 
 " But on this subject of national power, what can be more imporiai^t than a perfect Uni-^ 
 *$,<% CTOTvnOTt, of feei'mgs and inietc-;: ? AniJ v.^jtrt cj:) ^r■^'i nio*c^pCA*-fTfuny toprofiwe 
 
e 
 
 10 
 
 it, than overcoming the effect?; of distance ? No people, enjoymg fieedom. ever occttpTea 
 any thin" like so >M-eat an extent of country as tins Re|)ublic. One hundred years ago, the 
 moM, profornd pluiosopliers did not believe it even possible. They did not suppose that 
 a pure republic could exist on so great a scale as even the island ol Great Britain. \N hat 
 was then considered chimerical, we now have the fehcity to enjoy ; and what is most re- 
 markable, such is the happy mould of our "oveinnient, so well are the state and general 
 powers blended, that much oiour political happiness draws its origu) irom the extent of 
 our republic. It has exempted us from most of the causes which distracted the small he- 
 iiubiics of antiquity: let it not, however, be forgotten; let it forever be kept in mind, that it 
 exposes us to the greatest of all calamities, next to the loss of liberty, and even to that in 
 its consequences— c^jsumort. We are great, and rapidly, I w as about to say feaituliy , grow- 
 ing. This is our pride and our danger; our weakness and our strengin. Little (said he) 
 does he deserve to be entrusted with the destinies of this people, who does not raise his 
 mind to these trutlis. We are under the most im|)erious obligations to counieiact every ten- 
 dency to disunion. The strongest of all cements is, undoiibledly, the wisdom, justice, and 
 above all, the moderation of this house; yet the great subject, on which we are now delil)e- 
 rating, in this respect deserves the most serious consideration. U hatever impedes the in- 
 tercourse of the extremes with this, the centre of the Republic, weakens the Union. Ihe 
 move enlarged the sphere of commercril circulation; the more extended that of social in- 
 tercourse; the more strongiy are we bound together, ih.- laoie inseparable our destuues. 
 Those who understand the human heart, know how puuerfiilly distance tends to break the 
 sympathies of our. nature. Nothing, no, even dissimiiariiy ol language, tends more .to 
 «-strange man from man. Let us then (s id he) bind the Republic together, with a perlect 
 B}*^tem of roads and canals. Let us conquer space."—" Blessed with a form of govern- 
 ment, at once combining libc; ;y and strength, we may reasonably raise our eyes to a most 
 splendid future, if we only act in a manner worthy ol our advantages. It, however, neglc<-t- 
 incr them, we permit a low, sordid, selfish, sectional spirit to lake possession ot Uus house, 
 thTs happy scene will vanish. We shall divide, and, as coi;sequences, will lollow misery 
 and despotism." 
 
 In the spirit of these enlightened and patriotic views, Mr. Calhoun, since lie 
 lias been Secretary of War, presented to the House of Rei)iesentatives, in obe- 
 dience to a resokttion of that body, a luminous Report on the same subject. Mr. 
 Calhoun succeeded Mr. Ciawfdrd, as Secretary of War. Here a new field wa.s 
 opened to his genius, industry, and love of order and economy. Tlie department 
 in all its branches stood in its original " confusion— worse confounded" by the 
 prodigious masses of unsettled war accounts which had been seven years accum- 
 Tiiatin'g. These are now destined to be broken up and despatched. The mere 
 manual part of the labour, and also such decisions as rested on express provisions 
 of law, devolved, of course, on the subordinate officers of the department. But 
 in all doubtful cases of expenditure, and particularly in the settlement of state 
 daims for militia services rendered, a i)ersonal reference to the Secretary, under 
 the same provisions of law, became indispensable. In December, 1817, when 
 Mr. C. came into office, the amount of these unsettled debts and credits was more 
 than/or<^ ^nillions of dollars. This enormous mass has already been reduced to 
 a mere modicum, and the amoinit found due to the United States received or i)ut 
 into suit for collection. A similar instance of despatch in the settlement of war- 
 accounts, it is believed, never occurred in the experience of any other govern- 
 ment. Ill England, it is said, they usually remain unaudited for half a century. 
 Great credit is certainly due to the accounting officers attached to the war de- 
 partment, for their share in these appalling labours ; and, I doubt not, that they 
 were, from the first, equally ready and willing to perform their duties ; but it is as 
 certainly true, that, for the want of an efficient head, little or nothing had been 
 done before Mr. Calhoun's appointment. For the truth of these facts I refer to 
 the reports annually made to Congress, of what is termed public defaulters— th^t 
 is, of the progress made in the unrolling of these manuscripts— which, like those 
 buried in Pompeii and Herculaneum, might have slept for centuries but for the 
 new genius that presided over the work of disinterment. 
 
 Mr. Calhoun had scarcely entered on his new duties, when Congress passed an 
 act granting pensions to the survivors of the revolutionary army md navy, and 
 referring the whole subject to the war department. It is believed th it the number 
 of applicants, for the benefits of this act, has been more than sixtu thousand. — 
 JfOw, H was manifest on reflection, that, under th^ very strict limitations imposed' 
 
11 
 
 by Congress, the survivors entitled to be placed on tlie pei)!»ioh list could u^uf 
 equal a third of tliut nuniber. This mustering iiost of claims, was, therefore, to 
 be examined in detiiil, as well to save tiie Treasury from imposition, as to bo cer- 
 tain (lidt not one individual, whose early patriotism, and existing; |)enury, entitled 
 him to national assistance, sliould be disappointed. Both these objects liave been 
 attained, witii as mucii certainty as ever attended the decisions of the highest 
 judicial tribunals, and the number of revolutionary pensioners, under that act, 
 reduced to about sixteen thousand. And here I do not haz.ard contradiction from 
 any candid mind, actiuainted with the facts, when I assert, that Mr. Calhoun, 
 in the performance of his Herculean labour, has, by his extraordinary habits of 
 business and powers of discrimination, saved the United States at lea.'^t a million 
 of dollars annually, since 1818 — a saving that will be continued, though on .a 
 declining scale, for the next fifleon or twenty years ! 
 
 When Mr, Calhoun took charge of the War Department, Mr. Crawford, 
 his predecessor, had left it in the utmost confusion ; having made no single effort 
 to correct the abuses, the extravagance, and the waste, which had crept into the 
 system during the war. By a new organization, grand in its results, but, like all 
 the improvements of genius, simple in its jirinciples and machinery, every abuse 
 has been corrected, and tlie utmost economy substituted in the place of wasteful 
 extravagance. All the sidiordinate agents of the disbm sing departments are res- 
 ponsible for all the public money, or public property, wiiich passes through their 
 hands, to an administrative head at the seat of government, who sanctions their 
 accounts only for expenses actually nnii properly made; whereas, before the new 
 organization, these accounts were submitted directly to the Auditors, who sanc- 
 tioned and passed them, of course, on the production of vouchers for the actual 
 expenditure, without any inquiry into ha propriety. 
 
 One of the most important branches of the system, which I have thus generally 
 characterized, is the commissariat ; by means of which, the army is supplied with 
 precisions by commissaries, subject to military responsibility, and under the con- 
 trol of a head at the seat of government. By tliis improvement, the manifold inj- 
 positions, fornrerly practised by contractors, have been elfectually avoided; the 
 army is uniformly supplied with good rations; military operations are no longer 
 liable to by defeated, by the default of persons not subject to military rules; and 
 the expense of the supplies has been reduced to a degree that will hardly be cred- 
 ited. Tliis great improvement, Mr. Calhoun first proposed in Congress during 
 the late war, ami finally and effectually recommended man able report as Secre- 
 tary of War. 
 
 The result of this new organization of the administrative branches of the staff, 
 part of which the radicals in Congress attempted to destroy, has been an aggre- 
 gate annual saving, in the military expenditure, (with an increased efficiency of 
 the army,) of a much larger sum than has been saved by all the quackery of ra- 
 dical amputation, for the last five years. By official documents submitted to 
 Congress, it is demonstrated, that the reduction of the annual expenditure for the 
 support of the army proper, elfected by Mr. Calhoun's superior organization 
 and superior administration, and indejjendent of the reduction of the numbers oi 
 the army, and independent too of the reduction of prices, though the pay, being 
 fixed by law, could not be reduced, amounts in the aggregate to the sum of one 
 million three hundred and forty-nine thousand two hundred and eighteen dol- 
 lars. Or, to express the same result in a different form, the annual cost of each 
 individual, (officers and soldiers being reduced to a common average,) has been 
 reduced from four hundred and fifty-one dollars fifty-seven cents, to tsvo hundred 
 and eighty-seven dollars and two cents. 
 
 The saving effected by this reform alone, during the six years of Mr. Cal- 
 houn's administration of the War Department, will account for the surplus of 
 ;g( 9,000,000, which the President in his Message, at the opening of Congress, 
 stated, would be in the Treasury on the first d;iy of this yea". If to tliis ba ad- 
 ded, for the last five years, the milhon which has been annually saved, frpra tbe 
 
12 
 
 dUfe n&iiiiET in which lie executwl the duties devolves! upon him by the Pensicui 
 XmIw, it will appear, that but for him, instead of having this large surplus, we 
 should now be obliged to resort to taxes or loans to supply a deficit in the Trea- 
 sury. 
 
 Thfse extraordinary results can only be accounted for by that system of rigid 
 und perfect accountability, which has been introduced into every branch of ex- 
 penditure, under the control of the War Department. The last annual Report of 
 the Secretary, transmitted by tiie President to Congress, at the opening of the 
 session, states that "of the entire amount of money, drawn from the Treasury, in 
 the year 1322, for nrilitary service, including Pensions, amounting to §4,571,961 
 04, although it passed tlnough the hands of 21)1 disbursing agents, there has not 
 been a single defalcation, nor the loss of a cent to the government. The dis- 
 bursements of the three firs^ quarters of this year ( 182.S,) have been equally satis- 
 factory, and there is e«ery reason to believe, that no defalcation or loss will occur 
 ?n the year." 
 
 The expenditure of so large a sum of money, passing through such a numbeT 
 of hands, without any loss tlnough fraud or negligence, I hazard nothing in as- 
 serting, never before was made, by any department in our government, and I 
 think I may add, with equal safety, in any government; and well entitles the Se- 
 cretary to the high approbation pronounced by the President in his late message. 
 Upon every branch of the administration of the War Department. Yet, strange 
 to tell, John C. Calhoun is the man, whom the radicals, waging war against trutK 
 itself, charge with extravagance ! 
 
 Such is the contrast between enlightened and practical views, carried into ef- 
 fect with systematic and laborious exertions, and perpetual clamours about re- 
 trenchment, either ending in words, or accompanied by unskilful attempts at re- 
 form, tending to produce disorganization. 
 
 The same principle of organization which exists in the disbursing departments,. 
 has been extended to every branch of the general staff of the army. By means 
 of the judicious division of labour, and a connected system of responsibility, cen- 
 tering in the Secretary of War, the utmost efficiency has been given to the army 
 in its operations. It i» admitted, by the most intelligent, if not all, of the officers 
 of the army, that the organization of the staff is superior to that of any army in 
 the world; essentially ditTerent from the French, and decidedly better adapted to 
 tt»e geographical and political character of our country. 
 
 In the Military Academy at West-Point, Mr. Calhoun has introduced such 
 striking improvements, that, from being unpopular, it has become the admiration 
 of erery visiter, the general favorite of the nation, and, as the President states in 
 bis message, " has attained a degree of perfection in its discipline and instruction, 
 equal, as is believed, to any institution of this kind, in any country." Such is its 
 inflexible discipline, and such the success with which the principle of honor 
 Js made subservient to that discipline, thai ' young man cannot graduate without 
 Srst rate acfiuirements, and exeniplary moral habits. The change already pro- 
 duced in the character of the army, by this and other co-operating and depend- 
 ent causes, is striking, and must increase. Drunkenness and gambling are no;r 
 unknown in the army. No class of citizens is more moral in its habits than the 
 officers. 
 
 But we cannot realize the full benefits of Mr. Calhoun's labours in the War 
 Department, until we consider the efiect of his improvements in the event of war. 
 Suppose, for example, the projects of the Holy Alliance should render it necessary 
 that we should defend our domestic altars, the tombs of our fathers, and otir general 
 liberty, against the myrmidons of despotism, what would be the military capacity ol" 
 the country, derived from the peace establishment? Owing to the present organiza- 
 fjon, connected with the West-Point Academy, we could have, in six months, a. 
 regular army of thirty thousand men in the field, perfectly organized in all its 
 branches, and commanded by officers at least equal to those of any peace estab- 
 lishment in Europe, Thius by the expense, of «ix thousand men, so organize* 
 

 
 aod otActKod ^3 »o be capable of a prompt enlargement, ro have the mUitary ca- ' 
 pacity, the defensive power of thirty. But tliis is not all. Our extensive c»as« 
 Mas been surveyed by skilful and scientific engineers ; a system of fortifications, 
 wisely projected, is rapidly advancing; and a minute knowledge of the topogra- 
 phy of our whole line of exposed frontier, will ejiable the head of the depart- 
 ment, by a glance at the maps in the office of the topographical engineer, to deter- 
 mine, as to each point of attack, how vulnerable and how defensible it may be. 
 With a peace establishment less expensive than that which existed previous to the 
 late war, w* are half a century advanced in military power. Thc»e are the re» 
 *lts of wisdom and genius, profiting by the lessons of experience. 
 
 It is only by the perfect order and system introduced into the bHsiness of the 
 War Department, that it is possible to explain how Mr. Calhoun has found time 
 and means for the despatch of the old accounts of the war before mentioned ; the 
 examination of claims for r&volutionary pensions; the thorough revivification of 
 the military academy — the source of professional science ; the establishment of 
 a uniform and vigorous discipline throughout the army — supported by the most 
 rigorous economy in expenditure- ; a survey of our maritime frontier, by oflli- 
 cers of the engineers ; the institution of a system of permanent fortification — by 
 which our coasts will soon be rendered invulnerable to any enemy : the estab- 
 lishment of a cordon of military posts, stretching fronj the upper lakes, around 
 our western frontier — as physical and moral shackles on Indian hostilities;* and, 
 finally, for his duties as a cabinet councillor, in which capacity, he is well knowi^ 
 to have given to the measures of the President an honest and efficient support. 
 
 From the foregoing hasty review of the political life and conduct of John C* 
 Calhoun, you will perceive. Fellow Citizens.that for the last twelve years, he has 
 been either the author or supporter of almost every important measure which has 
 contributed to the welfare and honor of the republic; and that his claims upon 
 }-our support as a candidate for the Presidency, rest upon various and distinguish- 
 ed services, upon spotless and unsusjiectcd integrity, and talents of the highest 
 order. A thorough knowledge of his character, qualifications and political sys- 
 tem, has of late become a subject of the greater interest, because it is manifest^, 
 from the rapid progress which he has been making for the last year in the favor 
 of almost all parts of the union, more especially in New-York, Ohio, and Con- 
 necticut, in which States his popularity has been so rapidly increasing, that he 
 yill, in all probability, before the election come* on, become the favorite candi- 
 date in allof them, if he be not so already, as he unquestionably is in North-Ca- 
 Bolina, South-Carolina, Pennsylvania and New-Jersey ; it is manifest, I say, that 
 ao far from not being a real candidate, as it has been most absurdly and indiLS- 
 triously reported, he is in fact the only oneofaUtht candidates, who has now any 
 chance of being chosen by the electors: for, if in addition to the votes of the 
 States just enumerated, be receives the votes of Maryland, he will have the ma« 
 jlority of the whole number of electors. 
 
 On the other hand, whftt chance have the other candidates of obtaining a ma- 
 jority of the electoral votes? In the first place; suppose that Mr. Adams should, 
 contrary to present appearances, get tlie votes of Connecticut, (in which State 
 an United States' Senator, favorable to Mr. Calhoun, has recently been appoint- 
 etl,) in addition to those of the other New-England States, he will still have only 
 51 vote* — and where is he to obtain 80 more, the number which is requisite to 
 make 131, the smallest majority ? 
 
 In the next place, suppose that Mr. Ceawford should obtain the votes of 
 Georgia, Virginia, and Delaware, the only States that can with any certainty be 
 calculated on to vote for him, he will have 56 votes only. Where will he get 9& 
 more, which are necessary to make a majority? Even if the votes of New- 
 
 " It will b« renaembcred, that the Maodaii village was deemed an essential link in this 
 cordon. Congress stopped the expedition at iha CoancU Blnft. Ihe recent hostitilies in 
 Ui^t qviurter, are tij« res«k 1 
 
14 
 
 Vork and North-Carolina, wliicli his sanguine friends still aflfect to claim for hint? 
 be given to him, 44 more will still be wanting to give him a majority. 
 
 In the third place; let us suppose, tliat Mr. Clay will get the votes of Kentuc- 
 ky, Missouri, Indiana and Illin Js, he will have 25 voles only in his favor. If, 
 contrary to recent appearances, the votes of Ohio bo added to the number, he 
 will have only 41. Give him even the votes of New-York, which some of his 
 friends claim for him, and he will still have only 77 — less than a bare majority, 
 by 54. 
 
 And lastly, let us consider Gen. Jacksojv's prospects. Tennessee, Louisiana, 
 Mississippi and Alabama, can give him but 24 votes. If to tliese you add the 
 votes of Pennsylvania, the only Atlantic State, which his most sanguine friends 
 claim for him, and he will still have but 52 electors in his favor. 
 
 The foregoing calculations are made on the supposition, that nil the distinguish- 
 ed citizem, who are now named as candidates, will continue to be so, and that 
 their support will depend upon their primary interests respectively. If, on the 
 contrary, one or more of them should retire from thfc contest previous to the 
 election, the chances of success for those who remain will depend very materi- 
 ally upon their secondary interests: by which I mean the reversionary or contin- 
 gent interest, which a candidate derive* from being tlie second choice of a State, 
 where he is not thu Jirst. This secondary interest will have a still more decisive 
 influence upon the result, if, (as very probably will be the case,) there should not 
 be a majority of the electors in favor of any one of the candidates, and the election 
 should devolve upon the House of Representatives, where the vote is by States, 
 and the choice limited to the three highest on the lists of those voted for as Pre- 
 sident. Let us now consider the operation of this secondary interest upon the 
 election in both these cases. In either case it will decide th« question. 
 
 Whatever ditference of opinion may exist with respect to the primary interest 
 of the several candidates, I believe there is no fact, in relation to the Presidential 
 election, more unquestionable or undisputed, than that the secondary interest of 
 Mr Calhoun is much stronger than that of any of the candidates. In almost 
 every State in the union, where a decided manifestation of a preference for other 
 candidates has been made, Mr. Cai-houn is as decidedly the second choice.- 
 Thus, private information from the west, as well as the public prints, place it be- 
 yond a doubt, that Mr. Clay's friends generally put Mr Calhoun next to him, 
 rtnd!prefer him to all the other candidates. The same is true of Gen. Jackson's 
 friends : even in Georgia Mr. Calhoun is preferred to all the candidates except 
 jMr. Crawford. And throughout New-England, where Mr. Adams \s the Jirsf, 
 ]Mr. Calhoun is invariably the second choice. This fact is established by vari- 
 ous private accounts of unquestionable authority, as well as the public journah. 
 R matters not what candidate may retire from the contest, Mr. Callioun will b6 
 a gainer. This cannot be said of any other candidate. This fact alone demon- 
 strates, that, whatever sectional preferences exist in favor of the other candidates 
 from locality or special reasons, so far as a national preference has been manifest- 
 ed, it has been decidedly in Mr. Calhoun's favor. He is in the situation of 
 Tliemi>tocles, when tiie ten Athenian geneials were obliged to mscribe the names 
 of the two generals out of the ten, who had, in their opinion, respectively render- 
 ed tlie most distinguished services in a recent battle, with a view to determine to 
 whom the meed of superior merit was to be awarded. Each commander's name 
 was_/?rs< upon his own ticket — that of Themistocles wrs second on all but his own. 
 
 From this circumstance, two inferences, I think may, with great confidence, 
 he drawn, viz. 
 ^ 1st, That if the number of candidates should be reduced, so as to render a de- 
 cision by the electors probable, the friends of the retiring candidates will fall back 
 upon their second choice, and Mr. Calhoun v-iji be elected. 
 
 2(!ly, Ifthe election should devolve wpor. the HoiK,e of Representatives, Mr. 
 Calhoun will be chosen, he being the only candidate, in whose favor, on account 
 
15 
 
 cfhisseconSary interest, an union of the dijcreni sections of the country can It 
 made. 
 
 The general seconrfan/ preference for Mr. Cauioun, where he is, from local 
 feelings, or other causes, not the /?rs< choice, from which tiiis result is deduced, 
 is satisfactorily accounted for by the circumstance that his oijiiiions have, at 
 all limes, frankly, fuil-y, and without the least disguise, been set forth, either in 
 speeches or reports, winch are on record, in relation to all tiie leading measures 
 in which the country at large feels a deep interest, in relation to a navy, forlilica- 
 tioHS, a military peace establishment, commerce, manufactures, and internal 
 improvement. His political systen», embracing a just protection of all those es- 
 sential interests, is known, has been uniform, and constitutes a truly national 
 policy. Hence, you hear of no objection being made to him in any quarter of 
 ihe country, (except on the score of age,) unless by the Radicals^ whose system 
 ot depletion and paisimonious reduction is at open war with that of Mr. Cal- 
 iiouiv, but on tlie contrary, you hear every where a genercd and strong expression 
 of admiration for his talents, of respect for his services, esteem for his unsullied 
 private and public character, and approbation of his large and liberal views: 
 while, on the other ha-nd, Mr. Adams is spoken of as the candidate of the JVorth, 
 Mr. Clay of the fVest, Gen. Jackso.v, because of his military services, and Mr. 
 Crawford, because he is the only leader under whom the radical party can 
 rally. You will jierceive, therefore, upon a moment's reflection, that there is no 
 jirinciple of union between the supporters of Mr. Adams and Mr. Clay, by 
 Avjhcn a combination could be formed for a joint sujjport of either one of the two. 
 Nor could a union be formed between Gen. Jackson and Mr. Adams' friends, 
 nor between the friends of Mr. Crawford and the friends of either of the other 
 candidates. There is noob'.tacle, however, in the way of an union of all, except 
 tlie Radicals, in support of Mr. Calhoux, because his pretensions to the Presi- 
 deiicy are not bottomed upon prt>'<tVi</nfr reasons or ^ca/ considerations, but upon 
 his services, qualifications and broad national system of policy, which makes him 
 the 5ecoHc^ choice of almost all, who do not place \\im first upon the list of candi- 
 dates. It is upon him, therefore, tliat tlie friends of those who are respectively 
 favorites from local considerations or sptcial reasons, will naturally, and must of 
 necessity, fall I)ack, vviien obliged to give up their first choice, as the greater |)art 
 of diem will of course be, either among the electors, or if they make no choice, 
 among the members of Congress. 
 
 Let us now suppose, that the electors have made no choice, and that the House 
 of Representatives (voting by States.) are about to select from the three highest 
 upon the list of those wiio have been voted for as President. Let Mr. Calhoux, 
 Mr. Adams, and Mr. Crawford, be the three. If, after the first ballot, Mr. 
 Crawford should appear to have no chance, as he probably would from the 
 .small number of States, which are known to be in his favor, and the contest 
 should lie between Mr. Adams and Mr. Calhoitx; can there be a doubt, from 
 present appearances, that the South and West, in which sections of tlie country 
 Mr. Caliioitn is undoubtedly the second choice, wherever he is not thefirst, will 
 unite with a majority of the middle States in his support .' 
 
 Let its suppose again, that Mr. Clay, who is confessedly weak w ilh the elec- 
 tors, should nevertheless be stronger than Mr. Crawford, and shoul 1 come be- 
 fore the House of Representatives with Messrs. Adams and Calhoun. If he 
 gets all the western States, he will have but 8 votes out of 24. But it is most pro- 
 bable that two of tlie western States will prefer Calhoun. Tlien the contest would 
 be again between Adams and Calhoun, and as the 1 itter is the second choice of 
 Mr. Clay's friends, the result will be the same as before. 
 
 Again — suppose Mr. Adams to be the weakest upon the first ballot, and t!n» 
 contest to lie between Clay and Calhoun. All New England would join tlie 
 middle and southern States in support of Calhoun. 
 
 There would be still less doubt of the result, if, contrary to all probability, the 
 -Cpntest should lie between Calhoun and Crawford, or Calhoun ami Jackson. 
 
16 
 
 Thus, all tffe views which I think can reasonably be taken of the Presidaririat 
 election, lead to the result, that Mr. Calhoun's chance of success, on account of 
 his secondary interest, which has generally been kept out of sight in the calcu- 
 lations that hare been made on the subject, is far beUer than that of any of tha 
 othsr candidates, and ought to animate his friends to the most active exertions. 
 
 Mr. Calhoun's great services in Congress, in the War Department, and in 
 the Cabinet — his purity, integrity and devotion to the public business — and his 
 great talents, are admitted on all hands. No objectiof s are made to him, from a 
 quarter entitled lo respect, except on the score of age and experience. A mo- 
 ment's reflection cannot fail to satisfy every candid and impartial mind, that the 
 first of these objections ought to have no weight, and that the last is unfounded. 
 At the beginning of the next Presidential term, Mr. Calhoun will be in the for- 
 t^-fourth year of his age. If a vigorous mind, with uncommon powers of obser- 
 vation, after being constantly exercised for fifteen years upon public affairs, either 
 in the Legislature, or in an Executive Department, or in the Cabinet, at a period 
 of our government more fruitful in events affecting its essential interests, tlun 
 any of twice the length since the war of independence, have not then arrived at 
 its greatest capacity for the public service, with the body still active and health- 
 ful, when will it acquire it? Forty -three was the age of Washinston when he 
 grasped in his hands the destinies of his country, and carried them triumphantly 
 through the appalling dangers and difficulties of the revolution. The average age 
 of the members of the Convention, who framed our Constitution, was not more 
 than 45. These wise men, after the most mature reflection, admitted, that a ci- 
 tizen might render himself worthy of the Chief Magistracy of the Republic at the 
 age of 35, less, by two Presitiential terms, than that of Mr. Calhoun — of that 
 Mr. Calhouw, who was, more than twelve years ago, hailed by the great political 
 organ of Virginia, "as rfcieTnWing- oHe of the old sages of the old Cojjgreas," — 
 By what standard, I would ask, is experience to be measured ? By age ? By 
 length of time in tiie public service ? Or, by the importance and variety of pub- 
 Tie atfairs, in which a man has been engaged ? A man may be 70 years of age, 
 and yet have no political experience. He may have been half a century in th^ 
 public service, and yet, from want of capacity, or from not having his mind exer- 
 cised upon subjects of any great variety or importance, may gain no one qualifica- 
 tion for the Presidency. Experience, then, in every beneficial sense of the word, 
 "h only to be measured by the impoiiance and variety of public affairs, in which 
 aponcerfvl and sagacious mind has been exercised. In this sense of the word, 
 after the sketch which has been presented of Mr. Calhoun's political career, i 
 think I may ask, without presumption, who of his distinguished competitors is hie 
 isuperior ? Nay, more, who is his equal ? Whose name has been intimateljr 
 connected with so many important affairs ? Whose exertions have had so pow- 
 erful an influence upon them, and ptoduced so many practical results ? Expe- 
 rience is only valuable from giving a capacity to form a right judgment in public 
 affairs. Who can boast a greater, or an equal exemption, from defect or error ? 
 What plan has Mr. Calhoun ever recommended and advocated, which, when 
 adopted, has not been eminently productive of public good ? Who, in his legisla- 
 th'e capatity, has proposed, and successfully sustained, so many beneficial mefiv 
 sure5,and who, in an executive department has, by economical reforms, saved so 
 many millions to the country, and by wise arrangements, brought about so n)any 
 valuable results ? In short, who, whether young or old, whether his career has 
 feeen long or short, has, throughout his political course, left behind him so many 
 permanent and illustrious monuments of wisdom, eloquence, and patriotism ? 
 
 These questions are put, not in a spirit of hostility to the eminent men who 
 aspire to the same great station with Mr. Calhoun, but merely to show, that an 
 examination of the only objections that have ever been made to him, like tlwj 
 radical attacks in Congress upon the administration of his department, produces 
 no other result than a new illustration of his great talents, of the importance of 
 !!is s?rvhrt>, awd of his tfapcCity fcr f-rttire u?^ln^^ in (hi? highest office whi«t? 
 
17 
 
 a grateful country can bestow. The only object of this address, witVioui dero- 
 gating from the real merits of any of the other candidates for the Presidiincy, is 
 to place before the good people of Maryland the means of forming a correct 
 judgment of the qualifications and services of John C. Calhoun. 
 
 We, fellow-citizens, stand in a peculiar situation, in relation to the GenernS 
 Government. Partaking of both the commercial and agricultural character, we 
 form the connecting link between the north and tlie south. Nor are we less inter- 
 ested in the prosperity of the west, to an enlarged intercourse, with which, by 
 means of the great internal improvements which are in contemplation, we must, 
 in a great measure, look, as the source of our future commercial greatness. Form- 
 ins a part of the Atlantic frontier, yet extending to the heart of the Union, and 
 penetrated by the great Bay of the Chesapeake, Maryland has more points as- 
 'sailable by a foreign enemy than any other state. A narrow policy might suit 
 the local interests of some of the states ; but here the instinct of interest combines 
 ■with patriotism, in recommending to your support, a liberal, elevated, generous, 
 and vigorous system of policy, that embraces the encouragement of all the great 
 national interests, and protects them bj a navy, a military peace establishment, 
 and fortifications. Such is the system of our venerable President, Monroe. — 
 "With every feature of that system, the foregoing political history of Mr. Calhoun 
 proves him to be completely identified. Before you give your support to any 
 other candidate, you will put the question— what is his political system, and what 
 proofs has he to exhibit, from past uniform declarations, corresponding with acta 
 on record, of attachment to that of the present administration ? Nor will you, nor 
 ouoht you, to be content with the negative proof, that no hostility to it has been 
 manifested ; but, in a matter so vitally important to your welfare, you will require 
 to be satisfied by positive and undeniable proofs, as to what are the real opinions 
 and sentiments of the man for whom you vote. 
 
 If the peculiar situation of Maryland calls for an energetic policy on the part 
 of the general government, so also in a much greater degree does the situation 
 of the Union at large, viewed in relation to the state of the world, demand the 
 completion of our national defences, and the development of all the resources 
 which constitute the elements of great national power and prosperity. No inde- 
 pendent government exists on this great continent, at the head of which we are 
 placed, except of the republican form. In the old world, no established independent 
 republican government, can be said to exist. Even the limited freedom which a 
 tempered monarchy allows, is expelled from almost every corner of continental 
 Europe. A combination of despots, grasping a map of military power, to which 
 the annals of all ages furnish no parallel, have there crushed the hopes of man, 
 and shrouded his prospects in darkness. The flame of liberty gleams bright 
 and cheering upon the world only from her aUars in republican America. Who- 
 ever takes a wide survey of this prospect, must perceive that an awful crisis is 
 approaching, and that the great battle between despotism and freedom,upon which 
 hang the hopes of mankind, must soon be fought. It is not the part of wisdonj 
 to shut our eyes upon this dreadful prospect, but to look in the face, and deliber- 
 ately contemplate the approaching danger, and to prepare for it, by placing at our 
 head the man, who by his genius can comprehend, and by his energy repel it. 
 Our venerable chief magistrate has already given solemn warning to the nation^ 
 and roused it to a tone of feeling suited to the occasion. But he will soon retire 
 from the helm, and disaster and shipwreck on the one side, or glory and triumph 
 on the other, may depend upgn the vigor of the hand to which you may herwftei 
 commii iK 
 
■^^0^ : 
 
 
 <-. 
 
 c& 
 
 
 ,^. 
 
 V" 
 
 o. 
 
 
 • • " \ ' 
 
..^m 
 
 y^-r^. 
 
 
 h 
 
 'Ah ^ 
 
 V ,-,.■ V--, V 
 
 <". 
 
 is-^^ 
 
 .0 
 
 y-' 
 
 ..c 
 
 l*^ 
 
 
 QV , -^ r, 
 
 o 
 
 ■>: 
 
 
 
 -$>: 
 
 
 .'^^^^ 
 
 1. ' 
 
 l"^^. 
 
 -J.' 
 
 ^^^ 
 
 <^ '*:^-^:fo 
 
 O M 
 
 WERT BOOKBINDING 
 
 .-?-' 
 
 o„, * 
 
 4*0gmWj^e,PA;_^ 
 
 >;,'. ■St,. .& ^ . ' ^^-^v. %— ^ 
 
 •^v-^* 
 
 ^; 
 
 
 ^^. 
 
 .& 
 
I