LB 4i M85 f^- ^ :?^g^ ' ^^2go^;! ; /2;^ LIBRARY OF CONGRESS^ li Chap. Shelf LB4( ^ UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. *^ -^^(^^^ EDUCATION, AND NOT LEGhSLATlON, If "0©mmifT'i Se©!^ A THANKSGIVING DISCOURSE. ^ BY W. T. MOORE. <> Wlr^^^' ■^^^^Jic^^:®^ EDUCATION, AND NOT LEGISLATION, S>UR Country's If EED: A THANKSGIVING niSCOURSE, DKLIVERED AT THE Central Christian Church, Cincinnati, November 29, 1877. Wr T. MOORK. Pastor. CINCINNATI: CH ASE & HALL, 1878. EDUCATION, AND NOT LH(;iSLATION. Out doiiqtry'^ Jv[eed. Ti';XT : ^^Behold, J have giveti him for a witness to the people, a leader and commander to the people.'''' — Isaiah Iv, 4. " Teaching us that dettying ungodliness and worldly lusts, we should live soberly, righteously, and godly in this present worlds — Titus ii, 12. Emerson, with pliilosophic precision of language, and with ahnost prophetic ken, clearly intimates both our national disease and remedy in the following terse and vigorous paragraph: "We shall one day learn to supersede politics by education. What we call our root-and-branch reforms of slavery, war, gambling, in- temperance, is only medicating the symptoms. We must begin higher up; namely, in education." And what is here so forcibly suggested was never more im- portant to the American people than at this very hour. I am no alarmist, and yet I think I see dangers ahead which, if not guarded against, may prove fatal to our experiment of democratic government. Nations, like individuals, learn from experience, but it often happens that experience is a very dear teacher. And should EDUCATION, AND NOT LEGISLATION, we fail to clearly comprehend some of the influences now at work upon us, it may be that our present experience will cost us even more than we are able to pay. I know it may be said that we have already successfully passed several very dangerous periods in our National existence, and that false prophets have come to grief all through our past history, and that, therefore, prophecies concerning danger are en- tirely out of place at present. I do not wish to be misunderstood. I certainly do not anticipate any very great immediate change in the structure of our Govern- ment, and yet I have very little faith in the idea that our institutions have a sort of charmed life, against which nothing can successfully contend. I have faith in our Government, and I have abundant faith in that Providence that has watched over us and so signally blessed us in the past, and for which guardianship and blessing we are offering our hearts' deepest gratitude on this Thanksgiving day. Still, I do not believe that faith alone will save us. Neither do I look for a miraculous interposition of Providence in our behalf should we continue to violate or ignore some of the plainest principles underlying a republican form of government. Let me call your attention to what seems to me to be a growing tendency. It may be that this tendency has not been so distinctly observed by others ; but I feel sure the tendency is no less certain because not very generally perceived. It will be readily conceded by all who are competent to "judge that the very idea of a democracy involves the supremacy of the people. 0(/R COUXTRYS NE/iD. But it seems to me that we are beginning to transfer this supremacy to those whom the people elect to office in order to secure certain ends of government. In this country the people are the real rulers, while those elected to office are the public servants, who make laws and administer them for the benefit of the people they represent. Any other view than this is fatal to our most cherished political claim. Now I do not say that there are designing politicians who are aiming to over- throw this essential feature of our Government; nor do I think the people are conscious that they are gradu- ally giving up their supremacy in the respect referred to. And it is for this very reason that I think the dan- ger is great. The trouble, for the most part, is likely to come through the legislative departments These are nearest to the people, and to these the people will make their first surrender. It is strange that men love power so well, and are yet forever seeking devices to escape its responsibili- ties. Sunday-schools become a necessity in religious matters largely because parents will not assume the care and labor of giving their children religious in- struction at home. Hence the Sunday-school scape- goat has been invented. And this may be well enough for the present at least, since it seems almost impossi- ble for us to do any better. If we have the power of Orpheus, we should certainly not hesitate to use it when seeking to escape the seductive music of the Sirens ; but if we have not that power, and are without any present means of obtaining it, then it is unquestiona- bly the part of wisdom to follow the e.xample of Ulysses 5 EDUCATION, AND NOT LEGISLATION, by fastening ourselves to the masts of the ship. In other words, if we can not have the family culture which is needed, then let us tie ourselves to the Sun- day-school until at least the point of danger is fairly passed. But, after all, it must be conceded by every right-thinking person that the Sunday-school is, at best, but a poor substitute for earnest religious training at home, and that, as such, it would scarcely be tolerated, except for the reason that it relieves, to a certain ex- tent, the sense of responsibility which otherwise would be deeply felt. In political life the case is not very much differ- ent. The people find themselves weighed down with cares and responsibilities. Or, to change the figure, they find themselves greatly afflicted with some moral, social, or political malady, and instead of seeking for a nor- mal remedy, they immediately fly to their Legislatures or Congress, and demand a specific that will bring sure and swift relief. Hence, in many respects, the legis- lative department of our States and the National Gov- ernment has become a vast establishment for the manufacture of patent medicines to cure the evils complained of by the people. In other words, the pop- ular idea seems .to be that nearly if not quite all our troubles are to be cured by' legislation. Hence our legislators, instead pf enacting wise and economical laws for the purpose of protecting "life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness," spend -their time chiefly in wrang- ling over who, shall have patents for the respective nos- trums proposed for the public "weal. This is no overdrawn picture ; it is sober fact. The 6 OUR COUNTRY'S NEED. people are no longer willing to suffer for their own sins. Hence they demand that laws shall be enacted to re- lieve them. Legislation, legislation, legislation is the scape-goat to relieve individual responsibility, and carry off the sins of the people. Do you ask for an example? I have only to point you to the constant demand for sumptuary laws, for laws regulating the conscience, and for laws regulating trade and commerce, where no statu- tory enactments can possibly reach. At present we have a striking example of this popular faith in legisla- tion in the agitation of the money question. I think it could be easily demonstrated that all the excitement on this subject has done the country immeasurable harm, and that to-day we would have been vastly better off had the whole matter been left where it rightfully be- longs — to the laws which regulate demand and supply.. After our civil war closed, some simple legislation in reference to our finances may have been proper enough, but the number of pretentious remedies proposed has only served to illustrate the capacity of our National Congress to answer any demand which the people may make upon them for medical compounds with which to treat the popular disease. Who supposes that any law that may have been passed, or that may be passed, will materially lighten the burdens of our present financial distress? During the last Presidential canvass the peo- ple were told from every rostrum, and through every political newspaper, precisely what would happen if this or that candidate was elected. Each party told the credulous masses that the only thing necessary in order to a return of peace and plenty was the election of its 7 EDUCATION, AND NOT LEGISLATION, . candidate. But who does not know now that that was a delusion, a monstrous cheat? And who does not know, when he stops to think, that it is not in the power of any party, or law-making establishment, to give us the prosperity we demand? This depends on forces lying quite outside of party politics, and is only slightly effected by either vState or National legislation. We do do not say that no legislation should be attempted. Certainly legislation has its proper place ; but, in a community like ours, too much is worse than none at all. The fact is, human government itself is only an expedient to supplement certain deficiencies in individ- ual growth, and hence Wendell Phillips has truthfully said that "government is only a necessary evil, like other go-carts and crutches. Our need of it shows ex- actly how far we are still children. All governing over- much kills the selfhelp and energy of the governed." This is precisely what I mean when I say there is danger in the tendency to which I have called attention. Legislation, under certain limitations, is all well enough ; but legislation ovennuc/i is not only no remedy for the maladies complained of, but is itself a worse malady than any other, with which the country is afflicted. Hence in providing against the evils with which we are surrounded, I would not look for much help from either our State or National legislature, but I would seek for it in another remedy which I will now introduce. Under this head I will preface what I have to say by quoting the following sage advice from the immortal Washington. He says, " Pj-omote as an object of pri- mary importance institutions for the general diffusion of 8 OUR COUNTRY'S NEKD. knowledge. In proportion as the structure of a gov- ernment gives force to public opinion it should be en- lightened." This expresses precisely the first need of our country at the present time. Unquestionably the struc- ture of our Government gives the very greatest impor- tance to public opinion. Hence it follows that this opinion should be educated in the highest possible de- gree. But Washington doubtless had in his mind a diffusion of knowledge quite different from that usually obtained at institutions of learning in this country. I certainly do not undervalue the education imparted at our common-schools and colleges, and yet I am fearful that it frequently very poorly meets the ends of society. It may be well enough to understand the science of mathematics, to come into sympathy with the wonderful revelations of astronomy, to lose one's self in the almost endless divisions and subdivisions of chemistry, and to revel with delight in the mysterious wonders of natural philosophy. Nor is it a mean thing to be able to class- ify the vegetable and animal kingdoms, and take pleas- ure in the revelations of the modes of life there revealed. But a man may be able to do all this, and a great deal more, and yet fall very far short of that development which assures a true manhood, and which gives majesty and grandeur to all that he does, and thereby makes his doings tend to either the weal or woe of the society with which he is associated. It may be that our people do not need less knowledge of figures, plants, and insects, but it is very certain that they need more knowledge of man — man as related to the past, present, and future — 9 EDUCATION, AND NOT LEGISLATION, — »^»-j»i^fj»>*-«--« — man as he was, as he is, and as he is destined to be. Here is a field of study worthy an immortal soul. Here we are in contact with the past, present, and fi.iture. Here we are reading history, acting our part in the great theater of life, and at the same time studying the prophecy of on-coming age. What immeasurable scope for the exercise of all our powers, and what infinite possibilities in attainments are suggested ! The very thought of such an education as this is soul-inspiring, and sinks into utter insignificance the meagre results obtained in passing through the ordinary college course. True, that course may be regarded as preparatory to this higher development; but the trouble is, most people are satisfied when the first steps are accomplished. Then, again, it is quite a mistaken notion that a man can not be educated in a very high sense without this preparatory instruction. It may be that he can not become learned without this, but he certainly may become educated. There is quite a difference between learning and education, and yet this distinction is not often noted in making up our estimates of men. Hor- ace Mann has said that " scho6l-houses are the repub- lican line of fortifications." This is very neatly put, but scarcely expresses the truth we desire. We want our school-houses to be more than lines of fortifica- tions. We want them to be centers of inspiration that will send their occupants into the fortified lines of error, and enable them to grapple in deadly conflict with all that hinders'human progress and" the highest development of our race. I tell you that it is not enough that our education should be defensive. It must be offensive. OlfR COUA'TRYS NEED. It must not only charge every man with the keeping of a high and important trust, but it must send him on a heroic mission to rescue the perishing. We have had quite too much of this sickly style in both Church and State. We need to be more aggressive if we ever expect to make the conquest of this world. We can, perhaps, afford to sing " Hold the Fort " when the world has once been thoroughly conquered. But it is certainlv poor business for either Christians or states- men while there are yet so many forts to be taken. " Storm the Fort " would be vastly more in harmony with the true idea of living and the real necessities of the case. Hence, while I propose a better education for the people, as a substitute for the overmuch legislation with which we are cursed, I wish that education to embrace a much wider range than is usually deemed necessary in preparing a man for the responsibilities of life. Mil- ton's idea of education was almost identical with what is generallv supposed to be the full measure. " I call," said he, "a complete and generous education that which fits a man to perform justly, skillfully, and magnani- mously all the offices, both private and public, of peace and war." This is a very clear statement, but it has on it all the marks of the machine to which I have so seriously objected. And then it is nothing more than a glittering generality as to the result obtained, without any reference whatever to specification of method by which the education is to be accomplished. I am aware that it is easier to find fault with definitions than to make them. Hence, I am not sure that I will be able EDUCATION, AND NOT LEGISLATION, to offer a definition any more satisfiictory to you than the one I have quoted. Still, I think the area may at least be determined with something like definite certainty. The Apostle Paul enjoins sobriety, righteousness, and godliness as the necessary conditions of the life which now is and that which is to come. This seems to me to fill up the sphere of education, and I verily be- lieve that nothing else does. Sobriety, or self-control, embraces obligations to one's self; righteousness, obli- gations to society ; and godliness, obligations to God. The first is the sphere of culture, the second of morality, and the third of religion. Still, in discussing the sub- ject under consideration to-day, I need not occupy your time except with the' first of these — sobriety. This em- braces all that we understand by self-control, and this is precisely the point that needs to be emphasized in the education of the American people. Let us briefly notice some of the things that we shall be called upon to learn while we are mastering the science of sobriety. I. We shall learn important lessons in economy. As a people it can scarcely be doubted that we need to learn much upon this subject. In fact, I think it may be stated without the fear of contradiction that ex- travagance in living is one of the chief causes that has brought on our present financial distress. Hard times have come -upon us because we have utterly refused to subject ourselves to any thing like real self-denial. With lavish profligacy and heedless extravagance we have answered all the warnings' that foretold our coming hu- miliation. And now that our distress has come, we are 0[/R COCWV'A'V S SEED. seeking in legislation the help which can only be found in economical living. Forgetting the proper cause of our disease, or else refusing to acknowledge what we know to be the truth, it is not difficult for us to per- suade ourselves that a few finely worded enactments will soon restore us to health again. And our law-makers, ready to show their willingness to come to the people's rescue, partly from patriotic motives, perhaps, but more generally, doubtless, because the purposes of the dema- gogue are better served, set about at once to legalize a panacea which is supposed to cure all the financial ills that the country is heir to. This may slop the clamors of the people for a time, and even help somebody get into office, but otherwi.se it will prove as ineffectual as an effort would be to turn the Ohio River up stream by obstructing its headway with an ordinary steamboat. It is education and not legislation that the people need. How is it that France has so quickly paid her enormous war debt, and is now the richest nation in Europe? 1 answer. The people of France have learned the lesson of economy. They know how to live comfortably without extravagance. The average Frenchman very well under- stands Cicero's truism that " economy is of itself a great revenue." This is what has enabled the French Nation to perform what has appeared to the rest of the civilized world as a financial miracle. As a people they have not made more than others, but they have saved more. They have fully illustrated the doctrine of Publius Syrus that " there is no gain so certain as that which arises from sparing what we have." 2. In this training we will come to understand better 13 EDUCATION, AND NOT LEGISLATION, the subject of temperance. We have be^n called a na- tion of drunkards, and the propriety of this appellation is not without some foundation in fact. It is certainly an exaggeration, but there is altogether too much truth in it to be passed by with indifference. The whole tend- ency of our American life is to excesses. It seems as if the vigorous young blood of our National manhood can not be restrained. We seek law for every thing, but will ourselves submit to nothing. .Our Young America is indeed a peculiar little man. He must gratify his whims and caprices, no matter what results may follow. He is never so much at home as when he is thoroughly inconsistent. Hence he hates tyranny with an inveterate hatred, and yet deliberately places himself under the complete control of the worst tyrant upon earth. In the gratification of his appetites and passions, he entirely ig- nores law and tramples authority under his feet ; while perhaps the very next day he will demand a statutory enactment to protect him from the consequence of his own folly. This brief outline presents a fairly drawn picture of our average American life, and in this very picture we behold' the immense possibilities for good which ought to be developed from a character containing such ele- ments of power. ■ Byt this character is largely uncultured yet. It has never been subjected to -any real vigorous training. What it needs is a regulation diet and con- stant, faithful exercise in self-denial. And until this is had, our law-makers -may roH'up statutes for the govern- ment of the people mountain high, and they will only make matters worse instead of better. Their legislation 14 O UR C O UN TR Y ' S NEED. will certainly create a want of respect for the sactions of law, and this, added to the general demoralization, will augment shame into crime, and make personal in- toxication and legal impotency practically synonyms in the language of our national downfall. 3. As a people we need resignation, patience, and con- tentment, and these are vastly more important to our real growth than all the legislation that could be had in a thousand years. But these must come through ear- nest, faithful training. They are not elements from with- out, they are from within. They can not be found on statute books, signed and sealed by governmental au- thority, and ready to be delivered to all comers as a re- ward of citizenship. They are the property only of those who have mastered the science of sobriety. Hence they are things to be learned by constant, faithful watch- ing ; by earnest, prayerful struggle with our appetites and passions. In a word, they are gained by conquering our own spirits, and thereby enabling us to become greater than he who takes a city. The Apostle Paul says: " I have learned in whatsoever state I am, therewith to be content." This wonderful equipoise of character was not conferred upon the Apostle Paul as a gift from without, but he received it by the careful development of faculties within, guided by the light of truth, which must always be the illuminating element. So it must be with us. We must learn resignation, patience, and contentment in the great school of self- control, and then as a people we can hope for such a development of individual and national character as will win the respect of all other peoples, and at the 15 EDUCATION, AND NOT [.EG/SLATfON. same time receive the approbation of our Heavenly Father. Had I the time, I would like to indicate a little more specifically some of the methods by which these attain- ments can be reached, for I am not unmindful of the fact that a remedy may sometimes be suggested without any information as to how it is to be obtained, and this must be very embarrassing to a patient that needs it immediately. But for the present I must content myself with a very general statement as to how this great train- ing is to be accomplished. Still, I must say this much, if I say nothing else ; namely, This t;ducation for the most part must be obtained, if obtained at all, in the HOME CIRCLE. I caq not argue the question now, but this is my deliberate judgment. Hence it follows that a 7vell-ordered, consecrated home life is the one crying need of the American people to-day. Make tlie fount- ain pure, and the stream will be pure also. But once corrupt the fountain with the vicious habits of extrava- gance, intemperance, impatience, unrighteousness, and ungodliness, and the whole stream of our National life can be little better than a mad torrent of passion and unrest. Assuming that the high degree of self-culture which I have indicated is, not out of the range of a possible realization, I will 'conclude what I have to say on the present occasion with a brief reference to some of the advantages jvhich would accrue to us by substituting education for legislation in our individual and National development. First. Our people would themselves become wiser and i6 OUR COUXTRY'S NEED. more virtuous, stronger and more self-reliant. In the proper training of the people is laid the foundation of all true national greatness. This fact has been more distinctly seen since the advent of Christ. Before he came into the world, progress was possible only through the people's rulers. But Christ's mission was directly to the people. He was to be "a leader and commander to the people," and when he came his advent was heralded by the angels in these highly significant words: "Behold, 1 bring you good tidings of great joy, which shall be to all people." In this declaration is sounded the key-note of the new civilization. Hence we can look now for true, substantial progress only where the people hold the supremacy that Christ has given them, and when their education is commensurate with the responsibilities of the position they occupy. It will be seen that what I have claimed for them will precisely meet these conditions, and consequently great advantages will accrue to the people themselves should they turn away from the false theories of the past and seek for help in that comprehensive develop- ment which I have marked out, and which alone can give us what we really need. Second. A thorough education of the people would react most favorably on their public servants. At pres- ent there is an evident decay of genuine statesmanship. But why is this? Is it because no men are elected to office now who are the intellectual equals of those who have made the past history of our country so famous? I can not think that this is the reason. In my opinion the real reason is, there is now no room for the display 17 EDUCATION, AND NOT LKGISLATION, of Statesmanship In our public affairs. The people are impatient and demand immediate results ; and their rulers answer them back with expedients which, at best, serve only a temporary purpose. But true statesman- ship is devotion to an idea, and often requires years of patient waiting before any practical results come into view. Hence the true statesman walks not by sight, but by faith, while our modern politician often walks neither by sight nor by faith ; but whatever light he does possess is generally used in helping him to thread the labyrinthian passages which lead from the people to public office. Hence his ambition is exhausted in place- seeking and place-holding, and as this can be success- fully accomplished only by pleasing the "dear people," he ceases to aspire to any thing like enlightened states- manship, and gives himself up to the poor business of providing specifics for the chronic ailments of his con- stituents. Truly may it be said, "Like people, like poli- ticinns." But if the people would cease making these unworthy demands of their public servants, these serv- ants would soon gain for themselves a new self-respect, and this new inspiration would come back to the people with powerful regenerating force. And thus the people would greatly help themselves by relieving their rulers of a burden which is now practical death to all the highest and best ins'pirations of public life. Third. The proper understanding and enforcement of sobriety would lay- the foundation deep and broad for the addition of righteolisness and godliness in our national development. B^y adding righteousness, we should gain honesty in the administration of public iS OUT? COUNTRY'S NEED. affairs, and proper respect for the rights of others. For righteousness is simply a discharge of obligation to one's neighbor. Hence, though trained in self-control, we would not live selfishly, but would pay due respect to the welfare of those by whom we are surrounded. This would be an immense gain, since dishonesty in official life is one of the crying shames of our present demoralization. But as the crowning point of our civilization, we ought to be a godly people. For, after all, godliness is the highest morality and most worthy patriotism. Truly has it been said that "godliness, with contentment, is great gain." Now, to be godly is to faithfully discharge our obligations to God. And it seems to me that there is no other nation on earth whose responsibility in this respect is greater than ours.' We have certainly had enough evidence of the divine fovor to convince us that God is willing to be our God, if we are willing to be his people. All along our history he has followed us with his blessing. Times without number he has shown his special regard for us. And now, when peace reigns throughout our borders, and health and plenty were never more graciously bestowed, it does seem that grati- tude, even if nothing else, wouM lead us to rejoice in the privilege of honoring Him "Who governs among the nations," and whose watchful care is over all. And should all our culture end in the rightful recognition of his authority and willing obedience to his commands, then may we confidently hope that our "peace shall be like the rivers, and our righteousness like the waves of the sea." 19