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TRAVELLERS' CLUB. PAPER No. i.
AMERICAN PIONEERING,
AN ADDRESS
BEFORE
The Travellers' Club,
BY
eT E. DUNBAR,
MDCCCLXIIl.
.J3
Davison & Ward, Printers,
43 Montgomery Street,
Jcrfev Citv.
The following Addrefs was delivered at the
requeft of gentlemen who propofe to eftablifh
The Travellers' Club of the City of New York,
and they have to thank Mr. Dunbar for the
zeal and ability he has difplayed in behalt of
the Club. They feel confident that in publifli-
ing it as Paper No. i, of that Society's publica-
tions, they will aid materially in promoting its
intereft. They would alfo make their acknow-
ledgments to Messrs. Davison & Ward, for the
excellence of the typography, as already ihown
in the proof flieets.
Any communications on the fubje6l of The
Travellers' Club, may be addrelfed to E. E.
Dunbar, Efq., or to the underfigned.
W. M. B. Hartley,
Secretary,
New York, Dec. i, 1863. Box 1323.
AMERICAN PIONEERING
AS
ConneBed with the Progrefs and Dejliny of the
United States.
IT falls to the lot of comparatively few whofe
ways are caft in the crowded haunts of men, to
know practically how civilization begins. This
invaluable knowledge is only obtained through
great expofure, hardship and fuffering. In thefe
days, thofe of us who leave friends and home in
the older fettled country, to encounter adventure
and tempt fortune in our wild frontier regions,
commence the journey in the rapid and fmooth
rolling fteam car ; the iron rail we leave for
the wagon road ; the wagon road runs into the
mule path ; the mule path finds the Indian trail,
and when this is loft, we depend on the track of
the wild beaft to guide us to the water courfes
or pools. This point muft* be reached ere we
can comprehend the beginning of civilization.
No fubjed: of the fame importance has received
{o little attention as that of American Pioneer-
ing, or, in other words, the Commencement and
Growth of Civilization in the United States. In
a hiitorical point of view, and as connected with
the rife and progrefs of the American nation,
and the advancement of civilization on this con-
tinent
( )
tinent and its iflands, the subje6t has, in reality,
received little or no attention. This is marvel-
ous, when we reflect that juft in proportion as
the pioneer fpirit is developed, civilization pro-
grelTes.
When, therefore, the great fubjed: of pioneer-
ing, in its largeft fenfe, and in all its bearings, is
difculfed with reference to the progrefs of our
inftitutions, nationality and general interefts, it
becomes a theme of paramount importance ;
and when, in connection, we relate the adven-
tures of the daring, intelled:ual and enterprifmg
pioneer — he who, from a pure love of adven-
ture and the progrefs of mankind, goes before
to open the way — our fubjed: rifes to grandeur.
It abounds in thrilling romance, noble fenti-
ments and exalted views.
The Bible tells us, that after God created the
man and the woman, he blelfed them and faid :
** Be fruitful and multiply andreple?iifi the earth and
fiibdue it'' This is the great command, the
impelling power impofed upon man by Nature,
and fandihed by the Divine Idea.
According to the. Bible, Adam and Eve were
the firft pioneers; and lince God fent them forth
to explore the garden of Eden, nearly the whole
earth has been pioneered. To the man truly pro-
grefTive, either in moral or material things, this
entire Univerfe is an Eden. The garden of Eden
is the field of knowledge, though its fruits, like
rofes, are only gathered among thorns. But he
whofe foul is fed by the pure and exalted infpi-
rations
( 7 )
rations of Nature, and who bellows thole inlpl-
rations upon the world, though an inhabitant of
earth, toihng perhaps in poverty or dileafe, already
lives in Heaven.
What common, unprogreffive mind can com-
prehend the exalted inner life of a Chrift found-
ing a new and higher order of religion; a Co-
lumbus difcovering and prefenting a New World
to the Old; a Milton or a Shakfpeare recording
the fublime infpiration of his foul in books ; a
Fulton applying the power of fteam to naviga-
tion ; a Franklin drawing the lightning from the
clouds; a Humboldt communing with Nature
and opening her great and wonderful book for
the benefit of his fellow men ?
The truly progreffive man, the pioneer, in obey-
ing the great command to fubdue the earth, is the
immediate fervant of God. He is a rare man
among his fellow men, one above the common
herd. His power to lead, and his right to com-
mand, mull be bafed on thofe natural gifts, both
mental and phylical, from which comes natural
royalty. I fpeak now of thofe men who, de-
riving their impulfes from the God of Nature,
difcover new countries, explore unknown regions
and give them over to a higher order of civiliza-
tion. Such to this continent were Columbus,
Cortez, Las Cafas, Cabot ; Magellan, Drake,
Cook, John S^iith, William Penn ; the Hugue-
nots of Carolina, the Pilgrims of Malfachufetts,
Roger Williams, and many others known to
fame in early days.
Later,
( « )
Later, from the old Colonial times to the pre-
fent, our country has had, and ftill has, its peculiar
claiTes of pioneers. Washington was a pioneer
by nature, education and practice. Then there
were Daniel Boone and his kind — fuch as Cooper
loved to portray in La hongue Carabine and
Leather Stocking. Captain Zebulon M. Pike,
from whom Pike's Peak takes its name, was a
diftinguifhed pioneer and explorer. Who that
has read the narrative of Lewis and Clarke
can ever forget it? That ftory of explora-
tions in our weftern wilds appeared over forty
years ago, and for twenty years it maintained its
hold on the public mind. It was found in the
log cabin of the -remoteft fettler in the Weft, as
well as among the gilded volumes of the rich
in our fea-board cities. The influence, that lingle
book had in creating a fpirit of adventurous pio-
neering in the United States, was incalculable. I
never Ihall forget the intenfe interefl: with which
I perufed its pages in the days of my boyhood.
In dreamy reverie, day and night, my youthful
imagination conjured up the wild adventurous
fcenes of frontier life ; and when, in after years, I
practically experienced that lite, it feemed but
the realization of the dreams of other days.
Then came John C. Fremont, the account
of whofe wonderful explorations acrofs the con-
tinent, ftimulated anew the pioneer fpirit among
his own countrymen, and gave him a world-
wide celebrity.
Then there was that child of romance and
adventure
( 9 )
adventure, Sutter, who located far up the Sacra-
mento in Cahtornia, long before the gold was
difcovered. And the humbler pioneer, James
W. Marlhall, a mill-wright, and the ad:ual dif-
coverer of the gold, ought to be mentioned in
conned:ion with Sutter. Among other weftern
pioneers, there were fuch as Capt. Bonneville,
Kit Carfon, Felix Aubrey, Lieut. Ives, Charles
D. Pofton, Herman Ehrenbergh, A. B. Grey,
and the lamented Generals Lander and Stevens.
Nicholas Longworth pioneered the way to Cin-
cinnati, Lewis Cafs to Michigan, and Stephen
AufHn to Texas.
And we have a clafs of pioneers whofe way is
over the ocean — commercial pioneers. Quite
as much intereft and importance are attached to
the ocean as to the land pioneer. We have our
commercial pioneers to all the diftant parts of
the earth — China, Japan, the illands of the Pa-
cific, the North Weft Coaft and South America.
It is only fifteen years ago that Henry Wol-
cott, originally from Connecticut, eftablilhed the
firfi: commercial house in Shanghai, China. Col-
lins is now opening to our trade the Amoor river
country. William Whitewright, a Mafilichufetts
man, eftablilhed Iteam navigation on the Weft-
ern Coall of South America, John L. Stephens
and E. G. Squier have explored and made known
to us the riches and the wonders of Central
America.
We have among us, at the prefent time, the
Hon. Townfend Harris, who as Commifiioner
and
( '0 )
and lirft refident Minifter in Japan, negotiated
with fo much tad: and intelHgence our commer-
cial treaty with that country. We have alfo the
Rev. J. C. Fletcher, one of the moll: progreffive
men of the age, and whofe held of pioneering
lies in the magnificent empire of Brazil, refpedt-
ing which he dilleminates fo much valuable in-
formation.
There was Kane, and now we have the cour-
ageous and indomitable Capt. C. F. Hall,, who
afpires to emulate the great Ardic explorer.
The favor with which the public receives the
ufeful and interefting narratives of our ocean and
land pioneers, proves that pioneer enterprife, from
which comes the irreprellible fpirit ot expan-
lion, is an inherent charaderilHc of the Ameri-
can people.
It will be remembered with what avidity the
public feized upon Dana's Two Tears Before the
Maji^ which gave an account of the trading voy-
age of a Bofton Hide Drogher on the coaft of
California twenty years ago. It was the liniple
ilory ot a trading venture to an unknown coun-
try, toward which the eye of the world was
beginning to turn, written by a participant in the
enterprife, a failor of intelledf and culture. The
charm of the narrative was in its fimplicity, and
its adaptation to commercial pioneering and ex-
tenfion. Mr. Dana may write a hundred books
on ordinary topics, but not one of them will
have the fuccefs of his Two Tears Before the
MajL
It
( >■ )
It is much to be regretted that we have fo little
never will he our inter eji to remain conneBed with
thofe who doT
In
( '3 )
In tKe beginning of the prefent century, the
Loiiifiana territory had been ceded by Spain to
France, and all that Prelident JefFerlbn, in the
firft inftance, afked of Napoleon was, the ceffion
of New Orleans, with the Miffiffippi as the final
boundary of our polfeffions. But at lail: he was
forced to purchafe the whole of the Louifiana
territory. This purchafe was confummated dur-
ing the adminiftration of JefFerfon, in 1803.
It was the firil extenfion of the original United
States territory; and there was a general difpofi-
tion to allow the tranfa6tion to be regarded as
conftitutional ; but JefFerfon decidedly oppofed
this, and nobly declared that it would be better
to honeftly acknowledge the abfolute fad:, that
in this purchafe of territory, expediency had
overridden the conftitution, rather than dif-
honeftly give that inftrument an unlimited fcope
not to be found in letter or fpirit.
Thus we fee that fixteen years after the adop-
tion of the Conftitution, the very men who
framed it, and who were yet on the ftage of
action, were forced to violate their own funda-
mental written law, by the purchafe of a bound-
lefs and unknown territory, only a fmall diftrid:
of which it was thought would ever be available
to the United States. The old patriots did this
we all know, forely againft tlteir will — doubting,
fearing and trembling. This is the firft inftance
in which the Government of the United States
and deftiny came in contad:. The Government
wifely yielded to deftiny.
B In
( H )
In 1 8 1 1 the State of Loulfiana, formed out of
the recently purchafed territory, was admitted
into the Union ; and in 1 8 1 9, only fixteen years
after the purchafe, it was found that the Ameri-
can people had crolTed the Miffiffippi a thoufand
miles above its mouth, and fettled a large diftri6t
of the newly acquired territory, which, only thirty
years before, the United States Congrefs declared
would not be available to the country " for
ages," or our interest to hold even, on any terms.
The queftion of excluding involuntary fervi-
tude from this portion of the Louiliana purchafe
was raifed by the demand of Milfouri to be
admitted into the Union, in 18 19. The dif-
cuffion of this queftion convulfed the whole
country, whofe rulers and deftiny had again
come in contad:. A fort of temporary com-
promife was made with fate, by which involun-
tary fervitude was excluded from all the territory
north and weft of Miftburi, and, of courfe, per-
mitting involuntary fervitude in the territory
fouth of that line. This territory, north and
weft of Milfouri, over which there had been
fuch a conteft, both parties believed, as the
American Congrefs believed in 1790 — ftrange as
it may appear — would not be available to the
United States for ages.
In this ftrugglef)ver Milfouri and the adjoin-
ing territory, we have evidence of the fame
unfortunate want of pioneer, frontier knowledge,
the fame lamentable lack of appreciation of the
logic of events, and of our deftined progrefs,
that
( -5 )
that charadterized the earHer days of the Re-
public.
But the development of a great idea, the
folution of a tremendous problem, or, in other
words, the courfe of the Democratic American
Nation was in progrefs. It overleaped all bar-
riers, whether fet up by nature or impofed by
Government. In 1836, we find the great wave
of American emigration had run along the
Mexican Gulf coaft and reached the Rio Grande.
A branch of the American family had followed
the lead of Stephen Auftin, originally from
Connecticut, and fettled in Texas, a province of
Mexico ; and even then were waging a war of
independence. Ten years after, Texas, an inde-
pendent empire in extent and refources, was
admitted into the Union. But this was not
accompliflied without a bitter political conteft
in the United States — one that fliook the Union
to its centre. Here again the government of
the United States and deftiny came in contad:.
The government yielded to fate ; but this yield-
ing caufed dire forebodings among fome of the
moft honeft and patriotic — it cannot be faid —
greateft ftatefmen of the day. They, with thofe
who had gone before, failed to comprehend the
fignificance of thofe great events that were bear-
ing the country upward and onward with a
dired:nefs and certainty that fhould have given
confidence and ftrength, rather than diflrufl and
weaknefs.
The war with Mexico was the fequence of
the
( -6 )
the annexation of Texas. The acqulfition of
thofe vafl regions within the hmits of New
Mexico and CaUfornia fealed a peace with
Mexico in 1848. We will not ftop to difcufs
whether this was a juft war or not. At the pre-
fent time, I will confider it as a link in that
fatal chain which was drawing my country on-
ward to glory and power.
I will now recapitulate fome of thofe great
events, and refer to the mighty interefts already
developed, which ought to have enlightened the
nation as to the grandeur of that deftiny Omni-
potence was clearly pointing out to the great
American Republic.
But little more than fifty years had elapfed
fince Congrefs declared that it would not be the
intereft of the American people to crofs the Mif-
liffippi for ages; and, furthermore, that it w^ould
never be our intereft to unite with thofe who
ihould advance and occupy that region, when
we find five large ftates, and five large territories,
already formed out of thofe regions weft of the
Miffifiippi, and comprehended within the Fede-
ral compad:.
Still the pioneer fpirit winged its way weft-
ward, overleaped the Rocky Mountains, de-
fcended their weftern Hopes, and reached the
Pacific. Pioneers fingly, in fmall companies,
and in caravans of immenfe proportions, crofted
the continent, while ftiip loads circumnavigated
it, and went up the great Pacific waters, caufing
the American fiag to wave over a new born civil-
ization
( '7 )
izatlon on more than a thoufand miles of the
Pacific fliores. Then came that great poHtical
event, the mofl wonderful of all — the golden
State of California leaped fim grown and armed,
like Minerva from the brain of Jupiter, into
life, and entered the Union.
A little later and another Weftern ftar, Ore-
gon, was added to our galaxy of ftates ; while,
farther to the north, ftill another, Wafliington
territory is rifing. And yet there are others
whofe orbits are already marked out. The ter-
ritories of Dakotah, Nebrafka, Colorado, Idaho,
Nevada, Utah, New Mexico and Arizona, may
foon be ilars in our brilliant political conftella-
tion.
Thus we have the grand faft before us, that
within the prefent century the whole of that
vaft region now contained within the United
States boundaries, extending from the frigid
north to the tropical fouth, and from the Mif-
fiffippi to the Pacific, has been brought within
the fcope of our intelligence, civilization and
political fyftem.
There never was fo large a trad: of the earth's
furface fubjugated to fuch a degree in any thing
like this brief period fince the annals of time
commenced.
But this is not the end. The American pio-
neer is trailing his way to the fouth. On the
Pacific fide, the American emigration has al-
ready commenced its refistlefs flow into the
Mexican States of Sonora, Sinaloa and Chihua-
hua.
( '8 )
hua. They go by fea and by land. The
fteamers that ply between San Francifco, Guay-
mas and Mazatlan, are crowded with paiTengers
and freight. Four^large hotels have been re-
cently opened in the city of Mazatlan, and they
are crowded with Americans. Should the pro-
pofed Mexican Emperor, Maximilian, ever reach
that part of his propofed domains, he will find a
throng of fubjed:s of difagreeably democratic
proclivities.
Within the laft eighteen months, one hundred
and thirty American Mining Companies have
been regiftered according to Mexican law in
the State of Sonora alone. Seventy companies
have alfo been regiftered in the State of Sinaloa.
I have seen a lift^of thefe companies, and their
aggregate capital cannot be lefs than $20,000,000.
Already $4,000,000 of this capital has been fent
forward, and many of the companies are now
working the mines. The laft fteamer from San
Francifco took down a large quantity of machin-
ery, and half a million in gold and exchange for
various companies.
But this is not the end. The fpirit of Ame-
rican commercial pioneering looks weftward
ftill. Already it has croffed the Pacific and pene-
trated fome of the empires of half-civilized
Afia. Our merchantmen from California are
found in the ports of Japan, China, Siam, Hin-
doftan and the larger ifiands of the China Sea
and Indian Ocean. Ere long, our mail fteamers
will ply back and forth over the great Pacific,
and Ikirt along the Afiatic iliores.
What
( 19 )
What a lefTon all this affords the ftatefman \
Have we ftatefmen who profit by it ? And it is
a leffon the humbleft voter in the land ihould
ftudy moft attentively in all its parts, that he
may exercife his franchife intelligently and with
fafety to the Republic.
Now let us take a patriotic, whole-fouled view
of our great country and its mighty interefts.
Do not let it be a mean, partizan, one-idea fquint
at any particular intereft or locality. Go with
me to New England and hear the hum of induf-
try in her thoufands of bufy manufacturing hives,
and fee the commerce that lines her ihores. We
vifit the cofmopolitan city of New York, the
great commercial and financial emporium of the
country ; and here in the concentration of mighty
interefts we have overwhelming evidence of
wealth and power.
We afcend the Alleghanies and furvey the fur-
rounding regions of iron and coal. Where the
greateft depolits of iron and coal lie contiguous,
there the feat of empire will be. We have them
in New York, New Jerfey, Pennfylvania, Mary-
land and Virginia; and to thefe mineral regions,
not only this continent, but the whole world,
muft eventually be tributary.
Leave the Alleghanies, pafs on to the Weft and
glance over that immenfe ftretch of country
which, with its prairies, hills and valleys, extends
from the great lakes on the North to the Rio
Grande on the South. Here we have the longefi:,
broadeft and moft valuable agricultural diftrid:
on the face of the earth.
Afcend
( 2° )
Afcend the Rocky Mountains, look down
their eaftern flopes, and weft to the Pacific. We
fee vaft mineral fields, greater in extent, and
yielding more abundantly of the precious metals
than any other part of the globe. And yet we
do not begin to comprehend the extent and
value of thofe mineral fields, though they are
now yielding $100,000,000 per annum. I be-
lieve fome, who now hear me, will live to fee our
yield of precious metals $1,000,000,000 per
annum ! Fifteen years ago all that region was a
dreary wafte, not yielding one cent ! And then
we have increafing, commercial and agricultural
interefts on the Pacific, which, in a few years,
will exceed the calculations of the moft fanguine.
Thefe are fublime contemplations. I wifli
they could have their juft meafure of apprecia-
tion in the arena of American politics.
We have now the grand fa6t before us, that
vaft regions have been peopled, and immenfe
interefts opened to our enterprife. Let us accord
to the pioneer his proper meed of acknowledg-
ment. There has been a pioneer to each par-
ticular diftrid: of country, and every intereft —
one whom the malTes have followed.
*' 'Tls in the advance of individual minds
That the flow crowd fliould ground their expcftation
Eventually to follow — as the fea
Waits ages in its bed, 'till fome one wave
Out of the multitude afpires, extends
The empire of the whole, fome feet perhaps.
Over the ilrip of fand which could confine
Its fellows fo long time; thenceforth the rcll.
Even to the mcanell, hurry in at once.
And fo much is clear gained."
All
f 21 )
All this vail moral and material development
has been accompliihed by a people who, though
compofed in fome degree of different nationali-
ties, mufl: be coniidered as one race. The peo-
ple of the United States have made all their pro-
grefs under one ConiHtution, one Flag ; and
they have been actuated, impelled by one all-
pervading, all-powerful idea, to wit, " that on
the bails of equality, they are endowed by their
Creator with certain inalienable rights ; that
among thei'c are life, liberty and the puriliit of
happineis."
It is not for me to dii'cui's the point whether
the government of the United States has been
and is adminiilered entirely in conformity with
this iimple, though great and glorious idea. It
is fuihcient for my purpofe to advert to the fad:
that this idea of equality in the poifeihon of
certain inalienable rights is ilippol'ed to underlie
our government, our inftitutions and our ibciety;
and to ftate that the effed: of this idea in advanc-
ing the country has far exceeded the wildeft
dreams of thole who adopted it as their political
platform, when they launched the ihip of ifate
in times that tried men's fouls. And now after
fo much has been accompliihed on this idea, at
this, the grandeft period of our exiifence, and
while the world was beginning to look upon the
Coloifal Republic with awe and wonder, we
have again come in contad with our great and
good deftiny. This time the ihock is terrible.
It ihakes the whole earth. Who can tell whether
c our
( " )
our good or evil genius will prevail ! I may not
be able to fay how our nationality is to be pre-
ferved inta^l, but I ftill have faith that our coun-
try will finally bow to the glorious defiiiny which
Omnipotence has made manifeft.
Before our troubles are over, we fliall proba-
bly difcover that we are not fpiritually and intel-
lediually up to the mark — that the moral devel-
opment of the nation does not keep pace with
its material development. We may find that
our religion and politics are bafed too much on
purely felfifli infi:ind:s that attach to mere local
and perfonal interefts, fo completely abforbing as
to ferioully impair the quality of our patriot-
ifm.
We will alfo learn that in no fection of the
country lies the intereft that outweighs the value
of Union, the neceffity of an undivided nation-
ality ; fee how fupremely blefi'ed we are in the
order by which nature has arranged bur magnifi-
cent interefts. How compad: ! All on a grand
fcale and in one great territory, each blending
with the other in fuch beautiful and perfed: har-
mony as to caufe each to depend on the other
for development. With us there can be no fuch
thing as the enjoyment of thofe inalienable rights,
life, liberty and the purfuit of happinefs, unlefs
our nationality follows our material interefts.
We muft live a homogeneous nation and in one
political Union. The fanatical, recklefs, un-
thinking mob of which fo large a part of the
prefent generation is compofed, may pafs away
before
( 23 ;
before order is thoroughly reftored; but the
imperative neceffity of harmonizing the great
material interefts of the country will, I believe,
eventually bring it back to its original deftiny.
We have tafted of progrefs bafed on a higher
order of materialifm, fo to fpeak, than that of
the ancients, and found it good. If in our folly
we come to a Hand or retrogrefs, the next gene-
ration will take up the tradition of the paft and
a(5t upon it.
So far as our country is concerned, all the in-
telligence of the age tends to unity. The influ-
ence of induftry, commerce and Icience impofes
unity. The Atlantic fpeaks to the Pacific through
the lightning's flalh, and the refponfe comes back
ahead of time. With pen of wire and ink of
fire we converfe with the moft diftant parts of
our broad domain. Time and fpace are annihi-
lated. It is poffible that in our day the fteam
car will carry us from New York to San Fran-
cifco in fix days. It is poffible that in our day
the traveler in New York wifhing to vifit Hin-
doftan, or perhaps Palelfine, and having reference
to fpeed and comfort, will take his courfe weft
acrofs this continent and the Pacific, inftead of
the old route eaft acrofs the Atlantic.
Now all this is marvelous, yet every thing can
be readily accounted for in the regular order of
nature. No miracles have been performed. It
requires no very ingenious argument to make it
appear that our progrefs is due, in fome degree to
accident, a feries of blundering fucceffes, fo to
fpeak.
( 24 )
fpeak. While this argument cannot be conceded
in a o-eneral fenie, its truth mull: be acknow-
ledi^ed fo far as our government per Je is con-
cerned. The federal compadt never contem-
plated the expanfion that has aftually taken place
under it or outiide of it. The framers of that
compadt held that the acquilition of territory by
conquelf was repugnant to the genius of our
government. They alfo a6led on the theory that
the kind and degree of expanfion or progrefs we
now fee, was equally repugnant to the genius of
our iniHtutions.
It would appear, therefore, that fuch progrefs,
as we have made, Ihould not be attributed to the
practical working of our government to the ex-
tent that is generally conceded. It I may be
allowed to refer to my own perfonal experience
of ten years of frontier life, I will fay that I
found the federal government, where it exercifed
dired: control, the greateft obftacle to progrefs.
This ftatement may appear fomewhat remark-
able or erroneous. Neverthelefs, nothing is more
fufceptible of proof. The whole body of pio-
neers and fettlers in our welfern frontier rei^-ions
— except the government contractors — will llif-
tain me in the alTertion.
In all thofe unorganized regions, occupied and
controlled by the government through its mili-
tary ftations, Indian agencies, &c., the military
and Indian agencies have one interell, and the
bona fide fettler another. I had four years' expe-
rience in Arizona and New Mexico, and during
this
( 25 )
this period the fettlers were obliged to wage a
conftant warfare for bare exiftence, not only
againft the wild Indians, but againft the despot-
ifm and avarice of the United States Government
as reprefented by its agents, military and civil.
But it was of no ufe. I efcaped out of Arizona,
a territory teeming with the precious and other
metals, in the fpring of 1858, and came to Walh-
ington, believing, in my verdancy, that I iliould
be able to excite fome intereft there for that
mofh important, but fuffering and negled:ed fron-
tier.
During the early part of my fojourn in the
National Capital, I encountered a Member of
Congrefs from one of the Ealfern States. He
was puffing a cigar and toafting his feet before a
good fire in one of the public rooms at Willard's
Hotel. I approached this Member of Congrefs
in my mofi: bland and winning manner, and after
begging his pardon for interrupting what appear-
ed to be a delightful reverie, I recounted to him
in thrilling tones and impreffive manner, the
trials, difficulties and dangers we were encoun-
tering, in opening the new territory to civiliza-
tion. The Member of Congrefs quietly heard
what I had to fay, and then coolly turning to
me, inquired : " What the devil did you go to
fuch a God-forfaken country for ? "
This incident tells the whole ilory of my
Wafliington experience, in attempting to excite
an interell on behalf of Arizona. I fpent seve-
ral weeks in the capital, and mingled freely
among
( 26 )
among tne officials from the highell to the
loweft, but not the iirft lign of common intelH-
gence on the fubjed: of our frontier interefts
generally did I encounter ; neither did I receive
the llighteft encouragement, and Arizona was
abandoned to its fate. The territory foon re-
lapfed into barbarifm. In 1861, having been in
polTeffion of the United States tind under the
control of the military and Indian agencies five
years, all the white inhabitants had been killed
or driven off by the wild Apaches. But ter-
ritorial officers, capable and efficient men I be-
lieve, have recently gone out, and the emigration
that is now flowing into Arizona is of a ftrength
and character that will wrell it from the Federal
agencies, control or fweep away the wild Indians,
and bring this valuable frontier diil:ri(5t within
the pale of civilization.
The territory of New Mexico has been under
the dired: control of the United States Govern-
ment fifteen years, and it is in a worfe condition
now than it was when we received it from
Mexico.
With here and there an exception, the com-
manding officers, quartermafters, contrad:ors, and
futlers, form clofe corporations, and wielding
defpotic power, monopolize the bell: of every
thing, and grind the bona fide fettler into the dull.
Then come the wild Indians, who plunder the
fettlers of what little is left to them. The Indian
agents fupply the murdering, plundering lavages
with rations, arms and ammunition, or the means
to
( V )
to obtain them, and thefe Indians, thus provided,
fally out to diftant points, murder the fettlers,
drive ofF their flock, and return to the neighbor-
hood of thofe fame agencies, and there difpofe of
their ill-gotten booty. Thus betv^een the mili-
tary and Indian agencies, and the favages, the
poor emigrant Hands but little chance for life or
property.
I was no amateur pioneer. I entered the
work profeffionally, and conlidered that my lot
was call in thofe frontier regions where, for ten
years, I had run the gauntlet to fee, at laft, an
entire community llaughtered around me, and
learn that I expofed myfelf, and toiled to fill the
pockets of a few miferable, foullefs fpeculators
in human blood, fome of whom I regret to fay,
reprefented a government that took no heed of
its citizens, who were paving its way to empire
with their bones.
In thofe of our frontier diftrid:s where the
wild Indians are lefs numerous or lefs favage than
they are on the Rocky Mountain Hopes, or where
the whites in great numbers rufli in, occupy the
land, and wreft it from the Federal agencies, as
in California, there is lefs of expofure, fuffering
and bloodflied. But the evils to which I have
alluded, characterize in a greater or lefs degree,
all progrefs in our new territory. O, you who
have never been beyond the pale of civilization ;
you who have experienced nought but eafe and
comfort within the limits of well fettled, refined
fociety, how little you comprehend the frightful
fufferinp-.
( 28 •)
fuffering, the horrid mafs of human flelh and
bones through which our car of Empire cruilies
and crafhes onward toward the fetting fun.
Some may argue that fuch are the inevitable
refults of efforts to reclaim wild and barbarous
regions to civilization. To a certain extent this
is true, but I contend moll: decidedly that by far
the greateff amount of lite and property loil in
the procefs of civilizing our frontier regions, is
a wholly unnecelfary facrifice to the cruel fyftem
and pernicious practices of the United States
government agencies.
In fuch circumftances as thefe, it admits of
queftion whether the progrefs of the country, in
its firft ffage at leaff, is not retarded rather than
accelerated by the government. Such progrefs
as we have made, muff, I believe, be attributed
in the main, to that unequalled and happy com-
bination of immenfe refources, the development
of which is highly favored by the great advan-
tages of geological conftruction, geographical
pofition and the moff propitious variety of cli-
mate. All thefe material acceffories added to
the great idea of holding certain inalienable
rights bafed on equality, with the repiitatioji of
having the freeff and beft government on earth,
have enticed a great amount of industry, talent
and capital from Europe, and provoked a reff-
lefs fpirit of enterprife all over the country.
My remarks on the unfortunate relations that
exiff between the general government and pio-
neer intereffs are not agreeable to my taffe or
feelings ;
( 29 ;
feelings ; hut they could not well he omitted.
I deem them quite important and entirely perti-
nent to my fuhjed:. I truft it will he underftood
that I dilbufs the point without reference to the
political views or prejudices of any party. The
great trouble, in fad:, appears to me to be, that
the entire fubjed is ignored by all the political
parties of the country, either from a total igno-
rance of the fads, or utter inability to grafp
them. My fole defire is to give the people in-
formation, that they may inftrud the politicians,
I will now touch upon another important
branch of my fubjed — one that relates diredly
to our pioneer enterprife and general progrefs.
I refer to Spanilh America, and our relations
with that part of the continent. Here, again, I
believe we have failed to comprehend our in-
terefts and our deftiny. It is true that an idea of
** manifelf deftiny " having more or lefs to do
with the future of Spanifh America, has obtained
a lodgment in the American mind. Of late
years we have heard much about the " manifeft
deftiny" of the American nation; but fo far as
I can perceive, this idea is exceedingly vague,
having no intelligent or logical bafis, nor any
well defined policy or fyftem by which it is to
be wrought out.
In our relations with Spanilh America, we
have pradically labored againft the happy fulfill-
inent of the manifeft deftiny idea.
I will give a brief fummary of fads bearing
diredly on this point : —
Our
x>
( 3° )
Our relations with the ifland of Cuba, proba-
bly from its geographical polition, and other
favorable circumftances, are more extenfive and
profitable than with any other locality in Spanifh
America.
From 1820 to 1850, a period of thirty years,
our commercial exchanges with Cuba ranged
from ten to fifteen millions only per annum.
In i860, our commercial exchange with that
ifland amounted to $46,428,434, or $33 25 per
capita^ giving 1,396,530 as the population.
What is the caufe of this fudden and immenfe
trade between the United States and Cuba ?
I reply, th.Qjlea?fiJhip ! In 1 850, lines of Ameri-
can fteamers commenced plying between New
York, Charlefton, New Orleans and Havana,
and in i860 our commercial exchanges with
the laft named port had augmented to over
$46,000,000, which is equal to one-half the
entire foreign trade of the ifland, and double the
total amount of our trade with all the other
Wefl: India iflands.
Cuba lay in our ocean highway to New Or-
leans and Afpinwall. Communication by fleam
became a neceflity, and the ifland has been prac-
tically, fo far as its commercial interefts and
relations were concerned, within the American
Union, fince 1850 and up to the commencement
of our civil diflurbances in i860. This, I be-
lieve, was Amply a collateral result of private
enterprife, growing out of increafed trade with
New Orleans, and the commencement of inter-
courfe with California. In
( 3> )
In the relations that grew up between the
United States and Cuba during the decade men-
tioned, I fee the idea of manifeft deftiny logic-
ally and happily developed.
With Cuba, everything favorable or fortunate
in our Spanifh American relations ends. Take
Mexico for inftance. When Mexico became an
independent ftate in 1821, our trade with her
commenced, and in the courfe of ten years it
had reached $15,000,000 per annum. But lince
1830 the trade has been irregular, and the ten-
dency downward, fo that in i860, the commer-
cial exchanges between Mexico and the United
States, that is, our imports from and exports to
that country, had fallen to $5,905,103, and this,
notwithftanding Mexico joins our fouthern bor-
der, and the trade of the whole Mexican Pacific
coaft had been open to California for ten years.
Taking the inhabitants of Mexico at 7,000,000,
the trade of that country per capita with the
United States in i860, was 84 cents. If Mexico
had the fame annual per capita trade with the
United States that Cuba has, it would amount to
$228,750,000 per annum.
There are in that Mexican domain, feveral
Californias for us, fimply through the inftrumen-
tality of treaties of amity and commerce, a means
of progrefs our rulers appear to know very little
about. The perverfity with which our people
and government have adted with regard to our
interefts in Mexico, cannot be explained by any
of the known laws by which human affairs are
fuppofed
( 32 )
fuppored to be influenced or regulated. It Teems
as though we had knowingly and deliberately
aided in bringing about the dire misfortune of
foreign intervention in Mexico, the real and
greater purpofe of which is ultimately interven-
tion in the United States.
My remarks refpefting our relations with
Mexico, are, in the main, applicable to all Span-
ifli America.
In i860, the commercial exchanges of Span-
ifh America v/ith all the world were, in round
numbers, $525,000,000, of which $115,000,000
only were with the United States. Of this lat-
ter amount $65,000,000 were with Cuba and
the other Weft Indian iflands, leaving to the
United States but $50,000,000, or one-tenth of
the Spanifh American trade on the main land —
the total of which was $460,000,000, with all
countries. And yet we have all thofe advantages
over other countries that lliould give us the com-
mand of the greater portion of that trade.
The total population of the continental part
of Spaniili America is 33,000,000, and our trade
with that population amounts to but $50,000,000
per annum, or $1.52 ^fr capita. What an un-
fortunate exhibit. If our trade with all Spanilh
America averaged the fame per capita as it does
with Cuba, it would amount to $1,163,750,000
per annum ! Thefe are ftupendous numerals.
It is within the bounds of reafon to fay that by an
intelligent culture of commercial intercourfe
with Spanifh America, our trade with that por-
tion
( 33 )
tion of the continent and its illands would, within
a few years, reach $500,000,000 per annum.
What a magnificent field for the pioneer enter-
prife of this country !
But where does the greater part of the Spani{h
American trade go ? To Europe — principally
to England. The Englifh mail fteamers com-
pletely encircle Spani(h America, touching at
upwards of feventy different ports on the conti-
nent and illands.
Having given the fmall commercial refults of
our intercourfe with Spanifli America, I will
bring forward feveral other points as evidence of
how we have almoft entirely ignored the exift-
ence of that part of our continent as any thing
worthy of commercial or focial culture.
One half this continent is occupied by Spanifli
America, and one half the people inhabiting this
continent fpeak the Spanifh language. And yet
what child, what ftatefman in this country is
reared in view of thefe great fadis ? Is the fludy of
the grand old Spanifh language or the hiftory of
Spanifh America common among us ? Does a
knowledge of the races, language, laws, poli-
tics, religion and cuftoms that prevail in Spanifh
America conftitute any part of the education of
our public men — thofe whom we honor with
the higheft pofitions and dignify with the appel-
lation of ftatefmen ? Let the fad:s anfwer. If
you place your child in the beft fchools or acade-
mies of the country with the defire to give him
a fuperior education, or lay the foundation for
it.
( 34 )
it, not one in fifty affords the advantage of in-
ftruction in the Spanifh language ; and if by-
chance you are able to arrange for a teacher in
this language, it is done with fo much difficulty
and extra expenfe as to be available only to the
wealthy. As to any correct hiftory of Spanifh
America for reading or fludy, it is not to be
found in the literature of our country, nor in
any other country, I believe, if truth and fair-
nefs are made the ftandard.
Go to Wafliington among the high officials,
the leading men, the politicians of the day, and
how many do you find who are able to form an
intelligent opinion of any event that occurs in
Spanifh America ? I have heard that it has been
remarked by the foreign diplomatic corps in
Wafhington, that not one of the prefent Admin-
iff ration can converfe intelligently with the ref-
pedive Spanifli American Minifiers accredited
to this government, relative to the countries they
reprefent, even in the Englifli language, faying
nothing of the Spanifh. This fhould be a deep
national mortification.
Furthermore, it is a deplorable fad: that the
government has rarely fent a reprefentative to
the Spanifli American countries who had any
knowledge of the people or their language. At
the prefent time, if I am corred:ly informed, we
have not a fingle ambaffador in Spanifh America,
and fcarcely a conlul who knows any thing of
the Spanifh language, or who by education or
experience is calculated to promote our inter-
efts
'( 35 )
efts in that portion of the continent, no matter
how zealous and faithful he may be in his efforts
to perform his duty.
Thefe are all very grave facts, and they clearly
fet forth in my mind — and I hope they do to
that of others — how little our people and gov-
ernment comprehend their great intereft in the
direction of the India fouth of us. They afford
indubitable evidence of how entirely negled:ful
we have been of found and healthy progrefs in
a natural and available dired:ion. And what is
the confequence ? A very ferious lofs to our na-
tional interefts, and calamitous complications in
our foreign and domeftic policy.
Spanifh America is an enigma to the whole
world. To my mind the folution of this enig-
ma is exceedingly fimple. We have only to
appreciate the great fad: which ftands fo boldly
out in modern hiftory, that from its difcovery to
the prefent hour, this continent has been -looked
upon by Europe as a pure commercial fpecula-
tion in the development of which, the common
principles of humanity and chriftianity were not
to have, and confequently have not had lot or
part.
What may be termed commercial flavery never
was known until the commercial nations of Eu-
rope faftened it upon this continent as a pure
fpeculation, bereft of all jusftice and humanity.
The foil of thofe nations at home muft be free,
but the foil of their poffeffions in the New World
must be Have. What a record of fhame the com-
mercial
( 36 )
mercial nations of Europe exhibit on this point !
While they were declaring that the moment a
Have fet foot on the foil of the refpe(5tive mother
countries he became free, they were abfolutely
encouraging and fuftaining the African flave trade
with their armies and navies, and enforcing by
arms and legillation, the inftitution of llavery
over this continent and its illands, from pole to
pole and from ocean to ocean.
In 1772, Lord Mansfield ruled in the famous
cafe of the Have Somerfet, that no law of Eng-
land recognized chattel llavery on Englifli foil,
and that a negro flave from any one of the Brit-
ifh Colonies became free from the moment he
arrived at a Britifh port. At this very time the
American Colonies were urgently proteffing to
the mother country againfl the importation of
negro flaves within their limits. In ^'J']^, three
years after the decifion of Lord Mansfield, and
juft before our war of revolution broke out, the
Britifh government abruptly and fternly gave a
quietus to thefe protefts of the colonies in the
following words : " We cannot allow the colonies to
check or dif courage in any degree a traffic fo benefi-
cial to the nation.''
This remarkable exhibition of the unfeeling
fpirit of gain on the part of the Englifh govern-
ment tells the whole ftory. It lays bare the ani-
mus by which commercial Europe held the New
World in its grafp. And it is the lame now
as it was then. There has been no change.
Our revolutionary war and the Spaniili Ame-
rican
( 37 )
rican war of independence were the natural up-
heavings of people to relieve themfelves from an
intolerable fyftem of oppreffion, inflicted upon
them by the parent nations of Europe. The
United States met with a great and conilantly
increaling degree of succefs, until all Europe
began to bow to the progrefs and power of
the great republic as to the decree of fate, and
to hold the American nation in fome fort of
humane and Chrifliian respedt. Then our civil
war cotmnenced.
The Spanifh American countries, on the other
hand, fucceeded in throwing off the Spanifh yoke
only to relapfe fo completely into the clutches
of commercial Europe, as to render their condi-
tion fince they became republics, but little if any
better than it was when they were enllaved to
Spain.
If you would arrive at a corred: underftanding
of the Spanilh American republics, you will find
European luft and avarice the main caufe of the
chronic evils by which they are afflicted. I con-
tend that public opinion refpecting thefe repub-
lics is wrong. The Spanilh American people,
if I underftand them aright, have capacities and
afpirations for a far higher order of exiftence
than they now enjoy, and if they could but dif-
enthrall themfelves from the cruel bonds, in which
they are fo tightly held by commercial Europe,
they would rife rapidly in the fcale of nations.
I could not refrain from advancing my view
of this matter, it has fo fixed a lodgment in my
mind
( 38 )
mind, and bears fo diredtly on our interefts and
progrefs, efpecially in the Spanifli American por-
tion of the continent.
Furthermore, I cannot leave the point without,
referring you to the promptitude with which the
leading maritime nations of Europe adopted the
courfe they thought would regain to them the
inhuman grafp in which they originally held
this entire continent, fo foon as it becan>e evident
that the only Power thereon they had ever re-
fpedted, was involved in ferious civil ftrife. I
confider it a piece of fublime limplicity on the
part of the politicians both North and South to-
have believed thofe nations ever would, or ever
will, purfue any other courfe.
In my remarks, I have endeavored to give
fome idea of our true greatnefs and of our real
deficiencies; and in the attempt, I have doubt-
lefs both flattered and mortified the national van-
ity. While I maintain that we have caufe for
pride, I believe we have caufe for ihame. And
while agreeing that we muft ftand up before the
world in all the confcious pride and dignity of a
nation that claims to be in the van of freedom
and progrefs — yes, and, if need be, defy the world
in arms in maintaining that proud pofition, — I
contend that we fliould put on the becoming
garb of modefty which fignifies we have yet
much to learn.
Every age is given to the idea that it cannot
be excelled. Every race holds itfelf as the fupe-
rior. Every people confiders its religion the
only
( 39 )
only true religion on earth; and every fociety,
from that which furrounds the greateft poten-
tate, to that which grovels in the hut of the
Hottentot, believes the world revolves around it.
/ When in Arizona in 1855, as the Superin-
tendent of a San Francifco copper mining com-
pany, I opened and worked the Mina del Ajo,
located in the defert, lurrounded by ftupendous
mountains, and forty miles from living water.
We were Tupplied with that article from natural
and artificial tanks in the rocks, the rain filling
them once a year,
I had as laborers about one hundred Mexican
peons, moft of them pure Indians, the relics of
Jefuit Chriflianization, very good laborers, and
belonging to the feveral Sonora tribes. The
labor of a certain week had produced a large
amount of very rich ore, and on the Sunday
morning following, I happened to pafs near a
number of the peons refting from their work,
I overheard their converfation which turned on
the richnefs of a favorite lead they had named
San Eduardo, in honor of the Superintendent,
and yet, a pure Papago Indian, known as Boca
Prieta, or Black Mouth, feelingly exclaimed :
*^ Ahy que laj}i??ia efte rica mina no pertinezca a
nofotros los Chrijiianos !'' "What a pity this
rich mine does not belong to us Chriftians ! "
There, in that far off, and as my friend the Mem-
ber of Congrefs called it, " God-forfaken coun-
try," this Indian who deigned to wear nothing
more than a wifp of cotton cloth around his
waift,
( 40 )
waifl, who did not know the letter A, and could
not count beyond the number lo, beheved him-
felf and his furroundings of the moft advanced
and Chriftian order.
We as a people hold in the upper ftrata of our
mind, that we are the moft advanced nation in
the world — that the degree of perfection we
have reached in our fyftem of religion and gov-
ernment and in fcience, can fcarcely be excelled.
I believe the greateft difcoveries in religion,
government and fcience are yet tJifuturo. The
prefence of man is but juft beginning to be felt
in the moral and material world, and the brain
fairly aches even in its faint efforts to contem-
plate what the fubjugation of the earth demands
from the future.
I have remarked in a general manner on thofe
great interefts which provoke the fpirit of Ame-
rican pioneer enterprife, and I have referred to
the degree of progrefs made in the development
of thofe interefts. I have exprelfed my belief
that the people and the government of the
United States had, in other days, no adequate
conception of the great future that was before
them. And fuch remarks as I have made — the
refult of careful obfervation and ftudy — are made
in the full conviction that the nation at large
has, at the prefent time, no better comprehen-
lion of its great interefts, no more intelligent ap-
preciation of the grandeur of its deftiny — fecured
only by the happy working of the great idea of
holding certain inalienable rights bafed on equal-
ity
( 4" )
ity — than it had in the early days of the Repub-
lic when there was no experience of the pafl to
throw light upon the future.
I will venture to intimate that the American
nation has been careleilly drifting on, allowing
politicians to legillate too much and in the wrong
dired:ion.
As a nation infpired by the great idea of lib-
erty and equality, we have made great progrefs;
but it is well to inquire whether we have not, at
the fame time, fcattered in our path the feeds of
evil that grow with our growth and ftrengthen
with our ftrength. In evidence of this, I point
to the prefent condition of the country. Defola-
tion and want reign in one fedtion, luxury and
extravagance in the other. Corruption ftalks
abroad at noon-day, the war-liend holds his car-
nival throughout the land, and our national exif-
tence is threatened.
I have exprelfed my firm faith in the ultimate
welfare of the country. But this refult may only
come through years of diforder and bloodfhed.
It the rebellion lliould be put down and the war
Ihould ceafe at once, the new ilfues that have
fprung up may be more difficult to overcome
than the rebellion itfelf.
Chateaubriand fays, *'God rifes behind men."
The feen vaniflies and the unfeen appears.
Revolutions end in what thofe, who inaugurate
them, leaft exped:. The men who put in motion
the mighty revolution that is now raging around
us, the excufe and the purpofe, will probably all
pafs
( 42 )
oafs away and be forgotten, ere the final refults
of the movement are reached.
I confider it, therefore, the facred duty of
every true-hearted American to do that which
lies within him to ameliorate the unhappy con-
dition of his country, that it may come forth
from the fiery furnace feven times purified, a
burning and fhining light to all the world.
Actuated by fuch feelings, in the main, I be-
lieve, a number of gentlemen from various parts
of the country — diftinguilhed travelers and pio-
neers, progreffive men — have ftarted the projed;
of organizing an allociation in this city under
the title of the Travelers' Club.
This aflbciation is to have the ufual focial
attractions, and be conducted on the fame high
principles as our beft clubs. But the addition of
a department where the higheft order of intelli-
gence, and the moft valuable information will
be aggregated and put in form for public ufe,
will give to the propofed Travelers' Club a
far higher miffion than is ufually accorded to
the ordinary focial and literary clubs of the
day.
It is eftimated that 10,000 pioneers, explorers
and travelers — active, progreffive men — from
our frontier regions, Spaniili America, and other
foreign countries vifit this city annually, and
who could be introduced to the rooms ot the
Travelers' Club with mutual advantage. The
value of the information thefe vifitors pofi'efs in
the aggregate, is incalculable ; and this informa-
tion.
( 43 )
tion, abfolutely indifpenfable for the fafe guid-
ance of the nation, I contend, does not conftitute,
in any efFedlual degree, an element of knowledge
among the people. The politicians of the day
pofitively refufe to receive it, regarding it as
fomething with which they have nothing to do.
It is not to be found in books, the prefs cannot
obtain it, confequently that which is of fo much
vital importance to the nation is loft.
Any intelligent mind will readily comprehend
what a powerful influence for good the gather-
ing together of this clafs of progreiTive men in
fecial and intellediual intercourfe in this city,
muft have. Properly managed it will be-
come a power in the land. Such would be the
concentration of progreffive intelled: and infor-
mation as to enfure the happieft influence on
the private and public affairs of the nation.
There is an aching void — if I may be allowed
the expreffion — for juft fuch an inftitution. All
political parties, all religious creeds will be in-
vited to participate ; but all partizanfhip in the
one and fe6tarianifm in the other, muft yield to
the ftrid: cofmopolitan and confervative charadier
of the aflbciation.
For many years aflbciations, partaking fome-
what of the character of the one propofed, have
been eftabliftied in the larger capitals of Europe,
and there they take the lead among the focial and
literary clubs. There may be a greater number
of what are called traveled literary gentlemen,
who yearly vifit London and Paris, than can
be
( 44 )
be got together in this city ; but for the concen-
tration of thofe reftlefs, indomitable, intellectual,
progreflive men who are moving the world on-
ward, and of that peculiar kind of quick, un-
written information that guides the progrefs of
humanity, I do not believe any city on the globe
can excel the city of New York, the great heart
of our own great empire and the commercial
and financial center of the New World.
The promife of fuccefs in the permanent or-
ganization of the Travelers' Club on a balis
worthy of the city of New York, is very flat-
tering. It is furprifing what a powerful clafs of
men and interefts the idea has aroufed. The in-
dications are that the memberfliip, not only of
refidents in this city, but of ftrangers from vari-
ous localities in our own country and abroad, ef-
pecially Spanifli America, will be very large.
There are alfo many alfurances of valuable hif-
torical contributions relating to the rife and pro-
grefs of civilization in the New World; of
books, maps, &c., and defirable fpecimens for
the cabinet. Like all other projeds of this na-
ture, however, much perfeverance and exertion
will be required before complete succefs is at-
tained.
The founders of the projedl are, I believe,
adiuated by motives did:ated by patriotifm, libe-
rality and intelledual tafte. No one of them
will look for or receive any emolument. The
fole defire appears to be to eftablifli an inftitu-
tion fo urgently demanded by the interefts ot
the
( 45 )
the country — an inftitution that will foften the
prejudices of race, allay fedlional feeling, culti-
vate the fecial qualities, and raife the ftandard of
intelligence among the people. Such objects
are truly noble.
The man of bufinefs and fcience, the ftatef-
man and philofopher, the divine and philanthro-
pift, can come to our ftores of knowledge, we
truft, and learn what magnificent interefls we
polfefs, and what a glorious country we have to
fave.
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