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 HON, LEWIS D. CAMPBELL, OF OHIO, 
 
 REPLY TO MR. STEPHENS, OF GEORGIA, 
 
 DELIVERED 
 
 
 
 IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, FEBRUARY 28, 1855. 
 
 WASHINGTON: 
 
 PRINTED AT THE CONGRESSIONAL GLOBE OFFICE. 
 1855. 
 

FREE LABOR AGAINST SLAVE LABOR. 
 
 The House being in Committee of the Whole 
 on the State of the Union — 
 
 Mr. CAMPBELL said: 
 
 Mr. Chairman: It is now past ten o'clock in 
 the evening of one of the expiring days of the 
 Thirty-Third Congress. I rejoice, as the country 
 rejoices, that we so nearly approach the hour of 
 its dissolution. The history of this Congress, I 
 fear, sir, will prove to the future that we have done 
 more of evil than of good. I look back in vain 
 upon the pages of its Journals for proof that we 
 have done much that is either calculated to pro- 
 mote the great interests of our own nation, or the 
 cause of humanity at large. It is not my purpose 
 now to review our acts in detail. It is enough to 
 eay that when this Congress and the present Ad- 
 ministration came into power under a pledge to 
 economy, it found our National Treasury full to 
 overflowing. If measures enough have not already 
 passed to drain it, means will be provided before 
 next Sabbath morning, not only to draw from the 
 sub-Treasury vaults the last dollar of the people, 
 but such, sir, I predict, as will compel the Execu- 
 tive to call upon the incoming reform Congress to 
 issue Treasury notes to enable it to raise the 
 means necessary to carry on the Government. 
 
 Again, sir, when we were first convened, that 
 sectional strife which had so often disturbed the 
 national harmony and endangered the perpetuity 
 of the Union had happily subsided, and the whole 
 country rested upon the assurance that it had 
 secured its long-desired repose. Sir, I cannot, 
 without deep emotion, again call attention to the 
 condition of public sentiment produced by that 
 reckless act of this party, which, regardless of 
 plighted farm, and defiant of popular will, repealed 
 the Missouri compromise. We came here full of 
 hopes of future r.armony — we separate with hearts 
 full of fear that the storm which the uncalled-for 
 Nebraska act has occasioned will not be allayed 
 without serious results to the great interests of our 
 common country. If it brings woe to our people, 
 let this Administration and its party be held re- 
 sponsible, because in every branch of the Govern- 
 ment they have held unlimited power. 
 
 Mr. Chairman, I propose to reply to the last 
 speech of the gentleman from Georgia [Mr. Ste- 
 PHBNs] upon the repeal of the Missouri compro- 
 mise There are some remarkable incidents con- 
 nected with the controversy between us which 
 call upon me to do so. That controversy origin- 
 ated in the consideration of the bill proposed by the 
 gentleman from Indiana [Mr. Mace] to exclude 
 slavery from Kansas and Nebraska. When I 
 entered this Hall on the 14th day of December, 
 the gentleman from Georgia had the floor, and 
 was discussing its merits, i had no expectation of 
 j embarking in the discussion until, when near the 
 J close of his speech, he undertook to prove, in 
 ! substance, that the labor of a slave in Georgia 
 was more successful than the labor of a freeman 
 ' in Ohio. Sir, this proposition, in such a crisis as 
 this, involved a principle worthy the consideration 
 j of any statesman in any civilized land upon the 
 face of the earth. 
 
 But there were other considerations which 
 prompted me to meet the gentleman in controvert- 
 i ing so startling an assumption. I had left behind 
 me in my native Buckeye-land, where the foot of 
 slavery never made its imprint, brothers, kindred, 
 true and trusty friends, laboring freemen in every 
 branch of industry. I should have been recreant 
 to my duty here, false to every impulse of my 
 nature, and treacherous to the great cause of human 
 freedom, to have permitted the gentleman's com- 
 parison and statistics to remain unanswered. I 
 obtained the floor after he had spoken his hour 
 without any interruption from me, and proceeded 
 to reply. I yielded to him in my hour, thirty- 
 three timps, as appears by the record retised by 
 himself, and I afterwards submitted the reporter s 
 notes to him for revision, and such auditions as ha 
 chose to make explanatory of his views. Under 
 this state of facts, I had reuson to believe the con- 
 troversy was closed. But a month afterwards, 
 the gentleman again took the floor and delivered 
 a premeditated and elaborately prepared assault 
 upon my reply, charging among other matters, 
 that I had sized his argument to my capacity to reply 
 to it ! Sir, it is a matter of iudiilerence to me u 
 
to how high an estimate the gentleman may place 
 upon his " argument," or how low he may scale 
 my " capacity " to meet him; this House and the 
 country will give to each of us our just level. 
 When I arose to correct one of his statements, 
 with haughty mien, he replied to me that my in- 
 terruption had no pertinence, and then, again, he 
 said "Be brief, sir, 1 have no time to spare." 
 May I not, under such circumstances, suggest 
 that the gentleman discovered that he could not 
 "size " his courtesy in debate by the extent of 
 the task he sought to perform, in assuming that 
 slave labor was superior to free labor! 
 
 Again, sir, the honorable gentleman would seem 
 to demand for his statistics and arguments great 
 force, for he told us he was " never wrong." I 
 cannot set up for myself such infallibility ! 1 am 
 often wrong; but in this contest I feel a conscious- 
 ness that the right is with me, and until I am satis- 
 fied of my error, neither contemptuouscontortions 
 of countenance, violent gesticulations, nor high- 
 toned annunciation can move me one hair's breadth 
 from my position. 
 
 Again, sir, the honorable gentleman seems to 
 assume for himself a very elevated position, and 
 to assign to me a very humble one. In alluding 
 to our controversy of December 14th, he compares 
 me to the " wild boy of the forest, with bow and 
 arrow, attempting to shoot into the moon !" With- 
 out questioning the gentleman's good taste, I sub- 
 mit to the stigma of the " wild boy of the forest." 
 There is quite as much truth as poetry in it, for 
 bears were very plenty 
 
 '' Around the hut where I was born," 
 and, in boyhood, it was occasionally my lot to trav- 
 erse the forest paths in night's dark hours, when 
 the wolf howled behind me. And, Mr. Chairman, 
 I shall not controvert the claim which the gentle- 
 man's figure sets up — that he is the veritable man 
 in the moon ! 1 stood at my desk when the gen- 
 tleman delivered his speech, as I am here now, 
 
 " With bended bow, and quiver full of arrows," 
 ready to "shoot at folly as it flies," whether to 
 the green cheese of the moon, or to the sweet pota- 
 toes of Georgia ! 
 
 The honorable gentleman is adroit in his effort 
 to escape the consequences of the issues he had 
 the temerity to present to this House. I shall 
 bring him back to them in due time, after dispos- 
 ing of the outside matters he has introduced. I 
 quoted him as saying " the South asks nothing,'" 
 and he charges me, therefore, with " putting words 
 in his mouth which he did not utter!" It is due 
 that I should give the gentleman the benefit of his 
 language as published in his first speech as revised 
 by himself. He said: 
 
 " Hut when did we ever come up and ask any aid fmm 
 <).<• Government of the United Stales ? The constant prayer 
 hi (be Si.mli to you has been to slay your hands. Jill that, 
 we ask of you is, Icrejt your hands out of our pockets. Thai 
 is all that the South aski, and we do not £et even that." 
 
 Now, sir, may I not ask whether the gentle- 
 man's complaint, about "putting words in his 
 mouth," has not for its foundation a mere quibble ? 
 The substance of his charge is, that the free States 
 have been robbing the South. In what manner 
 has this alleged plunder been perpetrated through 
 the General Government ? Let us briefly examine. 
 
 Have tot robbed you through our tariff laws ? In 
 1816, Mr. Calhoun was the advocate of a protect- 
 ive tariff. The free States never demanded protec- 
 
 tion until, under the system proposed by the South, 
 they had been induced to invest, in permanent 
 manufactories, buildings, and machinery, their 
 capital. Then they claimed that, in good faith, 
 the system should be continued. In 1824-'28the 
 system was advocated by southern statesmen, 
 such as Jackson, Benton, Eaton, Richard M. 
 Johnson, and others. Besides, sir, every branch 
 of southern industry has been as fuily protected 
 by all our tariff laws as those of the free States. 
 There is no injustice in this branch of Federal 
 legislation. If there is, I challenge the gentleman 
 to show it. 
 
 Have we robbed you through our improvement laws ? 
 I assert, without the fear of contradiction from any 
 source, that in all the bills that have ever passed 
 Congress for the improvement of rivers and har- 
 bors, the slave States have received a much greater 
 amount from the National Treasury, according to> 
 their Federal representation, than the free States. 
 Such was the case last session. It is so now. Ire 
 the future, you will not complain if, in this branch 
 of legislation, we say, "keep your hands out of our 
 pockets !" 
 
 Have we robbed you in expenditures for acquiring 
 additional territory ? On a former occasion I as- 
 serted that the free States had never asked for the 
 acquisition of new territories, and attributed (o 
 southern demands all the acquisitions since the 
 organization of the Government, to wit: Louisiana, 
 Florida, Texas, California, Utah, and New Mex- 
 ico, and the Mesilla valley. These annexations, 
 the result of southern influence, including the war 
 with Mexico, (the fruit of annexation,) cost the 
 I Federal Government more than two hundred millions 
 of dollars, and furnished a legitimate item in reply 
 to the charge of robbery. 
 
 The gentleman goes into an elaborate calcula- 
 tion to prove that a portion of this territory is in 
 northern latitudes. The truth of this proposition 
 does not affect my point. The acquisitions are 
 all the result of southern demands upon the Fed- 
 eral Government, the purpose being to strengthen 
 the political power of slavery, which has always 
 been successful. The repeal of the Missouri com- 
 promise, and the admission of slavery into Kansas 
 and Nebraska, consummate this policy of the 
 slave States; because our national history shows 
 that no free State has ever yet been formed from 
 territory from which slavery had not been posi- 
 tively excluded by law. ^ 
 
 Have we robbed you through the postal arrange- 
 ments of the General Government? Look, sir, into 
 the last page of the President's message and ac- 
 companying documents upon our desks. We 
 have here the figures of an annual robbery. The 
 figures stand thus: 
 
 Slave States, cost of mail transportation $3,087,225 
 
 Slave States, postages, &c, paid 1,487,984 
 
 Deficit .. $599,241 
 
 Free States, postages, &c.,paid $4,393,056 
 
 Free States, cost of mail transportation, &c 2.381,877 
 
 Overpaid $2,011,179 
 
 The free States pay more than $2,000,000 above 
 the cost of their mails, whilst your slave States 
 (Georgia bein<? a lending defaulter) are annually 
 nearly #600 .000 behind. Our people are taxed 
 for the letters you receive, and the day is not far 
 
off when they will say to you, through the solemn 
 forms of law, " keen yotMr hands out p/ourjfeca' 
 
 Mr. Chairman, the gentleman's last speech dis- 
 closes a purpose to evade the issues of our first 
 controversy. I am, therefore, induced to follow 
 him briefly in his filibustering wanderings to Cuba. 
 He wants to annex that rich Island. Inasmuch as 
 Spain will not sell it, he seems to propose that our 
 people should become land pirates, and take it 
 through the process of throat cutting. In refer- 
 ence to our objections to his ideas of acquisition, 
 he says: " I see none but an obstinate, fixed, and 
 blind dogmatical nonsense .'" And in another part 
 of his speech he says: 
 
 (< My record may stand as il is made up. I bavenodi sire 
 to change or modify ii in the leaai ; aoi c\ en w crow a t it 
 dot nn i. /ft/ it. at it stands, [ am wilting to abide white 
 Uoing, ami hit it to abide when dead. [I WSJ BOt mule tur a 
 
 day, or for an election, but tur all time to come.' ' 
 
 Mr. Chairman, the honorable gentleman has 
 called attention to his record, with all the solemn 
 forms of a " last will and testament !" I had oc- 
 casion, on the 14th of December, to look into his 
 record, and will now take up other parts of it, 
 with a view to ascertain whether he had not as 
 well add a codicil, by way of explanation. He 
 seems to regard my argument as deficient in power 
 compared to his own. 1 choose, therefore, to 
 reply to his late demonstration in favor of taking 
 Cuba whilst Spain refuses to sell it, by the forcible 
 remarks which his record shows he made in this 
 Hall on a former and similar occasion. 1 read 
 from the Congressional Globe, volume 19, page 
 163. During our war with Mexico, an obstacle 
 to a treaty of peace was presented in the refusal 
 of Mexico to dispose of her territory. On the 
 2d of February, 1848, the honorable gentleman 
 gave utterance to the following noble sentiments. 
 He seems now to repudiate them. 1 have a right 
 to appropriate them to my present purpose, and 
 to adopt them as my own. By doing so, 1 have 
 assurance that 1 quote authority that will com- 
 mand from the honorable gentleman more atten- 
 tion than the offspring of my own intellect. 
 
 " The sine qn,i non tor peace in the instructions to Mr. 
 Trist, was 10 take \i-wMt-xico and California, and pay 
 vir,.ui>0,unO or $-211,00(1,000. No man can be mistaken. 
 The reason dial peace was not made, washecau-e Mexico 
 was unwilling to sell a portion other country; and the 
 avowed object in now continuing it, is to compel and ioree 
 fcerto make the surrender, "Tin lake the whole of it. 
 
 " Sir, I take, this earliest opportunity of saying that I 
 ehall never tax my constituents lor any such object. Ii 
 they wish to contribute tie ir substance to snstain a policy 
 SO odious and d' testable, so entirely at war with the most 
 sacred principles upon which their own Government i=s 
 founded, they iiium send sune other person here to lay the 
 taxes. ( never shall do it. 
 
 "The President assumes, if I understand his position, 
 that the honor and interest of tins country require us to 
 make thia demand of Mexico, sir. I wholly dis>ent from 
 any such doctrine. The Linor of I his countiy does w>t and 
 cannot ictjuiic us to farce and compel ihe people of any 
 other to sett theirs. I have, I trust. a> high a regard tot Ihe 
 national honor as any man. It is the brightest gem In ihe 
 cliaplet of a nation's aJort ; and thete is nothing of whi< h I 
 am prouder than the Iul'Ii character for honor tins country 
 has acquired throughout the civilized world— that code of 
 honoi winch was established i>y Washington and il i 
 of the Revolution, and which rests upon truth, justice, and 
 honesty, winch is the offspring of virtue and integrity, and 
 which is seen in the length and breadth of our land, in all 
 the evidences of ar:, and civilization, ami moral advance 
 ment. and everything that tends to elevate, dignify, and 
 ennoble man. 
 
 "This is the honor of my admiration, and it is made Ol 
 'sterner,' purer, nobler •stuff' than that aggressive and j 
 degrading, yea, odious principle now avowed, of waging I 
 
 war against a neighboring people to compel than to -■ m 
 Up ii country. Who i i>c willing, u • r 
 
 any circumstances, id mjII fits i ounu*) i or my* . i i ia 
 ly, II tie Ii i runerkl pile <>t flbi rt ted, I 
 
 would mouni it and expire in Its I 
 coerci d by an y power, however great ■ I i 
 
 turrender the land ol my horns, the pis .ny, 
 
 and the graves ol my slrt ■ ! >ir. lbs. prim Ipls i- not only 
 dishonorable, bui infamoui, \ thi Repn ■ Dial ■■ upon 
 
 itii— ii->.»r <»i a high-minded and houmabi I t 
 
 repeal, thai Ihe principle ol waging waragiit 
 boring people to compel them to sell their cnuntrj 
 only dishonorable, bui dl graci ful and Infamous. What ! 
 shall ii be said lhal American hnnot almi at nothing hlghac 
 Hum (and, than the ground on which we ireadf Down 
 
 look no higher In our aaplrat - tor i or, < 
 
 loulless brutesi Bhall we disavow the simtlitudi u 
 Maker, and disgrace the verj name ol man Tell U not to 
 
 I lie world. Let not -il i'h an a- per -ion and « npOSJ 
 
 uui upline, i have beard ol nations whose honor eon 
 -iti-tii it with gold, ih-it glittering dust which Ii so prsi loos 
 in tin- eyes of some ; but never did I expect to live loses the 
 day when tin- Executive ol this country should announce 
 
 lhal mir honor was ,-neli ;t loathsome, bea-lU thine, lhal it 
 
 could not be satisfied witB any achieve nta m arms, 
 
 however brilliant and glorious, but Diust feed <>n earth, 
 gross, vile dirt; and require even n pi to be 
 
 robbed of mountain rocks and deetrt plains. I b ■■ 
 
 SUcll notions Of honor ; and I have quite a- little opinion of 
 
 lhal policy winch would spend fifty ot a bundn d millions 
 of dollars in compelling the Mexicaqs to lake fifteen or 
 
 twenty millions for New Mexico and California, On the 
 score of public interest." 
 
 Mr. Chairman, further back in the gentleman's 
 " record," which is to " stand as it is made up," 
 1 find wholesome suggestions from him, pertinent 
 to his present proposition to take Cuba. In vol. 
 1G, page 950, of the Congressional Globe, his 
 record shows that he said to the American people, 
 from his desk in this Hall: 
 
 " We can only properly enlarge by voluntary accession*, 
 and should only attempt to aet upon our neighbor* by setting 
 them a good example." 
 
 Again, he repudiates filibustering for other na- 
 tions' territories: 
 
 " Fields of blood and carnage may make men brave and 
 heroic, but seldom tend to make nations either good, virtu- 
 ous, or great." 
 
 Still further back in the pages of the gentle- 
 man's " record," by which he abides, " dead or 
 alive," he spoke well on the proposition of annex- 
 ing Texas. On the25th January, 1845, (Congres- 
 sional Globe, vol. 14, page 190,) he is reported as 
 follows: 
 
 " Much as he recanted the lu«ter nf the « lone star,' (and 
 be would let ii gleam on,) he admired ibe brilliai 
 of the present Confederacy of out glorious old » > 
 
 States, as ihey now existed, more. And rather than thai 
 snir, shooting from its orbit and coming ii lo oars, should 
 produce ronfUidon, lie ► hould say let it gleam on alone, and 
 remain where il was." 
 
 It will be remembered that during the pendency 
 of the Mexican war the question was rai.-ed here, 
 whether we should exact from Mexico any nf her 
 territory as a condition of peace. On the 
 January, 1847, (Cong Globe, vol. 17, p. 24U,) he 
 ofTered in this House the following resolution: 
 "Be it therefore rrsolvcd lu the Senate and House of Rep. 
 
 resentntix ■ ' sayrress 
 
 assembled. That ihe preseni «ar with Mexico ' isn I 
 
 wnh a view to conquest, 1 or the dismemb* rue ul ol ibai ■*> 
 public by the acquisition ol an] portion ol hertet 
 
 And prior to this resolve (June 16,' 1846, 
 Globe, vol. 1"), p. 982) he denounced acq 
 of territory: 
 
 " As to the objects of Ihe war, he iii«|inr. ,1 w hat it was 
 the intention ol the Ad nration i« do ! Was it to par- 
 sue the conquest of Mexico! Was it that irwildii t 
 ■ tevei in the balls nl ihe Monlexum 
 might acquire the Cahloinias and all ihe untung di.lncwas 
 
6 
 
 well a* the capital of Mexico itself? If so. he was opposed 
 toit. He declared himself, in advance, in favor of peace so 
 soon as peace could be honorably obtained." 
 
 The gentleman's pertinacity against acquisitions 
 of territory was most remarkable. His was the 
 firmness of the "noblest Roman of them all." 
 On the 10th of February, 1847, (Cong. Globe, vol. 
 17, p. 401,) he said, in reference to conquests and 
 the war with Mexico: 
 
 " If there were any other object, it was for the direct and 
 settled purpose of conquest ; and Mat be believed to have 
 been its main object, lie declared himself opposed to the 
 conquest and dismemberment of Mexico, either for the ex- 
 penses of the war or for the satisfaction or indemnity of 
 our citizens." 
 
 He wants Cuba now. He would have our Gov- 
 ernment violate or abrogate our solemn treaty with 
 Spain, and turn out its reckless adventurers and 
 speculators to aid the " oppressed Cubans !" Mr. 
 Chairman, there never lived a greater tyrant than 
 Santa Anna. Our war with his Government closed 
 with the treaty by which we acquired the rich mines 
 of California and the vast Territories of Utah and 
 New Mexico. How ran the current of the gen- 
 tleman's sympathies for the "oppressed" of tyr- 
 anny then ? What were his views of an extension 
 of our domain? On the 19th of February, 1849, 
 (Cong. Globe, vol. 20, p. 557,) the following 
 resolution was submitted to this House by one of 
 its members from my own State, [Mr. Schenck:] 
 . "That the President of the United States be, and he is 
 hereby, authorized and instructed to enter forthwith into 
 negotiations with the Government of the Republic of Mex- 
 ico for the surrender to said Republic of nil the territories 
 knoirn as New Mexico and Upper California, or so much 
 thereof as li^s west of the Rio Grande, of any title thereto 
 which was acquired by the United States under the fifth 
 article of the treaty between the United States and Mexico, 
 made and concluded at Guadalupe Hidalgo, on the 2d day 
 of February, A. D. 1848," &c. 
 
 The vote stood as follows: 
 
 "YEAS— Messrs. Ashmim, Cranston, Crowel, Fisher, 
 Giddings, Henry, Horace Mann, Palfrey, Schenck, Ste- 
 phens, and Toombs — 11." 
 
 But, sir, I must leave the gentleman voting with 
 his "Abolition" friends, and pass from thisbranch 
 of his "record." Necessity does not require 
 further explorations. I said, on the 14th Decem- 
 ber, when I interrogated him on the constitution- 
 ality of the Wilmot proviso, that I had confidence 
 in him as a constitutional lawyer. I repeat it now, 
 in connection with the question of our power to 
 annex territories. On the 25th January, 1845, 
 (Cong. Globe, vol. 14, page 190,) Mr. Stephens, 
 of Georgia, thus defines his position: 
 
 " He denied that the Constitution gives to Congress any 
 power, either expressed or implied, to acquire foreign terri 
 tory ; or to the treaty making power the right to acquire 
 territory for the purpose of extending the Union. He af- 
 firmed that the power given to Congress to admit new Stales 
 was limited to the then territory of the Union." 
 
 Now, sir, 1 dismiss the points of the gentle- 
 man's last speech, and I leave the " record" which 
 be has- given us for all time and eternity, too. 1 
 cannot learn from it in what way we can annex 
 Cuba, if he acquires it, either by purchase or by 
 filibustering, without violating the Constitution 
 both he and 1 have sworn to support. Glancing 
 thus hastily over its pages to learn wisdom on the 
 great points of our power to annex territories, 
 and then to exclude slavery from them, one might 
 very naturally say: 
 
 " Man's a strange animal, and makes use 
 
 Of his own nature, and 111" v. nous arts, 
 And likes particularly to produce 
 
 Some new experiments to show his parts .'" 
 
 He presented an argument, in favor of taking 
 Cuba, to the people of Ohio, which it is proper 
 1 should notice in leaving the subject. He sug- 
 gests that we are now required to pay heavy duties 
 at Havana, under the laws of Spain, on Ohio pro- 
 duce, which would not be required if the island 
 were annexed. I wish to say to the gentleman, 
 that whatever may be the code of national or indi- 
 vidual morals in Georgia, in Ohio we regard 
 .American faith as higher than the profits on flour, 
 and principle dearer to us than the value of pork ! 
 The Ohio farmer will not consent to cut the 
 throat, or shoot out the brains of a Spanish sub- 
 ject in Cuba, on the gentleman's promise that he 
 shall make two shillings more of profit on his pig f 
 
 Mr. Chairman, I propose now to go back to the 
 original issues which the gentleman presented in 
 his first speech. They involved: 1, the constitu- 
 tionality; 2, the expediency of excluding slavery 
 from our national Territories by an act of Con- 
 gress. I have no desire to discuss self-evident 
 propositions, «r those that are admitted by my 
 adversary. Slavery is the antagonist of liberty. 
 In the abstract, it is admitted to be a wrong, hence 
 remarks on this point are needless. Upon the 
 question of the power of Congress over Terri- 
 tories, under the Constitution, there has been 
 ground for dispute; but on the 14th of December 
 the gentleman certainly united in my repudiation 
 of the doctrine that we should give to the people 
 of a Territory unlimited sovereignty. He de- 
 nounced what is termed "squatter sovereignty," 
 thereby making an issue with those who aided 
 him to pass the Nebraska bill, and not with me. 
 On these points I pass him over to those who 
 went for that bill on the ground that it secured to 
 the people of the Territories the right of self- 
 government, and the privilege of "regulating all 
 their affairs in their own way." 
 
 I held that Congress had constitutional power 
 to exclude slavery, and sought to fortify myself 
 by the action of our great statesmen, as well as 
 the opinion of the gentleman. To be sure, sir, he 
 was rather hvistical in the course of my cross-ex- 
 amination, and said that he-had never expressed 
 an opinion on this point, either here or before his 
 constituents. 1 resorted, then, to that "record," 
 and proved that he had exercised the power, and 
 voted — in the Texas resolutions — to deprive the 
 people of a Territory of the right to hold slaves, 
 and to withhold from them the privilege of toler- 
 ating slavery under any State ronstitution they 
 might adopt. My high estimate of the gentleman's 
 integrity and ability forbade me from supposing 
 that he had willfully violated the Constitution he 
 had sworn to support; and I assumed that he 
 agreed with me that Congress had power to legis- 
 late for the exclusion of slavery from Territories. 
 He did not dispute the assumption. Sir, I shall 
 hold him to the point I established. He is a dis- 
 tinguished leader among southern members. His 
 admissions have not been denied on this floor by 
 southern members. Two months have elapsed, 
 and no southern newspaper that I have seen has 
 denied their correctness. I have, therefore, the 
 | right now to assume — and shall assume — that the 
 South, and especially members from the State of 
 Georgia, unite with me, as the gentleman did, in 
 acknowledging the constitutional tight of Congress 
 to exclude slavery from all the Territories of the 
 Federal Government. 
 
Mr. BAILEY, of Georgia. I have seen the 
 liberality of the gentleman from Ohio [Mr. Camp- 
 bkll] in extending, on being interrupted, the priv- 
 ilege to explain and to answer. He knows well 
 enough that on the floor I have never nought to 
 intrude on the time or attention of any one; but 
 from reference having been made to Georgia, I ask 
 him to allow me the privilege of speaking briefly 
 on this eubject. 
 
 Mr. CAMPBELL. I have much to say and 
 but little time. If the gentleman repudiates the 
 positions of his colleague, he can say so in a word, 
 and place himself right on the record. 
 
 Mr. BAILEY. 1 wish to say that I not only 
 repudiate that position of my colleague, [Mr. 
 Stephens,] but a great many other positions of 
 his. 
 
 [Mr. Bailey proceeded to define his position at 
 length, stating that he believed the people of 
 Georgia also repudiated the positions of his col- 
 league, [Mr. Stephens.] 
 
 Mr. CAMPBELL. On this branch of the sub- 
 ject I have no longer any controversy with the 
 gentleman's colleague, [Mr. Stephens.] We 
 seem to have come together on the great question 
 which underlies the whole difficulty, the constitu- 
 tional poicer of Congress to exclude slavery from Ter- 
 ritories. He joins me, too, in denouncing the 
 doctrine of " squatter sovereignty," as asserted 
 by the friends of the Nebraska bill. If the gentle- 
 man [Mr. Bailey] joins issue with us, I transfer 
 his colleague [Mr. Stephens] to him. They may 
 have their contest before the people of Georgia. 
 
 Mr. SEWARD, of Georgia. I ask the gentle- 
 man to allow me a moment. 
 
 Mr. CAMPBELL. Do you indorse the posi- 
 tions of your colleague, [Mr. Stephens?] 
 
 Mr. SEWARD. No sir; I do not. 
 
 Mr. CAMPBELL. Then I turn him over to 
 you also. Fight it out in Georgia. I carry on no 
 controversy with your colleague further than we 
 may disagree. 
 
 Mr. SEWARD here expressed his regret that 
 his colleague [Mr. Stephens] had not defined his 
 position more promptly, and proceeded to define 
 his own position, closing with the remark that in 
 a particular contingency in reference to the right 
 of slavery in Territories, &c, he was willing to 
 see this Government rent asunder. 
 
 Mr. CAMPBELL. AH these threats of dis- 
 solving the Union since the repeal of the Missouri 
 compromise have become, in the free States, 
 "stale, flat, and unprofitable!" They do not 
 frighten anybody. Much as our people may have 
 loved the Union, they have pretty generally made 
 up their minds for the future, if this Union is to be 
 perpetuated, it shall not be for the purpose of ex- 
 tending slavery into free Territories. Southern 
 gentlemen may stick a pin there! 
 
 I have no design to interfere in any contest these 
 honorable gentlemen from Georgia may get up 
 among themselves. They may " regulate their 
 domestic institution in theirown way," and I will 
 look on with entire complacency. The honorable 
 gentleman to whom I reply. [Mr. Stephens,] has 
 substantially indorsed my positions as to the con- 
 stitutional power of Congress to exclude slavery 
 from Territories. I have proved by his " record" 
 that we have no power to sustain his proposition 
 to annex Cuba, as he now proposes, without viola- 
 
 ting the Constitution w« have solemnly sworn to 
 support. 
 
 Mr. WRIGHT, of Mississippi. If the gentle- 
 man denies the powerof Congress to annex Cuba, 
 I auk him to explain his resolution of last session 
 for the annexation of the CanadaH, A •-. 
 
 Mr. CAMPBELL. The gentleman from Mis- 
 sissippi cannot involve me in an inconsistency. 
 My record, here and at home, is straightforward 
 for the promotion of freedom, without proposing 
 to violate the Constitution, or the rightH of the 
 South. The resolution to which he alludes, sub- 
 mitted by meat the last session, simply authorized 
 negotiations to be opened, to ascertain on what 
 terms we might acquire the British Provinces in 
 North America, in an honefit and peaceful way. 
 It merely presented the inquiry, M What do you 
 ask for them?" without committing Congress to 
 an agreement to pay the price that might be de- 
 manded, or to annexation. It was a resolution 
 of inquiry merely. Besides, Mr. Chairman, I 
 thought that, inasmuch as the slave States had so 
 often found power under the Constitution tonnnex 
 the Territories of Louisiana, Florida, Texas, 
 California, Utah, New Mexico, and the Messilla 
 valley — wading us through rivers of blood, and 
 expendingmillionsupon millionsfromthe National 
 Treasury to accomplish their purposes — and are 
 even now willing to have a war with Spain for the 
 acquisition of Cuba, to increase the slave power 
 of the Union, we, of the free States, might ven- 
 ture to make an honest, quiet, and peaceful inquiry 
 as to the terms upon which we might extend our 
 area of freedom northward. Mr. Jefferson de- 
 clared the acquisition of Louisiana to be an act 
 beyond the powers of the Constitution. The 
 gentleman from Georgia agreed with him, as I 
 have shown. The acquisition of Louisiana waa 
 justified only on that principle known as the 
 " higher law" of national necessity. Every ac- 
 quisition since that finds no other authority than 
 in the principles of that " higher law." My posi- 
 tion is, that if the Constitution justifies acquisi- 
 tions southward for slavery, it justifies them north- 
 ward for freedom ! If the slave States act upon a 
 principle of " higher law" than the Constitution, 
 the free States (being equal copartners in the firm 
 known as " The Union") have a right to adopt it 
 as the rule of their action. And, Mr. Chairman, 
 I intend to assert that right. The Constitution 
 was formed with an implied understanding that 
 no additional territory was to be annexed, and no 
 new slave States admitted into this Union. The 
 spirit of the instrument has oftentimes been vio- 
 lated by the friends of slavery; their "strict con- 
 struction" arguments are only advanced when 
 they fear the onward march of freedom. 
 
 Mr. Chairman, gentlemen apply the taunt of 
 "Abolitionist" on this floor, and seek to effect 
 their purposes by engendering prejudices. For my 
 own part, I have to say that I have always hitherto 
 been a Whig. Now, that the Whig party seema 
 to have been numbered with the "things that were 
 and are not," and the faithless Democracy has 
 gone down below the point to which it is supposed 
 the arm of resurrection can reach, I shall prefer to 
 have my position known, now and hereafter, br 
 the principles I may avow. I shall hold myself 
 independent of every political organization which 
 would interfere wilh the progress of justice, or put 
 in jeopardy the great cause of American hberlj 
 
8 
 
 or national honor. On this troublesome question 
 of slavery I fortify my position by the opinions 
 of southern statesmen — of Georgia politicians 
 
 Mr. BAILEY, of Georgia. Name them. 
 
 Mr. CAMPBELL. Your patriots of 1776, of 
 the day that tried men's souls — the first colonists 
 of Georgia — those who fought for our liberties. 
 And, recently, your colleague, [Mr. Stephens,] 
 who seems to have played the part of the flying 
 Parthian, thro wing his arrow at his antagonist, then 
 trusting to the fleetness of his horse for safety. 
 But the gentleman has left his record behind him. 
 On the 25th of January, 1845, he is thus reported: 
 
 " As a southern man anil Georgian, he protested against 
 the correspondence of the Secretary of State on this subject. 
 The institution of slavery was a domestic one, and the Sec- 
 retary of State sought to make it a national one. He ob- 
 jectedto calling on this Government to strengthen the insti- 
 tution of slavery." 
 
 Your institution of slavery is local. We deny 
 the right of the free States, or of the General Gov- 
 ernment, to abolish or interfere with it, in the 
 States where it is tolerated, and we deny your 
 right to authorize its extension or its support 
 through the power of the Federal Government, 
 either by direct or indirect means. The Consti- 
 tution confers no power on this subject, except 
 for the reclamation of your fugitive slaves, and I 
 regard any law to carry out that power, which 
 denies the right of jury trial, not only as unjust, 
 but practically inefficient. 
 
 [At this point a running discussion took place 
 between Mr. Bailey, of Georgia, and Mr. Camp- 
 bell, in reference to trial by jury in the case of 
 fugitive slaves.] 
 
 Mr. CAMPBELL. I come now, Mr. Chair- 
 man, to the consideration of the only point pre- 
 sented by the gentleman from Georgia, [Mr. 
 Stephens,] in his first speech, on which we appear 
 to be at issue. That is, theexpediency of extend- 
 ing slavery, the comparative merits of free and 
 slave labor, and the relative prosperity of free and 
 Blave States. The responsibility of such a com- 
 parison does not rest upon me, and I remind the 
 House that the gentleman invited the investiga- 
 tion in his first speech, and followed it up vigor- 
 ously in his last. 1 pursue it in no sectional or 
 unkind spirit, but solely with a view to present 
 fairly such facts as should direct us in legislation 
 for the establishment of institutions in our unset- 
 tled Territories. 
 
 It may be well, sir, to ascertain, before we pro- 
 vide for the increase of slave States- or promote 
 the interest of slave labor, the number of American 
 citizens who have a substantial interest in slavery. 
 
 The census shows the number of whites in the 
 Blave States to be 6,222,418. 
 
 Number of slaveholders 347,525 
 
 Number owning less than five slaves 174,503 
 
 Number owning five and more slaves 173,023 
 
 It is a fact worthy of attention, that whilst the 
 whole couniry is constantly being disturbed by 
 this institution, there are, of the 211,000,000, only 
 173,000 who own five slaves or more. In the 
 Blave States alone, the number of persons who 
 do not own a single slave is 5,874 893; whilst the 
 number of slaveholders is only 347,525. These 
 figures prove either that a large majority of the 
 people of the slave States are opposed to holding 
 
 slaves on a principle, or agree with me, that even 
 there free labor would be more profitable. The 
 correctness of this conclusion can only be ques- 
 tioned on the ground that the mass are too poor 
 to own even one slave — an assertion which I am 
 not disposed to make. 
 
 There are twenty millions of our people, there- 
 fore, interested in free labor, and only one third of 
 a million who have property in slaves. Is it wise, 
 is it just, that this interest of the few, which con- 
 flicts with the interests of the great mass, as well 
 as the genius of our Government, should be pro- 
 moted by national legislation? The gentleman 
 assailed the statistical facts which I presented on 
 a former occasion. I shall not now confine my 
 tables to thecensus returnsfrom Georgia and Ohio. 
 With a purpose to test more fully the merits of 
 free and slave labor, I have carefully compiled 
 tables, drawing the line between the free and slave 
 States. In presenting the results, I refer to the 
 pages of the Compendium of the Census, from 
 which my figures have been taken. 
 
 MANUFACTURED, MINING AND MECHANIC ARTS, (page 179.) 
 
 Capital Raw Hands Product, 
 
 invested. material, employed. 
 
 Free States $430,240,051 $465,844,092 950.573 $842,285,058 
 Slave States, 95,029,879 86,190,639 160,627 165,423,027 
 
 $335,210,172 $379,653,453 789,946 $676,862,031 
 
 The excess of profit in the free States, it will 
 be seen, is nearly seven hundred millions or 
 
 DOLLARS. 
 
 In connection with our manufacturing establish- 
 ments much is said about northern slavery. True, 
 sir, we have made slaves of our rivers and our 
 mountain cascades. The Connecticut, and the 
 Merrimack, the Miamis, and all the tributaries 
 of the Mississippi, the mountain streamlets, are 
 made to work in supplying the wants of man. Even 
 now Niagara's cataract, with more power than is 
 contained in the bones and sinews of all the Afri- 
 cans on earth, is being enchained and reduced to 
 servitude by northern energy, for the benefit of 
 man. 
 
 Closely allied to the mechanical interest is the 
 invention of labor-saving implements, &c. By 
 reference to the list of patents granted, I find 
 
 issued to the free States 13,944 
 
 issued to the slave States 2,396 
 
 NUMBER OF PERSONS ATTENDING SCHOOL, AND PER CENT. 
 OF WHITE POPULATION, (Page 144.) 
 
 Number of pupils. Percentage. 
 
 Free States 3,017,954 22.03 
 
 Slave States 970,396 15.46 
 
 Number Ratio for every ont 
 
 of Schools. thousand whites. 
 
 Free States 02,433 4,683 
 
 Slave States 18,507 2,972 
 
 LIBRARIES, OTHER THAN PRIVATE, INCLUDING SCHOOL, 
 COLLEGE, AND CHURCH, (page 159.) 
 
 Number. Volumes. 
 
 Free States 14,893 3,847,617 
 
 Slave States 713 654,194 
 
 NEWSPAPERS AND PERIODICALS, (plge 156.) 
 
 Number. Annual circulation. 
 
 Free States 1,800 331,523,281 
 
 Slave States 704 81,033,033 
 
 Difference 1,096 253,485,248 
 
9 
 
 RATIO Of ILMTKKATK TO NATIVE WHITE POPULATION, 
 
 (page 153 i 
 
 Slave States B.37 per cent. 
 
 Free States 3.40 per cent. 
 
 RATIO, OK ILLITKBATS a Mo no FOBJ ION! M, (page 153. J 
 
 Fret) Btates., 9.09 per cent, 
 
 Ulave States 6.35 percent, 
 
 COMI'AKA TIVK RATIO OP IUJTERATI AMDS,; KATIVI I IND 
 
 KOKEIUNERS, UVtllTBIMl \ 1 .A R - , (] ► . 1 y • ■ 152.) 
 
 Native. Fon 
 
 Slave States 17.23 per cent. 10.69 percent, 
 
 Free States 4.13 per cent. L5.15 per cent, 
 
 I"KR CENT. RATIO OP W HI I '■ I I.I.I TK It A TK TO TOTAL Will l'K 
 
 POPULATION, (page 152.) 
 Stave Slates. Free Slates. Georgia. Ohio. 
 
 8.27 3.36 8.99 3.19 
 
 It ia worthy of remark thnt the State from which 
 the gentleman comes, who institutes these inqui- 
 ries, is ahead of the average of slave States in 
 " illiterate" persons, whilst Ohio, the State he se- 
 lected for comparison, is below the average of the 
 free States. 
 
 CRIME — PRISON STATISTICS. 
 
 The gentleman goes into the statistics of crime, 
 and claims a successful comparison. The result 
 of his statistics might be answered by the well 
 known fact that offenses are more promptly and 
 severely punished in the free States than in the 
 South. But there are other facts worthy of pre- 
 sentation, connected with the statistics of crime, in 
 the present state of public feeling, in regard to 
 foreign emigration. The census tables prove 
 remarkable facts. The tables of illiterate show 
 that the foreign emigrants of the South are more 
 intelligent than those of the North, and yet the 
 percentage of crime among the foreigners in slave 
 States is double that in the free States. The ratio 
 of white persons imprisoned out of every ten 
 thousand, in the free States, (page 1Gb',) is: 
 
 Foreign-born 5.868 
 
 Native born 1.991 
 
 I have the official reports of the board of Gov- 
 ernors of the alms-house of the city of New 
 York, for the last year, which furnish important 
 disclosures. I quote the following figures: 
 
 .American. Foreign. 
 
 City prison, received 1853 6,303 99,329 
 
 Work house 1853 382 1,236 
 
 Penitentiary, lllaclc well's Island, received 
 
 from January 1, 185-1, to December 9, 
 
 1854 833 2,720 
 
 Total 7 518 26,235 
 
 The inference the gentleman would seem todraw 
 that crime is more frequent under a system of free 
 labor than of slave labor, is simply preposterous, 
 " blind dogmatic nonsense !" Much of the crime in 
 the North is perpetrated by convicts sent to our 
 shores from foreign countries. In proof of this, I 
 submit the following extract from the New York 
 Times of December 24: 
 
 " yesterday in irnina n highly important arrest of twelve 
 convict*, sent to tin- Untied States ai lite expense of Ihe 
 Belgian Gnv< rnment, was effected by Sergeant Hell of the 
 Mayor's office, and officers Newman ami Preude. 
 
 "During iic- past two years a large number of English 
 felons have arrived here from Botany Bay, whom the an 
 thorites of the < nd World liberated from confinement, and 
 paid their patsnge tn this port to gel rid of them. In Ihe 
 course of the past summer, about fifty of these notorious 
 
 thieves were captured and retui I. Their crimes 
 
 ranged from petll larcenii - lu i ib ■ rli ■ un thi 
 
 The United State. i consul el Antwerp n 
 
 wrote to Collector Etedfil Id, of tht a'y of New 
 
 York, as follows: 
 
 " it has been dl bui isd In Un thm 
 
 whetbei ll would no) be bettei Uto tin I .-■• i Stale 
 
 at 0oi rumen! 
 tain tin-in at tome." 
 
 1 present these facts for the twofold purpose of 
 meeting the gentleman's criminal statistics, and of 
 Calling the attention of our people to the outrages 
 
 which foreign Governments are perpetrating in 
 
 turning loose their cut-throats upon our nhorts. 
 
 PAUPKP.S. 
 
 The census tables show the following results: 
 
 IfttM Foreign. Total. 
 
 Slave States 16, III 1,849 91,961 
 
 FreeStates 50,014 113,703 
 
 More than three fourths of the paupers in the 
 slave States are native-born; in the free Slatee 
 nearly three fifths are foreign-born. The same 
 general facts I have mentioned in reference to 
 foreign criminals sent to northern cities apply to 
 the pauper statistics. 
 
 During the year 18f>3, there were admitted into 
 two institutions of New York city, (Bellevue hos- 
 pital and the alms-house,) as slated in the report 
 before me: 
 
 Foreigners 5,797 
 
 Americans 1,236 
 
 During the same time the city authorities fur 
 nished relief to the " out-door poor:" 
 
 Foreigners 30,341 
 
 Americans 5,030 
 
 In this connection I submit a statement of 
 pauperism in 1850, in several of the free States: 
 
 Foreign. 
 
 Massachusetts 9,947 
 
 New York 40.580 
 
 Pennsylvania 5,635 
 
 Rhode Island 1.115 
 
 
 
 GEORGIA AND OHIO. 
 
 Mr. Chairman, the gentleman has again pressed 
 upon us his comparison of Georgia and Ohio 
 prosperity, and assails the tallies I presented, show- 
 ing the value of agricultural products of the two 
 States on the basis of New York city prices. He 
 protests against Ohio hay at sixteen dollars per 
 ton, yet I have the Cincinnati prices current, pub- 
 lished a few days after he delivered his last speech, 
 showing that it was then selling in that city at 
 seventeen dollars pe: ton. He is startled, and 
 becomes nervous over the fact, that Ohio hay alone 
 amounts to more than the cotton of Georgia. He 
 complains, too, that I put down his Georgia sweet 
 potatoes at fifty cents per bushel, and claims them 
 to be worth two dollars in New York, Hie 
 Georgia sweet potatoes are a perishable product, 
 and during the short period they might I 
 article of commerce, and enter into the ex] 
 Georgia, or into ihe general consumption of the 
 Slate, they are not worth more in New York than 
 ihe raie I affirmed in my former table. 
 
 B it, sir, 1 have prepared another lable, includ- 
 ing every product returned fry tk: ctmus, taking the 
 
10 
 
 prices current of New York of the 25th January, 
 which I have preserved to fix the value, which 
 the census does not furnish. To accommodate 
 him I have rated his sweet potatoes at two dollars 
 per bushel, although that figure presents the ab- 
 surdity of giving Georgia nearly as much credit 
 for her sweet potatoes as for her great staple of 
 cotton. I leave Ohio hay at sixteen dollars, (less 
 than the Cincinnati price, whence it is shipped to 
 southern ports in large quantities.) Whatever 
 sneers the gentleman may have for Ohio hay, and 
 powerful as may be his eloquence in portraying 
 Georgia's success in corn-shucks, it is nevertheless 
 unquestionably true that the quantity of hay 
 produced in Ohio, as returned by the census, 
 estimated at Cincinnati prices, is six millions of | 
 dollars ahead of the cotton crop of Georgia esti- 
 mated at New York city prices! If the census 
 tables are erroneous as to the quantity of products, 
 it is not my fault, for it was the gentleman who 
 commenced this comparison and referred me to 
 these tables. As to his offset of " corn blades," I 
 have only to say, that common sense ought to 
 prove to any mind that Ohio, with fifty millions 
 of bushels of Indian corn, must produce nearly 
 twice the quantity of "shucks," " blades," and 
 " fodder," of Georgia, with her thirty millions of 
 bushels. I' have no time to spend on the insig- 
 nificant question of Georgia corn blades. I pre- 
 sume the gentleman will next set up the superior- 
 ity of Georgia thunderj I cannot forbear quoting, 
 for the amusement of western farmers, the gentle- 
 man's description of the Georgia system of agri- 
 culture. He says: 
 
 " We grow an immense amount of grais in Georgia; hut 
 ire d> not save it ! We yut our labor in saving corn blades 
 and shucks !" 
 
 This is Georgia progress ! She permits the " im- 
 mense quantities of grass" to go to waste, because 
 she is too busy in gathering shucks! In Ohio, one 
 laborer, with a patent mower, will cut down and 
 save hay which will furnish as much sustenance 
 to stock as one hundred slaves in Georgia could 
 save in gathering shucks. But, sir, I have inquired 
 into this Georgia grass business! A southern 
 planter, on this floor, (whose name I promised not 
 to give,) gave me an account of the manner in 
 which " immense quantities of grass" are pro- 
 duced. He went home from Congress, and one 
 of his head darkies escorted him out to the corn- 
 fields. The grass was higher than the corn, and 
 he charged the boy with having neglected the crop. 
 Sambo readily replied, " Not much corn, massa; 
 but mighty nice crop of grass!" Georgia, doubt- 
 less, produces the " immense quantities of grass" 
 in like manner. 
 
 I submit, as an appendix, the table of agricul- 
 tural products of the two Stales. I take the New 
 York prices as the basis, for the reason that it is 
 the head of the market of this country, and quite 
 as accessible for the transportation of the surplus 
 products of Ohio as those of Georgia. The gentle- 
 man may quote Smith and McCullough till doom's- 
 day, and siill fail of success in proving that the 
 prosperity of any community ought to be meas- 
 ured by the amount of its products if consumed 
 within its own limits. In comparing the success 
 of two Slates, the only just rule is to take a com- 
 mon market whither the surplus products of the 
 labor of both are exported and sold. The gentle- 
 man makes nothing by parading the figures which 
 
 I hastily gave him some years ago, which merely 
 presented the then supposed rates of Ohio produce 
 upon our farms. My table for both Georgia and 
 Ohio products is predicated upon the current prices 
 in the city of New York, as reported a few days 
 after the gentleman's last speech, and I credit 
 Georgia $14,000,000 for sweet potatoes, not a 
 bushel of which ever enter that market — a product 
 which either rots upon her soil, or is eaten up by 
 her negroes. Still, the agricultural products of 
 Ohio, including live-stock, stand ahead of Georgia 
 nearly one hundred millions of dollars ! 
 
 LIVE-STOCK. 
 
 The gentleman says theccmparison of live-stock 
 is "still more favorable to Georgia." I propose 
 to penetrate this point a little deeper than the gentle- 
 man has probed it. Live-stock, by the census 
 tables, stands thus: 
 
 Ohio. Georgia. 
 
 Horses and mules 466,810 208,710 
 
 Cattle 1,358,947 1 ,097,528 
 
 Swine 1,964,770 2, 158,617 
 
 Sheep 3,94-2,929 560,435 
 
 7,733,456 4,035,290 
 
 Singular as it may appear, the census justifies 
 the gentleman in boasting that his State has a 
 greater number of hogs than Ohio ! What sort of 
 hogs are they, and what do you do with them? 
 Thousands of fatted hogs and bullocks are taken 
 weekly into the New York market from Ohio, but 
 who ever heard of such an animal there from 
 Georgia? If one were introduced there, Barnum 
 would have him in his museum in Itss than 
 twenty-four hours ! I would like to know of the 
 gentleman to what market out of the State Georgia 
 sends her fat beeves and hogs? If she exports, 
 why is it that Ohio pork is often sent to Georgia? 
 I have before me a report of the trade and com- 
 merce of Cincinnati for the past year, made to the 
 Chamber of Commerce, by which it is shown 
 that the value of exports from that city alone of 
 pork in barrels, and other products of the hog, 
 amounted to upwards of $9,000,000. 
 
 Again, sir, many of the identical hnrses and 
 mules which make up the gentleman's "favorable 
 table" are the product of Ohio, driven to and sold 
 in Georgia. Will thegentleman claim that horses 
 and mules are raised in Georgia and exported ? If 
 he does, 1 ask where are they sant? 
 
 The number of hogs in Ohio has fallen off since 
 the census of 1840. The reason is easily explained. 
 We have a greater number of sheep tnan Georgia 
 has of horses, mules, cattle, sheep, and swine! 
 The hog produces no wool! Our farmers have 
 reduced their stock of swine and increased their 
 herds of sheep. The annual product of wool is 
 immense. It amounts to $3,500,000— $500,000 
 more than the entire product of Georgia in wool, 
 and in woolen, cotton, and iron manufactures! I 
 present this fact to demonstrate that the value of 
 live-stock depends upon the product, and not upon 
 the quantity in numbers. This rule will apply 
 more forcibly to neat cattle. In numbers, Georgia 
 appears to have nearly as many cattle as Ohio. 
 The great question is, where are the profits ? Take 
 the articles of butter and cheese, products from 
 the dairies. The value of Ohio's products in these 
 
 two little items is §8,971,333 
 
 Of Georgia's only 932,908 
 
11 
 
 Showing that Georgia, with more thnn three 
 fourths the number of cattle held in Ohio, pro- 
 duces less thnn one ninth part of the hotter find 
 cheese of that State. The product of Ohio, in 
 butter nnd cheese alone, is four times as great as 
 the entire product of Georgia in the manufactured 
 of wool, cotton, and iron, which the gentleman haw 
 paraded. And, sir, it is greater than the entire 
 product of Georgia in manufactures, mining, and 
 mechanic arts, as exhibited in table page 17'.). 
 
 MANUFACTURES, ETC. 
 
 The gentleman complains "of my former tabic 
 under this head, and seemingly charges me with 
 misrepresentation. By reference to the table, (page 
 179,) he would have observed, under the caption 
 of "products of manufactures, mining, and the 
 mechanic arts," the figures precisely as 1 gave 
 them, and he would have observed, too, the per 
 cent, profit of the two States in these important 
 branches of industry. I stand by the table bo 
 objectionable to him, and reinsert it here, referring 
 him to page 179: 
 
 MANUFACTURES, ETC. 
 Capital Raw JJnnual Per ct. 
 
 invested. material. jnroduct. jrrofit. 
 
 Ohio $29,019,538 $34,677,937 $62,647,259 49.97 
 
 Georgia 5,460,483 3 404,917 £086,585 36 06 
 
 Ohio ahead.. $23,559,055 $31,273,020 $55,560,734 13.91 
 
 I will give the footings of the table of iron man- 
 ufactures: 
 
 I . >.il RAW I'Todud. 
 
 nun/i, int**tei 
 
 Ohio BM #3(731 
 
 i in ; 
 
 Ohio ahead... 9H ,'07.105 
 
 Deduct entire product of woolen sad eotton 
 manoiacuii ■• li 
 
 Lravcs < 9,113 371 
 
 It shows the net profit under free labor to be 
 thirty-three per cent, greater than under slave 
 labor. I wish him to mark that; and I challenge 
 him to show a single erroneous figure. It embraces 
 atl establishments in bnth States in which there was 
 an annual product of $500. I submit to every fair 
 mind, whether the genileman has treated the table 
 fairly, and whether he has not attempted to bolster 
 up his sickly cause by charging misrepresentation 
 upon my speech, at the same time he was sending 
 forth, through his own, garbled or detached por- 
 tions of the returns. 
 
 The gentleman has invited me, by his imputa- 
 tions, to an exposition of his conclusions, which, 
 he says, are " never wrong." Now, sir, how has 
 heattempted to prove that Georgia's labor in man- 
 ufactures is more profitable than that of Ohio? 
 Instead of taking the table on page 179, which 
 includes every branch in both States, he turns 
 over to page 180, and takes the isolated interests 
 of manufactures of wool and cotton. He adopts 
 his " sliding scale" again; sliding in those figures 
 which make for him, and sliding nut those which 
 are against him. In cotton and wool, he finds 
 Georgia profits ahead of Ohio; there he stops, and 
 tlidesout everything else; at the same time, charg- 
 ing error to my figures, which included every 
 branch, whether in favor of or against ftee labor. 
 By a different combination of figures, under his 
 sliding scale, he might have made his case much 
 Stronger In regard to manufactures, he says: 
 
 " I havenot looked inti the manufacture of iron, in v e 
 how the result would stand, because Georgia has very little 
 capit;:l invented in It at business, aud Ohio hag certainly 
 not enough in make it a matter of great importance there." 
 
 Now, sir, it is a remarkable fact that he "did 
 not look into the manufacture of iron." By open- 
 ing the Compendium of the Census, you will ob- 
 serve the cotton and wool tables, which he exam- 
 ined thoroughly, on the one side, and those of 
 iron on the other — (pages 180, 181.) 
 
 The product of iron manufactures in Ohio almost 
 doubles the entire product of all the manufactures 
 of wool, cotton, and iron in Georgia. It in not 
 surprising, therefore, that it was inconvenirni for 
 
 the gentleman " to aee how the result would 
 stand !" How he regarded it proper to parade 
 cotton and woolen manufactures as consequential, 
 and then assert in this House, with the tallies be- 
 fore his eye as to iron, that " Ohio has certainly 
 not enough to make it a matter of great importance 
 there," passes my comprehension. It may nccord 
 with the gentleman's ideas of statesmanship to 
 consider a grave question in such a manner; but, 
 using his own language, " I nail his tables to the 
 counter as base coin !" 
 
 whisky. 
 Mr. Chairman, in my former tables I took no 
 account of distilleries. This branch of manufac- 
 tures is not everywhere regarded as creditable. I 
 introduce the " institution" now because the gen- 
 tleman has alluded to it, and wish to say that, 
 although we make it extensively, theie is not 
 much of it drank in Ohio. We send heavy ex- 
 ports to Georgia. Large quantities, I am told, 
 are sent to the Yankees, down East, who color 
 it with log-wood, put it in bottles, labeled hand- 
 somely, call it " London Dock," " Old Oiard," 
 &c, &c.,and find a read v market for it in Georgia 
 and the South at two dollars per bott'e. Thegen- 
 tleman could not procure data upon which to make 
 his calculations. [ submit a table, because the 
 exports from distilleries and breweries, in Ohio, 
 form a very heavy item. I have estimated the 
 grain consumed at the market prices in Ohio and 
 in Georgia, and the ale and whisky at the prices 
 in New York, as adopted in the table of agricul- 
 tural products. The following is the result: 
 
 E<t,,l,li^h- Capital Raw material. Product. 
 mtn/i. emftwj ■' '• 
 
 Ohio 58 M/.OO 
 
 Georgia 8 9,230 99^650 94,189 
 
 50 
 
 - 
 
 The excess of Ohio's product, in this branch of 
 manufactures, over Georgia, is more thnn double 
 the entire product of Georgia in the manufactures 
 of wool, cotton, and iron. 
 The annual product of Ohio, In butter, chre«c,nn<l wl -* y, 
 
 is II., 
 
 Annual product of Georgia, m ail brand 
 manufactures, minim, and ml chanic an 
 p •■• 179,1 |J " 
 
 Ohio, butter, cheese, and whisky, nh> a I 
 
 Mr. Chairman fc I have not felt the necessity of 
 
12 
 
 introducing this whisky argument, but it struck 
 me as the proper material with which to " wash 
 out" the gentleman 's figures. Besides, sir, it is an 
 "institution," a " peculiar institution !" We have 
 the same right so to dignify it that the people of the 
 South have to call slavery an institution ! Whisky, 
 like slavery, is peculiar, too. It would be difficult 
 to determine which of these institutions has done 
 most to produce human wo. I have read argu- 
 ments delivered from the sacred desk to show that 
 slavery is a divine institution ! Ifl had time I might 
 quote as siong proofs from holy writ to show that 
 •whisky, tGo, is a divine institution. It is written, 
 Zachariah ix, 17: 
 
 "How great is His goodness, and how great is His 
 beauty. Cum shall make the young men cheerful, and 
 new wine the maids." 
 
 My crude opinion on the divinity of these two 
 peculiar institutions is, that they are the inven- 
 tions of man instigated by the devil ! 
 
 Having presented a just comparison of the man- 
 ufacturing interests of Georgia and Ohio, 1 will 
 exhibit a single county in my State. Ohio con- 
 tains eighty-seven counties: 
 
 The annual product of Hamilton county, Ohio, (page 295,) 
 in manufactures alone, and having only two Represent 
 atives on this floor, is §20,790,743 
 
 Whole annual product in manufactures, mining 
 and mechanic arts, in the slave Stales of Geor- 
 gia, Alabama, Arkansas, Florida, Mississippi, 
 and Texas, (page 179,) having twenty live 
 Representatives in this House, and twelve 
 Senators 16,930,810 
 
 One county in Ohio ahead of six slave Slates.. ,$3,859 933 
 
 Having greased out the gentleman's "never 
 wrong" figures with the butte of Ohio, washed 
 out the grease spot with our whisky, and beaten, 
 with a surplus of nearly four millions, the entire 
 product, in manufactures, mining and mechanic arts, 
 of six of his sovereign States with slave labor, l>y 
 the product, in manufactures, of a single county in 
 Ohio with free labor, 1 bid adieu to his tables on 
 this point. 
 
 CHURCHES. 
 
 The table, page 138, shows: 
 
 Ohio has churches to every 100 square miles 9.86 
 
 Georgia has churches to every 1C0 square miles 3.21 
 
 Ohio ahead three to one. 
 
 Table on page 13b'-7, shows churches having 
 accommodations for the following numbers: 
 
 Ohio 1,457,769, ratio to population 75.100 
 
 Georgia.. 633,992, ratio to population, (part slave,) 69. 100 
 
 The table, page 139, shows the average value 
 of churches: 
 
 Ohio " $1,4-8 00 
 
 Georgia 713 00 j 
 
 $775 00 
 
 Ohio ahead in church comforts more than two ' 
 to one. 
 
 Mr. DeRowV note (same page ) says, " the New 
 England and Middle States, and the Territories [ 
 and California, have nearly the same average | 
 value to their churches, which is nearly four 
 nin.s that of other sections." 
 
 One of the hip. nest days in man's life is that on. 
 which he leads CO l he altar and weds the oiiject of 
 his tenclerext affections. Another of his happy 
 duys, imturaliy succeeding this, is that on which j 
 
 he receives into his arms his first-born ! I cannot 
 say that the gentleman will appreciate this sug- 
 gestion; but I present the following table from the 
 census to show, that according to this test, the 
 people of Ohio enjoy a higher degree of happiness 
 than those of Georgia. 
 
 MARRIAGES AND BIRTHS IN 1850. 
 
 Married. Born, 
 
 Ohio 22,328 56.884 
 
 Georgia 4,977 15,239 
 
 Ohio ahead in marriagesjnd babies !... 17,351 41,645 
 
 The father has days of deep anxiety — none 
 more so than when he watches the developments 
 of his infant to ascertain whether its organs are 
 perfect. Can it see ? 
 
 PROPORTION OF BLIND WHITE POPULATION — 1850. 
 
 Ohio l to 3,103. 
 
 Georgia 1 to 2,328. 
 
 Georgia ahead in blindness! 
 
 Then again, even though the child be blind, the 
 more deeply interesting inquiry follows: Has it 
 sensi ? The returns in the census show the follow- 
 ing: 
 
 PROPORTION OF IDIOT WHITE POPDLATION — 1850. 
 
 Ohio, 1 to 1,455. 
 
 Georgia 1 to 1,013. 
 
 Georgia decidedly ahead in fools! 
 
 Now, Mr. Chairman, 1 have no disposition to 
 discuss the physical causes which produce these 
 wonderful results. 1 leave it to others to inquire 
 whether the difference in the character of the labor 
 of the two sections has not an agency in producing 
 these consequences. 
 
 Mr. Chairman, it strikes me that this whole 
 question as to the superiority of slave labor, 
 started by the gentleman, is really settled against 
 him by a sensible consideration of the figures 
 quoted by him in his first speech, from the census, 
 1 will present the table: 
 
 AREA OF THE STATES OF OnlO AND GEOROIA, ETC. 
 
 Total Jlvres Value. Acres 
 
 acres. improved. unimproved. 
 
 Ohio ...18,017,493 9,851,493 $358,758,603 *8,14G,00O 
 
 Georgia 23,821,379 6,378,479 95,753,445 16,442,900 
 
 5,803,886 3,473,014 $263,005,158 *8,2yG,900 
 
 It appears that more than two thirds of the ter- 
 ritory of Georgia, an old State, is unimproved — 
 more than half of Ohio, a young State, is improved. 
 Why is this? Georgia, more than a century set- 
 tled, has only ei^hf Representatives on this floor, 
 with the advantage of a representation based on 
 her property in slaves. Ohio, half a century set- 
 tled, has, without a slavery representation, twenty- 
 one members ! 
 
 Ohio farms are valued at. $36 41 per acre. 
 
 Georgia farms are valued at 15 01 per acre. 
 
 What occasions (his vast difference? If Geor- 
 gia agriculture, under slave labor, is as profitable 
 as Ohio agriculture, under free labor, why does 
 not capital seek investments in Georgia lands and 
 elevate their value? If slavery produces a pros- 
 perity in Georgia excelling that of Ohio, why are 
 your lands worth, in the market cf the world, less 
 than one half the value of those in Ohio? 
 
 The gentleman tells us, and attempts to prove, 
 that the Georgia fanners, manufacturers, and 
 
13 
 
 mechanics make a greater profit upon their invest- 
 ments than those of Ohio. If that lie true, let him 
 explain why it is that Ohio lands are worth one 
 hundred and fifty per cent, more than (hope of hit 
 Stale. lie may talk about the " wild boy of the 
 forest shooting at the moon," but the country will 
 look upon /us tables as mere " moonshine," and 
 as " spurious in their elements and composition," 
 until he explains the cause of the difference in the 
 value of the soil. Capital always inns in that 
 channel which gives it most profit. The soil of 
 Ohio produces, under free labor, to its farmers and 
 artisans who own it, a greater profit, at thirtv-six 
 dollars per acre, than that of Georgia does at fifteen 
 dollars. The value of the soil is a just criterion 
 by which to compare the two systems. Free labor 
 stands at (hirtysix — slave labor nljiftttn! 
 
 Mr. Chairman, this issue which the gentleman 
 has now so boldly presented, with a view to keep- 
 ing open the doorfor theadmission of slavery into 
 free Territories, is by no means a new one. The 
 time was — aye, the good olden time — when the 
 patriots of the South took a correct view of the 
 proposition. I have only time to quote a few 
 passages from the record. As early as 1774, the 
 patriots of Virginia everywhere resolved against 
 slave labor, giving the most forcible reasons for 
 their opposition. In Culpeper county they assem- 
 bled 7ih July, 1774. Henry Pendleton was mod- 
 erator, (American Archives, 1st vol., 4th series, p. 
 523) They unanimously 
 
 " Resolved, That the importing slave* and cnnvicl ser- 
 vants is injurious to this Colony, as it obstruct* the popula- 
 tion of it rrith freemen anil useful manufacturers ; and that 
 tee u-i I not buy any such slaves or convict servants hereafter 
 to be imported." 
 
 The keen faculties and philanthropic spirit of 
 these patriots enabled them to foresee, and guard 
 against, those fatal causes which would reduce 
 Georgia soil, with slavery upon it, to fifteen dollars 
 per acre, whilst that of the then unbroken wilder- 
 ness, inhabited only by savages and wild beasts, 
 would be brought up to thirty dollars, if the foot 
 of the slave should not be allowed to make its 
 imprint there. 
 
 Again, to bring the matter nearer to the gen- 
 tleman's home: General Oglethorpe was the first 
 Governorof Georgia. He crossed the briny ocean 
 to join the infant Colonies of America in laying 
 deep and strong the foundations of American lib- 
 erty. I quote his letter from the life of Granville 
 Sharp, page 157: 
 
 Cranham Ball, October 13, 1T7G. 
 
 My friends and I settled the Colony of Georgia, and by 
 charter were established trustees to make laws, Stc. We 
 determined not to suffer slavery there, (which is against the 
 Gospel as well as the fundamental law of England,) to be 
 authori/.'d under nur authority ; we refused, as trustees, In 
 make a law permitting such a horrid crime. The Govern- 
 ment, finding the trustees resolved firmly not to concur with 
 what lliey thought unjust, took away the charter, by which 
 no law could be passed without our consent. 
 
 The cruel custom of a private man being supported in 
 exercising more power over the man he affirms to have 
 bought as a slave, than the magistrate has over him. the 
 master, is a solecism in politics. This, I think, was taken 
 from the Romans. The horrid cruelty which that proud 
 nation showed in all they did. give such power to in B 
 of slaves that they confused even the State. 
 
 ******* 
 
 I am exceedingly glnd that you have entered the list in 
 opposition to these horrors. It is a proper lime to bring 
 these abominable abuses under consideration, and if those 
 who have the power of legislation will be admonished, and 
 
 ram ■ ' 'in in, n in i) save ih< m and m from lastly menaced 
 nun. \ out moo •<!•• diet I 
 
 J OGLETHORPE. 
 
 Would it not now lie wrll fur < ieorgiaM (who 
 alone have the power over their institution of 
 slavery) to take the advice of the old patriarch 
 who established their Colony* and bring "these 
 abominable abusea undi lion f" 
 
 Againi eir, (aea American Archive*,) the Pro- 
 vincial Congress of Georgia, on the 4th day of 
 .fulv, I77.">, resolved unanimously : 
 
 '• 'I'ti.it VI will nr Hit Import nr pun hate eny ttave Irm- 
 portcd Jium .7/1 i oi el ,■ ■•'. lay." 
 
 For the same reasons, the Provincial f'ongreaa 
 of Georgia, held at Darten on the [2th January, 
 1775, resolved i" manumit iluir tlavul 
 
 1 commend to the gentleman from Georgia the 
 study of the earl y hlMory of hit State, as well as 
 the example — which the record shows — her purest 
 patriots have left for him, for me, and the world. 
 
 A word or two, sir, in connection with this 
 matter, ns to Virginia. A meeting was held in 
 yonder city, on the bank of the Potomac, (Alex- 
 andria,) in July, 1774, (see American Archives, 
 p. 600.) The report shows that " (Icar^e Wash- 
 ingtt », Esgutre," presided. A resolution similar 
 to that which I have quoted from Culpeper was 
 passed unanimously. 
 
 But slavery was not driven from the Old Domin- 
 ion. Now mark the result of the prediction of 
 the men of '74, that it would "obstruct the popula- 
 tion of it with freemen ami usefitl manxifaeturen." 
 
 A few days ago a meeting was held in that same 
 city of Alexandria, in full view of this Capitol. 
 One of Virginia's most talented and gifted sons 
 addressed the multitude. His days had been spent 
 within her borders, and he stands high in the esti- 
 mation of her people. Recently he had traversed 
 the State, as a candidate for their highest honors. 
 He was fresh from her mountain scenes, her plains, 
 her fields, her cities, her harbors, and her great 
 rivers. Henry A. Wise uttered, at Alexandria, 
 in the hearing of many Senators and Represent- 
 atives, the following beautiful but sad description 
 of Virginia: 
 
 " You have the line of the Alleghany, that beautiful blue 
 ridge which stands placed there by the Almighty imt to ob- 
 struct the way of the people to market, but placed then m 
 the very bounty of Providence to milk the clouds, to make 
 the »we< i springs which are sources of your rivers, fl.'r.-at 
 applause.] And at the he ad of every stream il the water- 
 fall murmuring the very manic of y oar power. [Applause.] 
 And yet commerce baa long ago spread her sail- ami -ailed 
 away from >"u ; you have not, as yet, dug more than coal 
 enough to warm yourselves at your own hearths ; yon have 
 set no tilt hammer of Vulcan to strike blows worthy ofgoda 
 in the iron founderies. Ynu have not yet span more wan 
 codrse cotton enough, in the way of manufacture, to clothe 
 your own slaves. Fou have haii.no commerce, no min- 
 ing, no manufacture s. Fou have relied alone on the single 
 
 DOWei of agriculture i and such agriculture : Threat Isu-li- 
 
 ter.] Your sedge patches outshine the sun. xoor inatten- 
 tion to your only source of wealth has scared the very 
 bosom of mother earth. [Laughter.] Instead of having to 
 
 feed Cattle on a thousand bills, you have to chase the stump 
 tailed steer through the sedge patches to procure a tough 
 
 beefsteak. [Laughter.] 
 
 I have heard from a Virginian, Mr. Chairman, 
 the rich story of the manner in which the" stump- 
 tailed steer" was pursued, and finally captured by 
 those in quest of a " tough beefsteak." The " big 
 niggers and the little niggers, the big dogs and the 
 little dogs, (from I iwn to Pen.) wtreall 
 
 summoned to thechase." The steer lie! over hill 
 and vale, and filially look rem/* in a sedge-patch. 
 
14 
 
 As a dernier resort, they set fire to the sedge-patch 
 and captured him. I am officially informed that 
 after he was butchered, his net weight was pre- 
 cisely forty-eight pounds ! And, sir, I am honored 
 with a promise of a " hind-quarter" of the next 
 steer of that sort that is taken. 
 
 The distinguished Virginia orator proceeds thus 
 in portraying Virginia pro g r e ss and prosperity: 
 
 " And yet, while your trust has been in the hands of the 
 old negroes (if the plantation — while the master knows as 
 little as his slave about the science, the applied science of 
 agriculture, while commerce, and manufactures, and mining 
 have been hardly known, and agriculture has been neg- 
 lected—notwithstanding all that, and notwithstanding the 
 effect of this has been that you have parted with as much 
 population as you have regained ; notwithstanding all this, 
 1 say. old Virginia still has a million and a half of popula- 
 tion left Within her limits. She still has her iron, her coal, 
 her gypsum, her salt, her copper. She still has her harbors 
 and rivers, and her water power, and every source of 
 wealth which thinking men, active men, enterprising men, 
 need apply to." * * * " Her head is in the dust. With 
 all this plenitude of power, she has been dwarfed in the 
 Union ; but by her gods ! I say that she has the power now, 
 the energy, the resources — may 1 say the men? to be put 
 upon the line of progress to the eminence of prosperity — to 
 pass New York yet, faster in the Union than ever New 
 York has passed her. [Cheers.] You have been called 
 the •' ( Mil Dominion." Let us, as Vircinians, I implore 
 you, this night resolve that a new era shall dawn, anil that 
 henceforth she shall be called the New Dominion. [Cheer- 
 in?-]"' 
 
 May God grant it, Mr. Chairman ! Let Vir- 
 ginia wake up from her lethargy, shake off the 
 chains which weigh down her energies, and join 
 in that onward march of progress which will 
 bring prosperity to her, glory and renown to our 
 common country, and blessings to the whole hu- 
 man family. 
 
 Again, he is reported as having said at another 
 place: 
 
 " You all own plenty of land, but it is poverty added to 
 poverty. Poor laud added to poor land, and nothing added 
 to nothing gives nothing. [Renewed laughter.] While 
 the owner is talking politics at Richmond, or in Congress, 
 Or spending the summer at the White Springs, the lands 
 grow poorer and poorer, and this soon brings land, negroes 
 and all, under the hammer. You have the owners skin- 
 ning the negroes, and the negroes skinning the land, until 
 all grow poor." 
 
 I will not be regarded, I trust, as indorsing the 
 truth of this over-wrought picture of desolation. 
 1 do not know that it is just — in fact, I do not be- 
 lieve it is just. I certainly should not have ven- 
 tured anywhere to have uttered it; but I use it 
 as a reply from a southern statesman, to the claim 
 of the gentleman from Georgia for the superiority 
 of slave labor and the blessings of slavery. It 
 comes from the Democratic candidate for the 
 gubernatorial chair of Virginia, and must be re- 
 
 farded, in the South at least, as high authority. 
 make these quotations, from southern statesmen 
 of the olden times and of the present, in justifica- 
 tion of my own position in reference to slavery, 
 and the effects of slave labor. I trust, hereafter, 
 no southern man, will charge me with being a 
 " Free-Soiler," dealing unjustly by the South. 
 
 Mr. Chairman, why was the Missouri compro- 
 mise repealed ? I repeat, that the responsibility 
 must rest on the heads of those who are guilty 
 of the act. No one will share more largely in that 
 responsibility than the gentleman from Georgia, 
 [Mr. Stkpiiens.] His voice and his influence on 
 this floor passed that bill. He was the master- 
 spirit in the great movement, and his intolerance 
 towards the minority during the contest is known 
 to the country. He need not lay the flattering 
 
 unction to his soul that in the late elections the 
 question was not considered by the people. The 
 " vox populi" has been sent forth from mountain 
 top and valley; from palace and from log-cabin; 
 and it will, ere long, be reverberated in this Hall, 
 in tones not to be misunderstood either by the 
 gentleman or the party in power, with whom he 
 acts, in the language of the maxim: " Cessa reg- 
 nare si non vis judicare .'" •' Cease to rule if you 
 will not do justice." 
 
 Mr. Chairman, the gentleman seems to be 
 amazed at my temerity, in entering the lists of 
 debate with him. I have no apologies to make. 
 He seems, too, to compare me to the " wild boy 
 of the forest!" When I was, in truth, a " wild 
 boy of the forest," I remember to have read a 
 story of one who exhibited a disposition some- 
 what similar to that which the gentleman has 
 displayed on this floor,»in pressing the extension 
 of slavery. I think he will find it regularly re- 
 ported in the Book of Samuel ! The Philistines 
 were led on against the armies of Israel by one 
 who seemed amazed that any warrior should have 
 the temerity to meet him: 
 
 "The staff of his spear was like a weaver's beam, and 
 his spear's head weighed six hundied shekels of iron : and 
 one bearing a shield went before him. 
 
 " And he had a helmet of brass upon his head, and he 
 was armed with a coat of mail, and the weight of the coat 
 was five thousand shekels of brass." 
 
 In short, Mr. Chairman, the old Philistine had 
 brass all over him. 
 
 " And he stood and cried to the armies of Israel :" * * 
 " Choose you a man for you, and let him come down to me. 
 
 " When Saul, and all Israel, heard these words of the 
 Philistine, they were dismayed, and greatly afraid. " 
 
 But, Mr. Chairman, the record goes on to state, 
 that there came up a " wild boy from the forest," 
 who had taken the lion by the beard, and smote 
 and slew him, and delivered the lamb from his 
 mouth. He came with simple sling and stone, 
 and went to battle upon his confidence in the 
 justice of his cause. The brass of the Philistine 
 did not save him, because there was a soft place 
 in his head ! 
 
 " And David put his hand into his bag, and drew thence 
 a stone, and slang it, and smote the Philistine in the fore- 
 head ; and the stone sunk into his forehead, and he fell 
 upon his face, to the earth !" 
 
 Thus, Mr. Chairman, fell Goliah of Gath! 
 
 I see the statement made in the papers, Mr. 
 Chairman, that the manner of the gentleman front 
 Georgia, in his discussion on this subject, bore a 
 strong resemblance to that remarkable man, John 
 Randolph, of Roanoke. This may be true. I 
 am willing the compliment should be conferred 
 upon him; but, sir, I have to say, that were the 
 real " old Roanoke" to rise up from his grave, and 
 with hiscutting sarcasm, shrill voice, and bony fin- 
 ger, attempt to deter me from my humble defense 
 of freedom, I would simply quote the fact, that 
 when he was preparing his accounts for eternity, 
 one of his last acts on earth was to give freedom 
 to his slaves, and furnish them homes in Ohio ! 
 
 Mr. Chairman, this controversy is closed, at 
 least for the present. I leave it as I entered it — ■ 
 with no personal feeling of unkindness towards 
 the gentleman from Georgia, or any other member 
 on this floor. I am firmly, resolutely determined 
 in the future, as I have been in the past, to oppose 
 the extension of slavery; but I seek no conspicu- 
 ous position in any struggle, A few more short 
 days, and we separate — many of us to meet no 
 
15 
 
 more on this side of Jordan. Before nnoiher 
 Congress convenes, my mortal remains may sleep 
 under the shade of my native buckeye, and I 
 desire we should part in pence. If life is spared 
 me, however, 1 shall return to these scenes of 
 strife, in obedience to the decree of the people. I 
 shall come to respect the feelings and opinions of 
 others, yet determined to defend my own prin- 
 ciples, and the rights of my constituents, under all 
 circumstances, and at all hazards! And, sir, I 
 believe there will be many others from the wild- 
 wood of the free forests, each of whom will come 
 here with his "five smooth stones gathered from 
 the brook," ready to defend the right. Should I 
 6tand alone, believing that my position on this 
 subject is founded upon the immutable principles 
 of God's justice, I shall not be dismayed when 
 the wild storm may rage in these Halls. Planting 
 myself firmly upon thqeomnciples of liberty and 
 truth and national honor, as proclaimed by the 
 founders of the Republic, if the Philistines gather 
 around in battle array, I will draw my feeble bltide, 
 and bid defiance in the language of the gallant 
 Fitz James, when surrounded by the clan of Rod- 
 erick: 
 
 " Come one, come all— this rock shrill fly 
 From its firm base, as soon as I !" 
 
 ATTENDIX. 
 Prodccts of Aoriccltcre — (Quantities taken from Cen- 
 sus Prires from the New York Prices Current, January 
 25, 1855.) 
 
 GEORGIA. 
 Value of live-stock, (returned in dollars) ©25,728,411) 
 
 Sugar, maple,,, 50 pounds at 6.. 3 
 
 Sun.'ir, emir Ml'.,' i'.i •• at C. . i'i '■ I 
 
 M m 'j in,'.' 1.) fallow «t 
 
 Cotton, finned. 189,086,400 poundi «i '•'■ • 
 
 Uee 38,060,69] " m 3.. L,ll 
 
 Tobacco 493,994 " at 10.. 
 
 Wool 'J'jn, 111 it " nt SB.. 346,508 
 
 ■ soona.... 813 
 
 Wine 796 pJ - nt 100.. 71m 
 
 Family good*, value of, (retained In doUnn) . , 1 ,407 ,630 
 
 $107/ 
 
 onto. 
 
 Value of live-stock, (return. -d 111 dollai 
 
 Vaiui- of animalt slaughtered, do 
 
 Wheat 14,487,351 bnabele, ut V- "-'•"•■• 
 
 Value of animals slaughtered, do 
 
 Wheat 1,0*8.534 bushels at $2 25.. 
 
 Rye 53,750 « 
 
 Oats 3,830,044 " 
 
 Indian corn 30,060,099 " 
 
 Potatoes, Irish.. 227,379 " 
 
 Potatoes, sweet, 6,9:-6,428 " 
 
 Barley 11,501 " 
 
 Buckwheat .... 250 " 
 
 Hay 23,449 tons 
 
 Hops 261 pounds at 
 
 Clover seed 132 bushels at 
 
 Other grass seed 428 " at 
 
 Butter 4,640,559 pounds at 
 
 Cheese 46 ; 976 " at 
 
 Peas and beans, 1,142,011 bushels at 
 
 Value of produce of market gardens, (as re- 
 turned in dollars) 
 
 Value of orchard products, do 
 
 Beeswax and 
 honey 732,514 pounds at 25.. 
 
 Home manufactures 1,838,968 
 
 at 1 35.. 
 
 at 60.. 
 
 at 1 00.. 
 
 at 2 00.. 
 
 at 2 00.. 
 
 at 1 15.. 
 
 at 1 50.. 
 
 at 16 CO.. 
 
 30.. 
 
 6 00.. 
 
 4 00.. 
 
 20.. 
 
 10.. 
 
 1 50.. 
 
 6,339,762 
 
 2,449,201 
 
 72,562 
 
 2,292,026 
 
 30,080,019 
 
 454,758 
 
 13,972,856 
 
 13,226 
 
 375 
 
 375,184 
 
 78 
 
 792 
 
 1,712 
 
 928,111 
 
 4,697 
 
 1,713,016 
 
 76,500 
 92,776 
 
 133,128 
 
 Flaxseed 
 
 Flax 
 
 Hemp, dew rot- 
 ted and water- 
 rotted 
 
 622 bushels at fl 75.. 
 5,387 pounds at 10.. 
 
 10 tons at 175 00. 
 
 1,088 
 538 
 
 1.7.-.0 
 
 it 1 35 . . 
 
 at 60.. 
 
 at 100.. 
 
 at BOO. 
 
 at 2 00.. 
 
 at 1 15, - 
 
 at I :.u . 
 
 at 16 00 > 
 
 Rye 495,918 " 
 
 Oau 13,479,749 " 
 
 Indian corn ....66 078,695 " 
 
 Potatoes, Irish.. 5,057,769 " 
 
 Potatoes, sweet. 187,901 " 
 
 Barley 354,358 " 
 
 Buckwheat 63S,f:60 " 
 
 Hay 1,443,142 tons, 
 
 Cincinnati price $ 
 
 Hops 63,731 pounds, at 30.. 
 
 Clover seed 103,197 bushels, at .*8 00.. 
 
 Other grass seeds 37,310 " at 4 00.. 
 
 Butter 34,449,379 pounds, at 20.. 
 
 Cheese 20,819,542 " at 10.. 
 
 Peas and beans. 60,168 bushels, at 150.. 
 
 Value of produce of market gardens, (as re- 
 turned in dollars) 
 
 Value of orchard products, as returned in dol- 
 lars) 
 
 Beeswax and honey, 804.275 pounds, at 25.. 
 
 Home manufactures, (value returned in dollars) 
 
 Flaxseed 188,850 bushels, at fl 75.. 
 
 Flax 446,932 pounds, at 10.. 
 
 Hemp, dew-rot- 
 ted and water- 
 rotted 150 tons, at 175 00.. 
 
 Sugar, maple... 4,588.209 pounds, at 6.. 
 
 Sugar-cane none. 
 
 Molasses 197,308 gallons, at 
 
 Cotton, ginned.. none. 
 
 Bice none. 
 
 Tobacco 10,454,449 pounds, nt 
 
 Wool 10,196,371 " at 
 
 Silk cocoons. . . 1,552 
 
 Wine 48,207 gallons, at 100.. 
 
 Family goods, value of, (returned in dollars) . . 
 
 |44,191,74] 
 
 7,1. 
 
 '■.,351 
 574,1)89 
 8,0- 
 
 10,11 
 375,809 
 
 23,090,272 
 19,119 
 
 1 19,940 
 6,8* 
 
 2,1) 
 
 1 
 
 214,004 
 
 695,921 
 201,068 
 551,193 
 
 44.693 
 
 26,250 
 275,299 
 
 95 . 
 
 10. 
 
 35.. 
 
 
 1,045 lit 
 
 3,568,729 
 
 1,853,937 
 
 Georgia products 107 .t 
 
 Ohio ahead of Georgia §97, 133,015 
 
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