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Osceola. 
 
 From Catlin's painting. No. 301 Smithsonian Museum. 
 
Red Patriots: 
 
 « 
 
 THE 
 
 STORY OF THE SEMINOLES. 
 
 BY 
 
 CHARLES H. COE. 
 
 "Adds to the earnestness of historic justice the charm of dramatic interest." 
 
 . —Gov't OflScial. 
 
 1898: 
 
 The Editor Publishing Company, 
 
 cincinnati. 
 
3 9' i 2 o 
 
 COPYRIGHTED 1898 
 BY 
 
 THE EDITOR PUBLISHING CO , CINCINNATI. OHIO- 
 
 ALL RIGHTS RESERVED. 
 
DEDICATED 
 
 TO 
 
 MRS. AMELIA S. QUINTON, 
 Who, as General Secretary, and longer as President, of the 
 
 Women's National Indian Association, 
 has labored twenty years for the elevation and christiani- 
 zation of our native Indian tribes; and under whose leader- 
 ship more than forty Missions have been established among 
 them, including one for the 
 
 Seminoles of Florida. 
 
ILLUSTRATIONS. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Osceola . _ _ . . Frontispiece 
 
 MiOKENOPAH - - - - - - 26 
 
 King Philip -------*' 
 
 Wildcat ------ - " 
 
 Cloud - - - - - - - -'' 
 
 Alligator ------ '<■ 
 
 Abraham --.----*» 
 
 Grave of Osceola ----- 112 
 
 John F. Brown ------ I88 
 
 Billy Bowlegs - - - - - - - 198 
 
 Dr. J. E. Brecht 230 
 
 Tom Tiger ------ 242 
 
 Seminole Children - - - - - - " 
 
 Seminole Shacks - - - - • - _ 246 
 
 Young Seminole Woman - - - - 258 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 (PART I.) 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 Origin and Early History of the Seminoles — ^Testimony 
 Regarding Their Numbers, Character and Condi-* 
 tion. 
 
 Page 5 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 The First Hostilities and their Origin — The Maroons 
 and Fugitive Slaves^ — Invasions of Spanish Terri- 
 tory — Massacre by Our Forces — Protest of the 
 Spanish Governor — General Jackson's Barbarous 
 "Example"— -Destruction of the Indian Settle* 
 ments — Congressional Investigation — Cession of 
 Florida — Indians Appeal to the President — A 
 Party of Seminoles Visit the Bahamas. 
 
 Page 10 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 Neamathla, Principal Chief of the Nation — Other Dis- 
 tinguished Chiefs — John Hicks and Mickenopah, 
 Successors to Neamathla — Osceola and His Asso* 
 ciate Chiefs — Early Life and Personal Appearance 
 of Osceola — His Peaceable Character — Cession of 
 Florida to the United States — Events Leading to 
 the Seminole War — Acts of Injustice — Proof that 
 the Seminoles Were Peaceable. 
 
 Page 24 
 
tv 
 
 Contents. 
 
 ments of the Press and Others Upon Osceola's 
 Death — Eulogy by Storrow — Street's Graphic 
 Poem. 
 Page 109 
 
 CHAPTER XII. 
 
 Transfer of the Prisoners to the West — Death of King 
 Philip En Route — The Seminole Nation Resolves 
 on Having Revenge — Descriptions of Lake Okee- 
 chobee, the Everglades, and the Big Cypress 
 Swamp — Battle of Okeechobee — Naval Attack 
 Near Jupiter Inlet — General Jesup Marches 
 South. 
 
 Page 119 
 
 CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 General Jesup Again Negotiates for Peace — Recommends 
 Allowing the Seminoles to Remain in the Country 
 — Reply of the Secretary of War — Editorial Op- 
 position — Seminoles Suspect Treachery — Seizure 
 of Seven Hundred Indians and Maroons — Officers 
 Present Describe the "Grab" — Sight Restored to 
 a Blind Seminole Woman. 
 
 Page 129 
 
 CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 General Jesup Retires From Command of the Army — An 
 Improved Policy Under General Taylor — Over a 
 Year of Peace — Jesup Volunteers Advice — The 
 Macomb "Treaty" — End of the War Announced 
 — Double Dealing Apparent — Florida Press and 
 People Condemn the Deception. 
 
 Page 140 
 
Contents. ^ 
 
 CHAPTER XV. 
 
 Seminoles' Discover the Deception — Renewal of Hostili- 
 ties — Fake Stories of Indian Massacres — Chakika 
 Leads an Attack — Official Views — The Indian 
 Always Wrong — False Alarms — White Guerillas 
 — General Taylor Retires — Failure of Another 
 Effort — Indian Key Massacre — Hunting Indians 
 With Bloodhounds — General Worth Succeeds 
 Armistead — Final Termination of the Seminole 
 War — A Remnant Allowed to Remain — Number 
 Transferred to the West — Cost of the War-^ 
 Settlers Rush to the Territory. 
 
 Page 150 
 
 CHAPTER XVI. 
 
 Trials of the Emigrants — Seminoles in Mexico — Testi- 
 mony of the Mexican Government — Death of 
 Wildcat on Mexican Soil — Mexican Band Returns 
 to the United States — Nation Appeals to the 
 President — Settle on Lands of Their Own — Desire 
 for Schools — Their Uncomplaining Character — 
 Manly Appeal of Their Agent. 
 
 Page 164 
 
 CHAPTER XVII. 
 
 The Seminole in the Civil War — Borne Upon the Pay- 
 Rolls of Both Armies — Driven From Their Homes 
 by Confederates — Enlist in the Union Army — 
 Engaged in Twenty-Eight Battles — Serve 
 Throughout the War — Bitter Feeling Between the 
 Two Factions — Union Seminoles Reimbursed for 
 Losses — Odd Appearance in Regulation Uniforms. 
 
 Page 177 
 
„i Contents. 
 
 CHAPTER XVIII. 
 
 Treaty of 1866 — Government's Serious Blunder — General 
 Grant's New Indian Policy — Present Condition in 
 the West — Government of the Tribe — Governor 
 John F. Brown — Seminoles Free From Intruders 
 — Efforts of the Dawes Commission — Seminoles 
 and the Commission Sign a New Agreement — 
 Seminoles First to Embrace Citizenship. 
 
 Page 183 
 
 (PART II.) 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 General Worth's Tribute — Murder of Three Whites — 
 Excitement and Alarm of the Settlers — Capt. 
 John C. Casey, the Seminoles' Friend — General 
 Gibbon's Testimony Regarding Indian Agents — 
 Tribute to Captain Casey — The Bowlegs' Peace 
 Token — Captain Casey Meets the Indians — Nation 
 Disavows the Murders — Delivery of the Criminals 
 — General Twiggs' High Tribute — Suicide of 
 Prisoners. 
 
 Page 191 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 Withdrawal of Troops — Action of the Florida Legisla- 
 ture — The Blake Scheme — Suicide of an Indian 
 Woman — Billy Bowlegs Visits Washington and 
 Other Cities — Blake Secures the Removal of 
 Captain Casey — Failure of the Blake Scheme — 
 Cost to the People — Captain Casey Reinstated. 
 
 Page .„ 203 
 
Contents. vu 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 Two Years of Quiet — Troops Explore Southern Florida — 
 First Stearaboat Navigation of Lake Okeechobee 
 — General Hostilities Resumed After Thirteen 
 Years of Peace — Causes of the Outbreak — Opin- 
 ions of Western Seminoles, Jelferson Davis and 
 the Indian Commissioner — Last Regular Battle 
 and Hostilities — Final Emigration, Under Billy 
 Bowlegs — A Remnant Remains in the Swamps — 
 Parting Scenes — Tribute of an Army Officer. 
 
 Page 210 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 The Flower of the Nation — Seminoles Recognized in the 
 State Constitution — First Attempt to Instruct 
 Them — Indian Commissioner Advises the Pur- 
 chase of Lands — Report of the Bureau of Eth- 
 nology — Character and Superiority — Congress 
 Appropriates $6,000 for Homesteads — Failure 
 of the Government Agents — Efforts of the Govern- 
 ment Cease — Congress Continues to Make Appro- 
 priations. 
 
 Page 222 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 Pioneer Work of the Womens' National Indian Associa- 
 tion — Mrs. Quinton Visits the "Big Cypress" Indi- 
 ans — Purchase of Land — Mission and Government 
 Station Established — Donation of Land by the 
 Florida Legislature — Mission and Government 
 Work — Visits of the Indians. 
 
 Page 228 
 
^iii Contents. 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 Present Location and Numbers — Osceola's Namesakes — - 
 * 'Negro Slaves" — Tribal Government — Super- 
 iority of the Florida Seminoles — Types of the 
 Native American — Domestic Life — Common Attire 
 — Dwellings — Agricultural Products — Successful 
 Hunters — Source of Revenue- — Annual Festival. 
 
 Page 288 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 Seminoles Robbed of Their Homes — Purchase of Lands — 
 Hon. F. A. Hendy's Bill — Indians Shun the Sta- 
 tion — The Long Key Proposition — Attack on Dr. 
 Brecht — Commissioner Jones' Recommendation — 
 Agent is Called to Washington — Inspector Duncan 
 Visits the Seminoles — His Glowing Tribute — 
 Recommends a Reservation — Must be Decided by 
 Congress — The Cruelty of Any Attempt to Re- 
 move the Indians — The Author Appeals to Every 
 Lover of Justice. 
 
 Page „249 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 Osceola Nikkanoochee — The Treaty of Tallahassee — 
 Treaty of Pope's — List of Battles and Other 
 Engagements Occuring in Florida During the 
 Seminole War — Forts afld Posts Established in 
 Florida — Bibliography — Index — Errata. 
 
 Page ..269 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 During a long residence in Florida I became deeply 
 interested in the Seminole Indians, who inhabited the 
 southern part of the State. I also read everything 
 within my reach relating to their history, including the 
 protracted warfare formerly waged between that invin- 
 cible people and the National, Territorial and State 
 governments. 
 
 Circumstances finally enabled me, within the past 
 few years, to take up my residence in the city of Wash- 
 ington and to continue my study in the great libraries and 
 bureaus of information peculiar to the Nation's capital. 
 And the more widely my researches extended, the more 
 absorbing became my interest in the subject, and the 
 firmer my resolve to place upon enduring record the full 
 story of the rights and wrongs, the true patriotism and 
 the heroic fortitude of the Seminole race. 
 
 Love of home and country was uncommonly devel- 
 oped in the Seminole people, due no doubt to the genial 
 climate and great natural resources of their sunny land ; 
 to their peculiar isolation by ocean waters; and to the 
 presence of the cherished graves of their fathers. All 
 combined to make the Seminoles' home especially dear- 
 
 "— the spot of earth supremely blest, 
 A dearer, sweeter spot than all the rest." 
 
 Thus, hemmed in by the sea on all sides but one — 
 unable to retreat or to advance — he was compelled to 
 fight or to submit to banishment. Without the slightest 
 hesitation, the former alternative was chosen, and an 
 unequal and atrocious warfare of seven years' duration 
 
 1 
 
2 Preface. 
 
 — afterward renewed — took place, at a sacrifice on our 
 part of hundreds of lives, millions of money, and 
 repeated violations of solemn pledges. 
 
 The latest history of the Seminole War was pub- 
 lished soon after the termination of hostilities, more 
 than a half century ago. The present volume has been 
 written more from the standpoint of the Indian, and 
 includes much new and interesting information, and the 
 correction of many erroneous ideas, in connection with 
 almost every leading feature of Seminole history. New 
 light has been shed, not only upon the earlier movements 
 and struggles of this liberty-loving race, but upon 
 their condition and customs in our present peaceful 
 times. When the interest of the subject seemed to 
 justify it, careful detail has been adopted, and in every 
 part of the work the utmost accuracy has been the great 
 end and aim. 
 
 I cannot resist the conclusion that most of my readers 
 will gain a better knowledge of the white man's treat- 
 ment of the Indian, and a more favorable opinion of the 
 race, than they ever had before, as well as be convinced 
 with me that the wronged and despised Seminole fought 
 in no less sacred a cause than did our forefathers in the 
 days of '76.* 
 
 My leading object in thus reviving an interest in 
 this long neglected people, has been to create public 
 sentiment in behalf of the deserving remnant still linger- 
 ing, by sufferance only, in Southern Florida. It is also 
 the earnest purpose of the author, if the avails of this 
 work shall justify it, to renovate the lone and neglected 
 grave of Osceola, — the brightest example of the Semi- 
 
 * "The annals of this decaying tribe, if written in strict obedience to 
 the laws of truth, and without prejudice, would place them in a better light 
 than the one in which most people are disposed to regard them."— Life and 
 Adventures in South Florida, by Andrew F. Canova, (1885), a native of the 
 State, who served throughout the last hostilities with the Seminoles. 
 
Preface . 8 
 
 nole nation — the unforgotten hero of an earlier day, — 
 and to substitute for his broken and defaced headstone 
 a suitable shaft worthy of the humble patriot. 
 
 I gratefully acknowledge my obligations to the fol- 
 lowing named persons: First, to my valued friend Prof. 
 Charles E. Aaron, of Philadelphia, who has rendered me 
 invaluable assistance in the preparation of this work ; 
 to Maj. Wm. S. Beebe, late of the Ordnance Department, 
 U. S. Army, who kindly placed at my disposal old 
 letters, diaries, and other valuable material, left by his 
 late uncle, Capt. John C. Casey, prominent in the Semi- 
 nole War and later as agent among the remnant ; to Dr. 
 J. E. Brecht, for years the zealous agent and Christian 
 worker among the present Seminoles of Florida ; to the 
 late Gen. John Gibbon, U. S. Army, (retired), whose 
 favorable impressions of the Indian were first re- 
 ceived in the Everglades ; and to many others who 
 have encouraged me in my undertaking. Nor must I 
 fail to thank the officials of the various departments and 
 libraries of Washington, for ''free access to priceless 
 volumes and carefully guarded records, without which 
 this book would have been impossible. 
 
 Considerable matter will be found in the appendix, 
 which could not be inserted in the body of the w^ork; 
 also a list of the various sources of information which 
 have been consu'ted. 
 
 THE AUTHOR. 
 
 Washington, D. C, June, 1898. 
 
PART I. 
 
 EARLY HISTORY AND CHARACTER, 
 
PART I. 
 
 Earlt History and Character — The Struggle for 
 Home and Country— Trials of the Emigrants — 
 Seminoles in Mexico— Present Condi- 
 tion IN the West. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 ORIGIN AND EARLY HISTORY OF THE SEMINOLES TESTIMONY 
 
 REGARDING THEIR NUMBERS, CHARACTER AND CONDITION. 
 
 A great and powerful confederacy of Indians form- 
 erly inhabited the present States of Georgia and x\la- 
 bama. They styled themselves Mus-co-gul-gees, or Mus- 
 ko-gees, but by the English they were called "Creeks," 
 from the numerous small streams which flowed through 
 their country. 
 
 Col. Benjamin Hawkins, a commissioner appointed 
 by the United States in the year 1785 to negotiate with 
 the Creeks, and later residing among them many years 
 as their agent, states that there were thirty-seven towns 
 in the confederacy, composed of seven-eights Musko. 
 gees, and the balance Uchees, Natchez, Hitchittees, and 
 Alibamus.* 
 
 About the beginning of the eighteenth century, a 
 portion of the Creeks withdrew from the rest and settled 
 on the extreme outskirts of the confederacy, in the 
 northern part of Florida. The n&me they bore for many 
 years thereafter was isti-se-mo-le,f or "wild men." In 
 
 * Sketches of the Creek Country in J798-99. (A manuscript work left 
 by Colonel Hawkins, published in 1848, thirty-two years after his death.) 
 
 + Various definitions of the term islisemole have been given, the most 
 common being "runaway," "wanderer," "separatist," and "emigrant." That 
 given by the author is according to Colonel Hawkins, the earliest authority, 
 and is undoubtedly correct. 
 
6 Bed Patriots: 
 
 after years this term was corrupted to Sim-e-lo-le, Sim- 
 e-no-le, and finally to Semi-nole. The new comers were 
 kindly received by the Florida tribes, and as the years 
 went by their numbers and strength greatly increased, 
 enabling them to establish settlements over the country. 
 They finally excited the jealousy of their neighbors, and 
 a fierce war resulted, in which the Seminoles were the 
 victors. Those who escaped death joined the new com- 
 ers and others who had sided with them,* altogether 
 forming a nation of a heterogeneous nature. 
 
 Colonel Hawkins thus refers to the Seminoles, in 
 his manuscript work: 
 
 " The towns of the Simenolies deserve a place here, 
 as they are Creeks. They inhabit the country bordering 
 on the Gulf of Mexico, from Apalachecola, including 
 Little St. Johns f and the Florida point. J They have 
 seven towns : Sim-e-no-le-tal-lau-haf- see, Mic-co-soo-ce, 
 We - cho - took - me, Au-lot che-wau, Oc-le-wau-hau- 
 thluc-co, Tal-lau-gue-chahco-pop-cau, Cull - oo - sau - 
 hatche. They are called wild people, because they 
 left their old towns and made irregular settlements in 
 this country to which they were invited by the plenty 
 of game, the mildness of the climate, the richness of the 
 soil, and the abundance of food for cattle and horses." 
 
 Most writers in referring to the Creek offshoot, 
 claim that their departure from the others was owing to 
 serious tribal quarrels. This common statement is 
 plainly an error, for Colonel Hawkins does not once 
 mention this as being a cause of removal. The reason 
 assigned by him, as above quoted, seems to be the most 
 rational, and is undoubtedly the true one. From the 
 
 * Territory of Florida, John Lee Williams, 1837. The author of this 
 work had resided in Florida for many years. See also General Jackson's 
 statement, Am. State Papers, Vol. 2, Indian Affairs. 
 
 + Suwanee River. 
 
 t The peninsula part of the country. 
 
The Story of the Seminoles. 7 
 
 time that the Seminoles first renounced all allegiance to 
 the Creek nation, however, trouble ensued. But an 
 open rupture did not take place for many years, not- 
 withstanding the length of time that the oifshoot had 
 been living by themselves. As late as 1790 they were 
 recognized as part of the Creek confederacy in a treaty 
 between that nation and the United States, signed in 
 New York City, August 7th, of that year; and, as we 
 have seen, Colonel Hawkins so regarded them nine years 
 later. 
 
 In September 1821, General Jackson held a talk 
 with Neamathla, the principal chief of the nation, John 
 Hicks, and Mulatto King, in which the former chief, 
 through an interpreter, gave the names and locations of 
 all the Indian (Seminale)^ towns in Florida. The whole 
 number, including both East and West Florida,* was thir- 
 ty-seven towns, with a total population of about 5,000. f 
 A few months later, Capt. John R. Bell, acting-agent 
 for the Indians, reported the same number of souls in 
 the nation. I In 1823, General James Gadsden wrote 
 the Secretary of War that " these Indians are now 
 scattered over the whole face of Florida." When the 
 offshoot first withdrew from the Creeks they were under 
 the leadership of a chief named Sac-a-fa-ca, erroneously 
 referred to by other writers as " SeacofFee," or " Se- 
 coflfer." In 1750, this chief was living in what is now 
 called Alachua County, where he died at the age of 
 seventy years. § The Spanish Governor of St. Augus- 
 tine alluded to the friendly character of Sacafaca in 
 
 * Under British rule the territoi'y was divided into two provinces 
 caUed East and West Florida, the peninsula portion representing the former. 
 
 f Am. State Papers, Vol. II, Indian Affairs, p. 439. 
 
 X In a letter to Hon. John Floyd, House of Representatives. 
 
 *S Reference to " Secoffer," in a private diary of Judge Robert R. Reid 
 afterward Governor of Florida. Bench and Bar of Georgia, Mi]ler, 1858. 
 
8 Hed Patriots.' 
 
 1737, in a correspondence with the Governor of Cuba, 
 thus proving that the Seminoles were then living in 
 Florida,* and that they were friendly toward the 
 whites. 
 
 That the Seminoles were also on good terms with 
 the British, while Florida was in possession of the latter, 
 the earnest words of a writer of that period are worthy 
 of note. In considering *'by what means England may 
 render Florida useful to her," he suggests " intermar- 
 riage with the Indian families."! 
 
 It is probable that peaceful relations had been en- 
 joyed by all the inhabitants for a long period of time, 
 as indicated by a report of Captain Bell to the Secretary 
 of War, in 1822, that "this nation was, before the 
 destruction of their settlements in 1812, numerous, 
 proud and wealthy, possessing great numbers of cattle, 
 horses, and slaves." 
 
 Captain Bell had previously reported : 
 
 ''They are honest, speak the truth, and are attach- 
 ed to the British and Americans. The wars, however, of 
 Mcintosh (a Creek chief) and the late desolating war 
 with the United States, and depredations of the frontier 
 white settlers on their settlements, have destroyed their 
 confidence. . . . The pure-blood Seminole Indians are 
 about 1,200 in number. . . . They hunt from Novem- 
 ber to March. Their hunting grounds are north of 
 twenty-eight degrees north latitude. Their principal 
 game is deer. . . Their cattle, on which they formerly 
 subsisted, have been wantonly destroyed. . . The ne- 
 groes who dwell among these people as their slaves, are 
 
 ^^ Corroborated by a etatemeut of General Jackson in 1821, 1 hat the 
 Seminoles had been living in Florida for a hundred years. (Am. State Papers 
 Vol. II, Indian Affairs, p. 438.) Bartram, writing in 1773, says they emigrated 
 to Florida in 1710. 
 
 + Raynal'B History, 178J, Vol. VI. 
 
H'ht Story of the Seminolcs. 9 
 
 intelligent and speak the English language, having been 
 purchased from the English.*" 
 
 Rev. Jedidiah Morse, a United States' Commission- 
 er appointed in 1820 to investigate the condition of 
 various Indian tribes, thus corroborates the above : 
 
 " Before the wars of 1812 and since, these Indians 
 with their negro slaves, lived in comfort, and many of 
 them were wealthy in cattle and horses. But these 
 wars have broken them up, destroyed great numbers of 
 their bravest warriors and chiefs; also their villages and 
 cattle, and thrown them into a state most distressing 
 and pitiable." f 
 
 * Am. state Papers, Vol. II, Indian Affaire. 
 + Report to the Secretary of War, Morse, 1822. 
 
CHAPTER II. 
 
 THE FIEST HOSTILITIES AND THEIR ORIGIN THE MAROONS AND 
 
 FUGITIVE SLAVES INVASIONS OF SPANISH TERRITORY 
 
 MASSACRE BY OUR FORCES PROTEST OF THE SPANISH 
 
 GOVERNOR GENERAL JACKSON'S BARBAROUS "EXAM- 
 PLE" DESTRUCTION OF INDIAN SETTLEMENTS CON- 
 GRESSIONAL INVESTIGATION CESSION OF FLORIDA IN- 
 DIANS APPEAL TO THE PRESIDENT — A PARTY OF SEMI- 
 NOLES VISIT THE BAHAMAS. 
 
 Compared with the long, desperate and decisive 
 struggle generally known as the Seminole or Florida 
 War, the first hostilities with the Seminoles were only a 
 series of assaults, in which our race was, with few excep- 
 tions, the aggressor. The trouble occurred while Flori- 
 da was still a province of Spain, at intervals during the 
 years 1812, 1816, 1817 and 1818. It is not the author's 
 intention to dwell on the details of the first hostilities; 
 but the several causes which led up to them, also a few 
 of the more important incidents connected therewith, 
 will receive due notice in this chapter. 
 
 In the year 1812, the Seminoles were charged with 
 committing depredations along the southern frontier 
 of Georgia. The white settlers, as usual, disregarded 
 the fact that these forays were almost invariably in 
 retaliation for similar acts against the red men.* In 
 
 *!.The famous Kit Carson, ecout and Indian agent, who knew the Indian 
 and his wiys thoroiighly, truly said that "aU our Indian troubles were caiised 
 originally by bad white men, if the truth were known;" also that "Indians 
 rarely commit outrages unless they are first provoked to them by the border 
 whites."— Lile of Kit Carson, Ellis. 
 
 10 
 
The Story of the Seminoles, 11 
 
 September of the above year, a party of Georgia volun- 
 teers, headed by Colonel Nunen, marched to King 
 Payne's town, situated in what is now called Alachua 
 County, where they attacked a party of about one hun- 
 dred and fifty Indians, under King Payne and Bowlegs, 
 two of the most prominent chiefs in the nation at that 
 time. A long engagement ensued, during which the 
 Indians sustained a considerable loss, and were finally 
 defeated. King Payne, who, with Bowlegs, was a son of 
 the celebrated Sacafaca, was among the killed. 
 
 About the same period, Florida w^as invaded by a 
 Creek chief named Mcintosh, also by a misguided gath- 
 ering of men known to history as the Florida 
 Revolutionists, or so-called ' ' Patriots. " * It is a curious 
 coincidence that both of these invasions of Spanish ter- 
 ritory were commanded by men — one Indian, the other 
 white — who bore the same name. The Creek chief, 
 with a band of his followers, v/aged damaging wars, at 
 different times, on both Indians and whites. Of the 
 "Patriot" war, J. A.Peniere,f the first United States' 
 agent for the Florida Indians, reported to the Secretary 
 of War in 1821, from Picolata, as follows : 
 
 " Seven years ago some self-styled patriots commit- 
 ted great ravages among the Europeans and friendly 
 Indians, in this part of Fl )rida. Almost all the houses 
 were burnt; the domestic animals killed, and the slaves 
 carried off." 
 
 In a correspondence between the Spanish Governor 
 of St. Augustine and the Governor of Georgia, in De- 
 cember 1812, the former thus refers to some of the ex- 
 
 * These fanatic:?, residing principally in southern Greorgia. had orga- 
 nized for the purpose of capturing Florida from the Spaniards and Indians. 
 The United States Government sent word to the Governor of St. Augustine 
 that the invaviou was unauthorized. 
 
 t This highly respected gentleman died in the summer of 1821. He was 
 a Frenchman, educated and refined, and was deeply attached to the 
 Indians. 
 
is Hed Patriots: 
 
 citing causes of the Indian outbreaks, and to the leading 
 object of the invasion of the whites : 
 
 "... But the Indians, you say — well, sir, why 
 wantonly provoke the Indians, if you dislike their rifle 
 and tomahawk? General Matthews told Payne, in the 
 square of Latchuo, that he intended to drive him from 
 his lands. Mcintosh* sent a message to Bowlegs, another 
 Indian chief, that he intended to make him as a waiting 
 man; the Florida Convention (Patriots) partitioned 
 their (the Indians') lands amongst their volunteers, as 
 appears by a certificate in my possession signed by di- 
 rector Mcintosh ; the Indian trade was destroyed by 
 you and your friends, and they (the Indians) found 
 that, from the same cause, they were to be deprived of 
 their annual presents. These, sir, are the provocations 
 about which you are silent. . . . The Indians are to 
 be insulted, threatened, and driven from their homes ; if 
 they resist, nothing less than extermination is to be 
 their fate. But you deceive yourself, sir, if you think 
 the world is blind to your motives ; it is not long since 
 the State of Georgia had a slice of Indian lands, and 
 the fever is again at its height. ..." 
 
 David B. Mitchell, twice Governor of Georgia, and 
 afterward (1817) Indian Agent, thus testified, regarding 
 the origin of the next trouble with the Seminoles, before 
 a committee of the United States Senate appointed in 
 1818 to investigate " the advance of the United States' 
 troops into West Florida," (fee: 
 
 " The peace of the frontier of Georgia has always 
 been exposed and disturbed more or less by acts of vio- 
 lence committed by whites as well as by Indians. . . . 
 These acts were increased by a set of lawless and 
 
 * Reference was had to General George Matthews and John H. Mcin- 
 tosh, leaders of the revolutionigts. 
 
The Story of the Seminoles. 18 
 
 abandoned characters (whites), who had taken refuge 
 on both sides of the St. Mary's River, and living princi- 
 pally by plunder. ... I believe the first outrage com- 
 mitted on the frontier of Georgia, after the treaty of 
 Fort Jackson (1814), was by a party of these banditti, 
 who plundered a party of Seminole Indians on their way 
 to Georgia for the purpose of trade, killing one of them. 
 This produced retaliation on the part of the Indians."* 
 
 Another factor, by some believed to be the primary 
 cause of all the serious trouble that followed, was the 
 determined refusal on the part of the Seminoles to de- 
 liver up the negro slaves who had fled from their mas- 
 ters in States north of the Florida line and taken 
 refuge among the Indians. 
 
 There was still another cause, however. White 
 residents in Georgia, becoming bold from the peaceful 
 character of the Seminoles, crossed the boundary and 
 settled upon their lands. A leading chief sent repeated 
 notices to the trespassers that unless they departed 
 there would be bloodshed. No heed was given to these 
 warnings; on the contrary other settlers continued to ar- 
 rive. The appropriation of the Indians' lands became 
 so common, that Peter Early, Governor, and Command- 
 er-in-Chief of the army and navy of Georgia, fearing 
 trouble, finally issued the following proclamation, dated 
 Milledgeville, April 25th, 1814: 
 
 " Whereas, I have received repeated information 
 that divers persons, citizens of this State, are making 
 settlements on the Indian lands contiguous to our fron- 
 tier by clearing ground and preparing to raise crops 
 thereon. And whereas, such trespasses, in addition to 
 the severe punishment annexed to them, are at this time 
 peculiarly improper, I have therefore thought fit to issue 
 
 * Contained in the Committee's report. 
 
14 Bed PatrioU: 
 
 this proclamation warning all persons against persever- 
 ance in or repetition of such unwarrantable procedures. 
 And do hereby require all persons, citizens of this 
 State, who have made any settlement ... on the Indian 
 lands, forthwith to abandon the same. . . " 
 
 The Seminoles continued to be harassed, however, and 
 finally took the law into their own hands.* For this, 
 they were loudly denounced, as usual, and in this way 
 the attention of the United States Government was se- 
 cured. Instead of striking at the primary cause of this 
 particular trouble, the latter perpetrated one of the most 
 savage massacres against the Seminoles and their negro 
 allies, of which any civilized or uncivilized people have 
 ever been guilty. 
 
 Before giving an account of this wanton destruction 
 of human life, it seems an appropriate place to notice 
 the negroes who lived among the Indians. These people 
 formed two distinct classes : the Maroons, and the more 
 recent fugitive slaves. The former had been living with 
 the Seminoles for so long a period that, although they 
 had once been runaway slaves from Georgia and Ala- 
 bama, or were descended from such, their identity had 
 now become completely lost.f The title, "Maroons," 
 a Spanish word of West Indian origin, signifying "free 
 negroes," had been appropriately applied to them by 
 the Spanish settlers in Florida. By the Indian agents 
 and officers of our army they were usually referred to as 
 "Indian negroes," or "Maroon negroes," while all others 
 were called "slaves" or "runaway slaves." 
 
 * Article VI of a treaty between the United States and the Creek na- 
 tion, signed in the city of New York, lug. 7th, 1790, states that trespasiers 
 on the Indians' lands "shall torfcit the protection of the United Sta es, and 
 the Creeks may punish him or not. as they please." Had the same law ap- 
 plied to the Seminoles and other tribes throughout the United States, in after 
 years, millions of money and thousands of lives would have escaped sacri- 
 fice. 
 
 t Ex. Doc. 195, 2d Ses., 17th Cong. Also Ex. Doc. 1st Ses , 24th Cong. 
 
The Story of the Seminoles. 15 
 
 The Maroons were thoroughly established among the 
 Seminoles, had in a few cases intermarried with them, 
 and were regarded more as brethren and allies. Most 
 of them, however, were still held by the Indians in a 
 mild form of servitude. Their happy and contented 
 condition formed a striking contrast to the hard life of 
 unrequited toil which was the usual lot of slaves under 
 white overseers. J. A. Peniere, Indian agent, thus re- 
 ferred to these negroes in the year 1821: 
 
 " These negroes appeared to me to be far more intel- 
 ligent than those who are in absolute slavery, and have 
 
 great influence over the Indians Their number 
 
 is said to be upwards of three hundred. They fear 
 being again made slaves, under the American Govern- 
 ment." 
 
 In the same connection, a staff officer of General 
 Gaines says : 
 
 ''His life among the Indians is one, compared to 
 that of negroes under overseers, of luxury and ease; the 
 demands upon him are very trifling. . . The Indian 
 loves his negro as much as one of his own children."* 
 
 This humane treatment of their slaves is in accord 
 with the quiet domestic disposition and prevailing 
 agricultural habits of the Seminoles, thus strongly con- 
 trasted with most of the Indian tribes. 
 
 The Seminoles positively refused to give up the 
 Maroons, who had so long been their faithful allies, or 
 even to assist in the capture of the runaway slaves. From 
 this latter resolution, however, they receded, years 
 afterward, as we shall see, for the sake of peace. The 
 slave-catchers from adjoining States made extended 
 forays across the Spanish lines into the Indian country, 
 and in these expeditions frequently seized the Indians' 
 
 * War In Florida, 1836. 
 
16 Bed Patriots: 
 
 slaves as well as the fugitives for whom they were in 
 pursuit. The slave-hunters also robbed a number of the 
 Spanish settlers 'in Florida, carrying off their negroes 
 and other property. Claims for indemnity for the loss 
 of these latter slaves were before Congress as late as 
 1860. 
 
 The Spanish Governors of the province of Florida 
 recognized both the Maroons and the fugitive slaves as 
 subjects of the Spanish crown, entitled to the same pro- 
 tection as the white citizens and Indians. Therefore, 
 when the colonial government of South Carolina sent a 
 messenger, in 1738, to demand a return of the fugitives, 
 the Governor not only refused to deliver them up, but 
 proclaimed protection and liberty to all such as would 
 join his standard.* In 1742 the numbers of Maroons 
 and fugitive slaves in Florida were so great that they 
 were formed into military companies, officered by negroes 
 adorned with gold lace, bearing the same rank as those 
 commanding w^ite companies. | 
 
 We will ndw take up the thread of our story. In 
 the latter part of the year 1814, the British erected a 
 fort on the left bank of the Apalachicola River, about 
 twenty-five miles above its bay. On their departure from 
 the country, they turned the fort over to the Indians 
 and negroes of the neighborhood. From the official 
 report of Col. Duncan L. Clinch, who took a prominent 
 part in the assault on this fortress, we extract the fol- 
 lowing description : 
 
 " The parapet was about fifteen feet high and 
 eighteen feet thick, and defended by one 32, three 24s, 
 two 9s, two 6s, and an elegant 5 1-2 inch howitzer. It 
 was situated on a beautiful and commanding bluff, with 
 
 * History of South Carolina, Vol II, Ramsej, 1858. 
 + Trumbull's History of the United States, 1810. 
 
The Story of the Seminoles. 17 
 
 the river in front, a large creek just below, a swamp in 
 the rear, a small creek just above, which rendered it diffi- 
 cult to bo approached by artillery. ..." 
 
 In an official report to the War Department under 
 date of May 14th, 1815, Gen. E. P. Gaines, then com- 
 manding the army on the frontier of Georgia, first 
 speaks of this fortress, referring to it as "Negro Fort,"* 
 and stating that while the occupants were charged with 
 no crimes, he would keep a watch on their movements. 
 A year later plans were formed for attacking the fort, 
 although it was on Spanish soil, about fifty miles from 
 the United States line. On the 16th of May 1816, Gen. 
 Andrew Jackson, commander of the Southern Military 
 District, wrote General Gaines as follows: 
 
 "I have little doubt of the fact that this fort has 
 been established by some villains for the purpose of ra- 
 pine and plunder, and that it ought to be blown up 
 regardless of the ground on which it stands ; and if your 
 mind shall have formed the same conclusion, destroy it 
 and return the stolen negroes and property to their 
 rightful owners." 
 
 General Gaines also received the following instruc- 
 tions from the Secretary of War: 
 
 "On receipt of this letter, should the Seminole In- 
 dians still refuse reparation for their outrages and dep- 
 redations on the citizens of the United States, it is the 
 wish of the President that you consider yourself at lib- 
 erty to march across the Florida line and to attack them 
 within its limits, should it be found necessary, unless 
 they should shelter themselves under a Spanish post."f 
 
 In July 1816, General Gaines advanced to the attack 
 upon the fort. His command consisted of a regiment of 
 
 * Fort Gadsden was afterward established on the site, 
 t House Doc. 122, 15th Cong., 2d Ses. Vol. 6. 
 
18 Bed Patriots: 
 
 regulars, under Col. Duncan L. Clinch, and five hundred 
 Creek Indians. The latter had been secured by promis- 
 es *'that they should share in the plunder."* Two 
 18-pound cannon formed part of the equipment. Gun- 
 boats had previously been detailed and sent to Apalach- 
 icola Bay, via the Gulf. The land forces arrived at the 
 place on the 20th of July, and the gunboats a few days 
 later. 
 
 The Indians and Maroons had received intelligence 
 of the proposed attack, and those living in the settle- 
 ments near by, and in the surrounding country, repaired 
 to the fortress with their families. The cultivated fields 
 of the Indians and negroes ' 'extended fifty miles up the 
 river, "f 
 
 Returning to the official report of General Clinch, 
 that officer says : 
 
 ** . . . I ordered Major Mcintosh to keep one- third 
 of his men constantly hovering around the fort, (on the 
 20th), and to keep up an irregular fire. . . On the 24th, 
 I ordered Lieutenant Wilson to descend the river with 
 a small party, to assist in getting up the vessels, and to 
 inform the commanding officer that the fort was com- 
 pletely surrounded and that he might ascend the river 
 in safety. On the 26th I went on board gun-vessel 149, 
 about four miles below the fort. In the course of the 
 evening, after consulting with the commanding officer 
 of the convoy, I directed him to move up the two gun- 
 vessels at daylight next morning. About six o'clock in 
 the morning they came up in handsome style, and made 
 fast alongside of the intended battery. 
 
 ' * In a few moments we received a shot from a 
 82 pounder, which was returned in a gallant manner. 
 
 ■c Official statement of Sailing-Master Loomis, in charge of the gun- 
 boats used on the occasion. 
 
 i View of West Florida, John Lee WilUams, 1827, 
 
Tht Story of the Seminolet. 19 
 
 The contest was momentary. The fifth discharge (a 
 hot shot) from gun-vessel No. 154, commanded by sail- 
 ing-master Basset, entered the magazine and blew up 
 the fort. The explosion was awful, and the scene hor- 
 rible beyond description. Our first care on arriving at 
 the scene of destruction was to rescue and relieve the 
 unfortunate beings that had survived the explosion. 
 
 "The war yells of the Indians, the cries and lamen- 
 tations of the w^ounded, compelled the soldier to pause 
 in the midst of victory, to drop a tear for the sufferings 
 of his fellow beings, and to acknowledge that the great 
 Ruler of the Universe must have used us as instruments 
 (!) in chastising the blood-thirsty and murderous 
 wretches that defended the fort." 
 
 " The waves a moment backward bent — 
 The hills that sliake, although unrent, 
 As if an earthquake passed — 
 The thousand shapeless things are driven 
 In cloud and flame athwart the heaven, 
 By that tremendous blast." 
 
 *' The property taken and destroyed," continues 
 General Clinch, ''could not have amounted to less than 
 $200,000. From the best information I could obtain, 
 there was in the fort about three thousand stand of 
 arms, from five hundred to six hundred barrels of pow- 
 der, and a great quantity of fixed ammunition, shot, 
 shells, etc. One magazine, containing one hundred and 
 sixty-three barrels of powder, was saved, which was a 
 valuable prize to the Indians. . . . The greater part of 
 the negroes belonged to the Spaniards and Indians. . ." 
 
 The Spanish Governor demanded the property saved, 
 but the United States refused to give it up, and Spain 
 not being in a position to enforce compliance with her 
 demand, was obliged to submit. 
 
 After the occurrence of this horrible massacre, the 
 
20 Red Patriots: 
 
 border whites grew still more rapacious, and the red 
 men suffered accordingly. Referring to one of the 
 numerous depredatioas against them, Niles Register^ 
 Aprii 12th, 1817, says : "The Seminole Indians, we are 
 assured from high authority, have been plundered and 
 one or two of them murdered." Another authority thus 
 feelingly speaks in their behalf: "We believe they have 
 been more 'sinned against than sinning;' and that if the 
 truth was known it would appear that there never was 
 a more oppressed race of men." 
 
 Again the Seminoles, unable to restrain their savage 
 passions longer, tasted the revenge so dear to the Indian 
 heart. A detachment of forty soldiers, together with 
 seven women and children, were ascending the Apalach- 
 icola River in a transport, when a large band of Indians 
 and Maroons attacked them and killed all but six per- 
 sons, four of whom were wounded. Other engagements 
 followed, and our Government once more invaded Flor- 
 ida in pursuit of the Indians, and against the Spanish 
 posts, which latter it was claimed furnished the red 
 men with ammunition. 
 
 It must not be supposed that these invasions were 
 made without at least a protest from the Spaniards. 
 Their Government, through Don Jose Masot, Governor 
 of Pensacola, protested to General Jackson in the fol- 
 lowing terms : 
 
 " It having come to my knowledge that you have 
 passed the frontier with the troops under your command, 
 and that you are within the territory of this province 
 of West Florida, which is subject to my Government, I 
 solemnly protest against this procedure as an offense 
 against my sovereign, exhorting you and requiring you, 
 in his name, to retire from it; as, if you do not, and 
 
The Story of the Seminoles. 21 
 
 continue your aggressions, I shall repel force by- 
 force "* 
 
 On the 6th of April, 1818, — soon after the above 
 protest, — General Jackson again invaded Florida, and 
 captured the fortress of St. Marks from the Spaniards. 
 There was nothing to justify this hostile act against a 
 friendly nation, and our Government disavowed it by 
 immediately restoring the captured fort. The attack 
 seemed to have been made solely in a spirit of 
 bravado. 
 
 While at St. Marks, an act of barbarism was com- 
 mitted, with the approval of General Jackson, which 
 indelibly stains the annals of our country. General 
 Jackson had ordered Captain McEver, commander of 
 the naval forces in the Gulf, to cruise along the coast 
 and capture and make prisoners of all persons, together 
 w^th all vessels, of whatever description. A friendly 
 flag (British) was raised by Captain McEver, and by 
 this means four Seminoles — two of the number being 
 chiefs- — were decoyed on board his vessel. They were 
 afterward taken ashore and hanged in cold blood. The 
 victims of this act of treachery and perfidy were on neu- 
 tral soil. and not in arms against us, nor were they 
 charged with any crimes ; they were murdered merely 
 as "an example, "f as stated by General Jackson. 
 
 On the day following the above incident, General 
 Jackson, in command of a large body of troops, com- 
 menced a march to the Indian settlements on the Suwa- 
 nee River, where the last assaults of the so-called w^ar 
 were made by burning several Indian villages. A large 
 number of women and children were captured, together 
 with cattle and ponies. Scarcely any resistance was 
 made by the Indians. 
 
 * Am. State Papers, Military Aflairs, Vol. I. 
 
 t Letter of General Jackson, Niles Register^ June 13, 1818. 
 
39 Bed Patriots: 
 
 Our army was now withdrawn and peace was at 
 once restored. Several hundred lives — nearly all In- 
 dians and negroes — and a large amount of money had 
 been sacrificed, while an established law of nations, as 
 well as our Constitution, had been repeatedly violated 
 and a friendly power subjected to gross indignities. 
 
 The President and General Jackson were severely 
 criticised by the American people and others, for the 
 invasions of Spanish territory, and for the wholesale 
 bloodshed and destruction which followed. So great 
 was the feeling against the last operations in Florida, 
 which had been commenced and carried on by the Gen- 
 eral without previous authority, that an investigation 
 was authorized by Congress in 1818, as before referred 
 to. Each house reported by committee, censuring that 
 officer. The Senate report was especially severe, among 
 other things saying that "the weakness of the Spanish 
 authorities is urged in justification of this outrage upon 
 our Constitution." 
 
 After the appearance of the Congressional report, 
 " A citizen of the State of Tennessee" published a 
 volume of over one hundred pages, entitled, '* A Vindi- 
 cation of the Measures of the President and his Com- 
 manding Generals in the Commencement and Termina- 
 tion of the Seminole War." 
 
 A curious circumstance occurred in the fall of 1819, 
 as a result of the severe treatment received by the Semi- 
 noles at the hands of the frontier settlers. On the 29th of 
 September in the above year, a party of twenty-eight 
 Seminoles arrived at Nassau, N. P., in a wrecking 
 vessel from the coast of Florida, for the purpose of 
 seeking assistance from the commander-in-chief of the 
 British troops, stationed on the island. The exiles were 
 entirely destitute, and said they had been robbed and 
 
The Story of the Seminolet. 28 
 
 driven from their homes. They were furnished with 
 rations and lodgings at the barracks, to relieve their 
 immediate distress.* The author is unable to learn 
 what became of this party. 
 
 * Bahama Advertiser, Oct. 2d, 1819. 
 
CHAPTER III. 
 
 NEAMATHLA, THE PRINCIPAL CHIEF OF THE NATION OTHER 
 
 DISTINGUISHED CHIEFS JOHN HICKS AND MICKENOPAH, 
 
 SUCCESSORS TO NEAMATHLA OSCEOLA AND HIS ASSO- 
 CIATE CHIEFS EARLY LIFE AND PERSONAL APPEARANCE 
 
 OF OSCEOLA HIS PEACEABLE CHARACTER CESSION OF 
 
 FLORIDA TO THE UNITED STATES EVENTS LEADING TO 
 
 THE SEMINOLE WAR ACTS OF INJUSTICE PROOF THAT 
 
 THE SEMINOLES WERE PEACEABLE. 
 
 Seventeen years elapsed after the close of General 
 Jackson's invasions, before open warfare again took 
 place. Before considering some of the events which 
 preceded and influenced the return to arms, it is appro- 
 priate to notice the principal chiefs and head-men of the 
 Seminole nation. We subjoin the full Indian names of 
 the more conspicuous men, with their English definitions 
 where known.* 
 
 The nation was divided into towns, as before men- 
 tioned, located in various parts of the country. Each 
 town was presided over by a head chief, but there was 
 one principal chief over all. The man who occupied this 
 responsible position, as early as 1820, was named Nea- 
 mathla, and he resided in West Florida. This chief was 
 a remarkable character, and deserves more than passing 
 notice in these pages. 
 
 Colonel Gad Humphreys, who was appointed agent 
 
 for the Seminoles in 1822, — not long after the death of 
 
 Mr. Peniere, — thus speaks of Nea-mathla, in a letter 
 
 * According to the earliest authorities, treaties, official and private 
 letters of Indian agents and others. 
 
 24 
 
The Story of the Seminoles. 25 
 
 written in April, 1824, to Wm. P. Duval, Governor of 
 the Territory : 
 
 '' The promptitude with which Neamathla has uni- 
 formly, since the war, punished the offences of his 
 people, particularly those against the white inhabitants 
 of the country, has excited in the Indians an awe and 
 respect for his character, and gives him unbounded 
 influence over them, and, at the same time, furnishes the 
 surest proof of the strength of his desire to be on terms 
 of amity with the United States." * 
 
 Later in the same month, Governor Duval wrote the 
 Secretary of War regarding this chief, as follow^s : 
 
 '' Neamathla is a most uncommon man; . . . This 
 chief you will find, perhaps, the greatest man you have 
 ever seen among the Indians. f He can, if he chooses to 
 do so, control his warriors with as much ease as a colonel 
 could a regiment of regular soldiers ; they love and fear 
 him . . . The hospitality and manly feelings of this 
 chief have always kept him in poverty . . . This chief 
 should be seen by you and then you can judge of the 
 force and energy of his mind and character." 
 
 The leading chiefs under Neamathla were : John 
 Hicks, Mulatto King, John Blunt, Cochran, Emath-lo- 
 chee, E-con-chatti-mico, and Tus-ki-hajo. Neamathla 
 was succeeded by John Hicks in 1825, and the latter by 
 Mick-e-no-pah (meaning a king over a king), some time 
 previous to 1882. Mickenopah was the owner of quite 
 a large number of slaves, also immense herds of cattle 
 and ponies. George Catlin, the celebrated artist in 
 Indian portraiture, who visited the Seminoles on two 
 different occasions, describes him as a " very lusty and 
 dignified man. ' ' His complexion was very dark, indicat- 
 
 * Am. State Papers, Vol. II, Indian Affairs, pp. 61&-17. 
 + At the time this letter was written, Neamathla was contemplating a 
 visit to Washington, but the trip was finallj given up. 
 
26 R^d Patriots: 
 
 ing the presence of Yamasee or negro blood in his veins. 
 The present town of Micanopy, Fla., preserves the name 
 of this warrior ; in fact it was so-called long before the 
 seven years war, when Mickenopah himself occupied the 
 neighborhood with his followers. 
 
 The second chief under Mickenopah was Emathla, 
 or King Philip, as he was more commonly called. On 
 account of his advanced years he took only occasional 
 active part in the war. The other chiefs at this period 
 who became distinguished in one way or another, were 
 as follows: 
 
 Os-ce-o-la, or Rising Sun ; Co-ee-hajo, or Hal-pat-ter 
 Tus-te-nug-gee, Alligator; Ye-ho-lo-gee, The Cloud; 
 Ho-lata-amathla, Jumper ; Coo-e-coo-chee, or Co-wot-go- 
 chee, Wildcat; Thlock-lo Tustenuggee, Tiger Tail; 
 Charley Amathla ; Ho-lata-mico, Blue King, more gen- 
 erally known as Billy Bowlegs; Ar-pe-i-ka, Sam Jones; 
 0-tal-ke-thlocko, The Prophet; Cha-ki-ka; Waxy-hajo; 
 Halleck Tustenuggee ; Ya-ha-hajo, Mad Wolf; Hal-pa- 
 too-chee, and Ya-ho-la-hajo. 
 
 Wildcat was the son of King Philip. On the death 
 of Osceola he became the recognized leader of the war 
 party, and retained that distinction until he was trans- 
 ferred to Arkansas. Billy Bowlegs was a nephew of 
 Mickenopah; he possessed great influence in the last 
 hostilities (1855-58), and could speak English quite 
 well. His paternal ancestor was formerly called 
 **Boleck," but the whites soon corrupted this to Bow- 
 legs. 
 
 Like the great Northwestern chief Black Hawk, and 
 many other noted chiefs, Osceola had more than one 
 name. His common name in the nation was As-se-ola, 
 and this was pronounced in different ways, as follows : 
 Yo-se-ola, As-se-he-ho-la, and Yo-se-ya-ho-la, by the 
 
Group of Osceola's Warkiors. 
 
 1— MICKENOPAH. 
 3— WILDCAT. 
 5— ALLIGATOR. 
 
 2— KING PHILIP. 
 
 4— CLOUD. 
 
 6— ABRAHAM. 
 
 1, 2, 4 and 5 are from paintings by Catlin, in theSmithsoniaa Museum, Washington, D.C 
 
The Story of the Semtnoles. 27 
 
 Indians and Os-ce-o-la, or 0-ce-o-la, by the whites. It 
 is said that one of his names signified the "Black 
 Drink," a dark-colored decoction of herbs, used freely 
 by the Seminoles before important events, with the belief 
 that it purified and invigorated the mind and body.* 
 But the name by which he was commonly known signi- 
 fied "Rising Sun," according to the interpreters and to 
 several of the army officers. The author of a little work 
 relating to this famous Indian, states that he was also 
 known as **The Sun/' or "The Young Sun." f 
 
 It was a custom with certain Indian tribes, at the 
 moment when a child was born among them, for the 
 father or a medicine man present, to look out of the 
 wigwam and to give the new-born infant the name of 
 the first object, or impression, which happened to attract 
 his notice. If, looking upward, he chanced to see a 
 cloud driven before the wind, the child would receive 
 the name " Flying Cloud." If the cry of a coyote hap- 
 pened to strike the ear, the name "Coyote" or "Howl- 
 ing Wolf " was given. 
 
 While the author has no positive knowledge that 
 this custom was practiced by the Seminoles, still, in the 
 case now under consideration, we may imagine that the 
 infant first saw the light just as the sun was about to 
 appear in the east, and therefore received the musical 
 and auspicious name, "Osceola." If so, it was a most 
 appropriate omen, [for the babe then ushered into the 
 world grew to be the brighest light of his nation, as well 
 as one of the most world-famous of our American 
 Indians, i 
 
 To many of the whites Osceola was also known by 
 
 the name of "Powell," and was believed to be the son 
 
 * Still uBed bj the Floiida Seminoles, at their annual Green Corn 
 Festival. 
 
 t Osceola, B7 a Southerner, 1888. 
 
28 Med Patriots: 
 
 of an English trader by that name. This was an error, 
 however, perpetuated to the present day. The idea no 
 doubt originated from the fact that an English trader by 
 that name married Osceola's mother after the death of 
 the boy's father.* Osceola himself repeatedly and 
 scornfully repudiated the name "Powell." On one occa- 
 sion he said to an army officer, in this connection: " No 
 foreign blood runs in my veins; I am a pure-blood 
 Muskogee." Ilis own declarations were supported by 
 those of other Indians, and many whites, who were Vv'ell 
 acquainted with him and his birthplace. 
 
 Dr. Welsh, an Englishman residing near Jackson- 
 ville at the time of Osceola's capture, became very much 
 interested in the young chief. After returning to 
 England, in July, 1841, this gentleman published a very 
 interesting book, relating to his sojourn in America, 
 part of which was devoted to Osceola's life.f In it he 
 says: 
 
 ' ' Judging from all I have been able to learn of the 
 chief Osceola, from respectable white men who knew 
 him from childhood, he was undoubtedly a thoroughbred 
 Seminole." 
 
 George Catlin, than whom no man living or dead is 
 more competent to give an opinion on this point, says: 
 
 *' All his conversation is entirely in his own tongue; 
 and his general appearance and actions those of a full- 
 blood and wild Indian." \ ' 
 
 A Florida editor, in an article entitled, " The Indian 
 Chief Powell," also agrees with the authorities above 
 quoted, as follows: 
 
 " It is proper to observe that he ought not to be 
 
 <• Indian Tribes of the United States, McKinney & Hall, 1844. 
 f Osceola Nikkanochee, London, 1841. (See Appendix.) 
 X Eight Years' Travel Among the North American Indians, London, 
 1841. 
 
The Story of the Seminoles. 29 
 
 called Powell, as that is only a nickname. His Indian 
 name is Osceola, and by that he should be distin- 
 guished." * 
 
 In the official dispatches of the day this chief was 
 usually referred to as "Powell," sometimes " Osceola or 
 Powell;" and the cyclopedias and other works of the 
 present time fall into the common error and declare in 
 positive terms that Osceola was the half-blood son of an 
 Englishman. If, however, we have established our 
 position, we may safely infer that whatever intelligence 
 and skill, or mercy and magnanimity this famous war- 
 rior possessed, was not due to the presence of a drop of 
 white man's blood in his veins. 
 
 Osceola was born on the Chattahoochee River, in 
 the State of Georgia, in the year 1804. After his 
 father's death, his mother moved to Florida in 1808, 
 and settled near the present site of Ocala, Marion 
 County. As a youth, many testify to the fact that 
 Osceola was a great favorite with his tribe, being un- 
 commonly bright, accomplished and energetic. "Cudjoe," 
 who was interpreter to our army for several years, and 
 who had known Osceola from his childhood, said he was 
 a very active youth, excelling in the chase, in running, 
 leaping, ball- playing, and other Indian exercises. 
 
 When he attained manhood, his appearance was 
 very prepossessing. He was of medium height, with a 
 superb figure and a graceful elastic step. His black hair, 
 as in after life, hung in tresses about his face, which 
 was rendered attractive by a high, full forehead, large, 
 luminous eyes, and a small, well-shaped mouth express- 
 ing indomitable firmness. 
 
 Army officers often spoke of Osceola's voice as 
 being remarkably clear, shrill and far reaching. In 
 
 ••• St. Augustine Herald, Jan. 13th, 1836. 
 
80 Bed Patriots: 
 
 battle he was frequently heard above all others, urging 
 his warriors on, or exhorting them to remain firm. The 
 dreaded Seminole war-cry, " Yo-ho-e-hee,^^ sounded 
 from his lips, left a lasting impression on the memory of 
 those who heard it. 
 
 Osceola evinced great pride of character, joined 
 with no small share of self-esteem and vanity. He 
 dressed with care and neatness, and decorated his per- 
 son with a number of ornaments, chief among which ^ 
 was an ever-present plume of black and white ostrich 
 feathers, doubtless purchased from some trader. In his 
 intercourse with strangers he was reserved, but with 
 those whom he believed to be his friends he often talked 
 freely, though always through an interpreter. 
 
 Up to within a short period of the war, Osceola 
 lived near Fort King, Marion County. When he first 
 became known to the army oflScers at the fort, one of 
 them said, "His deportment and appearance were such 
 as to point him out as a person likely to become promi- 
 nent." Another officer at the same fort thus paid him a 
 higher tribute: 
 
 "He visited the fort frequently, and his services 
 
 were always at the command of the officers to suppress 
 
 the depredations of those lawless Indians who would 
 
 sometimes cross the frontier to plunder." The same 
 
 officer says that Osceola was continually engaged in 
 
 some service, and that he became a favorite with many 
 
 of the inmates of the fort. 
 
 Facts like these, and others to follow, clearly prove 
 
 that Osceola was actuated by a sincere desire to deal 
 
 justly by the whites and to live on friendly terms with 
 
 them. Nor can we resist the conclusion that by this 
 
 distinguished course he was entitled to very different 
 
 treatment at their hands from that which he afterward 
 received. 
 
The Story of the Seminoles. 81 
 
 No great time was Buffered to elapse after the close of 
 hostilities in 1818, before Southern statesmen, in the 
 interest of slave-owners and those who coveted the 
 lands, began to advocate the purchase of Florida from 
 Spain. One object of this was to deprive the Indians 
 and negroes of the protection of Spanish law and to 
 bring them under our own jurisdiction. The result 
 was, that partly by treaty and partly by force and 
 threats, Florida was finally ceded to the United States, for 
 the sum of $5,000,000. As soon as the transfer of the 
 territory became known to the Indian slaves and the 
 free negroes about St. Augustine, many of the former 
 and most of the latter transported themselves to Ha- 
 vana.* 
 
 The treaty of cession, however, did not mention the 
 particular rights of the Indians with respect to that 
 portion of the territory which they had occupied and 
 controlled for soUong a period. This omission was soon 
 discovered by the Seminoles, through their interpreters, 
 and it caused them no little alarm. They finally for- 
 warded a paper to St. Augustine for transmittal to the 
 President, in which they complained that the treaty 
 had been made without any notice of their claims or 
 stipulations as to their rights, and requested to be 
 informed of the views of the executive on these points. 
 Referring to their need of a larger territory than the 
 white people, and their ancient right to the soil, the 
 paper read : 
 
 **The Americans live in towns, where many thous- 
 and people busy themselves within a small space of 
 ground, but the Seminole is of a wild and scattered 
 race ; he swims the streams, and leaps over the logs of 
 the wide forest in pursuit of game, and is like the 
 * Btro9d'i8k«tohM. 
 
82 Red Patriots: 
 
 whooping crane that makes its nest at night far from 
 the spot where it dashed the dew from the grass and 
 flower in the morning. A hundred summers have seen 
 the Seminole warrior reposing undisturbed,under the 
 shade of his live oak, and the suns of a hundred winters 
 have risen on his ardent pursuit of the buck and the 
 bear, with none to question his bounds or dispute his 
 range." 
 
 A correspondent, writing from St. Augustine in 
 September 1821, thus refers to the eloquence of the Sem- 
 inole in the above letter: 
 
 '' I had hitherto supposed with many others that 
 the Indians were in general much indebted to the trans- 
 lators of their talks, but this does not appear to be the 
 case in the present instance. I conversed with the 
 gentleman who took down the letter from the mouth of 
 the interpreter, and he informed me that he had given 
 it verbatim as he had received it." * 
 
 The exchaflge of flags between the Spaniards and 
 Americans took place in July, 1821. Under dates of 
 September 2d and 17th, General Jackson, the newly 
 appointed Governor, wrote the Secretary of War re- 
 garding the Indians, in which he assumed that the red 
 men had no claim to Florida lands. In his first letter 
 he says, ''With a little trouble and expense, all the 
 Indians in the Floridas could be removed up into the 
 Creek nation (in Georgia), and at once consolida- 
 ted with them. ..." In his letter of the 17th, he thus 
 refers to the same subject: 
 
 "The greater part of the Indians now in the Flor- 
 idas consist of those who fled in the manner above 
 mentioned; and why should we hesitate to order them 
 up at once, when the Executive Government, with the 
 
 * OazetU, CharleBton, S. C. 
 
The Story of the Seminoles. 33 
 
 aid of Congress, can do ample justice, by law, if neces- 
 sary, to those who deserve it, by giving such equivalent 
 as will enable them to settle their families in the upper 
 country, and to cultivate their farms. Unless the In- 
 dians be consolidated at one point, where is the country 
 that can be brought into market, from which the five 
 millions are to be raised, to meet the claims of our citi- 
 zens under the late treaty with Spain?" * 
 
 In order to justify his position, the General assumes 
 that the Seminoles had no right to Florida soil because 
 they had " fled," as he says, from the Creeks. The 
 reader already knows the true reason for the emigra- 
 tion ; also for how long a period the offshoot had retain- 
 ed possession of their adopted country, f after they, had 
 first secured control by conquest, according to their 
 custom. But the last sentence in the foregoing quota- 
 tion is the most significant, as indicating the real object 
 of the proposition at this and later periods, for removing 
 the Indians to another country. The ejection, however, 
 was not attempted at this time; perhaps the rank injus- 
 tice of such a scheme may have had some influence with 
 the Government.]; 
 
 From the time that Florida became a possession of 
 the United States, a certain element of the white settlers 
 were disposed to look upon the territory as belonging 
 wholly to us, ignoring entirely the claims of the Indians. 
 Now began a series of the grossest acts of injustice toward 
 the red men, including in many cases a bare-faced robbery 
 of their fields, as well as their cattle and slaves. 
 
 We subjoin the evidence of a few impartial wit- 
 nesses in this connection. Captain John T. Sprague, 
 
 * Am. State Papers, Vol II, Indian affairs. 
 
 t General Jackson is himself a witness on this latter point. 
 
 X This was the earliest proposition, at least of an official nature, to re- 
 move the Seminoles from Florida. 
 
34 Bed Patriots: 
 
 prominent throughout the war, and the author of the 
 best and latest history of the same from the white man's 
 stand-point, thus refers to the class who were almost 
 constantly harassing the Indians : 
 
 "It must be remembered that Florida, at the per- 
 iod referred to, was an Indian border, the resort of a 
 large number of persons, more properly temporary in- 
 habitants of the Territory than citizens, who sought 
 the outskirts of civilization to perpetrate deeds which 
 would have been promptly and severely punished if 
 committed within the limits of a well regulated com- 
 munity. They provoked the Indians to aggressions, 
 and upon the breaking out of the war they ignominiously 
 fled or sought employment in the service of the General 
 Government, and clandestinely contributed to its con- 
 tinuance."* 
 
 It must not be inferred from the above that the 
 bona fide citizens of the country were all guiltless, for 
 they were not, as the reader will soon perceive. 
 
 Charles Vignoles, a United States Civil Engineer 
 who surveyed the Atlantic coast of the Territory, from 
 St. Marys River to Cape Florida, soon after the transfer, 
 gives some striking instances of these impositions upon 
 the Indians, among which is the following: 
 
 "A few worthless wretches from St. Augustine, 
 for the purpose of alarming the Indians and inducing 
 them to sell their slaves for almost nothing, — a piece of 
 imposition that had often before been practiced, — went 
 into the nation and spread reports that two thousand 
 American troops, under General Jackson, were coming 
 down to expel them from their lands and carry away 
 their slaves and cattle. The Indians upon this aban- 
 doned their crops and sold many of their slaves, by 
 
 '^'Origin, Progress and Concluaion of the Florida War, \%Vl. 
 
The Story of the Seminoles. 35 
 
 which the avarice of the speculators was gratified."* 
 
 In corroboration of the above, we extract from a 
 letter written by George Clarke, Esq., one of the most 
 influential and highly respected residents of Florida, to 
 Captain John R. Bell, commanding in the Territory. Cap- 
 tain Bell called on Mr. Clarke in 1821 for information 
 regarding the section of country (northern border) in 
 which he lived. In his reply, Mr. Clarke speaks of the 
 "very grievous evil of parties of Floridians and Georg- 
 ians combined, going frequently to the Indian country 
 of Florida to plunder cattle ; a lucrative practice that 
 had been going on for years, and .was carried to such 
 excess that large gangs of cattle could be purchased 
 along the river (St. Marys) at the low price of from 
 two to three dollars per head."j' 
 
 Woodbine Potter, a staff officer of General Gaines, 
 who took copious notes during his stay in Florida and 
 afterwards published a book, says of the depredations 
 of white men : 
 
 " I am inclined to believe, from the mass of evi- 
 dence furnished me, that the whites have not been back- 
 ward in applying Indian property to their own uses, 
 whenever it may have suited their convenience, and as 
 the laws were alone favorable to the whites in conse- 
 quence of the exclusion of Indian evidence in courts of 
 justice,]; they thought they had a doubtless right to do 
 with the Indian or his property as they might think 
 proper." II 
 
 Another observer thus testifies : 
 
 ♦Observations Upon the Floridas, Viernoles, 1823. 
 
 fContained in the Report of Rev. Jedidiah Morse to the Secretary of 
 War, 1822. A.180 in Am. -^tate Papers, Vol. 2, In.lian Affairs. 
 
 I'' Every human beinerborn upon our coatineTt. or who comes here from 
 any quarter of the world, whether savage or civilized can go to our courts 
 for protection, except tho=e who belong to the tribes who once owned this 
 country." — Horatio Seymour. 
 
 II The war in Florida, by a Late Staff Officer, 1836. 
 
36 Red Patriots: 
 
 " Year after year the avaricious whites continued 
 to advance farther and deeper into the peaceful country 
 of the Seminoles, until they occupied the fairest portion 
 of their soil. They corrupted the Indians by mean and 
 petty traffic ; degraded them with intoxicating and 
 ruinous draughts ; and contaminated their rude and 
 simple virtues by frequent examples of deception and 
 fraj^id, until, finally, by extortion and oppression, they 
 roused the slumbering spirit of revenge, and drove the 
 savages to madness and desperation."* 
 
 Perhaps the most convincing evidence, however, of 
 the feeling and injustice toward the Seminole, is fur- 
 nished in a statement made by a mem!)er of the Florida 
 Legislative Council, in 18:i4, to Colonel Gad Humphreys, 
 Indian Agent; after referring to the unwillingness of 
 the nation to remove from the Territory, this represen- 
 tative of the people said : 
 
 "THE ONLY COURSE, THEREFORE, WHICH 
 REMAINS FOR US TO RID OURSELVES OF THEM, 
 IS TO ADOPT SUCH A MODE OF TREATMENT 
 TOWARD THEM, AS WILL INDUCE THEM TO 
 ACTS THAT WILL JUSTIFY THEIR EXPULSION 
 BY FORCE."! 
 
 Reader, whoever you are, and whatever your views 
 regarding the Indian in general, is not the above strong 
 and conclusive evidence that the Seminoles were peace- 
 ably inclined? But let us clinch this with further proof, 
 from a still higher source : 
 
 Judge Robert R. Reid, Governor of the Florida 
 Territory in 1839, thus eloquently declared, in an ora- 
 tion delivered at St. Augustine July 4th, 1838 : 
 
 ♦Osceola, by a Southerner, 1838. 
 
 +«>fficial report of the agent to Thomas L. McKenney, Superintendent 
 of Indian Affairs, under date of Aug. 9th, 18i5. 
 
The Story of the Seminoles. 87 
 
 "And cordially and quietly and prosperously were 
 we moving on, fellow-citizens, when the Government 
 sought to remove the Indians from our territory before 
 the preparations for that purpose authorized the attempt. 
 The Indians, stung by an indigni ty offered to Osceola, 
 urged by his influence, and operated upon by their 
 young men, who were panting for war, (?) gave a loose 
 to their savage fury, — a fury which, notwithstanding 
 the efforts of army and militia, remains yet to be sub- 
 dued."* 
 
 What wonder then that such undeserved wrongs and 
 accumulated outrages kindled in the bosom of the proud 
 and revengeful Seminole an inextinguishable hatred 
 for his white oppressor ! 
 
 " Ye've trailed nie through the forest; ye've tracked me 
 o'er the stream ; 
 
 And struggling through the Everglades your bristling bay- 
 onets gleam ; 
 
 But I stand as should the warrior, with rifle and with 
 spear, — 
 
 The scalp of vengea-nce still is red and warns you, ' Come 
 not here/ 
 
 " I loathe you in my bosom; I scorn you with mine eye; 
 I'll taunt you with my latest breath ; I'll fight you till I die. 
 I ne'er will ask for quarter, and I ne'er will be your slave; 
 But I'll swim the sea of slaughter till I sink beneath its 
 wave." 
 
 ♦Bench aud Bar of Georgia, Miller, 1858. 
 
CHATER IV. 
 
 TREATY OF CAMP MOULTRIE INCURSIONS OF CATTLE-THIEVES 
 
 AND SLAVE-HUNTERS TREATY OF PAYNE 's LANDING 
 
 PRESENCE OF OSCEOLA ABRAHAM, THE MAROON OUR 
 
 government's REPREHENSIBLE COURSE SEMINOLE NA- 
 TION REFUSES TO RATIFY THE TREATY OSCEOLA SPEAKS 
 
 FOR THE NATION GENERAL GADSDEN's VALUABLE OPIN- 
 ION. 
 
 Two years after the country was ceded to the 
 United States, it was proposed to remove the Seminoles 
 to the southern part of the peninsula. In order to con- 
 sider a treaty to be drawn up for this purpose, seventy 
 of the principal chiefs and warriors were finally reluc- 
 tantly persuaded to visit Camp Moultrie, situated about 
 four miles south of St. Augustine, on Moultrie Creek.* 
 The first assemblage took place on the 6th of September, 
 1823, and the "talk" continued to the 18th. Nea- 
 mathla was present, and the other Indians declared him 
 to be the principal chief of the nation. | 
 
 The treaty negotiated on this occasion, required 
 the Indians then living west of the Suwanee River, and 
 all others, to "relinquish all claim or title which they 
 have to the whole territory of Florida, with the excep- 
 tion of such district of country as shall herein be alloted 
 to them." They were to give up their old homes and 
 cultivated fields, where they had lived, in many cases, 
 for over a century, and remove to the wild country south 
 
 ■i'This historic meeting place was on the south half of the southeast 
 quarter of Sec. 2, Tp. 8 South, Range 29 East. 
 
 f Am. State Papers, Vol. 3, Indian Aflfaire, p. 437. 
 
 38 
 
The Story of the Seminoles. 80 
 
 of the Withlacoochee River. The tract selected for 
 them was estimated to contain 5, 000, 000. acres. 
 
 The Indians were guaranteed "protection against 
 all persons whomsoever, and to restrain and prevent all 
 white persons from hunting, settling, or otherwise 
 intruding upon said lands." The sum of $15,400 was 
 to be divided among them as payment for their abandoned 
 property. They were also to receive, among other 
 things, an annuity of $5,000 for twenty j^ears, the 
 period during which the treaty was to remain in force. 
 After much persuasion, thirty-three of the chiefs, in- 
 cluding Neamathla, Mickenopah and King Philip, 
 finally signed the document on the 18th of September. 
 
 Six of the old and prominent chiefs, who were present 
 and had signed the treaty, — viz: Neamathla, John Blount, 
 Mulatto King, Tuskihajo, Emathlochee, and Econchat- 
 timico, — earnestly requested that they be allowed to 
 remain in West Florida. This request was finally 
 granted — in consideration of the services they had ren- 
 dered the United States, says the treaty — and they were 
 allowed to select reservations along the Appalachicola 
 and Chattahoochee Rivers, in what is now called Jack- 
 son County, and near the Ocklockney, in the present 
 county of Gadsden. Neamathla 's reservation was two 
 miles square, and was situated in the latter locality, 
 about four miles south of Quincy. It was afterwards 
 thought that Neamathla was too far away from the bulk 
 of the nation to properly govern them. This finally led 
 to the election of John Hicks as principal chief. 
 
 At the request of the nation, a tract of land one 
 mile square was reserved for their agent, Colonel Hum- 
 phreys, as a token of the high regard in which he was 
 held. 
 
 A prominent resident of the Territory at this time, 
 
40 Red Patriots: 
 
 says that after the Indians removed to the south, ' ' their 
 improvements were immediately occupied by immigrants 
 from different parts of the United States," and that 
 "the land, to which they are legally banished, consists 
 of ^vj sand ridges and interminable swamps, almost 
 wh oily unfit for cultivation ; . . . they are now in a 
 starving condition."* 
 
 So miserable w^as the condition of the Seminoles in 
 their new location, that in March 1826, President Adams 
 addressed a message to Congress transmitting informa- 
 tion on the subject, and asking for its favorable consid- 
 eration.! 
 
 Referring to the former prosperous condition of the 
 Seminoles in their old homes, Mr. Williams says: 
 
 "This tribe paid much attention to the raising of 
 cattle and horses; and the women raised hogs and fowls. 
 Indeed, their savage character was much broken ; and 
 had they continued to cultivate the rich fields of Mick- 
 asuke}^ and Tallahassee, they would soon have attained 
 a considerable degree of civilization." 
 
 "More than one hundred and sixty treaties with 
 Indian tribes are on the statute books," says Thomas 
 Donaldson, ' ' as solemnly entered into as was a treaty 
 with Great Britain. The effect was different, however. 
 The Indian was powerless to enforce the treaty, and so 
 the Indian suffered." J; 
 
 He suffered in this instance. Although the treaty 
 expressly stipulated that white persons would be pre- 
 vented from intruding on the Seminole reservation, 
 many owners of slaves, as well as the piratical slave- 
 catchers who only pretended to have lost such property, 
 
 ':'View of West Florida, Williams, 1827. 
 
 +Ex. Doc. Ill, 1st Ses., 19th Cong. 
 
 iThe George Catlin Indian Gallery, 1885. 
 
The Story of the Seminoles. 41 
 
 together with the cattle thieves, made forays into the 
 new Indian settlements in every direction. 
 
 Notwithstanding the uneasy peace that prevailed, 
 some of the wealthier Indians owned considerable num- 
 bers of negroes. E-con-chatti-mico, a chief highly 
 respected by many white settlers, had as many as twenty, 
 while others owned larger lots. These "Indian ne- 
 groes," as mentioned in an earlier chapter, lived in a 
 condition betv»'een servitude and freedom, usually hav- 
 ing their own time and paying their masters an annual 
 percentage of the crops they raised. Most of them lived 
 apart from their masters, whom they never voluntarily 
 left to join the whites. They were, however, frequently 
 seized and carried oif by the slave-hunters. 
 
 This practice became so common that a body of 
 chiefs assembled at the agency, on April 17th, 1828, and 
 ^otested against such outrages, declaring that "many 
 of their negroes, horses and cattle were in the hands of 
 the whites, for which they were unable to obtain com- 
 pensation." At the same time, the Indians wanted to 
 know ' ' why the white people thus violated the treaty to 
 rob them." Had the agent been frank in his reply, he 
 would have admitted the disgraceful fact that United 
 States citizens were ransacking their lands by permis- 
 sion of the Secretary of War.* 
 
 While the white settlers were allowed, on one pretext 
 or another, to enter the country of the Indians, the latter 
 were expressly forbidden, by an act of the Florida Leg- 
 islative Council passed in 1824, to roam beyond the 
 limits of the territory assigned them. The penalty for 
 a violation of this act was thirty-nine stripes of the 
 lash on the bare back of the offender, and the forfeiture 
 of his gun. The act gave any person the right to arrest 
 and take the Indian before a justice for sentence. 
 
 *Ex. Doc. 271, 1st Ses., 24th Cong. 
 
42 Bed Patriots: 
 
 There is abundant proof that the Seminoles adhered 
 to their agreement with the Government. An officer of 
 the 4th artillery, writing from Camp St. Johns, Decem- 
 ber 29th, 1837, pays them a glowing tribute on this 
 point. He says, among other things, that the Treaty of 
 Camp Moultrie "was maintained by the Seminoles with 
 the greatest integrity, " and that if an Indian passed 
 the boundary lines without leave, " he was pursued by 
 Indians, brought to the agency, and there, before the 
 eyes of the agent, whipped by Indian hands."* 
 
 The chief Econchattimico, who with others lost all 
 of his slaves by white robbers, finally petitioned Con- 
 gress for indemnity, and called for protection according 
 to the stipulations of Camp Moultrie Treaty, but with- 
 out success, f 
 
 ''During the nineteenth century," says the late 
 Joshua K. Giddings, "perhaps no despotism has existed 
 among civilized nations more unlimited or more unscru- 
 pulous than that exercised in Florida from 1823 to 
 
 fl843."]; A vivid description of the barbarities practiced 
 on the Seminoles, is contained in a letter from their 
 agent, Col. Gad Humphreys, dated March 6th, 1827, to 
 the Secretary of War. 
 
 Instead of adhering to the treaty and "preventing 
 all white persons from hunting, settling, or otherwise 
 intruding upon said lands," by which course peace 
 would have been guaranteed for an indefinite period, our 
 Government, with an avarici:jus eye upon the possession 
 of the entire peninsula, now turned its attention to the 
 removal of the Indians altogether. 
 
 ^ In order to effect this object peaceably, i^new treaty 
 ^as proposed by the United States Government. The 
 
 * Army and Navy Chronicle^ January 25th, 1888. 
 f Ex. Doc. 131, Vol. 2, 2d Sea., 24th Cong. 
 JExiles of Florida, 1858. 
 
The Story of the Seminoles. 48 
 
 project, however, was not entirely new to either side. 
 As early as 1825, George Walton, then acting as Gover- 
 nor of the Territory, had suggested the same plan to the 
 Secretary of War. And again, two years later, Colonel 
 Humphreys^ — whose long association with the Seminoles 
 and full knowledge of the injustice and indignities to 
 which they had been subjected, had enlisted his sympa- 
 thies in their behalf — had assembled a number of promi- 
 nent chiefs at the agency and advised them, as their 
 friend, to avoid further trouble by emigrating west of 
 the Mississippi. He also offered to accompany a dele- 
 gation of their chiefs to inspect the new country. But 
 the red men had refused to consider the proposition. 
 
 The usual mode of negotiating treaties with Indians, 
 practiced from early times, with some exceptions, was 
 to first secure the co-operation of one or more influential 
 chiefs, by bribery and the free use of *'fire-water, " and 
 then overcome the opposition of others in much the same 
 manner. It was not always considered absolutely 
 necessary that the signers thus secured should be repre- 
 sentative men of the nation, qualified to act for the 
 others ; but our Government invariably declared them to 
 be such, however. 
 
 After a like plan, no doubt, a new treaty was 
 
 finally secured on the 9th of May, 1832. At that date a 
 
 large body of chiefs was assembled at Payne's Landing, 
 
 on the Ocklawaha River,* when fifteen of their number 
 
 only, including Billy Bowlegs, Alligator, Jumper, and 
 
 Charlie Amathla, could be induced to sign the articles. 
 
 Neither Mickenopah nor King Philip, the first and 
 
 second chiefs of the nation, (the former having succeeded 
 
 John Hicks), nor indeed many others who were more 
 
 •Situated in Marion County, ten miles, following the course of the 
 river, south of the mouth of Orange Lake Creek. The landing is now a rude 
 affair, consisting of poles and logs, on which is a small building. For many 
 years it has been used merely as a wood-landing for the river steamers. 
 
44 Red Patriots: 
 
 prominent than most of the signers, would affix their 
 signatures. 
 
 An officer who after^wards served in the war, de- 
 ^^cribes the scene at the signing of the Treaty of Puyne's 
 Landing. He also speaks of the presence of Osceola, 
 and of his striking appearance ; "his eye calm, serious, 
 fixed; his attitude manly, graceful, erect; his rather 
 thin and close-pressed lips, indicative of the 'mind made 
 up' of which he speaks ; his firm, easy, yet restrained 
 tread, free from all stride or swagger; his dignified and 
 composed attitude; his perfect and solemn silence except 
 during his sententious talk; the head thrown backw^ard 
 and the arms firmly folded on the protruding chest — 
 all instantly changed as by an electric touch whenever 
 the agent stated a proposition from w^hich he (Powell) 
 dissented. ...'"* 
 
 ' Osceola, who strongly opposed emigration, as may 
 be supposed, w^as not even a sub-chief at this time, and 
 therefore had no right to sign even had he desired to do 
 so. 
 
 By the new treaty, the Seminoles were promised 
 an equal amount of land in Arkansas,! west of the 
 Mississippi, in lieu of the five million acres which had 
 been granted them in Florida by the former treaty. They 
 w^ere also to receive certain annuities, as well as $15,000 
 for the improvements to be relinquished and for the 
 slaves and livestock which had been stolen from them. 
 The Indians on their part bound themselves to pay the 
 sum of $7,000 as an indemnity for all fugitive slaves 
 then in their territory. 
 
 The fulfillment of the treaty on the part of the 
 Seminoles, was with this j?:)?'ovi5o: They agreed to send 
 
 ♦Notices of Sflorida and the Oampaigas, Cohen, 1836. 
 
 +The country to which the tribes living east of the Mississippi River 
 were transferred, was formerly known as the "Indian Country ,"and finally as 
 Indian Territory. 
 
The Story of the Seminoles. 45 
 
 seven of their chiefs to the West to examine the country 
 and to bring back a report; if this should prove satis- 
 factory to the nntion, the removal was to be effected. 
 This important and reasonable provision v^^as clearly 
 understood by all parties. The treaty itself is considered 
 by some to be ambiguous on this point. A high author- 
 ity, however, says "the fulfillment of the treaty was 
 clearly corditioiial."* Seven chiefs were accordingly 
 chosen and sent to Arkansas, accompanied by their 
 agent, and their interpreter, "Abraham," a Maroon who 
 acted in this capacity on nearly all important occasions. 
 As Abraham occupied a conspicuous place among 
 the Seminoles, possessing great influence over them as 
 well as over his own brethren, we will digress to briefly 
 outline his history and character. Captain John C. 
 Casey, an army officer of great prominence, writing his 
 brother from Fort Brooke, Fla., under date of February 
 25th, 1837, says of this noted character : 
 
 "The negro Abraham is obviously a great man; 
 though a black he has long been appointed ' sense- 
 bearer ' to the King (Mickenopah) to whom he formerly 
 belonged. His master liberated him in consequence of 
 his man}^ and faithful services and great merits, and 
 this paper is now in the possession of General Jesup, who 
 captured it with a number of papers belonging to Abra- 
 ham. Abraham is of ordinary stature, rather thin, with 
 a slight inclination forward like a Frenchman of the old 
 school. His countenance is one of great cunning and 
 penetration. He always smiles, and his words flow 
 like oil. His conversation is soft and low, but very 
 distinct, with a most genteel emphasis. He is a full- 
 
 *Origin, Progress and ConcJusion of the Florida War, Captaia John T. 
 Sprague, i817. 
 
46 J^ed Patriots: 
 
 blooded negro and has been all his life among the 
 Indians."* 
 
 General Jesup also speaks of Abraham as "a good 
 soldier and an intrepid leader. He is a chief, and the 
 most cunning and intelligent negro we have here." 
 
 Unfortunately, perhaps, for the Seminoles and the 
 United States, Colonel Humphreys, the old and highly 
 respected agent of the Indians, did not accompany the 
 delegates on their journey to Arkansas. Major John 
 Phagan, who had succeeded him in the spring of 1830, 
 was in charge of the party. Colonel Humphreys was 
 a man of sterling qualities of head and heart. He 
 was thoroughly in sympathy with the Seminoles, and 
 had labored hard and unceasingly to secure justice for 
 them, at a time when they were oppressed by a horde of 
 unprincipled men from all parts of the Union. He had 
 been their agent for eight years, when he was removed 
 from office through false representations of men who 
 objected to the vigilance and fidelity which character- 
 ized his every effort, f 
 
 While the delegation of chiefs were in the West, 
 Commissioners appointed by the Government for the 
 express purpose met them there and induced them to 
 sign a so-called "additional treaty." This piece of 
 rascality was accomplished at Fort Gibson, Arkansas, 
 ./on March 28th, 1833. The new "treaty " was signed by 
 ^ the seven delegates without the slightest authority from 
 the nation, which at this time numbered upwards of 
 1,600 able bodied chiefs and warriors ; in all probability, 
 too, without a realization of the responsibility thus 
 assumed or a suspicion of duplicity. In it they "declare 
 themselves well satisfied with the location provided for 
 
 I'This letter and other valuable material was very kindly sent to the 
 author by Maj. Wm. S. Beebe, a nephew of Captain Casey. 
 
 fSee letter of Governor Duval, dated Jan. 2d, 1826, Am. State Papers, 
 Vol. 2, Indian Affairs, p. 643. See also p. 685. 
 
The Story of the Seminoles. 47 
 
 them by the commissioners, and agree that their nation 
 shall commence removal to their new home as soon as 
 the Government will make arrangements for their emi- 
 gration satisfactory to the Seminole nation." 
 
 When the delegation returned and reported their 
 action to the nation, the principal chiefs met and 
 declared that the seven had no authority whatever to 
 speak and act finally for the entire nation ; that, in fact, 
 neither the delegation nor the United States Commis- 
 sioners were empowered to ratify any treaty. This 
 action of the delegation and the reprehensible course 
 of the Government in thus seeking to pledge the nation, 
 excited great distrust in the minds even of those who 
 were favorable to emigration. 
 
 Another reason why the Seminole nation, as a whole, 
 strongly objected to removal, was that by the Treaty of 
 Payne's Landing they were required to join the Creeks 
 then in the West with whom, as we have heretofore 
 stated, they had been at war for a long period. A pro- 
 vision in the "additional treaty" sought to remove 
 this objection by assigning certain lands to the " separate 
 use of the Seminoles forever." But the Indians were 
 now so distrustful of the Government that no induce- 
 ment whatever would influence them to give up their 
 old homes. 
 
 Not until after a lapse of nearly two years 
 did the United States approve the Treaty of 
 Payne's Landing,* a delay which created additional 
 doubt in the minds of many whites, as well as Indians, 
 as to its validit3^ Nevertheless, preparations were made 
 to carry it into effect, and on the 23d of October, 1834, 
 General Wiley Thomson, who followed Major Phagan 
 
 '•'Ratified by the 23d Congress, Ist Session, and signed by Andrew 
 Jackson, President, on the 12th of April, 1834. 
 
48 Bed Patriots: 
 
 as Indian agent, with headquarters at Fort King,* held 
 a meeting ^Yith some of the principal chiefs and sub- 
 chiefs of the nation, including Mickenopah and Osceola, 
 to secure their approval of the treaty, f After the agent 
 had explained anew the provisions of the document, the 
 chiefs withdrew for private consultation. Osceola, 
 though only a sub-chief, took a prominent part in the 
 discussion. He begged the chiefs to remain firm, 
 reminding them that the nation had not approved of 
 the report and action of the delegation who had visited 
 the West. The council at length terminated with the 
 agreement to resist emigration at any cost ; and, further, 
 to look upon any chief or warrior who dared to favor 
 the step as an enemy of the tribe. When the chiefs 
 returned to their conference with the agent, Osceola, act- 
 ing as spokesman, stated that it was the desire of his 
 brethren to abide by the Treaty of Camp Moultrie, eight 
 years of which were still unexpired. The agent's offi- 
 cial report shows that the council finally came to a close 
 with the following terse statement from Osceola : 
 
 " Powell said that the decision of the chiefs was 
 given, and that they did not intend to give any other 
 decision." J; 
 
 In the same official report General Thompson quotes 
 the remarks of a few other chiefs, as follows : 
 
 Mickenopah: " When we were at Camp Moultrie 
 we made a treaty, and we were to be paid our annuities 
 for twenty years. That is all I have to say." 
 
 Jumper : "At Camp Moultrie they told us that all 
 difficulties should be buried for twenty years, from the 
 date of the treaty made there." 
 
 ■:'Fort King was situated about three mile? east of the present town of 
 Ocala, Mari n County. The site only of the old fort remains to indicate 
 this famous old landmark. 
 
 +Ex. Doc, 638, 1st Ses., 24th Cong. 
 
 Jlbid. 
 
I 
 
 Th$ Story of the Seminoles. 49 
 
 Charley Amathla : ''The white people forced us 
 into this treaty." 
 
 The person appointed by the Secretary of War to 
 negotiate the Treaty of Payne's Landing was no other 
 than the distinguished General James Gadsden, of South 
 Carolina, who had acted in the same capacity at the former 
 treaty. If the reader entertains any doubt as to the 
 deceptive course pursued by our Government in its 
 efforts to pledge the nation to this treaty, the subjoined 
 statement of General Gadsden, written during the pro- 
 gress of the war, ought forever to remove such doubt. 
 The St. Augustine JSFews of July 13th, 1839, contained 
 a long article over that General's signature on the sub- 
 ject of the Seminoles. The communication was dated 
 at Suwanee Springs, July 6th. We extract the follow- 
 ing: 
 
 "The chiefs went (to Arkansas) in good faith, 
 examined, and were satisfied.* It is not to be doubted 
 that, had they been permitted to return and make their 
 report in council, . . . .the Seminoles would have been 
 satisfied and fulfilled all the stipulations of Payne's 
 Landing. Unfortunately the fatal mistake was made 
 of meeting the deputation in the West with other com- 
 missioners. There the treaty was ratified by the chiefs 
 instead of by the nation at home." 
 
 An army officer says of this transaction : 
 
 ' ' A treaty thus obtained from an unfortunate and 
 wretched people without means and reduced to the last 
 extremity of distress .... could not — ought not to be 
 ratified." 
 
 And the Treaty of Payne's Landing never was rat- 
 ified by the Seminole nation. 
 
 *The delegates were satisfied with the country, but reported Ihat the 
 {ndiaa inhabitauts were in a deplorable coudition. 
 
CHAPTER V. 
 
 ANOTHER MEETING WITH THE CHIEFS OSCEOLA " SIGNS ' ' A 
 
 PAPER THE CHIEF PLACED IN IRONS THE AGENT's 
 
 OPINION OF OSCEOLA AGAIN IMPRISONED OSCEOLA 
 
 GIVES THE WAR-CRY SEMINOLES' RIGHT TO THEIR 
 
 HOMES FIRST VICTIM OF THE NATION'S DECREE OSCE- 
 OLA IS APPOINTED HEAD WAR-CHIEF COMMENCEMENT 
 
 OF THE SEVEN YEARS' WAR. 
 
 We have seen that nothing was gained by the Gov- 
 ernment at the conference held at Fort King. But the 
 hope of reconciling the Indians to emigration had not 
 been relinquished, and six months later, on the 22nd of 
 April, 1835, General Thompson again prevailed upon a 
 number of chiefs and sub-chiefs to meet him at Fort 
 King for another " talk." He now assumed a somewhat 
 threatening attitude, warning them that if they should 
 refuse to emigrate peaceably they would be driven out 
 of the country with violence and bloodshed. 
 
 Fully resolved to make it appear that the entire 
 Seminole nation were pledged by the action of a few, the 
 agent concluded by inviting one after another of the 
 chiefs present to step forward and sign a paper acknowl- 
 edging the validity of the Treaty of Payne's Landing 
 and the so-called " additional treaty." A few complied, 
 but the majority simply shook their heads in refusal. 
 When it came Osceola's turn to be called, his com- 
 panions were astonished to see him rise and walk for- 
 ward in a deliberate manner, as though he was about to 
 aflSx his signature. When he reached the table he 
 paused, and, turning to the agent, said : 
 
 60 
 
 I 
 
The Story of the Seminoles. 51 
 
 "The land is ours; we do not want an agent." 
 Then, before anyone could guess his intention, he 
 quickly drew his long shcath-knife, and raising it high 
 above his head thrust it through the paper and into the 
 table, exclaiming in a loud voice, 
 
 *' This is the only way I will sign ! "* 
 
 " ' And thus,' he cried, with the eye of flame, 
 ' Thus Osceola signs your claim! ' " 
 
 The meeting broke up in the greatest confusion, and 
 Osceola, for thus asserting his independence, was at 
 once arrested and placed in irons. He was confined in 
 Fort King and told that he would be liberated if he 
 would approve the treaty. At the end of four days, 
 though still refusing to sign the paper, it is said that he 
 gave his verbal consent to approval,! and was set free. 
 
 General Thompson's opinion of Osceola, as expressed 
 at this period, may be of interest. In letters to the War 
 Department, under dilferent dates, he refers to this chief 
 in the following style : 
 
 December 28th, 1834 — "Pof\"ell, a bold, manly and 
 determined young chief, wh'o has parhaps been more 
 violently opposed to removal than any other, . . . . " 
 
 June 3rd, 1835 — "A few days since, Powell, one of 
 the most bold, daring and intrepid chiefs in the nation, 
 and one that has been more hostile to emigration and 
 has thrown more embarrassments in my way than any 
 other, ...." + 
 
 Not long after his liberation, Osceola went to the 
 fort and remonstrated with the agent for taking advan- 
 tage of the action of a few of his brethren. After con- 
 
 ,::Qp "Tiijg i;, th^ only treaty I will axeciifc«! " This incident i<} s:iven on 
 the following authoritipa: Dr. Welch, then residing at Jacksonville; Sprague'a 
 History of the Florida War; Sketches oP the Seminole War; Fairbank'a His- 
 torj of Florida; and several newspapers of the day. 
 
 + There is no official confirmation of this report. 
 
 tEx. Doc. 638, iBt Ses., 24th Cong., contains both letterai. J 
 
52 Bed Patriots: 
 
 Biderable excited talk, in the course of which Thompson 
 intimated that Osceola lied, the young chief was 
 again arrested and confined. In his official report to the 
 Commissioner of Indian Affairs, the agent simply said 
 of this affair: "Powell used such language that I was 
 compelled to order him into irons." 
 
 After a brief confinement, Osceola was once more 
 set free. But his proud spirit could not brook the insults 
 he had repeatedly suffered. The irons which had twice 
 bound his limbs had burned deep into his soul, and only 
 added to a fire that had been smouldering in his breast 
 under the wrongs which he and his people had so long 
 endured. 
 
 The author was told that the chief left the prison 
 in silence, but that when well away he faced the fort 
 and rent the air with the blood-curdling war-cry of the 
 Seminoles, ( Yo-ho-e-he), conveying eternal hatred and 
 vengeance. Even with this ominous warning sounded 
 in his ears, the agent dreamed not of the terrible retri- 
 bution that was so soon to overtake him ! 
 
 From this moment the Seminole War may be said 
 to have commenced, although General D. L. Clinch had 
 long before been placed in command of troops in the 
 territory,* and active preparations had been made for 
 the open hostilities which must attend the forcible re- 
 moval of the Indians from their rightful homes. 
 
 That the territory occupied by the Seminoles 
 belonged to them by every consideration of justice and 
 right, seems to the author to be indisputable. Yet it 
 has been claimed by some writers that the Indians, not 
 being the original inhabitants of the peninsula, had no 
 real right to any portion of the country. The present 
 
 *There were U companies in Florida on the 30th of November, 1835, sta- 
 tioned principaUy at Fort King and Fort Brooke. 
 
The Story of the Seminoles. 68 
 
 stage of oiir narrative would seem as appropriate a time 
 as any other to consider this objection. 
 
 Those who maintain it, argue that the Spaniards 
 had not recognized the Seminoles as owners of the soil; 
 that in the cession of Florida by Spain to the United 
 States, the Indians were not even mentioned in the treaty 
 or recognized in any manner. We find that this plea 
 was usually urged to excuse the general policy of the 
 Government in its treatment of the Indians, or the acts 
 of some of its public servants. The frontier settler, too, 
 whom avarice often prompted to seize and occupy the 
 Indians' clearings, justified his lawless acts by claiming 
 that his right to the land was as good as that of the 
 Indian. 
 
 Let us look into the equity of the Indian's claim. 
 At a meeting between the English and the Seminoles, 
 held at Pensacola, as early as the 18th of November, 
 1765, it was mutually agreed that the Indians should 
 retain not only possession but ownership of all that por- 
 tion of the province west of the St. Johns River, and 
 between the Georgia line on the north and the Gulf. 
 Their right was also acknowledged by the Spanish 
 authorities, in a treaty signed at Pensacola in June 
 1784, as follows : 
 
 "Art. 13. As the generous feelings of his Catholic 
 Majesty do not permit him to exact from the Indian 
 nations any lands to form establishments to the preju- 
 dice of those who reap advantage therefrom, these 
 motives, and a conviction of his paternal love for his 
 people, induce us to offer you, in his royal name, the 
 security and guarantee of those lands you actually hold, 
 according to the rights of legitimacy, with which you 
 possess them : that is to say, those lands comprised 
 
64 Bed Patriots: 
 
 within the lines and limits belonging to his Catholic* 
 Majesty, our sovereign ; . . . ." 
 
 Some time after the conclusion of this treaty with 
 Spain, the Seminoles sold Panton, Leslie and Co., 
 English traders, a tract of land forty miles square, 
 which sale was approved by the Spanish authorities.* 
 
 As to the failure of Spain to recognize the Indians 
 in the treaty of cession, let the sixth article of the said 
 treaty speak for itself. 
 
 "Art. 6. The inhahfiants of the territories which 
 his Catholic Majesty ceded to the United States by this 
 treaty, shall be incorporated in the Union of the United 
 States as soon as may be consistent with the principles 
 of the federal Constitution, and admitted to the enjoy- 
 ment of all the privileges and rights and immunities of 
 the citizens of the United States." 
 
 The italics in the above quotation are the author's. 
 That Spain included thejndians in the word " mAo6t- 
 tants,^^ no one who is cognizant of the friendly relations 
 existing between the two peoples at that period, can for a 
 moment doubt. 
 
 In a report of the Committee on Indian Affairs, 
 dated February 21st, 1828, to the House of Represen- 
 tatives, in which the rights of the Seminoles were con- 
 sidered, we find the following reference to the sixth 
 article of the treaty of cession, above quoted : 
 
 ". . . Hence it appears that, by treaty, we have 
 solemnly bound ourselves to incorporate the inhabitants 
 (the italics are the Committee's) of the territories of 
 Florida into the Union. . . .The obligatory force of this 
 treaty upon the Government, it is believed, is clear and 
 conclusive."! 
 
 ♦Am. State Papers, Vol. 2, Indian Affairs, 
 f Am. State Papers, Vol. 2, Indian Affairs. 
 
The Story of the Seminoles. 55 
 
 A Governor of the Florida Territory thus inter- 
 preted the treaty and the Constitution in the year 
 1838. . . . 
 
 "Sept. 1. Spain incorporated the Indians and 
 made them subjects. Did she not pass them over to the 
 United States by treaty, to be admitted into the Union? 
 Yes, but according to the principles of the Constitution ; 
 and ours is a Constitution for white people, and not for 
 red and black."* 
 
 The United States acknowledged the Seminoles' right 
 to lands when it negotiated its first treaty with these 
 people, at Camp Moultrie. This was in accordance with 
 the settled opinion of the Supreme Court of the United 
 States that " the Indian title is certainly to be respected 
 until it be legitimately extinguished."! Therefore, the 
 equity of the Seminoles' claim seems unquestionable, for 
 the above treaty was not legitimately extinguished. 
 
 In November 1835, Osceola and the principal chiefs 
 /and warriors met in council and again resolved to resist 
 removal. At this meeting they also decreed that the 
 first chief who should make preparations for emigrating 
 to the West, and who should refuse to abandon such 
 intentions and to abide by the will of the nation, should 
 suffer death. This action by the nation was deemed 
 necessary on account of the number of their brethren who, 
 preferring emigration to war, had been transported to 
 the West previous to that time.]; 
 
 In spite of this warning, Charley Amathla (referred 
 to by the agent as an "intelligent and honest chief") 
 and a small party under him took their stand in favor of 
 removal, and withdrew from the large majority. The 
 
 ♦Private diary of Judge Robert R. Reid. Bench and Bar of Georgia, 
 
 1858. 
 
 tFletcher v. Peck, Cranch Vol. 6, p. 121. 
 
 I According to the report of the Commissioner of Indian AlTairs for 1836, 
 266 Seminoles had emigrated prior to September 30th, 1885. 
 
56 Red Patriots: 
 
 nation, fearing that the influence of this chief might 
 induce others to join him, decided to take measures to 
 prevent such a possibility. 
 
 Accordingly, on the 26th of November, Osceola pro- 
 ceeded with a small party of warriors to Amathla's town 
 and demanded that he and his followers should join the 
 others in their fight for liberty and home. Two hours 
 were allowed for his decision. At the end of that time 
 Amathla still refused to join the majority, whereupon 
 Osceola, acting by the authority of the nation, deliber- 
 ately raised his rifle with the intention of killing the 
 offender. At this moment, Abraham, the Maroon inter- 
 preter, interfered and suggested that they all retire and 
 hold a council, which they did. Osceola and a few 
 others, however, soon departed, and returning to the 
 place where they had left Charley Amathla, Osceola 
 shot him dead. 
 
 By this deliberate act, the latter justified the asser- 
 tion of General Thompson that he was the most deter- 
 mined opponent of emigration among all the Seminole 
 chiefs. The victim of this decree had sold a portion of 
 his stock to the whites, preparatory to moving West, 
 receiving his pay in gold. This money was found on 
 ihis person after death, but Osceola refused to touch it or 
 to allow any one present to do so, saying that it was the 
 price of the red man's blood.* Soon after this event 
 Osceola was appointed the "head war chief" of the 
 nation. 
 
 The Seminoles now set about gathering their crops 
 and making other preparations for the war which both 
 Indians and whites knew to be inevitable. They removed 
 their women and children to islands in the extensive 
 swamps situated in the southern part of their territory ; 
 
 *So stated bj Sprague and others. 
 
The Story of the 8eminole». 57 
 
 their cattle were driven to remote ranges in the same 
 direction ; they laid in large stores of ammunition. Their 
 supplies were considerably increased by the capture of 
 a baggage train, December 19th, (1835), which was on 
 its way to Fort King under the escort of two hundred 
 and fifty Florida volunteers. 
 
 If the War Department, its agents and its officers 
 on the theater of action, had cherished any doubts as 
 to the determined character of the people whom they 
 had unjustly proposed to deprive of their homes, the day 
 was now at hand when those doubts were to be dispelled. 
 On the 28th of December, two tragic events took place 
 which inaugurated the memorable Seminole War. Our 
 people were now to learn that the Indians knew their 
 rights and, knowing, dared to maintain them. 
 
 Osceola had been watching for an opportunity to 
 revenge himself on Wiley Thompson, the Indian agent 
 at Fort King, who, as he believed, had unjustly placed 
 him in irons and otherwise insulted him. On the after- 
 noon of the day above named, Osceola and a few chosen 
 followers concealed themselves near the sutler's house, 
 situated a few hundred yards from the fort. The agent, 
 as fate determined, appeared within range of their 
 rifles, accompanied by a friend, Lieutenant Constantine 
 SmJth, intent upon taking an after dinner walk. 
 
 Osceola's opportunity had now come, and he did 
 not hesitate to strike the blow. At a signal from him 
 the Indians fired, and both officers fell dead. Fifteen 
 bullet holes were afterward discovered in the agent's 
 bod}^ The Indians then went to the sutler's house, 
 killed the sutler and two other men, and set fire to the 
 building. All this occurred within range of two six- 
 pound cannon at the fort, but they could not be fired on 
 account of an intervening structure. 
 
58 Hed Patriots: 
 
 After scalping their victims, Osceola and his band 
 mounted their ponies and made all possible haste to 
 another locality some sixt}^ miles south, hoping to be 
 in time to join Mickenopah and Alligator in a prearranged 
 attack of far greater magnitude. In this hope Osceola 
 was disappointed, not being able to arrive, as we shall 
 see, until after victory had been won by his fellow 
 warriors. 
 
 As this disastrous affair was the first, and in many 
 respects the most memorable event of the entire w^ar, it 
 will be described in detail, with some particulars not 
 heretofore published. 
 
CHAPTER VI. 
 
 DADE's massacre — GENERAL GAINES RAISES VOLUNTEERS 
 
 EDITORIAL COMMENT ON THE BATTLE OSCEOLA's INFLU- 
 ENCE—BATTLE OF THE WITHLACOOCHEE OSCEOLA MAKES 
 
 A PREDICTION INDIANS SPARE THEIR FRIENDS OSCE- 
 OLA' S HUMANE POLICY REGARDING THE WOMEN AND 
 
 CHILDREN TREATMENT OF THEIR CAPTIVES OPINIONS 
 
 OF THE FLORIDA PRESS. 
 
 In anticipation of active hostilities, General Duncan 
 L. Clinch, commander of operations in Florida, had 
 early decided to increase the number of troops stationed 
 at Fort King. For this purpose, on the 16th of December, 
 1835, he had ordered Major Francis L. Dade, then 
 stationed at Fort Brooke,* near Hillsborough Bay, to 
 proceed with his command to Fort King, 130 miles 
 distant in a northerly direction. The route lay through 
 an unsettled wilderness of pine woods and hammocks, 
 cypress swamps and ponds. 
 
 On making inquiry for a guide and interpreter, 
 Major Dade was directed to a negro named Louis Pacheco, 
 who bore the surname of his owner, a Spanish woman, 
 living on the coast south of Tampa Bay. Louis was 
 recommended as trustworthy and well acquainted with 
 the trails. According to Captain John C. Casey, acting 
 quartermaster at Fort Brooke, this negro was very 
 intelligent, speaking four languages, and able to read 
 and write. Although his condition was far better than 
 that of the ordinary plantation hands, he nevertheless 
 
 '^■Situated on the left bank of the Hillsborough River. The site only 
 remains, adjoining the citj of Tampa on the south. 
 
 5y 
 
60 Bed Patriots: 
 
 longed for freedom. He fully sympathized with the 
 Maroons and runaway slaves in their efforts to elude the 
 slave hunters, and he was at the same time friendly with 
 the Indians. 
 
 While openly agreeing to the bargain between his 
 mistress and Major Dade for his services as guide and 
 interpreter, Louis secretly planned to inform the Indians 
 and Maroons of the intended march through their 
 country. He was hired on the day of Major Dade's 
 departure, and it was afterward stated by General Jesup 
 that Louis, according to positive proof, was in commun- 
 ication with the Indians from this time to the day of 
 the massacre, keeping them posted as to the trail they 
 would take and other facts.* The Indians had pre- 
 viously learned of the intended departure of the troops for 
 Fort King, and had assembled near a certain point on 
 the trail in order to waylay them. 
 
 At six o'clock on the morning of December 24th, 
 Major Dade and his command, consisting of eight 
 officers and one hundred and two non-commissioned 
 officers and privates, commenced their ill-fated march. 
 One of two six-pounders kept at Fort Brooke was drawn 
 by four oxen. Owing to certain mishaps, they camped 
 on the evening of the fourth day out only sixty-one 
 miles from their starting point. The next morning, 
 December 28th, the troops resumed their march at eight 
 o'clock. When only four miles from camp they were 
 suddenly attacked by a band of Indians. 
 
 The following account of the battle is condensed 
 
 '•So Btated in a letter accompanying a petition to Congress from Mrs. 
 Pacheco, twelve years later, asking indemnity for the loss of her slave Louis, 
 whom General Jesnp had captured and sent West. (H. K. 18. 30th Cong., Ist 
 Ses., Vol. I.) More than half a century afterward, this negro returned to 
 Florida, and lived with his old mistress, then residing at Jacksonville. He 
 died at this place in January 1895. (Seminolea of Florida, Willson, 1897.) 
 
The Story of the Seminoles. 61 
 
 from the statements of the sole survivor of the massacre, 
 Private Ransom Clarke :* 
 
 The battle took place in the open pine woods. The 
 Indians lay concealed among saw palmettoes and tall 
 grass which bordered the trail. Not a single foe had 
 been seen nor a sign of warning received previous to the 
 attack. At the very first fire, Major Dade and fully 
 half of his command were killed. The rest of the troops 
 were panic-stricken for a few moments, but soon returned 
 the fire, and also brought the six-pounder to bear on the 
 foe. At its first discharge the Indians withdrew out of 
 range and did not return to the attack for about an 
 hour. The brave soldiers took advantage of the lull 
 and threw up rude breastworks of logs. 
 
 In the second attack, the Indians came on "like 
 devils, yelling and whooping in such a manner that the 
 reports of the rifles were scarcely perceptible." At one 
 o'clock, two officers only survived. Speaking of the 
 conduct of the troops under the second attack, Clarke 
 says, "They were as cool as if they were in the woods 
 shooting game." The battle lasted from about nine 
 o'clock in the morning until four in the afternoon. The 
 Indians numbered several hundred, f as near as Clarke 
 could estimate in the excitement of the occasion. About 
 half of them were mounted. They were accompanied 
 by many Maroons, "who were more savage than the 
 Seminoles." 
 
 Clarke was first wounded in the thigh and afterward 
 
 in the arm and head. He lay inside of the breastworks, 
 
 part of the time unconscious, until nine p. m. When he 
 
 thought it was safe to do so, he made his way outside, 
 
 and alternately limping and crawling, inconstant agony 
 
 '•'Made to the editor of the Charleaton (S. C.) Courier^ and published in 
 that paper Aug. 20th, 1836. 
 
 fSee statement of Alligator, on a following page. 
 
62 J^ed Patriots: 
 
 from his wounds, he managed to reach Fort Brooke on 
 the third day after the massacre. Three other men, all 
 privates, also left the battle-field alive. One of them was 
 discovered at some distance from it, by an Indian, and 
 killed ; the other two made their way back to the fort, 
 but both died later from their wounds. 
 
 Louis Pacheco, Major Dade's guide, had separated 
 himself from the troops just before reaching the place 
 which he well knew had been selected for the attack, 
 and had joined the Indians and Maroons as soon as their 
 position was disclosed. 
 
 Ransom Clarke remained at Fort Brooke, slowly 
 recovering, until April 1836, when he was discharged 
 for total disability. He afterward received a small pen- 
 sion of eight dollars per month, until his death, which 
 event took place at York, New York, November 18th, 
 1840, from the effect of his wounds, at the age of only 
 twenty-eight years. Thus the only survivor of the mas- 
 sacre passt-d away five years after it occurred. 
 
 Until the twentieth of February following, the vic- 
 tims of that terrible slaughter lay unburied. Major 
 Belton, who had remained at Fort Brooke with a few 
 troops, sent a dispatch to Fort King under date of Jan- 
 uary 1st, in which he gave an account of the massacre, 
 as told by the survivors. He also stated that he expected 
 an attack at any moment, and that his men were, at that 
 writing, engaged in entrenching the place in every 
 possible manner. The fact that Major Belton and his 
 little command did not dare to leave the fort, accounts 
 for the delay in the burial of the dead. 
 
 General Edmund L. Gaines, commander of the West- 
 ern Military Department, with headquarters at New 
 Orleans, was at Pensacola when he learned of the fate 
 of Major Dade and his troops. He immediately proceeded 
 
The Story of the Seminoles. 63 
 
 to New Orleans, where he raised about 1,100 volunteers. 
 With these he embarked at once for Tampa Bay, and 
 arrived at Fort Brooke on the 10th of February. Three 
 days later they set out for the scene of the massacre 
 and Fort King, over the same road that Major Dade had 
 taken. On the 20th, they arrived at the battleground,* 
 which they found was seven miles northeast of the forks 
 of the Withlacoochee River, near the west end of a large 
 pond. We condense from General Gaines' official report, 
 which was dated the 22nd of February, as follows: 
 
 "We came upon one of the most appalling scenes 
 that can be imagined. We first saw some broken and 
 scattered boxes ; then a cart, the two oxen of which were 
 lying dead as if they had fallen asleep, their yokes still 
 on them ; a little to the right one or two horses were 
 seen." Those who fell at the first fire were found lying 
 in and near the road. Major Dade and a few of his offi- 
 cers being in advance of the rest. On going to the rude 
 breastworks, made by felling pine trees and forming a 
 triangular inclosure, the partially decayed bodies of the 
 unfortunate men who survived the first attack were 
 found lying within. ''They had evidently been shot 
 dead, and the Indians had not disturbed them except by 
 taking the scalps of most of them/' All were recog- 
 nized and accounted for. The b .dies were buried on the 
 spot, and the cannon, which had been thrown into the 
 pond by the Indians, was planted upright at the head 
 of the common grave. 
 
 Six years afterward, the remains were carefully 
 exhumed and removed to St. Augustine, where the re-in- 
 terment took place on the fifteenth of August, 1842. 
 
 '•'Situated in the northeastern part of Sec. 20, Tp.2L South, Raner<^ 22 T^ast, 
 Sumter County. A bill was introlucad in Congress in January 1898. by Hon. 
 S. M. Sparkm>in, of Florida, for iha purpose of purchasing and creating a 
 National Military Reservation of this historic ground, with the idea of mak- 
 ing it a National Park. 
 
64 Red Patriots: 
 
 The graves are now marked by suitable monuments. The 
 original graves at the battlefield, forming deep depres- 
 ions in the sandy soil, will long remain visible as silent 
 witnesses of the fearful struggle. 
 
 From an account given by Alligator to Captain 
 Sprague, it seems that the attack upon Major Dade was de- 
 layed one day on account of the failure of Osceola and 
 Mickenopah to jointheir brethren. The latter chief arrived 
 on the twenty-seventh, and the attack was planned for the 
 next morning. Mickenopah, Alligatorand Jumper led the 
 Indian forces, which numbered one hundred and eighty. 
 Their entire loss was only three killed and five wounded. 
 Osceola and his little party, hurrying from the scene of 
 the tragic affair at Fort King, did not reach the camp of 
 the victors until late in the evening. 
 
 Another account thus closes : 
 
 *' Major Dade's uniform was not found. With this 
 exception, not one of those brave but unfortunate men 
 had been plundered. Silver, gold, jewelry and watches 
 were untouched — nothing was taken but arms and am- 
 munition. To what are we to ascribe conduct so singu- 
 lar.? It was not the effect of hurry and fear of an attack 
 by a stronger party, for they buried their own dead 
 before leaving the field of battle. Osceola is a master 
 spirit and must have gained a wonderful influence over 
 the minds of his followers to induce them to forego the 
 opportunity of gaining possession of articles of which 
 they are notoriously fond. Our men were struck with 
 awe and astonishment at the circumstances* and we fear 
 that many a tragic event must be recorded before the 
 close of this war with an enemy Capable of such deter- 
 mination and such self-control."* 
 
 Let the reader consider that the Seminoles were far 
 
 ♦Iditorial, Niles' Registsr, April 2d, 1836, 
 
The Story of the Seminoles. 65 
 
 from being naturally a cruel and war-like people ; that 
 they had lived for many years on terms of peace with the 
 white race, under both Spanish, English and American 
 rule, and that all they desired — all they were fighting for 
 now — were the simple rights which our Constitution 
 guarantees to all men. Consider these things, and the 
 forbearance exhibited on many occasions by the Semi- 
 noles throughout the heroic defense of their chosen 
 homes, is fully explained. The final resort to the rifle 
 and the scalping-knife was due to the injustice of the 
 white man, and the intense patriotism of the Indian. 
 
 The next important incident of the war was a battle 
 which took place on the thirty-first of December, only 
 three days after Dade's Massacre, which event was 
 entirely unknown to the white forces at the time of this 
 second battle. The scene of the engagement was at 
 a crossing of the Withlacoochee River, and the 
 combatants were two hundred regulars and thirty 
 volunteers, under General Clinch, on one side ; 
 on the other, two hundred warriors, fifty of whom 
 were Maroons, under Osceola and Alligator. The con- 
 flict raged fiercely for one hour and twenty minutes, but 
 Osceola was disabled early in the fight and his forces 
 were finally compelled to retire. The killed and wounded 
 of the troops numbered fifty-seven ; on the other side 
 only eight, although an official report says " about one 
 hundred !"* Officers present said that the shrill voice 
 of Osceola was continually heard, urging his men on. 
 
 After the engagement, Osceola sent the following 
 characteristic communication to General Clinch: 
 
 "You have guns and so have we; you have powder 
 and lead and so have we ; you have men and so have we ; 
 
 -It was a hard matter to form a correct estimate of Seminole losses, 
 owing to the fact that the Indians almost invariably fought from the cover of 
 dense hammocks or swamps, and quickly removed their dead and wounded 
 to the rear. 
 
66 Bed Patriots: 
 
 your men will fight, ar.d so will ours until the last drop of 
 the Seminoles' blood has moistened the dust of his hunt- 
 ing-grounds." 
 
 Osceola also told General Clinch that with a little 
 longer time to secure his position, "he could maintain 
 it for five years against the whole United States' forces." 
 
 The truth of this bold prediction is strikingly shown 
 by the testimony of Judge Robert R. Reid, Governor of 
 Florida, who, in a message to the Legislature nearly a 
 year after Osceola's death, makes this statement : 
 
 " The efforts of the General and Territorial govern- 
 ments to quell the Indian disturbances which have pre- 
 vailed through four long years, have been unavailing; 
 and it would seem that the prophecy of the most saga- 
 cious leader of the Indians will be more than fulfilled; 
 the close of the fifth year will still find us strug- 
 gling. . . ." 
 
 Indian depredations were more or less frequent all 
 along the border line during the war. The more reck- 
 less of the Seminoles and Maroons ventured to the 
 settlements and carried off such articles as would help 
 sustain them in resisting removal, more especially provi- 
 sions and ammunition. In many instances buildings 
 were burned, and in a few cases whole families, wjio had 
 previously ill treated the red men, were 
 
 As an instance of the fact that the Indians did not 
 molest their known friends, we may mention that Colonel 
 John Lee Williams, from whose valuable works on Flor- 
 ida we have quoted in former chapters, lived alone 
 throughout the war on his place near Picolata. 
 
 We cannot forbear adding the testimony of Dr. 
 Welch, whom the reader will remember also resided on 
 the St. Johns River. He says that previous to the war 
 many of the Seminoles were in the habit of visiting him, 
 
The Story of the Seminoles. 67 
 
 and that they were always treated with kindness and 
 fairness by him»ielf and his wife. They showed their 
 appreciation by sparing the p ' p^rty of this gentleman, 
 and it passed through the entire war without damage, 
 while other places near by were devastated. The doctor 
 also adds that his intimate acquaintance with the Semi- 
 noles " has inspired me with a high respect for their 
 social and domestic character."* 
 
 Osceola's honorable and magnanimous character is 
 well illustrated by the fact that he not only a'^stained 
 personally from taking part in the violent bi)rder depre- 
 dations during the war, but discouraged them in his 
 followers. A negro interpreter named Sampson, form- 
 erly owned by Gad Humphrej^^s, was captured by the 
 Indians in 1835. He afterward gave the army office rs 
 an interesting account of his experience with the red 
 men, in which he said : 
 
 " I lived with Osceola, who was my friend. He 
 was a good Indian, and constantly urged the war parties 
 to spare women and children."! 
 
 Sampson's statement is thus corroborated by Osceola 
 himself : 
 
 "It is not upon them (referring to the v>^omen and 
 children) that we make v*^ar and draw the scalping- 
 kni'e; it is upon men ; let us act like men."]; 
 
 Regarding the Seminoles' treatment of their cap- 
 tives, we will introduce at this point the valued testimony 
 of Mr. Andrew P. Canova, a life-long resident of Florida, 
 who was engaged in the last hostilities against the red 
 men : 
 
 "The fiendish instinct which led the wild tribes of 
 the West to prolong the death of a captive over a slow 
 
 *Osceola Nitkanochee. Welch, London, 18il. 
 
 f" Narrative of Sampson," Savannah Georgian, Nov. 1841. 
 
 JCaptain Sprague, 
 
68 Red Patriots; 
 
 fire, was totally lacking in the red men of Florida. 
 Through all the long and bloody strife which preceded the 
 settlement of Florida, no well-grounded tale was ever told 
 of a Seminole putting a captive to death in an unnatural 
 manner."* 
 
 Our knowledge of Osceola's chivalrous nature leaves 
 little room for doubt that so long as he remained head 
 war chief of his nation, his powerful influence would 
 have been exerted, had the policy of our Government 
 been different, to promote peace and amity between the 
 two races. But the white race would not have it so. 
 The alternative they offered the Seminoles was "ban- 
 ishment or extermination," and Osceola, from a 
 steadfast friend was transformed into a determined foe. 
 
 The able leadership and unflinching courage against 
 great odds in the fierce conflict on the Withlacoochee, 
 last described, as well as in other engagements, won for 
 Osceola the admiration of his enemies. This feeling was 
 plainly expressed by the editors of two of the most 
 prominent newspapers in Florida at this period, as 
 follows : 
 
 " The character of this chief is but little known and 
 not sufficiently appreciated. He is represented to be a 
 man of great tact, energy of character, and bold daring. 
 The skill with which he has for a long time managed to 
 frustrate the measures of our Government for the 
 removal of the Indians beyond the Mississippi, entitles 
 him to be considered as superior to Black Hawk."f 
 
 "Osceola or Powell, the head chief of the hostile 
 Seminoles, is likely to figure in history with Philip of 
 Pokanoket, or Tecumseh, possessing all their noble 
 daring and deep love of country, with more intelligence 
 and perhaps more ferocity."* 
 
 *Life and Adventures in J^outh Florida, Canova, 1885. 
 tSt. Augustine Herald, Jan. 13th, 1836. 
 *Floridian, Tallahassee. 
 
The Story of the Seminoles. 69 
 
 The latter journal also states that Osceola won his 
 commanding rank by his superior talents, courage and 
 ambition. The testimony of an army officer on the 
 military talent of this chief, is worthy of note : 
 
 "He is allowed by all to be possessed of considerable 
 military talent ; in addition to his competent generalship 
 and skill in the daring, rapid and subtle evolutions of 
 active warfare, he has evinced what scarcely any other 
 Indian chief has ever done, a considerable acquaintance 
 with our tactics, as shown in the drill of his warriors." 
 
 Another army officer in describing the condition of 
 affairs at this stage of the war, thus sympathizes with 
 the foe he was obliged to face: 
 
 "If they (the Seminoles) have the courage of men, 
 they will die with arms in their hands. The white man 
 will not deny them the privilege of sleeping out their 
 death sleep on the soil upon which he cannot endure 
 their living presence."! 
 
 +Niles Register, Jan. 16th, 1836. 
 
CHAPTER YII. 
 
 OUR TROOPS AT BAY INDIANS SUFFER A GREAT DEFEAT 
 
 STRENGTH OF THE AR3IY GENERAL JESUP's " GALLANT " 
 
 ACHIEVEMENT CESSATION OF HOSTILITIES A PEACE 
 
 TREATY ANNOUNCEMENT OF THE END OF THE WAR 
 
 FLORIDA OBJECTS GENERAL JESUP's MISTAKE SEIZURE 
 
 OF MAROONS GENERAL GAINES DEFENDS THE SEMI- 
 
 NOLES' RIGHT. 
 
 The Witlilacoochee River, the scene of so many strug- 
 gles in the Seminole War, was now to witness a more 
 important engagement than any we have yet been called 
 upon to describe, so far, at least, as numbers were con- 
 cerned. On this occasion, General Gaines, who at the 
 head of 1,025 regulars and volunteers was returning 
 from Fort King to Fort Brooke, while seeking a place to 
 ford the river, on the 27th of January, 1836, was fired 
 upon by a force of 700 Indians and Maroons. The Gen- 
 eral was soon obliged to retire to the pine woods about 
 half a mile from the river, where he erected a breast- 
 work of logs. He then sent a messenger to General 
 Clinch, at Fort Drane, calling for immediate reinforce- 
 ments. 
 
 The Seminoles, with an inferior number, held Gen- 
 eral Gaines and his command in siege for nearly a week, 
 toward the close of which time his men were comiDelled 
 
 A. 
 
 to kill horses to maintain their lives, their provisions 
 having become exhausted. On the 5th of March General 
 Clinch arrived v ith reinforcements, end the Indians 
 withdrew. 
 
 TO 
 
The Story of the Seminoles. 71 
 
 Capt. John C. Casey, stationed at Fort Brooke, 
 thus speaks of the Seminoles' part in this engagement, 
 in a private letter* written to his mother a few days 
 after it occurred : 
 
 ' ' The Indians fought bravely, surpassing all previous 
 Indian wars; they kept 1,100 choice troops seven days 
 on the defensive." 
 
 During the interval from this stage until the end 
 of August, six minor engagements took place, of which 
 we shall mention only the two most important. 
 
 In April, a battalion of Georgia volunteers, com- 
 manded by Major A. Cooper, defended Cooper's Post, 
 west of the Withlacoochee, against 250 Indians. After 
 keeping the troops on the defensive from the 5th to the 
 18th, the Indians retired. 
 
 General Clinch owned a plantation eight miles from 
 the town of Micanopy, which he occupied with his 
 forces part of the time, and called Fort Drane. He 
 abandoned it in July on account of depredations com- 
 mitted there by the enemy, and soon afterward Osceola 
 and a hundred followers took possession of the place. 
 On the 21st of August, Major Pierce and 110 mounted 
 men, with one howitzer, sought to dislodge the chief. 
 The engagement lasted an hour and a quarter, during 
 which time Osceola and his men fell back to a hammock, 
 where they fought with such desperation that Major 
 Pierce retreated, leaving them in possession. In his 
 report of the battle, the Major gives the Seminoles credit 
 for determined bravery and skill. 
 
 On the 18th of November, the Seminoles suffered a 
 great defeat in the hardest fought battle of the year 
 (183G). They were assailed near the Great Wahoo 
 Swamp, live miles north-west of Dade's old battleground, 
 
 *SeDt to the author by Major Beebe. 
 
72 Bed Patriots: 
 
 by about 800 troops, under Governor Richard K. Call, 
 who had assumed command of the Department upon the 
 retirement of General Scott in the summer. The battle 
 lasted more than two hours, when the Indians fled, 
 leaving twenty-five of their number dead on the field. 
 
 Three days later, however, the red men retrieved 
 their laurels on the same ground. With a large force, 
 whose numbers were unknown, aided by many Maroons, 
 they made an impetuous charge upon 1,800 soldiers 
 under General Call. Twice that day the Indians were 
 driven from their ground but returned to the attack 
 each time. The second time, they crossed the Withla- 
 coochee Eiver, in their rear, and formed on its. banks. 
 The troops finally withdrew, leaving the Indians in 
 possession of the field. Our loss was twenty-seven killed 
 and wounded. The Indian loss was " supposed" b3^the 
 General to be " not less than fifty." 
 
 In December, 1836, General Call was relieved of Ihe 
 command in Florida by General Thomas S. Jesup. At 
 this time the principal part of the regular forces of the 
 United States were concentrated in Florida ; besides 
 these, there were a large number of volunteers. Alto- 
 gether General Jesup had at his disposal not far from 
 10,000 men* with whom to harass the Seminoles. 
 
 In the latter part of the following month, the new 
 commander penetrated to the heart of the Indian country, 
 and attacked a band of fifty Indians in their camp. On 
 the following day they captured 100 ponies and 1,400 
 head of cattle belonging to the Seminoles. In his report 
 of this affair, the General says : 
 
 " The enemy was found on the Hatcheelustee, in 
 and near the Great Cypress Swamp, and gallantly 
 attacked. Lieutenant Chambers, of the Alabama 
 
 ♦Annual Report, Secretary of War, 1837. 
 
The Story of the Seminoles. 73 
 
 volunteers, by a rapid charge succeeded in capturing 
 the horses and baggage of the enemy, with twenty-five 
 Indians and negroes, principally women and children." 
 
 The "gallantry" of an attack with overpowering 
 numbers and with such results may \vell be questioned. 
 
 On the day following this affair, General Jesup sent 
 one of his captives in search of Alligator and Abraham, 
 who had commanded the Indians in that action, with a 
 message of peace and a request that they come in and 
 have a talk with him. After much persuasion, these 
 chiefs were induced to visit the General in his camp. 
 The result of the interview gave him such confidence of 
 success in obtaining the consent of the Indians to emi- 
 grate, that he ordered a general cessation of hostilities. 
 At the same time, arrangements were made to meet the 
 chiefs of the nation on the 7th of March, in a general 
 council to be held at Fort Dade, situated on the left 
 bank of the Withlacoochee, near its source. 
 
 A band of Indians under Wildcat, King Philip and 
 Louis Pacheco, who had not learned of the cessation of 
 hostilities by General Jesup and the chiefs, made a 
 daring attack, on the 8th of February, on Camp Monroe 
 (later Port Mellon,*) situated on the south side of Lake 
 Monroe. In the early part of the conflict, which lasted 
 two hours, Capt. Charles Mellon was killed. Our forces 
 had a cannon on a boat near the fort, and this was used 
 with such effect that the Indians were finally compelled 
 to retire, with a loss of several killed and wounded. Our 
 loss was one killed and fifteen w^ounded. 
 
 Several months now passed without an engagement 
 between the opposing forces. The Indians took advan- 
 tage of this lull by harvesting their crops. During the 
 earlier years of the war they d.epended for their subsist- 
 
 *The town of Mellonville was established near the site years afterward. 
 Now absorbed by the city of Sanford. 
 
74 Red Patriots: 
 
 ence nearly altogether on their crops and cattle. After 
 their cattle had been captured, and they themselves had 
 been driven to islands in the Everglades and the Big 
 Cypress Swamp, they subsisted almost entirely on 
 the koontee* or wild arrowroot, which was at that time 
 very abundant in the southern part of the Territory, 
 and on such game as they could secure. Fields were 
 cultivated whenever a lull in hostilities admitted. 
 
 On the d-«y appointfjd for the meeting with the 
 chiefs at Fort Dade, a number of representatives of the 
 nation assembled for a furlher hearing of what the 
 Government, through its agents, might have to say upon 
 the subject of removal. At the very commencement of 
 the negotiations, the Indians refused their consent to 
 any arrangement that would not secure to the Maroons, 
 and other negroes claimed by them, equal protection 
 and safety with themselves. General Jesup finally 
 agreed to this demand, as shown in the fifth article of 
 capitulation, as follows : 
 
 "Major General Jesup, in behalf of the United 
 States, agrees that the Seminoles and their allies who 
 come in and emigrate to the West, shall be secure in 
 their lives and properly; that their negroes, their bona 
 fide property, shall also accompany them West; and their 
 cattle and ponies shall be paid for by the United 
 States."! 
 
 This and the remaining articles being satisfactory 
 to the delegation of chiefs, the meeting closed with the 
 understanding that those willing to emigrate would 
 assemble near Fort Brooke. The reader is hereby in- 
 
 *The Zamia integri/olia of the botanist. The Indians made a fair 
 quality of bread from a star< h extracted from the root of the plant. For 
 lull iaformatioa regarding this interestia? plant, see "Koontee, the Seminole 
 Breal Root," by the author in the Scientific American Supplement, AngxiBt 
 20, 18^8 
 
 fEx. Doc. 225, 3d Sea , 25th Cong. 
 
The Story of the Seminoles. 75 
 
 formed that this agreement was not a regular treaty 
 negotiated by commissioners appointed for the purpose, 
 but rather an "understanding' between General Je^up 
 and the Indians. 
 
 In the course of the next few weeks, about eight 
 hundred Seminoles, including quite a number of Maroons, 
 visited Fv)rt Brooke and registered their names for 
 removal. It was believed that the nation would agree 
 to emigrate according to their promise. Even Osceola, 
 it was reported, went to Fort Mellon and signified his 
 willingness to go West if the Government would do as 
 General Jesup had agreed.* The consent of so many, 
 among which were several chiefs, having thus been 
 gained to the project of emigration, the commander of 
 the army announced, on the SGth of March, that the 
 war WHS at an end. He immediately commenced to 
 discharge the volunteers, and asked leave to retire from 
 active duty. 
 
 The War Department approved the agreement with 
 the Indians, but the people of Florida and adjoining 
 States objected to its ratification. They believed that 
 under its stipulations many of the negroes whom they 
 claimed as their property would be sent West along with 
 the Indians. Certain families who had been obliged to 
 leave the territory, also expressed their disapproval of 
 the "Jesup treaty" in a memorial to Congress. f Many 
 persons demanded the privilege of entering the Indian 
 country for the ostensible purpose of capturing their 
 fugitive slaves. These demands, as well as forays into 
 the reservation, became so frequent that General Jesup 
 finally issued an order to the commandant at Fort Arm- 
 strong, \ on the Indian frontier, containing this sentence : 
 
 *The author is unable to confirm this-rumor by any official report or 
 record, and doubts iis truih. 
 
 fKx. Doc 2^5, 3d Ses 25th Cong. 
 f On the tile of Dade's Alassacre. 
 
76 Bed Patriots: 
 
 "Hereafter no person, not in the employment of the 
 Government, or express rider, must be allowed to pass 
 your post." 
 
 In a letter to the commander of the Florida militia, 
 under date of March 29th, General Jesup said: 
 
 "There is no disposition on the part of the great 
 body of the Indians to renew hostilities, and they 
 will, I am sure, faithfully fulfill their engagements if 
 the people of Florida be prudent ; but any attempt to 
 seize their (the Indians') negroes or other property 
 would be followed by an instant resort to arms." 
 
 A few days later. General Orders (No. 79) were 
 issued to the same effect. This did not prevent many 
 invasions of the Indians' territory, however. These 
 repeated violations of the order, together with the dis- 
 contented clamors of others, harassed General Jesup to 
 such an extent that he finally signified his intention to 
 amend the peace treaty, which not only himself but the 
 Government was pledged to abide by, and make "an 
 arrangement with the chiefs to deliver up the negroes, 
 belonging to white men, taken by them during the 
 war." 
 
 By the use of the word "taken," the General, 
 following the example of others, intimates that the 
 Indians were in the habit of taking or capturing the 
 slaves of their white neighbors. The highest author- 
 ities, however, prove that negroes were never captured by 
 the Seminoles except during open warfare ; they were 
 too anxious to remain at peace with the whites to 
 interfere with their property. During the war negroes 
 were sometimes taken prisoners, while at all times 
 fugitive slaves fled to the red men for protection, as 
 before stated. These could easily be distinguished from 
 the Maroons and other negroes owned by the Indians, by 
 
The Story of the Seminoles. 77 
 
 the fact that the former did not understand the Semi- 
 nole language, while the latter, with some exceptions, 
 knew no other. 
 
 It is interesting to observe how firmly General Jesup 
 resisted, for a time, the exactions of the claimants. In 
 a report to the Secretary of "War, the General stated 
 that, in his opinion, the Treaty of Payne's Landing, 
 under which the Government was trying to remove the 
 Indians, exonerated them from all claims for slaves 
 which had accrued prior to that date. This opinion 
 was also sustained by the Secretary. 
 
 The arrangement which General Jesup said he had 
 made "with the chiefs," consisted, as the reader will 
 notice in the following chapter, of a promise secured 
 from one chief only (Alligator) at Fort King, that such 
 negroes would be brought in. 
 
 The United States Government had now taken the 
 final step, through General Jesup, as was believed, for 
 the removal of the Seminoles and their allies to the 
 Western country. No less than twenty-six vessels were 
 lying in Tampa Bay in readiness to transport them to 
 New Orleans, and a'^out eight hundred Indians and 
 their slaves were on h iiid, waiting for the rest to join 
 them. 
 
 But as might have been foreseen, the "arrangement" 
 made with Alligator was justly considered by the nation 
 to be a violation of the peace treaty agreed to at Fort 
 Dade. Had the matter been proposed to the chiefs 
 in council, the nation would in all probability have 
 agreed to it. As it was, however, they refused to deliver 
 the few negro prisoners taken by them during the war, 
 or to capture and bring in fugitives who had taken 
 refuge in their country. In the council held by them 
 they decided that the promises of General Jesup could 
 
78 Bed Patriots: 
 
 not be relied upon, and that his unauthorized addition 
 to the treaty stipulations released them from their 
 agreement to emigrate. 
 
 Exasperated bj the failure of his plans, General 
 Jesup, on May 25th, 1837, despatched to Colonel Harney, 
 at Fort Mellon, the following instructions: 
 
 "If you see Powell again, I wish you to tell him 
 that I intend to send exploring parties into every part 
 of the country during the summer, and that I shall send 
 out and take all negroes who belong to the white people, 
 and that he must not allow the Indians or Indian 
 negroes to mix w^ith them.* Tell him I am sending to 
 Cuba for bloodhounds to trail them, and I intend to 
 hang every one of them who does not come in."f 
 
 When the Seminoles and Maroons learned of Gen- 
 eral Jesup's hostile intentions, as conveyed in his 
 despatch to Colonel Harney, his menaces produced pre- 
 cisely the opposite effect from that intended. Most of 
 those who had congregated at Fort Brooke for emigra- 
 tion, and others around the white settlements, again 
 fled to their wild haunts, determined to cling to their 
 old homes. Yet not all of them thus escaped from the 
 grasp of the white man, for General Jesup managed to 
 seize about ninety Indian negroes;]; and sent them to 
 New Orleans, where they were confined in Fort Pike for 
 nearly a je^v before they were finally taken to Arkansas. 
 
 These were the first Maroons sent to the West; but 
 they did not reach their destination without gr at 
 difficulty. While they were at New Orleans, various 
 persons claimed them as their property, and the matter 
 was finally taken to the courts. General Gaines now 
 
 * This demand informs the reader, through one of the hiprhest author- 
 ities, how great was the influence possessed by this chief ia the hati -u. 
 
 fH. R 225,3d Ses., 25th Cong. The relerence to bloudiioands was no 
 idle threat, as will be seen later. 
 
 X Letter of GeneralJesup to General James Gadsden, June 14th, 1837. 
 
The Story of the Seminoles. 79 
 
 came forward and defended the rights of the Indians to 
 these negroes, stating in court that he had "never hes- 
 itated to assume the responsibility of doing his duty 
 or of doing justice." In the course of his convincing 
 argument, he said : 
 
 "The court appears to labor under the impression 
 that the negroes in question were captured by the Semi- 
 nole Indians, in the course of their hostile incursions 
 upon our frontier inhabitants. Is this the fact? I will 
 assume for the learned council of the claimant, that he 
 will not have the temerity to assert that they are among 
 the number taken from our frontier inhabitants in the 
 present, or in any former war." 
 
 The General finally proved to the satisfaction of the 
 court that the negroes, " found in the service of the 
 Seminoles, and speaking the same language," had 
 never been captured from the whites, but were descend- 
 ants of former slaves of the whites, who had been free 
 for upwards of a century. They were therefore released, 
 and soon after proceeded on their way in charge of one 
 of our army officers. 
 
CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 CAPTURE OF KING PHILIP SEIZURE AND IMPRISONMENT OF 
 
 OSCEOLA THE WHOLE TRANSACTION STRIPPED OF ITS 
 
 DISGUISES PUBLIC OPINION GENERAL JESUP's DEFENSE 
 
 ESCAPE OF AVILDCAT. 
 
 On the tenth of September, 1837, General Joseph 
 M. Hernandez, with regulars and volunteers, attacked a 
 band of twenty- one Indians under King Philip at Dun- 
 lawton plantation, situated on the Halifax River, back 
 of the present town of Port Orange. In this affair, one 
 lieutenant was mortally wounded, and one Indian killed 
 and three wounded. Seventeen Indians were captured, 
 among them being the aged King Philip, second chief 
 of the nation, and his son Cooacoochee (Wildcat). They 
 were all taken to St. Augustine and confined in the old 
 Spanish fort. 
 
 Although King Philip's advanced years had pre- 
 vented his participation in most of the battles of the 
 present war, he still possessed considerable influence 
 in the nation, and his capture therefore caused great 
 anxiety. The old chief soon applied for permission to 
 communicate with his family and friends, and prevailed 
 upon" General Jesup, who was then at St. Augustine, to 
 grant a temporary release to Wildcat for the purpose of 
 bearing a message. This consisted of a request to his 
 family, also to Osceola and others, to visit him and, if 
 possible, to make arrangements for his release. Wildcat 
 left St. Augustine with a promise to return in about 
 ten days. 
 
 80 
 
The Story of the Seminoles. 81 
 
 The reports of General Hernandez and other officers 
 to General Jesup, under date of October 22d, state that 
 Wildcat returned to St. Augustine on the 17th of that 
 month, and reported that Osceola, with about a hun- 
 dred followers, would be at Pellicers Creek, eighteen 
 miles Routh of St. Augustine, on the following day.* 
 
 The next morning, General Hernandez with a small 
 escort was despatched to the creek, where he found a 
 part of the Indians already encamped. He learned from 
 them that Osceola and others were expected to arrive 
 that evening or the day after. Securing a promise from 
 the Indians that they would move their camp to the 
 neighborhood of Fort Peyton, seven miles southwest of 
 St. Augustine,! G^eneral Hernandez returned to that 
 town. 
 
 On the morning of the 21st of October, a messenger 
 arrived at St. Augustine from the Indians with the 
 information that Osceola and his retinue were in camp 
 one mile from Fort Peyton, and that the chief desired 
 an interview with General Jesup. That officer immedi- 
 ately gave General Hernandez his orders, including the 
 following "memoranda of specific questions to be 
 addressed to Osceola: "J 
 
 "Ascertain the object of the Indians in coming in 
 at this time. Also their expectations. Are they pre- 
 pared to deliver up the negroes taken from the citizens 
 at once? Why have they not surrendered them as prom- 
 ised by Coeehajo (Alligator) at Fort King? Have the 
 chiefs sent a messenger with the decision of the council? 
 Have the principal chiefs, Mickenopah, Jumper, Cloud, 
 
 *n. R.327, 2d Ses., 25th Cong. 
 
 fSituatf d on the south half of the northwest quarter of Sec. 11, Tp. 8 
 South, Range 2U East, near a branch of Moultrie Creek, and not far from the 
 Mte of old Camp Moultrie. By the present road the distance from the city 
 IS about five miles. '^ 
 
 tH. R. 327, 2d Ses., 25th Cong. 
 
82 Bed Patriots: 
 
 and Alligator, sent a messenger, and if so, what is 
 their message? Why have not those chiefs come them- 
 selves? " 
 
 General Hernandez also bore the following " secret 
 order " from General Jesup to Lieut. E. H. Peyton, 
 stationed at Fort Peyton : 
 
 " Should Powell and his warriors come within the 
 fort, seize him and his whole party. It is important 
 that he. Wildcat and others be secured. Hold him until 
 you have my orders in relation to them." * 
 
 General Hernandez left St. Augustine at the head 
 of about two hundred troops. On his way he met 
 Captain Hanson and a small detachment, who had pre- 
 ceded the General with provisions for the Indians and 
 were now returning. They were bringing with them 
 under guard seventy-four negro prisoners, the property 
 of white citizens, some of whom had been captured by 
 the Indians during the war, but the greater part being 
 "runaways." They had been secured by Osceola and 
 brought in at this time, for delivery to General Jesup, 
 no doubt as a peace offering, or to secure the release of 
 King Philip. 
 
 This new concession to the demands of claimants of 
 negro property would of itself indicate that Osceola and 
 his people were acting in good faith. We are now to 
 learn how this friendly act was rewarded. 
 
 General Hernandez, arriving at the Indian camp, 
 found it located about a mile south of Fort Peyton, near 
 a large cypress pond.f The chiefs in command were 
 Osceola and Alligator, and their party consisted of 
 
 * This order, together with aU of the official reoorts to General Jesup, 
 in relation to the seizure of Osceola, and from that <.fficer to the Secretary of 
 War, may be consulted in the document last quoted. 
 
 + Nearly a mile and a half south of the fort, on the soiithwest one- 
 quarter of the southwest one-quarter of Sec. 14, Tp. S South, Uange 29 East, 
 just west of the Old Kings Road. 
 
The Story of the Seminoles. 83 
 
 seventy-one warriors, six women, and four Indian 
 negroes. Among the women was tlie wife of King 
 Philip. 
 
 General Hernandez arranged his men in such a 
 manner, says that officer, that in about ten minutes after 
 he reached the camp the Indians were completely sur- 
 rounded. The latter, with no suspicion of treachery, 
 and expecting to be received in the same peaceful spirit 
 in which they had come, had laid their arms on the 
 ground and were in readiness for the proposed " talk." 
 After the usual opening of such meetings, General 
 Hernandez, following his instructions, asked the Indians 
 why they had come in. The reply was : 
 
 " We come for good. Philip sent us a messap;e by 
 Cooacoochee. We have done nothing all summer 
 (meanng that they had engaged in no hostilities) and 
 want to make peace." 
 
 When asked if they were ready to give up all the 
 property they had captured, in compliance with the 
 arrangement made by General Jesup with Alligator, they 
 answered : 
 
 " We intend to do so, to bring in what is due to the 
 white people; we have brought a good many negroes 
 now." 
 
 Osceola stated that he and his band did not come 
 in to deliver themselves up as prisoners, but to negotiate 
 for the release of King Philip and a return to peace. 
 
 These replies are quoted from an official report made 
 to General Hernandez, and may therefore be regarded 
 as accurate, but that officer in his report to General 
 Jesup, says : 
 
 " Their answers to the questions put to them in 
 regard to the breach of their stipulations made with you 
 at Fort King, I considered to be wholly evasive and 
 
84 Bed Patriots: 
 
 unsatisfactory .... From these circumstances, and 
 agreeably to your express orders conveyed to me during 
 the talk, I gave a signal previously agreed on, and the 
 troops closed in on them." 
 
 This whole transaction, stripped of its disguises, 
 was only a new illustration of the old fable of the Wolf 
 and the Lamb — a deliberate plot to seize the persons of 
 Osceola and his followers, no matter what their replies 
 might be. Thus, as stated by the editor of the St. 
 Augustine Herald^ on the day of the seizure : 
 
 "They were completely surrounded, and taken 
 without bloodshed. The arms and baggage of the 
 Indians, with fifty-two rifles and twenty-four ponies 
 were collected, and the prisoners were marched to St. 
 Augustine and closely confined in Fort Marion." * 
 
 Brief mention may be made at this point of Capt. 
 John S. Masters, an interesting old gentleman still living 
 at St. Augustine, Fla., who was one of a squad of 
 soldiers who escorted Osceola and his party to that city. 
 At the time of the chief's seizure Mr. Masters was 
 thirty-one years of age, having been born in 1806. He 
 Is still hale and hearty, and recollects many of the 
 details in connection with the seizure of Osceola. Speak- 
 ing of this event, in a communication to the author, he 
 said : 
 
 " I shall never forget that day, nor the sad, disap- 
 pointed face of Chief Osceola and the other Indians. I 
 thought it too unjust for anything." f 
 
 The dishonorable and wholly indefensible seizure of 
 Osceola, made under a flag of truce and while a confer- 
 ence was in progress, was made known by General Jesup 
 
 =•• Supplement to the Herald., issued to announce the event. 
 
 t A few years since the St. Auffust'ne Historical Society, with the aid 
 of Mr. Masters, located the site of Osceola's seizure, and placed a sign- board 
 on pine trees near by. 
 
The Story of the Seminoles. 85 
 
 to the Secretary of War, under date of October 22d, in 
 the following words : 
 
 " I have the satisfaction to inform you that Asseen 
 Yoholo (Pow^ell) is my prisoner, w^ith nearly all the war 
 spirits of the nation .... The sickly season being 
 over, and there being no further necessity to temporize, 
 I sent a party of mounted men and seized the entire 
 party." He also says that he " had informed the chiefs 
 at Fort King that he w^ould hold no communication with 
 the Seminoles unless they should determine to emigrate." 
 The flag of truce, he says, '.' had been allowed for no 
 other purpose than to enable them to communicate and 
 come in without danger of attack from our parties." 
 This being the case, the General adds, " it became my 
 duty to secure them, on being satisfied that they intended 
 to return to their fastnesses." * 
 
 A letter written by General Jesup to a friend in 
 Washington, D. C, f dated at Picolata, Fla., Nov. 17th, 
 is interesting reading. We quote and condense as 
 follows : 
 
 " As I shall depart today for the interior, and, in 
 the casualities of an active campaign, it is possible I 
 may not return, I desire that the seizure of Powell and 
 other chiefs and warriors may be understood by my 
 friends." 
 
 After stating that part of those who accompanied 
 Osceola probably intended to capture some of General 
 Herna'ndez' men in order that he might thus secure the 
 release of King Philip, the writer continues : 
 
 "The General (Hernandez) departed to Fort Peyton 
 accompanied by a number of officers and citizens; 
 among the former were the gentlemen of my staff. 
 
 * H. R. 327, 2d Ses., 25th Cong. 
 
 t Major Trueman Cross. Published in the Army and Navy CJironicle 
 Dec. Uth, 1837. 
 
86 Bed Patriots: 
 
 Without communicating my intention to anyone, I fol- 
 lowed to the neighborhood of Fort Peyton, sent in for 
 Lieutenant Peyton, and ascertained from him the num- 
 ber and position of the Indians. I directed him to go 
 forward and ascertain whether the answers of the 
 Indians to the enquiries made by General Hernandez 
 seemed satisfactory. In the mean-time I detached my 
 aid, who had joined me, with orders to General Hernan- 
 dez to seize all the party if the talk was not satisfactory." 
 
 In the interval, Lieutenant Peyton returned with 
 the answers of tlie Indians J:o General Jesup, who had 
 now left his hiding-place in the woods and repaired to 
 Fort Pej^ton . As the General had resolved to seize Osceola 
 and his party from the moment he had learned of their 
 arrival, he found it convenient to consider their replies 
 "evasive and unsatisfactory," to quote his own and 
 General Hernandez' words. He therefore sent Lieuten- 
 ant Peyton back in all haste to General Hernandez, 
 bearing " Order No. 3," dated at Fort Peyton, in the 
 following words : 
 
 " Order the whole party directly to town — ^you have 
 force sufficient to compel obedience; they must be dis- 
 armed; they can talk in town and send any messengers 
 out they please."* 
 
 General Hernandez says in his report that this 
 " message was so promptly and judiciously executed by 
 Major Ashby, of the Second Dragoons, that the Indians, 
 though their rifles were loaded and primed, ready for 
 action, had not an opportunity to fire a single gun."f 
 
 It has been claimed by some writers that Osceola 
 was knocked down with the butt of a musket. In jus- 
 
 -The reader is again reminded that aU of the official orders and reports 
 in connection with Osceola's seizure may be found In H. Si. 327, 2d Ses., 25th 
 Cong. 
 
 fThe weapons of the Indians were all on the ground, as before stated. 
 
The Story of the Seminoles. 87 
 
 tice to the memory of General Hernandez, the reader is 
 assured that this reported additional insult and injury- 
 did not take place; in fact, no violence was offered by 
 either side. The author has abundant proof of this, 
 including the testimony of Captain Masters. 
 
 Thus, disarmed and defenseless, defeated only by 
 stratagem, Osceola, with true Indian stoicism, quietly 
 submitted to the inevitable, and was soon a close pris- 
 oner behind the grim walls of Fort Marion.* 
 
 Such is the irony of fate ! The eagle, proud king of 
 the air, confined in a narrow cage ; Napoleon, once mas- 
 ter of the world, chained to the rock of St. Helena ; 
 Osceola, the free son of the forest and the ruling spirit 
 of the Seminoles, eating out his heart in a murky dun- 
 geon of San Marco ! 
 
 Throughout the civilized world, the flag of truce is 
 recognized and respected as an emblem of peace, and its 
 violation looked upon as an outrage. We do not find a 
 single instance recorded in the long war with the Semi- 
 noles of a failure on their part to respect that flag. 
 Indeed, George Catlin, who spent forty years of his life 
 in studying Indian character and customs in every part 
 of North and South America, says in this connection : 
 
 '' Among all Indian tribes that I have yet visited in 
 their primitive as well as improved state, the white flag 
 is used as a flag of truce, as it is in the civilized parts 
 of the world, and held to be sacred and inviolable. "f 
 
 Abundant testimony shows that the Indian has a 
 fine sense of honor. The late General John Gibbon, 
 long familiar with Indian character, stated in a lecture 
 delivered by him in Washington, D. C, in February 
 
 *This structure, once known as the Spanish Castle of San Marco, Is ona 
 of the strongest, and by far the oldest of American fortifications. 
 
 fllluBtrations of the Manners, Customs, and Conditions of the Kortb 
 American Indians, Catlin, 1857. 
 
88 Bed Patriots: 
 
 1895, that " the Indian has many qualities which make 
 him a giant beside which the white man is a pigmy." 
 To illustrate one of these qualities — the Indians' sense 
 of honor — we offer the following reliable statement : 
 
 "When an Indian (a member of the Five Tribes) is 
 condemned to death (in his nation) by shooting, he is 
 given a period, thirty days usually, in which to go home 
 and fix up his affairs. He goes without guard or control, 
 arranges his earthly matters, bids his friends and family 
 good-bye, returns at the appointed time, and is promptly 
 shot. Not one man of the many so permitted to go 
 home after conviction, up to 1890, has failed to appear 
 for execution." * 
 
 We will now return to the captive chief. Public 
 opinion throughout the United States sided with Osceola, 
 denouncing his seizure as an outrage — a disgrace to 
 the General who planned it, and to our Government which 
 sanctioned it. Many officers and soldiers of the army 
 who had borne their part in the efforts to subdue Osce- 
 ola and his tribe in open warfare, now disclaimed all 
 sympathy with the treachery which had entrapped him. 
 Nor were the leading journals of the country less out- 
 spoken in their condemnation of the offense. The fol- 
 lowing is a mild expression of newspaper sentiment at 
 the time : 
 
 " General Jesup has got possession of Osceola or 
 Powell, and a large number of his warriors. The man- 
 ner in which it was accomplished will be found under 
 the proper head. We heartily rejoice if this event puts 
 an end to the war .... but we disclaim all participation 
 in the ' glory ' of this achievement of American general- 
 ship .... it must deepen the sense of wrong in the 
 bosoms of the Indians . . . and produce more bloody and 
 
 *The rive Civilized Tribes, U. S. Census Bulletin, 1894. 
 
The Story of the Seminoles. 89 
 
 • 
 signal vengeance than has yet marked their ruthless 
 
 doings. And besides, the capture will create distrust 
 among chiefs, and may shut the door to a satisfactory 
 treaty hereafter."* 
 
 An English writer, who resided in Florida at the 
 time, thus speaks of the seizure: 
 
 "Never was a more disgraceful piece of villainy 
 perpetrated in a civilized land. The Americans have 
 no plea by which they can justify such a violation of 
 the law of nations. "f 
 
 Nearly two years after the event, with a knowledge 
 of the leading facts of the case, the New York Herald 
 referred to "the perfidious capture of Osceola, when 
 that chieftain was engaged in an honest parley with 
 General Hernandez — a parley which, it is believed, 
 would have terminated the w^ar."J 
 
 We find nothing that can palliate this treachery — 
 no circumstance or event that transpired previous to the 
 act lessens its enormity. General Jesup, on whom the 
 odium must rest, felt himself frequently compelled in 
 after years to justify, if possible, this and similar acts 
 of treachery to his Indian foes. After he had been re- 
 lieved from duty in Florida, he made an official report 
 to the Secretary of War, dated July 6, 1838, covering 
 the period of his operations. In this he speaks of the 
 seizure of Osceola and his party, as follows : 
 
 ' ' I deemed it proper to permit Wildcat to go with 
 the message of his father. He promised to bring in all 
 the Seminoles of the St. Johns, but I authorized no one 
 to be invited to come in for any other purpose than to 
 remain. I promised, however, that all who should come 
 in and surrender should receive kind treatment. Pre- 
 
 '^yUes^ Register^ November ith. 1837. 
 tosceola Nikkanoochee, Welch, London, 1841. 
 tJuly 1839. 
 
90 Red Patriots: 
 
 vious to his departure he (Wildcat) examined several 
 sites, in company with General Hernandez, for the pur- 
 pose of determining on a suitable point for an encamp- 
 ment." 
 
 In this statement, General Jesup evidently studies 
 to convey the impression that Osceola came in to sur- 
 render, and that he was not seized under a flag of truce. 
 The reader, however, already knows the truth of the 
 matter. Osceola, as we have seen, distinctly stated 
 that he and his band had not come in to deliver them- 
 selves up as prisoners, but to negotiate for a return to 
 peace — in other words, to have a "talk" under a flag of 
 truce. 
 
 Even twenty years after these events, we find the 
 General defending his course in a long communication 
 to a Washington newspaper,* in reply to certain pub- 
 lished criticisms. In this article, General Jesup at- 
 tempts to justify his action by saying that Osceola had 
 killed one of his (Jesup's) messengers; also that he had 
 violated the last truce made with the chiefs at Fort 
 King, when they were to remain v^est of the St. Johns 
 River. "By either of these acts," says the writer, "he 
 had forfeited his life." The General also calls Osceola 
 a spy, and asserts that he really came to capture the 
 place and release the prisoners! Speaking of Osceola, 
 he further says : 
 
 " But, although an intelligent and talented man, he 
 belonged to a savage tribe not supposed to be acquainted 
 with the laws of nations or the usages of war; arid in 
 place of punishing him I sent him out of the countr^^ a 
 
 prisoner In my course on this occasion I was 
 
 influenced alone by the high obligations of public 
 duty." 
 
 * Daily Intelligencer, Oct. 13tli, 1858. 
 
The Story of the Seminoles. 91 
 
 In his letter to the Army and JS'avy Chronicle in 
 1837, General Jesiip only claimed that Osceola intended 
 to capture some of the soldiers at Fort Peyton, and to 
 hold them as hostages for the release of King Philip 
 and the other prisoners. Twenty years later he asserts 
 that the chief came to capture St. Augustine and to re- 
 lease the prisoners! He had just referred to Osceola as 
 "an intelligent man." He would surely be the reverse 
 of an intelligent man who, with a force of seventy-two 
 warriors and six women, would make a journey of over 
 a hundred miles to undertake the capture of a town 
 under the guns of an impregnable fortress and protected 
 by several thousand citizens and soldiers! 
 
 It is related that Osceola refused to join certain of 
 his companions who, as will be seen, succeeded in mak- 
 ing their escape from Fort Marion. When questioned 
 about this by one of the men who guarded his room, the 
 chief proudly replied : 
 
 "I have done nothing to be ashamed of; it is for 
 those to feel shame who entrapped me." 
 
 If the painter of the world-famed picture, ''Christ 
 before Pilate," should seek in American history a sub- 
 ject worthy of his brush, we would commend to him, 
 "Osceola before General Jesup:" Osceola, the de- 
 spised Seminole, a captive and in chains — Jesup, in all 
 the pomp and circumstance of an American Major-Gen- 
 eral; Osceola, who had "done nothing to be ashamed 
 of," calmly confronting his captor, who co\vers under 
 the steady gaze of a brave and honorable man ! 
 
 Not long after the confinement of the Seminoles in 
 Fort Marion, the chief Wildcat and a companion made 
 their escape in a manner quite unexpected by their 
 jailors. A prominent officer of our army* afterward 
 
 * Capt. John T. Sprague. 
 
92 Bed Patriots: 
 
 received a full account of the adventure from Wildcat. 
 The chief said that he and his companion were confined 
 in a small room lighted only by an embrasure, an open- 
 iifg in the wall about nine inches wide by eighteen long. 
 Through this they managed to squeeze with the greatest 
 difficulty, the sharp stones of the 'wall taking off skin 
 from their breasts and backs. Some strong bags fur- 
 nished them material for a rope, by means of which 
 they reached the ground, and finally made their way to 
 the Tomoka, a small stream emptying into the Halifax 
 River, on the east coast, where Wildcat's band was 
 stationed. 
 
 Wildcat succeeded in convincing the nation that he 
 had not been the willing tool of General Jesup to betray 
 Osceola. He gave them a full account of the seizure, 
 and they resolved on vengeance.* 
 
 ■••= "Reoollections of Cooacoochee," were published in the Savannah 
 Geo7*fif/:a«, February, 1842, 
 
CHAPTER IX. 
 
 A NEW PROJECT JOHN ROSS MEDIATION OF THE CHEROKEES 
 
 SEIZURE OF MICKENOPAH AND OTHERS BY GENERAL 
 
 JESUP ELOQUENT APPEAL OF JOHN ROSS GENERAL 
 
 JESUP'S DEFENSE. 
 
 After the failure of General Jesup's "peace treaty" 
 of March 7th, 1837, by which agreement that officer an- 
 nounced the close of the war, the Government sought to 
 secure a settlement with the Seminoles through the in- 
 fluence of the Cherokees, then established in Arkansas, 
 with whom the Seminoles were on the most friendly 
 terms. 
 
 The plan was first proposed by Col. J. H. Sher- 
 burne, a special agent of the Government sent to the 
 West in September. But as the agent doubted his au- 
 thority to enter into an agreement in the line proposed, 
 John Ross, principal chief of the Cherokee nation, visi- 
 ted Washington in October "to learn what the scope of 
 the proposed mission was to be." 
 
 The author feels that it is due to the memory of 
 this remarkable man, in view of his noble efforts in be- 
 half of the Seminoles, to record in these pages an out- 
 line of his life and character. John Ross was born in 
 Tennessee, October 3d, 1790. His father, Daniel Ross, 
 was a Scotchman and an Indian trader ; his mother was 
 a Cherokee. In the year 1812 he undertook the some- 
 what dangerous mission of endeavoring to prevent 
 Tecumseh from enlisting his followers in the war against 
 the United States. Returning from his mission he en- 
 
 93 
 
94 Bed Patriots: 
 
 tered the service of our Government, as an officer of tlie 
 Cherokee regiment in the Creek war. He had received 
 a good education at Kingston, Tennessee, and possessed 
 great executive ability. He was strongly opposed to 
 the removal of the Cherokees to the West, and spent 
 much of his time for years in Washington, in the inter- 
 est of his people, where he was well known to all the 
 statesmen of that period. 
 
 His first wife was a Cherokee woman, who died in 
 1839. In 1845 he was again married, his bride being a 
 Miss Mary B. Stapler, a prominent Quakeress, of Wil- 
 mington, Del. At the time of this marriage, the groom 
 was fifty-five years of age, while the bride was but 
 nineteen. John Ross died in Washington, D. C, 
 August 1st, 18G6, aged seventj^-six years, after an illness 
 of about five months. The Washington, Star on the day 
 following his death, contained a long obituary notice, 
 from which we extract the following: 
 
 "John Ross was one of the most remarkable men of 
 this country. He originated the written constitution of 
 the Cherokee nation, and to his vigor and the intelli-. 
 gence of his administration must we attribute much of 
 the civilization of the Cherokees.* The remains were 
 taken to Wilmington, . . . and afterward removed for 
 burial among his people." 
 
 George Catlin, who was well and familiarly ac- 
 quainted with John Ross, characterizes him as a 
 "civilized and highly accomplished gentleman," and 
 says that he felt "bound to testify to the rigid temper- 
 ance of his habits and the purity of his language, in 
 which I never knew him to transgress for a moment, in 
 public or private interviews." 
 
 *The New York Herald of Jan. 2nd, 18iG, contained a model Thanksgiv- 
 ing Proclamation by John Ross, copibd from a paper published bj the 
 Cherokees. 
 
The Story of the Seminoles. 95 
 
 The Government finally approved of Colonel Sher- 
 burne's plan, and entered into an agreement with Ross 
 by which he was to select delegates from among his 
 chiefs and send them to Florida to mediate for a peace- 
 ful settlement with the Seminoles. Ross, who remained 
 in Washington, accordingly appointed five of his prin- 
 cipal chiefs, one of whom acted as interpreter, at the 
 same time giving them a written appeal to be read "To 
 the Chiefs, Head Men and Warriors of the Seminoles of 
 Florida."* 
 
 This forcible appeal was addressed particularly to 
 "Mickenopah, Osceola, and Alligator," as the leading 
 men of the nation, and dated at Washington, Oct. 18th, 
 1837. (This, it will be observed, w^as three days before 
 the date of the seizure of Osceola.) 
 
 The delegates, accompanied by the special agent, 
 arrived in Florida early in November. They proceeded 
 to the camp of Mickenopah, situated about sixty miles 
 southeast of Fort Mellon, where they met that chief, 
 also Cloud, Sam Jones, and many others. A council 
 was held on November 30th, atChickasawhatchee River, 
 near Lake Poinsett, when the address of Ross was read 
 and explained. It began thus: 
 
 "I address you in the name of the Cherokee nation, 
 as its principal chief, and with feelings of a brother 
 hold out to you the hand of friendship." He asks them 
 to listen to his words, saying that "they emanate from 
 the purest feelings of my own heart for your welfare." 
 He advises them to lay down their arms and consent to 
 removal under the Treaty of Payne's Landing, adding 
 that they could depend on the United States doing them 
 justice. 
 
 Soon after the conclusion of this council and its 
 
 *H. R, 285, 2d Ses„ 25th Cong. 
 
96 Bed Patriots: 
 
 attendant ceremonies, Mickenopah, Cloud and eleven 
 other chiefs, with a number of warriors, accompanied 
 the Cherokee delegation to Fort Mellon, to confer with 
 General Jesup, who had gone there to meet them. They 
 arrived there December 3rd, and on the 5th the General 
 held a meeting with them. 
 
 The Cherokees now went south once more, and on 
 the 14th of December returned to Fort Mellon with an 
 additional number of Seminoles. In the meantime, 
 Wildcat had made his escape from the fort at St. Augus- 
 tine, and this, together with an evident uneasiness 
 among the Indians assembled at Fort Mellon, caused 
 General Jesup to fear that his plans would again mis- 
 carr}'-. With the probable intention to obviate this 
 danger, the General, a day or two after the return of 
 the last party, seized all the Indians at the fort, seventy- 
 one in number, including Mickenopah, and made them 
 prisoners, although all had come in under flags of 
 truce.* 
 
 This fresh act of perfidy aroused the indignation of 
 the Cherokee delegates, and at the same time excited a 
 fear that the Seminoles might suspect them as traitors. 
 The whole disgraceful transaction was ably and elo- 
 quently laid before the Secretary of War by John Ross, 
 in a letter dated March 8th, 1838, in which he says: 
 
 "Perhaps you haA^e forgotten the circumstances 
 which arose at the very moment when Mickenopah and 
 the chiefs with him were seized under a flag of truce. 
 The Cherokee mediators, in whose presence this occurred, 
 no sooner recovered from their astonishment, than they 
 asked to clear themselves from the appearance of treach- 
 ery in the minds of the Seminoles who had unhesitatingly 
 come, through their means, into the lines of the army 
 for negotiation, and lost their liberty." 
 *Ex. Docs. 285 and 327, 2d Ses., 25th Cong. 
 
The Story of the Seminoles. 97 
 
 He thus explained the anxiety of his brethren to 
 gain an interview with the prisoners and to remove from 
 their minds all suspicion of treachery: 
 
 "Unless fully cleared from suspicion . . . how 
 would they be viewed by the world at large, if any one 
 could brand them as the willing tools to ensnare the 
 confiding, under the sacredness of a flag of truce, which 
 is respected by enemies the most ferocious, and by spirits 
 the most untamable, throughout the peopled earth?" 
 
 General Jesup had refused to allow the Cherokeesto 
 converse w^ith the Seminoles at the time of their seizure, 
 and he even declined to make the explanation himself, 
 as the delegates then requested ; but he finally told them 
 that they could have an interview with the prisoners in 
 Fort Marion, whither they were at once taken. 
 
 The Cherokees, with their escort, Colonel Sherburne, 
 accompanied the Seminoles to St. Augustine, a distance 
 of more than two hundred miles, and saw them joined 
 in confinement in the fort with Osceola and his party, 
 who, as the reader knows, had been imprisoned there 
 nearly two months before. 
 
 In order to see justice done in this matter. Colonel 
 Sherburne at once requested an interview with the 
 principal chiefs among the Seminole prisoners. Mick- 
 enopah and the other leaders seized at Fort Mellon, 
 together with Osceola and the chiefs of his party, were 
 ushered into the commandant's own room at the fort, 
 and there the Cherokees at last had the satisfaction of 
 explaining their position. After hearing all they had 
 to say, the Seminoles stated that " they dismissed from 
 their minds all suspicion of treachery on the part of 
 their Cherokee brethren." * 
 
 General Jesup evidently experienced considerable 
 
 * Ibid. 
 
98 Bed Patriots: 
 
 remorse for his latest treacherous act, for at this meet- 
 ing he requested Colonel Sherburne, on his (Jesup's) 
 own responsibility, to lay before the assembled Indians 
 the following entirely new proposition: 
 
 If the United States should set apart, for the 
 exclusive use of the Seminoles, all that portion of 
 Florida south of Tampa Bay, and bounded by the Gulf 
 of Mexico and the Atlantic, would the Seminoles agree 
 to guard that frontier for the United States from foreign 
 invasion, and also to deliver up to their rightful owners 
 all runaway negroes who might flee to their territory ? 
 
 The General then inquired how many of the chiefs 
 present would accompany him to Washington, in the 
 event that such a proposition should be sanctioned by j 
 the Government. One by one each chief present replied 
 that he would gladly agree to such an arrangement, and 
 that he would go to Washington. * When the agent 
 addressed Osceola, that chief plucked one of the white 
 plumes from his turban, and handing it to the agent, 
 replied: 
 
 " Give this to our white fatherf in token that Osce- 
 ola will do as you have said." J 
 
 It should be stated that Mickenopah alone qualified 
 his assent to the proposition. He would only agree to 
 it when thoroughly convinced that the word of the 
 United States would not be broken. Osceola, on the 
 contrary, notwithstanding the base treachery which had 
 been practiced upon him, was more trusting. He dis- 
 played his magnanimity and his desire for peace by hie 
 willingness to overlook the past and to accede to terms 
 which would allow his nation to remain in the land of 
 their birth. 
 
 * Condensed from the documents last quoted, 
 t The President. 
 
 X Report of the delegates to John Boss, and quoted by him in his letter 
 to the Secretary of War. 
 
The Story of the Seminoles. 99 
 
 General Jesup forwarded the proposition, and the 
 replies of the Seminoles, to the Secretary of War, but 
 that official declined to consider it, stating that the set- 
 tled policy of the Government must be adhered to and 
 the tribe removed entirely from the Territory. 
 
 John Ross not only protested against the seizure of 
 the Seminoles under a flag of truce, but he made a 
 strong effort to secure their release from confinement, as 
 will be seen from the following extract from one of his 
 letters to the Secretary of War : 
 
 '' I do most solemnly protest against this unpre- 
 cedented violation of that sacred rule which has ever 
 been recognized by every nation, civilized and uncivil- 
 ized, of treating with due respect those who had ever 
 presented themselves under a flag of truce before their 
 enemy .... Moreover, I respectfully appeal to and 
 submit for your decision, whether justice and policy do 
 not require at your hands that these captives should be 
 forthwith liberated, that they may go and confer with 
 their people, and that whatever obstacles may have been 
 thrown in the way of their coming in to make peace may 
 be removed." * 
 
 Thus did this noble red man and staunch friend of 
 the Seminoles appeal to the sense of justice and magna- 
 nimity of our Government through its official representa- 
 tive. But his manly and earnest words fell on deaf 
 ears ; the records do not even contain a reply to this last 
 suggestion. 
 
 After the meeting at Fort Marion between the 
 Cherokee delegation and the Seminoles, the former bade 
 their unfortunate friends farewell, and left for Wash- 
 ington, to meet their chief. Soon after their arrival in 
 the city, they called at the office of the National 
 
 '■' The entire correspondence between John Ross and the Secretary of 
 War may be consulted in Ex. Docs. 285 and 327, 2d Ses., 25th Cong. 
 
 Lr /> 
 .05 V. 
 
100 Bed Patriots: 
 
 Intelligencer and made a plain statement with regard to 
 Jesup's seizure of Mickenopah and those with him. 
 Commenting upon this, the editor says, in his issue of 
 Jan. 5th, 1838: 
 
 " . . . . But, whilst hopes were entertained that 
 the rest of the chiefs w^ould come in, and some were 
 actually in motion for the purpose, circumstances 
 occurred to produce a sudden change in the minds of 
 those who were still in the hammocks and swamps . . . 
 Those chiefs who had come in under the Cherokee flag 
 of truce were made prisoners ot war, and forthwith sent 
 off to St. Augustine and imprisoned." 
 
 In defense of his course. General Jesup states in a 
 letter addressed to the Cherokee delegation, dated Dec. 
 15th, 1h37, that he sent Mickenopah and his party to 
 St. Augustine on account of "the recent conduct of 
 Arpeika (Sam Jones) and other chiefs and their people." 
 He also claims that Mickenopah and Cloud were hostages 
 under the treaty of Fort Dade. 
 
 Again, in a final report to the Secretary of War, 
 under date of July 6th, 1838, presented after his retire- 
 ment from the command of the army in Florida, General 
 Jesup says he " authorized no assurance to be given to 
 the Indians that they were to come to my camp and be 
 permitted to return. I promi^ed protection and kind 
 treatment. If the Cherokees promised more it was on 
 their own responsibility and without my authority." 
 
 It was perfectly understood that the Cherokee dele- 
 gation was to visit the Seminoles in their fastnesses and 
 induce them to come in and hold a council with General 
 Jesup. The only way by which their presence could be 
 secured was by assuring them protection under a flag of 
 truce ; and of this General Jesup was well aware. He 
 knew full well, too, that the influence of their trusted 
 
The Story of the Seminoles. 101 
 
 friends, the Cherokees, would induce the Seminoles to 
 do what probably no other means could have effected. 
 His excuse, therefore, for seizing the persons of the 
 Seminole chiefs was valueless and contemptible. 
 
CHAPTER X. 
 
 TRANSFER OF OSCEOLA AND THE OTHERS TO FORT MOULTRIE 
 
 VISITORS FLOCK TO SEE THE FAMOUS CHIEF OSCEOLA 
 
 AND OTHER CHIEFS VISIT THE THEATER DESCRIPTIVE 
 
 POEM SUICIDE OF AN INDIAN GEORGE CATLIN PAINTS 
 
 THE chiefs' portraits PERSONAL APPEARANCE OF 
 
 OSCEOLA IN CONFINEMENT. 
 
 After the seizure of Mickenopah and those with 
 him, General Jesup no doubt feared a concentration of 
 the Indian forces on the fort at St. Augustine, for he 
 soon after decided to transfer all of his Indian prisoners 
 to Fort Moultrie, situated on Sullivan's Island, opposite 
 the city of Charleston, South Carolina. The number 
 thus disposed of comprised the chiefs Mickenopah, King 
 Philip, Osceola, Cloud and Alligator, together with one 
 hundred and sixteen warriors and eighty-two women 
 and children. 
 
 The party included no Maroons or other negroes, 
 all of whom had been separated from the Indians and 
 sent to Tampa Bay, in readiness for transportation to 
 Arkansas. This arrangement General Jesup deemed 
 necessary "for better protection," as he stated in a 
 letter to General Arbuckle, and in order to prevent 
 greater difficulty in carrying out his plans with the 
 Indians,* who regarded the imprisonment of the Maroons, 
 and their possible re-enslavement, as an outrage upon 
 themselves. 
 
 The entire Seminole party, as numbered above, were 
 embarked on the United States Steamer Poinsett, Captain 
 
 ♦House Ex. Doc. 219, Vol. 8, 2d Ses., 25th Cong. 
 
 102 
 
The Story of the Seminoles. 103 
 
 Trathen, and arrived at Fort Moultrie January 1st, 1838, 
 where they were all confined within the fortress. The 
 ofiicer in charge of their removal, Captain Morrison, 
 testified to their good behavior on the passage, as well 
 as throughout their confinement. Their arrival excited 
 sympathy as well as curiosity, and many persons from 
 various parts of the country visited them at the fort. 
 
 Osceola, although regarded as the most important 
 of all the prisoners, was allowed to roam about the 
 enclosure and to receive visitors in his room. The 
 fearless bravery and manly qualities of this chief, his 
 unusual knowledge of scientific warfare, and, above all 
 else, his unswerving determination to defend to the last 
 his chosen home, had spread his fame throughout the 
 length and breadth of the country, and won for him 
 respect and admiration even in the hearts of his bitterest 
 enemies. 
 
 No wonder is it, then, that all who visited the fort 
 found Osceola the center of attraction. The romantic 
 interest which gathered around him was enhanced by 
 sympathy ; not alone on account of his treacherous 
 seizure, however, for it was soon perceived that, although 
 in the very prime of manhood, having hardly reached 
 middle age, his health as well as his spirit, was broken. 
 
 To the visitor Osceola seemed always pining for the 
 freedom of his native land. Though too proud to dis- 
 play this feeling by any unmanly manifestations, he 
 sometimes talked, through the medium of an interpreter, 
 with great spirit and even with fiery indignation, about 
 the base manner in which he had been betrayed ; nor did 
 he cease to regret his inability to continue the fight in 
 defense of his country. No one, at such times, could 
 look upon the uncommonly attractive features and 
 powerful yet supple form of this noble warrior, thus 
 
l04 ited Patriots: 
 
 chafing in confinement, without mingled feelings of 
 pity, admiration and respect. 
 
 On the evening of the 6th of January, Osceola and 
 other chiefs were induced to attend the Charleston 
 Theater as spectators. The public announcement in the 
 newspapers of the previous day that these distinguished 
 visitors were to appear, caused the building to be 
 crowded to the doors. The play was "Honeymoon," 
 with the admired actress, Miss Cooper, in the role of 
 Juliana. The chiefs divided with her the honors of 
 the occasion. The attractive scene and the bearing of 
 the red men are graphically described in the following 
 verses, entitled, "Osceola at the Charleston Theater," by 
 James B. Ransom, a poet who happened to be sojourning 
 in the city : 
 
 "The chandeliers sent forth a dazzling light, 
 And splendid lamps and paintings shone around; 
 The scenery was superb and all looked bright, 
 While not one vacant seat could there be found. 
 Indeed, a prince of high pretensions might 
 Have viewed the scene without a single frown, 
 For beauty, fashion, learning all combined 
 To form a crowd genteel, polite, refined. 
 
 Then Osceola with his warriors came— 
 
 A stern, unbending, stoic band they were — 
 
 Whose names, in truth, will long be known to fame 
 
 For deeds of valor and for love of war. 
 
 With earrings, trinkets, necklaces and bands, 
 
 Heads decked with feathers, rings upon their hands — 
 
 A group so wild, grotesque, and yet so sage. 
 
 Have very seldom looked upon the stage. 
 
 I marked the heavy thought upon his brow, 
 Which clung like mist around the mountain top. 
 And watched his listless mien and careless bow. 
 As though he saw the play but heard it not. 
 And then his lips would breathe some secret vow 
 To strike for injuries ne'er to be forgot. 
 And peril all, though life should be the cost, 
 To save his native home and country lost. 
 
The Story of the Seminoles. 105 
 
 The lovely glow of Juliana's face, 
 Her smiles and blushes, and the tears she shed, 
 Her splendid attitudes and native grace. 
 Were to his war-lit fancy stale and dead. 
 Yes, there he sat, subdued but still enraged, 
 As the fierce tiger, wlien he's caught and caged 
 Will lie composed, yet, when you pass him by. 
 You'll see a demon spirit in his eye. 
 
 The softest strains of music fell unheard, 
 
 And every sound seemed lost upon his ear. 
 
 While songs that spoke of love in every word 
 
 Nor made him sigli, nor smile, nor drop a tear; 
 
 For his wild thoughts, like some unfettered bird. 
 
 Flew swift as lightning to that home so dear. 
 
 Where his undaunted heart still longed to go. 
 
 To raise the savage yell and fight the treacherous foe."* 
 
 A singular incident occurred on the night of Janu- 
 ary 7th. On the previous night one of the Indian war- 
 riors, it was reported, had been concerned in depreda- 
 tions on a neighboring henroost. For this act the culprit 
 was severely reprimanded by the chiefs, and was also 
 threatened with punishment. The next morning he was 
 found at the fort suspended by the neck with a piece of 
 rawhide, his knees almost touching the ground. A 
 coroner's jury was summoned and decided that the poor 
 fellow had undoubtedly committed suicide, probably 
 from mingled shame and fear of punishment ^f 
 
 When George Catlin, the famous Indian portrait- 
 painter, learned of the confinement of the Seminoles in 
 Fort Moultrie, he at once decided to visit them and secure 
 portraits of the most prominent prisoners. Our Govern- 
 ment, also, made arrangements with him to paint the 
 likenesses of four chiefs, for preservation in the War 
 Department Collection. Arriving at Charleston, Janu- 
 ary 17th, Mr. Catlin went at once to Fort Moultrie and 
 
 •'Charleston Courier, January 9th, 1838. 
 
 flbid. To the wild Indian, who never keeps anything under lock and 
 key, stealing is regarded as a far greater crime tban it is among the white peo- 
 ple. 
 
106 Red Patriots: 
 
 entered upon his congenial task. He succeeded in trans- 
 ferring to canvas the portraits of eight prominent 
 chiefs, including two of Osceola — one of the head and 
 shoulders, (see frontispiece), the other a full length figure. 
 He also painted portraits of three of the Indian women. 
 
 When Mr. Catlin requested Osceola to sit for his 
 likeness, that chief readily consented, and immediately- 
 prepared his person with the utmost care. This was the 
 second portrait executed by the artist after his arrival, 
 the first being one of Mickenopah, chief of the nation. 
 This painting of Osceola is numbered three hundred and 
 one of the Catlin Collection, on exhibition at the United 
 States National Museum, Washington, D. C. 
 
 The artist was struck with admiration when he first 
 beheld the superb figure and fine countenance of Osceola. 
 In a letter written on the day of his arrival at the fort, 
 to a friend in New York, he refers to this chief as *' a 
 fine, gentleman-like looking man, with a pleasant smile 
 that would become the face of the most refined and 
 delicate female." 
 
 That winning smile and those wonderful eyes drew 
 from an army officer who interviewed him, these glowing 
 words of admiration, addressed to Dr. Welch : *' . . . But 
 the eye! — that 'herald of the soul' — was in itself con- 
 stituted to command ; when under excitement it flashed 
 firm and stern resolve; when smiling, it warmed the very 
 heart of the beholder with its beams of kindness."* 
 
 After seeing the Catlin portrait, the New York 
 Star spoke of the great contrast between the physiog- 
 nomy of Osceola and of the other chiefs — " the towering 
 forehead, the pensive, melancholy cast of expression, 
 the lurking fire of a noble black eye — as bearing the 
 very stamp of high mettled nobility and of commanding 
 genius." 
 
 ^Osceola Nikkanoochee. 
 
The Story of the Seminoles. 107 
 
 Mr. Catlin occupied a large room in the officers' 
 quarters, '* and every evening," says he, *' after painting 
 all day at their portraits, I have had Osceola, Mickeno- 
 pah, Cloud, Coeehajo, King Philip, and others, in my 
 room until a late hour at night, where they have taken 
 great pains to give me an account of the war and the 
 mode in which they were captured, of which they com- 
 plain bitterly. I am fully convinced from all I have 
 seen, and learned from the lips of Osceola and from the 
 chiefs who are around him, that he is a most extraordi- 
 nary man, and one entitled to a better fate."f 
 
 In his conversations with Mr. Catlin, Osceola made 
 many inquiries about the West, its game animals, its 
 wood, waters, and inhabitants, indicating that he had 
 some hope of final release, and that he was debating in 
 his mind, whether, in that event, it would not be better 
 for him and his people to give up the unequal contest 
 with the whites, and agree to removal. But his linger- 
 ing hopes were never to be fulfilled. 
 
 Mr. Catlin painted another portrait of Osceola, a 
 full length figure, (No. 808, Catlin Collection). In his 
 great work on Indian life and character, the artist thus 
 speaks of this portrait and the dress of the subject : 
 
 "I painted him precisely in the costume in which 
 he stood for his picture, even to a string and a trinket. 
 He wore three ostrich feathers on his head and a turban 
 made of a varicolored cotton shawl, and his dress was 
 chiefly of calicoes, with a handsome bead sash or belt 
 around his waist, and his rifle in his hand." 
 
 The chief Mickenopah at first positively refused to 
 be painted, but afterward consented, Mr. Catlin says, 
 '* if I could make a fair likeness of his legs, which he had 
 very tastefully dressed in a handsome pair of red leggins, 
 
 tCatlin's "Eight Years," etc. 
 
108 Red Patriots: 
 
 and upon which I at once began, as he sat cross-legged, 
 by painting them upon the lower part of the canvas, 
 leaving room for his body and head above." 
 
 A certificate dated at Fort Moultrie, January 26tli, 
 1838, and signed by Captain Morrison and the other 
 officers at the fort, including the surgeon, states "that 
 the Indians sat or stood in the costumes precisely in 
 which they are painted, and that the likenesses are 
 remarkably good." 
 
CHAPTER XI. 
 
 SICKNESS AND DEATH OE OSCEOLA THE CHIEf's REQUEST 
 
 physician's ACCOUNT OF HIS DYING MOMENTS FUNERAL 
 
 CEREMONIES AN INFAMOUS ACT COMMENTS OF THE 
 
 PRESS AND OTHERS UPON OSCEOLA's DEATH EULOGY BY 
 
 STORROW street's GRAPHIC POEM. 
 
 On the very day on which the last portrait of Osce- 
 ola was painted, that chief was taken sick with an 
 alarming attack of quinsy. Previous to this illness, Dr. 
 Weedon, the as-iistant surgeon of the post, had expressed 
 his opinion that Osceola would not live many weeks in 
 confinement; and Mr. Catlin says he had observed a 
 *' rapid decline in his face and his flesh " since his arrival 
 at the fort. 
 
 Several times during the attack, Mr. Catlin and the 
 officers of the garrison were called to Osceola's bedside, 
 as Dr. Weedon believed him to be dying. On the night of 
 January 27th, they all sat up with him until midnight, 
 expecting his death at any moment. On the morning 
 of the 29th, Mr. Catlin was obliged to leave, per steamer, 
 for New York. At that time the sick man's condition 
 had slightly improved, and it was thought that he might 
 recover. 
 
 Osceola, however, grew worse instead of better, 
 and Dr. Strobel, Professor of Anatomy in the College of 
 South Carolina, was called in consultation. But, on the 
 advice of one of the medicine men, who was among the 
 prison rs, the chief positively refused to take any of the 
 remedies which these gentlemen suggested, resisting to 
 the last their every effort to relieve him. 
 
 109 
 
110 Red Patriots: 
 
 Perhaps the chief did not care to live ; the faint 
 hope of release which he evidently entertained previous 
 to his illcess may have fled; liberty to one of his nature 
 was more than life. 
 
 The treatment given by the Indian doctor consisted 
 mainly of poultices, and a wash or liniment, made from 
 roots and herbs, which were freely applied to the throat 
 and chest of the patient. Osceola's tw^o wives were 
 present and were most devoted in their attentions to the 
 patient. One or the other of them was almost constantly 
 trying something for his relief. 
 
 Finally, on the morning of the 30th of January, 
 1838, in the 34th year of his age, surrounded by his 
 wives and children, by his brother chiefs and the officers 
 of the garrison, Osceola, the Rising Sun — he who had 
 been the very life-spirit of the Seminole War for home 
 and country, passed peacefully away, his head resting 
 in the lap of one of his devoted wives. 
 
 When Osceola realized that he would not recover 
 and that death was near, he had requested Dr. Weedon 
 to give Mr. Catlin — whom he, in common with nearly 
 all Indians, knew to be his friend — an account of his 
 last moments, which request was complied with as 
 follows : 
 
 "About half an hour before he died, he seemed to 
 be sensible that he was dying; and, although he could 
 not speak, he signified by signs that he wished me (Dr. 
 Weedon) to send for the chiefs and for the officers of 
 the post, whom I called in. He made signs to his 
 wives (of whom he had two, and also two fine little chil- 
 dren) by his side, to go and bring his full dress which 
 he wore in time of war ; which having been 
 brought in, he rose up in his bed, which was on 
 the floor, and put on his shirt, his leggins and 
 
The Story of the Seminoles. Ill 
 
 his moccasins, girded on his war belt, bullet-pouch and 
 powder-horn, and laid his knife by the side of him on 
 the floor. 
 
 " He then called for his red paint and looking-glass, 
 which latter was held before him, when he deliberately 
 painted one-half of his face, his neck and his throat with 
 Vermillion, a custom practiced when the irrevocable oath 
 of war and destruction is taken. His knife he then 
 placed in its sheath under his belt, and he carefully 
 arranged his turban on his head and his three ostrich 
 plumes that he was in the habit of wearing in it. 
 
 ''Being thus prepared in full dress, he lay down a 
 few moments to recover strength sufficient, when he 
 rose up as before, and with most benignant and pleasing 
 smiles, extended his hand to me and to all of the officers 
 and chiefs that were around him, and shook hands with 
 us all in dead silence, and with his wives and little 
 children. 
 
 ' ' He made a signal for them to lower him down 
 upon his bed, which was done, and he then slowly drew 
 from his war-belt his scalping-knife, which he firmly 
 grasped in his right hand, laying it across the other 
 on his breast, and in a moment smiled away his last 
 breath without a struggle or a groan."* 
 
 The silent watchers in that rude chamber of death 
 were acquainted with the manly character of the dead 
 chief; they knew the intense love of home that had filled 
 his being, and the indomitable courage he had displayed 
 in its defense ; they were aware of his treacherous seiz- 
 ure and cruel confinement. Therefore, when the Great 
 Spirit came and claimed his own from further injustice, 
 there were few dry eyes among those present, even the 
 Indians being uncommonly affected. 
 *A footnote in Catlin's "Eight Years," etc. 
 
112 Red Patriots: 
 
 The funeral of the Seminole chieftain was conducted 
 with the honors and respect due to so distinguished a 
 foeman. A detachment of the United States troops, 
 followed by the medical men and many private citizens, 
 together with ail of the chiefs and warriors, women and 
 children, in a body, escorted the remains to the grave, 
 v/hich was located near the main entrance to the fort. 
 The coffin, with all the weapons and personal belongings 
 of the deceased, was lowered, and a military salute fired 
 over the grave. The Indians seemed to derive a melan- 
 choly satisfaction from the honors paid to their former 
 leader. 
 
 One of the soldiers enclosed the grave with a neat 
 paling, and a Mr. Patton, a generous and sympathiz- 
 ing resident of Charleston, erected a marble slab at the 
 hfad, on which was cut this simple but expressive 
 inscription: 
 
 OSCEOLA : 
 
 PATRIOT AND WARRIOR; 
 DIED, JAN. 30, 1838. 
 
 The wooden paling was afterwards replaced with 
 an iron one, but the place has long been neglected; the 
 stone now lies flat and is broken, while the inscription 
 is deciphered with difficulty. 
 
 A few days after the burial, unknown persons 
 opened the grave and decapitated the corpse, carrying 
 off the head. Some time afterward, according to the 
 New York Star, of that period, the head was on exhi- 
 bition at Stuyvesant Institute, New York City. It was 
 believed by many at the time that this infamous act 
 was perpetrated with the full knowledge, if not the 
 assistance, of one of the physicians in the neighborhooc' 
 Fortunately, a death-cast of the head and shoulders 
 
Osceola's Grave. 
 
 (Near Fort Moultrie, Sullivan's Island, Charleston Harbor, South Carolina.) 
 Never before published. 
 

The Story of the Seminoles. 113 
 
 the dead chief was taken before burial ; this is now in 
 the Smithsonian Museum, Washington, D. C. 
 
 After years of effort, the author at last learned that 
 Dr. G. M. Vincent, of Braidentown, Fla., claimed to 
 have the skull of Osceola in his possession. The follow- 
 ing was received in reply to a request for a brief history 
 of the relic : 
 
 "Braidentown, Fla., March 24th, 1898. 
 "Mr. Charles H. Coe, Washington, D. C. 
 
 "Dear Sir : Yours of the 21st to hand, and in regard to 
 Osceola skull will say I will dispose of it for one hundred 
 dollars and the historj'' of same that I have certified to 
 before a J. P. Respectfully Yours, 
 
 "G. M. Vincent." 
 
 A week after the death of Osceola, Doctors Weedon 
 and Strobel, complying with a public desire or demand, 
 each made a full statement in a Charleston newspaper 
 regarding Osceola's sickness and death. Dr. Weedon 
 states that soon after he commenced the treatment of 
 his patient, the Indian doctor came into the room and 
 "from the moment of his entrance there was a refusal 
 to take anything" offered by the white physicians. Dr. 
 Strobel said he agreed with Dr. Weedon's views and 
 partial treatment, and that he was satisfied Osceola 
 would have recovered from the attack if the surgeon 
 had been permitted to put them into practice.* 
 
 The death of Osceola in confinement called forth 
 renewed comments upon the manner of his seizure, many 
 high testimonials to his greatness, as well as confident 
 forecasts of his enduring fame.f 
 
 '-Courier, Feb. 6th, 1838. 
 
 •J-The memory of this hero is perpetuatea in three counties and nineteen 
 villages, in various parts of the United States, by the name of the chief. In 
 Florida, a county, town, street, lake, a snake (Osceola elapsoidea, the hand- 
 soniest serpent in the country), a newspaper, and a hotel, are so called. 
 Among the white persons who bore the chief's name was the late Osceola 0. 
 fJreen, one of the most prominent and highly respected citizens of Washing- 
 ton, D. C ; Osceola Currier, a prominent business man of Newark, N.J.; 
 and Osceola Lewis, author of a History of the 138th Penn. Rpg. Vols , 1866. 
 Several of the present Seminoles in Florida, and one in the West, are named 
 after this famous warrior. The latest namesake is a United States torpedo 
 boat destroyer. 
 
114 Bed Patriots: 
 
 The Mercury^ of Charleston, South Carolina, com- 
 menting upon the death of the chief, said : 
 
 "When we saw him at the theater he looked sad and 
 tired of the world. . .Is there not something in the char- 
 acter of this man not unworthy of the respect of the 
 w^orld? From a vagabond child he became the master- 
 spirit of a long and desperate war. He made himself — 
 no man owed less to accident. . .Such was Osceola, who 
 will long be remembered as the man that with the 
 feeblest means produced the most terrible effects." 
 
 Capt. John T. Sprague refers to Osceola as "a brave 
 and generous enemy, and respected as he was by the 
 country for his open, manly nature, he was too proud 
 to be under the dominion of the white man." 
 
 Says Samuel G. Drake, author of several works on 
 the Indians : 
 
 *'He was a great man, and his name will go down 
 to the latest posterity with as much renown as Philip of 
 Pokanoket. Both by fatal errors were brought prema- 
 turely into the hands of their enemies. . .Osceola by a 
 mistaken estimate of the character of his foes." 
 
 "In his narrow sphere," says Thomas W. Storrow, 
 a prominent writer of his day, "Osceola displayed many 
 heroic virtues; his life was engaged in a nobler cause 
 than that which incites the actions of many whom the 
 world calls great. If those who have devastated the 
 earth to gratify their selfish ambition or thirst for con- 
 quest, have historians to record their deeds and poets to 
 sing their praises, let us not withhold a token of applause 
 to one who committed fewer wrongs, and during his life 
 was a brave defender of his country."* 
 
 Various poems devoted to Osceola were published in 
 newspapers and periodicals of the day. Perhaps the 
 
 ■'Knickerbocker Magazine, November 1844. 
 
The Story of the Seminoles. 115 
 
 most spirited and affecting was one by Alfred B. Street, 
 one of the leailing minor poets of America, whose works 
 were praised for their realism and fidelity. We need 
 make no apology for reproducing it here. 
 
 OSCEOLA. 
 
 PART I. 
 
 The rich blue sky is o'er, 
 
 Around are the tall green trees, 
 And the jessamine's breath fri»m the Everglades 
 
 Is borne on the wandering breeze. 
 On the minjifled ^«ass and flowers 
 
 Is a fierce and threatening form 
 That looks like an eagle when pluming his wing 
 
 To brave the gathering storm. 
 
 His rifle within his grasp, 
 
 The bright plumes o'er his head. 
 His features are clothed with a warrior's pride 
 
 And he movf-s With a monarch's tread. 
 He bends with listening ear, 
 
 •He peers through the tangled screen, 
 And he smiles with joy as the flash of steel 
 
 Through the Everglade's grass is seen. 
 
 One wave of his stalwart arm, 
 
 U ild forms around him stand. 
 And his eye glares brijiht with triumphant light 
 
 As he looks at his swarthy band. 
 Nearer the bayonets gleam — 
 
 At the edge of the hammock now, 
 The pale -face ranks are rallying, 
 
 But they seek in vain the foe. 
 
 They see in that lovely dale 
 
 But the hummmg-bird o'er the flower, 
 And the glit ering wing of the paroquet 
 
 In tlie cool and frajrrant bower. 
 But hark 1 from the cypress shade. 
 
 From the bay-tree's glossy leaves. 
 And the nooks where the vine from bough to bough 
 
 Its serpentine festoon weaves — 
 
116 Red Patriots: 
 
 The loud, shrill war-whoops burst 
 
 On the soft and s eepinir air, 
 And quick, bright darts of surrounding death 
 
 Are fearfully glai icing there. 
 The eagle with fierce delight 
 
 Abroad his pinions east, 
 And he shrieks as he bathes in the crimson rain 
 
 And sweeps through the whiZzing blast. 
 
 The battle-storm is o'er — 
 
 The hammock is reeking red — 
 But who looks thf^re with victorious smile 
 
 On the heaps of the ])ale-face dead? 
 'Tis a tribe's young warrior-chief. 
 
 The deeds of whose vengeful flame 
 Have filled the ear of a mighty land 
 
 Witli the terror of his name. 
 
 PART II. 
 
 In a dark dungeon room 
 
 Is stretched a mighty form, 
 And it shakes in its dreadful agony 
 
 Like a leaf in the autumn storm. 
 No pillared palmetto hangs 
 
 Its tuft in the clear bright air; 
 But a sorrowing group, and the narrow wall, 
 
 And a smouldering hearth are there. 
 
 The white froth on his lips, 
 
 His trembling, gasping breath, 
 And the hollow rattle in his throat, 
 
 Proclaim the conqueror — Death ! 
 'Tis 'he proud, victorious chief 
 
 Who smiled 'mid the pale-face slain; 
 'Tis the eagle that swept through the whizziug blast 
 
 And bathed in the crimson rain. 
 
 For his own sunny forest home 
 
 He had struggled Ions: and well, 
 But the soul hat breasted a nation's arms 
 
 At the touch of a fetter fell. 
 He had worn wild freedom's crown 
 
 On hi- br ght, unconquered brow. 
 Since he first saw the light of his beautiful skies — 
 
 It was gone forever now. 
 
The Story of the Seminoles. 117 
 
 But still, in his last dread hours, 
 
 Did not bright visions come- 
 Bright visions that shed a golden gleam 
 
 on the darkness of his doom ? 
 Thev calmed his throbbing pulse, 
 
 And they hung on his muttering breath— 
 The spray thrown up from life's frenzied flood 
 
 That brightened the gulf of death. 
 
 The close walls shrank away- 
 Above was the starless sky. 
 
 And the lakes with their floating isles of flowers, 
 Spread glistening to his eye. 
 
 O'er his tent the live-oak spread 
 Its branching, gigantic sliade 
 
 With its dots of leaves and it< robes of moss, 
 Broad, blackening on the glade. 
 
 f 
 But a sterner sight is 'round. 
 
 Battle's wild torrent is there— 
 The tomahawk gleams and the red blood streams, 
 
 And the war-whoops rend the air. 
 At the head of his faithful band 
 
 Repeals forth his terrible cry, 
 As he fiercely h aps 'mid the slaughtered heaps 
 
 Of the foe that but fought to die. 
 
 One gasp, and the eye is glazed, 
 
 And still is the stiffening clay; 
 The eagle soul of the chief had passed 
 
 On the battle's flood away !* 
 
 Mr. Street's graphic verses \vould seem to contra- 
 dict the physician's account of Osceola's peaceful and 
 painless death, but something may be pardoned to poetic 
 
 license. 
 
 The fame of Osceola was well earned ; not for that 
 inhuman cruelty such as characterized most of our 
 Western tribes, but for true patriotism and determined 
 effort, against the combined armies of a great and pow- 
 
 *New York MtVro?-, March 1838; repriated in the i^'fortdian, Tallahassee 
 ria., April 28th. 
 
118 Red Patriots: 
 
 erful nation, in one of the most remarkable struggles 
 known to history. His fame will never die; centuries 
 will come and go, but the name of Osceola will remain 
 as long as the earth is peopled. 
 
CHAPTER XII. 
 
 TRANSFER OF THE PRISONERS TO THE WEST DEATH OF KING 
 
 PHILIP EN ROUTE THE SEMINOLE NATION RESOLVES ON 
 
 HAVING REVENGE DESCRIPTIONS OF LAKE OKEECHOBEE, 
 
 THE EVERGLADES, AND THE BIG CYPRESS SWAMP 
 
 BATTLE OF OKEECHOBEE NAVAL ATTACK NEAR JUPITER 
 
 INLET GENERAL JESUP MARCHES SOUTH. 
 
 Three weeks after the burial of Osceola, the Semi- 
 nole prisoners remaining at Fort Moultrie were embarked 
 on the brig Homer, Captain Nabb, for Arkansas, in 
 charge of Lieutenant Reynolds, of the United States 
 Marines. King Philip died on the passage up the Miss- 
 issippi River, and was buried on Louisiana soil. The 
 story of these banished unfortunates, who were never 
 again to see their cherished Southern home, will be told 
 in subsequent chapters. 
 
 It may as well be stated here that the author has 
 been unable to trace the after movements of Osceola's 
 immediate family ; and the only reference to a connec- 
 tion of the chief's (with the exception noted in the 
 Appendix), is contained in the following item, from the 
 Van Buren, Arkansas Intelligencer^ October 14, 1843: 
 
 "A Seminole Indian, Husti-colu-chee, half brother 
 to Osceola, h^is recently been successfully preaching the 
 doctrines of Christianity to the members of the tribe. 
 He preached at Little Rock, Ark., on the 15th ult." 
 
 We now return to the theater of war in southern 
 Florida, where hostilities were resumed in December 
 1837, by our army, still for a time under the command 
 
 119 
 
120 Bed Patriots: 
 
 of General Jesup. After his treacherous seizure of 
 Mickenopah and his party, the General had abandoned 
 all hope of inducing the Seniinoles to consent to peace- 
 able removal to the Western country. The Cherokee 
 mediators had very properly refused to have anything 
 more to do with the matter of Seminole emigration, and, 
 bidding goodbye to their unfortunate friends imprisoned 
 at St. Augustine, had departed for Washington, as pre- 
 viously stated. 
 
 The body of the Seminole nation remaining on their 
 reservation in the southern part of the peninsula, now 
 under the leadership of Wildcat and Sam Jones (Arpei- 
 ka), were determined to have revenge for the seizure of 
 Osceola and the others. Sam Jones sent word to Gen- 
 eral Jesup that " he had never made a treaty and never 
 would; he and his people would fight it out forever."* 
 
 The commander of the army now ordered into the 
 field an officer who was at the head of a large force in 
 the western and southern part of Florida, with head- 
 quarters at Fort Brooke, on Tampa Bay. This officer 
 was General Zachary Taylor, who afterward became the 
 hero of the Mexican War, and the twelfth President of 
 the United States. 
 
 The clarion voice of Osceola no longer resounded on 
 
 the battle-field, the waving plumes of his head-dress no 
 
 longer flashed encouragement to his warriors, and from 
 
 this time the fortunes of the Seminoles began to decline. 
 
 Under a continuance of General Jesup's policy, however, 
 
 the Seminoles would have defied our armies for an 
 
 indefinite period. They still fought for several years 
 
 with the courage of desperation, and the next battle, in 
 
 which General Taylor commanded, (soon to receive 
 
 attention), was the bloodiest of the war. 
 
 ^statement of Captain John C. Casey, in a private letter dated at Fort 
 Brooke, January 14th, 1838. 
 
The Story of the Seminoles. 121 
 
 The remainder of the campaign was fought around 
 Lake Okeechobee and in the remote region of the Ever- 
 glades. A brief description of this interesting and still 
 partially unexplored wilderness, will greatly aid a proper 
 understanding of the various contests which there took 
 place. 
 
 Lake Okeechobee, an Indian name signifying "Big 
 Water," is about thirty-five miles long by thirty in 
 width, and covers a surface of more than 1,000 square 
 miles, with an average depth of about twelve feet. Less 
 w^as known of this lake prior to 1875 than of any body 
 of water of equal area in the United States, owing to 
 its remoteness and the extreme difficulty of reaching it. 
 The lake is fed by numerous streams, the Kissimmee 
 River being the most important. The principal outlet is 
 the Caloosahatchee River, on the southwestern corner of 
 the lake, while during seasons of high water the banks 
 overflow into the Everglades on the south. The sur- 
 rounding country is low, and much of it submerged after 
 heavy and continuous rains. Cypress swamps and occas- 
 ional growths of cabbage palmetto and ash, from a few 
 hundred yards to several miles in width, extend around 
 the lake. About eighteen miles of the eastern beach is 
 hard w^hite sand. In the southern part are several more 
 or less wooded islands. Small steamers now traverse the 
 lake and the entire course of the waterways to the north, 
 also the Caloosahatchee River, which was made navig- 
 able in 1882. 
 
 South of this great body of water lies the remarka- 
 ble region known as the Everglades. By the Indians it 
 w^as appropriately called Pay-hah-o-kee, or Bi-ha-yo-kee, 
 meaning "grass w^ater." This tract is about one hun- 
 dred and twenty miles long b}^ sixty wide, and embraces 
 a larger area than the State of Connecticut, or the com- 
 
122 Red Patriots, 
 
 biiK^d States of Rhode Island and Delaware. It is best 
 described as an inu!idated prairie, with water varying 
 in depth from a few inches to several feet, according to 
 the conformation of the bottom, and to the seasons. It 
 is covered with a species of tall grass (the saw-grass of 
 the south), and dotted, in places, with innumerable 
 islands, on some of which pine and other trees grow. 
 Some of the islands are several acres in extent, and ca- 
 pable of cultivation, but most of them are small and 
 very low. A number of chiefs had their headquarters 
 on islands remote from the borders of this desolate re- 
 gion, the most prominent being Chakika, Sam Jones, the 
 Prophet, and Waxyhajo. 
 
 It is commonly believed that few white men have 
 ever succeeded in crossing the Everglades, whereas no 
 less than thirteen different expeditions, numbering from 
 a few men to nearly three hundred each, have traversed 
 the lower half in nearly every direction. With one ex- 
 ception the northern half has never been crossed, owing 
 to the more continuous bodies of saw-grass, w^hich ren- 
 der a passage next to impossible. The first expedition 
 across the Glades was made by Lieut. Colonel W. S. 
 Harney, in December 1840, a further notice of which 
 will be given in another chapter. The latest expedition 
 was undertaken by Lieut. Hugh L. Willoughby, who 
 crossed in the winter of 1895, between Harney River 
 and Miami. The hardships endured by those who have 
 traversed this region cannot be exaggerated. * 
 
 One more remarkable formation claims description, 
 the " Big Cypress Swamp," or Ah-shah-wa-yo-kee of 
 the Indians, occupying as it did a prominent place in 
 the Seminole war. Owing to its peculiar advantages 
 
 * A monograph entitled '-The Florida Everglades: Their Character, 
 Ext lorattons, and Drainage," by the author, was read before the St. Augus- 
 tine Historical Society in February 
 
The Story of the Seminoles. 123 
 
 for concealment and defense, as well as the existence 
 within its limits of many fertile spots for raising corn 
 and other products, also to its natural food supply, this 
 swamp was a favorite retreat of the Seminoles.* It oc- 
 cupies the southern and southwestern part of Lee 
 County, and extends to the western border of the Ever- 
 glades. It is composed of cypress and bay swamps, 
 hammocks, ponds, and pine islands. f A statement 
 made by an army officer in 1856, regarding the Big Cy- 
 press, is true to the present day. He says : 
 
 "To the Indian it possesses valuable resources. 
 The means of subsistence are inexhaustible. If debar- 
 red from cultivating his garden or raising stock, the fish, 
 game, and fruits supply abundant food. The cabbage 
 palmetto trees alone would yield an unfailing support. J; 
 In case of hostilities and pursuit, the inn merabie dense 
 and tangled hammocks, tliickets, and lily-ponds, where 
 the whole tribe might baffle the pursuit of vastly su- 
 perior numbers, render the Big Cypress, as a stronghold, 
 almost impregnable." II 
 
 With these explanations, we will now follow General 
 Taylor, who, in obedience to the orders of his superior 
 in command, commenced in December 1837, prepara- 
 tions for an active campaign in the Indian country. His 
 first work was the opening of a road through the wil- 
 d»^rness to Lake Kissimmee, almost due east of Fort 
 Brooke. At the head of Peace Creek a post was estab- 
 lished (Fort Fras* r), and on the Kissimmee River 
 another (Fort Gardner). 
 
 * It is still occupied, with some other parts of the county, by the largest 
 part o' the remnant now living lu ha state 
 
 + Is.>lat» d triclH of pine w- ods or hammocks, sometimes acres in ex- 
 tent, surrounded bv swamps or prairie. 
 
 X Reference is had to the undeveloped bud in the top of the tr^e. wh ch 
 fu' niches a nutritive article of diet, re.-emblin^ in flavor a delicat?. cabbage, 
 hence the name. The edible part is a^out three in- hes in diameter by ten to 
 fourte'^n in length, 
 
 II Florida South of Tampa Bay, 1856; published by order of Jefferson 
 Davis, Secretary of War. 
 
124 Bed Patriots: 
 
 The General left the latter post on the 20th of De- 
 cember, and directed his course toward Lake Okeecho- 
 bee. His force consisted of eight hundred regulars and 
 volunteers, some of his officers being among the most 
 valued in the service. He had prepared for rapid 
 marching by leaving the artillery and all unnecessary 
 baggage behind. Following the west bank of the river 
 to a point about seventeen miles above the lake, he 
 crossed over, after leaving a detail to construct a tem- 
 porary fort (Basinger), and went around the head of 
 the lake. On the third day's march, evidence of the 
 presence of Indians in the neighborhood was discovered 
 and it was soon apparent that they were retreating, 
 keeping just far enough in the advance of the troops to 
 be out of range. 
 
 On the morning of Christmas day, the enemy was 
 traced to a large cypress swamp bordering the north- 
 eastern side of Lake Okeechobee. Fronting this swamp 
 was an immense saw-grass "slough" three-quarters of a 
 mile in width, through the center of which flowed a 
 sluggish stream.* On the farther side of this tract the 
 Indians had taken a stand, having purposely led our 
 troops to this particular place, knowing the great advan- 
 tage such ground w^ould give them over an attacking' 
 party. General Taylor recognized the strength of the 
 enemy's position, but he did not hesitate, and at once 
 commenced preparations for an attack, f The slough 
 before them was impassable for horses and nearly so for 
 men. The animals were therefore abandoned, and, to- 
 gether with all of the baggage, left in charge of a guard 
 stationed in the pine woods near by. 
 
 * Such tracts are common throughout the southern half of the penin- 
 sula. They are almost invariably boggy, and are cr ssed with extreme dif- 
 ficulty. The dense growth of saw -grass that covers these places is often as 
 high as a man's head. 
 
 + The battle took place in Sec. 22, Tp. 37 South, Range 35 East. 
 
The Story of the Seminoles. 125 
 
 The troops entered the slough in two lines, often 
 up to their waists in mud and water, and crossed the 
 stream in safety. Up to this time not a sign of the 
 enemy was to be seen in the swamp before them ; but no 
 sooner were the volunteer?, composing one line, within 
 gunshot of the border, than a heavy fire met them from 
 the Indians, causing them to break and retreat to the 
 rear. They recrossed the slough and could not be in- 
 duced to return. 
 
 The regulars, under Col. Alexander R. Thompson, 
 moved steadily forward. General Taylor says in his 
 report, (from which we are condensing), "they contin- 
 ued to advance until their gallant commander and his 
 adjutant. Lieutenant Center, were killed; and every offi- 
 cer, with one exception, as well as most of the non- 
 commissioned officers. . . . were killed or wounded." 
 
 Notwithstanding the fatal commencement of this 
 memorable " Battle of the Okeechobee," our troops 
 finally succeeded in entering the swamp and driving the 
 enemy, which numbered about two hundred Indians and 
 Maroons, from their position. The battle lasted about 
 two and one-half hours. The leaders of the Seminoles 
 ■were Wildcat and Sam Jones, and the loss on their side 
 was thirteen killed and nineteen w^ounded. Of the 
 United States' forces twenty-seven were killed and one 
 hundred and eleven officers and soldiers wounded. No 
 captures were made at this time, but on the following 
 day three hundred head of cattle and one hundred 
 ponies were secured.* 
 
 Let tlle reader imagine, if he can, the difficulties 
 which confronted General Taylor and his brave com- 
 mand, in the midst of an unexplored wilderness, in 
 places well-nigh impassable, over one hundred and fifty 
 
 * Some time after, our troops captured 1000 pounds of dried beef, packs 
 of clothing, etc., from the Indians. 
 
126 Red Patriots: 
 
 miles from their headquarters. The day after the battle 
 was occupied in the mournful and difficult duty of carry- 
 ing the dead and wounded hack across the slough. The 
 remains were buried in the pine woods near by, and the 
 balance of the day was spent in constructing litters to 
 convey the wounded out of the wilds. These litters 
 were made of poles over which were stretched dry hides, 
 large numbers of the latter having been found at aban- 
 doned Indian camps along the route. 
 
 The return march was commenced on the morning 
 of December 27th, and about noon on the following day 
 they arrived at Fort Basinger, where part of the heavy 
 baggage had been left on the march southward. They 
 left this post on the morning of the 29th for Fort Gard- 
 ner, where they arrived on the 31st. General Taylor 
 sent forward the wounded to Fort Brooke, and remained 
 himself at Fort Gardner to prepare for another expedi- 
 tion against the Indians. 
 
 Capt. John C. Casey, writing from Fort Brooke 
 after the return of the command to that post, says that 
 the Battle of the Okeechobee "was the hardest yet 
 fought in P'lorida (since Dade's). So close were the 
 parties that two of our men were scalped during the 
 heat of the engagement! A short time before the battle 
 a palmetto leaf was found with a drawing of two rifles, 
 muzzle to muzzle, which had been left there to be picked 
 up, no doubt — a regular defiance."* 
 
 Although having gained a great victory in this last 
 battle, the Seminoles now retreated still farther into the 
 swamps. A long newi^paper article relating to the 
 movements and condition of the Indians at this stage, 
 written by an officer of the 4th artillery, contains this 
 earnest appeal: 
 
 * rrom a private letter to his brother. 
 
The Story of the Seminoles. 127 
 
 ". . . .At length, after much suffering, they have 
 been driven into the swamps and unwholesome places of 
 their country, and they are now clinging with the last 
 efforts of desperation to their beloved home. Can any 
 Christian in this republic know this and still pray for 
 the continuance of blessings, when he is about to 
 wrest from the unhappy Seminole all that the Great 
 Spirit ever conferred upon him?"* 
 
 Our army contained many such officers and privates 
 as the above writer, who, though always faithful in the 
 discharge of their duty to their country , nevertheless 
 felt a deep sympathy for their oppressed and outraged 
 foe. 
 
 Not only was the army of the United States em- 
 ployed against the Seminoles, but the naval forces as 
 well took part in various ways, at times, during the 
 years 1838 to 1842 (both inclusive) . This branch of the 
 service was known as the "Florida squadron," and was 
 commanded by Lieut. John T. McLaughlin. As many 
 as nine sailing-vessels and two barges, with several hun- 
 dred sailors and marines, were stationed at Indian Key, 
 off the southern coast. From this rendezvous detach- 
 ments explored the greater part of the country south of 
 Okeechobee, in search of the Indians. 
 
 An engagement took place near Jupiter Inlet, in 
 January, 1838, between eighty men from the squadron 
 and an equal number of red men. Our loss, before the 
 latter withdrew, numbered five killed and twentj^-two 
 wounded; Indian loss unknown. 
 
 In the forepart of January, General Jesup marched 
 southward in command of about 1,200 men, in search of 
 the enemy. On the 21th of the month, nine days after 
 the naval affair, he encountered a band of about one hun- 
 
 * Courier^ Charleston, S. C, January 1838. 
 
128 Red Patriots: 
 
 dred and fifty Seminoles and Maroons, at a crossing of the 
 Lockahatchee, a branch of Jupiter River, about six miles 
 from the inlet by that name. A short but severe conflict 
 ensued, during which General Jesup received a slight 
 wound, and seven of our men were killed and thirty-one 
 wounded. The Indians displayed great determination 
 and skill in this afl^air, and withdrew with little if any 
 loss. The day after this battle an enclosure was erected 
 and named Fort Jupiter, at which place the troops re- 
 mained for over a week, when they moved forward a 
 day's march and camped. 
 
CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 GENERAL JESUP AGAIN NEGOTIATES FOR PEACE RECOMMENDS 
 
 ALLOWING THE SEMIN3LES TO REMAIN IN THE COUNTRY 
 
 REPLY OF THE SECRETARY OF WAR EDITORIAL OPPOSI- 
 TION SEMINOLES SUSPECT TREACHERY SEIZURE OF 
 
 SEVEN HUNDRED INDIANS AND MAROONS OFFICERS 
 
 PRESENT DESCRIBE THE " GRAB " SIGHT RESTORED TO 
 
 A BLIND SEMINOLE WOMAN. 
 
 While our troops were encamped one day's march 
 from Fort Jupiter, conferences w^re held between Gen- 
 eral Jesup and his staflp, including such prominent 
 officers as Generals Eustis and Eaton, and Colonel 
 Twiggs, looking to a peace settlement with the Semi- 
 nole nation. These officers being on the ground and 
 comprehending the true position of affairs far better 
 than those at a distance, were impressed with the fact 
 that the best interests of the Government, if not in 
 justice and humanity to the Indians, required that they 
 should be permitted to occupy in peace their homes in 
 the southern part of the peninsula. 
 
 Finding that this was a very general desire on the 
 part of his officers. General Jesup determined to send a 
 messenger to the Indians and offer them peace, pending 
 a submission of the question to the Department at 
 Washington. Accordingly, on the 8th of February, 
 some of the principal chiefs in those parts were persuaded 
 to visit the camp of their opponents for another "talk." 
 At this meeting General Jesup offered to recommend to 
 the authorities at Washington that the Seminoles be 
 
 129 
 
130 Bed Patriots: 
 
 allowed to remain in the country, and occupy the terri- 
 tory granted them by the Treaty of Camp Moultrie. 
 
 ( In his final report to the Secretary of War, dated 
 July 6th, 1838, after he had been relieved from the 
 command of the army in Florida, General Jesup thus 
 refers to this action: "Though the arrangement for 
 allowing the Indians to remain in the country was urged 
 upon me by General Eustis, Colonel Twiggs and other 
 officers, I admitted it on my own responsibility.") 
 
 General Jesup also agreed at this council that a 
 certain tract near his camp should be set apart, and 
 occupied by the Indians and their families in safety, 
 vmtil he could learn the views of the Government as to 
 his proposed recommendations.* Runners were sent out 
 with the news, and several hundred Indians and negroes 
 gathered at the place designated, pleased with the 
 thought that their Great Father might do as was 
 proposed. 
 
 On the 11th, the General wrote the Secretary of 
 War from Ft. Jupiter advising the Department to term- 
 inate hostilities by allowing the Seminoles and Maroons 
 to remain in the region they were now occupying. His 
 mind was freely expressed in regard to the matter, as 
 the reader will see by the following extracts from the 
 official correspondence : 
 
 "In regard to the Seminoles we have committed the 
 error of attempting to remove them when their lands 
 were not required for agricultural purposes ; when they 
 were not in the way of the white inhabitants, and when 
 the greater portion of their country was an unexplored 
 wilderness, of the interior of which we were as ignorant 
 as of the interior of China. We exhibit in our present 
 contest the first instance, perhaps, since the commence- 
 
 * Ex. Doc. 219, Vol. 8, 2d Ses., 25th Cong. 
 
The Story of the Seminoles, 131 
 
 ment of authentic history, of a Nation employing an 
 army to explore a country (for we can do little more 
 than explore it), or attempting to remove a band 
 of savages from one unexplored wilderness to another." 
 
 The General then apologizes for commenting upon 
 the policy of the Government, and, continuing, says 
 that the prospect of terminating the war within a 
 reasonable time is anything but flattering. "My 
 decided opinion is," says he, " that unless immediate 
 emigration be abandoned, the war will continue for 
 years to come, and at constantly accumulating expense. 
 Is it not, then, well worthy the serious consideration of 
 an enlightened Government, whether, even if the wilder- 
 ness we are traversing could be inhabited by the white 
 man (which is not the fact), the object we are contend- 
 ing for would be worth the cost? I do not certainly 
 think it would ; indeed, I do not consider the country 
 south of Chickasawhatchee worth the medicines we shall 
 expend in driving the Indians from it. If I were per- 
 mitted (and it is with great diffidence I venture the 
 suggestion), I w^ould allow them to remain." * 
 
 (This was not the first time that General Jesup had 
 advised this course, or that he had doubted the success 
 of any other. Before the seizure of Osceola, he had 
 written the Secretary of War to the same effect. The 
 latter official replied at great length, informing the 
 General that the original plan must be adhered to. The 
 Secretary's letter commenced as follows: 
 
 " Sir: As you have in several of your letters 
 expressed an opinion of the impossibility of removing 
 the Seminoles, and a doubt of the policy .... it be- 
 comes necessary to explain to you the views of the 
 Executive ....") 
 
 •" Ibid. 
 
132 Bed Patriots: 
 
 General Jesup's letter to the Secretary of War, 
 written from Fort Jupiter, clearly indicates the leading 
 object of the Seminole War, viz : the avaricious posses- 
 sion of the land. This view is supported by the reply 
 of the Secretary, which was received by the General on 
 the 17th of February, and from which we make the fol- 
 lowing extracts: 
 
 *' In the present stage of our relations with the 
 Indians residing within the States and Territories east 
 of the Mississippi River, including the Seminoles, it is 
 useh ss to recur to the principles and motives which 
 induced the Government to determine their removal to 
 the West. The acts of the Executive and the laws of 
 Congress evince a determination to carry out the meas- 
 ure, and it is to be regarded as the settled policy of the 
 country .... 
 
 " Whether the Government ought not to have 
 waited until the Seminoles were pressed upon by the 
 white population, and their lands become necessary to 
 the agricultural wants of the community, is not a ques- 
 tion for the Executive now to consider .... I cannot, 
 therefore, authorize any arrangement with the Seminoles 
 by which they will be permitted to remain, or assign 
 them any portion of the Territory of Florida as their 
 future residence. 
 
 *'The Department indulged the hope that, with the 
 extensive means placed at j^our disposal, the war by a 
 vigorous effort might be brought to a close this cam- 
 paign. If, however, you are of the opinion that, from 
 the nature of the country and the character of the 
 enemy, such a result is impracticable, and that it is 
 advisable to make a temporary arrangement with the 
 Seminoles by which the safety of the settlements and the 
 
The Story of the Seminoles. 133 
 
 posts will be secured throughout the summer, you are at 
 liberty to do so." * 
 
 The Secretary's reply no doubt caused General 
 Jesup considerable chagrin at the cool reception of his 
 recommendation, especially since, just previous to his 
 taking command of the army in Florida, he had crit- 
 icized the policy of General Scott, in a letter, dated 
 June 20th, 1836, to a friend in Washington,! and had 
 stated that with proper management the removal of the 
 Seminoles could be easily accomplished. It was this 
 letter, shown to President Jackson soon after its receipt 
 by Mr. Blair, that caused Scott's removal and Jesup' s 
 appointment to his place.]; 
 
 In authorizing " a temporary arrangement with the 
 Seminoles," the head of the War Department virtually 
 acknowledges the fact that it was the desire of the Sem- 
 inole nation to live at peace with their white neighbors. 
 The old settlers in Florida were also well aware of this 
 desire, as the author has learned from the lips of more 
 than one survivor of the war. The newspapers of the 
 day likewise admitted the fact, of w^hich the following is 
 an illustration : 
 
 '' Thus the case stands — if the Indians are to be 
 allowed to remain in the Territory, and we accede to 
 their conditions, we could without doubt have peace 
 to-morrow." || 
 
 The simple "conditions" demanded by the Semi- 
 noles are well known to the reader. When one considers 
 the situation calmly and without prejudice, he must 
 acknowledge that the bloodshed and devastation which 
 marked the Seminole War were directly chargeable to the 
 
 •> Ibid. 
 
 -j- Francis P. Blair, editor of the Globe. 
 X Ex. Doc. 78, 2d Ses., 25th Cong. 
 
 II Extract from an editorial under the bead " Prospects of Peace," St 
 Augustine jyews. May 18th, 1839. 
 
134 Bed Patriots: 
 
 selfish policy of our enlightened Government, and not to 
 the " blood-thirsty savages," who were simply defending 
 their rights like the true patriots they were. 
 
 We have said that the leading sentiment of a ma- 
 jority of the American people favored a discontinuance 
 of the Seminole War and a settlement on the basis of 
 justice to the red men. But it must be remembered that 
 Florida, in general, and to some extent adjoining States, 
 formed an exception to this rule. General Jesup was 
 therefore severely censured for his efforts to terminate 
 the war by allowing the Seminoles to remain in the 
 Territory. In a long editorial relating to the correspon- 
 dence between the General and the Secretary of War, 
 the leading newspaper in the Territory thus expresses 
 the sentiments of its readers : 
 
 " From the confidence with which General Jesup 
 expresses his views of the policy to be pursued toward 
 the Indians, we should suppose he had entirely mistaken 
 the nature of his mission to Florida. We presume the 
 General Government will feel under no obligations to him 
 for spending their money in constant negotiations with 
 the enemy whom he is sent to subdue, whilst an army of 
 10,000 men is kept in pay merely to witness his rare 
 talents for diplomacy. And we are sure the people of 
 Florida will not thank him for his assiduous efforts to 
 barter away their lands to their savage enemies .... 
 In whatever light the proposition is received, it is ab- 
 horrent to every man endowed with the common feelings 
 of humanity." * 
 
 General Jesup' s suggestions were opposed by many 
 on the ground that the national " honor and dignity " 
 were involved. On this point another journal says: 
 ' ' The people of Florida will not submit to it ... . The 
 
 * Tallahassee Floridian, Mar. Slst, 1838. 
 
The Story of the Seminoles. 135 
 
 national honor and dignity are too deeply concerned for 
 it to listen for one moment to the proposed arrange- 
 ment." * 
 
 It did not seem to occur to these writers that, in 
 truth and justice, the lands occupi^ed by the Seminoles 
 belono-ed to them; or that thousands of American citi- 
 zens in other sections of the country could also claim 
 '•the common feelings of humanity." Clearly, in the 
 opinion of such editors and of many of their readers, the 
 red man had " no rights which the white man was bound 
 to respect." Before the war was over, however, the 
 majority of the genuine settlers in the Territory were 
 ready for peace on any terms. 
 
 The expression of General Jesup's views in his rec- 
 ommendations to the Secretary of War, do greater credit 
 to his head than his heart. He argues on the ground of 
 governmental policy and economy, but has nothing to say 
 of the rights of the Indians as human beings. In all his 
 dealings with these unfortunate people, he seems to have 
 regarded them as savages, not as fellowmen to whom the 
 Golden Rule applies. 
 
 '' We call them savage. O, be just! 
 
 Their outraged feelings scan ; 
 A voice comes forth— 'tis from the dust,— 
 
 The savage was a man! " 
 
 It was reserved for others associated with General 
 Jesup to view the question from the standpoint of sym- 
 pathy and justice. Thus an army officer, who was with 
 him at Fort Jupiter, wrote the Political Arena: 
 
 " It is no cause for triumph to beat and drive the 
 poor miserable Indians, who are desperately and ob- 
 stinately contending for their natural rights and 
 possessions, against most unequal numbers." f 
 
 * St. Augustine Herald, Feb. 17th, 1838. 
 t February, 1838. 
 
186 Med Patriots^ 
 
 The same journal had said editorially, the previous 
 month: 
 
 " It is too late in the day to contemn an enemy, 
 who, seconded by the peculiar characteristics of the 
 country, has baffled ^the military operations of successful 
 generals, and virtually defeated our troops in every 
 skirmish. The fact is, we are inclined to believe that 
 the Seminoles are impregnable in their fastnesses, and 
 are not to be subdued by military force. Soft words 
 and the pursuasive force of gold, may induce them to 
 emigrate. Otherwise, we believe that they will main- 
 tain their footing, in spite of all the efforts we can make 
 to dislodge them. The country to which they might be 
 confined is uninhabitable for the white man, and the 
 question seriously presents itself, whether the design of 
 forcibly exjDelling them had not better be relinquished. 
 It is idle to suppose that the national honor requires 
 their subjugation. No credit will accrue from the most 
 successful termination of the war." 
 
 The last sentence of this judicious editorial ex- 
 pressed the sentiments of a great majority of the people 
 throughout the Union. 
 
 Two days after the receipt of the decision of the 
 Secretary of War, or on the 19th of February, Gen- 
 eral Jesup sent word for the chiefs to assemble at his 
 camp the following day, to agree to a temporary arrange- 
 ment, in accordance with the suggestion of the Depart- 
 ment. The chiefs, however, who were not in favor of 
 such a plan, and probably fearing the same treachery 
 that had been practiced upon Osceola and others, on 
 former occasions, refused to comply with the General's 
 invitation. Instead, the Indians and Maroons, to the 
 number of nearly seven hundred, who had assembled in 
 the neighborhood, as before stated, to await the reply to 
 
The Story of the Seminoles. 187 
 
 General Jesup's recommendation, began making prepar- 
 ations to depart. 
 
 Upon learning the intentions of the Indians, General 
 Jesup resolved upon another bold stroke, and immed- 
 iately ordered Colonel Twiggs (whom the reader will 
 recognize as the officer who executed the former's orders 
 for the seizure of Osceola) to seize the whole party. 
 This step was easily accomplished, with the large 
 number of troops on hand, on the 21st of February, and 
 all were made prisoners with the exception of fifteen 
 Indians, who managed to escape from the grasp of our 
 forces. 
 
 In his report to the War Department, General Jesup 
 says of this transaction, "Five hundred and thirteen 
 Indians and one hundred and sixty-five negroes were 
 secured," not one of whom, does he claim, voluntarily 
 surrendered.* One hundred and fifty-one of the negroes 
 thus seized are recorded in the official document as 
 Maroons or the property of the Indians. These were 
 sent to Tampa and the Indians to Fort Moultrie, S. C. 
 
 An army officer who was on the spot at the time, 
 thus describes the seizure : 
 
 "General Jesup had arranged with the chiefs in 
 camp near Jupiter to meet him on the 20th of February, 
 but they failed to attend, and from driving in of ponies 
 and other indications, he believed they were preparing 
 to fly to the swamps. The General determined they 
 should not escape, and ordered Colonel Twiggs to secure 
 them. The Colonel arranged matters so admirably that 
 he succeeded in taking every individual on the morning 
 of the 21st." t 
 
 Another correspondent of the same paper, writing 
 
 * Ex. Doc. 3rd Ses., 25th Cong, 
 
 f Savannah Georgian April 10th, 1838. 
 
138 Bed Patriots: 
 
 from Fort Jupiter a few weeks later, refers to the " late 
 ' grab ' of five hundred Indians." 
 
 That General Jesup had entertained some idea of 
 this seizure from the first, — although he had induced 
 the confiding Indians to come in and remain under a flag 
 of truce, and had assured their safety, — is evidenced by 
 the fact that in his letter of February 11th to the Secre- 
 tary of War, he had cautioned that officer to keep the 
 matter as confidential at Washington as possible, so 
 that letter-writers would not be the first to make known 
 the decision of the Department; for, says the General, 
 " there can be little doubt of their flying to the swamps 
 again and renewing the war, should the decision be to 
 remove them." 
 
 It is probable that the Indians had received secret 
 information of the Secretary's decision. Many an 
 officer and private sympathized with them, and perhaps 
 from this source the red men received hints of intended 
 treachery, but too late, unfortunately, to enable them to 
 escape. 
 
 Among this last lot of prisoners secured by General 
 Jesup, and finally forwarded to New Orleans, was a 
 young Seminole woman who had been born blind. While 
 at the Crescent City, awaiting removal to Arkansas, her 
 relatives were told that her blindness could be removed 
 by a certain surgeon. After consulting together, how- 
 ever, the Indians refused to allow the operation to be 
 performed, saying, " What the Great Spirit has denied, 
 pale-face cannot give ; what He has ordained, it would 
 be bad in His children to wish to change." 
 
 Their consent was finally gained, nevertheless, and 
 the operation was successfully performed, in the presence 
 of several chiefs. The operation was watched with 
 great interest by Cloud, one of the chiefs who had been 
 
The Story of the Seminoles. 139 
 
 confined with Osceola. In those days anaesthetics were 
 not employed, and the surgery was so painful that at 
 one stage the woman refused to allow it to proceed ; but 
 when Cloud told her he had " observed the pale-face 
 closely and was satisfied he could give her sight," she 
 submitted. The woman had a child which was also 
 born blind, and the sympathizing surgeon expressed his 
 wish to restore its sight also.* 
 
 * New Orleans Bulletin, April 1838. 
 
CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 GENERAL JESUP RETIRES FROM COMMAND OF THE ARMY AN 
 
 IMPROVED POLICY UNDER GENERAL TAYLOR OVER A 
 
 YEAR OF PEACE JESUP VOLUNTEERS ADVICE THE 
 
 MACOMB "treaty" END OF THE WAR ANNOUNCED 
 
 DOUBLE DEALING APPARENT FLORIDA PRESS AND PEOPLE 
 
 CONDEMN THE DECEPTION. 
 
 Over a year now passed without active hostilities, 
 with the exception of a slight affair near Newnansville. 
 This outlook for, the better was largely owing to a change 
 of commanders in Florida, and to an improvement in 
 the policy of carrying on the campaign of removal. On 
 the 15th of May, 1838, General Jesup retired from the 
 field, and General Zachary Taylor was promoted to the 
 chief command. 
 
 This officer, as we have seen, had led in the bloody 
 conflict of Lake Okeechobee, and had followed the 
 enemy further into their fastnesses than any other com- 
 mander. He had disapproved of the policy of forcible 
 removal, but, like a good soldier, had abstained from 
 meddling with the affairs of his superior. 
 
 When, however. General Taylor became the respon- 
 sible head of the army in Florida, he discarded that policy 
 altogether. He refused to use his forces for the benefit 
 of the owners of fugitive slaves, nor would he allow the 
 piratical slave-catchers, or even the bona fide owners of 
 lost slaves, to inspect the negroes who were captured by 
 him or who voluntarily came into his camp for emigra- 
 tion. The negro he regarded as truly a prisoner of war 
 as the Indian. 
 
 uo 
 
 I 
 
The Story of the SeminoUi, 141 
 
 From the first, the General strove to make it clear 
 to the Seminoles that he favored their removal to the 
 West for their own good. Under his pacific policy, 
 parties of Indians and Maroons occasionally came in 
 and expressed their willingness to emigrate, until in 
 less than a year more than four hundred joined the 
 others, now numbering about 1,700, in Arkansas. 
 Strange to say, the women forming part of an emigration 
 of 250 Indians sent West by General Taylor, "were very 
 reluctant to go, and upbraided the men with cowardice 
 in refusing to die upon their native soil. The vessels 
 departed amid their lamentations and taunts and re- 
 proaches upon the conduct of the warriors."* 
 
 It is interesting to note that after the irrepressible 
 General Jesup had retired from Florida, he again volun- 
 teered his advice as to the best method of removing the 
 Seminoles. In a letter to the Chairman of the Senate 
 . Military Committee, he suggests: "Let them be crowded 
 by white settlers, and that w^hich has invariably occurred 
 throughout the whole history of our settlements will occur 
 again. "f 
 
 Let us enquire, for a moment, what light *'the his- 
 tory of our settlements" will shed upon the methods 
 thus recommended. It discloses a regular system of 
 persecution of the Indian — settling within his boundary, 
 and various other acts of lawlessness and indignities, 
 not infrequently including murder itself — for the pur- 
 pose of compelling him to sell his land and "move on." 
 When the Indian stood his ground, and defended his 
 own after his own custom, a great cry would be raised 
 against the "treacherous savages," our army would be 
 called to the scene, and the work of extermination and 
 
 *St. Augustine News, March 16th, 1839. 
 +Ex. Doc. 163, 3rd Ses., 25th Cong. 
 
142 Bed Patriots: 
 
 expatriation commenced by border whites, or "white 
 savages" as they have been called, would be continued 
 under the auspices of "our Christian government." 
 
 But the darkness of this picture was somewhat 
 alleviated by the presence and control of a more humane 
 and judicious leader. General Taylor, so long as he 
 remained at the head of affairs, reversed the policy of 
 his predecessor, and studied to temper justice with 
 mercy. Under his management very little blood was 
 shed. 
 
 About a year after General Taylor assumed command 
 in Florida, General Alexander Macomb, Commander-in- 
 Chief of the Army of the United States, arrived in the 
 Territory w^ith instructions to negotiate a new "peace 
 treaty" with the Seminoles, by allowing them to remain 
 in possession of their homes. Referring to this policy, 
 Joshua R. Giddings sa3'S : 
 
 "General Scott, a veteran officer of our army, had 
 exhausted his utmost science; had pat forth all his 
 efforts to conquer this indomitable people, or rather to 
 subdue their love of liberty, the independence o thouglit 
 and of feeling which stimulated them to effort — but he 
 had failed. The power of our army, aided by deception, 
 fraud and perfidy, had been tried in vain. General 
 Jesup, the most successful officer who had commanded 
 in Florida, had advised peace upon the precise terms 
 which the Seminoles had demanded at the commence- 
 ment of the war; and General Macomb was now com- 
 missioned to negotiate pea ^e on those terms."* 
 
 General Macomb arrived at Fort King, April 27th, 
 
 1839, and messengers were soon after sent io different 
 
 parts of the Territory with friendly dispatches to the 
 
 chiefs requesting them to assemble at the fort on the 
 
 '^'fcxilesof Florida, 1858. Strante to eay, Mr. Giddings does not once 
 mention the deceptive character of General Macomb's negotiatione. 
 
The Story of the Seminoles. 143 
 
 18th of May. The messengers were instructed to say- 
 that the Government had concluded to allow the Indians 
 to remain in the country, which news w^as of course re- 
 ceived with delight by all those who had any faith left 
 in the white man's promises. 
 
 About one hundred and fifty Indians, including 
 chiefs, sub-chiefs and warriors, were present at the ap- 
 pointed time and place, twenty of whom came w^ith 
 Colonel Harney from far-olf Biscayne Bay. No regular 
 treaty was drawn up at this meeting, nor were signatures 
 affixed to a paper of an}^ kind, the promises and con- 
 cessions on both sides being made verbally. 
 
 From a graphic account of the assembly, by a 
 surgeon of the army who was present, we extract as 
 follows : 
 
 "On that day (May 18th) General Macomb said: 
 'To your Great Father at Washington his red children 
 were as dear as his white ; he loved them both alike ; he 
 regretted what had taken place. Let the Indians lay 
 down the scalping-knife, rifle and the tomahawk ; let 
 them go south of Little Peace Creek, and their Great 
 Father would see that they were left tranquil and undis- 
 turbed. He would establish a neutral ground and shield 
 them from disturbance by the protection of his troops.' 
 
 " The Indians said: 'They were alike desirous of 
 peace ; the war had originated from a misunderstanding 
 with their white brethren ; they would gladly lay down 
 their rifles, but wanted some time to gather their crops 
 before crossing the line ; they would in the mean time 
 cease all hostilities and send runners to all their people 
 to let them know the treaty.' 
 
 " The General replied that they would be allowed 
 sixty days in which to gather their corn. The treaty 
 was explained by the General as follows : ' The Indians 
 
144 Bed Patriots: 
 
 are to remain within a boundary drawn from Charlotte 
 Harbor up Peace Creek to Little Peace Creek, thence in 
 a straight line, from west to east, to the Kissimmee, 
 thence down to Okeechobee Lake, and from thence in a 
 straight line, from north to south, to a small river 
 which empties into the gulf near Cape Sable.* The 
 neutral ground is to be from Tampa Bay to Fort Mellon, 
 thence along the St. Johns to its source, and from 
 thence to the coast.' "f 
 
 The council took place in the open air, and over the 
 speaker's stand a large American flag floated in the 
 breeze. We learn from the same correspondent that, at 
 a second meeting, the Indians "were all fed, clothed, 
 tobaccoed, and whUkied extensively," and that they 
 sent out runners soon after to promulgate the " peace 
 news " in all directions. 
 
 The reader's especial attention is called to the fol- 
 lowing quotation, as it offers further strong proof in 
 support of the present writer's claim that the Seminoles 
 were peaceably inclined, and that our Government did 
 not attempt their removal from the country on account 
 of any misdeeds on their part. Referring to the latest 
 negotiations, a prominent newspaper says editorially : 
 
 " General Macomb had an interview with the enemy, 
 and the people of Florida would again live in security 
 and quiet. All this amount of obligation is entailed 
 upon them by the noble interference of Major General 
 Alexander Macomb. The services of Generals Clinch, 
 Scott, Gaines, Call, Jesup and Taylor, sink into insig- 
 nificance when compared with this masterly movement. 
 The condition now accorded them would, in the outset, 
 have spared this waste of life and treasure .... The 
 Indian interpreter who was here said that ' the Indians 
 
 ♦Shark River. 
 
 fSt. Augustine News, May 23d, 1839. 
 
The Story of the Seminoles. 145 
 
 would sell us, for the next twenty years, skins and veni- 
 son ; that peace would be again, and the whites and 
 Indians live as they had done.' This is likely to be 
 realized so far as the allowance for the Indians to remain 
 in the country is a part of the treaty."* 
 
 It will be seen presently that the above editor's opin- 
 ion of General Macomb's services as a peacemaker was 
 exactly reversed. For the time, however, he was so 
 tickled at the prospects ahead that he fell into rhyme, 
 in the same issue, as follows : 
 
 ''The war is ended, past a doubt; 
 
 Each breeehless urchin's shouting frisky; 
 The General's had a battle? — no, 
 
 But bought a peace with knives and whisky! " 
 
 The contemptible trickery of the Government in its 
 dealings with the Seminoles at this period is once more 
 illustrated by the fact that this so-called ' ' peace -treaty " 
 was conceived and negotiated with the secret intention 
 of violating it and holding further negotiations in the 
 autumn looking toward the entire removal of the Semi- 
 noles from the Territory. 
 
 But the victim of this systematic deception, — the 
 simple child of the forest, — delighted with the conces- 
 sion which he had long fought to secure, and too com- 
 pletely under the influence of Government "firewater" 
 to raise any doubts, was easily hoodwinked and per- 
 suaded to believe that the arrangement was intended to 
 be permanent. 
 
 That we are dealing with substantial facts, and 
 doing no injustice to early administrations or to 
 army officers, let the following quotations bear witness : 
 
 Under date of May 30th, the News correspondent, 
 previously quoted, says: "The chiefs never asked Gen- 
 eral Macomb whether they would be permitted to perma- 
 
 *News, St. Augustine, Fla., May 23rd, 1839. 
 
146 Red Patriots: 
 
 nently remain south of Peace Creek, and he never told 
 them they would." 
 
 Another public print declares editorially: '*No 
 definite information is given them that this arrangement 
 is temporary, and that in a few months a new negotiation 
 will be opened with them, in order to buy up their consent 
 to removal."* 
 
 And in his report to the Secretary of War, dated 
 on the 22nd of May, General Macomb is a witness to his 
 own perfidy, as follows: "... .Nor did I think it politic 
 at this time to say anything about their emigration, 
 leaving that subject open. . . ."f 
 
 This double-dealing was also approved by the Sec- 
 retary of War, as the reader will soon notice. The only 
 part of the General's agreement with the Indians which 
 could possibly be construed as a reference to removal, 
 was the following : 
 
 *'' Should any of them wish to go and visit their 
 friends in Arkansas, the United States would furnish 
 them with the necessary means.' To this," says the 
 army surgeon whom we are again quoting, "the Indians 
 strongly expressed their dissent. The General then told 
 them that ' their friends West would be allowed to visit 
 them in Florida.' " 
 
 The Commander-in-Chief now confidently announced 
 the termination of the war in the following General 
 Orders, issued from Fort King on the day of the council, 
 and published in the newspapers: 
 
 " The Major-.General, commanding in chief, has the 
 satisfaction of announcing to the army in Florida, to 
 the authorities of the Territory, and to the citizens 
 
 "^Herald, St. Augustine, Fla.. June 1st, 1839. 
 
 f la a report to ttie Secretary of War six months later. General Macomb 
 stated thit he told the Indians that "he or some other p rson would in the 
 autumn meet them on Peace Creek, when the whole nation would be assem- 
 bled and /wr^Aer arrangements entered into with them." 
 
The Story of the Seminoles. 147 
 
 generally, that he has this day terminated the war with 
 tht^ Seminole Indians by an agreement entered into ^^ith 
 Chit to Tustenuggee, principal chief of the Seminoles 
 ar.d successor to Arpeika, commonly called Sam Jones, 
 brought to this post by Lieutenant-Colonel Harney, 2d 
 Dragoons, from the southern part of the pf-ninsula. The 
 terms of the agreement are: that hostilities immediately 
 cea>e between the parties ; that the troops of the United 
 States, and the Seminole and Mickasukey chiefs and 
 warriors, now at a distance, be made acquainted with 
 the fact that peace exists, and that all h' stilities are 
 henceforth to cease on both sides, the Indians agreeing 
 to retire into a di:-trici of country in Ilorida below 
 Peace Creek." 
 
 Then follov^s a detailed description of the country 
 assigned th^m, after which the orders continue : "That 
 sixty days be allowed ihe Indian:^, north and east of 
 that boundary, to remove their families and effects into 
 said district, where they are to reaniu until further 
 arrangements are made under the protection of the 
 troops of the United States, who are to see that they are 
 not molested by intruders, citizens or foreigners; and 
 that said Indians do not pass the limits assigned them. 
 All persons sre therefore forbidden to enter the district 
 assigned to the Indians without written permission of 
 some commanding officer of a military post." 
 
 A Down-East paper refers to this latest announce- 
 ment of the termination of the war, as follows : 
 
 " And yet 'tis not an endless war, 
 
 As ' facts ' will plainly show. 
 Having been 'ended ' forty times 
 
 In twenty months or so." ' , 
 
 So deceptive was General Macomb's "treaty" with 
 the Indians, and also his announcement of the end of 
 
148 Bed Patriots: 
 
 the war, that the merely temporary force of the agree- 
 ment was not yet apparent to the general Florida public. 
 At a meeting held by the citizens of St. Augustine in 
 the latter part of May, a strong protest was made against 
 the ratification of the treaty, on the ground that it 
 secured peace by allowing the Indians to remain in the 
 country. The resolutions passed were forwarded to 
 President Van Buren, and by him referred to his Secre- 
 tary of War, who replied, in part, as follows : 
 
 "I am of the opinion that the arrangement made 
 by General Macomb will lead to the pacification of the 
 country and enable me to remove the Indians from the 
 Territory much sooner than can be done by force." 
 
 The Florida people soon discpvered that the arrange- 
 ment on the part of the Government was only temporary, 
 and to their credit be it said many of them — perhaps all 
 of the bona fide citizens — condemned its duplicity in no 
 uncertain terms. Thus we see that even in Florida, by 
 no means all of the leaders of public sentiment allowed 
 their hearts to be hardened against their red brethren by 
 self-interest. 
 
 After General Macomb had returned to Washington, 
 the Florida newspapers contained numerous editorials in 
 derision and arraignment of that official, and his decep- 
 tive course. The following passages, from editorials of 
 different dates, are illustrative : 
 
 " But the most discreditable part of the proceeding 
 is his studied silence with regard to the Seminoles 
 remaining in the country, and leaving the Indians 
 with the impression that they are to be its (permanent) 
 occupants." * 
 
 Again, in the same paper, one week later : 
 
 " It is a splendid triumph of the achievements of 
 
 * St. Angustine News, June 8th, 1839. 
 
 ^ 
 
The Story of the Seminoles. 149 
 
 military diplomacy, and one upon which the country 
 must look as the most humiliating in character which 
 has yet marked the history of her arms." 
 
 " Oh ! what a tangled web we weave, 
 When first we practice to deceive ! " 
 
CHAPTER XV. 
 
 SEMINOLES* DISCOVER THE DECEPTION RENEWAL OF HOSTIL- 
 ITIES FAKE STORIES OF INDIAN MASSACRES CHAKIKA 
 
 LEADS AN ATTACK OFFICIAL VIEWS THE INDIAN 
 
 ALWAYS WRONG FALSE ALARMS WHITE GUERILLAS 
 
 GENERAL TAYLOR RETIEES FAILURE OF ANOTHER EFFORT 
 
 INDIAN KEY MASSACRE HUNTING INDIANS WITH 
 
 BLOODHOUNDS — GENERAL WORTH SUCCEEDS ARMISTEAD 
 
 FINAL TERMINATION OF THE SEMINOLE WAR A 
 
 REMNANT ALLOWED TO REMAIN NUMBER TRANSFERRED 
 
 TO THE WEST COST OF THE WAR SETTLERS RUSH TO 
 
 THE TERRITORY. 
 
 It was not long before the Seminoles, through their 
 shrewd interpreters, bec^ime aware of the deception that 
 had been practiced upon them; As a natural conse- 
 quence they were greati}" enraged, war was again 
 dechired, and the lives and property of the border 
 settlers once more bee ime insecure. Every act of depre- 
 dation and lawlessness that now occurred was, as 
 usual, charged to the Indians, in many cases quite 
 undeservedly. 
 
 Shortly after the promulgation of the Macomb 
 " treaty," a well known white man was found murdered. 
 The Indians were at once charged with the crime, but 
 they stoutly protested their innocence. Certain Florida 
 newspapers printed scathing editorials denouncing them 
 as the cu prits, and calling upon (heir readers not to 
 trust them, and to sliow them no mercy. It finally came 
 
 150 
 
The Story of the Seminoles. 151 
 
 to light, however, that a white man had committed the 
 murder, on account of an old grudge.* 
 
 Throughout the Seminole War fake stories of Indian 
 massacres and depredations were frequently disseminated 
 by the newspapers of Florida and adjacent States. 
 Their origin could seldom be traced, but all had the 
 same obj ct, viz : the injury of the Indian in the eyes of 
 the public and his speedy removal from the country. 
 One editor thus apologizes for the appearance of these 
 false reports in his columns : 
 
 "It is a matter of regret to us that we so often 
 impose upon our readers (after being ourselves duped) 
 reported Indian inc' dents, that are frequently sheer 
 fabrications, or at least so exaggerated and highly 
 colored that their identity with the facts is barely per- 
 ceptible. Such is the faculty of invention at the present 
 day, that to gratify a morbid appetite for excitement, 
 Indian fights, horrid massacres, and hair-breadth 
 escapes, are spoken into existence with all the appear- 
 ance of reality, upon the mere hazard of possibility." f 
 
 On the 23d of July, 1839, a band of two hundred 
 and fifty Indians, under the leadership of Chakika, 
 attacked a detachment of nineteen soldiers and seven 
 citizens, commanded by Lieutenant-Colonel Harney, at a 
 point on the Caloosahatchee River, where the party had 
 gone to establish a trading-post in accordance with the 
 Macomb treaty. The men were encamped on the river 
 without defense of any kind, and the attack was made 
 just before daylight. Eleven of the soldiers and five of 
 the citizens were killed; the remaining ten persons, in- 
 cluding Colonel Harney, man-^ged to escape. 
 
 From the standpoint of the Seminole, mocked as he 
 
 had been by a pretended treaty of perpetual peace, hfs 
 
 ''■' St. Augustine Newx, August, 1839, 
 t Ibid, March 12ih, 1841. 
 
152 Bed Patriots: 
 
 renewal of hostilities was only honorable warfare, in 
 retaliation for the trick and disappointment. In the 
 opinion of the white man, their attack on Colonel Harney 
 was an unjustifiable outrage, perpetrated in time of 
 peace. Whichever view we take of it, it was a direct 
 fruit of the Government's latest attempt to impose upon 
 the Indians. Yet the Secretary of War said, in part, of 
 this assault, "Our people fell a sacrifice to their confi- 
 dence in the good faith and promises of the Indians." 
 And the President, in a message to Congress, the follow- 
 ing December, takes the same view, as follows: "But, 
 after entering into solemn engagements with the Com- 
 manding General, the Indians, without any provocation, 
 recommenced their acts of treachery and murder." 
 Even the Governor of Florida, in a message to the 
 Territorial Legislature, speaks of "a contest remarkable 
 for magnanimity, forbearance and credulity on one side, 
 and ferocity and had faith on the other!"* 
 
 These officials entirely ignored the deception that 
 had been practiced upon the Indians by General Macomb, 
 with the approval of the Secretary of War, for the pur- 
 pose of securing a temporary cessation of hostilities 
 until the deep-laid schemes of the Government could be 
 perfected. Overlooking all this, and more — the repeated 
 treachery of Jesup, the depredations of the lawless 
 whites, and even the well known desire of the Seminoles 
 to occupy a remote section of the country in peace — 
 they raised the common cry against the red men. Thus 
 were the minds of these public officials warped to a sense 
 of impartial justice toward the red men. 
 
 ''There's good and bad in Indian, 
 
 And there's good and bad in white ; 
 
 But, somehow, they are alwaj^s wrong, 
 And we are always right!" 
 
 '^'December 1839. 
 
The Story of the Seminoles. 153 
 
 After the bloody affair on the Caloosahatchee, no 
 battles of importance occurred for more than a year; but 
 in the uneasy state of feeling that existed between the 
 two races, several assaults took place at intervals in 
 various parts of the Territory. The more timid settlers 
 were kept in almost constant alarm, very often, however, 
 by false reports. The author will cite an instance of 
 the latter kind, related to him by an estimable old lady 
 still living, in Volusia County. 
 
 During the war, the lady referred to w^as living at 
 Picolata, on the St. Johns River. She was sitting alone 
 one evening with a baby in her arms, when a man rode 
 up on horseback and warned her to "flee with all haste 
 to a place of safety, for the Indians are coming." She 
 instantly left the house with her child, not even stopping 
 to extinguish a light which was burning on the table. 
 The next morning she returned to the house and found 
 everything as she had left it, including the burning 
 light! 
 
 It was proved in several instances that white guer- 
 illas, dressed and painted as Indians, went about the 
 country, robbing and murdering mail and express riders, 
 driving off stock, and committing other lawless deeds.* 
 Such depredations were well known to the officers of our 
 army. 
 
 The state of affairs that existed at this time was 
 extremely perplexing to the Government. Although 
 several thousand troops were stationed in Florida, and 
 the number of Indians and Maroons had been reduced by 
 emigration and death to less than a thousand, the War 
 Department was unable to exterminate the remnant, or 
 even to fully protect the settlers, except by agreeing to 
 the simple and just terms of the red men. 
 
 '!■ So stated by Captain Sprague and others. 
 
154 Red Patriots: 
 
 Finally the policy was again changed. General 
 Taylor was relieved from command, at his own request, 
 in the spring of 1<S40, upon which he retired from the 
 State. His succes-^or was General Armistead, who, by 
 direction of the Secr^ tary of War, sent to the West and 
 secured the s rvices of twelve Seminoles, who had emi- 
 grated some time previously with their fumilies. These 
 men were induced to repair to FL rida and act as 
 mediators for the emigration of the remainder of the 
 tribe. 
 
 But the move pr.)ved to be an unwise one, defeating, 
 as it did, the very fnd which the Government had in 
 view. The so called mediators were not slow in inform- 
 ing their brethren of the failure of the United States 
 auth rities to set apart a separate territory in the West 
 for their use, as had been expressly agreed, thus 
 leaving them with<ait a home which they could call 
 their ow'n. 
 
 Nothing was therefore accomplished; the delegates 
 returned to their Western home, and the others to their 
 strongholds. 
 
 One of the most memorable incidents of the war 
 may be called the Indian Key Massacre. This island 
 lies east of Lower Matacumbe Key, about twenty miles 
 from the southern mainland, and is about seven acres in 
 extent. At the time of the massacre, the population 
 numbered abi»ut forty persons. Early one morning in 
 August, 1840, seventeen canoe-loads of Indians, under 
 the leadership of Chakika, landed on Indian Bfey, and 
 immediately commenced an attack on the village. Six 
 persons were killed, and the others, with one exception, 
 escaped to a neighboring island, or took refuge on a 
 small revenue vessel belongiug to the Florida squadron, 
 
The Story of the Seminoles. 155 
 
 then lying in the Karb">r. Nearly every building was 
 burned to the ground. 
 
 During their stay on the island, the Indians found 
 a six-pounder, belonging to one of the residents, and 
 exchanged shots with a deta<-hment of marines from the 
 vesssel. After firing two shots from swivel-guns, the 
 whites were compelled to retire. This was partly owing 
 to the loss of the guns overboard at the second fire. 
 The red men held possession of the Key for twelve hours, 
 when they departed with a large quantity of merchan- 
 dise, taken from a store kept by one of the residents. 
 
 Among the lives 1 »st in this massacre (not included 
 in the above numb r) was that of Dr. Henry Perrine, 
 an educated gentleman, an experienced botanist, and 
 withal a remarkable man. His charred remains were 
 found among the ruins of his own building. Dr. Perrine 
 had represented the United States as consul at Cam- 
 peachy, Mexico,' some years before, and had also ren- 
 dered valuable service by introducing many rare and 
 desirable plants into our country. After his return, he 
 proposed to establish a botanical gardea in the southern 
 part of Flor da, for the cultivation of tropical plants, 
 and Congress granted him a township of land for that 
 purpose. Dr. Perrine's untimely death, however, pre- 
 vented the commencement of his enterprise. 
 
 Before the war about two hundred Indians were in 
 the habit of trading at Indim Key, and the massacre 
 was afterw^ard attributed. by some to unfair treatment of 
 the red man by the trader. The old J-ayirg that **the 
 Indian nev^r forgets a kindness or a wrong," was clearly 
 illustrated in this case. While the stock of the trader 
 was carried away and his buildings burned, the property 
 of Charles Howe, Esq.. a prominent resident, who had 
 always treated the Indians with fairness, was unharmed. 
 
156 Bed Patriots: 
 
 Early in December 1840, an expedition consisting 
 of about a hundred troops, commanded by Lieutenant 
 Colonel Harney, went into the Everglades and attacked 
 several camps of the Seminoles, located on islands in the 
 southern part. Four warriors were killed and six more, 
 with thirty women and children, were taken prisoners. 
 Five of the captured warriors were hung a few days 
 afterward from the tops of tall trees. Chakika, one of 
 the most dreaded of the Seminoles, (sometimes referred 
 to as a Spanish Indian), was among the first killed. A 
 member of this expedition recorded in his diary* at the 
 time, that the slayer of the chief took his scalp, also that 
 his dead body was runup alongside of the others. These 
 ghastly objects, swaying in the wind, were discovered 
 by Sam Jones some days later and given burial \ Cha- 
 kika was said to have been the largest Indian in Florida; 
 as he was six feet tall and weighed over two hundred 
 pjunds. A large quantity of ready-made clothing, 
 hardware, ammunition, and provisions were found on 
 Chakika's island, and identified as part of the property 
 taken from Indian Key in August. 
 
 It was at this particular stage of the war that the 
 authorities, with a desperate determination to attack 
 the Seminoles in their secret hiding-places, called to their 
 aid the Cuban bloodhounds, referred to in Chapter VII. 
 The Florida Legislature first authorized the purchase of 
 these brutes. A messenger was finally sent to Havana 
 to secure a supply of them, and a pack arrived in Florida 
 in January 1840. Thirty-three hounds were obtained, 
 at a cost of a little over one hundred and fifty dollars 
 each. 
 
 General Jesup had intended to employ the hounds 
 
 ♦Consulted by the present writer. 
 
 f No act ever recorded against the Seminole even approaches this one 
 of Colonel Harney's in barbaric features. 
 
The Story of the Seminoles. 157 
 
 for trailing negroes, for which purpose they were espec- 
 ially trained, but considerable objection being made to 
 this by some, the animals were finally led out by the 
 army (after Jesup had retired from command) for track- 
 ing the Seminoles to their remote fastnesses. A very 
 few trials, however, proved their utter worthlessness 
 for the purpose; as might have been expected, the 
 hounds would not follow an Indian's scent. The army 
 was therefore compelled to abandon this wild scheme, 
 amid general ridicule. 
 
 In May 1841, General Wm. J. Worth rose to the 
 command of the army, and his policy and zeal proved 
 euccessful in speedily bringing the long war to a close. 
 Discarding the methods of Jesup and Armistead, he 
 returned to the more enlightened policy of General 
 Taylor, and in fact improved upon it. One of General 
 Worth's first acts was to make friends with the chief 
 Wildcat, the most intelligent, and one of the most influ- 
 ential leaders of the remaining Seminoles, and through 
 him to secure the good will of other chiefs. By his 
 evident good faith and interest in their welfare he won 
 the confidence of many Seminoles. Like General Tay- 
 lor, he recognized the Maroons, no lees than the Indians, 
 as prisoners of war, and sent to the West all who came 
 into his hands. Wildcat's followers, numbering one 
 hundred and eighty persons, including women and 
 children, finally came in and gave themselves up for 
 emigration; and in a short time, through the potent 
 influence of this chief, about three hundred Seminoles 
 and Maroons were assembled at Tampa Bay awaiting 
 transportation to a new home in Arkansas. Most of 
 these were finally sent off, a few, however, remaining to 
 induce others to come in. 
 
 In November 1841, Captain K. D. A. Wade, with a 
 
158 Bed Patriots; 
 
 company of sixty men, surprised two camps of the 
 Indians near Lake Wurth, at which time eiglit Indians 
 were killed and forty-eight taken prisoners. Twenty 
 canoes and a large quantity of provisions were destroyed. 
 (The immense amount of Indian supplies found by our 
 troops was something remarkable. Two months before. 
 Major Childs had demolished about forty acre§..o.f grow- 
 ing crops while scfuting in the Everglades.) 
 
 On the 9th of April 1842, the last battle of the 
 Seminole War was fought. The conflict took place at 
 Pilaklakaha, chief Mickenopah's old town, n^^ar the 
 Great Wah »o Swimp. General Worth commaisded in 
 person, with about four hundred troops. The attack 
 was made against the strongho'd of H tleck Tustenuggee, 
 an inveterate opponent of emigration, and bin bind of 
 forty warriors. After a prolonged and cautious fight, 
 the Indians scattered and esc iped, with the loss of two 
 killed, three wounded and one taken prisoner. One of 
 our men was killed and four wounded A few days 
 afterward, the chief entered General Worth's camp, with 
 his warriors, in an almost starving condition, when the 
 entire band were made prisoners. 
 
 The scene of this closing conflict was only a short 
 distance east of the Dade massacre battle-ground. Thus, 
 by a strange coincidence, the long and stubborn Semi- 
 nole War ended almost on the very spot where it had 
 begun. 
 
 Shortly before active hostilities were brought to a 
 termination, General Worth reported to the War Depart- 
 ment that, as near as he could estijnate, only about three 
 hundred Seminoles remained in Florida. These, he said, 
 could not be captured, as they were hiding in various 
 remote sections of tiie country. He advised that they 
 
The Story of the Seminoles. 159 
 
 be allowed to remain in the Territory, and that the 
 greater part of the troops be withdrawn.* 
 
 The Department did not at first agree to these sug- 
 gestions, but when the Governor of Florida and many 
 of her leading citizens wrote to the Secretary, making 
 precisely the same request, it was thought best to com- 
 ply- 
 
 Accordingly, after considerable delay and extended 
 
 search, representatives of the remnant were found and 
 were induced to visit the headquarters of Genera^ 
 Worth, August 14th, 1842, at which time a final "talk" 
 was held and peace terms agreed to. The Indians were 
 allowed to remain in the territory on condition that they 
 would cease all hostilities and never renew them, and 
 that they would retire to a certain designated part of 
 the southern extremity of the peninsula. 
 
 Considerab-e doubt was expressed by many at the 
 time as to whether these terms were temporary or per- 
 manent ; but the government had no intention to depart 
 from its original policy, and the Indians were this time 
 fully informed as to the temporar}?^ character of the ar- 
 rangement. 
 
 General Orders (No. 28) were now issued, under 
 date of August 14th, announcing the war at an end, 
 and a large number of troops were withdrawn. General 
 Worth retired for a time from the command, and went 
 to Washington, where he received promotion as a re- 
 ward for his zealous and successful efforts to terminate 
 the war. 
 
 In November 1842, General Worth returned to Florida 
 and resumed command of the troops, for the purpose of 
 establishing the boundaries of the reservation assigned 
 to the Indians, and directing them to occupy it. Four 
 
 '■' Report to Secretary of War. Feb. 17th, 1842. 
 
160 Bed Patriots: 
 
 months later, the troops were still further reduced in 
 numbers, one regiment of infantry being left to guard 
 the frontier and to see that peace was kept by all par- 
 ties. Captain Sprague, who was afterward left in 
 charge of Indian affairs, with headquarters at Fort 
 Brooke, says of the remaining Indians, and others : 
 
 *'Idle reports were constantly in circulation of their 
 contemplating or having made hostile movements. 
 There was a large class of hangers-on with the army at 
 all times, who saw with regret the close of the war, for 
 on its continuance depended their livelihood." 
 
 General Worth finally retired from Florida in No- 
 vember, 1843, when he testified to the excellent behavior 
 of the Seminole remnant.* 
 
 The number of Seminoles and Maroons who were 
 transferred from Florida to the West during the war, 
 between April 1836 and February 1842, was 3,930. f 
 They left the country in fifteen different lots, the small- 
 est number going together being seven and the largest 
 1,160. With one or two exceptions, each lot was ac- 
 companied by a conductor, in most cases an army officer 
 being detailed for the purpose. The passage from New 
 Orleans was made in about one month. Many never 
 lived to reach their new home, for almost every lot was 
 reduced in numbers en route by death, resulting from 
 disease induced by their confinement, change of food, 
 and homesickness. One party which numbered three 
 hundred and seventy when they left Florida, was reduc- 
 ed by fifty before their destination was reached. The 
 largest party who emigrated at one time sustained a 
 loss of ninety-one. J To the above total number should 
 
 * See Chapter I, Part II. 
 
 t The exact number of Maroons cannot be ascertained, as they were 
 generally listed as Seminoles, but it was not far from 400. 
 
 X Official records, Indian.Offiee. 
 
The Story of the Seminoles. 161 
 
 be added two hundred and sixty-five, comprising a lot 
 who emigrated prior to the war, and two hundred and 
 twenty-five, who departed after hostilities had ceased, 
 in the fore part of 1843; making a grand total of 4,420 
 persons. 
 
 In the removal of the bulk of the Seminoles to the 
 territory west of the Mississippi River, the object of our 
 Government had finally been attained, but at what a 
 loss of life, treasure, and national honor! The last 
 item can never be estimated, but we may briefly sum up 
 the two former. The number of deaths in the army 
 and navy, as a direct result of the war was 1,555. The 
 loss among citizens, Indians and negroes, is unknown, 
 but it surely greatly exceeded the above num- 
 ber. 
 
 Up to the close of hostilities, the war had cost 
 our Government no less than $19,480,000 for the em- 
 ployment of militia and volunteers,* and for losses 
 claimed by settlers. When the expenses of the 
 regular army and navy were added, the aggregate 
 amounted to nearly forty million dollars, f Great as 
 this sum is, it is nevertheless far from the total expen- 
 ditures, to date, as a direct result of the forcible remov- 
 al of the Seminoles from their lands. Millions of dol- 
 lars, in addition to the above amount, have been paid in 
 pensions to survivors and their widows. | Claims for 
 losses alleged to have been sustained by settlers, are 
 aJso before Congress at this writing. 
 
 No sooner had the war been terminated than the 
 
 * The number of volunteers called into the field from the different 
 States, between Dec. 20th. 1835, and Dec. Slst, 1840, was 20,026. Of this number 
 Florida furnished 6,854. 
 
 t According? to one of our standard histories, and also to one of the lat- 
 est standard cyclopaedias, the war cost 810,000,000! 
 
 J The Pension Bureau informs the author that the exact sum cannot 
 be furnished, for the reason that for some years past all claims resulting 
 from the Seminole War have been grouped with those of the Black Hayf^k 
 War, Creek War and Cherokee Disturl^aaceg. 
 
162 Bed Patriots: 
 
 great object of its prosecution was made manifest; set- 
 tlers began to crowd into the Territory, and its growth 
 was very rapid from this period, as the following figures 
 demonstrate. In 1840, according to the United States 
 Census and the Territorial enumeration, the population 
 of Florida was 27,943; in 1850, 47,203. Only eighty- 
 eight permits had been granted to settlers under the 
 "armed occupation law" (which gave 160 acres to every 
 settler capable of bearing arms) up to May 1st, 1843, 
 six months before General Worth left the Territory. 
 One month later, however, six hundred and thirty-six 
 permits had been granted from the land offices at St. 
 Augustine and Newnansville, while more than two hun- 
 dred were on file awaiting their turn. Among the first 
 applicants at St. Augustine, says the News of April 7, 
 1843, were a party of eighteen gentlemen, "all men of 
 wealth," accompanied by twenty slaves, bound for dis- 
 tant Lake Worth. 
 
 Such was the eagerness manifested for the lands of 
 which their Indian owners had been deprived. Refer- 
 ring to this greed, the Hon. Theodore Frelinghuysen, 
 United States Senator, and President of Rutgers College, 
 New Jersey, had said some time before : 
 
 " We have added purchase to purchase; the confid- 
 ing Indian listened to our profession of friendship. We 
 called him brother, and he believed us. Million after 
 million of acres he has yielded to our importunity, until 
 we have acquired more than can be cultivated in 
 centuries, and yet we crave more. We have crowded 
 the tribes upon a few miserable acres on our Southern 
 frontier; it is all that is left to them of their once 
 boundless forests, and still, like the horse-leech, our 
 insatiable cupidity cries, ' Give, give.' " 
 
The Story of the Seminoles. 163 
 
 Speaking of the close of the war, a prominent writer 
 of the day truly says : 
 
 " There is not to be found on the page of history, in 
 any country, an instance of a scattered remnant of a 
 tribe, so few in number, defending themselves against 
 the assaults of a disciplined and numerous army, with 
 the same heroism and triumphant results, with those of 
 the Seminoles in resisting the American troops." * 
 
 * Henry Trumbull, 1846. 
 
CHAPTER XVI. 
 
 TRIALS OF THE EMIGRANTS SEMINOLES IN MEXICO TESTI- 
 MONY OF THE MEXICAN GOVERNMENT DEATH OF WILDCAT 
 
 ON MEXICAN SOIL MEXICAN BAND RETURNS TO THE 
 
 UNITED STATES NATION APPEALS TO THE PRESIDENT 
 
 SETTLE ON LANDS OF THEIR OWN DESIRE FOR SCHOOLS 
 
 THEIR UNCOMPLAINING CHARACTER MANLY APPEAL 
 
 OF THEIR AGENT. 
 
 In the negotiations for the removal of the Seminoles 
 from Florida, it was agreed that they should receive a 
 tract of land in the West for their separate use. This 
 was demanded by them, and it operated more effectually 
 toward their final peaceable removal than any other 
 inducements held forth. 
 
 But this pledge, constantly referred to by the officers 
 and agents of the Government, was violated, and on the 
 arrival of the Indians, instead of assigning them a 
 separate territory of their own, the Government sought 
 to settle them with the Creeks, a plan which was earn- 
 estly desired by the latter tribe, for reasons which will 
 presently be stated. 
 
 A large body of these deluded people, however, 
 flatly refused their consent to the arrangement, and the 
 Cherokees, seeing the trying situation of their friends, 
 showed their sympathy by generously offering them a 
 tract of land upon which they could remain until the 
 Government should fulfill its obligations, or other means 
 should be provided for them. Those who took advantage 
 of this offer, says their agent in 1844, "numbered, it is 
 
 164 
 
The Story of the Seminoles. 165 
 
 believed, about one thousand souls, headed by two 
 formidable chiefs, Alligator and Wildcat, the latter a 
 reckless spirit, and, in the opinion of the undersigned, a 
 man of no ordinary mould." 
 
 About one year after the bulk of the tribe arrived 
 in the West, Wildcat addressed a letter to the editor of 
 the Arkansas Intelligericer^ in which he set forth in 
 pathetic words, the hardships which his people were 
 compelled to endure, living as they were without lands 
 of their own. The editor published the letter entire 
 (March 30, 1844^,) with the following prefatory 
 remarks : 
 
 " . . . . No one sympathizes with him (Wildcat) 
 more than we do for the pitiable condition to which he 
 and his people are reduced by their invincible conquerors 
 and false friends." 
 
 Under such auspices were the Seminoles introduced 
 to the new country to which they had been persuaded 
 to emigrate by the most flattering promises. Upon their 
 arrival, utter disappointment awaited them, as we have 
 seen. They not only found themselves without a home 
 they could call their own, but with no means of subsis- 
 tence except the promises of the United States Govern- 
 ment to supply them with rations for a year. To any 
 race of people such a prospect would have been a sore 
 trial — to the Seminoles, whose intense love of home 
 may well be called their master passion, it was simply an 
 outrage. 
 
 Accepting the hospitable offer of the Cherokees, the 
 party of Seminoles above mentioned, with many 
 Maroons, continued to live with them until the summer 
 of 1845. For a long time previous to that date much 
 dissatisfaction was expressed by the emigrants at the 
 manner in which they had been deluded by the Govern- 
 
166 Red Patriots: 
 
 ment. The Cherokees and Creeks also shared the 
 discontent, but for very different reasons. The former 
 having repeatedly assured the Seminoles that the 
 Government would abide by its promises, fully sympa- 
 thized, as we have related, in their bitter dis ppoiut- 
 ment. The Creeks, on the other hand, weie exasperated 
 because the entire body of Seminoles were not compelled 
 to settle with them, in accordance wiih the original 
 treaty of Payne's Landing, and to submit to Creek 
 laws. 
 
 The main object of the Creeks in thus insisting that 
 the other tribe should be compelled to settle with them, 
 was that they had long desired to secure possession or 
 control of the -Maroons and other negroes owned by the 
 Seminoles.* 
 
 The agents among the Indians vainly endeavored to 
 quell the constantly threatened outbreak, and finally the 
 Government sought to accomplish its original plan by 
 further negotiation. With this object, on the 25th of 
 January, 1845, a treaty was entered into between the 
 United States, the Creeks, and the Seminoles, by which 
 the latter — as a last resort of a discouraged pt ople — all 
 agreed, under certain conditions, to settle with the 
 former tribe. 
 
 One of the conditions was that they should be 
 allowed to settle in a body, or otherwise, in any part of 
 the Creek territory. They were also to make their own 
 town regulations and to manage their own pecuniary 
 affairs, but were to be under the control of the Creek 
 Council, in which ih^j were to be represented. 
 
 The Seminoles removed to the Creek territory, but 
 it was not long before the previous unfriendly relations 
 were renewed. The former refused to give up their 
 
 * Senate Doc. 271, 1st Ses., 24th Cong. 
 
The Story of the Seminoles. 167 
 
 nationality or to submit to Creek despotism. As a tribute 
 to the character of the Seminoles at this period in their 
 history, we quote the following words of their agent, 
 written in the year 1849: 
 
 " Among the poor, neglected and despised Semi- 
 noles, there is as much honor and integrity as among 
 any other tribe, though the others may be far in advance 
 of them in the habits of civilized life .... They have 
 great affection for their children, pay much deference to 
 their wives .... I admit, however, with all their good 
 qualities, they have some bad ones ; but if left to them- 
 selves, and not instigated by bad white men, they would 
 have fewer of these." 
 
 Again, writing in the same year, this agent says: 
 " The great cause of dissatisfaction to the Seminoles 
 is that they have no country that they can call their 
 own. This has a tendency to depress their feelings and 
 is a constant source of uneasiness ; and, until removed, 
 it need not be expected that they will become content. 
 They utterly repudiate the idea of becoming a constitu- 
 ent part of the Creek nation." 
 
 In illustration of the truth of the agent's words 
 last quoted, within a year from that time a strange and 
 romantic episode in Seminole history was revealed, 
 greatly to the surprise of the Indian agents and higher 
 officials. In 1850, a band of several hundred members 
 of the tribe, including a smaller number of Maroons 
 headed by Abraham, with a few other Indians, all under 
 the leadership of the famous chief Cooacoochee, or 
 Wildcat, resolved to emigrate to Mexico, in order to es- 
 cape entirely from the jurisdiction of the United States 
 Government, and to enjoy the rights and liberties denied 
 them here. As some account of the fortunes of this he- 
 roic and freedom-loving band cannot fail to interest the 
 
168 -Bed Patriots: 
 
 reader, we here insert the following particulars, ex- 
 tracted from a Mexican publication:* 
 
 " Shortly after the establishment 6f military colo- 
 nies'in^Mexico, in 1850, certain Seminoles, Kickapoos, 
 and Muskogees presented themselves in the district of 
 Rio Grande, in the State of Coahuila, soliciting lands on 
 which to settle, since they truly affirmed that the Amer- 
 icans had appropriated their own lands." 
 
 The Indians composing this band received from the 
 Mexican Government, on the 26th of July, 1851, lands 
 on the San Rodrigo and San Antonio rivers, which flow 
 into the Rio Grande in the northern part of the country. 
 As a recompense for this gift, they had signed a treaty 
 on the 16th of the previous October, in which they 
 promised their services against the incursions of the 
 warlike savages of that region. 
 
 Actual trial of this location, however, proved to the 
 Seminoles and the others that they could not remain 
 there in peace and safety, owing to the dangers encoun- 
 tered on the United States border. They were there- 
 fore persuaded by the Mexican authorities to remove to 
 the mountains of Santa Rosa, thirty leagues to the 
 southwest. They asked for and received agricultural 
 implements from the Government, while in this loca- 
 tion, and were industrious, and also desirous of instruction 
 for their families. 
 
 The Seminoles undoubtedly found their new location a 
 good one, for in July 1852, Wildcat and another Indian 
 presented themselves in the City of Mexico and solici- 
 ted additional reservations. One was granted them in 
 the State of Durango, and another in a locality known 
 as Nacimiento, " in recompense for the good service 
 they had already begun to render against the savages.''^ 
 
 " A translation, ordered by the Mexican Government, of the Reports 
 presented by the Commissioners whom it sent to the Frontier, to Investigate 
 the Depredations Committed on both sides of the Bio Grande." 1875. 
 
The Story of the Seminoles. 169 
 
 After one of the campaigns waged by the Seminoles 
 against the Comanches, they received the formal thanks 
 of the Mexican officials. Several expeditions were 
 made by them in the years 1856-7 against warlike tribes, 
 with good results, but in the latter year many Seminoles 
 died of small-pox. Among the victims was the chief 
 Wildcat. 
 
 It was intimated in a publication of the United 
 States Government that the Seminoles, among other In- 
 dians, were probably responsible for certain depreda- 
 tions on the Texas side of the Rio Grande. These dep- 
 redations were thoroughly investigated by the Mexican 
 Government, who found that white men, disguised as 
 Indians, were the culprits. Speaking of the raids into 
 Texas between the years 1848 and 1856, the Commis- 
 sion reported that "/^o voice was ever raised to attribute 
 them to the Seminoles^ who then resided (since 1850) 
 in Mexico with a few Kickapoos, although they trav- 
 ersed all this region, according to their custom, in quest 
 of game." 
 
 In 1857, an American named Bernard, residing at 
 Corpus Christi, made a contract with the government of 
 Nuevo and Coahuila far bringing the Florida Seminoles 
 to Mexico.* Agents of the American Government, 
 however, prevented the accomplishment of this purpose. 
 
 Early in the year 1858, two Seminole chiefs visited 
 their kinsmen in the United States. On their return to 
 Mexico they endeavored to persuade their people to em- 
 igrate to their former homes in Indian Territory. ''This 
 action," says the Commission, "was regretted by the 
 Mexican authorities, on account of the good services 
 they (the Seminoles) were rendering against the sava- 
 ges." 
 
 ♦ Reference i3 had to that portion of the tribe who finally emigrated to 
 Indian Territory, under the leadership of Billy Bowlegs, in 1858. 
 
170 Red Patriots: 
 
 The Mexican Government induced the Seminoles to 
 temporarily postpone their departure, but most of them 
 finally removed to the United States, mainly through 
 the efforts of two Americans who resided at Santa Rosa, 
 until, on the 26th of February, 1859, only sixty Semi- 
 noles remained at this place. On August 25th, 1861, 
 the remainder of the band went to Texas, on their way 
 to Indian Territory. The removal took place, says the 
 official report of the Mexican Government, " to the gen- 
 eral regret of the inhabitants of Santa Rosa.''' 
 
 " To understand fully the causes of the return of 
 the Seminoles to the United States, it will be expedient 
 to remember that. . .on the 12th of March, 1859, a repre- 
 sentative of the United States' agent for the Seminoles 
 came to Villa Guerrero and informed Colonel Blanco 
 that his object was to bring about the removal of the 
 two tribes m question (Seminoles and Muskogees) to 
 their reservations (in the United States). This person 
 was given a passport and an escort to Monterey, and 
 was accompanied by the Seminole * Tiger,' this mission 
 leading to the removal which took place two years la- 
 ter, as above mentioned. 
 
 ** The measures taken at this time for the return of 
 the Seminoles to the United States did not spring from 
 any misdeeds committed by them. No accusation of the 
 kind was brought against them. The motive may have 
 been to unite the dispersed members of the tribe, or the 
 fear that the Mexican portion would attract their Amer- 
 ican brethren, and thus leave the agents without the 
 gains of their official posts. At all events, the action 
 was not a just one, for it damaged legitimate Mexican 
 interests, on which considerable sums had been spent." 
 
 The Mexican Government; characterized the Semi- 
 noles as peaceable, law-abiding and industrious, but 
 
The Story of (he Seminoles.' 171 
 
 stated that they did "not undertake the defense of the 
 Kickapoos, for it is true that some individuals may have 
 committed robberies." 
 
 Tliis official report forms a document of several 
 hundred pages, but the above extracts and condensation 
 contain the substance of the portion relating to Wildcat's 
 band. From the unbiased statements of the Mexican 
 Government, it is plainly evident that the people whom 
 the Floridians and the United States military powers 
 drove from their former and rightful homes, departed 
 from Mexico with the sincere regrets of her citizens. 
 
 '' Then just believe me, once for all, 
 
 To those that treat him fair, 
 The Indian mostly always was, 
 And is, and will be, ' square.' " 
 
 Let us now return to the Seminoles who had remained 
 in Indian Territory, and who had recently been joined 
 by the band returning from Mexico. The climate of 
 the Western country was far different from that of semi- 
 tropical Florida, and the change proved very trying 
 especially to the older Indians. From this cause, and 
 also by reason of the trouble and discouragement they 
 had encountered since leaving their former home, their 
 numbers had decreased from the first. About 4,500 had 
 settled in the West up to the year 1844. In 1851, the 
 agent of the Seminoles reported that "their numbers 
 continue to decrease, as shown by the pay-rolls." Three 
 years later their population was estimated at 2,500. After 
 making due allowance for those who emigrated to Mex- 
 ico, the above figures indicated an alarming decadence. 
 
 In the year 1852, a special agent of the Government 
 persuaded a delegation of the Seminoles to visit Florida 
 for the purpose of influencing their brethren there to 
 join the nation in the West.* On the return of the 
 
 *Due notice ot their efforts will be given in its proper place, in Part H 
 
172 Bed Patriots: 
 
 former to their homes, the nation addressed President 
 Pierce the following letter : 
 
 "Seminole Agency, July 1, 1853. 
 " To the President of the United States: 
 
 '' We, the chiefs, head men and warriors of the 
 Seminole nation, having this day met in council, and 
 after due deliberation had, would most respectfully 
 represent to our Great Father, the President of the 
 United States, as we have heretofore done through our 
 former agent, that we are situated in the Far West ; . . . 
 At the same time we are desirous that you should make 
 us a separate nation from that of the Creek nation. . . . 
 
 '* We left our land and the graves of our fathers at 
 the request of our Great Father, the President of the 
 United States, and removed to the Far West. At the 
 time of our removal we were assured by our Great 
 Father through his officers that things should be right. 
 When we undertook this matter we were young and 
 knew nothing of the country. But we moved here; we 
 find the land here. But at the same time we are labor- || 
 ing under many disadvantages, which have heretofore 
 been represented. 
 
 *' When we left our homes, or at least a part of us, 
 and went to Florida to induce our friends to remove 
 West, we failed in a great measure to do anything. But 
 if a father has two sons and one of them is bad it is no 
 good reason why the other should be cut oif from every- 
 thing. We therefore think it but right that we should 
 have a country of our own. We will at all times render 
 our influence to get our brothers to remove and settle 
 with us. . . . All in Council. 
 
 ** Very respectfully, 
 "James and John Jumper, 
 "Principal Chief." 
 
The Story of the Seminoles. 173 
 
 In manly defense of these deceived people, their 
 agent, J. W. Washbourne, thus writes to the Indian 
 Commissioner, in April 1855 : 
 
 " There have been many slurs cast upon the Semi- 
 noles, as being savage, cruel, improvident, and lawless, 
 ... .It is true that they fought for their country, and 
 savagely, too, as was their custom. It is also true that 
 they have made scarcely any improvement since their 
 removal West. 
 
 "And what ha^e been their inducements? Their 
 nationality swept away, their country under the control 
 of another tribe, their annuity miserably small, no pro- 
 vision for schools or any other species of improvement ; 
 no incentive of any character whatever — how could they 
 improve? Why, then, should they be blamed for not 
 doing what is morally impossible under the circum- 
 stances? Why have slurs been hurled upon them for 
 indulgence, to a less extent, in the vices peculiar to 
 Indians, and more especially to those for whom the 
 Government has done the most? 
 
 " To rebut this slur I will simply mention two facts : 
 Among the Seminoles there has not been perpetrated a 
 murder, one upon another, for the past seven years. 
 Neither, though styled troublesome and dangerous 
 neighbors in the treaty (Creek) of 1845, have they in 
 any manner participated in the (vaporing and harmless) 
 forays which other tribes make, and boast about, against 
 the prairie tribes. These facts speak volumes for them 
 when their discontent<?d state is remembered." 
 
 Four months later, the agent wrote: "It seems 
 palpably prominent to my mind that the Seminoles, no 
 matter how provocative their wars in Florida were, have 
 been treated with neglect and injustice." During the 
 same month it was suggested by another agent that, in 
 
174 Bed Patriots: 
 
 view of the unfriendly relations that existed between 
 the Seminoles and Creeks, the former be given the sep- 
 arate country which they had been promised. 
 
 The Government was at last compelled to acknowl- 
 edge that its pet scheme of amalgamating two distinct 
 nations, which had been living apart as such for a long 
 period of time, had proved an utter failure.* Being thor- 
 oughly assured of this at last, and also for the accomplish- 
 ment of another object, f the Government now proposed a 
 new treaty. After considerable trouble and delay, the 
 consent of the Creeks was finally secured to convey to 
 the Seminoles a portion of their territory. The nego- 
 tiation was known as the "Treaty of Washington," 
 and was consummated in that city, August 7th, 1856. 
 
 By this treaty, a tract of 2,169,080 acres, lying 
 within the Creek lines, was sold to the Seminoles, who 
 at once settled on it. With their nationality preserved 
 and a home (>f their own, these people found at last 
 their wishes gratified. Their life with the Creeks had 
 been felt as a degredation by a proud-spirited people, 
 nor had any appreciable progress been made by them 
 during that gloomy period. Now, however, the bright 
 star of Hope was once more in the ascendant. Referring 
 to this happy state of aifairs, Mr. Washbourne, their 
 agent, wrote in January, 1857 : 
 
 '* The Seminoles continue to manifest increasing 
 desire for schools and improvement. Even Alligator, an 
 aged chief, and former foe not only of the white man 
 but of all his ways, so much desires schools now, that 
 he sends his (the band's) young children to the mission 
 school .... and is himself learning the alphabet!" 
 
 In a later letter, the agent says, in reference to the 
 
 ^Th'^ fir^t prap>3ition to -"Ottle tt\e S^iniioles a*noa? the Creeks, was 
 made by General Jackson in 1821, to the Secretary of War. See pp. 32-3. 
 
 +See Ch apter III, Part II. 
 
The Story of the Seminoles. 175 
 
 treaty, "by it the unhappy differences between the 
 Seminoles and Creeks are ended." He also stated that 
 the population of the former tribe at that time numbered 
 1,907 souls, all told; that they live by tilling the soil; 
 that they hunt for pastime only, or for furs and 
 peltries; and again states that "they desire very much 
 the establishment of schools." 
 
 We have briefly referred to the extreme change of 
 climate from the balmy airs of Florida to the wintry 
 blasts of the Western highlands. In illustration of this 
 and other physical trials which this suffering nation 
 was called on to endure, we may quote again from agent 
 Washbourne. In one of his letters, written in the year 
 last mentioned, to the Indian Office, he says : 
 
 " One day, especially, before a fire (built in a hut) 
 the ink froze in my pen ere I could write across the 
 page! In such weather, with very few tents, not much 
 provisions, the Seminoles were encamped ten or twelve 
 days, exposed, thinly clad, to the searching severity of 
 the northwestern blasts icy from the tops of the Rocky 
 Mountains. 
 
 "One widow, with a young child, whose horse had 
 been stolen from her by the* prairie thieves (Osages), 
 walked over seventy miles to the agency in moccasins, 
 through ice and snow, with scarce a mouthful to eat. 
 But in all this inclemency the Seminoles did not murmur 
 .... One party of Seminoles while examining their 
 new country lost all of their horses, twenty-two head in 
 all, which had been stolen by the Osages. They were 
 consequently unable to make such examinations, and 
 were compelled to return on foot in the s- verest part of 
 winter." * 
 
 The material for the Inst few pages was mainly extracted from unpub- 
 lished official records in the Indian Office. 
 
176 Red Patriots: 
 
 If these ill-fated exiles could have anticipated the 
 severe exposures and other trials which they would be 
 called on to endure, they would perhaps have fought 
 still more desperately to retain possession of their sunny 
 Florida homes. 
 
CHAPTER XVII. 
 
 THE SEMINOLE IX THE CIVIL WAR BORNE UPON PAY-ROLLS OF 
 
 BOTH ARMIES DRIVEN FROM THEIR HOMES BY CONFED- 
 ERATES ENLIST IN THE UNION ARMY ENGAGED IN 
 
 TWENTY-EIGHT BATTLES SERVE THROUGHOUT THE WAR 
 
 BITTER PEELING BETWEEN THE TWO FACTIONS UNION 
 
 SEMINOLES ARE REIMBURSED FOR LOSSES ODD APPEAR- 
 ANCE IN REGULATION UNIFORMS. 
 
 Among the Five Civilized Tribes in Indian Terri- 
 tory, namely: the Cherokees, Creeks, Seminoles, Choc- 
 taws, and Chickasaws, twenty-four organizations of red 
 men were raised during the Civil War. These com- 
 prised three regiments of Home Guards on the Federal 
 side, numbering 5,238 persons, and twenty-one smaller 
 organizations with the Confederates. 
 
 The Seminoles, as well as the other tribes, were 
 represented on both sides of the conflict ; in the Union 
 army, principally in the Second and Third Regiments of 
 Home Guards, with Creeks, Cherokees and other Indians ; 
 on the Confederate side in the First Seminole Cavalry 
 Battalion (afterward First Seminole Regiment), under 
 Colonel John Jumper, a prominent member of the 
 nation. 
 
 At the beginning of the war, the Confederate 
 authorities showed their characteristic promptness by 
 sending agents among the different tribes in Indian 
 Territory for the purpose of winning them over to the 
 Southern cause. When these agents approached the 
 Creek and Cherokee nations, especially, on the subject 
 
 177 
 
178 Bed Patriots, 
 
 of severing their relations with the United States, the 
 majority expressed themselves as having made up their 
 minds to remain neutral. Comparatively few among the 
 Five Tribes held slaves, and it was natural that the ma- 
 jority should take little interest in the question that had 
 long been agitating the country ; moreover, they regarded 
 the trouble as belonging to the whites to settle among 
 themselves. 
 
 An ex-chief of the Creeks named Mcintosh had been 
 won over to the Confederacy by ati appointment as 
 Colonel. This flattering offer had been made in view of 
 the following he was supposed to be able to influence. 
 Failing to enlist all of the Indians on their side, the 
 Confederates finally determined to attack the neutrals 
 as well as those sympathizing with the Union cause. 
 
 The Confederate force consisted of white soldiers as 
 well as of Indians from all of the Five Tribes, under the 
 command of Colonel Cooper and others. The opposing 
 party was led by an old and highly respected Creek 
 chief, rejoicing in the formidable name of Ho-po-eith-le- 
 yo-ho-la, a most determined opponent of the Confeder- 
 ate plans. When this chief had discovered that the 
 Confederates intended to make war on him and his fol- 
 lowers, he determined to resist to the utmost. He was 
 certain of the support of more than half of his own 
 tribe and a large number of Seminoles and Cherokees. 
 He was confident that he could hold his ground against 
 Indian foes, but doubted his ability to do so if they 
 were aided by white soldiers. It was his intention, if 
 he should be overpowered, to make his way to Kansas, 
 where he believed he would find friends and allies. His 
 second in command was Halleck Tustenuggee, 
 prominent in the latter part of the Seminole War. 
 
 Several engagements took place between these 
 
The Story of the Seminoles. 179 
 
 opposing forces, in two of which, in 1861, the Union 
 Indians were victorious. In one engngement the old 
 chief defeated his enemy by setting fire to the prairie 
 grass which separated him from the others, causing 
 them to flee for their lives. The principal battle, how- 
 ever, was fought on the 26th of December, 1861. It 
 was a severe conflict, lasting from noon to four in the 
 afternoon, in which the Federal forces contested every 
 in 'h of ground, but the superior numbers against them 
 finally compelled a retreat. 
 
 The Creek chief, carrying out his premeditated 
 plan, now set out for Knnsas, with all the warriors, 
 women and children of his nation who had stood ^y him, 
 and a large number of Semin<»les and Cherokees. followed 
 later by another band of Creeks, who preferred to share 
 the hardships of a winder march rather than submit to 
 Confederate dictation. They carried with them only 
 such property as could be gathered hastily. This retreat 
 was made in mid-winter through snow and ice. So 
 severe was the cold that, according to the c<immander of 
 the Confederate troops, a soldier in the pursuing force 
 was frozen to death. 
 
 The total number on the Federal s'de who fl-d to 
 Kansas was estimated at from six to ten thousand. 
 Within two months after their arrival two hundred and 
 forty of the Creeks alone died from exposure to the 
 severe weather.* 
 
 In the summer of 1862, the Indians who had thus 
 been driven from their homes, enlisted in the service of 
 the United States, with an especial desire to be led 
 against those who had expelled them. They were aci 
 cordingly regularly mustered in and borne upon the 
 
 •Annual Report Commissioner of Indian Affairs, 1863. 
 
180 Bed Patriots'. 
 
 payrolls of the army, forming the three regiments before 
 mentioned, and serving throughout the war.* 
 
 These regiments were engaged in twenty-eight 
 regular battles of greater oriels magnitude, and in num- 
 erous skirmishes. A larg'* number of those who had at 
 first joined the Confederates afterward went over to the 
 Union side. The author has been unable to ascertain 
 the losses sustained by the Seminole regiments separately 
 (from their allies) during the war, but the total number 
 of deaths, from all cans- s, among the Union organizations 
 of Indian troops, was 1,018. f 
 
 A division of the Seminole nation took place almost 
 from the beginning of the war, and bitter feeling was 
 engendered between the Federal and Confederate sym- 
 pathizers, the former constituting about two-thirds of 
 the nation.]; This feeling continued to exist until a 
 short time after the war, when all differences were fin- 
 ally settled between them and the two factions were 
 again united. 
 
 The Seminoles who had been compelled to leave 
 their homes and take refuge in Kansas, afterward settled 
 at Neosho Falls, in that State. While there in 1863 
 their number was estimated at 672. Most of these were 
 women and chil'dren, the able-bodied men having joined 
 the forces on the Union side. These were known as 
 "Southern" Seminoles, while those who had remained 
 neutral at home, in Indian Territory, or who had sided 
 with the Confederates, were styled "Northern" Semi- 
 noles. II 
 
 *The foregoing account has been gleaned principally from Civil War on 
 the Border, by Wiley Britton, (1890), who sorved on the (Jnijn Side in Kansas 
 throughout the war. 
 
 f Official records. War Department. 
 
 I Vaaua Report C) n nis-jionar of Caiiaa VflTvirs, 1833. 
 
 ||The readt^r will please note that these terms do not refer to the difTor- 
 ent sides takt-n in the war. 
 
The Story of the Seminoles. 181 
 
 Shortly after the conclusion of the war the "South- 
 ern" Seminoles returned to Indian Territory. They did 
 not settle on their vacated lands, says their agent in 
 1866, but were temporarily located with the Cherokees, 
 on account of the proximity of supplies. Both t-ides 
 sulfered severely by the war, not only in considerable 
 loss of life, as before referred to, but in devastated lands 
 and the loss of buildings and stock, of which latter they 
 possessed large herds of both cattle and horses. 
 
 By a treaty, ratified March 21st, 1866, the Seminoles 
 who had remained steadfast to the Union received the 
 sum of $50,000 to reimburse them for their losses. 
 The money thus appropriated was derived from the sale 
 of lands by the nation to the United States, under the 
 same treaty. Thus it came about that the part of the 
 nation that sympathized with the South, were compelled 
 to contribute directly from their own pockets for the 
 benefit of the others. 
 
 The following account of the odd appearance of the 
 Union Indian soldiers in the regulation uniform, is 
 extracted from Wiley Britton's book, from which we 
 have previously quoted : 
 
 "It was quite amusing to the white soldiers to see 
 the Indians dressed in the Federal uniforms and equipped 
 for service. Everything seemed out of proportion. 
 Nearly every warrior got a suit that, to critical tastes, 
 lacked a good deal in fitting him. It was in a marked 
 degree either too large or too small. In some cases the 
 sleeves of a coat or jacket were too short, coming down 
 about two-thirds the distance from the elbows to the 
 wrists. In other cases the sleeves were too long, coming 
 down over the hands. 
 
 "Atthe time these Indian troops were organized, the 
 Government was furnishing its soldiers a high-crowned 
 
182 Bed Patriots : 
 
 stiff wool hat for the service. When, therefore, fully 
 equipped as a warrior, one might have seen an Indian 
 soldier dressed as described, wearing a high-crowned, 
 stiff wool hat, with long black hair falling over his 
 shoulders, and riding an Indian pony so small that his 
 feet appeared to almost touch the ground, with a long 
 squirrel rifle thrown across the pommel of his saddle. 
 When starting out on the march every morning any one 
 with this command might have seen the warrior in full 
 paint, and he might have also heard the war-whoop 
 commence at the head of the column and run back to 
 the rear, repeated several times." 
 
CHAPTER XVIII. 
 
 TREATY OF 18/^6 GOVERNMENT S SERIOUS BLUNDER GEN- 
 ERAL grant's INDIAN POLICY PRESENT CONDITION 
 
 IN THE WEST GOVERNMENT OF THE TRIBE GOVERN- 
 OR JOHN F. BROWN SEMINOLES FREE FROM INTRUDERS 
 
 EFFORTS OF THE DAWES ' COMMISSION SEMINOLES AND 
 
 THE UNITED STATES SIGN A NEAV AGREEMENT SEMI- 
 NOLES FIRST TO EMBRACE CITIZENSHIP. 
 
 After the close of the Civil War, another treaty was 
 concluded with the Seminoles, as referred to in the pre- 
 ceding chapter. The nation thereby ceded to the Uni- 
 ted States the entire tract of 2,] 69,080 acres, which they 
 had purchased from the Creeks ten years before. For 
 this the Seminoles now received the sum of $325,362, 
 being at the rate of fifteen cents per acre. The Govern- 
 ment next secured by treaty with the Creeks, June 14th, 
 1866, the west half of their territory for thirty cents per 
 acre, and sold 200,000 acres of this to the Seminoles 
 for fifty cents per acre.* 
 
 It may interest the reader to know how the balance 
 
 of the money received by the Seminoles wa^ expended. 
 
 The amount of $30,000 was used to establish them on 
 
 thrir new land; $20,000 for purchase of stock, tools, 
 
 seeds, etc,; $i5,000 for a mill; $50,000 invested in a 
 
 school fund; $20,000 as a national fund; $40,362 for 
 
 subsistence; and $50,000 for losses of loyal Seminoles 
 
 during the war, as previously explained. The nation 
 
 granted by this treaty 640 acres of their land to each 
 
 society thaC would erect mission or school buildings. 
 
 ■■' The land was patented, and the sale is recorded at the General Land 
 Office. 
 
 183 
 
184 Bed Patriots: 
 
 By this treaty all slavery among the Indians was 
 abolished, and henceforth the negro enjoyed equal 
 rights with his former master. This equality was more 
 easily accomplished in the case of the Seminoles, who 
 had always treated their slaves with much considera- 
 tion, as we have recorded in previous chapters. Dele- 
 gates from the Seminole and Creek nations remained in 
 Washington from January 1866, to late in the summer, 
 attending to the negotiation of these treaties and sales. 
 
 All went well for several years. But the "Great 
 Father"* at Washington, while constantly expressing 
 the warmest feelings for the welfare of his "dear chil- 
 dren," nevertheless seemed to be the cause of nearly all 
 of their troubles. He was responsible for another cloud 
 that commenced to gather in 1871. About this time it 
 was discovered by the Seminoles and Creeks that the 
 former, instead of being located, as they were told by 
 the Government, on lands of their own, were actually 
 over the boundary on Creek land! By some it was 
 believed that this was only another effort to unite the 
 two tribes. 
 
 The agent for the Seminoles reported in 1872 that 
 they were troubled and discouraged, and that they 
 looked to the government to right the wrong. He says, 
 also, that the Seminoles had improved the disputed lands 
 " with more assiduity and care than their neighbors." 
 Referring to this latest blunder (to call it by no harsher 
 name,) the Commissioner of Indian Affairs had this to 
 say: 
 
 "A cause of discontent and just complaint on the 
 part of this people is found in the fact that the Govern- 
 ment, in providing them a new home after the cession 
 of their reservation under the treaty of 1866, misled 
 
 * We use this term in an impersonal sense. 
 
The Story of the Seminoles. 185 
 
 them as to their boundary lines, so that many" 
 (afterward discovered nearly all) " have settled beyond 
 the line upon territory still belonging to the Creeks, 
 and have there established themselves in comfortable 
 homes and upon lands which they have much 
 improved."* 
 
 A commission was appointed in 1873 to settle all 
 diflPerences, but the Creeks refused to sell the Seminoles 
 the land, and again proposed that they merge their 
 nationality with them. To this proposition the latter 
 nation strongly objected, in fact positively refused to 
 consider it. Two years later another special commission 
 was appointed, but the desired object w^as not attained. 
 Nothing was accomplished until 1881 when, by treaty 
 of February 14th of that year, the Creeks finally sold to 
 the Seminoles 175,000 acres, on which the latter had 
 been living since 1866. 
 
 One of the brightest chapters in General Grant's 
 administration as President of the United States, is 
 found in the new policy w^hich he inaugurated in our 
 national treatment of the Indian tribes. Up to the 
 year 1869 nearly three hundred and seventy treaties 
 between the United States and Indian tribes had been 
 entered on our national records. Under this old system 
 of treaties, perpetually made and perpetually broken, both 
 the Indians and the Government were systematically 
 robbed, and disturbances and collisions were frequent. 
 Under the new policy a reorganization in all the depart- 
 ments of the service took place. Among the many reforms 
 in the system, was an act passed by Congress making 
 it unlawful for the Government to enter into treaties with 
 the Indians as nations. This in itself was a long step 
 in the desired direction. 
 
 * Annual Report 1872. 
 
186 Bed Patriots: 
 
 The Seminoles are still located at the present time on 
 lands purchased of the Creeks in 1866 and 1881, form- 
 ing a tract of 375,000 acres. /The total population of 
 the nation is now about 3,000 souls. This includes 
 several hundred negroes, most of them descendants of 
 the famous Maroons, who are recognized as Seminoles 
 by the tribe, and who enjoy all rights of the others 
 except intermarriage with the Indians, although there 
 are some admixtures. 
 
 Generally speaking, the Seminoles are considered the 
 least civilized of the Five Tribes, but it must not be for- 
 gotten that they were the last to be conquered, the final 
 emigration from Florida not taking place until 1858. 
 Let it be remembered, also, that they have had more to 
 discourage them and fewer advantages placed within 
 their reach than the other tribes, until within the last 
 fifteen years. 
 
 Indians are phlegmatic in temperament and slow to 
 change. They must have abundant time to alter their 
 fixed habits. Constituted as they are it is unreasonable 
 to expect otherwise ; the wonder is that they have made 
 such progress as they have. Regarding this radical and 
 too commonly overlooked element in their nature, let one 
 of their race speak : 
 
 *' Consider the primitive but fair English in the 
 fields of th(-ir ancient isle; consider the Germanic tribes 
 on their vast prairies and in their primeval forests; con- 
 sider that it has taken them twenty centuries to reach 
 the wonders of this magic age; and then ask whether 
 or not it is reasonable to expect Indians to attain even 
 a measure of it in a few ^hort years."* 
 
 Nevertheless, the Seminoles have made wonderful 
 strides towaid civilization, as the reader may judge for 
 
 ♦The Indian of To-day, by a native Arapahoe, Colorado Magazine,, May 
 
The Story of the Seminoles. 187 
 
 himself. Their government consists of one principal 
 chief or Governor, a second chief, a superintendent of 
 schools — elected by the people, a treasurer, and a coun- 
 cil of fourteen " band chiefs," (with two sub-chiefs to 
 each band), v^hich acts as legislature and judiciary. All 
 hold offices for a term of four years. They have neither 
 printed laws nor records, but the chief holds a set of 
 written laws, regarding crimes, penalties, etc. 
 
 The agent or superintendent for the Five Tribes 
 reported in 1889 that the Seminoles were "the most 
 peaceful and law-observing of the five nations, and it is 
 seldom that there is any clash in their affairs."* He 
 attributed this favorable condition principally to the 
 almost entire absence of "boomers" or intruders. 
 Three years later they were free from this class, as they 
 are at the present time. 
 
 " The Seminoles recognize the value of an educa- 
 tion," says their agent in 1891, "and by liberal appro- 
 priations judiciously expended have placed its attain- 
 ments within the reach of every one of their young men 
 and women." 
 
 There are now six public and two large mission 
 schools in the nation; twelve church organizations, 
 divided among the Baptist, Presbyterian, and Methodist 
 denominations, with several church edifices. Their 
 postoffice towms are four in number, the principal one 
 being Wewoka. Two of the public school buildings 
 cost $60,000 each, and would prove creditable to any 
 city in the land. 
 
 The lands occupied by the Seminoles, and purchased 
 by them as before stated, are held by the nation in com- 
 mon. No assessments are made on either real or per 
 sonal property, and no taxe^ of any kind are collected. 
 
 ♦ Annual Report Commissioner of Indian Affairs, 1889. 
 
188 Red Patriots: 
 
 The inhabitants are generally engaged in farming and 
 stock raising. Most of them live in smnll cabins built 
 of logs. All wear citizens clothing. Many are fairly 
 educated, some of whom are fully competent to fill 
 positions of responsibility and trust. 
 
 The author is indebted to John F. Brown, the pres- 
 ent principal chief or Governor of the nation, for most 
 of the foregoing information relating to the present 
 condition of the Seminoles. This was conveyed in sev- 
 eral very interesting conversation^. Mr. Brown is an 
 educated gentleman, in fact one of the best examples of 
 a self-made man. He was born in the Cherokee nation, 
 October 23d, 1843, during the temporary stay of the 
 Seminoles with the former, and is related to the famous 
 Wildcat. He has served his nation in various capaci- 
 ties : as band-chief. Superintendent of Schools, frequently 
 as a delegate to Washington, and is now serving his 
 third consecutive term as principal chief. 
 
 In the spring of 1891, a conference was held with 
 the Seminoles, in common with all of the Five Civilized 
 Tribes, by the Dawes Commission, which was appointed 
 by Congress in 1893, to enter into negotiations with 
 these tribes for an allotment of their lands in severalty 
 and a substitution of territorial for tribal government. 
 After the meeting, the Seminoles met and passed resolu- 
 tions condemning a change, and declining to take any 
 action whatever with a view of negotiating Avith the 
 Commission.* It should be stated that they were not 
 alone in objecting to any interference with their affairs; 
 the feeling was shared by the other tribes. 
 
 The argument advanced by the Dawes Commission 
 that the tribes are unable to govern themselves and to 
 control the crime which is so rampant, will not apply to 
 
 ♦Senate Mis, Doc. 24, 3rd Ses., 53rd Cong. 
 
John F. Brown. 
 
 Chief of the Western Seminoles. 
 
The Story of the Seminoles. 189 
 
 the Seminoles ; for the class who commit eighty percent 
 of the murders,* and other crimes in nearly like propor- 
 tion, are unknown by their presence in this nation, as 
 before stated. 
 
 The Commission continued their efforts, however, 
 with the result that the Seminole nation finally concluded 
 it would be to their advantage to do as the former pro- 
 posed, in part at least. Accordingly, an agreement was 
 signed on the 16th of December 1897, by the Dawes, 
 and Seminole, Commissions, and ratified by the general 
 council of the Seminole nation on the 29th of the same 
 month. f The instrument provides, among other things, 
 that the lands owned by the nation in common shall be 
 divided equally among the members of the tribe, who 
 shall have the sole right of occupancy during the exist- 
 ence of the tribal government. When the latter ceases to 
 exist, the occupant is to receive a guarantee deed to the 
 land which was allotted to him. This will also include 
 a tract of forty acres, which is to be made inalienable 
 and nontaxable as a homestead in perpetuity. A division 
 of the tribe's moneys will be made among the members 
 after the extinguishment of tribal government. $500,000 
 of the funds belonging to the nation, now held by the 
 United States, are set apart for a permanent school fund. 
 A prominent stipulation on the part of the United States, 
 is that the latter agrees to "maintain strict laws in the 
 Seminole country against the introduction, sale, barter, 
 or giving away of intoxicants of any kind or quality." 
 
 The plan of making citizens of the Indians seems to 
 be a good one, and it is creditable to the Seminoles that 
 
 - The Five Civilized Tribes, U. S. Census Bulletin, 1894. 
 
 + Sen. Doc. 78, 2d Sea., 55th Cong. (A delegation of the Western Semi- 
 noles, head»d by Gove» nor Brown, remained in Washington during the winter 
 and spring of 1897-93, awaiting the dilatory action of Congress in ratifying 
 the agreement. 
 
190 Bed Patriots: 
 
 they were the first (and only one of the Five Tribes at 
 this writing) to take advantage of the new proposition. 
 It remains to be seen how well, and for how long a time, 
 our Christian Government will live up to its pledges. 
 
 END OF PART I 
 
 I 
 
PART II. 
 
 THE REMNANT IN FLORIDA. 
 
PART II. 
 
 The Remnant in Florida — Last Hostilities — Final Emi- 
 gration — The Flower of the Nation — 
 Appendix. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 general worth's tribute MURDER OF THREE WHITES 
 
 excitement and alarm of the settlers CAPTAIN 
 
 JOHN C. CASEY, THE SEMINOLES' FRIEND GENERAL 
 
 gibbon's TESTIMONY REGARDING INDIAN AGENTS TRIB- 
 UTES TO CAPTAIN CASEY THE BOWLEGS' PEACE TOKEN 
 
 CAPTAIN CASEY MEETS THE INDIANS NATION DISA- 
 VOWS THE MURDERS AND DELIVERS THE CRIMINALS 
 
 GENERAL TWIGGS' HIGH TRIBUTE SUICIDE OF PRISONERS. 
 
 The first part of our story has followed the fortunes 
 of the Seminoles to their Western home, and has 
 glanced at their present condition there. Leaving them 
 for the future historian, we now return to the sunny 
 land whence they emigrated a half century ago, while 
 we attempt to narrate the adventures of the little band 
 whom neither military force could compel, nor bogus 
 " treaties " persuade, to leave their birthplace and the 
 graves of their fathers. 
 
 A few days after General Worth's final departure 
 from Florida, he wrote the Secretary of War, under 
 date of November 17th, 1843, as follows : 
 
 " Since the pacification of August llth, 1842, these 
 people have observed perfect good faith, and strictly 
 fulfilled their engagements ; not an instance of rude- 
 ness against the whites has yet occurred," 
 
 191 
 
192 Bed Patriots: 
 
 This desirable state of affairs continued for seven 
 years after the General's words were written. But in 
 the month of July 1849, the white settlers throughout 
 Florida were thrown into a feverish state of excitement 
 and alarm by the reported murder of three white men , 
 one on Indian River, and two on Pea (Peace) River, on 
 the Gulf. 
 
 The long period of peace was now suddenly termi- 
 nated; plantations were again deserted for blockhouses 
 and other places of safety to the northward, until, as 
 was reported soon after, only one white man dared to 
 remain on the east coast south of New Smyrna. It was 
 believed by some that general hostilities had again com- 
 menced, and that another war was inevitable. 
 
 General D. E. Twiggs, with several companies of 
 regulars, was sent to investigate the murders, and, if 
 necessary, to quell further outbreaks. The Governor of 
 Florida, now a State of the Union, also ordered out 
 volunteers. The former official reported in August, that 
 owing to conflicting rumors he could not secure reliable 
 intelligence regarding the outrages supposed to have 
 been committed by the Seminole nation. But the de- 
 sired information, with full particulars, was soon after 
 voluntarily furnished by the Indians themselves. 
 
 Our work would be far from complete without 
 some notice of Captain John C. Casey, the zealous and 
 efficient agent of the Seminoles at this time, and with 
 one exception, perhaps, the most trusted white friend 
 these red men ever had. We may best introduce him to 
 the reader by quoting from his own account of his sec- 
 ond arrival in Florida some years after the war.* 
 
 " I came here in 1848, as an invalid, and found 
 that^all confidence in the Government was lost, and no 
 *He_h»d served throughout the war. 
 
The Story of the Seminoles. 193 
 
 chief would trust himself in the power of the command- 
 ing officer of the regular troops ! Partly, I fear, from 
 errors of some commanders, and partly from the bad 
 influence of the traders. At great risk and exposure of 
 life and health, during three years, I restored their con- 
 fidence, so that every chief but Sam Jones would come 
 when I called, and he met me in the woods. They 
 trusted commanding officers ; they gave up six men for 
 execution — killed one — and enacted every severe law I 
 could recommend (to prepare them for emigration). 
 The frontier was quiet — any cracker cow-driver would 
 go across the line without fear, when I told them it was 
 safe, and they drove cattle through to Fort Myers with- 
 out fear or danger."* 
 
 The late GeneralJohn Gibbon, U. S. Army, whose 
 long and honorable experience with the Indian had 
 commenced with Captain Casey in 1849, among the Sem- 
 inoles, and afterward continued in the Yellowstone and 
 other campaigns in the West, makes the following perti- 
 nent statements regarding Indians and their agents : 
 
 " There are no human beings on earth possessed of 
 a quicker faculty for (in Western phraseology) ' sizing 
 up' a man placed in authority over them, than Indians. 
 Innately honest themselves, they will detect in a very 
 few days whether or not their agent is honest and dis- 
 posed to fairness in conducting their alfairs. He speed- 
 ily finds out by observation, not only the honesty or 
 dishonesty of an agent, but as to whether he is just, 
 fair and zealous in his conduct of affairs. 
 
 "When once his confidence is gained, he is as truth- 
 ful and faithful as a little child. On the contrary, if 
 the agent is not one calculated to inspire this kind of 
 confidence, he can never gain it, and will always be 
 
 ♦rrom ft private letter to a friend in 1854; sent to the author by Major 
 Wm. S. Beebe, nephew of Captain Casey. 
 
194 Bed Patriots: 
 
 looked upon with suspicion and fear ; and when des- 
 pairing of getting their rights in any other way, the 
 Indians conclude to go to war, the first one on whom 
 they wreak their vengeance will, in all probability, be 
 the agent himself."* 
 
 In the same article. General Gibbon thus explains 
 the manner in which Captain Casey gained the confi- 
 dence of the Seminoles: 
 
 " He early made it a matter of principle never to 
 deceive them, never to promise a thing he was not able 
 to fulfil, or never to allow them to first discover his in- 
 ability to carry out a promise when circumstances took 
 out of his hands the power to do so, but to warn them 
 beforehand of his inability to do what he had promised. 
 In this way he won their unbounded confidence in his 
 honesty and integrity." 
 
 Captain Casey was appointed a special Commis- 
 sioner or Agent for the Florida Indians in October 1850, 
 and continued to act in that capacity, with the except- 
 ion of a few months, until his death, which took place 
 at Fort Brooke, Florida, December 25th, 1856, at the 
 age of forty-nine years. f Many testified to the noble 
 character and work of one whose chief desire had 
 been to faithfully and conscientiously discharge his du- 
 ties as agent and friend. 
 
 In a letter addressed to the Secretary of "War, Jan. 
 17th, 1858, Jefferson Davis, then a United States Sena- 
 tor, testifies to the " zeal, intelligence, and, to the hour 
 of his deaths devotion of the late Captain Casey .... 
 The circumstances of Captain Casey's death are no doubt 
 
 ♦Transfer of the Indian Bureau to the War Department, ^Imertcan 
 Catholic Quarterly Review, April 1S94. 
 
 + Captain Taaey's body was temporarily buried at Fort Brooke By a 
 strange coincidence, the same at*^amer that conveyed the last emigrating 
 party of Seminole* a^^ay from their o d home, alg ) bore the remains of their 
 former agent and friend, for reinterment at Philadelphia, Pa. 
 
The Story of the Seminoles. 195 
 
 known to you, and his efforts, as his mortal career was 
 being closed, to guard the public service from injury by 
 his death, presented to my mind an example which can- 
 not be too highly appreciated or too much enforced on 
 the attention of others." * 
 
 An army officer writing from Fort Brooke, gives the 
 following high tribute paid to Captain Casey by Billy 
 Bowlegs— a eulogy condensed into nine words : 
 
 " Billy Bowlegs repeatedly said to the army officers, 
 'Casey was a good man— never tell Indian lie; ' a senti- 
 ment—coming from such a man, the recognized head of 
 a people bitterly deceived and betrayed— that is worthy 
 of being inscribed on the Captain's tombstone." \ 
 
 Perhaps the highest testimony of all— that which 
 speaks volumes— is recorded in the Captain's private 
 diary for the year 1850. ^ From several entries we learn 
 that General Twiggs had on the 18th of April informed 
 Captain Casey of his intention to "grab" Billy Bowlegs, 
 employing the same treacherous means that had enabled 
 Jesup to secure Osceola and other chiefs and warriors. 
 When General Twiggs first asked the Captain's assist- 
 ance in the seizure, the latter officer at once declined to 
 have any part in it. From an entry two days later it is 
 evident that Bowlegs received a hint of possible treach- 
 ery. On the 21st, the subject was again introduced, 
 and the agent makes this entry: "I advised Twiggs 
 not to ' grab,' on principle and policy, but he says he 
 has reported to the Secretary of War that he shall do 
 so." 30th " Twiggs says he is more and more deter- 
 mined to 'grab' Billy ; implore him not to do so." The 
 General was evidently dissuaded from his purpose, 
 
 * War Department records. 
 + Boston Herald, May, 1858. 
 I Consulted by the author. 
 
196 Red Patriots: 
 
 for three days later this significant reference to the 
 matter appears : ^' He will /lo^ 'grab,' " 
 
 Resuming the thread of our story, we find that 
 Captain Casey, stationed at Fort Brooke, had visited 
 various points along the coast, at different times, and 
 sailed up and down the Caloosahatchee River for a week 
 or two, but not an Indian was seen. Finally he left a 
 number of "peace signs" at different places, and 
 returned to the fort. 
 
 Not long afterward, his guide Felipe, found at the 
 south end of Sarasota Bay an Indian peace-token, which 
 was supposed to have been left in reply to the peace- 
 signs. The token was a snow-white flag, about six 
 inches square, ingeniously made by attaching heron's 
 feathers to a stick. At the top of the little staff was 
 fastened a small string of white beads and a twist of 
 tobacco.* The flag was placed on a tall pole and left in 
 a conspicuous place. It was meant and understood that 
 the sender desired to communicate with the agent and 
 smoke the pipe of peace. Felipe left signs that it would 
 be answered at the full of the moon. At the appointed 
 time Captain Casey repaired to the place in a small 
 sloop and was hailed by three Indians on the shore. 
 The meeting is thus described by the Captain, in a letter 
 written to his mother on the following day (Sept. 4th, 
 1849) : 
 
 " All who prate of Indian treachery, and all who 
 desire another Seminole War, predicted a failure, and 
 most people assured me that my scalp would be taken if 
 I gave the Indians a chance. Well, now for the facts. 
 Yesterday evening three Indians on the shore hailed my 
 little vessel .... with my servant we rowed within 
 twenty yards of the beach, when I stopped, and my boy 
 
 * Major Beebe has the identical flag in his possession. 
 
The Story of the Seminoles. 197 
 
 carried me ashore on his back (to keep dry). I bore the 
 Indian white flag (which I was certain had been sent 
 me by the head chief) in my hand, and as I approached, 
 the chief Indian waved one in his hand. 
 
 ' ' Leaving my boy on the beach with orders to make 
 for the boat if anything went wrong, I walked up to the 
 three Indians who awaited me. They received me with 
 more than mere cordiality, and when I extended my 
 hand, the principal one said, 'more great friends do 
 thus,' and he took hold of both my arms above the 
 elbow, while I did the same with his, and we shook each 
 other heartily. Each of the other two then shook me 
 in the same way . . . ." 
 
 As it was late in the day, a meeting was appointed 
 for the next morning. The Indians were promptly on 
 hand, and a long talk ensued. They said their chief 
 had placed the flag on the bay, and that he had sent 
 them now to see if it had been removed. They had been 
 instructed to inform Captain Casey that the murder on 
 Indian River in July was committed by five young 
 Indians who lived on the Kissimmee River ; that one of 
 these was an outlaw who desired to cause a war and 
 thus save himself from the Indian law. The criminals 
 had remained on the eastern side of the State for two or 
 three days, and had then crossed over to Pea River in 
 less than forty-eight hours and committed two murders 
 there. Bowlegs had received information of the out- 
 rages through Sam Jones, and had immediately sent a 
 party under the leadership of Assunwah, second chief 
 of the remnant, to arrest the murderers. Assunwah 
 reached Pea River on the day after the crimes had been 
 committed, but the criminals had left. They were 
 overtaken by another chief, Chittahajo. 
 
 The messengers had been instructed to say that the 
 
l98 Bed Patriots.' 
 
 tribe were unanimously opposed to hostilities, and that 
 they utterly disavowed the murders and regretted their 
 occurrence. Bowlegs desired a meeting to be appointed 
 at which he would be present and would be able to 
 settle the trouble to the entire satisfaction of the 
 whites. 
 
 Captain Casey sent word to Bowlegs that he must 
 settle the affair with General Twiggs in person, and 
 appointed a time and place for the meeting. He also 
 stated that "the General pledged his word for their 
 safety under the white flag, and that in no event would 
 he * grab ' them ; and I pledged my own word to the 
 same effect." 
 
 Billy Bowlegs (Holatamico), sometimes called "King" 
 or * 'General" Bowlegs, was the last chief of prominence 
 to leave Florida, as the reader will learn in another 
 chapter. At the time of his emigration he was about 
 fifty years of age. He had a fine countenance, expres- 
 sive of intellect and great firmness. He could speak 
 English quite fluently. He became the recognized chief 
 of the remnant in 1842, at which time the Indians re- 
 nounced the authority of the aged chief Sam Jones, 
 and the influence of the Prophet. 
 
 Bowlegs was promptly on hand at the time appointed 
 for the meeting with General Twiggs, when he offered 
 to surrender the five murderers, who were, he said, 
 watched by Chittahajo at their homes on theKissimmee. 
 Another meeting was appointed for the delivery of the 
 criminals, October 19th. 
 
 After the interview just recorded. General Twiggs, 
 who evidently had some sympathy for the Seminoles, 
 wrote the Secretary of War : 
 
 *'In 1842 General Worth made a convention with 
 these people. For seven years its terms were kept by 
 
Billy Bowlegs. 
 (From a Daguerrotype Taken in Washington in 1802. 
 
The Story of the Seminoles. 199 
 
 every individual in the nation. The nation has not yet 
 violated one stipulation. In seven years, unexampled 
 in our history, not a murder was committed on an Indian 
 frontier of some three hundred miles. In July, 1819, 
 three murders were committed, the deed disclaimed 
 by the nation, and the offenders offered to our justice. 
 Will this justice now press hardly on a nation so acting?" 
 
 General Twiggs went to the place of meeting two 
 days before the appointed time, where he found Bow- 
 legs already on hand. The latter informed the General 
 that he had three of the murderers with him at his camp 
 near by, ready for delivery ; that one of the others had 
 been killed, and the fifth had escaped. 
 
 The next day the chief visited General Twiggs, 
 accompanied by twenty young warriors, and delivered 
 the three criminals, together with the severed hand of 
 another, as proof that the fourth was dead. Bowlegs 
 stated that he had made strict laws in his nation to 
 prevent the recurrence of such deeds, and that he had 
 brought his young warriors with him to witness the 
 delivery of the murderers, as a warning lesson.* 
 
 General Twiggs assured Bowlegs that the tribe had 
 made all the reparation in their power, and the President 
 also afterward sent his approval of their action. The 
 General wrote the Secretary of War that "the prisoners 
 had been surrendered unconditionally, and with the be- 
 lief that they would be immediately executed." 
 
 Before the detection of the murderers, and while it 
 was believed that a general uprising of the Indians had 
 again commenced, the Secretary of War had written 
 General Twiggs: "In every aspect of the condition of 
 the Indian, so long as he remains in Florida, his speedy 
 removal to the West appears desirable and necessary. 
 
 ♦Letter of General Twiggs to the Secretary of War. 
 
200 Red Patriots: 
 
 The administration being thus impressed has concluded 
 that their removal, voluntary or forcible, is to be 
 effected." 
 
 In order to bring about this object peaceably, the 
 Secretary proposed, in the above letter, to offer each 
 person, without regard to age, sex or color, a hundred 
 dollars as an inducement. A few days later, he author- 
 ized General Twiggs to offer the tribe the sum of 
 $215,000.* The latter replied on the 6th of October. 
 After referring to the love the Seminoles bore for their 
 native soil, and to the long period of peace, he says : 
 
 "To approach them now with an offer of a million of 
 money and all the prairies of the West, and war the alter- 
 native, there would not be a moment's hesitation in decid- 
 ing on war. Proclaim war, and within a week ten thous- 
 and men would not secure the planter and his family from 
 Cape Sable to Georgia, f . . . If I am expected to submit to 
 the Indians the alteruative of instant emigration or war, 
 let me be so informed ... At the same time, so surely 
 do I foresee the choice they will make, that for the safety 
 of the inhabitants I must have an adequate force in 
 position before the alternative is presented." 
 
 But war was not proclaimed, and the settlers re- 
 turned to their plantations in perfect security. 
 
 At the meeting with Bowlegs in October, the sub- 
 ject of emigration had been broached. The Indians 
 showed great surprise, and their only answ^er "was an 
 appeal to their last act as evidence of their claims on 
 our consideration." They were perfectly satisfied with 
 the territory which had been assigned them in Southern 
 Florida, and in which they had been living since the 
 
 =■* Annual Report, 1849. 
 
 tilt thig period there were less than 400 Indians in the eountrj. 
 
The Story of the Seminoles. 201 
 
 war. Another meeting was finally appointed with 
 them to discuss the subject. 
 
 Soon after the talk on the 19th of October, a 
 " delegation of Western Seminoles arrived for the pur- 
 pose of inducing their brethren in Florida to emigrate. 
 Their efforts met with only partial success, for only two 
 or three small parties could be prevailed upon to remove. 
 
 The Government continued its efforts, however, but 
 with discouraging results, for in April 1850, Bowlegs 
 came into Fort Brooke and told Captain Casey that "he 
 could not go West, nor could he induce his people to go. 
 He desired peace and could not make war, but he could 
 not leave his country. If we did not molest them they 
 would never make any trouble, or he would promptly 
 bring in and surrender any offenders." On receiving 
 this positive statement, Captain Casey reported four 
 days later, "I regret to say that I now see no hope of 
 inducing these people to go West in a body by any pecun- 
 iary temptation."* 
 
 In August 1850, a white boy was believed to have 
 been killed by the Indians. The tribe disclaimed any 
 knowledge of the affair, but signified their willingness 
 to hunt up the criminal. Three Indians were finally 
 proved to have committed the crime, and these the tribe 
 willingly brought in and surrendered to Captain Casey 
 at Fort Myers, who turned them over to the civil author- 
 ities. Three days later the prisoners were found dead 
 in jail, having hung themselves, f 
 
 The famous Kit Carson, who probably knew the In- 
 dian better than any other person except George Catlin, 
 claimed that in times of continued peace the red men 
 never killed a white man without he deserved it. If the 
 
 "^Unpablished letters of Captain Casej in the Indian Office. 
 
 f So stated bj Captain Casej, in a private letter dated July 2Sd, 1854. 
 
202 B^d Patriots: 
 
 truth were known, it is probable that the crimes re- 
 corded in this chapter had been provoked by acts of 
 injustice or indignity. The crime is traced to the 
 Indians, and on this evidence the invariable verdict of the 
 neighborhood is, that it was wanton and unprovoked. 
 The lips of the only one who could disclose the whole 
 truth are sealed in death. 
 
CHAPTER II. 
 
 WITHDRAWAL OF TROOPS ACTION OF THE FLORIDA LEGISLA- 
 TURE THE BLAKE SCHEME SUICIDE OF AN INDIAN 
 
 WOMAN— BILLY BOWLEGS VISITS WASHINGTON AND OTHER 
 CITIES BLAKE SECURES THE REMOVAL OF CAPTAIN CA- 
 SEY FAILURE OF THE BLAKE SCHEME COST TO THE 
 
 PEOPLE CAPTAIN CASEY REINSTATED. 
 
 In his annual report for 1850, the Secretary of War 
 states that peace had prevailed since the conference 
 with General Twiggs in the previous year, and that the 
 willing surrender of the three Indians, who had com- 
 mitted the murder in August, was good evidence of 
 their desire to live at peace with the white people. A 
 portion of the troops had been withdrawn, a few com- 
 panies only being left to guard against a possible out- 
 break. No efforts will be spared, says the Secretary, to 
 induce the Indians to emigrate, which will be effected 
 "sooner by peaceable means than by employment of 
 force." 
 
 Captain Casey reported about this time that " no 
 outrages have been committed, nor are any likely to be 
 so long as we leave them alone.^'' 
 
 The movements of the United States Government, 
 however, were too slow for the Florida Legislature. In 
 1851, the Governor signed an act *' to provide for the 
 removal of the Indians now remaining in Florida," a 
 removal which was aimed to be " speedy and final." 
 The act provided for raising a regiment of mounted vol- 
 unteers to aid the forces of the United States. If the 
 
 203 
 
204 Bed Patriots: 
 
 latter Government refused to proclaim war, the Gover- 
 nor of the State was empowered to ''undertake the 
 removal for the sum of two million dollars," provided 
 the United States would furnish transportation to the 
 West. 
 
 A copy of this act was enclosed in a letter from the 
 Governor to the Secretary of War. The latter official's 
 reply was no doubt unsatisfactory. It stated that if 
 the removal of the Seminoles by force would cost two 
 million dollars, (and the writer "presumed that the 
 Legislature was well informed on this subject,") it 
 would be better to effect the desired end by peaceful 
 measures; that such proceedings (war) would rather re- 
 tard than expedite the accomplishment c-f the object 
 they have in view. 
 
 An entirely new scheme was inaugurated by the 
 United States Government in the spring of 1851, at 
 which time it was decided to " test the efficacy of indi- 
 vidual enterprise stimulated by the hope of gain con- 
 tingent on success." An arrangement, or more prop- 
 erly speaking a contract, was now made with Luther 
 Blake, of Alabama, by which he was appointed a special 
 agent to proceed to Florida and endeavor to effect, by 
 judicious efforts, the removal of the Indians.* In his 
 letter of instructions to this agent, the Commissioner of 
 Indian Affairs says: 
 
 " Experience has shown the inutility and wasteful 
 expenditure of attempts to remove them by force. . . . 
 There is but one other humane course which, after the 
 most mature consideration, the Department can devise 
 or think of that seems to hold any promise of success. 
 It is to engage some reliable and proper person willing 
 
 '■'Mr. Blake had beea concerned years bofore in the removal of the 
 Creeks. 
 
The Story of the Seminoles. 205 
 
 to encounter the toil and peril incident to the service, 
 who will go among them and by personal association se- 
 cure their confidence, gain an influence over the leading 
 and more prominent individuals, and thus gradually in- 
 cline them to consider the subject of removal more 
 favorably and to acquiesce in the wishes of the Govern- 
 ment." 
 
 Mr. Blake was allowed expenses not to exceed $10, 
 000, and a per diem compensation of five dollars ; as an 
 additional reward and incentive, he was to receive $800 
 for each warrior, and $450 for each woman and child 
 removed, to be paid over to him on their delivery in the 
 West among their brethren. All expenses of transpor- 
 tation were to be paid by the Government, which also 
 agreed to subsist the Indians for one year after their ar- 
 rival in their new home.* 
 
 The presumption was that the agent would pay 
 the Indians whom he succeeded in inducing to emigrate 
 a portion of the sums he was to receive, but the loose 
 '' arrangement " did not compel him to pay them a cent. 
 
 The first step of the agent in his new enterprise, 
 was a visit to the Western Seminoles, a delegation of 
 whom he finally induced to accompany him to Florida 
 to assist him in the work. While at New Orleans, in 
 January 1852, he wrote the Commissioner of Indian 
 Affairs as follows : " If there are none opposed to the 
 emigration but the Indians themselves, I will have them 
 off, and hope to become of enviable reputation in doing 
 so." 
 
 Arriving at Tampa, in March, Mr. Blake repaired 
 to Fort Myers, on the Caloosahatchee River, where he 
 established his headquarters. Soon after, he reported 
 to the Indian Office that " things do not look half as 
 
 f Annual Report Commissioner of Indian Affairs, 1851. 
 
200 Bed Patriots: 
 
 bad as they have been represented," referring to the 
 complaints of the whites against the Indians. 
 
 In the same month of the agent's landing in Flor- 
 ida, an event took place that caused the Indians to retire 
 to their swamps and remain there in hiding for several 
 months. In that month, Captain Jernigan, in command 
 of a small party of Florida volunteers, reported to Mr. 
 Blake that he had a few days before " charged upon 
 some Indians near his (Jernigan's) residence and taken 
 one old woman and a small child," since which "the 
 old woman had hung herself, that the child was in good 
 keeping, and that he would turn it over to me as soon 
 as I could find its mother. . . . Whether Jernigan and 
 his men charging on the Indians without cause* will in- 
 jure emigration or not, I cannot say. I have asked 
 him not to do it again." f 
 
 The gallant Jernigan also reported this affair — no 
 doubt with great elation over his prowess — to the Gov- 
 ernor of Florida, and by the latter it was mentioned in 
 a letter to the Commissioner at Washington as "strange 
 and deplorable." The Governor added that he had 
 taken steps to prevent a recurrence of such affairs, as he 
 wished to co-operate with the Government and Mr 
 Blake in their new project. 
 
 The poor old woman's violent act was indeed " de- 
 plorable," but there was nothing " strange" in the fact 
 that she preferred death by hanging to imprisonment and 
 banishment from the home of her youth. 
 
 By the aid of presents and flattering promises, Mr. 
 Blake prevailed upon Billy Bowlegs and three other 
 chiefs to accompany him and the Western delegation to 
 
 * Bow many iuch unprovoked assaults the Semiao^es passively en- 
 dured can only be imagined; the wonder is that th'^y did not commit a hun- 
 dred times the amount of bloodshed that was charged to them, 
 f Letter of Mr. Blake to the Indian OflBice, 
 
The Story of the Seminoles. 207 
 
 Washington, in September 1852. The object of this 
 visit, as stated by Blake, was to give the Florida Indians 
 some idea of our strength, numbers and wealth, as a 
 nation, and thus impress upon them the folly of further 
 resistance. 
 
 While in Washington, Bowlegs and his companions 
 signed a paper in which they acknowledged their obliga- 
 tion to remove to the West, and agreed, on their return 
 to Florida, "to use all their influence for the purpose of 
 getting their people to emigrate at the earliest possible 
 day." The agent took the Indians to Baltimore, 
 Philadelphia, and New York, before they returned home. 
 
 It may be stated that this visit to Washington was 
 unauthorized by the Government. The first intimation 
 the Indian Office had of it was contained in a telegram 
 from Mr. Blake, dated at Savannah, which stated that he 
 was on the way with Bowlegs and his party. After 
 their arrival, the Government accorded full approval to 
 the plan and visit. On the final settlement, however, 
 the agent had considerable difficulty in securing pay- 
 ment for this item of his bill. 
 
 Mr. Blake had not been in Florida long before he 
 wrote the Commissioner of Indian affairs that Captain 
 Casey had been interfering with his plans; and that he 
 had gone so far as to advise the Indians against emigra- 
 tion. He added that Casey had been overheard to 
 characterize the Secretary of War as a " pettifogging 
 lawyer from Mississippi." By such representations, 
 Blake finally induced the Secretary to recall the trusted 
 agent of the Seminoles. 
 
 In a letter to the Adjutant General of the Army, 
 Captain Casey speaks of the trouble between himself 
 and Blake " as similar to that between the sheriff and 
 the criminal that he pursues, or between the rogue and 
 
208 - Bed Patriots: 
 
 the witness to his rascality, and the Government should 
 have been thankful to me for calling its attention to a 
 gross fraud being committed in open day, instead of 
 rebuking me for doing my duty." 
 
 The removal of this conscientious and zealous officer 
 was a colossal mistake, which the Department after- 
 ward discovered and rectified, as wdll be seen. 
 
 A gentleman who was in Florida at this period 
 informed the author that most of the women and chil- 
 dren, who formed two-thirds of the party taken to the 
 West by Blake, were seized on the coast by him or 
 his agents. The affidavit of an army officer bears out 
 this assertion. He eaj^^s that Blake was overheard in a 
 public place to ofi*er to pay for each Indian captured and 
 delivered to him. 
 
 This dishonorable action, in time of peace, against 
 a people who had said that "they would not be first to 
 renew hostilities," was sufficient in itself to defeat the 
 the best-laid plans. And it had this effect, for the 
 result of the united labors of Blake and the Western 
 delegation,* was that only thirty-six Indians were 
 embarked for Indian Territory, and seven of these died 
 on the passage. 
 
 Mr. Blake was finally compelled to report to the 
 Commissioner of Indian Affairs that his efforts were 
 unsuccessful, and his agency was terminated in the 
 spring of 1853. Thus another ambitious project, started 
 with quite a flourish of trumpets on his part, came to 
 naught. 
 
 As an indication of the extent to which the people's 
 money was squandered in carrying on the Seminole War 
 and in transferring the Indians to the West, we may note 
 the expenses incurred by the Government in connection 
 
 * See letter of the delegates to the President, Chapter 16. 
 
The Story of the Seminoles, 209 
 
 with Blake's operations in Florida . In a statement filed by 
 that agent in the Indian Office, he claims the following 
 amounts : For expenses of visit to Wa>*hington. $1,490; 
 incident to prt-liminarj arrangements in Florida, $10,000; 
 total expenses of Western delegation, $12,075.39; for 
 removal of thirty-six Indians, d»'liv red in the West, 
 $20,230; and for his own compensation, at $5 per day, 
 $4,230. Total, $48,025.39, not including the cost of 
 transporting the emigrants, which was at least $5,000 
 more.* 
 
 Seminole emigration, even by " peaceful" measures, 
 was a costly undertaking. 
 
 After the retirement of Blake and his scheme for 
 gaining "notoriety," the valuable services of Captain 
 Casey were again continued in Florida, as formerly, to 
 the great satisfaction of the Seminoles. One of his first 
 acts was to send for an fther delegation to come from the 
 West, in the summer of 1853. The late General (then 
 Lieutenant) Joh i Gibbon was detailed for this duty, and 
 succeeded in inducing a number of the chiefs to return 
 with him to Florida. Their effK)rts could scarcely be called 
 successful, however, as only a small party was induced 
 to emigrate in the following spring. 
 
 '^ See Senate Doc. 71. l8t Ses. 33d Cong., for a full report of the Blake 
 aflFair Also records at Indian Office, from which this chapter is laigeiy 
 prepared. 
 
CHAPTER III. 
 
 TWO YEARS OF QUIET TROOPS EXPLORE SOUTHERN FLORIDA 
 
 FIRST STEAMBOAT NAVIGATION OF LAKE OKEECHOBEE 
 
 — GENERAL HOSTILITIES RESUMED AFTER THIRTEEN YEARS 
 
 OF PEACE — CAUSES OF THE OUTBREAK OPINIONS OP 
 
 WESTERN SEMINOLES, JEFFERSON DAVIS, AND THE INDIAN 
 COMMISSIONER — LAST REGULAR BATTLE AND HOSTILITIES 
 FINAL EM1GR..TI0N, UNDER BILLY BOWLEGS A REM- 
 NANT REMAINS IN THE SWAMPS PARTING SCENES 
 
 TRIBUTE OF AN ARMY OFFICER. 
 
 About two years now elapsed without the occurrence 
 of special events to vary the monotony of the situation. 
 The Indians kept to themselves in their swampy fast- 
 nesses, far removed from the whites. The State author- 
 ities, however, continued to demand the entire removal of 
 the tribe, and the United States Government kept troops 
 actively engaged in exploring the southern part of the 
 State, and opening up roads. A small steamboat was 
 also provided for navigating Lake Okeechobee and 
 adjacent waters, the pioneer in the business, to which 
 were added nine small metallic boats for the same pur- 
 pose. 
 
 The object of all these operations was to secure 
 more complete knowledge of the country occupied by the 
 Indians, in order that future projected plans might 
 thus be facilitated. All intercourse with the red men 
 was forbidden and their trade cut off. Nevertheless, 
 they did not appear to be entirely isolated, for in De- 
 cember 1857, Col. Gustavus Loomis, Commander of the 
 
 310 
 
The Story of the Seminoles. 211 
 
 Department of Florida, reported that he *'had strong 
 reason to believe that an illicit trade was kept up 
 between the inhabitants of the Bahama Islands and the 
 Seminoles of Florida." 
 
 The Seminoles had faithfully adhered to the prom- 
 ises made to General Worth in 1842, and later to General 
 Twiggs. Thf-y desired above all things to be left to 
 themselves, believing that the country they occupied 
 was theirs by right. They had learned what to expect 
 if they should remove beyond the Mississippi River. 
 Therefore, when even the contracted territory to which 
 they had been driven was at last invaded by armed 
 forces and exploring parties, consisting of United States 
 Regulars and State Volunteers, they did just what any 
 other brave and liberty-loving people would do under 
 similar circumstances — they vigorously opposed all who 
 would drive them from their last foothold on Florida 
 soil. They exemplified the truth, 
 
 *' Who would be free, themselves must strike the blow." 
 
 After thirteen years of peace, general hostilities 
 were renewed in December, 1855, by the presence of, 
 and aggravating acts of, a squad of men under the com- 
 mand of Lieutenant Hartsuff, a United States Civil 
 Engineer, who was exploring and surveying east of Fort 
 Keais, on the borders of the Everglades and the Big 
 Cypress, in the very heart of the Seminole 
 country. Regarding the immediate cause of this last 
 warfare with the Seminoles, we submit the valued testi- 
 mony of Andrew P. Canova, a native Floridian, who 
 served in the campaign. He says : 
 
 " Hartsuff and his corps of assistants were encamped 
 near a small body of water known as Bonnet Pond. 
 Billy Bowlegs had a garden in the Cypress about two 
 
212 Bed Patriots: 
 
 miles away. Among other products of this garden were 
 some magnificent banana plants, which were the delight 
 of the chief's heart. He had reared them with parental 
 care until they were fully fifteen feet high .... But 
 some of Hartsuif's men (like a good many of us) could 
 not keep our hands off the beauties. When Bowlegs 
 visited his garden one morning, he was surprised and 
 shocked to find the banana plants, once so tall and 
 graceful, with leaves torn to shreds and some of the 
 stalks broken short off at the ground by some ruthless 
 hand. Bowlegs knew at once where the blame lay. 
 Going to Hartsuff's camp, he accused the men of the 
 outrage. They admitted it with the utmost coolness, 
 but signified no intention of making good the loss, nor 
 of giving any cause for their actions, other than that 
 they wanted to see ' how Old Billy would cut up.' When 
 Billy saw that remonstrance and complaint were useless, 
 he went back and summoned his braves together .... 
 Early next morning Lieutenant Hartsuff and his men 
 were fired upon, and some of them were wounded." * 
 
 Notwithstanding that the skirmish with Lieutenant 
 Hartsuff had been clearly provoked by his men, and that 
 the Indians had retired to their homes immediately after 
 taking revenge, war was at once proclaimed, and Jeffer- 
 son Davis, then Secretary of War, authorized Col. John 
 Munroe, in charge of military affairs in Flo ida, to call 
 on the Governor of the State for an auxiliary volunteer 
 force of five companies, "to serve six months unless 
 sooner discharged." 
 
 In January and March, 1856, two encounters took 
 place between the soldiers and Indians, one on the 
 Caloosahatchee River, east of Fort Denaud, and the 
 other near Chokoliskee Key, at which two were killed 
 
 * Liie and Adventures in South Florida, Canova, 1885. 
 
The Story of the Seminoles. 213 
 
 and several wounded on both sides. The last battle of 
 the year occurred on April 7th. While our troops were 
 scouting near Bowleg's town, on the eastern border of 
 the Big Cypress, they were attacked by a considerable 
 force of Indians, who killed two of our men and wounded 
 six others. The Indians then retired into a dense 
 hammock. 
 
 Nothing had been accomplished thus far toward 
 removal or extermination, and as the warm months were 
 at hand, the red men were again enabled to enjoy a 
 temporary peace. 
 
 A delegation of Western Seminoles visited Washing- 
 ton in the spring of 1856 to confer with the Indian 
 Commissioner regarding a separate country for them- 
 selves. While in Washington they also addressed that 
 official a letter in regard to their Florida brethren, from 
 which we quote as follows: 
 
 " To remove our brethren in Florida by force will 
 cost many hundreds of thousands, perhaps millions, of 
 dollars, and many valuable lives." If the just claims of 
 those in the West could be settled, and the nation given 
 a separate country, " then we believe we can with little 
 trouble persuade our brethren to emigrate peacefully and 
 become peaceful and industrious citizens of the Semi- 
 nole country West. But while those already West are 
 discontented, and destitution stares them in the face, it 
 is idle to think of inducing those now in arms to 
 emigrate."* 
 
 Jefferson Davis saw the truth of this, and in the 
 same year addressed a letter to the Secretary of the 
 Interior on the subject. He said: 
 
 " I think that the condition of a separate organiza- 
 tion (from the Creeks), securing distinct chiefs and 
 
 •:' On file ia the Indian Office. 
 
214 Bed Patriots: 
 
 village laws, will be insisted on by the Semincles of 
 Florida, and that, until they are secure of this, all other 
 inducements to emigrate voluntarily will prove in- 
 effectual." * 
 
 Later in the year, the Commissioner of Indian Affairs 
 thus referred to the same pressing subject, in his annual 
 report : 
 
 " The Seminoles of the West have been denational- 
 ized, and in a manner degraded, by being placed among 
 the Creeks and made subject to their laws. They felt 
 the humiliation of their position, which not only dis- 
 couraged them from all efforts at improvement, but en- 
 gendered a recklessness of disposition and conduct . . . 
 In this situation, which was well known to their brethren 
 in Florida, the latter were totally averse to removing 
 and joining them." 
 
 The Commissioner also says that one of the leading 
 objects of the treaty of Aug. 7th, 1856, was to enable 
 the Department to overcome this chief obstacle to the 
 removal of those in Florida. Under this treaty the 
 Seminoles in the West were now living on their own 
 lands, with their nationality preserved, as the reader 
 learned in a former chapter, and it was confidently 
 expected and believed that the others would at last agree 
 to join them. 
 
 If our Government had, in the first place, faithfully 
 fulfilled with those in the West its promises, and our 
 troops had never been allowed to enter the region occu- 
 pied by the Indians in Southern Florida, the renewal of 
 hostilities would not have occurred. A delegation from 
 the West would then have experienced comparatively 
 little difficulty in inducing their brethren to return home 
 with them, after the treaty of 1856. 
 
 » Ibid. 
 
The Story of the Seminoles. 215 
 
 During the summer of 1856, Captain John T. 
 Sprague, then stationed in New Mexico, tendered his 
 services to assist in the removal of the Seminoles. In a 
 letter to the Secretary of the Interior, he says: 
 
 "I entertain an interest in the welfare of these Indians 
 from the fact of my having been brought personally and 
 intimately in contact with them — in the time of danger 
 have been protected by their chiefs, and when in their 
 camps treated with the utmost kindness. My impression 
 is that with proper assistance I could aid in effecting 
 the removal of the Seminoles by emigration ...."* 
 
 Unfortunately, perhaps, the offer of Captain Sprague 
 was not accepted; the Seminoles continued to be 
 hunted like wild beasts. On the 5th of March 1857, a 
 detachment of troops were scouting in the Big Cypress, 
 when a band of Indians were encountered and a brisk 
 engagement took place, which resulted in a loss on our 
 side of one killed and three wounded. Our troops with- 
 drew and despatched an express to a point twenty miles 
 distant for reinforcements. When these arrived, the 
 attack was renewed, with a further loss of three killed 
 and five wounded, before the Indians retired. 
 
 This was the last battle fought with this invincible 
 foe, but they were kept on the defensive until the fol- 
 lowing January. Scouting parties continued to explore 
 the southern part of the State, f destroying the camps 
 and fields of the Indians, and capturing women and 
 children. As these encounters were the last hostile 
 efforts of the whites to conquer the Seminoles, brief 
 notice of each will be given. 
 
 Capt. Jacob E. Mickler was ascending a small creek 
 
 ♦ Ibid. 
 
 t Twenty compaaies of Florida Volunteers, ten of which were mounted, 
 were in service until the spring of 1858. Three companies of the latter were 
 not mustered out until the month of August. 
 
216 Bed Patriots: 
 
 that emptied into Lake Okeechobee, with a little steam- 
 er in July 1857, when he saw a broad Indian trail lead- 
 ing away from the water,. Leaving his craft, he follow- 
 ed the trail with a party of armed men, and discovered 
 an Indian camp on an island near the lake. The party 
 approached this from two sides, and finally captured 
 nine women and six children, without seeing a warrior. 
 One of the women gave them a great deal of trouble, 
 requiring four men to carry her through the saw- grass 
 which surrounded the island, to the boat. The pris- 
 oners were conveyed to Fort Myers, where they were 
 confined.* 
 
 In August, Capt. Wm. H. Kendrick, who command- 
 ed an independent company of Florida Volunteers, re- 
 ported that while he was reconnoitering near Lake 
 Istokpoga he came across a party of '"about six Indians." 
 These were pursued and one killed, and a child between 
 three and four years old captured! 
 
 While scouting south of Fort Doane on November 
 21st, Capt. W. H. Cone and command of one hundred 
 and fifteen men, surprised a party of Indians, killing 
 one warrior and capturing eighteen women and children 
 and large quantities of provisions. 
 
 No loss had been sustained on the part of the sol- 
 diers, except from sickness and exhaustion, for eight 
 months, but in the next encounter, which took place in 
 the Big Cypress Swamp, north of Chokoliskee Key, on 
 November 28th, Capt. J. Parkhill was killed and five 
 others wounded. A large Indian settlement had been 
 discovered by the troops, situated in a palm hammock. 
 * 'There were about thirty lodges, and about forty acres 
 of land clear* d and in cultivation. Large quantities of 
 
 "^ The C-Jr»verninpnt had offered a reward or premium of from one hun- 
 dred to five hundred dollars each for living Indians delivered at Fort Biooke 
 or Fort Mjr era. 
 
The Story of the Seminoles. 217 
 
 pumpkins, potatoes, peas, corn and rice, were found — 
 the corn, peas, and rice hid away carefully in houses 
 built off in the swamp, the trail leading to which was 
 carefully concealed. The pumpkins were housed in 
 fields, also the ground was literally covered with them, 
 of all ages and sizes ; even the trees were full, the vines 
 having run over them. The ground was full of potatoes. 
 Everything was destroyed that could be." The next 
 day, about thirty houses and many fields were found. 
 The Indians, as before, had taken alarm and fled before 
 the arrival of the soldiers. They were overtaken, how- 
 ever, when the above punishment was inflicted on those 
 who had destroyed their homes. 
 
 About one month later, Capt. W. Stephens, Florida 
 Mounted Volunteers, who was scouting in the Big Cy- 
 press with about ninety men, discovered a large town 
 *'with fifty neatly built palmetto houses," and many 
 cultivated fields. The Indians had fled, but they were 
 finally overtaken, when one of our men was killed. 
 Shortly afterward, the Indians were decoyed to an am- 
 buscade and five of their number killed and two mortal- 
 ly wounded. This encounter terminated the hostilities 
 with the Seminoles. 
 
 A number of lives had been sacrificed and enormous 
 sums expended by the Government in its warfare during 
 the years 1855 to 1858, but to no great purpose. As the 
 Secretary of the Interior stated in summing up the situ- 
 ation at the beginning of the year 1858, the Seminoles 
 had completely "baffled the energetic efforts of our 
 army to effect their subjugation and removal." 
 
 It was this hopeless condition of things that finally 
 induced the Government to desist from its vain efforts, 
 and to adopt a plan that might have been tried with 
 success months before. Col. Elias Rector, Superintend- 
 
218 Bed Patriots: 
 
 ent of the Western Seminoles, had indeed been ordered 
 some time previous to proceed to Florida with a delega- 
 tion for the purpose of effecting, if possible, by peace- 
 ful means what could not be accomplished otherwise. 
 
 The party which finally set out with this end in 
 view, consisted of Colonel Rector, two assistants, and 
 forty-six Indians, — forty Seminoles, under John Jump- 
 er, chief of the nation, and six Creeks. They arrived 
 at Tampa Bay on the 19th of January, 1858, and a few 
 days later departed for Fort Myers, where they made 
 their headquarters. All hostilities on the part of our 
 forces had ceased, and scouting parties had been called 
 in. 
 
 Soon after the arrival of the mediators at the fort, 
 a niece of Billy Bowlegs, named Polly, who had accom- 
 panied the party from the West, was despatched to the 
 Everglades with a message to her uncle, informing him 
 of the presence of his Western brethren, and their desire 
 for a "talk." The chief soon after appointed a meeting, 
 which took place at a certain point on the edge of the 
 Everglades. 
 
 The result of this and a later conference, held on 
 March 27th, was that Bowlegs accepted the terms offered 
 him on behalf of the Government, and entered into an 
 agreement to be at Myers with his people on the 4th of 
 May, for transportation to Indian Territory. The pe- 
 cuniary inducements offered the chief and his followers, 
 were as follows : Bowlegs WiiS to receive the sum of 
 $6,500; his four sub-chiefs, $1,000 each; warriors, $500 
 each; and each woman and child $100. 
 
 Before the appointed day the greater part of the 
 emigrants had left their swampy homes and encamped 
 near Fort Myers, in readiness to depart. It was under- 
 Btood that all were to be at the fort at nine o'clock on 
 
The Story of the Seminoles. 219 
 
 the morning of May 4th, for embarkation on the United 
 States steamer Grey Cloud. An army oflficer who was 
 present, writing from Fort Brooke, May 13th, thus 
 describes the scene on the appointed day: 
 
 *'At the hour set, the troops of the post, under Cap- 
 tain Brannan, were judiciously posted, without the 
 knowledge of the Indians, at points selected, to meet 
 and prevent any treachery that might be contemplated. 
 As the appointed hour drew nigh the excitement on the 
 part of the whites was intense. But soon all fears were 
 at an end. The head of the procession was seen to 
 emerge from the hammock and slowly wend its way to 
 the wharf. 
 
 "Silently they took leave of their much loved Flor- 
 ida. Warriors who had defended their country to the 
 last shed tears, and with aching hearts passed on to the 
 deck of the steamer. The scene was one to be remem- 
 bered, and calculated to excite the sympathies of the 
 most inveterate Indian hater."* 
 
 The emigrating party numbered one hundred and 
 sixty-four persons, all told. Of these, one hundred and 
 twenty-three had come in voluntarily with Bowlegs, and 
 forty-one had been cj ptured. About one hundred per- 
 sons, as near as could be ascertained, were left behind, 
 having secreted themselves in remote parts of the Ever- 
 glades. This remnant consisted of the followers of Sam 
 Jones, and a few Indians distinguished as the "Talla- 
 hassees."! The expense incurred by Colonel Rector in 
 effecting this emigration, was $70,352. 
 
 Two days after the departure of the Grey Cloud 
 from Fort Myers, the party arrived at Egmont Key, at 
 the entrance of Tampa Bay, where they were met by the 
 
 * Boston Herald. 
 
 + The Cow Cre8k branch of the present Seminolei. 
 
220 Bed Patriots: 
 
 United States steamer Ranger. On board of the latter 
 was a party of invited guests, including array officers, 
 citizens, and several ladies, to witness the Seminoles* 
 final adieu to their old home. 
 
 At 11 a. m. on the following day, both f^teamers got 
 under way, the Grey Cloud for New Orleans, and the 
 Ranger to return to Tampa. The two kept company 
 until the outer entrance of the bay was reached, when 
 parting salutes were exchanged, and, as the steamers 
 rapidly separated, a mighty and thrilling war-whoop 
 burst from the combined throats of the Indians, and 
 echoed and re-echoed over the waters. 
 
 "My native Florida! adieu! adieu! 
 
 I'm looking at the last pine on thy shore ! 
 Soon other climes must come upon my view, 
 
 And thy sweet landscape meet my eyes no more!"* 
 
 On the 8th of May, Colonel Loomis issued a proc- 
 lamation, in which he stated that the remaining 
 Seminoles "being very widely scattered upon the islands, 
 in the swamps of the country, and no trace of them 
 having been discovered for some months back — no 
 depredations having been committed, and no hostile 
 gun fired by them for some months, except in defense 
 of their fastnesses, and hiding places, I now consider it 
 unnecessary and unwise, in view of the rapid settlement 
 of the country, to prosecute scouting the swamps and 
 Everglades to hunt up the few remaining families. . . ." 
 
 The Seminole War was therefore (once more and 
 for the last time) declared ended, and the troops were 
 soon afterward discharged. The army officer at Fort 
 Brooke, previously quoted, thus comments upon the final 
 termination of hostilities with the Seminoles, and the 
 emigration of the main body from Florida : 
 
 "The agonizing struggle, extending through a 
 
 ♦Twasinta's Seminoles; or Rape of Florida, Albery Whitman, 1885. 
 
The Story of the Seminoles. 221 
 
 period of twenty-three years, has at last terminated in 
 the ruin and destruction of the gallant Seminole. . . . 
 It is idle to seek to correct the errors and injustice of a 
 past generation. To us is left the enjoyment of the 
 Christian duties of mercy and sympathy : and in this, 
 their last hour of tribulation and sorrow, we can, whilst 
 remembering their sufferings and extenuating their 
 cruelties, shed a tear over their departed hopes, and 
 point our children to the example of what a united 
 people can do in defense of their homes. 
 
 ^'Patience, heroism, and fidelity, such as the world 
 may admire, have been exhibited to us, inculcating a 
 lesson not to be lost upon us now that our national 
 councils are torn by intestine strife. The Seminoles as 
 a nation (in Florida) have been destroyed, but what an 
 array of glory, faith, horrors, and anguish does this 
 retrospect present ! Conquered, they yet leave us proud 
 and defiant." 
 
 "Though drearily, and wearily, and mournfully, and slow, 
 
 Towards a far off spot our exiled footsteps go ; 
 
 Across that track of dismal length our hearts shall never 
 
 roam, 
 But still evade oppression's strength, and lingering dwell 
 
 at home." 
 
CHAPTER IV. 
 
 THE FLOWER OF THE NATION SEMINOLES RECOGNIZED IN 
 
 THE STATE CONSTITUTION FIRST ATTEMPT TO INSTRUCT 
 
 THEM — INDIAN COMMISSIONER ADVISES THE PURCHASE 
 
 OF LANDS REPORT OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY 
 
 CHARACTER AND SUPERIORITY CONGRESS APPROPRIATES 
 
 $6,000 FOR HOMESTEADS FAILURE OF GOVERNMENT 
 
 AGENTS EFFORTS OF THE GOVERNMENT CEASE CON- 
 GRESS CONTINUES TO MAKE APPROPRIATIONS. 
 
 How shall we fitly characterize the little band of 
 perhaps a hundred — the remnant of a remnant — whose 
 intense love of home, and determination to remain in 
 their native land, showed them worthy descendants of 
 the immortal Osceola. We might call them the flower of 
 the nation, with patriotism and fidelity the most deep- 
 rooted of all ! 
 
 This remnant lived in peace and plenty in remote 
 recesses of the Everglades and Big Cypress, into which 
 few white men ever penetrated. Game and fish were 
 abundant there, the soil was productive, and the climate 
 salubrious. Happy in their seclusion, 
 
 ''The world forgetting, by the world forgot," 
 their numbers slowly increased and their settlements 
 extended. White neighborhoods were only visited when 
 necessity compelled them to procure ammunition and 
 other indispensable supplies, in exchange for hides and 
 furs. 
 
 The new constitution adopted by the State in 1868, 
 entitled the Seminoles to representation in each house of 
 
 323 
 
The Story of the Seminolet, 228 
 
 the Legislature, with all the rights, privileges, and re- 
 muneration accorded to other members. Such members 
 were to be elected by the tribe, and in no case was a 
 white man to represent them .* It is needless to say that the 
 remnant have never availed themselves of this privilege; 
 in view of their ignorance of the white man's language, it 
 is doubtful if any legislator ever expected that they would 
 do so. However, wonderful advancement may be made 
 by this remarkable people in the not distant future. 
 
 An effort was made about the year 1870, by a 
 Rev. Mr. Frost, to establish a school among the Semi- 
 noles. This was the first attempt to instruct these 
 people, but the project met with discouragement and 
 was abandoned. This result of earnest missionary en- 
 deavor was largely due to the opposition of tradersf 
 among the Indians, who, from selfish motives, were con- 
 stantly adding to the natural distrust and resentment of 
 the latter whenever strangers appeared among them. 
 The object of this interference will appear later. 
 
 In 1872, an agent was appointed by the Commissioner 
 of Indian Affairs to visit the Seminoles and report on 
 their number, character, and manner of life. This 
 was induced by representations that an outbreak might 
 occur at any time. The malice and falsity of such 
 reports were shown by the after statement of the Com- 
 missioner that these Indians "were peaceable and lived 
 together by themselves." 
 
 It had never seemed to occur to the National or 
 State Governments that lands ought to be provided for 
 these refugees before the encroachments and injustice 
 of the whites exasperated them to a renewal of hostili- 
 
 *Article XVI Section 7. 
 
 + The trader referred to here and in foUowing pages are not those perms< 
 nentlv located at different points along the coasts, but men who go out among^ 
 the Indian canips, more properly called "peddlers," 
 
224 Bed Patriots: 
 
 ties. It is true that in 1875 the Commissioner strongly 
 advised that public lands be secured at an early day for 
 their occupation, "to save them from the fate of the 
 Mission Indians of California." Even then nine years 
 passed before any active steps were taken. 
 
 Up to the year 1880, very little was known of 
 these secluded people. But in the fall of that year, the 
 Bureau of Ethnology sent a trusted agent to Southern 
 Florida to study the Seminoles in their homes.* This 
 gentleman was the Rev. Clay MacCauley, a person well 
 qualified for the undertaking. 
 
 Mr. MacCauley succeeded, after much trouble and 
 delay, in reaching the camps of the Indians, where he 
 spent portions of three months in earnest work. He es- 
 timated that their total population was about two hun- 
 dred persons. f An accurate count was impossible, be- 
 cause all were never present in their camps atone time. 
 They lived in twenty-two camps, grouped into five dis- 
 tinct towns, located as follows : 
 
 In Lee County, on the northwest edge of the Big 
 Cypress ; in Dade County, on the Little Miami River, 
 about ten miles north of old Fort Dallas ; in DeSoto 
 County, on Fish Eating Creek, five miles from Lake 
 Okeechobee ; and in Polk County, between lakes Pierce 
 and Rosalie. 
 
 The Indians were found to be industrious, in their 
 way, and self-supporting, and their numbers were un- 
 doubtedly increasing. They had made clearings on 
 which were raised corn, sweet potatoes, pumpkins, mel- 
 ons, bananas, oranges, and some sugar cane. They also 
 kept cattle and hogs and a few ponies. The cloth- 
 ing of the Seminoles at this time was scanty, but adap- 
 
 *The agent's report wae not published until three years later— Fifth 
 Annnal Report Bureau of Ethnology. 
 
 t This estimate was far too low for that period; see Chapter VI, Part U 
 
The Story of the Seminoles. 225 
 
 ted to the climate. The males generally wore a cotton 
 or calico shirt, belted at the waist and reaching within 
 several inches of the knees. A kerchief about the neck, 
 and a turban made of one or more bright-colored shawls, 
 folded and wound several times about the head, with 
 ends neatly tucked away, completed the dress. The 
 women wore a skirt; with short waist of calico or ging- 
 ham, but no covering for head or feet. 
 
 Mr. MacCauley bore high testimony to the honesty 
 and truthfulness of these Indians. He also asserted 
 that " their sexual morality is a matter of common no- 
 toriety. The white half-breed does not exist among the 
 Florida Seminoles, and nowhere could I learn that the 
 Seminole woman is other than virtuous and modest." 
 
 Especial attention was paid to the Seminoles' per- 
 sonal appearance and characteristics. T\\e observations 
 on these points are of great interest and value, and have 
 since been corroborated by various persons. "Physi- 
 cally both men and women are remarkable," says Mr. 
 MacCauley. *' The men, as a rule, attract attention by 
 their height, fullness and symmetry of development, 
 and the regularity and agreeableness of their features. 
 In muscular power and constitutional ability to endure 
 they excel." 
 
 The valuable report of Mr. MacCauley was the 
 means of attracting attention to the almost forgotton 
 Seminoles. When it was shown by his undoubted testi- 
 mony that these people, who had been cheated, robbed, 
 and murdered, under former administrations, were in- 
 dustrious and self-supporting, morally our equals if not 
 superiors, and endowed with exceptional abilities for 
 their race, while still living in constant fear that they 
 might at any time be driven from their homes, the Gov- 
 
226 Bed Patriots: 
 
 ernment conscience felt a decided twinge, and it was 
 forthwith resolved that atonement should be made. 
 
 In the same year in which the MacCauley report 
 was issued (1884), Congress appropriated $6,000 to "en- 
 able the Seminoles in Florida to obtain homesteads upon 
 the public lands of Florida, and to establish themselves 
 thereon." An agent was afterward appointed by the 
 Commissioner of Indian Affairs to visit the Indians and 
 induce them to take advantage of the act. The agent 
 found a number who were willing to take homesteads 
 under its provisions. Many of them had valuable clear- 
 ings upon which they had been living for years, and to 
 which they desired to obtain a "white man's title." 
 
 But when inquiry was made by the agent at 
 the land oflSce in Florida, it was learned that no 
 public lands could be found on which to locate the 
 Indians, and that the lands they were occupying at that 
 time were owned by the State or by Improvement Com- 
 panies. Nothing, therefore, was accomplished, and the 
 agent was recalled. Nine years before this time, as al- 
 ready mentioned, the Commissioner of Indian Affairs 
 had recommended that lands be secured for these Indi- 
 ans at an early day, but this sound and humane advice 
 had passed unheeded, and now it was too late. 
 
 Efforts in this direction, however, were not yet aban- 
 doned. In 1886, another special agent was dispatched 
 to Florida to hunt up vacant public lands, but his mis- 
 sion terminated in December of the same year. His re- 
 port was the same old story; no lands could be found 
 suitable for the location of the Indians — the white man 
 had appropriated all. The Commissioner of Indian 
 Affairs had recommended in 1886, in accordance with a 
 previous suggestion from the Governor of Florida, that 
 the National Government should purchase lands of the 
 
The Story of the Seminoles. J27 
 
 State. It was evident now, more than ever, that this 
 course would be necessary. 
 
 But when Congress, in 1888, again appropriated 
 $6,000 " for support and education of the Seminoles and 
 Creek (?) Indians in Florida, for erection and furnish- 
 ing of a school house, for employment of teachers, and 
 for purchase of seeds and agricultural implements and 
 other necessary articles," no provision was made for the 
 one thing most sorely needed to enable the poor Semi- 
 nole to become a man in law as well as in fact — namely, 
 the purchase of lands. 
 
 Notwithstanding the repeated and unsuccessful 
 efforts to find public lands, two more attempts were 
 made before the project was finally abandoned. The 
 first of these was the appointment of a lady agent. Miss 
 Lily Pierpont, of Winter Haven, Fia., in November, 
 1888. This lady, however, like her predecessor, 
 was unable to accomplish anything, and in the follow- 
 ing July her resignation was accepted. Her successor, 
 a gentleman, was equally unfortunate. 
 
 The Commissioner now reported that nothing 
 could be accomplished without legislation authorizing 
 the purchase of lands from the State. And here the 
 matter rested. Congress renewed its appropriation of 
 $6,000, year after year, with one exception, but as the 
 money was unused, it reverted to the Treasury, until 
 active hands and willing hearts appealed to apply it 
 where it would do the most good for the deserving Sem- 
 inole. 
 
CHAPTER V. 
 
 PIONEER WORK OF THE WOMEN's NATIONAL INDIAN ASSOCIA- 
 TION MRS. QUINTON VISITS THE *'BIG CYPRESS " INDI- 
 ANS — PURCHASE OF LAND MISSION AND GOVERNMENT 
 
 STATION ESTABLISHED DONATION OF LAND BY THE 
 
 FLORIDA LEGISLATURE MISSION AND GOVERNMENT 
 
 WORK VICITS OF THE INDIANS. 
 
 The more favorable condition of the Seminole today 
 is largelj'" due to the persevering efforts of the Womens' 
 National Indian Association, the pioneer on the field to 
 inaugurate effective work. Since the year 1888, this 
 Association, through its energetic President, Mrs. 
 Amelia S. Quinton, and the Missionary Committee, had 
 been" investigating the Florida Indians. The result was 
 a firm resolve to gather this worthy remnant f f a once 
 powerful nation from the swamps to which their fathers 
 had fled, and lift them up to the enjoyment of a better 
 life, that should include all the rights of the white man. 
 
 In March 1891, Mrs. Quinton went to the outskirts 
 of civilization, and beyond, on the western border of 
 — the Everglades, to visit the Indians in their native 
 wild, and to purchase lands for them if possible. She 
 was accompanied by two other ladies and a gentleman 
 — the well known Captain F. A. Hendry, a native Florid- 
 ian. Captain Hendry conducted the party through 
 an uninhabited wilderness to several camps of the Semi- 
 noles, who were distinguished from those in other parts 
 of the country as the "Big Cypress" settlement. 
 
 With all their acquired distrust of the white man 
 
 228 
 
The Story of the Seminoles. 229 
 
 and the white man's government* these intelligent red 
 men quickly realized that the presence of ladies in their 
 midst could only be for their good ; the party were 
 therefore cordially received wherever they went. Inter- 
 esting talks were had with several of the leading men 
 who understood and spoke sufficient English for the pur- 
 pose. In this way, good impressions were made re- 
 garding the proposed work for these long neglected 
 
 people. 
 
 During this visit, Mrs. Quinton, with the authority 
 of the Association she represented, purchased four 
 hundred acres of land on which to commence operations. 
 The tract thus chosen is situated in Lee County, just 
 east of Lake Trafford, and forty-five miles southeast of 
 the town of Myers, f This location was chosen because 
 it was practically central, at that time, to the camps of 
 the Indians, also equally to the fact that it was not sub- 
 ject to overflow, like the greater part of the surrounding 
 country, in the annual rainy season. Having thus made 
 a good beginning, and greatly pleased with their recep- 
 tion and the prospects for the success of the work thus 
 inaugurated, the party returned to civilization. 
 
 The active missionary work of the Association was 
 commenced in June, 1891, when Dr. J. E. Brecht and 
 his wife, of St. Louis, Mo., who had been appointed to 
 the difficult task, arrived in the wilderness and took up 
 their residence in a small log cabin, with the nearest 
 neighbors and post-office forty-five miles away. Let the 
 reader imagine the self-denial exhibited by this devoted 
 couple in thus leaving a populous community and the 
 society of friends, with all the resources of civilization, 
 for a life among people with whom they could not even 
 
 >:' "Their resentment against the Government is perfectly justifiable" 
 —Annual Report Commissioner of Indian Affairs, 1888. 
 •i- Sec. 4, Tp. 47 South, Range 29 East. 
 
230 ^ed Patriots: 
 
 converse, and in a section of country which the white 
 man had shunned partly on account of its unhealthful- 
 ness. Yet such, in many lands, has been the chosen lot 
 of many a devoted and self-sacrificing missionary, "of 
 whom the world was not worthy." 
 
 The purchase of land was made on the previous 
 assurance of the United States Government that it would 
 co-operate with the Association. After the four hun- 
 dred acres were secured by Mrs. Quinton, eighty acres of 
 the tract were sold to the United States, on which, after 
 months of unavoidable delay, a saw-mill was erected by 
 the Government, to furnish lumber for needed buildings. 
 
 Soon after the arrival of Dr. Brecht, he was 
 appointed Industrial Teacher and Disbursing Agent, at 
 the request of the Association, to superintend the oper- 
 ations of the Government, and to instruct the Indians in 
 mechanical and other work. Thus the Association and 
 the Government, each on its own land, worked side by 
 side with one object. 
 
 For the first two and a half years, the Association 
 provided the sole means for carrying on the work at the 
 Mission. At the end of that period, the project having 
 been successfully established, the plant was transferred, 
 according to the original intention, and as a free gift, 
 to the Missionary Board of the Protestant Episcopal 
 Church of Southern Florida, under the oversight of 
 Bishop Wm. Crane Gray, who have since had charge of 
 the religious and school work. Doctor and Mrs. Brecht 
 both continued in the field until January, 1898, when 
 the latter withdrew, for reasons which w411 appear later. 
 The financial support of Mrs. Brecht was provided by 
 the Association and its auxiliaries. 
 
 The method of the Association was to first gain the 
 confidence of these extremely shy and distrustful 
 
Dr. J. E. Brecht. 
 
The Story of the Seminoles. 231 
 
 Indians, and then induce them to occupy lands in 
 severalty on the tract provided, which would be secured 
 to them and their heirs forever, under titles that would 
 protect. The first purchase of land was only a begin- 
 ning ; much more would be required. Therefore, before 
 she left Florida, Mrs. Quinton organized branches of her 
 Association at diflPerent points, to agitate the matter, 
 and later on an appeal was made to the Governor and 
 the Legislature for a donation of land. 
 
 The good example set by the Womens' National 
 Indian Association in thus inaugurating the work among 
 the Seminoles, and the petitions of their friends at Talla- 
 hassee, finally aroused the Legislature to its long- 
 neglected duty. In May of that year (1891), " a joint 
 resolution relating to the donation of certain swamp 
 and overflowed lands to the Seminole Indians in South 
 Florida," was passed, and on the 8th of June was 
 signed by the Governor. The full text of this resolution 
 is as follows : 
 
 " Whereas, The Seminole Indians in South Florida 
 have no lands which can be called their own upon which 
 they can settle permanently, for the purpose of home- 
 stead and cultivation, without fear of disturbance and 
 molestation ; and, 
 
 ' 'Whereas, It is deemed a matter of public policy and 
 justice to encourage them to become educated, and to 
 interest them in securing permanent homes for them- 
 selves and their children ; therefore, be it resolved by the 
 Legislature of the State of Florida: 
 
 "Sec. 1. That the Board of Trustees of the 
 Internal Improvement Fund be, and is hereby authorized, 
 to set apart not to exceed five thousand acres of land 
 donated by act of Congress (to the State) of September 
 
232 Bed Patriots: 
 
 28, 1850, for the sole and permanent use arid benefit of 
 the Seminole Indians in South Florida. 
 
 " Sec. 2. Be it further resolved, That the said 
 lands shall be conveyed to three trustees and their suc- 
 cessors, to be appointed by the Governor, in trust for 
 said Indians. 
 
 *' Sec. 3. Be it further resolved. That the trustees 
 so appointed shall select said lands, and shall endeavor 
 to induce said Indians to enter upon and cultivate the 
 same, and the said trustees shall carry out the purposes 
 of said trust without expense to the State of Florida or 
 to the said Seminole Indians." 
 
 A few weeks later, the Governor issued commissions, 
 in accordance with the second section of the above reso- 
 lutions, to the following well known citizens of the 
 State: James E. Ingraham, Frances A. Hendry, and 
 Garabaldi Niles — the latter succeeded by a Mr. Ditmar. 
 The tract donated would not be sufficient, but it was at 
 least a good beginning, and, as it had cost the State 
 nothing, it was hoped that more would be added. 
 
 Some account of the first few years' work for the 
 Seminoles may prove of interest. At the commencement 
 of the enterprise, the National Government furnished 
 farming implements, two mules and a wagon, ten oxen 
 and a cart, two logging carts, and other articles neces- 
 sary for carrying on the industrial work, in addition to 
 the saw-mill before mentioned. Work went on very 
 slowly at first, owing to the small force of men allowed, 
 and the magnitude of the necessary preliminary steps in 
 an unbroken wilderness. Noth withstanding these 
 obstacles, however, considerable progress was made. 
 An unfortunate loss and set-back occurred by fire in 
 October, 1892, by which a new and permanent mill- 
 house, a planing machine, and a large quantity of 
 
The Story of the Seminoles. 233 
 
 shingles were totally destroyed, laying waste the hard 
 labor of months. This loss was replaced the following 
 year. 
 
 While the industrial work of this pioneer mission, 
 remote from civilization, was being carried on, visits 
 were made to the camps of the Indians, five to twenty- 
 five miles to the southward, and every pains taken to 
 gain their confidence. The first visits of Dr. Brecht to 
 their settlements were somewhat unwelcome. Natural 
 distrust and resentment, handed down from father to 
 son, could not be overcome in a day. On this point, 
 Mrs. Quinton, whose experience among Indian tribes has 
 been long and extensive, says "the Seminoles were 
 more timid and distrustful than any tribe I have ever 
 known." 
 
 The distrust of the Indians was intensified by the 
 malicious stories of white traders and whiskey peddlers, 
 who for years had been buying their deer hides and 
 other skins, and selling them an inferior grade of goods, 
 including the vilest whiskey, at prices far above the 
 actual value. This class of robbers — for they deserve 
 no better name — realized that missionary work among 
 the Indians would expose their own nefarious dealings, 
 and cut ofl' their highly remunerative trade. For this 
 reason these unprincipled traders did their utmost to 
 prejudice the red men against the mission and Govern- 
 ment work. One old Indian, who had been told that the 
 United States troops were again coming to remove them 
 to Indian Territory, wept like a child at the prospect of 
 another war. 
 
 The missionaries succeeded in assuring many of the 
 Indians of the falsity of such reports, aijd prevailed 
 upon them to visit the mission more frequently. Mrs. 
 Brecht thus writes of the visit of an interesting family : 
 
234 Bed Patriots: 
 
 *'The last family that visited us was a most inter- 
 esting one; the father and two daughters (attractive 
 maidens of fourteen and seventeen years) had been here 
 several times before, but this time the mother, a boy 
 and a younger girl, and a bright, five-months old baby 
 too. They were a devoted family ; the father proud of 
 them all, the mother kind, faithful and loving — a real 
 motherly face; the girls bright and respectful, relieving 
 the mother of the care of the little one, yet full of fun 
 and frolic." 
 
 In another letter, the same writer says : 
 
 ''They often take meals with us, and it is gratify- 
 ing to see how quickly they learn to use knife and fork ; 
 and to watch their improvement in manners. They 
 seem to enjoy the white man's food. . . . Visiting 
 among the camps we find them hospitable ; soon after we 
 arrive they offer us something to eat — whatever they 
 have ready prepared. . . . They come to us, not be- 
 cause they are in need, but as guests. It is their custom 
 to eat where they visit, and so we ask them to our table 
 and find that their shyness and reserve disappear more 
 rapidly, and they talk more freely at the table and after 
 they have eaten with us." 
 
 On the Fourth of July of the years 1895-6, the In- 
 dians were invited to come in and help celebrate. Twen- 
 ty-two, including several families, accepted the invita- 
 tion on the former occasion, and camped at the mission 
 from one to three days beforehand. Here, in the wilds 
 of the Seminole country, separated from the rest of the 
 world by miles of unbroken forest, Independence Day 
 was celebrated in good old New England style, includ- 
 ing fire-works in the evening. The most impressive 
 and significant part of the day's proceedings was the 
 raising of a large flag which had been provided express- 
 
The Story of the Seminoles. 235 
 
 ly for the occasion by Dr. Brecht. After a short pa- 
 triotic talk by the doctor, six little Indian boys and 
 girls, with four children of white parents, who had 
 moved into the neighborhood, grasped the halyards and 
 hoisted the stars and stripes to the breeze, amid the 
 cheers of the crowd. The fact that the Indian parents 
 willingly allowed their children to raise a United States 
 flag, and on Government soil, was in itself a great 
 gain. 
 
 A year later the Indians again gathered to celebrate 
 the day at a grand barbecue, w^hich had been provided 
 by Bishop Gray, through his missionary, Rev. Mr. 
 Gibbs, who, with his wife, had commenced his labors 
 among the Seminoles in the summer of 1895. Large 
 tables had been arranged, around which the Indians and 
 whites mingled freely, to the complete enjoyment of all. 
 In the evening, during intervals of fire-works, the 
 young Indians sang a number of their native songs, 
 standing up before the crowd and conducting themselves 
 in a manly fashion. 
 
 At the b-ginning of the mission work, a small 
 stock of general merchandise was kept on hand, which 
 proved to be one of the greatest attractions for the In- 
 dians. They brought in deer, alligator and otter skins, 
 which the mission purchased, and in return sold them 
 such articles as they desired, at actual cost. This pre- 
 vented the Indians from being cheated by dishonest 
 traders, and aided to guard them from the temptation 
 to buy whiskey, which beverage many of the red men 
 have learned to regard as one of their worst enemies. 
 
 The saw mill also proved an attraction, for many 
 of the Seminoles seem to be fond of machinery and 
 quite handy with tools, although they do not use the 
 latter to a great extent. At first the noise of the mill, 
 
286 Bed Patriots: 
 
 and especially the shrill whistle, frightened and repelled 
 many of these simple children of nature. But their 
 curiosity gradually overcame their fears, and they fre- 
 quently visited the building and inspected the works, 
 now and then sawing a board and blowing the whistle. 
 
 Dr. Brecht, being a physician, furnished many of 
 the Indians with medicines and treatment, always 
 gratis and almost wholly at his own expense. For a 
 long time they refused to accept anything, even the 
 smallest article, unless they were allowed to pay for it, 
 thinking that the acceptance of a gift would compro- 
 mise them with the Government. This feeling, how- 
 ever, disappeared as their confidence wag gained. 
 
 A regularly organized school was impossible, 
 owing to the fact that no Indians could be prevailed 
 upon to accept the lands and settle around the mission. 
 But on their visits there, and especially during the re- 
 turn visits of the missionaries to the permanent camps 
 of the red men, instruction, both religious and secular, 
 was given them with encouraging success. 
 
 During their eight years' residence among the Sem- 
 inoles,Dr. and Mrs. Brecht have labored hard and unceas- 
 ingly — while undergoing the severest personal trials 
 and privations — for the elevation of these deserving 
 Indians. They have sown seeds which will have a pow- 
 erful influence, under certain conditions, toward help- 
 ing these people to draw nearer to our civilization, 
 forming a band of native Americans of whom the whole 
 country may be proud. The main obstacle in the way 
 of a more complete realization of the hopes of all who 
 are interested in the welfare of these Indians, has been 
 the ever-present opposition of a certain class of selfish 
 whites — men who are as corrupt as the Seminoles are 
 undefiled. 
 
The Story of the Seminoles. 237 
 
 Leaving the pioneer work of the mission and the 
 Government, we will now give, in the following chapter, 
 some account of the Seminole of to-daj. 
 
CHAPTER VI. 
 
 PRESENT LOCATION AND NUMBERS OSCEOLA's NAMESAKES 
 
 "negro slaves" TRIBAL GOVERNMENT SUPERIORITY 
 
 OF THE FLORIDA SEMINOLES TYPES OF THE NATIVE 
 
 AMERICAN DOMESTIC LIFE COMMON ATTIRE DWELL- 
 INGS — AGRICULTURAL PRODUCTS SUCCESSFUL HUNTERS 
 
 SOURCE OF REVENUE ANNUAL FESTIVAL. 
 
 At the present time the Seminoles are grouped in 
 three or four principal settlements, as follows : On Cow 
 Creek, west of Fort Pierce and north of Lake Okeecho- 
 bee, in Brevard County ; on certain islands in the 
 Everglades, west of Lauderdale, Dade County; in the 
 neighborhood of Fort Shackelford, on the western edge 
 of the Everglades, and of Chokoliskee Bay, south of 
 the Big Cypress, Lee County. The general location of 
 these settlements is permanent, but the camps are not 
 infrequently changed. Two of the old settlements oc- 
 cupied at the time of Mr. MacCauley's observations, in 
 1880, were abandoned a few years later, on the advance 
 of civilization. 
 
 For years there has been much speculation as to 
 the number of Indians in this remnant. It has been 
 impossible to ascertain the exact population, owing 
 to their scattered location over a wide extent of country, 
 and also equally owing to the fact that all are never 
 present in either of the settlements at one time. But, 
 judging from the careful observations of Doctor 
 Brecht, the Government agent, and others, and from 
 statements of intelligent Indians, the approximate 
 
 238 
 
The Story of the Seminoles, 239 
 
 number is between three hundred and fifty and five 
 hundred souls. These are distributed about as follows: 
 Fifty to seventy-five west of Lauderdale; eighty to one 
 hundred west of Fort Pierce; and the balance in the 
 Big Cypress region. 
 
 According to the United States Census of 1870, the 
 population of the Seminoles was five hundred and two. 
 Twenty years later the census reported the total number 
 of Indians in Florida as one hundred and seventy-one, 
 located as follows: "Brevard County, 23; Dade County, 
 134; other counties with three or less in each, 14." No 
 mention whatever was made of the largest settlement, 
 in the Big Cypress ! 
 
 Five individuals bear the name of the famous chief 
 Osceola; they are known as Charlie, Robert or Billy, 
 Jimmie, Tom, and Little Johnnie Osceola. Their ages 
 range from fifty to twenty-five years. The father of 
 these "Osceola boys," as they are called, died over twenty 
 years ago. His name was John Osceola, and his sons 
 claim that he was cousin to the great chief. The truth 
 of this claim, however, may well be questioned. Their 
 mother. Old Nancy Osceola, now about eighty years of 
 age, lives with the Big Cypress Indians. It is a diffi- 
 cult matter to learn the relationship of many of the 
 Seminoles, owing to the fact that the children do not all 
 retain their father's name, but in numerous cases adopt 
 one entirely different. 
 
 At various times since the immortal Lincoln's proc- 
 lamation of emancipation, it has been claimed by news- 
 paper writers and others that the Florida Seminoles 
 still retained possession of negro slaves, as formerly. 
 The latest as&ertion to this effect was published in the 
 New York World a few months since, and the article 
 was reprinted throughout the country. The substance 
 
240 Bed Patriots: 
 
 of the writer's claim is contained in two paragraphs, as 
 follows : 
 
 "Before the late war they (the Seminoles) had 
 their negro slaves, and to-day they have slaves, though 
 the white planter had to give his up over a third of a 
 century ago. . . . That slavery does exist among the 
 the Seminole Indians of Florida is susceptible of une- 
 quivocal proof. That the United States Government 
 should interfere, and at this late day enforce to the full 
 the freedom granted the colored man. ... is just as 
 undoubted." 
 
 The author has taken great pains to ascertain the 
 fact in regard to this mooted "slave" question, and 
 assures the reader that there is no real foundation for 
 such reports as the above. In proof of this, we 
 subjoin the statements of Dr. Brecht and Kirk Munroe, 
 two of the highest authorities, contained in letters to 
 the author. Says the former: 
 
 "According to the best information obtainable 
 from the Indians themselves, and others, there are, all 
 told, full and mixed-bloods, not over seven negroes among 
 the Seminoles ;this includes the three distinct settlements. 
 There is one full-blooded negro woman in the Big Cy- 
 press settlement ; she has one son, now about twenty- 
 five years old, by an Indian; the negro predominates in 
 him. This woman has no other children to my know- 
 ledge. The boy is large, well built, and very industrious, 
 and is a favorite among the Indians. He is not regarded 
 or treated as a slave by any one ; on the contrary, he 
 sells his own produce and uses his money and time as 
 he pleases. I think this is the case with all of their 
 presumed or so-called 'slaves.' " 
 
 Kirk Munroe strongly corroborates the above, as 
 follows: 
 
The Story nf the Seminoles. 241 
 
 "I would state most emphatically that there is no 
 such thing as nf^gro slavery among the Seminoles of 
 Florida. During eighteen years of acquaintance with 
 these Indians, I have always been on the lookout for the 
 slaves reported to be held by them, and have not thus 
 far found the least basis f<»r the belief that they exist. 
 I have gone freely and unexpectedly into scores of 
 camps, and into fields where the Indians tjiemselves 
 were working, but have never so much as seen a negro 
 working with them. . . . I know of but one full-blooded 
 negress now living among the Indians, and she was 
 stolen as a child during the Seminole War. Of half- 
 bloods there are less than half a dozen. I know of but 
 three. Full-blood negro men none." 
 
 This effectua ly settles the "slave" question. 
 
 The tribe has no regular'y constituted chief>=, as 
 formerly, but in each settlement a certain prominent 
 individual is respected as the leading authority. A 
 noted Indian in the Big Cypress settlement, knowm as 
 Old Doctor Tommy, seems to possess considerable influ- 
 ence over a51 of the different ban is. 
 
 Two prominent and influential members of the Cow 
 Creek Seminoles are known, r^ spectively, as TaUahaskee 
 (pronounced Tailahass e by the whit s) and Tom Tiger. 
 The former is a very old man — one of the f«-w connect- 
 ing links between the Seminoles of the past and those of 
 the present day. lorn Tiger nttracts great attention 
 w^herever he goes among the white people by his magnifi- 
 cent physique, heing over six fe^t in heightand weighing 
 two hundred and thirty pounds. His face expre>^ses great 
 int<^lli<^en<-e and strength nf cliaracter. Both of these 
 Indians and oth rs have visited Mr. and Mrs. J. M. 
 
242 Bed Patriots: 
 
 Willson, Jr., at their h >me in Kissimmee, Florida, whom 
 they legard as their friends.* 
 
 During the late war with Spain, Mr. Willson asked 
 perm'ssion of the Governor of Florida to raise a company 
 of Seminoles, some of them having expressed a desire or 
 willingness to go and fight the Spaniards. Referring to 
 this desire, on one of his visits to the Willson's, Tom 
 Tiger said : 
 
 ** Jimmie Willson (meaning his white friend) go; 
 me go; Tallahaskee go; Little Tiger (his own son, about 
 fourteen years of age) go." When told that Tallahassee 
 was too old to go, Tom replied,'' No; Tallahaskee shoot 
 good."! 'I he Governor's consent, however, w^as not ob- 
 tained, and the Serain<>les therefor 3 lost an opportunity 
 to prove their prowess in battle and their loyalty to their 
 country. 
 
 The Seminoles are governed by unwritten laws of 
 great strictness, and each individual regards it his first 
 duty to him'^elf and the tribe to assist in enforcing these 
 regulations. Nothing is put under lock and key, as in 
 white communities, for no Indian fears losses through 
 the dishonesty of another. Their hogs, running wild in 
 the woods, are sometimes stolen by unprincipled whites, 
 but never by red men. 
 
 The perfect physical development of the Seminole 
 men, as a rule, attracts the admiration of every observer. 
 Their height, full bust, and well-shaped hands and feet; 
 their strong and yet attractive features, and above all, 
 their erect and self-confident bear ng, all combined indi- 
 cate a remarkable people. The wild and free yet highly 
 moral life of the*e children of the Everglades, and their 
 
 ♦AnioPff other residents of the Srate who have for years past taken an 
 active iotere-t in the welfar ■ of the Sem noles, special mention may b*- made 
 of the following per-ons. Colonel James E. lu^raham. Dr. DeWrtt Weob, and 
 Mrs. Marcotte, of St. Augustine; ai-d Kirk Munroe, of Cocoanut Grove. 
 
 t So reported to tite author by Mrs. Willson. 
 
Tom Tiger. 
 
Seminole Children. 
 
The Story of the Seminoles. 243 
 
 practical isolation from the whites, has developed and 
 preserved in them the best characteristics of the true 
 native American. 
 
 The women, while sharing to a considerable extent 
 the above qualities of the men, are under the average 
 height of their sex. Their features are regular and 
 uncommonly attractive for Indians, indeed, some of them 
 are actually handsome. 
 
 The Western Seminoles, as a rule, both male and 
 female, but especially the latter, are inferior to their 
 Florida brethren in physical excellence.* The reader is 
 already aware of the conditions in the West, as well as 
 in Florida, which have caused this inequality. 
 
 The domestic life of the Florida Seminoles offers a 
 great contrast to that of most other Indians. The 
 women are treated with much consideration, and their 
 wishes control all matters to a considerable degree. 
 While they do most of the work about the camps, they 
 are not treated as slaves in any manner; indeed, they 
 are quite independent, the majority of whom own and 
 dispose of pigs and chickens, and spend the proceeds as 
 they choose. The children are almost perfect models of 
 parental control, such a thing as willful disobedience 
 being of rare occurrence; and this condition is secured 
 without the harshness and severe punishments common 
 in many white families. The different families are very 
 sociable among themselves, and visit freely back and 
 forth from camp to camp, where they entertain with a 
 free and generous hospitality. The women and girls do 
 not speak English as well as the men, and are far more 
 reserved, both among themselves and in the presence of 
 strangers. 
 
 The Seminole women are adepts at cooking such 
 
 * See Five Civilized Tribes, U. S. Census Bulletin, 1894. 
 
244 Red Patriots: 
 
 food as they commonly use, although the usual manner 
 of serving it is not inv ti g to while tastes. Their 
 method of roasting a wild turkey, or a haunch of venison, 
 preserves its rich juices nnd flavor with a skill wliich 
 few white cooks can rival. The cooking is done over 
 an open fire on the ground near the main habitation. 
 The fires are built and kept burning after the comm(»n 
 plan among oth' r Indian tribes, nHmely, the logs are s-o 
 arranged that the inner ends point toward » ach otlier, 
 smaller wood being used to keep up a blaze. In this 
 way the wood burns slovsly and ecommically, moreover 
 the heat and blaze are under better control. One of the 
 most common dishes of these Indians is a meat and vege- 
 table stew, made thick with hominy or crushed corn ; 
 sometimes, however, with one or the other of these 
 ingredients left out. This is called " sofs-kee,"' an old 
 Creek word signifying f<-od or provisions.* 
 
 The common attire of the Seminole men is unlike 
 that of any other inhabitants of America. Besides the 
 gingham or calico shirt, belted at the waist and reach- 
 ing nearly to the knees, as noted by Mr. MacCauley in 
 1880, many of the men wvar an overvest of woolen or 
 cotton cloth. When they are at home, or off hunting, 
 their lower limbs are commonly without covering, but 
 they are becoming shy about visiting the white settle- 
 ments in this fashion, and on such occasions most of 
 them now wear buckskin leggins or regular trousers. 
 
 The male Seminole has always been partial to a tur- 
 ban, made of neatly folded shawls of bright colors and 
 always open at the top. At the present day the turban 
 is much larger than it was in Osceola's time. While 
 the greater number still adhere to this curious head- 
 dress, for several years past ordinary hats of felt or straw 
 
 ♦Gazetteer of the State of Georgia, Sherwood, 1S26. 
 
The 8tory of the Seminoles. 245 
 
 have been adopted by many, especially by the younger 
 members of the tribe. The plumes of the white and the 
 blue heron are often added to the turban, giving it a 
 picturesque appearance. As a rule the males wear their 
 hair cut short, with the forelock "banged," though 
 some have a small plait or cue, commencing at the 
 crown. Shoes are quite common among tlie men and 
 boys, although many still wear moccasins, while others 
 go without either. 
 
 While the dress of the men has undergone a consid- 
 erable change within the past twenty years, that of the 
 women remains the same. A long skirt, and an absurdly 
 short sack waist w^hich fails to meet the other garment, 
 is the universal feminine fashion. To this is sometimes 
 added a small shoulder cape, worn over the waist. The 
 material used is calico or gingham of bright colors, 
 made up in a showy manner. No females of any age 
 wear covering on either head or feet. Boys and girls 
 dress like their parents. The Seminoles are all fond of 
 personal ornaments, as formerly ; a remarkable habit of 
 the women and girls, in this connection, is the wearing 
 of several pounds of colored beads, in coils, about their 
 necks. Other ornaments include ear rings and silver 
 coin, the latter being commonly attached to one or 
 more of the lower strings of beads. 
 
 In the early days of the tribe, when they inhabited 
 the northern part of the peninsula, the Seminoles lived 
 in log houses ; but with the present remnant, situated as 
 they are in a low latitude, the habitation is generally 
 nothing more than a low palmetto shelter, or so-called 
 "shack," usually open on all sides. This is the prevailing 
 style of dwelling, but there are exceptions. In March 
 1892, Col. James E. Ingraham, with a party of twenty 
 men, traversed the Seminole country from Myers to Fort 
 
246 Bed Patriots: 
 
 Shackelford, and thence across the Everglades to Miami. 
 One day they accepted the hospitality of an Indian 
 named Billy Harney, who was living in a good frame 
 house, all floored and wainscoted. It was furnished 
 with excellent beds and mattresses, mosquito bars, cook- 
 ing utensils, a sewing machine, and other conveniences 
 rarely seen in an Indian's habitation. 
 
 The "shack" is made by setting posts in the 
 ground and constructing on these a gabled frame-work 
 for the roof. The covering consists of the broad leaves 
 of the cabbage palmetto, layer after layer of which 
 overlap each other like shingles. These roofs turn 
 water "like a duck's back," and last until the fibre of 
 the leaves decays and breaks away, usually serving for 
 three or four years. Inside of the shelters platforms 
 are erected for sleeping purposes. As the mosquitoes 
 and sandflies are often very annoying, each bunk is 
 provided with nets or protections of cheese-cloth. The 
 shacks, as above described, are built v/ith open sides 
 for the purpose of allowing a free circulation of air, and 
 also to enable the occupants to look out on all sides 
 and thus readily detect the approach of strangers. 
 
 The cultivated fields of the Indians are usually 
 located in rich hammocks, while their places of abode 
 are in the open pine woods near by. The crops raised 
 include nearly everything that the white settler produces. 
 
 As might be expected of a people driven to a wil- 
 derness and thrown upon their own resources, the Sem- 
 inoles are successful hunters. Their common method is 
 "still" hunting; they seldom if ever fire-hunt or use 
 dogs. Large numbers of alligators and otter are killed 
 for their skins, and these animals are generally hunted 
 with the dug-out canoe, among the Everglades and 
 streams of that region. As a rule the Indians hunt 
 
M 
 
 I— I 
 O 
 
 > 
 w 
 
 CO 
 
The Story of the Seminoles. 247 
 
 singly, and use the Winchester rifle of 22 to 44 calibre. 
 Their main source of revenue is from the sale of skins, 
 furs, and the plumes of birds. The white traders 
 induce them to kill the birds. 
 
 The white man has his Thanksgiving, Christmas and 
 Fourth of July holidays, and the Seminole his annual 
 festival known as the Green Corn Dance. There is a 
 vast difference in the object of these observances, 
 although all have some prominent features in common. 
 While the former occasions are given over to joyous 
 commemorations, the Seminoles' festival also includes 
 ceremonies for cleansing the body of corruption, and for 
 testing the endurance, both of which are confined to 
 the men and boys. 
 
 Briefly stated, the Green Corn Festival continues 
 four days and nights, and consists (in the order named) 
 of ball playing ; dancing; great feasting, followed by 
 long fasting ; partaking freely of a vegetable emetic, and 
 going through a sweating process, to purify the body; 
 and the test of endurance — scratching the body, legs and 
 arms with needles inserted through a thin block. The 
 ceremony for purging the body of evil, taken in connec- 
 tion with the fact that the Seminole recognizes a Great 
 Spirit or God (E-shock-e-tom-e-see), and that he is 
 highly moral, indicates a keen sense of wrong-doing and 
 evil. 
 
 Dr. Brecht was present, by invitation, during one 
 of these annual festivals, and was treated with great 
 respect and consideration for his comfort and enjoy- 
 ment. This was an honor which the Seminoles have not 
 conferred upon many white men. The Doctor was also 
 invited to the last festival (1898). 
 
 We will close the chapter with the following quota- 
 tion from a letter received from Dr. Brecht : 
 
248 Bed Patriots; 
 
 "The old men talk but little of their past history, 
 sorrows and great wrongs. If one refers to their past, 
 it is pbiinly evid<^nt that sorrow fills their hearts; they 
 show no anger, only they become quiet and look sad. I 
 seldom spe^ik of such things; only did a few times to 
 see what efft ct it would produce. It is touching to hear 
 the old men cay, 'white man tnke away my squaw and 
 pickanini;ies, and no more bring-um back.' " 
 
CHAPiER VII. 
 
 SKMTNOLES ROBBED OF THEIR HOMFS PURCHASE OF LANDS 
 
 HON. F. A. Hendry's bill — Indians shun the station 
 
 THE LONG KEY PROPOSITION ATTACK ON DT?. BKECHT 
 
 COilMISSIONER JONIS' RECOMMENDATION AGENT IS 
 
 CALLED TO WASHINGTON INSPECTOR DUNCAN VISITS THE 
 
 SEMtXOLES HIS GLOWING TRIBUTE RECOMMENDS A 
 
 RESERVATION MUST BE DECIDED BY CONGRESS THE 
 
 CRUKLTY OF ANY ATTEMPT TO REMOVE THE INDIANS 
 
 THE AUTHOR APPEALS TO EVERY LOVER OF JUSTICE. 
 
 The bal* ful influence that Isas followed the red man 
 from the fir>t settlement of the country, has for many 
 y» ars past been darkening the prospects of the Florida 
 Seminoles. Before the steady advance of civilization 
 ah ng the f;ir southeastern coa-t, the dusky Floridians 
 who inh ibited that section in considerable numbers were 
 happy in the penceful possession of their homes. But 
 with the arrival of the white settler a radical change 
 takes place. Not far from the humble little dwelling 
 of the former, another, of more pretentious character, is 
 erected by pale-face hands. Others spring up as if by 
 magic, and then follows the serpentine track of the iron 
 steed— the last death-knell to the Indians' hopes in that 
 locality. 
 
 From the commencement of this change the Indians 
 were crowded farther and farther away from their old 
 haunts. In many cases they were actually robbed of 
 their hard-earned homes by unprincipled whites, who 
 homesteaded the coveted land and claimed the improve- 
 
 249 
 
250 Red Patriots: 
 
 ments as their own ; or who drove the rightful owners 
 away by direful threats. One o d Indian who had been 
 compelled to leave, asked a true friend whether he would 
 be allowed to take from his own field the crops then 
 nearing maturity, adding, "then if white man want 
 field he take it; all right, Indian no want it." 
 
 Thus they have meekly submitted, in most cases, 
 and removed to new and far less desirable lands within 
 or near the borders of the Everglades. The author is 
 unable to learn that one ever retaliated, as in former 
 times, for these heartless acts. That we are stating 
 facts can be proved h^ abundant testimony of the high- 
 est character. 
 
 Congress finally (1894) set apart one- half of the 
 regular annual appropriation of $6,000, and required 
 that it should be used for the purchase of permanent 
 homes for the Seminoles. This division of the money 
 necessitated a reduction in the force at the Government 
 station, and besides left no funds for carrying on camp- 
 work among the Indians, which Dr. Brecht rightly 
 considered one of the best means of gaining their con- 
 fidence. However, the acquisition of lands was of first 
 importance, and to this efi^ort a large part of the agent's 
 time was devoted during three jears. 
 
 Up to the close of the fiscal year 1897, nearly ten 
 thousand acres of land had been located by Dr. Brecht 
 and secured to the Government, for the Indians. Most 
 of the tracts lie in Lee County, southeast of the station, 
 and include several of the old homesteads of the latter, 
 the owners of which seem to feel more secure. None of 
 the others, however, have yet abandoned their old 
 locations and settled on the lands provided for them. 
 
 In May, 1897, Hon. F. A. Hendry, a representative 
 in the lower branch of the Florida Legislature, from Lee 
 
The 8tory of the Seminoles. 251 
 
 County, introduced a bill which provided that a town- 
 ship of the unsurveyed lands of the State be set apart 
 and held in trust in perpetuity for the Seminole 
 Indians. The sum of $1,000 was also appropriated to 
 pay the expenses connected with locating and surveying 
 the said tract. The bill was unanimously passed by 
 the House on the 31st of the month, but failed to pass 
 the Senate. 
 
 During the frequent absence of Dr. Brecht in con- 
 nection with land matters, and the discontinuance of 
 camp work, the visits of the Indians to the Station grew 
 less and less frequent, and finally ceased altogether. 
 This discouraging feature was largely due to the mali- 
 cious work of the traders and whiskey venders, who 
 circulated false stories among the red men regarding the 
 Government's intentions, and also to a proposition made 
 by State officials for locating them on a reservation. 
 
 As we have stated, the Governor of Florida 
 appointed trustees in the year 1891 to select 5,000 acres 
 of land which had been donated to the Seminoles by an 
 act of the Legislature. No funds were appropriated for 
 the purpose of carrying out the trust, and nothing was 
 attempted in this direction until six years afterward. 
 In April, 1897, the trustees met to discuss the subject, 
 at which time " it was resolved that they do now recom- 
 mend the reservation of the whole of Long Key, an 
 island situated partly in Lee, Monroe, and Dade 
 Counties .... the same to be set aside and reserved 
 from sale, and to be a reservation for the Seminole 
 Indians, during their lives .... They are a brave, inde- 
 pendent and an intelligent body of men; they have steadily 
 refused to become the wards of the Nation. They sup- 
 port themselves by hunting, fishing and planting; their 
 habits are clean and they are honest and reliable.'''' 
 
252 Red Patriots: 
 
 The trustees claimed that Long Key contained 
 *' some five thousand acres of land," and a variety of 
 soils, and that it was sufficiently high f«»r health. 
 Friends of the Seminoles now came forward and urged 
 against their exile to an island so worthless t lat it had 
 not attracted the cupidity of the white man. This 
 evidently had some influence with the Governor, for the 
 project was abandoned. 
 
 It is believed by some that the trustees had refer- 
 ence to a small island in the Sam Jt)nes' group, situated 
 on the eastern edge of the Everglades in Dade County, 
 northeast of Miami. The error of this, however, is very 
 apparent from the clear statements contained in the 
 ofHciHl report to the Governor, as accurately quoted 
 above; also, from the fact that the entire group of 
 islands referred to would only support a few families. 
 The only large island bearing the name '• Long Key," is 
 situated in the southern part of the Glides, and wholly 
 in Dade County. It has never been surveyed, hence its 
 exact location has always been in considerable doubt. 
 It has borne the name since 18»38 * 
 
 Friends of the traders and whiskey men now violent- 
 ly attacked the cof scientiou< efforts and personal integ- 
 rity of Dr. Brecht, through the columujS of a Mj^ers 
 newspaper. The obj<-ct of this was t«> cause the removal 
 of the agent and a discontinuance of the Governra'-nt's 
 work. Neither hope was realized, however; on the 
 contrary the eifort only served to further impress upon 
 the Indian Ccmmissioner the true state of affairs, and 
 CHUse him to seek a remedy for the evil v\ hi.-h had acted 
 like a clog since the commenccnent of the ei deavor to 
 up ift tht se Indians. 
 
 * The Indians informed Dr. Bre^bt that Long K y was holawahgns (no 
 good), and furthermore said that the island was inhabited by aa enoimou» 
 snake! 
 
The Story of the Seminoles. 253 
 
 The primary steps toward a new project for helping 
 the Seminoles were taken in the fall of 1896. In the 
 month of October of that year, the Secretary of the 
 Interior decided that the unsurveyed territory known as 
 the Everglades was swamp land, and that it might be 
 patented to the State under the Swamp Acts of 1848-50.* 
 As soon as this decision was made public, Dr. Brecht 
 and others appealed to the Indian Office to reserve all 
 lands on which the Indians were living, before a patent 
 for the tract was issued to the State. 
 
 The Commissioner of Indian Affairs, Hon. Wm. A. 
 Jones, strongly favored such a plan, and in his annual 
 report for 1897 to the Secretary of the Interior, recom- 
 mended " that there be inserted in the patent to be is- 
 sued to the State a clause expressly reserving the rights 
 of the Indians to the occupancy of lands possessed and 
 improved by them at the date of the patent. . . . The 
 insertion of such provision in the patent would make 
 the rights of the Indians clear, and would be a measure 
 of protection to those people, who have excited the sym- 
 pathy of all who have become* cognizant of their situa- 
 tion." 
 
 The grant was therefore held up pending an inves- 
 tigation, by the As-^istant Attorney-General for the De- 
 partment, regarding two leading questions — first, as to 
 whether the Seminoles had any valid claim to the lands; 
 and, second, whether the department had a righo to re- 
 consider the approval of the grant. As to the first 
 question, it was decided (in January 1898) that the 
 only right the Seminoles had was that of occupancy. 
 (How such a decision could be reached, in view of the 
 overwhelming proof against it, we leave to the imagina- 
 tion of the reader.) Regarding the other point, it was 
 
 * See Sen. Rep. 242, 1st Ses., 30th Cong. 
 
254 Bed Patriots: 
 
 decided that the department had a right to revise the 
 list of lands granted under the Swamp Act, since part 
 of these lands could not be classed as "swamp." 
 
 Dr. Brecht was now called to Washington for con- 
 ference with the department officials. He had resided 
 in the Seminole country continuously since his appoint- 
 ment in 1891, and was therefore glad of an opportunity 
 to verbally discuss the situation. His earnest and val- 
 uable testimony on various matters connected with his 
 office, strengthened the plans of Commissioner Jones 
 and Secretary Bliss for helping the Florida Indians. 
 
 It had been determined some time before to send an 
 inspector from the office of the Interior Department to 
 make a thorough investigation of the land question and 
 of the situation, condition and needs of the Seminoles. 
 The person chosen for this important mission was Mr. 
 A. J. Duncan, brother-in-law of President McKinley, a 
 gentleman of keen perceptions and ability. In company 
 with Dr. Brecht, Mr. Duncan made a tour of the Semi- 
 nole country. He visited the former homes of the Indi- 
 ans on the east coast, including several islands along the 
 edge of the Everglades, from which they had been 
 driven in some cases. Thence, crossing the State, he 
 went among the Big Cj^'press settlements, near old Fort 
 Shackelford and elsewhere in Lee County. Nearly two 
 months were spent in careful study of the question of 
 lands; of the Indian himself and his home life; of the 
 obstacles that stand in the way, at present, of efforts to 
 help him ; and of the views of the better class of w^hites 
 who have the welfare of the Indian at heart. 
 
 The author had several very interesting talks with 
 Mr. Duncan after his return from Florida, and found 
 him deeply interested in the people whom he was sent to 
 investigate. His views of the Seminoles' moral and 
 
The Story of the Seminoles. 255 
 
 physical attainments were found to correspond with 
 those of every competent witness who has been among 
 them in the past twenty years. On these points, he says: 
 
 "The character of the Florida Seminoles makes 
 them an easy prey to unscrupulous white men. They 
 are peaceable, law-abiding and moral. Under the 
 strongest provocation they have refrained from doing 
 violence. Morally considered, they are far in advance 
 of many white communities which boast of their civili- 
 zation. Their physical perfection is remarkable, un- 
 doubtedly stamping them as superior to any other In- 
 dians in North America." 
 
 Mr. Duncan truly declares that the time is fast ap- 
 proaching — distant only a comparatively few years — 
 when the Seminoles must of necessity rely almost alto- 
 gether upon the soil for a livelihood. This is owing to 
 the fact that the game is gradually disappearing, also 
 the alligators upon which they now depend to a great 
 extent for their revenue. 
 
 Along the western margin of the Everglades, from 
 Fort Shackelford southward, are numerous small bodies 
 of rich hammock lands, bordered by pine and cypress, 
 which would support the entire number of these Indi- 
 ans. Between these lands and the nearest white settle- 
 ments are vast barren and worthless tracts, which are 
 more or less subject to annual overflow during the rainy 
 season. Owing to the uninviting character of this re- 
 gion, it is probable that it will remain a wilderness for 
 a long period, and that it will never attract and support 
 more than a small and scattered number of whites. 
 
 After a careful consideration of every phase of the 
 perplexing question, including their scattered condition, 
 Mr. Duncan has recommended in his report to the Sec- 
 retary of the Interior what is undoubtedly the only hu- 
 
256 Bed Patriots: 
 
 mane and practical plan for permanently protecting and 
 assisting the Seminoles, viz: that a tract consisting of 
 not less than 300,000 acres, embracing one of their 
 main settlements, and extending south and west of old 
 Fort Shackelford, be purchased by the United States 
 Government and reserved for the permanent occupancy 
 of these Indians. Here they could retire when the en- 
 croachment of the whites crowds them away from 
 other sections, and under stringent laws to protect them 
 from the evils which have always beset their race in 
 Indian Territory, they may be taught the advantages of 
 a higher civilization. 
 
 It is also recommended by Mr. Duncan that cer- 
 tain islands and hammocks on the eastern side of the 
 Everglades, which have been inhabited by the Indians 
 for generations, be reserved from the Swamp Act grant, 
 and included in the above mentioned tract.* 
 
 It is not to be doubted that the Honorable Secre- 
 tary of the Interior (who is perhaps more deeply inter- 
 ested in the Seminoles than were any of his predeces- 
 sors) will see the justice and force of Inspector Duncan's 
 suggestions, and that he will strongly recommend the 
 matter to the favorable consideration of Congress. But 
 Congress is ever composed of "many men of many 
 minds;" among its members are not a few who, having 
 no real sympathy for the red men, may favor the remov- 
 al of the Florida Seminoles to the lands occupied by 
 their brethren in Indian Territory. 
 
 The leading object of this Story of the Seminoles is 
 to emphasize the injustice and cruelty of such an at- 
 tempt, should it ever be made, especially in view of our 
 past relations with this tribe — not to mention our deal- 
 
 * Mr. Duncan made a second trip to Florida, accompanied by a sur- 
 veyor, in the middle of the summer (1898), at which time several of the 
 islands were located and surveyed. 
 
The Story of the Seminoles. 257 
 
 ings with others. It would be heartless in the extreme 
 to remove these worthy native Americans — the last link 
 that connects Florida with her ancient inhabitants — from 
 the genial land they are so strongly attached to, and for 
 which their ancestors fought with such patriotism and 
 dogged determination, to the comparatively bleak ^nd 
 barren Western highlands. A large majority of the 
 residents of Florida, and most of her newspapers, are 
 undoubtedly opposed to the removal of the Indians. 
 On the other hand, it is alleged that capitalists interest- 
 ed in the drainage of the Everglades, and in railroads, 
 will strongly favor such a plan. 
 
 It has been claimed by some that the only hope for 
 the Florida Seminoles lies in emigration to Indian Ter- 
 ritory, for the reason (say those who entertain this 
 view) that as long as they remain in the State they will 
 be demoralized by whiskey peddlers. A little reflection, 
 however, will convince any sincere friend of these In- 
 dians of the absurdity of this claim. Emigration would 
 be worse than the proverbial "jumping out of the 
 frying-pan into the fire," owing to the fact that demor- 
 alizing influences are far more numerous and active, for 
 obvious reasons, in the Territory, than they are in the 
 Everglades. The best proof of this is the high moral 
 character and splendid physical development of the 
 Florida Seminoles, in comparison with the Western In- 
 dians. 
 
 The author earnestly appeals to every reader of 
 these pages to use his or her influence with members of 
 Congress, and of the Florida Legislature, to the end 
 that the Seminoles may be allowed to permanently re- 
 main in the State, and that an extensive tract of land 
 may be secured to them and their descendants for all 
 time. 
 
258 Bed Patriots: 
 
 We can well afford to turn over a new leaf in our 
 dealings with the Indian, by permitting this worthy- 
 remnant of Osceola's warriors to live and die in the land 
 of their choice and of the graves of their fathers. In 
 so doing the last chapter of the Seminole War can be 
 contemplated with honor to the Nation and the State, 
 and credit to our civilization in these closing years of 
 the century. 
 
 THE END. 
 
.^^m.^:^^^^ 
 
 
 Young Seminole Woman. 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 OSCEOLA NIKKANOOCHEE LIST OF BATTLES AND OTHER EN- 
 GAGEMENTS OCCURRING IN FLORIDA DURING THE SEMI- 
 NOLE WAR — FORTS AND POSTS ESTABLISHED IN FLORIDA 
 — BIBLIOGRAPHY — THE TREATY OF TALLAHASSEE — TREATY 
 OF pope's. 
 
 OSCEOLA NIKKANOOCHEE. 
 
 In the fore part of the Seminole War, our troops 
 captured a little Indian boy on one of their trips in the 
 interior. An Englishman by the name of Dr. Welch, 
 residing at Jacksonville, took a fancy to the boy, and 
 was allowed to care for him in his own family. A short 
 time after the child was placed in the doctor's charge 
 the latter learned that he was a nephew of the great 
 chief Osceola, and that his name was Osceola Nikkanoo- 
 chee, and his mother a sister of the chief. These facts 
 were established by the boy himself, and by a prominent 
 doctor then residing at St. Augustine. Dr. Welch says 
 that *'the conduct of little Osceola so far gained upon 
 my regard that I fully determined to adopt and cherish 
 him as my own child," which he finally did, in October 
 1837, by authority of the War Department. 
 
 Dr. Welch remained at Jacksonville about a year, 
 and then purchased an estate at the mouth of the St. 
 Johns River, where he retired with his protege. In 
 this secluded part of the State, the doctor took great 
 
 259 
 
260 Bed Patriots: 
 
 pains and pleasure in bringing up his charge to civilized 
 Wd-ys, teaching him to read a ad write among other ac- 
 complishments. For a long time, we are told, the boy 
 was extremely shy and scarcely ever spoke except to say 
 yes or no, but gradually he became less reserved, and a 
 mutual attachment resulted. 
 
 In 1840 Dr. Welch returned to England, accom- 
 panied by young Osceola. The following year the 
 former published a book* relating to his adopted son and 
 to the chief Osceola, from which we have drawn for this 
 sketch. In the preface to his book the writer says 
 that his object was " to record all events relating to the 
 life and capture of my protege with which I was 
 acquainted, ... in order that in the event of my death 
 the manuscript might inform him of his origin and his- 
 tory, and at the same time remind him of one who loved 
 him with the fondness of a father." 
 
 Catlin painted young Osceola's portrait in 1840. 
 While the great artist was in England in 1812, he met 
 Dr. Welch and his charge on numerous occasions, and 
 afterward referred to the great pains the doctor was 
 taking with the boy's education. f 
 
 It would be interesting to learn what became of this 
 remarkably fine boy; if he is still living his age is about 
 sixty-five years. The author has endeavored to trace his 
 history in London after 1812, but without successful 
 results. Any information on this point, or regarding 
 Dr. Welch, will be gladl}'" received. 
 
 THE TREATY OF TALLAHASSEE. 
 
 The reader will remember that certain reservations 
 
 of land were granted by the Treaty of Camp Moultrie 
 
 ':• Osceola Nikkanoochee, Prince of Econchattimico, Loudon, 1841. 
 t Catlin'B Eight Years, Vol. H. 
 
The Story of the Seminoles, 2C1 
 
 (1823) to six of the old chiefs, who desired the privilege 
 of remaining in West Florida, where they had lived for 
 generations. (See page 39). These chiefs lived on 
 their reservations in peace and contentment, with their 
 families and more or less followers, for about twelve 
 years. They were not parties to the Treaty of Payne's 
 Landing (1832) ; having been granted lands separate 
 from the bulk of the tribe, the Government seemed to 
 regard them as a distinct people, referring to them in 
 the treaties of Tallahassee and Pope's as "Appalachicola'* 
 Indians, although they were really Seminoles. 
 
 Accordingly, on the 11th of October, 1832, the 
 Treaty of Tallahassee was negotiated at that place with 
 John Blunt, (one' of the six chiefs favored,) 0-sa-hajo, 
 and Cochrane, by which these chiefs surrendered to the 
 United States all right and title to the reservation of 
 land granted them under the Treaty of Camp Moultrie, 
 and agreed to remove with their families and warriors, 
 amounting to two hundred and fifty-six souls, to the 
 west of the Mississippi River, not later than October 
 1st, 1834. 
 
 In consideration of this surrender and removal, the 
 United States agreed, among other stipulations to their 
 benefit, to pay them $13,000; three thousand cash and 
 the balance when they had commenced the removal of 
 their whole party. This Treaty was ratified February 
 13th, 1833. The author is unable to state positively 
 whether its conditions were ever fulfilled by either party, 
 but he believes that this band represented the first emi- 
 grating party prior to the commencement of the war. 
 (See foot-note, page 55). 
 
262 Bed Patriots: 
 
 TREATY OF POPE'S. 
 
 Eight months after the foregoing Treaty was signed, 
 another was negotiated with two other bands of the so- 
 called '*Appalachicola Indians." This is a curious 
 document in several respects. It was signed by Mulatto 
 King and Tustenuggee Hajo, head chiefs of Emath- 
 locnee's town (the latter having died), with seven of 
 their warriors, and Econchattimico and seven of his 
 warriors. The chiefs agreed to surrender to the United 
 States all their right and title to the reservations of land 
 granted them under the Treaty of Camp Moultrie. The 
 tracts surrendered consisted of four sections (2,560 
 acres) from each of the two bands. 
 
 In consideration of this, the United States agreed 
 to grant and convey in three years by patent, three 
 sections of land to each band, to be laid off so as to 
 embrace their old improvements. At the same time the 
 chiefs had the privilege of selling the said tracts prior 
 to the expiration of the three years, if they desired to 
 emigrate to another country. If, however, they con- 
 tinued to remain on their lands, the United States was to 
 withdraw its immediate protection* as soon as Blunt's 
 band and the main tribe had emigrated, and they would 
 thereafter become subject to the Government and law^s 
 of Florida. This Treaty was ratified in April 1834. 
 
 Strange to say, by this agreement those who signed 
 it had the privilege of remaining in Florida, while all 
 other members of the tribe were to be banished from the 
 country! Why these bands were thus favored, the 
 author is unable to say. They did not remain, however, 
 but finally emigrated with the rest. 
 
 * The "protection of the United States" has been a prominent clause 
 of every treaty negotiated with our Indian tribes, but it amounted to little 
 more than a farce— the red men were not "protected;" had they been no one 
 would have had cause to complain of their acts of retaliation. 
 
The Story of the Seminoles. 263 
 
 LIST OF BATTLES AND OTHER ENGAGEMENTS 
 OCCURRING DURING THE SEMINOLE WAR.* 
 
 1835 — Near Alachua Savanna, Alachua County, Dec. 19. 
 Near Micanopy, Alachua Co., Dec. 20. At Fort King, 
 Marion Co., Dec. 28. Dade's Massacre, Sumter Co., Dec. 
 
 28. At the ford of the Withlacoochee River, Sumter 
 Co., Dec. 31. 
 
 1836— At Dunlawton plantation, back of Port Orange, Volusia 
 Co., Jan. 18. Near the ford of the Withlacoochee River, 
 Sumter Co., Feb. 27, 28, 29, and Mar. 5. Withlacoochee 
 River, at Oloklikaha, Sumter Co., Mar. 31. At Cooper's 
 Post, Citrus Co., April 5 to 17. At Thlonotosassa Creek, 
 Hillsborough Co., April 27. At Micanopy, Alachua 
 Co., June 9. At Welika Pond, Putnam Co., July 9. 
 Near Ridgeley's Mill, July 27. At Fort Drane, Marion 
 Co., Aug. 21. Near San Velasco Hammock, Alachua 
 Co., Sept. 18. Near Wahoo Swamp, Citrus and Sumter 
 Co's., Nov. 17, 18, and 21. 
 
 1837 — Near Hatcheelustee Creek, Osceola Co., Jan. 27. At 
 Camp Monroe, Orange Co., Feb. 8. Near Clear River, 
 Feb. 9. Near Port Orange, Volusia Co., Sept. 10 
 Near Lake Okeechobee, Dade Co., Dec. 25. Near Wac- 
 casassa River, Levy Co., Dec. 26. 
 
 1838 — At Jupiter Creek, Dade Co., Jan. 15. Near Jupiter 
 Inlet, Dade Co., Jan. 24. At Newnansville, Alachua 
 Co., June 17. 
 
 1839 — On the Caloosahatchee River, Lee Co., July 23. 
 
 1840— Near Fort King, Marion Co., April 28. On Levy's 
 Prairie, Levy Co., May 19. At Waccahoota, Levy Co., 
 Sept. 6. Everglades, Lee Co., several engagements 
 between Dec. 3 and 24. Near Micanopy, Alachua Co., 
 Dec. 28. 
 
 1841— Near Fort Brooks, Putnam Co., Mar. 2. 
 
 1842 — At Haw Creek, Volusia Co., Jan. 25. At Pilaklikaha 
 hammock. Lake Co., April 19. 
 
 1855 — In the Big Cypress, Lee Co., December. 
 
 1856 — Caloosahatchee River, near Lake Flirt, Lee Co., Jan. 
 18. At the mouth of Chokoliskee River, Lee Co., Mar. 
 
 29. At Bowleg's town. Big Cypress, Lee Co., April 6. 
 * From the records of the War Department. 
 
264 Bed Patriots: 
 
 1857 — In the Big Cypress, Lee Co., Mar. 5 to 7. Last 
 hostilities. 
 
 FORTS ESTABLISHED IN FLORIDA DURING THE 
 
 WAR.* 
 
 Adams, T. B.— Temporary ; Lee County, right bank of 
 
 Caloosahatchee. 
 Alabama— Temp; Hillsborough Co., same river, 23 miles 
 
 from Tampa. 
 Anclre\YS — Taylor Co., left bank Fenahallawa, 6 miles above 
 
 mouth; established Mar. 2, 1839. 
 Ann — Brevard Co., at '' Haulover " canal; est. Nov. 30, 1837. 
 Annutteeliga — Hernando Co. ; est. Nov. 30, 1840. 
 Appalachicola — Gadsden Co., junction of Flint and Appala- 
 
 chicolo rivers ; est. in 1833. 
 Arbuckle — Polk Co., on Lake Arbuckle, east side; est. Jan. 
 
 23, 1850. 
 Armistead— Est. Nov. 30, 1840. 
 Armstrong — Sumter Co., on Dade's old battleground; est. 
 
 in 1836. 
 Atkinson — Taylor Co., on Suwanee River, 3m west of 
 
 Charles Ferry ; est. Jan 18, 1839. 
 Barbour — Gadsden Co., on Appalachicola River, 9m south 
 
 of Flint River; est. May 16, 1841. 
 Barker — Lafayette Co., head waters Esteinhatchee River; 
 
 est. Feb. 1, 1840. 
 Basinger — Temp; DeSoto Co., west bank Kissimmee River, 
 
 17m above Lake Okeechobee ; est. Dec. 1837. 
 Braden — Leon Co., on Ocklockonee River, 16m west of 
 
 Tallahassee; est. Dec. 31, 1839. 
 Brooke — Hillsborough Co., head of Hillsborough Bay, adjoin- 
 ing present town of Tampa on southeast; est. in 1821. 
 Brooke, Frank — Temp.; Lafayette Co., mouth of Estein- 
 hatchee River. 
 Brooks — Temp.; Putnam Co., junction of Ocklawaha River 
 
 and Orange Creek. 
 
 '■' Authorities: Various Military Maps published during the war; 
 Land Office Maps of early surveys; Dictionary of the Army, Gardner, 1863; 
 Army Register of the United States, Hamer8iey,1880. 
 
The Story of the Seminoles. 265 
 
 Brown — St. Johns Co., 10 m east of Palatka; est. Feb. 24, 
 
 1840. 
 Buckeye — Temp.; Lafayette Co., headwaters Esteinhatchee 
 
 River. 
 Butler — Lake Co., west side St. Johns River, op. Volusia; 
 
 est. Nov. 5, 1838. 
 Call — Volusia Co., St Johns River, at Volusia; est. Dec. 10, 
 
 1836. 
 Capron — Brevard Co., op. Indian River Inlet; est. Mar. 1850. 
 Carroll— Temp.; Polk Co., 4m southeast of Lake Hancock. 
 Casey — Manatee Co., Charlotte Harbor; est, June 3, 1850. 
 Center — DeSoto Co., 2m west of Lake Okeechobee ; est. June 
 
 25, 1856. 
 
 Chipola — Calhoun Co., east bank Chipola River; est. Nov. 
 
 9, 1841. 
 Chokonikla — DeSoto Co., near Bowling Green; est. Oct. 
 
 26, 1849. 
 
 Christmas — Temp.; Orange Co., south of Lake Harney. 
 Clarke — Tem.p.; Jefferson Co., on Ocilla River, 10m above 
 
 its mouth. 
 Crabbe — Bradford Co., on New River. 
 Call — Bradford Co., 10m north of Newnansville. 
 Clarke — Alachua Co., 6m west of Gainesville. 
 Clinch — Nassua Co., on Amelia Island , north of Fernandina ; 
 
 est. Feb. 9, 1842. 
 Clinch— Polk Co., south of Crooked Lake; est. Jan. 13, 1850. 
 Clinch — Levy Co. , north bank Withlacoochee, 9m from 
 
 mouth ; est. Oct. 22, 1836. 
 Cooper— Temp. ; Citrus Co., on the Withlacoochee. 
 Crane— Temp. ; Alachua Co., on Lake Pithlochoco. 
 Crawford— Temp.; Manatee River, 19m east of Manatee. 
 Cross — Hernando Co., near Brooksville; est. Dec. 25, 1838. 
 Cummings— Polk Co., 16m southwest of Davenport; est. 
 
 Jan. 22, 1839. 
 Dade— Pasco Co , 2m southwest of Dade City; est. Jan 1837. 
 Dallas — Dade Co., on Biscayne Bay, est. Jan. 1838. 
 Davenport— Polk Co., 10m east of Lake Tohopekaliga; est. 
 
 June 9, 1839. 
 Denaud — Lee Co., south bank Caloosahatchee River, 27m 
 
 above Myers. 
 Doane— Temp., Lee Co., western part of Big Cypress. 
 
266 Bed Patriots: 
 
 Downing — Lafayette Co., 9m above Santa Fe River; est. 
 
 Jan. 30, 1840. 
 Drane — Marion Co., 10m soutli of Micanopy; est. Dec. 1835. 
 Drum, Simon — Lee Co., 7m east of Lake Trafford ; est. Mar. 
 
 11,1855. 
 Drum — Brevard Co., west side, due west of Fort Capron. 
 Dulany — Lee Co.. near mouth of tlie Caloosaliatcliee River; 
 
 est. Nov. 23, 1837. 
 Econflnee — Taylor Co., 5m above mouth of Econfinee River; 
 
 est. Mar. 10, 1840. 
 Fanning — Levy Co., 23m from mouth of Suwanee River; est. 
 
 Nov 30,1838. 
 Foster — Hillsborough Co., on Hillsborough River, north of 
 
 Lake Thlonotosassa;est. Sept. 23, 1849. 
 Fowle— Temp.; Marion Co., 6m eastof Ocala. 
 Frazer — Polk Co., near Lake Hancock; est. Dec. 1837. 
 Fulton— St. Johns Co , right bank Pelicier Creek; est. Feb. 
 
 21, 1840. 
 Gadsden— Site of "Negro Fort," Calhoun Co., left bank of 
 
 Appalachicola River; est. in 1817. 
 Gamble — Jefferson Co., 30m southeast of Tallahassee; est. 
 
 Aug. 24, 1839. 
 Gardner — Temp.; Osceola Co., between Lakes Kissimmee 
 
 and Hatchineha; est. in Dec. 1837. 
 Garey's Ferry — Duval Co , on Black Creek ; est. in 1837. 
 Gates — Temp.; Putnam Co., west bank of St. Johns, north 
 
 of Lake George. 
 Gatlin — Orange Co., 10m southeast of Lake Ahax3opka; est. 
 
 Nov. 9 1838. 
 Green — Temp.; DeSoto Co., northwest corner. 
 Griffin-Lafayette Co., west of Suwanee River, 6m north 
 
 of mouth ; est. Jan. 30, 1840. 
 Hamer — Manatee Co., near mouth of Manatee River; est. 
 
 Nov. 1849. 
 Hanson — Temp.; St. Johns Co., headwaters of Deep Creek. 
 Harlee— Bradford Co., 6m northwest of Santa Fe Lake; 
 
 est. Mar. 1837. 
 Harrell — Temp.; Lee Co., southern extremity Big Cypress. 
 Harriet — Leon Co., 17m northwest of St. Marks; est. Mar. 
 
 13, 1840. 
 
The Story of the Seminoles. 267 
 
 Harrison— Hillsborough Co., Clear Water Harbor; est. 
 
 April 2, 1841. 
 Harvie — Lee Co., 19m above mouth of Caloosahatchee ; est. 
 
 in 1841 ; afterward called Fort Myers. 
 Heilman — Duval Co , Black Creek, 8m from mouth; est. 
 
 May 5, 1836. 
 Henry — Temp.; Dade Co , in Everglades, west of Biscayne 
 
 Bay. 
 Holmes — Putnam Co., on Deep Creek, 11m southwest of 
 
 Palatka; est. Feb. 9, 1840. 
 Hook — Temp. ; Marion Co., 12m west of Ocala. 
 Hulbert — Taylor Co., 3m from coast, 15m northwest of Dead- 
 man's Bay; est. Feb. 2, 1840. 
 Hunter — Temp.; Putnam Co., 1 l-2m south of Palatka. 
 Jackson — Madison Co., 13m southwest of Columbus; est. 
 
 Nov. 11, 1838. 
 Jennings — Temp. ; Levy Co., east bank of Wacasassa Biver, 
 
 12m from coast. 
 Jones— Temp. ; Taylor Co., Ocilla River, 23m from coast. 
 Jupiter — Dade Co., near Jupiter Inlet; est. Feb. 21, 1855; old 
 
 Fort Jupiter was one-half mile to the west. 
 King — Marion Co., 2 l-2m east of Ocala; est. in March 1827. 
 Kissimmee— DeSoto Co., on Kissimmee River, 15m south of 
 
 the lake ; est. Mar. 23, 1852. 
 Kingsbury — Temp. ; Volusia Co., north side of Lake Monroe. 
 Lane— Temp.; Orange Co., west shore of Lake Harney. 
 Lauderdale — Dade Co., on peninsula, 6m north of New 
 
 River Inlet; est. Feb. 14, 1839. 
 Lawson — Putnam Co., 4m west-southwest of Palatka. 
 Loyd— Temp. ; Brevard Co., 7m north-northeast of Lake 
 
 Okeechobee. 
 Mackay— Marion Co., near Ocklawaha River, 10m south of 
 
 Orange Lake Creek. 
 Macomb -Laf a j'^ette Co., west bank of Suwanee River; est. 
 
 April 16, 1839. 
 Macomb— Temp. ; Leon Co., 10m north of St. Marks. 
 Maitland— Temp. ; Orange Co., south of Lake Monroe. 
 Many— Wakulla Co., 16m southwest of Tallahassee; est. 
 
 Aug. 3, 1841. 
 Mason— Temp. ; Orange Co., 14m southwest of Volusia. 
 McClure— Temp. ; Sumter Co., near Sumterville. 
 

 288 Red Patriots: 
 
 McCrabb— Lafayette Co., on Suwanee River, south of 
 
 Fayetteville ; est. Jan. 31, 1840. 
 McNeill -Temp., Orange Co., near Lake Poinsett. 
 McRae— Dade Co., soutli side of Lake Okeechobee ; est. in 
 
 1838. 
 Meade — Polk Co., near town of Ft. Meade ; est. Dec. 19, 1849. 
 Mellon— Orange Co., on Lake Monroe, adjoining Sanford; 
 
 est. Jan. 1837. 
 Micanopy— Alachua Co., near town of same name; est. 
 
 April 30, 1837. 
 Mitchell — Taylor Co., south brancli of Finalawa River; est. 
 
 Feb. 2, 1840. 
 Moniac — Baker Co., on St. Marys River, south of Ellicott's 
 
 Mound ; est. July 24, 1838. 
 Myakka — Manatee Co., southeast of Fort Green; est. Nov. 
 
 16, 1849. 
 Myers — Lee Co., 19m above mouth of Caloosahatchee River; 
 
 est. Feb. 20, 1850; formerly Fort Harvie. 
 New Smyrna — Volusia Co., near Mosquito Inlet; est. in 
 
 Nov. 1838, and again Feb. 18, 1852. 
 Noel — Temp.; Madison Co., 6m northwest of Fort Pleasant. 
 Ocilla Jefferson Co., 2m southwest of Fort Gamble ; est. in 
 
 July 1843. 
 Ogden DeSoto Co., town of Ogden. 
 Peyton— St. Johns Co., right bank of Moultrie Creek, 5m 
 
 southwest of St. Augustine; est. July 17, 1837. 
 Pierce— Brevard Co., 5m below Indian River Inlet; est. in 
 
 Jan. 1838. 
 Pleasant — Madison Co., on Econflnee River, 22m from 
 
 mouth ; est. Nov. 12, 1838. 
 Poinsett— Monroe Co., at Cape Sable; est. Oct. 16, 1839. 
 Preston — Temp.; Gadsden Co., left bank of Appalachicola 
 
 River, 13m from Aspalaga. 
 Russell— Temp., Marion Co., 3m east of Orange Lake, on 
 
 Orange Lake Creek. 
 Sanderson — Duval Co., near Gary's Ferry; est. July 12, 1840. 
 Searle St. Johns Co., 6m east of Picolata; est. Dec. 28, 1839. 
 Shackelford — Temp.; Lee Co., on edge of the Everglades, 
 
 middle of the Co. ; Waicy Hajo's old landing. 
 Shannon— Putnam Co., at Palatka; est. in May 1838. 
 
The Story of the Seminoles. 269 
 
 Simmons — Lee Co., on Caloosahatchee River, 5m east of 
 
 Alva; est. Nov. 6, 1841. 
 Stansbury — Leon Co., on Wakulla River, 9m above St. 
 
 Marks; est. Mar. 15, 1839. 
 Starke — Manatee Co., mouth of Manatee River; est. Nov. 
 
 25, 1840. 
 St. Marks — Wakulla Co., near junction of Wakulla and St. 
 
 Marks Rivers. 
 Sullivan — Hillsborough Co., 11m east of Lake Thonotosassa; 
 
 est. Jan. 20, 1839. 
 Thompson — Lee Co., on Caloosahatchee River, near Thomp- 
 son; est. Nov. 23, 1854. 
 VanCourtland — Temp.; Clay Co., head of Kingsley's Pond. 
 VanSwearingen — Temp.; Brevard Co., 6m northeast of Lake 
 
 Okeechobee. 
 Vinton-^Brevard Co., 18m northwest of Indian River Inlet; 
 
 est. April 7, 1839. 
 Vose— Taylor Co., near Ocilla River, 24m from mouth ; est. 
 
 Nov. 5, 1841. 
 Waccahoota — Levy Co., 10m west-southwest of Micanopy ; 
 
 est. May 1840. 
 Wacasassa — Levy Co., mouth of Wacasassa River; est. 
 
 Mar. 17, 1839. 
 Walker — Temp. ; Alachua Co., 9m west of Micanopy. 
 Ward — Temp.; Bradford Co., east bank of Olustee Creek. 
 Wekiwa — Temp.; Levy Co., above mouth of Spring Creek. 
 Westcott — Temp.; Monroe Co., 18m east of Ten Thousand 
 
 Islands. 
 Wheelock — Marion Co., on Orange Lake; est. July 7, 1840. 
 White — Alachua Co., on Santa Fe River, 7m from mouth; 
 
 est. in Jan. 1838. 
 Wool — Temp. ; Lafayette Co., nearSuwanee River, 9m from 
 
 mouth. 
 
270 Bed Patriots: 
 
 BIBLIOGRAPHY. 
 
 The following authorities have been of more or less 
 
 assistance in the preparation of the present volume : 
 
 Aboriginal History of America, McCulloh, 1829. 
 
 Aboriginal Races of North America, Drake, 1880. 
 
 Across the Everglades, Willoughby, 1898. 
 
 American Antiquities, Bradford, 1843. 
 
 American State Papers. 
 
 Antiquities of the Southern Indians, Jones, 1873. 
 
 Army Register of the United States, Hamersley, 1880. 
 
 Bar tram's Travels, 1773. 
 
 Bench and Bar of Georgia, Miller, 1858. 
 
 Biographical Register, Cullum, 1868. 
 
 Biography and History of American Indians, Drake, 1834. 
 
 Book of the Indians, Frost, 1844. 
 
 Camp- Fires of the Everglades, Whitehead, 1891. 
 
 Camp-Life in Florida, Hallock, 1876. 
 
 Catlin's Works. 
 
 Catlin's Indian Gallery, Donaldson, 1884. 
 
 Century of Dishonor, Jackson, 1881. 
 
 Civil War on the Border, Britton, 1890. 
 
 Congressional Documents and Reports. 
 
 Conquest of Florida, Irving, 1851. 
 
 Court of Inquiry Regarding Generals Scott and Gaines, 
 1835-6. 
 ^ Creek War, Halbert and Ball, 1895. 
 
 Debate in Congress on the Seminole War, 1819. 
 
 DeBow's Review, 1858. 
 
 Dictionary of the Army, Gardner, 1853. 
 
 Exiles of Florida, Giddings, 1858. 
 
 Fairbanks History of Florida, 1871. 
 
 Five Civilized Tribes, U. S. Census Bulletin, 1894. 
 
 Florida Gazetteer, Hawks, 1871. 
 
 Florida War, Drake, 1832. 
 
 Foreio-n Relations of the United States. 
 - From Everglades to Canon, Rodenbough, 1875. 
 
 Gazetteer of the State of Georgia, Sherwood, 1826. 
 
 History of American Indians, Adair, 1775. 
 
 History of Alabama, Pickett, 1851. 
 
 II 
 
The Story o/theJSeminoles. 271 
 
 Historical Collections of Louisiana and Florida, French, 1875. 
 
 History of Carolina, Florida, &c., Catesby, 1763. 
 
 History of Catholic Missions, Shea, 1854. 
 
 History of the Indian Tribes of the United States, McKen- 
 ney & Hall, 1844. 
 
 History of the Indian Wars, Trumbull, 1846. 
 
 Historical Sketch of Tomo-chi-chi, Jones, 1868. 
 
 History of South Carolina, Ramsey, 1858. 
 
 Histories of the United States, Bancroft, Lossing, Trumbull, 
 Winsor, &c. 
 
 Indian Miscellany, Beach, 1877. 
 
 Indian Races of North and South America, Brownell, 1857. 
 
 Land Office Reports and Surveyor's Field Notes. 
 
 Literature of Aboriginal Languages, Ludewig, 1858. 
 
 -Life and Adventures in South Florida, Canova, 1885. — 
 
 Life of Kit Carson, Ellis. 
 
 Lives of Generals Jackson, Scott, Taylor and Worth. 
 --Migration Legend of the Creek Indians, Gatschet, 1884. 
 
 Magazines of various years. 
 
 Malte Brun's Universal Geography, 1832. 
 
 Memoirs and Travels Among the Indians, McKenny, 1846. 
 
 North American Indians of Antiquity, Short, 1880. 
 
 Notes of the Floridian Peninsula, Brinton, 1859. 
 
 Notices of East Florida, By a Recent Traveler in the Prov- 
 ince, 1822. 
 
 Notices of Florida and the Campaigns, Cohen, 1836. 
 
 Observations on the Floridas, Vignoles, 1823. 
 
 Origin, Progress and Conclusion of the Florida War, 
 Sprague,1847. 
 
 Origin of American Indians, Mcintosh, 1843. 
 
 Osceola, or Fact and Fiction, By a Southerner, 1838. 
 
 Osceola Nikkanoochee, Prince of Econchattimico, Welch, 
 1841. 
 
 Our Indian Wards, Manypenny, 1880. 
 
 Proceedings of the Legislative Council of Florida. 
 
 Red Man and the White Man, Ellis, 1882. 
 
 Report on the Indian Tribes, Morse, 1822. 
 
 Record of the Killed and Wounded in the Florida War, 1881. 
 
 Report of the Mexican Commission, 1873. 
 
 Reports and Records of the Indian Oflace, War and Navy 
 Departments, and Bureau of Ethnology. 
 
272 Bed Patriots; 
 
 Roman's Kistorjrof Tlorida, 1775. 
 
 Seminoles of Florida, Willson, 1896. 
 
 Schoolcraft's Works. 
 
 Sketches of the Creek Country, Hawkins, (1798-9), 1848. 
 
 Sketches of the Seminole War, by a Lieutenant of the Left 
 
 Wing, 1836. 
 Territory of Florida, Williams, 1837. 
 Treaties with Indian Tribes, 1830. 
 
 Traditions of the North American Indians, Jones, 1830. 
 Twasinta's Seminoles, or Rape of Florida, Whitman, 1885. 
 U. S. and Mexican Boundary Survey, 1857. 
 View of West Florida, Williams, 1827. 
 Vindication of General Jackson's Attack on the Seminoles, 
 
 by a Citizen of the State of Tennessee, 1819. 
 Wild Life in Florida, Townsend, 1875. 
 War in Florida, by a Staff Officer, 1836. 
 
 FILES OF EARLY NEWSPAPERS. 
 
 Advertiser, Bahama, N. P. 
 
 Army and Navy Chronicle, Washington, D. C. 
 
 Bulletin, New Orleans, La. 
 
 Congressional Globe, Wasliington, D. C. 
 
 Courier, Charleston, S. C. 
 
 Courier, Jacksonville, Fla. 
 
 Commercial Advertiser, New York City. 
 
 Daily Intelligencer, Washington, D. C. 
 
 Intelligencer, Van Buren, Ark. 
 
 Floridian, Tallahassee, Fla. 
 
 Gazette, Charleston, S. C. 
 
 Gazette, Pensacola, Fla. 
 
 Georgian, Savannah, Ga. 
 
 Herald, New York City. 
 
 Herald, St. Augustine, Fla. 
 
 Herald, Boston, Mass. 
 
 News, New York City. 
 
 News, St. Augustine, "Fla. 
 
 National Intelligencer, Washington, D. C. 
 
 Niles' Register, Baltimore, Md. 
 
 Republican, Washington, Miss. 
 
 Republican, Charleston, S. C. 
 
 Republican, Savannah, Ga. 
 
 Star, New York City. 
 
 Star, Washington, D. C. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 Abraham, the Maroon, accompanies Wildcat to Mexico, 
 167; sketch of, 45-46. 
 
 Account of Seminoles in Mexico, 167-171 ; return to the 
 United States, 171 ; death of Wildcat, 169. 
 
 Adams, President, message of to Congress, 40. 
 
 Alligator, 25; account of Dade's Massacre by, 64; cap- 
 ture of, 82, 84; learns the alphabet, 174; signs a 
 treaty, 43; transfer to Fort Moultrie, 102-103. 
 
 Amathla, Charley, 26; favors emigration, 55; killed by 
 Osceola, 56; remarks of at a meeting, 49; signs a 
 treaty, 43. 
 
 Armistead, General, successor to General Taylor, 154. 
 
 Battle of the Okeechobee, 123-126 ; superiority of regu- 
 lars in, 125. 
 
 Bell, Capt. John R., acting agent in 1821, 7 ; reports on 
 the Seminoles, etc., 8, 35. 
 
 Bias of high officials, 152. 
 
 Bibliography, 270-272. 
 
 Big Cypress Swamp, description of, 122-123. 
 
 Blake, Luther, appointment as special agent, 204 ; 
 causes removal of Captain Casey, 207; failure and 
 cost of his efforts, 208-209 ; high hopes of, 205 ; 
 instructions to and compensation of, 204-205; let* 
 ter of to Indian Office, 206; secures a Western dele- 
 gation, 205 ; visits Washington with Billy Bow- 
 legs, 206-207. 
 
 Bloodhounds, employment of, 78, 156-157. 
 
 Blunt, John, 25, allowed a reservation, 39. 
 
 273 
 
274 Index. 
 
 Bowlegs, son of Sacafaca, 11; corruption of name, 26. 
 
 Bowlegs, Billy, agrees to remove, 218 ; emigrates with 
 his followers, 218-220; final negotiations with, 
 218 ; leader of last hostilities, 26 ; meets General 
 Twiggs and delivers criminals, 198-199 ; nephew 
 of Mickenopah, 26; niece of visits, 218; signs a 
 treaty, 43 ; sketch of, 198 ; tribute to Captain Ca- 
 sey, 195; visits Washington, 206-207. 
 
 Brecht, Mrs. J. E., interesting letters of, 233-234; ear- 
 nest work of, 236; represents the Women's Nat. 
 Ind. Ass'n, 229-230. 
 
 Brecht, Dr. J. E., appointed missionary among the Flo- 
 rida Seminoles, 229; agent of the Government, 
 230 ; appeals for the reservation of lands, 253 ; 
 called to Washington; 254; invited to the Semi- 
 noles' festival, 247; location and purchase of lands 
 by, 250 ; opposition of traders to work of, 252 ; 
 reference to the Seminoles' past, 248; newspaper 
 attack against, 252 ; testimony regarding negro 
 slaves, 240. 
 
 Brown, JohnF., chief of the Western Seminoles, 188, 189. 
 
 Call, Gov. R. K., engages the Seminoles, 71-72; succeeds 
 General Scott, 72; successor of, 72. 
 
 Camp Moultrie, location of, 38. 
 
 Canova, Andrew P., character of the Seminoles, 2 ; 
 cause of last hostilities, 211-212 ; Seminole treat- 
 ment of captives, 67-68. 
 
 Casey, Capt. John C, arrival of in Florida, 192-193 ; 
 appointed Seminole agent, 194 ; bravery of Semi- 
 noles, 71; death of, 194; exposes the Blake scheme, 
 207-208 ; intelligence of Louis Pacheco, 59; letter 
 to his mother, 196-197; meeting with Seminoles, 
 196-198; notice of a battle, 126; peaceableness of the 
 Seminoles, 203; reinstatement of, 209 ; reports 
 
Index, 275 
 
 Sam Jones' message, 120; sketch of Abraham, 45; 
 sketch of and tributes to, 192-196. 
 
 Catlin, George, on the appearance of Osceola, 106-107 ; 
 opinion of John Ross, 94; opinion of Osceola, 107; 
 paints the portraits of Osceola and others, 105- 
 108 ; returns to New York^ 109 ; sacredness of the 
 flag of truce, 87. 
 
 Chakika, 26; attacks Colonel Harney, 151 ; character 
 and great size of, 156; island bearing name of, 
 156 ; leads attack on Indian Key, 154 ; shot and 
 hung, 156. 
 
 Cherokee delegates, return to Washington, 99 ; Semi* 
 noles seized in presence of, 96 ; Seminoles exone- 
 rate, 97; visit the Florida Seminoles, 95, 96. 
 
 Cherokee Indians, hospitality of, 164. 
 
 Childs, Major, destroys Seminole crops, 158. 
 
 Clarke, Ransom, death of, 62 ; receives a small pension, 
 62; sole survivor of Dade's Massacre, 61; state* 
 ment regarding the massacre, 61. 
 
 Clarke, George, on depredations of whites, 35. 
 
 Clinch, Col. D. L., at battle of the Withlacoochee, 65, 
 70 ; commander in Florida, 52, 59 ; description of 
 ''Negro Fort" by, 16; leads at "Negro Fort" mas- 
 sacre, 18 ; official report of massacre, 16, 18, 19. 
 
 Cooper, Major A., at Cooper's Post, 71. 
 
 Certificate as to the correctness of the paintings of Os- 
 ceola and others, 108. 
 
 Cession of Florida, 31-32; eloquent appeal of the Semi- 
 noles to the President regarding the, 31-32; ob» 
 jects of its purchase, 31, 33. 
 
 Gone, Capt. W. H., captures women and children, 216, 
 
 Creek Indians, number of towns, etc., 5; "sofskee" a 
 term of the, 244; treaty of 1790 with, 7; with- 
 drawal of a band to Florida, 5; why so-called, 5. 
 
276 Index. 
 
 Dade, Major Francis L., ordered to Fort King, 59-60; 
 massacre of, 61. 
 
 Dade's Massacre, 59-64; reinterment of remains, 6B-64 ; 
 site of and bill for ptirchase, 63 ; survivors of, 
 61-62. 
 
 Davis, Jefferson, on a separate country for the Semi- 
 noles, 213-214; tribute to Captain Casey, 194- 
 195. 
 
 Dawes' Commission, 188-190. 
 
 Donaldson, Thomas, on treaties vv^ith Indians, 40. 
 
 Drake, Samuel G., on the fame of Osceola, 114. 
 
 Duncan, Inspector A. J., on the character, etc., of the 
 Florida Seminoles, 255 ; work and recommenda- 
 tions of for the Florida Seminoles, 254-256. 
 
 Duval, Gov. Wm. P., on the character of Neamathla, 
 25 ; reference to letters of, 46. 
 
 Early, Gov. Peter, proclamation of, 13-14. 
 
 Econchattamico, 25; allowed a reservation, 39; highly 
 respected by the whites, 41 ; petitions Congress for 
 indemnity, 42. 
 
 Emathlochee, 25; allowed a reservation, 39. 
 
 Emigrants, Seminole and Maroon, 55, 78, 79, 119, 157, 
 160-161, 208, 218-220; agent's tributes to and 
 defense of, 167, 173-176 ; address the President a 
 letter, 172; affecting departure of final, 219-221; 
 deaths enroute, 119, 160; Mexican band of, 167- 
 171; sight restored to a blind woman, 138-139; 
 severe trials of, 164-167, 171-176, 184 ; total cost 
 of removing, 161, 209, 219; total number sent 
 West, 161, 208, 219. 
 
 Everglades, description of the, 122 ; first and the latest 
 expeditions to cross the, 122 ; monograph on the, 
 122. 
 
 Fake stories of massacres, etc., 150-151, 153. 
 
Index. 277 
 
 Flag of truce, sacredness of, 87, 97, 99. 
 
 Florida Legislative Council, barbarous act of, 41; infam- 
 ous suggestion of a member of, 36. 
 
 Florida Legislature, act providing for removal of Indians, 
 203-204; donation of lands by, 231-232 ; Secretary 
 of War's reply to, 204. 
 
 Florida patriots, 11, 12. 
 
 Forts established in Florida, 264-269. 
 
 Fort Moultrie, location of, 102. 
 
 Frelinghuysen, Hon. Theodore, eloquent words of, 162. 
 
 Frost, Rev., eifort to establish a school by, 223. 
 
 Gadsden, Gen. James, negotiates Treaty of Payne's 
 Landing, 49 ; on the population of the Seminoles, 
 7 ; valuable testimony of, 49. 
 
 Gaines, Gen. E. P., defends Seminoles' rights, 78-79; 
 held in siege, 70; instructions to attack "Negro 
 Fort," 17; official report regarding "Negro Fort,' 
 17; statement regarding Dade's Massacre, 63. 
 
 Gibbon, Gen. John, Indian experience of commences in 
 Florida, 193 ; Indian virtues, 87-88; Indian and 
 Indian agent, 193-194 ; secures a western delega- 
 tion, 209 ; tribute to Captain Casey, 194. 
 
 Gibbs, Rev., missionary appointed by Bishop Gray, 235. 
 
 Giddings, Hon. Joshua R., on despotism in Florida, 42; 
 the Macomb Treaty, 142. 
 
 Gray, Bishop Wm. Crane, in charge of mission work 
 among the Florida Seminoles, 230. 
 
 Harney, Lieut. -Col., attacked by Chakika, 151; hangs 
 several Indians, 156; leads first expedition across 
 the Everglades, 122, 156. 
 
 Hartsuff, Lieut., invades the Seminole country, 211. 
 
 Hawkins, Col. Benj., commissioner to the Creeks, 5; 
 manuscript work of, 5 ; quotations from regard- 
 ing the early Seminoles, 5-6. 
 
278 Index, 
 
 Hendry, Hon. F. A., bill introduced by, 250-251; con- 
 ducts Mrs. Quinton and others to Seminole camps, 
 228 ; trustee appointed by the Govornor, 232. 
 Hernandez, Gen. Joseph M., captures King Philip and 
 others, 80 ; leaves for Osceola's camp, 82 ; ques- 
 tions Osceola, 83 ; receives orders from General 
 Jesup, 81-82; reports of regarding Osceola's seiz- 
 ure, 81, 83-84; seizes Osceola and party, 84, 86; 
 surrounds Osceola, 83. 
 
 Hicks, John, meets General Jackson, 7; succeeds Nea- 
 mathla, 25, 39; successor of 25, 43. 
 
 Howe, Charles, property spared at Indian Key Massacre, 
 155. 
 
 Humphreys, Col. Gad, agent for the Seminoles, 24; 
 advises Seminoles to emigrate, 43; barbarities 
 against Seminoles, 42 ; on the character of Nea- 
 mathala, 25 ; present of land to, 39 ; report of, 36; 
 removal of from office, 46 ; vigilance and fidelity 
 of, 46. 
 
 Husticoluchee, half-brother of Osceola, 119. 
 
 Indian, The, always wrong, 152; true to those who 
 treat him fair, 171. 
 
 Indian Key Massacre, cause of the, 155 ; death of Dr. 
 Perrine, 155 ; Indians expert in firing a cannon, 
 155 ; led by Chakika, 154. 
 
 Indians' sense of honor, 88. 
 
 Indian Territory, former name of, 44. 
 
 Ingraham, Col. James E., 242; appointed a trustee of 
 Seminole lands, 232; crosses the Everglades, 
 245-246. 
 
 Invasions of Spanish territory, 11, 17, 20-22; protest of 
 the Spanish Governor, 20. 
 
 Jackson, Gen. Andrew, appointed Govornor of Florida, 
 32; barbarous "example" of, 21; burns Indian 
 
Index. 279 
 
 Tillages, 21, meets prominent Seminoles, 7 ; orders 
 destruction of "Negro Fort," 17; ratifies Treaty 
 of Payne's Landing, 47; severely criticised, 22; 
 first .to suggest removing the Seminoles, 32-33. 
 Jesup, Gen. Thomas S., assumes command of the army, 
 72 ; announces the war ended, 75 ; causes General 
 Scott's removal, 133 ; defends his seizure of Osce- 
 ola, Mickenopah and others, 85-86, 89-90, 100; 
 evident remorse of, 98; engages the Seminoles 
 near Jupiter Inlet, 127-128; favors allowing the 
 Seminoles to remain in Florida, 98, 129-134; 
 "gallant" attack of, 73; message to Osceola, 78; 
 negotiates for peaceable removal, 74-75; opinion 
 of Abraham, 46; Osceola's reply to, 98; reasons 
 for separating Maroons, 102; refuses an interview 
 with the Seminoles, 97; reports the seizure of 
 Osceola, 84-85; retires from command, 140; 
 secret order for seizure of Osceola, 82; seizure of 
 Osceola by, 80 - 91 ; seizure of Mickenopah 
 and others, 96 ; seizure of ninety Maroons by, 78 ; 
 seizure of 678 Indians and Maroons by, 137-138; 
 sends to Cuba for bloodhounds, 78 ; sends out a 
 message of peace, 73 ; successor of, 140 ; volun- 
 teers advice, 141. 
 Jesup Treaty, The, 74; arrangements with Alligator, 77, 
 81; forays of whites, 75-76; Indians assemble at 
 Ft. Brooke, 75, 77 ; instructions to Colonel Har- 
 ney, 78; objected to by Floridians, 75; Semi- 
 noles refuse to emigrate under, 77-78 ; seizure of 
 Maroons, 78. 
 Jones, Hon. Wm. A., just and humane recommendation 
 
 of, 253. 
 Jumper, 26; at Dade's Massacre, 64; remarks of at a 
 meeting, 48. 
 
280 Index. 
 
 Kendrick, Capt. Wm. H., captures an Indian child, 216. 
 
 King Payne, attacked by Colonel Nunen, 11 ; death of, 
 &c., 11, 12; son of Sacafaca, 11. 
 
 King Philip, attacks Ft. Mellon, 73; capture and con- 
 finement of, 80; dies enroute to the West, 119; 
 father of Wildcat, 26 ; second chief of the nation, 
 26 ; sends a message to Osceola, 80; signs a treaty, 
 39; transfer to Ft. Moultrie, 102-103. 
 
 Kit Carson, cause of Indian outbreaks, &c., 10, 201. 
 
 Koontee, the Seminole bread-root, 74. 
 
 Loomis, Col. Gustavus, proclamation of, 220; reports 
 illicit trade of Seminoles, 211. 
 
 MacCauley, Rev. Clay, high testimony of, 225; official 
 report of, 224 ; visits the Seminoles in their homes, 
 224. 
 
 **Macomb Treaty," The, 142-149; arraingment of Gen- 
 eral Macomb, 148-149; deceptive character of, 145- 
 146, 148-149; newspaper comment upon, 144-145, 
 146, 148-149; Seminoles discover the deception, 
 150. 
 
 Marcotte, Mrs., 242. 
 
 Maroons, The, at Dade's Massacre, 61 ; Cudjoe, 29 ; how 
 recognized, 77, 79 ; intelligence and numbers of, 
 15; Jesup's promises to, 74 ; number sent West, 
 160; origin of the term, 14; Sampson, 67; sepa- 
 rated from the Indians, 102; sketch of Abraham, 
 45-46; subjects of Spain, &c., 16. 
 
 Masters, John S., locates site of Osceola's seizure, 84 ; 
 notice of, 84. 
 
 Mcintosh, John H., ''Patriot" leader, 11, 12. 
 
 Mcintosh, a Creek chief, aids in the attack on "Negro 
 Fort," 18; wars of, 8, 11. 
 
 McLaughlin, Lieut. John T., commander of Florida 
 Squadron, 127. 
 
Index. ^^^ 
 
 Mellon, Capt. Charles, death of, 73. 
 MpUonville, origin of the town, 73. 
 
 SSican Government, grants land to Wildcat and hiB 
 followers, 168 ; high tribute of ' .168-170 ;offical 
 account of the Seminoles in Mexico by, 16J-1T1. 
 Miokenopah, Catlin's notice of. 25; confinement xn Ft 
 Marion, 97 General Jesup defends his seizure, 100, 
 deader at Dade's Massacre, 58, 64 ; meaning of the 
 name 25; principal chiefs under, 26 ; painting 
 the portrait of, 106-108 ; remarks of, 48, 98 ; seizure 
 of by General Jesup, 96; signs a treaty, 39; suc- 
 ceeds John Hicks as principal chief, 25; transfer 
 of to Ft. Moultrie, 102. 
 Miekler. Capt. Jacob E., hunts Seminoles with a steam- 
 
 boat, 216. , 45^of 
 
 Mitchell, Gov. David B., testimony regarding the first 
 
 outrage on the frontier of Georgia, 12-13. 
 Monroe, Kifk, testimony of regarding reported slaves 
 
 among the Seminoles, 240-241. 
 Morrison, Captain, certificate of, 108; good behavior of 
 
 the Seminole prisoners, 103. 
 Morse, Rev. Jedidiah, report of on the condition of the 
 
 Seminoles, 9. . n^^ 
 
 Mulatto King, 25; allowed a reservation, 39 ; meets Gen- 
 
 eralJackson, 7. 
 I^eamathla, character and intelligence of, 25; a lowed a 
 reservation, 39; leading chies ^^^^e^ ^5 - "^ ets 
 General Jackson, 7; principal chief, 24, 38, sue 
 
 cessor of, 25, 39. , i a . ri»» 
 
 "Negro Fort," Creeks join in an attack on, 18 des- 
 
 ^ cription of, 16; destruction of, 16-19; erected by 
 
 the British, 16; Indians and negroes take refuge 
 
 in, 18; official reports of the massacre, 16, 17, 1», 
 
 19. 
 
282 Index. 
 
 Nunen, Colonel, attacks King Payne' stown, 11. 
 
 Object of the book, 2, 256-258. 
 
 Okeechobee, Lake, description of, 121 ; first steamboat 
 navigation on, 210, 216. 
 
 Osceola, account of his sictness and death, 110-111, 113; 
 acts as spokesman, 48 ; address of John Ross to, 
 95; admired by his enemies, 68-69; appearance 
 and friendly character of, 29-30 ; appointed head 
 »- war-chief, 56; arrest and imprisonment of, 51-52; 
 arrival at Dade's Massacre, 64; at Treaty of 
 Payne's Landing, 44; birthplace of, 29; burial of 
 w^ith military honor, 112; camps near Ft. Peyton 
 under a flag of truce, 81, 82 ; comments and eulo- 
 gies on, 114; comments on his seizure, 88-89; 
 common names of. 26 ; confinement in Ft. Marion, 
 \ 84; death-cast of , 112-113; delivery of fugitive 
 ■ slaves by, 82; fame of, 113-114, 117-118; family 
 connections of, 119, 239, 259-260; gives the war- 
 cry, 52; grave robbers decapitate the corpse, 112; 
 humanity of, 67; influence of, 48, 51, 64-65,78; 
 inquires about the West, 107 ; kills Charley 
 Amathla, 56; kills Wiley Thompson, 57; location 
 and neglect of his grave, 112; message of to the 
 President, 98; namesakes of, 113, 239; occupies 
 Ft. Drane, 71; paintings of by Catlin, 105-108; 
 poems devoted to, 104-105, 115-117; prediction 
 of, 65-66; questions of General Jesup, 81; refuses 
 the white man's medicine, 109; replies to General 
 Hernandez, 83; reported willingness to emigrate, 
 75 ; secret order concerning his seizure, 82 ; seiz- 
 ure of under a flag of truce, 80-91; sends word to 
 General Jesup, 81 ; sickness and death of, 109-114; 
 "signs" a paper, 50-51; site of his seizure, 82,84; 
 skull of on exhibition in New York (112) , pres- 
 
Index. 283 
 
 ent whereabouts of (113), oifered to the author, 
 113; Street's graphic poem op, 115-117; sym- 
 pathy for in confinement, 103 ; testimony regard- 
 ing his parentage, 27-29 ; transfer of to Fb. Moul- 
 trie, 102-103; visits Charleston Theater, 101; 
 wivt^s and children of, 110-111. 
 
 Osceola Nikkanoochee, 259-260. 
 
 Pacheco, Louis, 59; acts as Major Dade's guide, 60; at 
 the battle of Ft. Mellon, 73 ; death of, 60 ; intelli- 
 gence of, 59 ; keeps the Seminoles posted, 60 ; 
 owner of petitions Congress, 60. 
 
 Parkhill,Capt. J., death of, 216. 
 
 Patton, Mr., erects a headstone at Osceola's grave, 112. 
 
 Payne's Landing, location of, 43. 
 
 Peniere, J. A., death of, 11; first agent for the Semi- 
 noles, 11 ; on the intelligence and numbers of the 
 Maroons, 15; reference to the '^Patriots," 11. 
 
 Perrine, Dr. Henry, former U. S. Consul, 155 ; proposed 
 establishment of a botanical garden, by, 155 ; 
 victim of Indian Key Massacre, 155. 
 
 Phagan, Major John, succeeds Gad Humphreys, 46 ; 
 successor of, 47. 
 
 Pierpont, Miss Lily, a friend of the Seminoles, fails to 
 find public lands, 227. 
 
 Pioneer steamboat navigation of Lake Okeechobee, 210, 
 216. 
 
 Potter, Woodbine, on the depredations of whites, 35. 
 
 Quinton, Mrs. Amelia S., organizes branches of her As- 
 sociation in Florida, 231 ; on the distrust of the 
 Seminoles, 233; purchases lands, 229-230; visits 
 the Florida Seminoles in their homes, 228-229. 
 
 Ransom, James B., poem by, 104-105. 
 
 Rector, Col. Elias, expense incurred by, in removing 
 Billy Bowlegs and others, 2J9; ordered to Florida 
 
284 Index, 
 
 with a delegation, 217-218 ; result of his efforts, 
 218-219. 
 
 Reid, Judge Robert R., on the former peace of the 
 country, 37; interpretation of the Constitution, 
 etc., by, 55; regarding Sacafaca's death, etc, 55; 
 truthfulness of Osceola's prediction, 66. 
 
 Ross, John, appeals to the Florida Seminoles, 95; ap- 
 points delegates to visit the Florida Seminoles, 95 ; 
 Catlin's opinion of, 94; death of, 94; eloquent 
 protests and appeals of, 96-97, 99; sketch of 93- 
 94; visits Washington, 93. 
 
 Sacafaca, death of , 7; erroneously called "Seacoffee," 
 7 ; friendly character of, 7-8 ; leads the Creek 
 offshoot, 7 ; notice of by Gov. Reid, 55. 
 
 Sam Jones, 26 ; message of, to General Jesup, 120. 
 
 Sampson's testimony regarding Osceola, 67. 
 
 Scott, General, cause of removal of, 133 ; successor of, 72. 
 
 Secretary of the Interior, Honorable, interest of in the 
 Seminoles, 256. 
 
 Seizure of Mickenopah and others by General Jesup, 96, 
 137-138; comment on, 100; General Jesup's de- 
 fense, 100. 
 
 Seizure of Osceola and others by General Jesup, 80-91 ; 
 comments on the, 88-89; General Jesup's defense 
 of, 85-86, 89-90 ; site of, 82, 84 ; Seminoles resolve 
 on having revenge, 92. 
 
 Seminole War, First, causes of, 10-22 ; termination of, 21. 
 
 Seminole War, Seven Years', causes and object of, 33-42, 
 162 ; claims for losses and pensions still before 
 Congress, 161; commencement of , 52,57; cost of , 
 161 ; deaths resulting from, 161 ; last battle of, 
 158 ; list of battles of, 263-264 ; millions paid in 
 pensions, 161 ; most memorable battles of, 59-64, 
 70-71, 123-126 ; newspaper comment on the, 64, 
 
Index. 2^^ 
 
 88-89, 100, 136, 144-145, 148-149; number of Sem- 
 inoles transferred to the West, 160-161; naval 
 operations in, 127, 161 ; no parallel to, 163; termi- 
 nation of , 158-162 ; volunteers employed in, 161. 
 
 Seminole Indians, address the President, 31, 172; 
 assemble for emigration, 75, 77, 218-219; band 
 of emigrates to Mexico, 167 ; barbarous law 
 against, 41; capture a baggage- train, 57; charac- 
 ter and condition of early, 8, 9, 40; commencement 
 of trouble with the Creeks, 7; cost of removing, 
 161, 209, 219; crops of destroyed, 158, 217; 
 delegations of Western, visit Florida, 171, 201, 
 205, 209, 213, 218; departure of last emigrants, 
 218-220; did not molest their friends, 66-67; 
 early towns of, 7 ; early wars against, 8, 9, 11, 12, 
 17 ; eloquence of, 31-32 ; first arrival of in Florida, 
 5 8; first propositions to remove, 32-33, 42-43; 
 give'catlin an account of their wrongs, 107; 
 Government reward for capture of, 216 ; hanging 
 of 21 156; hold our troops in siege, 70-71; how 
 late recognized as Creeks, 7; illicit trade with 
 Bahama, 211; in the Civil War, 177-182; last 
 hostilities with and cause of, 210-217; names of 
 prominent, 11, 25, 26, 241; nation resolves to 
 resist removal, 55; number confined in Ft. Moul- 
 trie, 102, 137 ; number who emigrated prior to the 
 war, 55-, offered $215,000 as an inducement to 
 emigrate, 200; origin of the tribe and name, 5, 6; 
 plundered by whites, 13, 20, 34, 35, 41, 212; 
 prepare for war, 56-57 ; principal chief of at differ- 
 ent periods, 7, 24, 25, 120; proof of the peaceable 
 character of, 36, 37, 133, 144-145, 199, 201, 203 ; 
 protest of, 41; prowess of in battle, 71-72; refuse 
 to deliver fugitive slaves, 13, 77 ; right of to 
 
286 Index. 
 
 lands, 52-55, 253; solicit aid from the British, 22; 
 suffer a great defeat, 71 ; suicide of, 105. 201, 206; 
 subsistence of during the war, 74, 123 ; total pop- 
 ulation in 1822, 7-8 ; total number transferred to 
 the West, 160-161, 208, 219 ; victors in tribal 
 war, 6; why they withdrew from the Creeks, 6. 
 
 Seminole Hostilities, Last, 210-217; cause of, 211-212; 
 completely baffle our troops, 217; supposed re- 
 newal of hostilities, 192, 196-199 ; surrender 
 murderers, 199, 201. 
 
 Seminoles, The Present Western, 186-190 ; character 
 and condition of, 186-188; Dawes' Commission 
 agreement with, 188-189; population of, 186 ; 
 sketch of their principal chief, 188 ; tribal gov- 
 ernment of, 187. 
 
 Seminoles, Present Florida, 222-258 ; alleged attitude of 
 drainage companies toward, 257; appeal of the 
 author for, 257-258 ; appointment of trustees for, 
 232;Congressional appropriations for, 226, 227, 250; 
 common attire of, 244-245 ; Cow Creek branch of, 
 219, 238 ; crops raised by, 246 ; donation of lands 
 for, 231-232 ; domestic life of, 243 ; dwellings of, 
 245-246; earnest efforts of Dr. and Mrs. Brecht 
 among, 229-230, 232-236; earliest effort to help 
 the, 223; extreme shyness and distrust of, 233, 
 235 ; former settlements of, 224 ; food of the, 244, 
 246 ; friends of the, 242 ; Government efforts to 
 help the, 223, 226, 227, 230, 232, 253-256 ; Green 
 Corn Festival of the, 247 ; help celebrate 4th of 
 July, ai34-235 ; highly moral character of, 225, 
 247, 251, 255 ; inferiority of Western Seminoles 
 to, 243 ; interest of the Secretary of the Interior 
 in the, 256 ; location of Government Station 
 among, 229 ; magnificent physique of, 242-243 ; 
 
r ^ ^ 287 
 
 number of acres purchased for, 250, new plans for 
 heSng the, 258-256; opposition of traders axnong 
 
 233 251, 252 ; Osceola's — f l^^^^f ' Jfg ! 
 population and settlements of, 224, 238-2rf», 
 prom nent individuals aH.ong, 241-242; proposed 
 reseda ion of Long Key for, 251-252 ; reported 
 2Z of, 239-241 ; residents of Florida favor the 
 St recommendations of Indian Comm.ss.one. 
 Jon sfor, 253; robbed of tl^«- °ltn7%'''; 
 250; stars and stripes raised by children of he 
 - 234I285; successful hunters, 246; sources of re- 
 venue of, 246-247 ; unwritten laws of, 242 ; visits 
 : to Government Station cease, 251; work the 
 Women's Nat. Ind. Ass'n for, 228-237 ; wilhng- 
 IZo fight the Spaniards, ^42 ; work aud ^-m" 
 mendations of Inspector Duncan for the, 254-256. 
 
 SZ::^cf7. t, accompanies Cherokee delegates 
 'to Florida, 95 ; proposition of, 98; secures an xn- 
 
 Slaves,' Set:;irallowed to go West. 74; intelligence of, 
 
 Q Q 15- Stolen by whites, 15-lb, 4i-*^. 
 Spain's inowledgmen^ of the Seminoles' right to lands. 
 
 Spanisfaotrnor, correspondence between and Gover- 
 
 nor of Georgia, 11-12. 
 Sparkman, Hon. S. M., introduction of a bill m Con 
 
 gress by, 63. j^^iegsness of a certain ele- 
 
 ^-^^m;S'BVrpiof Osceola by, 114 reg^- 
 i„g the validity of Treaty of Payne s Landing, 
 45 • tenders his services, 215. 
 St. Augu;tine Historical Society places a signboard at 
 sight of Osceola's seizure. 84. 
 
288 Index. 
 
 Stevens, Capt. W., leader of the last attacking party, 
 217. 
 
 Storrow, Thomas W., eulogy of Osceola by, 114. 
 
 Street, Alfred B., poem on Osceola by, 115-117* 
 
 Strobel, Dr., called in at Osceola's sickness, 109; news- 
 paper statement of , 113. 
 
 Sympathy of army officers, 69^ 127, 135. 
 
 Taylor, General Zachary, assumes command of the 
 army, 140; at Battle of the Okeechobee, 123-126; 
 ordered into the field, 120 ; pacific policy of, 140- 
 141, 142; retires from Florida, 154; successor of , 
 164. 
 
 Thompson, Gen. Wiley, imprisons Osceola, 51, 52; killed 
 by Osceola, 57 ; meets the Seminoles in conference, 
 48, 60; opinions of Osceola, 51; successor to Ma- 
 jor Phagan, 47. 
 
 Treaties in general : new policy of General G'^ant regard- 
 ing, 185; number on the statute books, 40; usual 
 mode of negotiating, 43; wise provision of the 
 Treaty of New York, 14. 
 
 Treaties with the Seminoles : Camp Moultrie, 38-42 ; 
 Dawes' Commission agreement, 188-190; English 
 and Spanish, 58 ; February 1881, 185 ; object of 
 the treaty of 1856, 214; Payne's Landing, 43-49; 
 Pope's, 262; Tallahassee, 260-261; Washington, 
 174, 181, 183-184. 
 
 Trumbull, Henry, eloquent and truthful words of, 163. 
 
 Tuskihajo, 25 ; allowed a reservation, 39. 
 
 Twiggs, Gen. D. E., investigates outrages, 192; meets 
 Billy Bowlegs, 198-199 ; tribute to the Seminoles, 
 198-199; reply to the Secretary of War, 200. 
 
 Vignoles, Charles, on acts of lawless whites, 34. 
 
 Vincent, Dr. G. M., claims to have Osceola's skull, 113; 
 letter to the author, 113. 
 
Index. 
 
 289 
 
 Wade, Capt. R. D. A., kills and captures Indians at 
 
 Lake Worth, 158. 
 Walton, George, suggestions of as to removal of the 
 
 Seminoles, 43. 
 Washbourne, J. W., tributes to and defense of the Wes- ^ 
 
 tern Seminoles, 167, 173. 
 Weeden, Dr., account of Osceola's last moments by, 110- 
 111; assistant surgeon at Ft. Moultrie, 109; news- 
 paper statement of regarding Osceola's sickness 
 and death, 113. 
 Webb, Dr. DeWitt, 242. 
 
 Welch, Dr., on the character of the Seminoles, 67 ; pro- 
 'tege'of, 259-260; property of spared, 66-67; re- 
 garding the parentage of Osceola, 28. 
 White guerillas, 13, 153. 
 
 Wildcat 26 ; attacks Ft. Mellon, 73; bearer of a message 
 to Osceola, 80; capture of , 80; death of in Mexico, 
 169; escape of from Ft. Marion, 91-92; emigrates 
 to Mexico with others, 167 ; head war-chief, 26 ; 
 letter of to a newspaper, 165; reports arrival of 
 
 Osceola, 81. , 
 
 Williams, John Lee, on the condition of the Seminoles, 
 40; property of spared, 66. 
 
 Willoughby, Lieut. Hugh L., leads latest expedition 
 across the Everglades, 122. 
 
 Willson, Jr., Mr. and Mrs. J. M., friends of the Semi- 
 noles, 241-242. 
 
 Womens' National Indian Association, pioneer work of 
 for the Florida Seminoles, 228-237; purchases 
 lands, 229 ; provides for Mrs. Brecht's support, 
 230 ; transfers the Mission and property to others, 
 
 230. 
 Worth Gen. Wm. J., adopts a more pacific policy, 157; 
 induces Wildcat to emigrate, 157; retires from 
 
290 
 
 Index, 
 
 Florida, 160; succeeds General Armistead, 15T; 
 terminates the war, 158-159; testifies to the 
 peaceable character of the Seminoles, 191. 
 
 ERRATA. 
 
 Page 18 — The second footnote should be credited to 
 General Clinch's official report. 
 
 Page 19 — The fort contained about 300 persons, (200 of 
 whom were women and children), nearly all of 
 whom were killed. 
 
 Page 25 — Footnote to Governor Duval's letter : Previous 
 to June 30, 1834, the Governors of the Territory 
 had also acted as Superintendent of Indian Af- 
 fairs. 
 
 Page 66 — 10th line from bottom, read murdered instead 
 of "unharmed." 
 
 Page 183 — First line of chapter head, read 1866 instead 
 of "1886." 
 
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