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LIFE AND SPEECHES 
 OF 
 
 WILLI m SULZE* 
 
 in 
 
txvy 
 JAN 3 
 
■i~ 
 
 
 W\ ARE YOU 
 
 PATRIOT? 
 
 ex-Go.'. WM. SULZE.R 
 
 Watchman, What o f the Night? 
 
 ISSUED BY 
 
 The Patriotic Societies, 
 
 Broadway Central Hotel, 
 675 Broadway, New York City. 
 

 WARHMAN, WHAT III M NK.III ! 
 
 ■ 
 
 - 
 
 ■ 
 
 
 I hi PATRIOT* SOI il'.riKS. 
 
 ■ 
 
2*20-10 
 
 WITHDRAWN 
 
 °\ 
 
 FORMER GOVERNOR WM. SULZER 
 
 A Short Sketch of the Man Who Does 
 
 Things 
 
 By Julius Chambers, F.R.G.S. 
 
 (Formerly Managing Editor of the N. Y. 
 Herald.) 
 
 Reprinted from 
 "PROMINENT MEN IN NEW YORK." 
 
 _ A man who does things, and who has dis- 
 tinguished himself in straight law, and clean 
 politics, is former Governor Wm. Sulzer — 
 lawyer, lecturer, legislator, and liberal- 
 minded statesman. 
 
 Mr. Sulzer was born in Elizabeth, N. J., 
 on March 18, 1863, of German and Scotch- 
 Irish parentage. His father was a farmer 
 near Elizabeth, and William was educated 
 in the country school, and later for the law 
 at Columbia College. 
 
 His parents were strict Presbyterians, 
 and intended their son for the ministry; but 
 he preferred the law, and was duly admitted 
 to the bar on attaining his majority in 1884. 
 He soon became recognized as a sound law- 
 yer, and an eloquent public speaker. He has 
 taken an active part in every political cam- 
 paign, and has been prominent in public life, 
 since 1884. His success in law has only been 
 equalled by his prominence in' politics. He 
 was elected to the New York Assembly in 
 
 1889, and re-elected for five years. He made 
 a splendid record for usefulness to the State 
 at Albany. No one ever questioned his hon- 
 esty, his sincerity, or his capability. He 
 served with distinction in the sessions of 
 
 1890, 1891, 1892, 1893, and 1894. 
 
. 
 
 
 I 
 - •.' I Mood b* »> ' : '- 
 
Whitney, the chairman of the Xe.v York 
 delegation, declined to support Bryan and 
 counselled the New York delegation to bolt. 
 Mr. Sulzer refused to be led out of the 
 convention hall, and stood alone in his sup- 
 port of Mr. Bryan. Mr. Sulzer prevented 
 the New York delegation from bolting, and 
 kept the Democrats from New York regu- 
 lar. He explained to me at the time that 
 he liked Bryan, and that there were so many 
 good things in the platform that he decided 
 to keep the Party regular. This was an 
 act of great courage, for the New Yorkers 
 were then bitterly hostile to Bryan. 
 
 Some people have asserted, and many 
 have assumed, that Mr. Sulzer has been a 
 Tammany man. This is not true. He never 
 was a Tammany man; but, on the contrary, 
 from his first entrance into politics, he 
 has always fought Tammany — and all Tam- 
 many stands for — the Spoils system and the 
 Graft system. Tammany always was hos- 
 tile to Mr. Sulzer's political ambitions, but 
 Mr. Sulzer always won, as an Independent 
 Democrat, because the people, regardless 
 of politics, were loyal to him, and he was 
 loyal to the people. 
 
 Mr. Sulzer served on several important 
 committees in the House of Representa- 
 tives. Just as soon as his party gained con- 
 trol there, his colleagues made him chair- 
 man of the important and responsible Com- 
 mittee on Foreign Affairs, and he at once 
 made good as a diplomat by keeping the 
 Country out of war with Mexico; by reor- 
 ganizing the Diplomatic and Consular Serv- 
 ice, placing the latter on the merit-svstem; 
 and aiding the establishment of the Repub- 
 lic of China. He is widely read; is consid- 
 ered a fine international lawyer; and has 
 demonstrated great ability along legislative, 
 executive, and diplomatic lines. 
 

 ■ 
 
 
 •t.vC 
 
 
was quickly disproved; nevertheless the 
 marionettes in the Court of the Bosses were 
 "ordered" to oust the Governor, because, 
 they said, his campaign statement of elec- 
 tion expenses was irregular, notwithstand- 
 ing that it was shown to be in accordance 
 with the law. 
 
 The constitution and laws of New York 
 declare the Governor can only be removed 
 "for wilful and corrupt misconduct in of- 
 fice." The conspirators in the "Murphy 
 Court of Infamy" removed the Governor on 
 a flimsy charge of something he is alleged 
 to have omitted to do long prior to his 
 inauguration — and even this charge was 
 shown to be absolutely false. 
 
 Mr. Sulzer is the first man in the history 
 of the world to be removed from a great 
 elective office by a "Packed Star Chamber 
 Political Court" for an alleged trivial dere- 
 liction committed, or omitted, before he 
 took office. The illegality and the absurdity 
 of the Murphy proceeding must be as appar- 
 ent to the layman as it is to the lawyer. 
 The so-called Quack trial was a travesty 
 on Justice. 
 
 The truth of the matter is that the Gov- 
 ernor refused to be bossed; worked for the 
 people instead of Invisible Government; 
 could not be bought or bullied; and had set 
 in motion the machinery of justice to send 
 political grafters to prison. As one of the 
 bosses put it after the trial: "We had to 
 put him out or he would put us in" — mean- 
 ing that if the bosses did not remove the 
 Governor, the Governor would send them 
 to prison for robbing the taxpayers. 
 
 Just so soon as the Governor was re- 
 moved, in the latter part of October, 1913, 
 the people re-elected him to the Legisla- 
 ture, on an independent ticket, by a major- 
 ity of 5 to 1 against all other candidates. 
 

 ■ 
 
greatest Progressive in America — and his 
 record proves it. He has always been a 
 quarter of a century ahead of the times. He 
 is popular with all sorts and conditions of 
 people because of his inherent honesty, his 
 generosity, and his affable manners and sun- 
 shiny disposition. No wonder he is so suc- 
 cessful as a vote-getter, and that his loyal 
 followers call him "Plain Bill" — and the 
 "Friend of Man" — and that they love him 
 for the enemies he has made. 
 
 Governor Sulzer is a "Commoner" 
 through and through. The more you know 
 him, the more you see of him, the more 
 you study him at close range — the more 
 you like him, and the more you appre- 
 ciate what he has done, and glory in his 
 trials and his triumphs. He needs no de- 
 fense. His record is as clean as a hound's 
 tooth. His career of struggle for higher 
 and better things, from a poor farm boy to 
 the Governorship of the greatest State in 
 the Union, is an epic poem. 
 
 Mr. Sulzer is of large stature, standing 
 over six feet in height, with a weight of 
 185 pounds, which he carries with the grace 
 of a trained athlete. He is abstemious; has 
 sandy hair, and steel blue eyes that look 
 straight into yours and read your inner- 
 most thoughts. During the war with Spain 
 he organized a regiment of volunteers and 
 was elected colonel, but for political reasons 
 it was not called into active service. 
 
 Mr. Sulzer has been an extensive travel- 
 ler, and has seen much of the World. In 
 1908 he married Miss Clara Roedelheim, of 
 Philadelphia, and they live in the Old Home, 
 of the late General "Joe" Hooker, the cor- 
 ner of Fifth avenue and Ninth street, in 
 the heart of the Governor's Old Congres- 
 sional District, New York City. 
 
 The Governor is a 32d degree Mason, has 
 

 t% Hit 
 
 ! '«. on 
 
 . 
 
 
 WHY WK ARE KOK SULZi 
 
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 • d all the 
 
 and wr 
 
 IU 
 
MR. SULZER'S BRILLIANT RECORD 
 
 OF ACCOMPLISHMENT IN 
 
 THE LEGISLATURE OF 
 
 THE STATE OF 
 
 NEW YORK. 
 
 The record of Mr. Sulzer in the Legisla- 
 ture at Albany proves that William Sulzer: 
 L Was the author of, and wrote on the 
 statute books of the State of New York, 
 the law for the Women's Reformatory. 
 
 2. Was the author of, and wrote on the 
 statute books of the State of New York, 
 the law for the State care of the insane 
 — one of the great reformatory meas- 
 ures of recent times, which has been 
 substantially copied by nearly every 
 State in the Union. 
 
 3. Was the author of, and wrote on the 
 statute books of the State of New York, 
 the law abolishing sweat shops. 
 
 4. Was the author of, and wrote on the 
 statute books of the State of New York, 
 the law for free lectures for working- 
 men and working women. 
 
 5. Was the author of, and wrote on the 
 statute books of the State of New York, 
 the law finally abolishing imprisonment 
 for debt. 
 
 6. Was the author of, and wrote on the 
 statute books of the State of New York, 
 the Ballot Reform law. 
 
 7. Was the author of, and wrote on the 
 statute books of the State of New York, 
 the law to limit the hours of labor. 
 
 8. Was the author of, and wrote on the 
 statute books of the State of New York, 
 the law to open Stuyvesant Park to the 
 people. 
 
 9. Was the author of, and wrote on the 
 statute books of the State of New York, 
 
 11 
 
:> Of 
 
 ■ 
 
 Jtc book- 
 thr 
 
 . of I he 
 
 c Hudtoi 
 
 - 
 statute book 
 
 ; e author of. an<! 
 
 tt the 
 
i9. Was the author of, and wrote on the 
 statute books of the State of New York, 
 the law for Bronx and Van Cortlandt 
 Parks. 
 
 20. Was the author of, and wrote on the 
 statute books of the State of New York, 
 the law for the New York City Free 
 Public Library. 
 
 21. Was the author of, and wrote on the 
 statute books of the State of New York, 
 the law to compel the New York Cen- 
 tral Railroad Co. to light and ventilate 
 the Fourth Avenue tunnel; and many 
 other progressive measures of far- 
 reaching importance to all the people 
 of the State of New York. 
 
 The people will never forget Governor 
 Sulzer; and they will not forget that the 
 power that removed him might be used to 
 remove another Sulzer — who dared to be 
 free — who dared to be honest. That power 
 is the power of the Boss — and the Boss 
 system must be destroyed. 
 — From editorial in the Knickerbocker 
 
 Press, Oct. 20, 1913. 
 
 13 
 
THE CONSTRUCTIVE RECORD OF 
 
 MR. SULZER'S EIGHTEEN 
 
 YEARS IN CONGRESS. 
 
 The Congressional Record tells the story 
 of Mr. Sulzer's work in Congress" for eight- 
 een years, and proves that Wm. Sulzer: 
 
 1. Is the author of, and wrote on the 
 statute books, the law for the Bureau 
 of Corporations, through the agency of 
 which the anti-trust laws are enforced. 
 
 2. Is the author of, and wrote on the 
 statute books, the law increasing the 
 pay of the letter carriers of the coun- 
 try. 
 
 3. Is the author of, and wrote on the 
 statute books, the resolution of sym- 
 pathy for the Cuban patriots. 
 
 4. Is the author of, and wrote on the stat- 
 ute books, the resolution of sympathy 
 for the heroic Boers in their struggle 
 to maintain their independence. 
 
 5. Is the author of, and wrote on the stat- 
 ute books, the resolution of sympathy 
 for the oppressed Jews in Russia, and 
 protesting against their murder by the 
 Russian government. 
 
 6. Is the author of the bill to make Lin- 
 coln's birthday a legal holiday. 
 
 7. Is the author of, and wrote on the stat- 
 ute books, the law to abrogate the 
 treaty with Russia because that govern- 
 ment refused to recognize Jewish- 
 American passports. 
 
 8. Is the author of, and wrote on the stat- 
 ute books, the pension law for the or- 
 phans and widows of the deceased sol- 
 diers and sailors who saved the Union. 
 
 9. Is the author of, and wrote on the stat- 
 ute books, the law to elect United States 
 Senators by direct vote of the people. 
 
 10. Is the author of, and wrote on the stat- 
 
 14 
 
ute books, the law to restore the Amer- 
 ican merchant marine, by preferential 
 duties along the lines of the early nav- 
 igation laws of the country. 
 
 11. Is the author of, and wrote on the stat- 
 ute books, the law to construct national 
 good roads. 
 
 12. Is the author of, and wrote on the stat- 
 ute books, the law to raise the wreck of 
 the "Maine." 
 
 13. Is the author of, and wrote on the stat- 
 ute books, the law to light the Statue 
 of Liberty. 
 
 14. Is the author of, and wrote on the stat- 
 ute books, the law to create the "De- 
 partment of Labor," with a Secretary 
 having a seat in the Cabinet. 
 
 15. Is the author of the amendment to the 
 Constitution for the income tax. 
 
 16. Is the author of the law for postal sav- 
 ings banks, and a general parcels post. 
 
 17. Is the author of the law to increase the 
 pension of the volunteer soldiers and 
 sailors who saved the Union. 
 
 18. Is the author of, and wrote on the stat- 
 ute books, the new copyright law. 
 
 19. Is the author of, and wrote on the stat- 
 ute books, the resolution congratulating 
 the people of China on the establish- 
 ment of a Republic. 
 
 20. As the Chairman of the Committee on 
 Foreign Affairs, in Congress, he reor- 
 ganized the Diplomatic and Consular 
 Service, and placed the latter on the 
 merit system; kept the Country out of 
 war in Mexico; aided the establishment 
 of the Republic of China; and initiated, 
 and wrote on the statute books, the 
 law to acquire homes, for our Diplo- 
 mats, in Foreign Countries, so that a 
 poor man, as well as a rich man, can 
 
 15 
 
represent the United States in Foreign 
 Lands. 
 21. Is the author of the law to prevent any 
 ship sailing from ports of the United 
 States unless equipped with every de- 
 vice for saving life; and many other 
 useful measures in the interests of all 
 the people of the country. 
 
 "The Friends of Good Government 
 are with you. I have yet to meet a 
 person who believes, or even pretends 
 fo believe, that a single honest motive 
 has animated the proceedings of your 
 antagonists." — Letter of Col. Roose- 
 velt to Governor Sulzer. 
 
 "I have refused to compromise with 
 the tempters ; and the enemies of the peo- 
 ple ; and have resolved to go forward 
 with the work I am doing for decent 
 citizenship and honest government — 
 come weal or woe." — Answer of Gov- 
 ernor Sulzer to Col. Roosevelt. 
 
 16 
 
WHAT MR. SULZER DID AS GOV- 
 ERNOR. 
 
 1. Proclaimed early in his administration 
 that his election made him the Gov- 
 ernor, and not Murphy, and invited 
 anyone who challenged his title to the 
 office to come out in the open and 
 fight. 
 
 2. Vetoed the iniquitous Blauvelt bill, on 
 the ground that it did not carry out the 
 pledges of the Democratic platform, 
 and insisted on the enactment of a 
 
 thorough-going direct nomination law. 
 Spoke to great audiences all over the 
 State denouncing the bosses for block- 
 ing primary and other reforms. 
 
 3. Called the Legislature in extraordinary 
 session to enact a genuine direct pri- 
 mary law. 
 
 4. Appointed commissioners to investigate 
 frauds in various departments. Ob- 
 tained proofs of graft in the State 
 capitol, and promptly removed every 
 guilty official. 
 
 5. Gigantic frauds in contracts for high- 
 ways discovered, resulting in indict- 
 ments and convictions of Tammany 
 men who had conspired to plunder the 
 State of millions of dollars. 
 
 6. Began investigation of frauds of canal 
 construction, and reorganized the va- 
 rious departments of the State on a 
 scientific basis, to eliminate typical 
 Tammany methods in public office. 
 
 7. Caused the reorganization of the De- 
 partment of Labor, with provisions 
 meant to better the conditions of labor 
 throughout the State, to conserve the 
 health, and protect the lives of workers. 
 
 8. Appointed a sanitary commission, the 
 result of which was a law reorganizing 
 
 17 
 
the State Health Department and mak- 
 ing it possible to substitute up-to-date 
 scientific methods for an archaic 
 system. 
 9. Vetoed over $8,000,000 appropriations, 
 and cut off all the bipartisan graft in 
 the State printing contracts, and the 
 padding of payrolls for the support of 
 an army of Tammany taxeaters. 
 
 10. Investigated the State prisons, found 
 shocking conditions and political cor- 
 ruption; obtained indictments; re- 
 moved the Superintendent of Prisons; 
 and proved the conditions at Sing 
 Sing were so horrible that the Legis- 
 lature was compelled to order the 
 building of a new penitentiary. Ap- 
 pointed a new Prison Commission, and 
 made Thomas Mott Osborne its Chair- 
 man. 
 
 11. Prepared and caused the passage of 
 the Stock Exchange bills, to make 
 Wall Street do business honestly. 
 
 12. Demanded the resignation of Senator 
 Stillwell, upon proof that he had de- 
 manded a bribe for his influence in fa- 
 vor of a bill, and brought about his 
 trial and conviction after the Tammany 
 Legislature had whitewashed the guilty 
 legislator. 
 
 13. Refused Murphy's demands for the ap- 
 pointment of James E. Gaffney, Mur- 
 phy's contracting partner, to be com- 
 missioner of highways, in charge of the 
 expenditure of $50,000,000. 
 
 14. Declined to appoint Murphy's commis- 
 sioner of labor. Appointed John 
 Mitchell the Labor Commissioner; and 
 rejected Boss Murphy's recommendations 
 of other Tammany favorites for import- 
 ant State and judicial offices. 
 
 18 
 
15. Took advice about appointments from 
 distinguished citizens, and leading mem- 
 bers of their profession, instead of from 
 the Bosses. 
 
 16. Wrote a genuine workingman's com- 
 pensation law devised for the benefit 
 of workingmen. 
 
 17. Wrote upon the statute books the full- 
 crew law. Appointed a railway man, 
 Mr. Chase, a member of the Public 
 Service Commission. 
 
 18. Wrote upon the statute books the Civil 
 Rights law. 
 
 19. Wrote upon the statute books the law 
 for a Negro Regiment, and ordered it 
 mustered into service. 
 
 20. Vetoed the infamous McKee Public 
 School bills. 
 
 21. Vetoed the absurd and unjust Tammany 
 constitutional convention bill. 
 
 22. Vetoed over $8,000,000 of unnecessary 
 appropriations — most of which was 
 graft. 
 
 23. Invoked the machinery of justice to rid 
 the State of grafters. 
 
 24. Wrote upon the statute books an up- 
 to-date and scientific home rule law for 
 cities. 
 
 25. Saved the taxpayers more money in less 
 time than any other Governor in the 
 history of the State. 
 
 26. Refused to compromise, between Right 
 and Wrong, with Murphy; the rail- 
 roads; the grafters; Wall Street; the 
 Plunderbund; and Invisible Govern- 
 ment. 
 
 27. Fought consistently for decent citizen- 
 ship; civic righteousness; and honest 
 government. 
 
 19 
 
28. Wrote on the statute books the amend- 
 ment for woman suffrage. 
 
 29. Pardoned Brandt, a Swedish boy, sent 
 to prison for forty years, without a 
 trial, and for a trifling offense. 
 
 30. Demanded the repeal of the Long 
 Sault Water Power charter, and suc- 
 ceeded in restoring to the people one 
 of the greatest natural resources in the 
 State. 
 
 31. Said he would rather be right than be 
 Governor; that he would rather have 
 his own self-respect than any office in 
 the State. 
 
 "No one better than I knows that had 
 the Governor agreed not to execute his oath 
 of office he would be unchallenged in his 
 place as the executive, no matter what other 
 bitterness might be displayed against his 
 independence of boss control. His inflexi- 
 ble determination to go after all the looters 
 and his purpose to begin with the indict- 
 ment of Bart Dunn, a member of the State 
 Committee from Tammany Hall, ended all 
 relations. Then the savagery of removal 
 from office took life in the Delmonico con- 
 ference held by Charles F. Murphy. 'It's 
 his life, or ours,' was the way Murphy put 
 it." — From the report of Commissioner Jno. 
 A. Hennessy. 
 
 20 
 
GOVERNOR SULZER DID NO WRONG 
 —HE WAS OUSTED BECAUSE HE 
 COULD NOT BE BOSSED OR 
 BOUGHT — BECAUSE HE 
 WAS LOYAL TO THE 
 PUBLIC. 
 (Reprinted from editorial in the "Inde- 
 pendent," November 1, 1913.) 
 
 Wm. Sulzer needs no eulogy. His place 
 in history is secure. He will live in the 
 hearts of his countrymen for the good he 
 did, and the things he dared to do. He 
 showed how to be a patriot. He wrote a 
 large chapter in the annals of New York, 
 as one of her most honest, one of her most 
 fearless, and one of her most independent 
 Executives. He will live in the history of 
 the Commonwealth as one of her greatest 
 reformers. He did things. He showed 
 great moral courage. He was his own 
 master. He never was afraid. 
 
 No Boss could control Wm. Sulzer. No 
 Plutocrat could buy him. From first to last 
 he was loyal to the public. During the 
 time he was Governor he made a remarkable 
 record — a record which has become a part 
 of our glorious history — and nothing his 
 enemies say can detract from his brilliant 
 accomplishments as a statesman. 
 
 Wm. Sulzer will live in the hearts of de- 
 cent citizens. As a patriot he will rank with 
 Lincoln. As a statesman he will stand with 
 Wright. As a reformer he will be compared 
 with Tilden. Besides, Sulzer had only be- 
 gun his work of reform. He was only on 
 the threshold of his efforts for honest gov- 
 ernment when he was removed from office 
 by the foulest political conspiracy in the 
 annals of American history. However, the 
 
 21 
 
results of Mr. Sulzer's work, as Governor, 
 will live in the affairs of New York, and 
 the resultant benefits will be felt by the 
 people for generations yet to come. 
 
 When the future historian comes to faith- 
 fully and impartially write the story of what 
 Governor Sulzer did, and of his illegal trial, 
 and unconstitutional removal from office, he 
 will give as the real reasons for that infa- 
 mous act the following, viz.: 
 
 First: Mr. Sulzer's persistent efforts to 
 secure the enactment of the Full Crew legis- 
 lation to conserve human life on the rail- 
 roads. 
 
 Second: Mr. Sulzer's persistent efforts to 
 secure the enactment of the laws he recom- 
 mended to compel honest dealings on the 
 New York Stock Exchange. 
 
 Third: Mr. Sulzer's dogged refusal to ap- 
 prove the iniquitous McKee Public School 
 Bills which would give control of our free 
 public schools to an alien political-religious 
 hierarchy. 
 
 Fourth: Mr. Sulzer's successful efforts to 
 secure the repeal of the notorious charter 
 of the Long Sault Development Company, 
 by which the State of New York received 
 back its greatest water power and the most 
 valuable of its natural resources. 
 
 Fifth: Mr. Sulzer's defiance of the bosses 
 — big and little — and his heroic fight for 
 honest and genuine direct primaries. 
 
 Sixth: Mr. Sulzer's determined refusal 
 to be a proxy Governor — a rubber stamp — 
 like Dix and Glynn — for Charles F. Mur- 
 phy. 
 
 Seventh: Mr. Sulzer's absolute refusal to 
 do what the Bosses demanded regarding 
 legislation and appointments, and his blunt 
 refusal to call off prosecutions, and stop in- 
 vestigations, which were being made under 
 
 22 
 
hi; direction to uncover fraud and expose 
 graft in the State Departments. 
 
 Eighth: Mr. Sulzer's moral courage, in 
 the performance of public duty, wherein he 
 insisted on the trial and punishment of 
 Senator Stillwell for extortion. The fight 
 Mr. Sulzer made to bring Stillwell to jus- 
 tice arrayed against the Governor the bit- 
 ter and secret hatred of all the Bosses, and 
 every crook in the Legislature. 
 
 Ninth: Mr. Sulzer's determination to set 
 in motion the machinery of the law, in vari- 
 ous counties of the State, to indict the 
 grafters and bring them to justice. 
 
 To the impartial investigator who will 
 take the time to go over the record, and 
 familiarize himself with the real facts, it will 
 be apparent that these were the true reasons 
 why Mr. Sulzer was removed from the office 
 of Governor of the State of New York. 
 
 As Chief Judge Cullen said: "Governor 
 Sulzer has done no wrong. His removal 
 from office is anarchy." 
 
 "The unseen government is doomed. In- 
 visible government has had its day. The 
 people at last are awake to the fact that 
 ballots are only respectable when they rep- 
 resent convictions. The day is forever past 
 when men will blindly go to the polls to 
 register the wishes of a political boss under 
 the threat of regularity." — From speech of 
 Governor Sulzer in Legislature February 
 1, 1914. 
 
 23 
 
A GREAT REFORM GOVERNOR. 
 
 What Doctor Albert Shaw Says of 
 Mr. Sulzer. 
 
 Mr. Sulzer's work for honest government 
 discussed by Dr. Albert Shaw in the Re- 
 view of Reviews, December, 1913. 
 
 A faithful reflection of public opinion in 
 regard to Governor Sulzer, and his removal 
 from office, is found in the December num- 
 ber of the Review of Reviews. This maga- 
 zine, edited by Dr. Albert Shaw, presents 
 every month an intelligent, non-partisan, 
 and impartial review of recent history-mak- 
 ing events which commends itself to dis- 
 criminating readers who appreciate how the 
 powers of invisible government distort cur- 
 rent news in the columns of many of the 
 daily newspapers. 
 
 Dr. Shaw in the Review of Reviews says: 
 "The election of William Sulzer to the 
 legislature is not merely sensational; it is a 
 political affair that is Revolutionary. Mr. 
 Sulzer as Governor has rendered the State 
 of New York an almost superlative service. 
 The prospect for good government in the 
 State is better now than it has been at any 
 time for half a century — and this result is 
 due to Sulzer. He had a chance, as Gov- 
 ernor, to make a nominally good record for 
 himself, and yet to avoid all serious trouble. 
 Tammany would have allowed him to ac- 
 complish many things that could have borne 
 the reform label. All that Tammany asked 
 of him was not to investigate Graft too 
 sharply, and to consult Mr. Murphy about 
 appointments. In spite of all kinds of 
 threats to disgrace him Governor Sulzer 
 persisted in investigating corruption in the 
 affairs of the State. 
 
 24 
 
"The trumped up charges against the 
 Governor were easily proven to be false. 
 Judge Cullen, who presided over the court, 
 held that Sulzer had done nothing for which 
 he could be impeached. The scoundrels who 
 were mixed up in the orgy of canal and 
 road-building graft were so short-sighted 
 a- to suppose that if they removed the 
 Governor they would discredit Mr. Sulzer's 
 accusations against them. But this was the 
 very opposite of what happened. Their re- 
 moval of Mr. Sulzer focused the attention 
 of the whole world upon their own iniqui- 
 ties. It aroused the entire State of New 
 York to a sense of public danger and public 
 duty. 
 
 "But let us never forget that Governor 
 Sulzer, thrown out of his office by Tam- 
 many, will unquestionably go down in his- 
 tory along with Tilden and Hughes, as one 
 of the great reform Governors of the State 
 of New York, whose courage in defying the 
 corrupt combinations of crooked politics and 
 crooked business led to great progress in 
 the long-suffering but noble cause of good 
 government. 
 
 "The great size of Mr. Mitchel's plu- 
 rality, in the Mayorality campaign, was due 
 to Mr. Sulzer's speeches in the campaign. 
 The Fusion ticket only had a fighting chance 
 to win. But it happened that Tammany's 
 fight against Governor Sulzer had resulted 
 in sensational exposures of the real rea- 
 sons that had impelled the Tammany Ring 
 to oust him. It was shown clearly that 
 Sulzer had been impeached, not for his 
 faults, but for his virtues. He had started 
 out as Governor to expose the mismanage- 
 
 25 
 
ment of State departments and the robbery 
 of the State by politicians and contractors in 
 the expenditure of two or three hundred 
 million dollars upon State canals, highways, 
 prisons, and so on. Mr. Sulzer in a series of 
 wonderful speeches, of definite accusations, 
 with an irresistible quality of carrying con- 
 viction, before great masses of people, made 
 the issue so clear that no one was left in 
 doubt — and Tammany was annihilated. 
 
 "Governor Sulzer, meanwhile, had been 
 promptly named for the legislature as a 
 Progressive in the old Sixth Assembly Dis- 
 trict, and his meetings there were attended 
 by countless thousands of sympathetic citi- 
 zens who arose in passionate determination 
 to vindicate an honest Governor against his 
 corrupt traducers, and infamous opponents." 
 
 "The fight for honest government must 
 go on. William Sulzer has played his part 
 well, and his race is not yet run. From the 
 watch towers he sounds the alarm. He is 
 the leader. The great living issue he typi- 
 fies and represents, pulsating with the life 
 blood of humanity, will go forward until a 
 cleaner and purer day arrives in the politi- 
 cal life of our country." — From editorial in 
 The Call, January 3, 1914. 
 
 26 
 
MR. SULZER ON PATRIOTISM AND 
 AMERICANISM. 
 
 Speech, in Part, at the Banquet of the Amer- 
 ican Party, September 27, 1915, in the 
 Broadway Central Hotel, New York 
 City. 
 
 (Reprinted from Times, September 28, 1915.) 
 
 "The American Party stands for good 
 government; for decent citizenship; for a 
 square deal; for the rights of the people; 
 for the dignity of labor; for woman's suf- 
 frage; for all progressive policies; for the 
 Social Welfare; for the ideals of patriotic 
 America; for Prohibition; and for the per- 
 petuation of the free institutions of the 
 Fathers. 
 
 "The politicians — wise and otherwise — 
 know the American Party is the party of 
 the plain people, and will continue to fight 
 the battle of the taxpayers for honest gov- 
 ernment; to destroy corrupt bossism; and 
 to abolish the iniquitous system of biparti- 
 san graft, called "Fifty-Fifty," by which tax- 
 ation is doubled, and the few wax fat at the 
 expense of the many. 
 
 "As the Progressive Party wanes, and 
 passes into the shadow, the American Party 
 looms larger and larger on the _ political 
 horizon. The American Party is alive — very 
 much alive — and is here to stay. 
 
 "We are all Americans — and we are all 
 patriots. The American Party stands for all 
 that is great and good; and loyal and 
 
 27 
 
glorious in our country. We must be pa- 
 triotic. The future of the Republic depends 
 on the patriotism of the people. 
 
 "Patriotism is something to be acquired 
 
 by immediacy of contact with the history, 
 the institutions) the spirit, the privileges, 
 the amenities of the country out toward 
 which the hearts of our young men and wo- 
 men are to be drawn in loyalty and conse- 
 cration. 
 
 "The freedom that we Americans have 
 in civil and religious liberty, and the 
 profusion of our opportunities — all these 
 matters are so open to us and so much 
 a part of life here that we forget to what 
 extent they are distinctly American; in con- 
 B< (uence of which we forget America and 
 think only of the blessings enjoyed by us 
 because we live in America; bathe in its 
 waters and forget their source; like what 
 America gives and forget America that gives 
 it; and think of what is beautiful and enjoy- 
 able in our civic life as being an intangible 
 something that is diffused through the uni- 
 versal atmosphere instead of being the gift 
 to us of institutions that were founded in 
 the anxious toil of our fathers and baptized 
 in blood. 
 
 "We arc the tru«tccs of a great heritage, 
 and the preservation of that heritage is sur- 
 passed by n<> other in the solemnity of its 
 
 obligation." 
 
 28 
 
GOVERNOR SULZER'S SPEECH 
 
 At the Semi-Centennial Reunion of the 
 
 Soldiers Who Fought the Battle of 
 
 Gettysburg, July 3, 1913. 
 
 (Reprinted from N. Y. World, July 4, 1913.) 
 
 On being introduced by Governor Tener, 
 of Pennsylvania, Mr. Sulzer said: 
 
 "Gettysburg is fame's eternal camping 
 ground — an inspiration and a shrine — sacred 
 to the heroic men, living and dead, whose 
 struggle here hallowed this ground for all 
 the centuries yet to come. 
 
 "All honor and all glory to the men, from 
 upland and from lowland, who met here to 
 do or die for country. Their fame is secure. 
 Their memory will endure. 
 
 "Fifty years ago, great captains with their 
 men from North and South— the bravest of 
 the brave that ever faced a foe— struggled 
 here and there across this plain, amid the 
 roar of cannon, for three long weary days, 
 in the mightiest contest that ever shook our 
 land; and in that clash of arms it was de- 
 cided, then and here, that all men must be 
 free; and that the Republic of the Fathers 
 shall not perish from the earth. 
 
 "Half a century has come and gone since 
 that terrific conflict, but the intervening 
 years have only added a greater splendor to 
 the sacrifice, and a grander glory to the 
 victory. 
 
 29 
 
"History tells us that on this far-famed 
 field was fought the decisive battle of the 
 war between the States; that it was here 
 the tide for Union — of all that we are, and 
 all that we hope to be — turned to Old Glory; 
 that it was here the triumph of the Stars and 
 Stripes over the Stars and Bars saved from 
 dissolution the greatest Republic the sun of 
 noon has ever seen; and that the valor, and 
 the heroism, and the devotion, and the chiv- 
 alry, here displayed, by the men in blue and 
 the men in gray, will live throughout the 
 years of time — the heritage of all — in the 
 song and story of America." 
 
 IT LOOKS LIKE SULZER. 
 
 (Reprinted from the Index, June 3, 1916.) 
 Thus far ex-Governor William Sulzer of 
 New York is leading the field for the nom- 
 ination, of the Reform Forces, for President. 
 However, there are several weeks between 
 now and the convention, and who knows 
 what might happen between now and then. 
 The field is open; the nominee when finally 
 decided upon will be the nominee of all true 
 Patriots. We are for Sulzer. 
 
 30 
 
"WHAT AMERICA STANDS FOR." 
 
 An Extract from an Address of Governor 
 
 Sulzer, Delivered in the Y. M. C. A. 
 
 Hall, Chicago, 111., June 9, 1914. 
 
 "America stands for hope and humanity; 
 for freedom and friendship; for liberty and 
 justice; and for the open door of oppor- 
 tunity — the beacon light of human inspira- 
 tion 
 
 "The American Party is the Party of 
 America — and stands for these things — and 
 for the flag of our country; for the Con- 
 stitution; for free speech; for our free Pub- 
 lic Schools; for our Free Institutions; for 
 an undivided allegiance to our Government; 
 and for the fundamentals of the Fathers of 
 the Republic. 
 
 "We respect everyone's religious beliefs. 
 We demand that everyone shall have the 
 right to worship God according to the dic- 
 tates of his, or her. conscience. We_do not 
 antagonize anyone's religion; but religion is 
 one thing and politics is another. Grasping 
 for the salvation of souls is all right, but 
 grasping for power to shape the politics and 
 the destinies of a nation, is something quite 
 different. 
 
 "And so we rejoice in the fact that there 
 is with us no union of Church and State, and 
 there must be none. We, therefore^ have no 
 good ground for criticising a religious loy- 
 alty that exercises itself toward^ a foreign 
 point of religious authority; but if that for- 
 eign point of religious authority becomes 
 also a point of secular authority, so that 
 
 31 
 
sworn allegiance to the United States is held 
 subordinate to a supreme allegiance to a 
 foreign potentate, religious but also political, 
 and with world-wide political ambitions, 
 then the situation becomes definite treason 
 on the part of everyone swearing such al- 
 legiance, and should be stigmatized as 
 treason and treated as treason. This is Free 
 America; and there must be no divided 
 allegiance to our flag; no divided allegi- 
 ance to our constitution; and no divided 
 allegiance to the Free Institutions of the 
 Fathers of the Republic." 
 
 SULZER THE GREATEST VOTE 
 GETTER. 
 
 (Reprinted from Editorial in the Sentinel, 
 April 5, 1916.) 
 William Sulzer is a leader who leads. Wil- 
 liam Sulzer is a worker who works. Wil- 
 liam Sulzer is a campaigner who campaigns. 
 William Sulzer has no superior as an orator 
 in the country. He is the greatest vote- 
 getter in America. He is an ideal standard 
 bearer for the reform forces of America. 
 Hurrah for "Sulzer and Success." 
 32 
 
LET US HAVE A RADICAL PARTY. 
 
 (Editorial from Light, the organ of Free- 
 masonry in the United States, June 17, 
 1916.) 
 
 The Democratic Party is Conservative. 
 The Republican Party is Reactionary. There 
 is little difference — save in name — today be- 
 tween these two old parties. Their plat- 
 forms are identical. They both stand for 
 class and privilege. They are both con- 
 trolled by the bosses, the beneficiaries of 
 special privilege, and the corroding influ- 
 ences of Invisible Government. Through 
 their subsidized press, and antiquated agen- 
 cies, there is no hope for the reforms de- 
 manded by the people. 
 
 The time is opportune, and the people 
 are ready, for a militant, radical, Progressive, 
 Patriotic, truly American Party. Such a 
 party with a candidate having the elements 
 of strength, ability, and popularity of Gov- 
 ernor Sulzer can poll in this election forty 
 per cent, of the votes of the country — and 
 that is enough to elect. 
 
 We favor Mr. Sulzer because he stands 
 right, and rings true, for God. Home and 
 Country; for honest government; for civic 
 righteousness; for all true reforms; for 
 Peace, Progress, Prosperity, Patriotism, 
 and last, but not least, for Prohibition. 
 
 We favor Mr. Sulzer because he is honest; 
 because he never fluked; because he cannot 
 be bossed; because he has great moral cour- 
 age; because he has been tested by fire; be- 
 cause he fought the greatest battle for good 
 government in the history of America; be- 
 cause in the crisis of his political career he 
 flung ambition on the political scrap heap; 
 spurned bribes, and fought to the end every 
 • brazen enemy of the State; because he said 
 he would rather be right than be Governor. 
 
 33 
 
COL. HENRY WATTERSON, IN A 
 LEADING EDITORIAL IN THE 
 LOUISVILLE COURIER -JOURNAL, 
 NOV. 9, 1913, SAYS GOVERNOR SUL- 
 ZER WAS REMOVED BECAUSE HE 
 WAS LOYAL TO THE PUBLIC. 
 That 'the people of New York are inca- 
 pable of self-government has long been the 
 belief of observant and thoughtful on- 
 lookers. 
 
 Alack, the day! New York has no dignity 
 to preserve. Its dignity was thrown to the 
 dogs years agone. Not one of the rogues 
 who voted Governor Sulzer out of office 
 cares a hill o' beans about the honor of the 
 State. The court which tried him was a 
 mock court with a majority foresworn. Jus- 
 tice, patriotism, and truth fled to brutish 
 beasts, leaving graft and grafters to fight 
 over the loot and to aid one another in 
 corrupt succession — the people looking on 
 impotent and dazed. 
 
 The opportunities for stealing are so ever- 
 present and easy — the rewards of theft so 
 enormous — the likelihood of punishment is 
 so slight! We read of the Walpole regime 
 in England with a kind of wonder. It was 
 not a flea bits by comparison with the sys- 
 tem of pillage which holds New York in a 
 grip from which there seems no escape. 
 Go where one may he encounters its agents 
 and stumbles over its engineries. Scratch 
 a politician, whatever label he wears, and 
 you find a scamp. Things are every whit 
 as bad as they were under Tweed. They 
 were amateurs in those days. A part of 
 their plan was to enjoy life. Wine, women 
 and song had seats at their tables. Now 
 they are professionals. Addition, division, 
 and silence are ranged about the board 
 where Fisk said "the woodbine twineth." 
 No nonsense; just the firm hand, the cold 
 stare, and, where need be the legend, "dead 
 men tell no tales." 
 
 34 
 
Brave William Sulzer! What siren voice 
 of honest government could have lured him 
 to battle on the off side of a stream having 
 no bridges, his line of retreat leading 
 through the enemy's country right into the 
 deadly ambuscades and yawning rifle pits 
 of Tammany — Invisible Government — and 
 Wall Street? The case against him was a 
 "frame-up." Did he not know that Tam- 
 many was pollution, and Wall Street a 
 house of prostitution? His efforts for hon- 
 est government will plead for him. But just 
 as they white-washed Stillwell, so they re- 
 moved him — because he was loyal to the 
 Public. 
 
 GOVERNOR SULZER BLOCKS TAM- 
 MANY GRAFT. 
 
 (From Editorial in New York World July 
 23, 1913.) 
 
 Sulzer's real offense is blocking Tam- 
 many's access to millions of State money. 
 That is the beginning and end of the ven- 
 detta that Murphy is waging against the. 
 Governor. The Boss is fighting for his 
 graft, the Legislature is subservient to the 
 Boss and the business of the State is at a 
 standstill. 
 
 It is possible that the Government of the 
 State of New York touched lower depths 
 of degradation under Tweed than under 
 Murphy, although we doubt it. In Tweed's 
 day there was a strong and virile public 
 opinion that uncompromisingly resisted cor- 
 ruption at every step until the corruption- 
 ists were driven out. In Murphy's day the 
 struggle seems to be regarded with cynical 
 indifference as a contest between the Boss, 
 and the Governor. 
 
 Poor old New York! Is it really fit for 
 self-government, or is it fit only for gov- 
 ernment by contracts? Is Murphy right 
 after all in the sordid view that he takes 
 of the political morals of the people of this 
 State? 35 
 
MR. SULZER IS THE FRIEND OF MAN. 
 
 His Platform Is Peace, Progress, Patriot- 
 ism, Prosperity, and Prohibition — 
 He Stands for God, Home 
 and Country. 
 
 War or Peace — Which? 
 
 (Reprinted from the Commoner June 10, 
 1916.) 
 In response to a request, from a news- 
 paper in Minnesota, William Sulzer gave his 
 views on peace in which he said: 
 ' "I am for Peace — not War. The spirit 
 of the age cries for Peace and means Broth- 
 erhood — not War and Hate. I am for the 
 establishment of an International Court, 
 having jurisdiction of every international 
 auestion, with power to enforce its decisions, 
 just the same as our United States Supreme 
 Court has jurisdiction of every interstate 
 question with power to enforce its de- 
 cisions. The harmony of the times demands 
 it, and the voice of humanity must be 
 heard in this war-mad world. We must 
 prepare for Peace — not War — the Peace of 
 International Brotherhood — the Peace of 
 World Civilization — and not the war of 
 decimation and devastation. War is a relic 
 of barbarism, and belongs to the Stone Age. 
 War is wholesale murder, and more inde- 
 fensible than retail murder. The time is 
 near when no King or Kaiser; no President 
 or Potentate can make one man cut the 
 throat of another man — and call it War. 
 The theory that might makes right is an 
 exploded fallacy. It belongs on the same 
 political scrap heap as the divine right of 
 Kings. The doctrine of physical force is 
 becoming more and more a diminishing fac- 
 tor in the progress of human affairs and 
 
 36 
 
the onward march of Civilization. No po- 
 litical party can carry this country on a 
 war platform if some other political party 
 has the courage to declare for the Brother- 
 hood of Man on a Peace Platform." 
 
 WHAT GENERAL HUGGINS SAYS. 
 With Sulzer We Can Win. 
 The Year of Opportunity. 
 
 ^Reprinted from California Voice, June 22, 
 1916.) 
 
 We were honored this week by a visit 
 from General Robert Huggins of Detroit, 
 Mich., with whom for two hours we dis- 
 cussed the political outlook as it appears 
 today, viewed from different angles. Gen- 
 eral Huggins is a party Prohibitionist, an 
 intense Patriot, a gentleman of very 
 wide observation, and it is his belief that 
 if the Reform Forces can be united this 
 year, on a good man like Governor Sulzer, 
 our Cause will win. 
 
 General Huggins is strongly in favor of 
 ex-Governor Sulzer as our leader. He says 
 that his long acquaintance with the Gover- 
 nor has convinced him that he is not only 
 one of the ablest men he ever knew, but 
 f hat he is a man of unquestioned integrity, 
 a Prohibitionist, and a Patriot to the core. 
 He believes that Mr. Sulzer can poll from 
 two to four million votes, and thus place our 
 party alongside the other great political 
 parties. 
 
 "Governor Sulzer is the only man in our 
 country who can unite the Labor, the 
 Patriotic, the Peace, the Progressive, the 
 Prohibition and the Reform Forces," said 
 the General, "and lead us to victory. We 
 should nominate him by all means." 
 
 37 
 
A TRIBUTE TO THE SOLDIERS AND 
 SAILORS OF THE UNION. 
 
 Governor Sulzer's Speech at the Unveiling 
 
 of the Maine Monument, Memorial 
 
 Day, 1913. 
 
 "This magnificent monument, reared to 
 the memory of the Maine's heroic dead, will 
 be an inspiration and a shrine to generations 
 yet unborn, because it typifies a great idea; 
 because it stands for a great theme — the 
 love of country. 
 
 "All honor to the gallant men of the 
 Maine — the brave defenders of our country 
 — their fame is secure. They sleep the sleep 
 that knows no awakening, in the silent 
 mausoleum of Arlington — our country's 
 cemetery for its immortal dead — 
 
 "On fame's eternal camping ground, 
 Their silent tents are spread; 
 
 And glory guards with solemn round, 
 The bivouac of the dead." 
 
 "YVe erect this beautiful Maine Monument 
 not only as a memorial to the dead, but 
 also as a beacon to the living. It will ever 
 be a stimulating influence to the living as 
 well as a testimonial to the dead. From the 
 heroism of their sacrifice let every American 
 take renewed hope — for the perpetuity of our 
 free institutions, and greater determination 
 to stand by American freedom — for which 
 they yielded up the last full measure of their 
 devotion. 
 
 "And now, in the presence of this vast as- 
 semblage — in the shadow of this monument 
 — I would be remiss if I did not say, all 
 honor to the men whose beneficence and 
 whose patriotism have made this monument 
 possible. 
 
 "On this Memorial day — the day of all 
 
 the year for these ceremonies — I say — all 
 
 glory to the brave soldiers and sailors of 
 
 our countrv. This is their dav — dedicated 
 
 38 
 
to them by a grateful country — sacred to 
 the soldiers and sailors, living and dead, who 
 saved the Union. 
 
 "There is no honor in the republic too 
 great for the men who defend the republic. 
 There is no reward in the Union too great 
 for the men who saved the Union. There 
 is no gift in the government too great for 
 the widows and the orphans of the men 
 who died for the government. Our country 
 should be grateful to her brave defenders. 
 We should remember that gratitude is the 
 fairest flower that sheds its perfume in the 
 
 human heart." 
 
 GOVERNOR SULZER THE MAN! 
 
 (From Editorial in Illinois Banner, June 26, 
 
 1916.) 
 
 We have not wavered in our advocacy of 
 the candidacy of ex-Governor Sulzer, of 
 New York, for President of the United 
 States on the Prohibition party ticket. We 
 are for Sulzer — first, last, and all the time — 
 because he can win. 
 
 Mr. Sulzer's successful career as member 
 of the legislature of New York for six years, 
 and his eighteen years in the Congress of the 
 United States, and as Governor has, with his 
 great experience and fine natural ability, 
 prepared him for the duties devolving upon 
 a President. He is known all over the coun- 
 trv and honored by every honest man, and 
 every sincere patriot. He can poll a larger 
 vote than any man in the country, and if he 
 is nominated he will make a campaign that 
 will shake the sandy foundations of the old 
 political parties. 
 
 Nearly all of the Prohibition party news- 
 papers are for him, because they want 
 the Prohibition cause to win, and they be- 
 lieve Mr. Sulzer is the man this year to lead 
 the party on to victory. 
 
 Why not make it Sulzer and Hanly? This 
 combination will sweep the nation. Hur- 
 rah for Sulzer and Hanly! 
 39 
 
GOVERNOR SULZER IS A PLATFORM 
 HIMSELF. 
 
 (Reprinted from N. Y. Observer, June 19, 
 1916.) 
 
 Editor Observer: 
 
 Wm. Sulzer was the greatest reform 
 Governor in the history of New York. His 
 record is the best platform a political party 
 can possess. He is the greatest campaigner, 
 and the best vote getter in America — and he 
 is an honest man. As Governor of New 
 York he fought the Powers that prey. He 
 was loyal to the public. From every point 
 of view he is most eminently fitted to head 
 the "United Reform" ticket for President of 
 the United States. His record as an As- 
 semblyman, as a leader, as a Congressman, 
 as a Governor, as a statesman, as a Patriot, 
 as a Progressive, as a Prohibitionist, as an 
 intrepid reformer, as an orator, as a cam- 
 paigner, as a vote-getter, as a fulfiller of 
 Promises, proves that he possesses every 
 requirement for this highest office, and en- 
 titles him to the nomination for President 
 by the "Reform Forces" of America. Wil- 
 liam Sulzer, the political martyr of New 
 York State, should be the next President of 
 the United States. I shall personally do all 
 I can to bring about his nomination and his 
 election. 
 
 REV. CHAS. W. DANE, D.D.. 
 Pastor First Presbyterian Church, Hornell, 
 
 New York. 
 
 40 
 
GOVERNOR SULZER ON PROHIBI- 
 TION. 
 
 From Speech Before Prohibition Conven- 
 tion, at Pittsburgh, Pa., February 22, 
 1916. 
 
 (Reprinted from Pittsburgh Post, February 
 23, 1916.) 
 
 "When they ask you why I am for pro- 
 hibition, you tell them because I have the 
 courage of my convictions; because I am 
 against intemperance; because I do not 
 straddle a fundamental principle; because I 
 will not be a hypocrite; because I love my 
 fellow man; because I believe the time has 
 come for the Government to get out of the 
 liquor business; because I want no man to 
 enslave himself, to shackle his friends, to 
 widow his wife, and to bring sorrow to the 
 homes of his fellow man; because I want no 
 friend of mine to make his children dotards, 
 and the children of his associates tear- 
 stained orphans; because I am opposed to 
 any man picking his own pocket and doub- 
 ling his taxes; because I know from experi- 
 ence that a dollar saved is a dollar made; 
 and, finally, because I want to do my share, 
 in my day and generation, to lessen the woes 
 and the wants of humanity; to end the 
 crimes and the criminals of society; and to 
 decrease the poorhouses and the penitentia- 
 ries of the country. 
 
 "When they ask you why I am for pro- 
 hibition you tell them that if the people were 
 to save the money the indulgence in strong 
 drink costs annually, and the same were 
 utilized for public purposes, it would develop 
 our great water powers and give us light, 
 heat, and power free of cost; that it would 
 build the best dirt roads since the days of 
 the Caesars; that it would erect the most 
 
 41 
 
beautiful public buildings the eye of man has 
 ever witnessed — all poems in stone — chal- 
 lenging the admiration of every lover of the 
 beautiful; that it would dig the deepest and 
 the widest canals ever constructed on earth; 
 that it would rear to heaven the most mag- 
 nificent schoolhouses for the children of 
 women ever modeled by the genius of man; 
 and that beyond all, and above all, it would 
 make our people sober and industrious and 
 efficient, and capable of producing in every 
 avenue of trade, every channel of commerce, 
 and every line of human endeavor more than 
 20 per cent, of what they now produce, and 
 hence to that extent increase the earning 
 and the saving capacity of our workers. 
 
 "When they ask you why I am for prohi- 
 bition you tell them that I am for prohibi- 
 tion because I want our men and women to 
 come out of the swales of drunkenness up 
 to the heights of soberness and get the 
 perspective of the promised land; because I 
 know from facts that those who earn their 
 wage in the sweat of their face and spend it 
 for strong drink are fooling themselves and 
 robbing their families; because I know from 
 statistics, medical and physiological, that the 
 use of alcoholic drinks is death to brain 
 and brawn, and fetters to hope and ambition; 
 because I know from an economic stand- 
 point, to say nothing about its moral and its 
 physical aspects, that the prohibition of the 
 manufacture and the sale of alcoholic 
 liquors, for beverage purposes, will be one 
 of the greatest boons that ever blessed 
 humanity — a tremendous factor for good to 
 every man, woman, and child on earth — 
 a harbinger to all mankind in the struggle 
 for success; and one of the most potent 
 agencies in the world to increase the ma- 
 terial wealth of America in the onward and 
 upward march of civilization. 
 
 42 
 
"When they ask you why I am for pro- 
 hibition you tell them because I want to 
 make the hearthside happy; because I want 
 to make mankind free; because I want to 
 make the State sober; and because I know 
 the home can not be happy while the people 
 are rioting in alcoholic drunkenness. 
 
 "Tell them that I say no State, and no 
 country, can long endure half wet and half 
 dry, half drunk and half sober, and that all 
 friends of good government should be with 
 us in the fight to make the State sober, and 
 to banish forever the saloons from our 
 country. 
 
 "Tell them that we boast that we are the 
 greatest and richest country in the world; 
 that we have a population of more than 
 100,000,000 people; that its estimated wealth 
 is more than $200,000,000,000; that its annual 
 revenue from the liquor traffic is about 
 $200,000,000; that the people spend every 
 year for alcoholic liquors more than $2,000,- 
 000,000 — just about ten times as much as the 
 Government derives from the revenue, a sum 
 of money that staggers the finite mind; that 
 most of the money comes from the poor, 
 and if it were deposited in savings banks to 
 the credit of the toilers we would have a 
 Government without a pauper, and the rich- 
 est oeople per capita since the dawn of time 
 in any land or in any clime. 
 
 "Tell them that you know, and I know, 
 that for every dollar the Government gets 
 from its association with the liquor business 
 it costs the taxpayers at least $20 to support 
 courts and juries, hospitals and asylums, 
 paupers and prisoners^, poorhouses and peni- 
 tentiaries. Tell them that the use of alco- 
 holic stimulants is blighting the hope of our 
 womanhood, debauching the flower of our 
 manhood — morally, mentally, and physically 
 
 43 
 
— and devastating, degenerating, and deci- 
 mating the human race. 
 
 "Tell them that if I were asked to sum 
 up in a single word the cause on earth of 
 more than seven-tenths of all the woes and 
 all the wants; of all the fears and all the 
 tears; of all the trials and all the troubles; 
 of all the ghouls and all the ghosts; of all 
 the crimes and all the criminals; of all the 
 groans of helpless men, and all the griefs 
 of weeping women, and all the heart pangs 
 of sad-faced children, I should sum it all up 
 in that short word— R-U-M— RUM— which 
 menaces the progress of the race, and 
 challenges the. advance of civilization." 
 
 MR. SULZER'S GOOD WORK. 
 
 "This is a different Assembly from that 
 of last year. A new Speaker presides. The 
 old faces are not here. The faces that 
 laughed at the taxpayers; that defied pub- 
 lic sentiment; that carried out the 'orders' 
 of the unseen government; that impeached 
 the Governor because the Governor re- 
 fused to do wrong; where are they? They 
 are gone hence; their outraged constituents 
 kept them ho;me." — From speech of Gov- 
 ernor Sulzer in Assembly, January 5, 1914. 
 
 44 
 
WM. SULZER WAS AN HONEST 
 GOVERNOR. 
 
 (Reprinted from Speech of Gov. Sulzer — 
 published in the Knickerbocker-Press, 
 Albany, N. Y., Oct. 21, 1913. This speech 
 was delivered from the balcony of "The 
 People's House" - to more than 10,000 
 citizens who called to express their ap- 
 proval of the Governor's administration.) 
 
 "As the Governor I have been honest in 
 all things, and faithful to my trust. No in- 
 fluence could control me in the perform- 
 ance of my duty but the dictates of my 
 conscience. I have lost my office, but I 
 have kept my self-respect. I would rather 
 lose the Governorship than lose my soul; 
 I would rather be right than be Governor; 
 and no Governor can serve God and Mam- 
 mon; the State and the Special Interests; 
 the PEOPLE and the Boss; the visible and 
 the invisible government. 
 
 "Let us indulge the hope that my loss 
 of the Governorship will be the people's gain. 
 Misfortunes are often blessings in disguise. 
 If my removal from office by an ignorant, 
 and an arrogant, and a corrupt, and a des- 
 perate 'Boss' shall be the humble means of 
 forever destroying 'Bossism' in the State of 
 New York, I shall be content, and feel 
 that I have not struggled in vain for bet- 
 ter things." 
 
 45 
 
PLATFORM OF THE AMERICAN 
 PARTY ADOPTED IN 1915. 
 
 The American Party believes in the 
 Fatherhood of God; the Brotherhood of 
 Man; the Sanctity of the Home; the Per- 
 petuation of the Free Institutions of Amer- 
 ica; and demands the following essential 
 reforms to further the progress of civili- 
 zation: 
 
 1. An honest, and an efficient, and an eco- 
 nomical administration of public affairs; free 
 from graft; and free from bossism — with 
 equal rights to all and special privileges to 
 none. 
 
 2. The prohibition of the manufacture, and 
 the sale, and the importation, and the trans- 
 portation of alcoholic liquors for beverage 
 purposes — with an administration committed 
 to its consummation. 
 
 3. The protection of those who toil; the 
 promotion of social justice; the betterment 
 of the home; harmony between capital and 
 labor by a more equitable distribution of 
 the fruits of labor; an eight-hour work day; 
 one day's rest in seven; a Civil Service based 
 entirely on the merit system; the conserva- 
 tion of our natural resources; the initiative, 
 the referendum, and the recall; and the gov- 
 ernment ownership, and operation, of pub- 
 lic utilities in the interest of the common 
 weal. 
 
 4. Peace and comity with all nations — 
 entangling alliances with none — and the es- 
 tablishment of an International Court of Ar- 
 bitration with ample powers to insure the 
 peace of the world. 
 
 5. Equal suffrage to women; equality^ of 
 all before the law; river and harbor im- 
 provements; good roads; the reclamation of 
 desert lands; a more scientific system of tax- 
 
 46 
 
ation; and the protection of American citi- 
 zens at home and abroad. 
 
 6. A single Presidential term; preferential 
 direct primaries for the nomination of Presi- 
 dent, Vice-President, and Senators and Rep- 
 resentatives in Congress — together with 
 their election directly by the voters; the 
 election of Federal Judges for stated terms; 
 and the assembling of Congress on the first 
 Monday in January succeeding the election 
 of the members thereof. 
 
 7. Human rights before property rights; 
 the man above the dollar; simplicity and 
 expediency in civil and criminal law proce- 
 dure to secure the square deal; a uniform 
 marriage and divorce law; the extermina- 
 tion of private monopoly; and the preven- 
 tion of the mortmain of idle wealth. 
 
 8. The abolition of child labor in shops 
 and factories; court review of departmental 
 decisions; a cheaper and more efficient par- 
 cels' post; the extension of postal savings 
 banks; and the establishment of land banks 
 and rural credits to promote our agricul- 
 tural resources. 
 
 9. The perpetuity of our free institutions; 
 civil and religious liberty: freedom of wor- 
 ship; complete separation of Church and 
 State; no public funds for sectarian pur- 
 poses; free speech; free press; free public 
 schools; and a land of free men and free 
 women — free from fear; free from super- 
 stition; and free from the fetters of the 
 dead and buried past — politically, medically, 
 economically, and industrially. 
 
 47 
 
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 . The book that tells the truth about the 
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 the Full Crew Law; for Direct Nomina- 
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 Governor Sulzer was removed. 
 
 It tells graphically the story of the 
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 the Governor. 
 
 The book tells about the heroic fight of 
 Governor Sulzer — the man who smashed 
 the "Tammany Machine," and exposed the 
 biggest bunch of grafters since the time of 
 "Boss" Tweed. 
 
 You can get this great book, handsomely 
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 Send one dollar as a contribution to the 
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 great book. You will treasure it highly and 
 get the facts from a Book. Worth While. 
 
 48 
 
THE DEPARTMENT OF LABOR— CAPITAL 
 AND LABOR MUST BE FRIENDS 
 
 SPEECH 
 
 OF 
 
 OF NEW YORK 
 
 HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES 
 
 JULY 10, 1912 
 
 51926 11210 
 
 WASHINGTON 
 L912 
 
SPEECH 
 
 OF 
 
 HON. WILLIAM SULZEK. 
 
 The House being in Committee of the Whole House on the state cf the 
 Union for the purpose of considering the bill (H. R. 22913) to create a 
 department of labor — 
 
 Mr. SULZER said: 
 
 Mr. Chairman : This bill introduced by me provides for the 
 creation of a department of labor, with a secretary of labor, 
 who shall be a member of the President's Cabinet ; three assist- 
 ant secretaries; a solicitor of the Department of Justice for 
 the department of labor ; a chief clerk ; a disbursing clerk ; 
 and such other clerks, inspectors, and special agents as may be 
 provided for by Congress. It transfers the Commissioner Gen- 
 eral of Immigration, the commissioners of immigration, the, 
 Bureau of Immigration, the Immigration Service at large, the 
 Bureau of Labor, and the Commissioner of Labor from the 
 Department of Commerce to the new department of labor. It 
 changes the title of the Bureau of Labor to the bureau of labor 
 statistics and the Commissioner of Labor to the commissioner 
 of labor statistics, and transfers the duties of the Commissioner 
 of Labor to the commissioner of labor statistics, including those 
 imposed by the Erdman Act. 
 
 It further authorizes the collection and publication of statis- 
 tics relative to the condition of labor and the products and dis- 
 tribution of the products of the same, and directs the secretary 
 of labor to call upon other departments of the Government for 
 such statistical data as they may have which would be valuable 
 for that purpose. It authorizes the secretary of labor to act 
 as mediator and to appoint commissioners of conciliation in 
 labor disputes, thereby lending the influence of the Government 
 toward commercial concord and industrial peace. It directs 
 the secretary of labor to investigate and report to Congress a 
 plan of coordination of the activities of his office with the 
 activities of the present bureaus, commissioners, and depart- 
 ments in order to harmonize and unify such activities, with a 
 view to additional legislation to further define the duties and 
 powers of the department of labor. 
 
 It is a matter of much congratulation to all concerned that 
 this hill is now before the House of Representatives tor its 
 r,i;»2G— 11210 3 
 
consideration. For a long time I have been advocating this 
 measure, it bas been pending In Congress for the i lasl LO veins. 
 but aever before were the advocates oi the hill able to gel ;i 
 favorable report from the committee. 
 
 However, the Democrats in this Congress have done their 
 duty to the people, and this bill now comes before the House 
 with a favorable report from the Committee on Labor. 
 
 The measure, in my opinion, rises above party lines and 
 superior to partisan considerations to the high plane of pure 
 patriotism. Tins bill is constructive legislation essentially de- 
 manded by the eountry. Labor is entitled to justice, to con- 
 sideration, and to recognition. It his recognition in the legis- 
 lative and the judi.-ial branches of the Government, and if. is 
 entitled, in my opinion, to recognition in the executive branch 
 of the Government I know of no measure before Congress 
 to-day that will he more beneficial to the people and more far- 
 reaching in its practical results, as the years come and go, than 
 this bill of mine t<> create a department of labor. 
 
 This bill to create a department of labor is a meritorious 
 measure, and it should meet with the favorable consideration 
 of the membership of this House regardless of party affiliations 
 or partisan considerations. It is the first attempt ever made to 
 systematically classify labor in an intelligent way, and its en- 
 actment into law will evidence a disposition on the part of the 
 Government to see to it that labor gets full recognition, the 
 dignity of having a voice in the councils of state, and the op- 
 portunity to have its claims dispassionately discussed. (Jive 
 labor this boon and the labor question will be reduced to the 
 minimum. 
 
 The expense of the maintenance of the department of labor 
 will he practically hut little more than that of the maintenance 
 of the various bureaus at the present time. These bureaus will 
 all he in the department of labor. I do not think anyone will 
 take exception to the bill on the ground that it is going to ba- 
 the expenses of the Government. A little additional 
 expense in a matter of BO much public moment as this will be 
 of small consequence to the taxpayers of this country. 
 
 1 believe that if this bill were (.n the statute hooks today il 
 would he a long step toward belter social, economic, and com- 
 mercial conditions: a progressive advance along the avenues of 
 rial peace; thai it will go far to allay jealousy, estab- 
 lish harmony, promote tin' general welfare, make the employer 
 and the employee better friends; prevent strikes, lockouts, 
 blacklists, boycotts, and business paralysis; and every year save 
 millions and millions of dollars of losses which necessarily result 
 then from. 
 
 51926 11210 
 
If you will look at the statistics yon will be startled to realize 
 the tremendous loss to the people of the country entailed by 
 every strike, be the same big or little. Capital as well as labor 
 favors this new department. During the entire time that the 
 bill has been pending before Congress, a period of 10 years, I 
 have never known of a single agency that opposed this bill or 
 sent an objection to Congress against its enactment. 
 
 I speak advisedly when I say that capital as well as labor 
 favors this bill, because they both realize that it will go far to 
 solve what is called " the labor problem " and bring about in- 
 dustrial peace; and any agency that will do that is a boon that 
 should be welcomed by every intelligent citizen and every 
 patriotic legislator. 
 
 For years this legislation has been advocated by the wage 
 earners of the country. The bill meets with their approbation, 
 and has the approval of the best thought in the land. It has 
 been indorsed by the ablest thinkers in America ; by some of 
 the wisest political economists; by professors in our universi- 
 ties; and by the leading newspapers of the country. The time 
 is therefore ripe, it seems to me, for the creation of this de- 
 partment of labor, with a secretary having a seat in the Cabinet, 
 with all the rights and all the powers conferred by this bill. 
 
 Many of you remember that when the measure was before 
 Congress to create the Department of Commerce, this bill, sub- 
 stantially as it is before the House now, was offered as a substi- 
 tute, and was only lost by a very few votes, as the records of 
 that day will show. There was a demand at that time for the 
 creation of a department of labor in preference to the creation 
 of a department of commerce. That demand has grown more 
 insistent every year since. Looking back over the intervening 
 time, I stand here and say that, in my judgment, the creation 
 of the Department of Commerce was wise legislation, but we 
 would have been wiser in that day if we had also created, as 
 a companion department to tbe Department of Commerce, this 
 department of labor. 
 
 The department of labor was not then created. I am not 
 here to find fault with what was then done, but from that day 
 to this I have been voicing through this bill the demand of the 
 industrial workers of America to give them the same recogni- 
 tion in the executive branch of the Government that we then 
 gave to commerce. They are entitled to it. they ought to have 
 ih and no man who realizes that all that we are, and all that 
 we hope to be, is the result of the creative force of labor, in 
 my judgment will object to the enactment of this bill now; and 
 I indulge the hope, and I speak for 20,000,000 honest toilers 
 51926 11210 
 
in America, when I say thai this !>iii will be a law before tins 
 session of Congress adjourns. 
 
 I am nol in sympathy with those who say it may put a little 
 patronage in the hands of the President. I can' nothing about 
 
 that now. nor have I for the past 10 years. That phase of the 
 question dwindles into insignificance when we consider the 
 beneficent results of putting upon the statute hooks of our 
 country a greal constructive act which will do substantial 
 
 justice to the people who create all the wealth and go far to 
 inaugurate a long reign of industrial peace. 
 
 It seems to me the time is now propitious for the creation of 
 this department of labor. It will bring labor and capita! closer 
 together, and one is dependent on the other. They should be 
 friends, not enemies, and walk hand in hand along the paths of 
 mutual prosperity. 
 
 If this hill becomes a law. it will go far to prevent serious 
 labor troubles in the future. It will do much to solve existing 
 labor problems, and every friend of industrial peace should aid 
 in its enactment. The employers of labor, as well as the em- 
 ployees themselves, whether they belong to trade-unions or 
 not, are all. so far as 1 have been able to ascertain — and 1 am 
 well advised — in accord with the principles of this progressive 
 legislation and heartily approve of this constructive bill. 
 
 I am a friend of the toilers, and I shall continue to fignl for 
 their just rights and for the enactment of this bill until it 
 becomes a law. It is jusl and right, and sooner or later it must 
 be the law of this country. 
 
 I am not provincial. I stand for the rights of man. I believe 
 in justice to all. I am opposed to special privilege. If I am 
 anything. I am an individualist, and 1 believe in keeping open 
 the door <>f opportunity for every Individual in all this broad 
 land. That is my democracy, and it is true democracy; and I 
 use the word •'democracy" not in its political but in its generic 
 sense. Let us be just to all is a fundamental principle of 
 genuine democracy. 
 
 There is nothing narrow minded about me. f am no dema- 
 gogue. I believe in lair play to all. I am opposed to anything 
 that will estrange employer anil employee, or cause a breach 
 between capital and labor, and 1 am a friend of both. I want 
 to give all an equal Chance. I want to do all I can while I live 
 to make the world better and happier and more prosperous. 
 
 1 believe in the dignity of the toiler, the grealness'of labor, and 
 I wani to do everything I can in Congress and out of Congress 
 to protect its inherent rights and promote its general welfare 
 for the lasting benefit of all the people. I want labor to have 
 as much standing as capital in the Balls of Congress and at 
 51926—11210 
 
tlic seat of government. We have a department to represent 
 finance; we have a department to represent war; we have 
 a department to represent diplomacy; we have a department 
 to represent our internal affairs ; we have a department to 
 represent commerce; we have a department to represent jus- 
 tice — all supported by the wage earners — and in the name of 
 common sense why should we not have a department to rep- 
 resent industrial peace as exemplified by labor, the most impor- 
 tant in its last analysis of them all? 
 
 The creation of this department of labor will be a long step 
 in the right direction in the commendable movement for indus- 
 trial peace; and through its agency, in my judgment, the per- 
 plexing problems of labor and capital can be quickly solved in 
 a way that will do substantial justice to all concerned. 
 
 In my opinion, all labor wants is a fair show, an equal 
 chance, and a square deal — in Congress and out of Congress. 
 Labor is indefatigable and unselfish, sympathetic and consist- 
 ent. It does not ask for more than its just rights. We hear 
 much about equality before the law. That is all labor wants. 
 It seeks no special privileges and wants none. 
 
 Labor makes no war on vested rights. It does not rail at 
 honestly acquired wealth. It is not antagonistic to legitimate 
 capital. It would close no door to opportunity. It would 
 darken no star of hope. It would not palsy initiation. It would 
 strike no blow to paralyze ambition. Its motto is onward with 
 hope; forward without fear. It stands for the rights of man; 
 for the greatness of the individual; for equality before the law; 
 for concord and peace; for equal rights to all and special 
 privileges to none. Capital and labor must be friends, not 
 enemies. They should act in harmony, not antipathy. Their 
 interests should be mutual, not antagonistic. In our complex 
 civilization each is essential to the other, and they should walk 
 hand in hand. To prosper they must be at peace, not at war. 
 Each is necessary to the other. Both have their rights and 
 both have their limitations. The inherent rights of labor, to 
 say the least, are as sacred as the vested rights of capital. 
 
 Labor makes capital, creates all wealth, and should have 
 equal opportunities and as much consideration, but the trouble 
 seems to be that labor does not receive a fair share of what it 
 produces, it is the duly of the just and sagacious legislator, 
 in the interest Of our civilization, to see to it that there is less 
 centralization of wealth and a more equitable distribution of the 
 fruits of toil. 
 
 Labor should be represented in every branch of the Govern- 
 ment. Labor is noi of to-day, or of yesterday, or of to-morrow. 
 ]| is eternal. Dynasties come and go, governments rise and fall, 
 51926— 11*210 
 
8 
 
 centuries succeed centuries, but !;ii><«r creates and goes on Cor* 
 ever. Labor is the law of life. 
 
 No man, lu my opinion, ran pay too high a tribute to " labor." 
 It is ill.- creative force of the world, the genius of the brawn 
 of man; tin- spiril of all progress, and the milestones marking 
 tin- forward movement of every age. Civilization owes every- 
 thing i" labor — to th" constructive toiler of the world. Labor 
 owes very little to civilization. Mother Earth is labor's best 
 friend. From her forests and her fields, from her rocks and her 
 rivers, the toiler has wrought all and brought forth the wonders 
 of mankind. 
 
 Tear down your temples and labor will rebuild them: close 
 every avenue of trade and labor will reopen them: destroy your 
 towns and labor will replace them greater and grander than they 
 were; but destroy labor, and famine will Stalk the land, and 
 pestilence will decimate the human race. If every laborer in the 
 world should cease work for six months, it would cause the 
 greatest catastrophe that ever befell humanity — a tragedy to 
 the human race impossible to depict and too frightful to 
 contemplate. 
 
 I stand now wheie I always have stood, and where I always 
 will stand — for the rights of the toilers, for justice to the 
 WOrkingmen of our country, whose labor creates all wealth — and 
 I will continue in the future, as I have in the past, to do all in 
 my power to advance their prosperity and to promote their 
 material welfare. 
 
 Capital must recognize the rights of labor. Capital should 
 be just. Labor has as much right to organize as capital. The 
 right of a man to labor is inalienable, and the right of a man 
 to ipiit work is just as undeniable. Neither capital nor labor 
 lias the right to take the law in its own hands. If capital does 
 wrong that is no reason why labor should do wrong. Two 
 wrongs never did and never will make a right, in a govern- 
 ment such as ours, the reign of law will not give way to the 
 reign of force. 
 
 The best advice that the most ardent sympathizer can give 
 labor, organized or otherwise, in its struggle for its just rights, 
 for belter conditions, for greater progress, and for ;) more equi- 
 table distibution of its fruits. Is obex- the law. Labor's only 
 hope is here. The law is the shield of tin- toiler— the sheet 
 anchor of the wage earner. This is a land id' liberty, but it 
 is now. ever was, and always will be. liberty under law. 
 51926 it.' to 
 
 o 
 
The Russian Passport Question. 
 
 SPEECH 
 
 OF 
 
 HON. WILLIAM SULZEE, 
 
 of new york, 
 
 In the House of Eepeesentatives, 
 
 December 13, 1911. 
 
 TREATY BETWEEN RUSSIA AND THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 Mr. SULZBR (when the Committee on Foreign Affairs was 
 called) said : 
 
 Mr. Speaker : I call up House joint resolution 166, providing 
 for the termination of the treaty of 1S32 between the United 
 States and Russia, which I send to the desk and ask to have 
 read. 
 
 The Clerk read as follows: 
 House joint resolution 16G, providing for the termination of the treaty 
 of 1832 between the United States and Russia. 
 
 Resolved, etc., That the people of the United States assert as a funda- 
 mental principle that the rights of its citizens shall not be impaired at 
 home or abroad because of race or religion ; that the Government of the 
 United States concludes its treaties for the equal protection of all 
 classes of its citizens, without regard to race or religion ; that the Gov- 
 ernment of the United States will not be a party to any treaty which 
 discriminates, or which by one of the parties thereto is so construed 
 as to discriminate, between American citizens on the ground of race or 
 religion ; that the Government of Russia has violated the treaty between 
 the United States and Russia, concluded at St. Petersburg December IS, 
 1832, refusing to honor American passports duly issued to American 
 citizens, on account of race and religion : that in the judgment of the 
 Congress the said treaty, for the reasons aforesaid, ought to be ter- 
 minated at the earliest possible time ; that for the aforesaid reasons 
 the said treaty is hereby declared to be terminated and of no further 
 force and effect from the expiration of one year after the date of noti- 
 fication to the Government of Russia of the terms of this resolution, 
 and that to this end the President is hereby charged with the duty of 
 communicating such notice to the Government of Russia. 
 
 Mr. SULZER. Mr. Speaker, the joint resolution just read 
 by the Clerk of the House of Representatives speaks for itself 
 and demands the abrogation of the Russian treaty concluded in 
 St. Petersburg in 1S32, because for nearly half a century Russia 
 has persistently refused to abide by iis terms and recognize 
 passports of American citizens without discrimination. 
 
 Treaties between nations should be free from ambiguity re- 
 garding the rights of their respective citizens to visit and so- 
 journ in the country of each other, and should admit of no 
 discrimination in favor of some citizens and against other citi- 
 zens of either of the hi.nh contracting parties. It is customary 
 among the nations of the world to recognize without discrimi- 
 nation the passports of each, when duly issued and authenti- 
 cated, to their respective citizens who desire to travel in other 
 countries. 
 
 201G4— 10440 
 
Tlif question now before the Congress of the United Slates 
 regarding this "Russian passport question" resolves Itself into 
 this: Has Russia by the treaty of L832 agreed to recognize 
 American passports without discrimination? 
 
 To determine the matter it is accessary to read the provision 
 in the treaty of 1832 between the United States and Russia. 
 Article 1 of that treaty reads as follows: 
 
 There shall ho between ihe territories of the high contracting parties 
 a reciprocal liberty of commerce and navigation. The inhabitants of. 
 their respective State-; shall mutually have liberty to enter the ports, 
 places, and rivers of the territories of each party wherever I 
 commerce Is permitted. They shall he at liberty to sojourn and 
 in all parts whatsoever of said territories, in order to attend to their 
 affairs, and they shall enjoy, to that effect, the same security and pro- 
 tection as natives of the country wherein they reside. 
 
 This provision of tlie treaty seems to be plain and clear, and 
 gives citizens of the United States — 
 
 the right to sojourn and reside in all parts of Russia in order to 
 attend to their affairs, and they shall enjoy the same security and 
 protection as natives of the country wherein they reside. 
 
 A treaty is the supreme law of the land, and Mr. Justice Field, 
 of the United States Supreme Court, laid down the construction 
 of treaties in Geofroy v. Riggs (133 U. S., 271), in which he 
 said: 
 
 It is a general principle of construction with respect to treaties that 
 they shall lie liberally construed, so as to carry out the apparent Intent 
 of the parties to secure equality and reciprocity between them. As they 
 are contracts between independent nations*, in their construction, 
 words are to be taken in their ordinary meaning, as understood in the 
 public law of nations, and not in any artificial or special sense im- 
 pressed upon thorn by local law, unless such restricted sense is clearly 
 intended. And it has been held by this court that where a treaty admits 
 of two constructions, one restrictive of rights that may ho claimed 
 under it and the other favorable to them, the latter is to be preferred. 
 
 The treaty with Russia regarding the rights of our people to 
 travel and sojourn in Russia is clear and explicit. By virtue of 
 its terms I am certain that no discrimination can be made 
 against any American citizen desiring to visit Russia on account 
 of race or religion; mid when Russia makes this discrimination 
 she violates the treaty and perpetrates an act unfriendly to the 
 people of the United States. We can not tolerate this injustice 
 to some of our citizens, this violation of treaty stipulations, this 
 race prejudice, and this religions discrimination. It is foreign 
 to the fundamental principles of our tree institutions .and con- 
 trary to everything for which civilization stands at the dawn 
 of the twentieth century. 
 
 We assert that the Government of the United States has enro- 
 jfully lived \\}> to its treaty obligations with Russia. We have 
 granted to every Russian coming to this country all the rights 
 stipulated in the treaty, Irrespective of race or religion. That 
 is our constt net ion of the treaty of 1 S -'I2 and demonstrates the 
 intention of the United States Government in its conclusion. 
 
 American citizens should have the same rights to visit and 
 sojourn in Russia that Russian citizens have t<« visit and so- 
 journ in the United Slates. If they do not, then the treaty is 
 violated and it ought to be abrogated. 
 
 The refusal or [tu?slo to recognize American passports on 
 account of race and religion is a clear violation, in my judgment, 
 of the treaty, and the remaining question is one of remedy only. 
 
 The ftnsl (Pity of our < ;o\n ninetil is to protect the rights of 
 its citizens at home and abroad. All that is required on the 
 201G4— 10410 
 
part of tlie United States is a firm determination to do its duty 
 to all its citizens, to do it at all times, and to do it in all places. 
 The. seal of the United States on a certificate of citizenship 
 should render it valid and make it acceptable by all countries at 
 its face value throughout the entire world. Our guarantee 
 should be good. 
 
 All argument based on the possible financial injury that may 
 be done to those Americans who have business interests in 
 Russia dwindles into mere nothingness when we consider that 
 human rights and national honor are at stake. It is confi- 
 dently believed that American citizens will not- listen with equa- 
 nimity to any suggestion which places the dollar above the 
 man. Who can be patient when, under existing conditions, we 
 are compelled to record the ignominious fact that during the 
 past summer the proprietor of one of the most influential 
 Jewish newspapers published in New York, who expressed a 
 desire to go to Russia, was refused vise of his passport by the 
 Russian consul at New York, but had no difficulty in procuring 
 such- vise from the Russian consul in London? 
 
 Diplomacy of the highest order has been employed in vain 
 to bring about a change of policy on the part of the Russian 
 Government. Both of the great political parties of this country, 
 ever since 1904, in their national platforms declared that it is 
 the unquestioned duty of the Government to procure for all our 
 citizens, without distinction, the rights of travel and sojourn in 
 friendly countries, and have pledged themselves to insist upon the 
 just and equal protection of all of our citizens abroad, and have 
 declared themselves in favor of all efforts tending to that end. 
 They have further pledged themselves to insist upon the just and 
 lawful protection of our citizens at home and abroad and to 
 use all proper measures to secure for them, whether native born 
 or naturalized and without distinction of race or creed, the 
 equal protection of our laws and the enjoyment of all rights 
 and privileges open to them under the covenants of our treaties 
 of friendship and commerce. 
 
 On October 19, 190S, Senator Root, then Secretary of State, 
 in a letter to Mr. Jacob H. Schiff, referring to the same subject, 
 declared that our Government had never varied in its insistence 
 upon equality of treatment for all American citizens who seek 
 to enter Russia with passports, without regard to creed or 
 origin, and that the administration had repeatedly brought the 
 matter to the attention of the Russian Government and urged 
 the making of a new treaty for the purpose of regulating the 
 subject. The communication concludes: 
 
 We have but very recently received an unfavorable reply to this 
 proposal, and wo have now communicated to Russia an expression of 
 the desire of this Government for the complete revision and amend- 
 ment of the treaty of 1832, which provides for reciprocal rights of 
 residence and travel on the part of the citizens of the two countries. 
 We have expressed our views that such a course would lie preferable 
 to the complete termination of the treaty, subjecting both countries (o 
 the possibility of being left without any reciprocal rights whatever, 
 owing to the delay in the making of a new treaty. 
 
 Seven years have passed since both political parties have 
 made these declarations of principle; three years have passed 
 since (his pointed statement of our State Department, ami yet 
 conditions arc exactly the same as they were 40 years age, there 
 has been absolutely no progress in negotiation, the efforts of 
 201G4— 10440 
 
diplomacy have proven futile, and the same discrimination 
 among our citizens continues. 
 
 There has thus been Inflicted, and continues to be Inflicted, a 
 shameless affront upon the honor of our country and upon the 
 iv of American Citizenship. The insult is not upon the 
 individuals as to whom there has been discrimination, but 
 against the entire body of American citizens, because a wrong 
 done to one in his capacity as a citizen is a wrong indicted upou 
 every citizen. 
 
 Oar Government has been extremely patient and remarkably 
 resourceful, yet there is nothing to indicate that anything can 
 be accomplished by a continuance of the methods thus far em- 
 ployed. Russia believes that our Government has not been 
 serious and that its efforts have been ceremonial rather than 
 real. The time has come at last when more decisive action is 
 required, otherwise there will be good reasons for asserting 
 that certain classes of our citizens who have been singled out 
 by Russia are under civil disabilities with the implied sanction 
 of our Government. 
 
 From a careful and an unprejudiced investigation of all the 
 circumstances in this controversy, it seems evident to me, and it 
 must be apparent to every sensible and fair-minded person, that 
 when the treaty with Russia was concluded it was the intention 
 of Russia and the United States that the rights granted by 
 Article I of that treaty should extend equally to every citizen of 
 this country without discrimination of any kind whatsoever. 
 
 This being so, it is self-evident from the record in the case 
 that Russia has for years continually violated this provision of 
 the treaty by refusing to recognize passports granted to Ameri- 
 can citizens on account of race or religion. " 
 
 This is not a Jewish question. It is an American question. It 
 involves a great principle. It affects the rights of all American 
 citizens. Russia not only refuses to recognize American pass- 
 ports held by Jews on account of their race or their religion 
 but she also refuses, when she sees fit, to recognize American 
 passports held by Baptist missionaries, Catholic priests, and 
 Presbyterian divines, on account of their religious belief. 
 
 The Government of the United States declares as a funda- 
 mental principle that all men are equal before the law regard- 
 less of race or religion, and makes no distinction based on the 
 creeds or the birthplaces of its citizens in this connection, nor 
 can it consistently permit such distinctions to be made by a 
 fbrelgn power. We solemnly assert, and must maintain, that 
 the rights of our citizens at home or abroad shall not be im- 
 paired on account Of race or religion. 
 
 Not the religion, nor the race of a man. but his American 
 citizenship is the true test of the treatment he shall receive and 
 the rights he shall enjoy under the law at home and abroad. 
 This is fundamental. We must adhere to it tenaciously. 
 
 Freedom of religious belief — the right to worship our Maker 
 according to the dictates of our conscience; — is one of the corner 
 stones of our broad institutions, and so jealous of this liberty 
 were the fathers that: they wrote in the Federal Constitution: 
 
 Congress shall make no law respecting the establishment of religion 
 or prohibiting the free exercise thereof. 
 
 We must maintain this great principle of religious freedom 
 inviolate forever. 
 201C4— in im 
 
Mr. Speaker, what action should the Congress of the United 
 States take in this matter? I have given much thought to this 
 inquiry and have finally concluded that the best thing we can do 
 to remedy this injustice to American citizens is to serve the 
 usual official notice of 12 months on Russia that we desire to 
 abrogate the treaty of 1S32, and that at the expiration of the 
 notice, given in accordance with the terms of the treaty, it 
 shall be null and void. 
 
 We must be true to the great principles of justice and free- 
 dom and equality on which our Government is founded. We 
 must not connive at the discrimination of any American citizen 
 on account of his race or his religion or permit any foreign 
 power to discriminate against him for these reasons. To do so 
 belittles our dignity, is an insult to every American, and makes 
 our boast of equal rights to all a hollow mockery. 
 
 Russia must recognize American passports without discrimi- 
 nation on account of race or religion, or the Russian treaty 
 should be abrogated. Our self-respect demands it. The mem- 
 ories of the past dictate it ; our hope for the future commands 
 it. No other course is open to the United States, and for this 
 Government to submit longer to the violation by Russia of the 
 treaty is a humiliation to our sense of justice and to our love 
 for our fellow man that merits the condemnation of every 
 patriotic citizen in America. 
 
 We are a patient and a long-suffering people where the ques- 
 tion involved does not touch us on our tenderest spot — our 
 pocketbooks; but the patriotic awakening has come at last, and 
 with it a keen realization of the affronts we have suffered for 
 years at the hands of a Government notorious for its lack of 
 human sympathy. 
 
 This is not a partisan question. It is an American matter. 
 In a dignified way we say to Russia we give you the official 
 notice provided for in the treaty to abrogate the same, because 
 you have violated it — because it is obsolete — and we want to 
 negotiate a new treaty with you in harmony with the spirit of 
 the times ; and we say to all the world in calmness and in delib- 
 eration, the Government of the United States puts human rights 
 above commercial gain in writing treaty contracts with the 
 powers of the earth. 
 
 Mr. Speaker, this joint resolution introduced by me has been 
 unanimously reported from the Committee on Foreign Affairs 
 of this House, and I congratulate my colleagues on the com- 
 mittee for their expedition and their broad-minded patriotism 
 in the matter. Behind this resolution is an overwhelming case 
 of treaty violation, as conclusive in its details as it is incon- 
 trovertible in its proofs. 
 
 Nevertheless, in adopting to-day this resolution to abrogate 
 the Russian treaty we but follow precedent. We do nothing 
 new, nothing startling, nothing offensive. We assort a funda- 
 mental principle, act advisedly on a vested privilege, declare 
 that human rights are more important than commercial rights 
 for the welfare of a free and a progressive people, and invoke 
 tbc impartial judgment of every liberty-loving and right-think' 
 lug citizen in our country on the justification of our action in 
 the premises. 
 
 The press and the pulpit, tho bench and the bar, (he Jew and 
 the Gentile, the poor and the rich, tho weak and tin 1 powerful, 
 the Catholic and the Protestant throughout patriotic America 
 201G4— 10440 
 
G 
 
 demand that tbo Russian treaty be abrogated. Hie people are 
 aroused about the matter as they never have been before over 
 iiu- question, and the time tor action by the Congress has eouie. 
 
 There can be do arbitration of this elemental principle of our 
 Government; there must be ao more delay; the matter must he 
 settled now and toi all time, and a new treaty hereafter nego- 
 tiated in which Russia can And BO loophole to enable her in the 
 future i" discriminate against any American citizen on account 
 of race or religion; a new treaty that will be up to date; that 
 will be in harmony with the twentieth century; that will be in 
 sympathy with human rights; that will not override our ITed- 
 eral Constitution; that will not violate our national ideals; and 
 (hat will not dishonor the virtue and the Integrity of the pass- 
 ports of our splendid and Intelligent and patriotic American 
 citizenship. [Long and loud applause.] 
 
 Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent to print in the REC- 
 ORD a few letters from distinguished citizens, which I intended 
 to read, hut could not for lack of time. 
 
 The SPEAKER. Is there objection? [After a pause.] The 
 Chair hears none. 
 
 The letters follow : 
 
 133 East TnrnTv-FiFTiT Stbeet, 
 
 aetO Yurie till/, December 1, 1011. 
 
 I(f>n. William Srr.zi-i!, 
 
 Chairman Committer on Forcipn Affairs, 
 
 House of Representatives, Washington, D. C. 
 
 My Dbaii Mi:. Sdlzeb : It is Impossible lor mo to accept the invita- 
 tion you tender me to come to Washington and be present at the hear- 
 ing before the Commit tec on Foreign Affairs next Monday. Even were 
 I to come there is little that I could say. It has all been said aud said 
 repeatedly and effectively. 
 
 The resolution which you have introduced scorns to me to go directly 
 to t lie point, with no waste of words, no disjointedness In argument, 
 and no disguise of purpose. 
 
 The question is not at all a racial one. although projected by Russia's 
 racial discrimination. It is of no present significance whose passports 
 it i- thai Russia fails to honor or how many or how few of such dis- 
 honored passports there may lie. One BUCb, issued in due form, it un- 
 
 :.'■_•(! by iter, and persistently unrecognized, is a breach of inter- 
 national contract and an insult not only to the failed States Govern- 
 
 bul to every Individual citizen under that Government, it la to 
 
 this Individual Bense of wrong that is duo the intense feeling that now 
 
 Our national dignity suffers by our Indefinite submission to 
 
 Russia's pertinacious discourtesy and contumely. There is a point at 
 
 which national forbearance not only censes to he a virtue but com- 
 
 mences to become a condition of self-stuljlficatlon, and at that point 
 
 we seem to have already arrived. 
 
 The present situation affords us the opportunity to teach Russia a 
 
 In the art of lern civilization, and it Is her Ignorance and 
 
 Inappreclation of thai art thai renders appropriate a more d< 
 
 and drastic method of dealing With her than might be allowable were 
 
 she standing at a level with the more advanced nations with whom 
 such terms as treaty, compact, probity, and honor carry a significance 
 of which Russia appears to be altogether Inappreclatlve. 
 
 I believe, sir. that the adoption of the resolution introduced by you. 
 looking to the abrogation of the existing treaty with Russia, will afford 
 Immense satisfaction not only to our Jewish friends but to the great 
 muss of American citizens. 
 
 Yours, respect fully, C. II. PAnKnuRST. 
 
 Ni:w Yohk, December 8, 1011. 
 
 lion. William Sdlzeb, 
 
 Chairman of tin Committee on Foreign Affair.?, 
 
 lions, nf Representatives, Washington, D. C. 
 
 My DEAD Mi:. SDLZEB: I am unfortunately unable to go to ^Yashington 
 ami be present at tin" bearing which your committee will grant, on the 
 11th instant, on th.- resolution which you have introduced to abrogate 
 the Russian treaty. 
 20164 10440 
 
I sincerely trust that joint resolution No. 1G6, providing for the ter- 
 mination of the treaty of 1832 between our country and Russia will 
 he unanimously approved by your committee. In my opinion 'it is 
 absolutely useless to temporize any longer over the passport question 
 For. the past 40 years Russia has ignored the protests of our State 
 Department, and the time has now arrived when all American citizens 
 who are proud of their citizenship should rise up and force Russia 
 either at once to recognize the provisions of the treaty of 1832 or that 
 the Government of the United States give summary notice of its abro- 
 gation. It does not appear to me to be a religious question, but an 
 American question, and one of right, honesty, and patriotism. It is 
 abhorrent to the true American doctrine of equality that any country 
 should discriminate against any class of American citizenship, and all 
 the more shameful in view of that explicit protection afforded under 
 the terms of the treaty. All the efforts of diplomacy and the vigorous 
 protests heretofore made have been of no avail. American citizenship 
 must now be vindicated and notice given to Russia that we will no 
 longer permit the violation of our treaty obligations. The present situ- 
 ation is disgraceful, and as an American citizen— not only as a Jew 
 
 I appeal to all members of the Committee on Foreign Affairs and to 
 our honored House of Representatives for justice. Let us not place 
 material interests above those of fair dealing, righteousness, and justice 
 
 It appears to me that the suggestion offered to submit the question 
 at issue to an international court of arbitration would be humiliating 
 to, the dignity and honor of our country. There is nothing to arbitrate"- 
 it is a question of enforcement of the treaty or of its abrogation. 
 
 I take this opportunity of thanking you for the noble and persistent 
 fight which you have made on behalf of all loyal citizens. I feel con- 
 vinced that your committee will favorably report the resolution and 
 that the bill will pass both Houses of Congress. 
 Very truly, yours, 
 
 Isaac N. Seligman. 
 
 1822 Glexwood Road, 
 Flatbush, N. Y., December 9, 1911. 
 Hon. William Sulzer, 
 
 Chairman Committee on Foreign Affairs, 
 
 Washington, D. C. 
 My Dear Mr. Sulzer : I am sorry that I can not appear in person 
 before your committee to speak in favor of the resolution providing for 
 the termination of the treaty of 1832 between the United States 3 and 
 Russia. Thirteen years ago I first published my book, Justice to the 
 Jew. I believe I was the first Gentile voice, in my profession at least 
 to make a plea for justice to the Jew. There is no new argument that 
 can be made at this late day against the passage of vour resolution 
 My contention has always been that this is not a Jewish but an 
 American question. All we ask is that Russia shall do for ail our 
 citizens what we are doing for all theirs — justice and a square deal 
 The American people jusuly demand as much and consistently can no*"' 
 will not, be satisfied with less. 
 
 Very sincerely, yours, Madison C. Peters. 
 
 Chicago, December 9, 1911, 
 lion. William Sulzer, 
 
 House of Representatives, "Washington, D, C. 
 
 Mx Dear Mr. Sulzer : Replying to your letter of the Gth instant, I 
 wired you as follows : 
 
 " I regret my inability to comply with your request to appear before 
 Committee on Foreign Affairs next Monday. 
 
 "All I would say will doubtless be far more ably presented by others 
 who will attend. 
 
 "A vital principle is at stake, in which every self-respecting American 
 citizen is deeply interested. 
 
 " I earnestly hope the resolution will pass." 
 
 The foregoing message is by no means formal or perfunctory, since 
 I do, indeed, regret my inability to be there, even though I could not 
 and did not add a word or thought to the able presentation of the 
 quest iou which will surely then be made. 
 
 My law partner, Mr. Adolf Kraus, president of the Independent Order 
 of B nai IVrith, returned this morning from a visit to Washington 
 and New York, and said that while he found it impossible lor him to 
 remain, Mr. Louis Marshall, of New York, is expected to express the 
 sentiments of this order or, perhaps more particularly, those of Its 
 president. 
 
 I very much appreciate the deep interest vou take in this question. 
 It should bring you the lasting gratitude of not only citizens of Jewish 
 
 201G4— 10440 
 
8 
 
 extraction, but citizens of all classes, whatever their origin, who believe 
 that American citizenship is something more than an i « 1 1 * - abstraction. 
 1 thank you for your wry kind and Battering letter, and with assur- 
 ance of h - m, l am, as ever, 
 
 Vers sincerely, yours, Samusl Alschulee. 
 
 lion. William Sri.zrt:. 
 
 man Committee on Foreign Affairs. 
 Mv Dkah Si LZBR : I had expected to be at the hearing Monday, but 
 am detained in New York by an unexpected lawsuit. I am very sorry, 
 ber of the Foreign Affairs Committee, may I express 
 the hope that the abrogation resolution will he promptly reported? 
 We have waited long enough for justice from Russia. 
 Yours, very truly, 
 
 William S. Bennet. 
 
 Men's Club, St. Peter's Chobch. 
 
 Xiuyura Falls, X. V., December o, ion. 
 Don. William Sui.zer. 
 
 Sir: At a meeting of the men of St. Teter's parish, held Pe- 
 1. 1911, the resolution concerning the treaty witli Russia was 
 presented and unanimously passed in the words which your commit- 
 tee suggested in your communication dated November 29. 
 Yours, most truly, 
 
 Rev. ruiLip W. MosiiEit. 
 
 Resolution. 
 Whereas for more than a generation passports issued by our Gov- 
 ernment to American citizens have been openly and continually dis- 
 regarded and discredited by Russia in violation of its treaty obliga- 
 tions and the usage of civilized nations. 
 
 During all that time administration after administration, irrespec- 
 tive of party, has protested against this insult and humiliation, and 
 Congress has on repeated occasions given emphatic expression to its 
 :>£nt of the strain imposed upon our national honor. Diplomacy 
 has exhausted itself in. ineffectual effort to bring relief, for which a 
 Deration is impatiently waiting. 
 The citizenship of every American who loves his country has In con- 
 sequente been subjected to degradation, and it has become a matter of 
 such serious Import to the people of tin- United States, as an entirety, 
 that this condition can no longer be tolerated. Be it therefore 
 
 /.'( x. Inil. Thai as a body of citizens having at heart the preservation 
 of the , onor of the .Nation, joining in . mulation with all other 
 
 citizens to elevate its moral and political standards and to stimulate an 
 abiding conscl usness "T its Ideal mission among the nations of the 
 earth, that our i; Ives \ n Congress give their support to the 
 
 tlon now pending in I ly Mr. Sulzeb, of New 
 
 York, providing for the termination of the treaty of 1S:52 now existing 
 . - and Russia, to the nid that if treaty rela- 
 
 tions are to exist between the two nations it shall be upon such condi- 
 tions and guaranties only as shall he consonant with the dignity of the 
 in people. Be it further 
 fteeoi a copy of this resolution be forwarded to the Con- 
 
 i our respective districts aud the Senators of our State. 
 
 National Qbbman-AmbbicAN Alliance 
 
 of tiii: United States of Ambbica, 
 
 Philadelphia, J'a., December 2, mi. 
 To the Hon. William SOLZEB, 
 
 House <>] Representativea, "Washington, D. C. 
 DBAB Si::: Protesting against the action of the Russian Government 
 In not recognizing th - of American citizens of the Jewish 
 
 persuasion, the convention of the National German-American Alliance, 
 held at Washington, l ». C, October 6 10, 1911, decided to request 
 Congress to declare null and void the treaty of this country with 
 of 1832. 
 The following resolution was adopted unanimously: 
 
 That the nonrecognitlon of the American passport by the 
 B n Government on account of the religion of the holder thereof is 
 
 violative of the treaty of l 1 -::., and therefore Congress be petitioned to 
 the Suizer resolution to abrogate said treaty. 
 i: spectfully submitted. 
 
 ADOLPn Till II, Secretary. 
 
 201G4— 10410 
 
 o 
 
We Must Preserve Our Forests, Protect Our Watersheds, and 
 Promote the Utilities of Our Rivers From Source to Sea — 
 This Is the Plain Duty of the Hour, and if We Fail to 
 Do It, We Invite the Deluge and Create the Desert. 
 
 SPEECH 
 
 OF 
 
 HON. WILLIAM SULZER 
 
 OF NEW YORK 
 
 IN THE 
 
 HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES 
 
 THURSDAY, MAY 21, 190S 
 
 f 
 
 •I I J Ml -7800 
 
 L9Q8 
 
SPEECH 
 
 OP 
 
 IIOjS t . WILLIAM SULZEE. 
 
 The House having under consideration the bill (H. R. 21986) to en- 
 able any State to cooperate with any other State or States, or with the 
 United States, for the conservation of the navigability of navigable 
 rivers, and to provide for the appointment of a commission — 
 
 Mr. SULZER said: 
 
 Mr. Speaker: This bill to create a forest commission to 
 investigate something and report next year nothing regarding 
 the protection of the forests within the watersheds of the White 
 Mountains and the Southern Appalachian range is a sad disap- 
 pointment to the real friends of genuine forest preservation. It 
 means more delay — and procrastination has been the order of 
 the day — in this momentous matter. We had indulged the hope 
 that the Appalachian forest reservation bill would be reported 
 and passed before this session of Congress adjourned ; but, alas, 
 our fondest expectations are again destined to be shattered by 
 this little apology for the real legislation so earnestly demanded 
 by the far-seeing people of the country. 
 
 Now, I want to say that I am opposed to this delay. I look 
 with suspicion on this makeshift. Instead of the House of 
 Representatives responding to the appeals of the people and 
 meeting this great question in a broad and statesmanlike way, 
 the powers that be in this House direct that the commitee bring 
 in this bill to delegate away our legislative rights to a perfunc- 
 tory commission. It is a great mistake. The people are being 
 humbugged. The pretext will not answer. We are sent here 
 to legislate on this question, and on all other questions, and we 
 should not seek to escape the responsibility. The Congress Is 
 the lawmaking body of this Government. The people elected 
 us to legislate, ami if we are too Indolent or too ignorant or too 
 Incompetent to do it, we ought to be manly enough to say SO and 
 i 4201— 7809 ' 3 
 
]. Ign and go home and let the people elect Members who are 
 capable enough and competent enough and Industrious enough 
 to legislate, not only on this matter, but on all other matters. 
 
 I am opposed to delegating away the powers of the legislative 
 branch of the Government to Irresponsible commissions. I am 
 ; ast legislation by commission. I do not like too much 
 commission-made law. I am opposed to this legislative com- 
 mission business— to a commission to investigate the tariff 
 schedules, to a commission to report on hanking ami currency, 
 to a commission to look into this matter of forest preservation, 
 ami to commissions to do various other things. It is all wrong. 
 It all means delay — more procrastination. These commissions 
 to do this. ;uid to do that, and to do something or other, are 
 merely excuses for delay and for junketing parties, called into 
 being to have a good time, created to spend the people's money, 
 and nine times out of ten utterly useless and barren of benefi- 
 cial results. We are sent here to do the people's business. Let 
 us obey their mandates and endeavor to meet their expecta- 
 tions. 
 
 I am in favor of preserving our forests by intelligent forestry 
 legislation. I am in favor of protecting our watersheds, and 
 utilizing to the utmost our numerous rivers as they flow from 
 the lnuuii tains to the seas; and I believe that now is as good a 
 time to begin as some time in the future. We must preserve 
 our forests: we mast protect our watersheds; we must promote 
 the utilities of our rivers from source to sea. This is the plain 
 duty of the hour; and if we fail to do it, we invite the deluge 
 and create the desert. This is a great economical question. I 
 
 worn the House that delay in this matter is dangerous. Let us 
 do our duty now and not endeavor to escape responsibility by 
 
 delegating our powers to this commission that will be impotent 
 to accomplish permanent results. 
 « Now, what does this little commission l > 1 1 1 do? Briefly, it 
 provides, in the tirst section, that the consent of the United 
 States is gives to any State to enter into any compact or 
 
 agreement, not in violation of the law of the United States, 
 with any other State or States. The second section makes an 
 
 appropriation of $100,000 to enable the Secretary of Agricul- 
 44201— 7i 
 
5 
 
 tnro to enter into cooperative arrangements with the Stales or 
 with owners of private woodlands for the administration and 
 utilization of the same. Just what the result of that will be 
 I know not. The remaining sections of the bill provide for the 
 appointment of a commission of ten members, five to be ap- 
 pointed by the Speaker of the House and five to be appointed by 
 the presiding officer of the Senate; these ten to take into con- 
 sideration all questions relating to the proposed forest reserva- 
 tions of the White and Appalachian mountains, 
 j The action of the committee in this matter — from the bill to 
 do something, now pending in the committee, to this commission 
 bill, just sprung on us, to do nothing — is the merest kind of a 
 makeshift — the rankest kind of an apology — intended only for 
 delay and to escape responsibility ; and the whole proceeding is 
 most deplorable. I regret it exceedingly, and I appeal to the 
 wisdom and to the sagacity and to the patriotism of the Mem- 
 bers of Congress to do something substantial now before it is 
 too late. We are behind the age on this all-important question 
 of the conservation of our natural resources. We have received 
 a mighty heritage and with it a corresponding responsibility. 
 We are the trustees for future generations; and we will bo 
 false to ourselves, false to our country, and false to our trust 
 if we do not do our duty and preserve, in so far as we can, 
 what we enjoy for the benefit of those that come after us. Let 
 us be true to our trust and true to the ages yet to come, and 
 always boar in mind that willful waste makes woeful want. 
 
 Mr. Speaker, we must preserve our forests; we must protect 
 our watersheds; we must look after our rivers, from their 
 source to the sea. It is one of the most important questions of 
 the d;iy, and further delay is criminal. We must wake up before 
 our forests are denuded and our rivers destroyed. After the 
 forests are gone this is what will happen: The soil dries up, 
 li:s;>s its fibrous life, and by erosion is rapidly washed down 
 into the rivers, where it is deposited to the detriment of naviga- 
 tion, necessitating millions of dollars of Government money each 
 year for dredging. The heavier forest dehris. which is not 
 removed, dries up and becomes a tangled mass of Umber, that 
 takes fire from the hunter's or the woodman's mat.-h. or when 
 •HL'Ol— 7800 
 
G 
 
 the lightning strikes it. The Ares, beginning In this debris, 
 spread to the forests that are left and every year do Incalcula- 
 ble damage; then the springs and the multitude of tiny brooks 
 that feed the rivers are dried up, and the latter in the dry sea- 
 son gel very low, causing enormous loss of the water power 
 Which runs the great mills; then the snows melt and the heavy 
 later rains begin. There is no soil now to hold back and dis- 
 tribute equably this downfall on the steep slopes, and so we 
 have the devastating floods, which annually entail enormous 
 losses. 
 
 And so, sir, it follows like the night the day that after the 
 devastation of the forests comes the deluge and then a barren 
 waste and then death to all living things and then the rainless 
 desert. It is thus that annihilation has come upon some of the 
 greatest empires and richest domains that the world .has ever 
 seen. Once upon a time, before the mountain forests" of Leb- 
 anon were destroyed, Palestine blossomed like a rose and sup- 
 ported in mucb affluence a population of 10,000,000. The moun- 
 tains have long been denuded. Forbidding slopes, barren and 
 ugly, rear their weird forms sharply above dismal and desolate 
 valleys. Scarcely ^00,000 people remain in all the region, and 
 most of these are in hopeless and abject poverty. 
 
 The valley of Babylon, where once stood the metropolis of 
 the world, is abandoned and forlorn. Nineveh, the magnificent 
 city of the ancients, is- buried beneath the shifting sands of 
 time. Desert wastes cover the sites of Carthage and Tyre and 
 Sidon, yet bountiful nature once provided for these places its 
 richest gifts of fertility and abundance. Antioch is gone and 
 all Syria is a scene of irreparable ruin. The destruction of her 
 forests, followed by the disappearance of her soil and the de- 
 cay of her industries, foreshadowed the inevitable result. Man 
 destroyed the forests, and the lands which once flowed with 
 milk and honey were transformed into desert wastes. One- 
 third of China, it is said, has been rendered uninhabitable, and 
 the ruined hills of southern Italy will no longer support their 
 population, and testify in mute eloquence the consequence of 
 forest Slaughter. Is such a mournful record of devastation and 
 destruction, of decay and annihilation, to be repeated in Amer- 
 14201—7809 
 
ica? I trust not. But I warn my fellow-countrymen that if 
 the carnival of loot of our natural resources is not stopped, and 
 speedily stopped, a ad the forests administered for perpetual use, 
 history will repeat itself, and the inevitable must follow here 
 as in other lands. We can not escape if we destroy principal 
 and interest. Let us do our duty now or sooner or later this 
 will be a national issue that will sweep all opposition aside. 
 
 The intelligent conservation of our wonderful natural re- 
 sources means much to our glorious country now, and much 
 more in lasting benefits to future generations. The willful 
 waste of these natural resources — the devastation of our for- 
 ests, the destruction of our watersheds, the elimination of our 
 rivers — means decay and death and desert wastes, means in the 
 centuries yet to come the conditions we now witness in north- 
 ern Africa, in western Asia, in Italy, and in Spain. The world 
 is learning by experience. We must learn in the same school. 
 "We can not have our cake and eat it, too. We can not violate 
 natural laws with impunity; we can not neglect fundamental 
 principles and escape the consequences; we can not decimate 
 our forests and have our rivers, too, and without them our 
 fertile fields will ere long be barren wastes. Shall the history 
 of the ancients repeat itself here? Shall we never take heed? 
 In the story of the past let us realize the duty of the present, and 
 by intelligently responding to the essential demands of the hour 
 we will be true to our trust, true to humanity, true to ourselves, 
 and future generations appreciating our work will rise up and 
 call us blessed. [Applause.] 
 
 The SPEAKER. The time of the gentleman from New York 
 has expired. 
 
 44201— 7S00 
 
 o 
 
Our Postal Express. 
 SPEECH 
 
 OF 
 
 HON. WILLIAM SULZER, 
 
 op new york, 
 In the House of Representatives, 
 
 Thursday, June 9, 1910. 
 
 The House having under consideration the hill (S. 5876) to establish 
 postal savings depositories for depositing savings at interest with the 
 security of the Government for the repayment thereof, and for other 
 
 purposes — 
 
 Mr. SULZER said: 
 
 Mr. Speaker : I am in favor of a parcels post. I believe the 
 people of the country generally favor it, and I feel confident its 
 establishment will be of inestimable benefit and advantage to all 
 concerned. The post-office is one of the oldest of governmental 
 institutions, an agency established by tbe earliest civilization to 
 enable them to inform themselves as to the plans and movc« 
 ments of their friends and foes ; and from the dawn of history 
 the only limit upon this service has been the capacity of the 
 existing transport machinery. 
 
 The cursus publicus of imperial ROme — the post-office of the 
 Roman Caesars — covered their entire business of transportation 
 and transmission, and with its splendid post-roads, swift post- 
 horses, and ox post-wagons the Roman post-office was a mechan- 
 ism far wider in its scope than that of our modern post-office; 
 and except for the use of mechanical power, the old Roman 
 post was far more efficient in its service of the Roman rulers 
 than is our modern post-office in the service of the American 
 citizen. 
 
 The evil of the Roman post-office and of the royal postal serv- 
 ices that succeeded it was their common restriction to the en- 
 richment of the ruling powers. They were the prototypes of 
 our modern private railway and express companies, which have 
 for their chief end the enrichment of their managers rather than 
 the promotion of the public welfare. In this country the citizen 
 owns the post-office and wants to use it as his transportation 
 company. Its end is to keep him informed as to what his 
 representatives are doing at the centers of public business, to 
 make known to them his wishes, and to provide means by which 
 he may communicate with his fellow-citizens for their mutual 
 benefit, and to supply his wants and dispose of his wares at Hie 
 least possible cost, in the shortest possible time, and with Hie 
 greatest possible security. 
 
 The postal system of rales, regardless of distance, regardless 
 
 of the character of the mailer transported, and regardless of 
 
 the volume of the patron's business, eminently fits it for this 
 
 great service. That it will sooner or later be greatly extended 
 
 4.M79— 9179 
 
over the entire field of public transportation, Is absolutely cer- 
 tain; :uiii the people will duly appreciate the aid of those who 
 tension and development. As tar back as 1837, 
 Rowland Hill, of England, promulgated to the world the law 
 thai once a public transport service is m operation, the cost 
 of its use is regardless the distance traversed upon the moving 
 machinery by any unit of traffic within its capacity, and upon 
 this law he established the English penny-letter post of 1839. 
 the 21s1 of February, 1849, Congressman Palfrey, of 
 ichusetts, in the course of a speech in behalf of a uniform 
 i letter post, spoke as follows: 
 The Idea of charging higher postage on a letter on account of tho 
 distance it travels is an ibsnrdrty, says Rowland Hill. Ir Is not 
 a matter of Inference, hut a matter of fact, that the expense of a ]><,.,(.- 
 office is practicall; i whether a letter Is going from London to a 
 
 it miles distant or to Edlnburg, 397 miles. An average rate that 
 will, in the . defray the whole coat of transportation on the 
 
 short routes will, In tl. ■•■ defray the whole cost of transporta- 
 
 tion! for the whole service consists, iu their respective localities, of 
 short n 
 
 ,\s to the effect Of a system of uniform rates on tho public 
 welfare. Judge Cooley, the lirst chairman of the Interstate Com- 
 merce Commission, speaking of the uniform rate on milk trans- 
 ported by rail to New York to 1888, when tho uniform rate cov- 
 ered distances op to !!-<» miles, said of the system: 
 
 It has served the people well. It tends to promote consumption and 
 to stimulate production. It is not apparent that any other 1 
 
 that wenid present results equally useful <>r store just. 
 : upon the whole, the besl system that could be devised for the 
 
 general good of all engaged in the traffic. 
 
 Tn his great work, The Economic Theory of Railway Location, 
 Arthur M. Wellington says : 
 
 As b matter of purely public policy — that is to say, if the ta1 
 of the rail- leal with the interests of the community as 
 
 a whole — railway rates should he the same for all distances. 
 
 The Hun. L. S. Collin, late railroad commissioner of Iowa, 
 said thai the position of Iowa as ihe foremost of siates in agri- 
 culture was due to the system of uniform rales on her farm and 
 dairy products that had put her on a level as to cost of trans- 
 portation with Idealities 000 or 1.000 miles nearer the great 
 n( trade. To this custom, he said, was due the fact that 
 his farm — a thousand miles farther from the great markets of 
 Sfew York and Boston — was worth as niueh for dairy purposes 
 as forms in New York or Vermont. It was this application of 
 the postal principle to railway traffic that had brought to him 
 his prosperity and had enabled him to so educate his children 
 that they could be as intelligent as the children of farmers 
 living near the great markets and educational centers. 
 
 The railroad expert, Prof. Hugo B. .Meyer, stated that the one 
 tiling that had done more than all others for the development of 
 this country was the Common custom of the railways — in their 
 through traffic — to group large districts of territory with ■ 
 uniform rate, regardless of distances. It was this that had 
 made possible the wonderful growth of agriculture in the West 
 and of manufactures in the Bast. 
 
 President Tut tie. of the Boston and Maine Railroad, speaking 
 on the subject, said : 
 
 Tho boot and shoe industry of New England flourishes because of 
 the common rate, U cents a pair on shoes carried 20 to 1,400 miles. 
 48479—9179 
 
The barbed-wire industry of Worcester, Mass., continues to employ 
 8,000 hands because of Worcester's common rate with Pittsburg to all 
 the West. The textile industries of Massachusetts flourish because of 
 their grouped rates over a good part of the United States. 
 
 And then Mr. Tuttle went on to tell how a postal system of 
 rates not only preserves but creates industries, and brings into 
 being new towns, and illustrated it by the story of the creation 
 and growth of the little town of Millinocket, in Maine, that had 
 come into being as the result of the uniform rates upon paper 
 1 mile to 1,500 miles that he had given to a Maine paper mill to 
 induce them to settle there. 
 
 As a result — 
 
 He said — ■ 
 we have this place Millinocket, with its schools, churches, streets, elec- 
 tric lights, and its population of three or four thousand — requiring 
 unquestionably, numerous small stores and small dealers — who live as 
 comfortably as they do anywhere in the world, a place where ten years 
 ago it was primeval forest. 
 
 Mr. Speaker, if there is any lesson to be drawn from these 
 statements, it is that if this Congress has at heart the welfare 
 of our farmers and of our smaller communities, if it desires to 
 bring new life to abandoned farms and decadent towns, if it 
 would make it possible for small towns and small dealers to live, 
 then it will at this session of Congress extend the postal service 
 to the widest possible limits. 
 
 On the 10th of June, 1ST0, the Hon. Charles Sumner, of Mas- 
 sachusetts, congratulated the Senate, of which he was a Mem- 
 ber, that slavery being dead, one more step might well be 
 taken in behalf of a wider economic liberty by the establishment 
 of a 1-cent letter rate, and this is his language : 
 
 Not to make money, but to promote the welfare of the people and to 
 increase the happiness of all. such is the precious object I would pro- 
 pose, and here I ask no such question as "Will it pay?" It may not 
 pay in revenue at once, but it will pay in what is above price. 
 
 Unhappily, the post-office, whether at home or abroad, has 
 been from the beginning little more than a taxing machine, a 
 contrivance to make money, and do as little for the people as 
 possible. In England it was at times farmed out to the specu- 
 lator, and then it was charged with the support of a royal mis- 
 tress or favorite. For its profits only was it regarded and not 
 for its agency in the concerns of life. In oilier respects it was 
 not unlike the government, which was simply a usurpation for 
 the benefit of a few. All this is much changed now, for the peo- 
 ple know that government is a mere agency for their good. 
 
 Instead of a taxing machine, a contrivance for making 
 money, the post-office should be an agency for good, reach- 
 ing out its multitudinous hands with help and comfort into all 
 the homes in our widespread land. 
 
 "Without the post-office where would be that national unity, 
 with its guaranty of equal rights to all, which is the glory of 
 the sisterhood of States? 
 
 The postal savings system and parcels post was inaugurated 
 in England largely through the efforts of the great Commoner, 
 William E. Gladstone. Near the close of his life he made the 
 following statement about it: 
 
 The i>'>si office savings bank and parcels post is the most Important 
 Institution which has been created In the last flfty years tor the welfare 
 of the people. 1 consider the act which called the Institution into ex- 
 istence as the most useful and fruitful of my long career. 
 
 48479—0170 
 
It is because we realize these (ruths so keenly that we are bo 
 persistent in urging favorable consideration of a parcels post 
 
 Its only fault is iis conservatism. What this country now 
 . wii.it Congress should give tt, is a parcels post covering 
 much of the business of public transportation. 
 
 Mr. Speaker, imbued with these views and conscious of the 
 t s of the people, I prepared and introduced in Congress a 
 
 bill to Inaugurate a parcels post. It is a short bill, and r send 
 
 it to the Chrk's desk, and ask to have it road hi my time as 
 a part of my remarks. 
 
 The Clerk read as follows: 
 
 A bill [by Mr. Sulzeb; H. R. 26581] to reduce postal rates, to Improve 
 the postal service, and to increase postal revenues. 
 Be It i naoted, etc, That the common weight limit of the domestic 
 
 service of the United Stains is hereby lucre — I toll pounds, the common 
 limit of the Universal Postal Union, ami that in the general bu 
 of the post-office the 1 cent an ounce rate on general merchandise — 
 fourth-class mail matter — be, and is hereby, reduced to the third class 
 rad', 1 cent for each 2 ounces or fraction then 
 
 Sec. 2. That the rate on local letters or scaled parcels posted for 
 delivery within the free-delivery services is herebj determined at 2 
 cents on pareels up to 4 ounces, 1 cent on each additional 2 ounces; at 
 nondelivery offices, 1 cent for each 2 ounces. 
 
 Sec. 3. That all mail matter collected and delivered within the dif- 
 ferent rural routes of the United States i> hereby determined to be in 
 one class, with rates, door to door, between the different houses and 
 places of business and the post-office or post-offices on each route, ;ts 
 follows: On parcels up to one twenty-fourth of a cubic Coot, or l by 
 6 by 12 inches in dimensions and up to 1 pound in weight, 1 
 on larger parcels up to one half a cubic foot, or 6 by 12 by 12 inches 
 in dimensions and up to it pounds in weight, •"> cents; on larger par- 
 i to 1 cubic foot. 6 by 12 by 2! I in 6 ms ami up to 
 
 25 pounds in weight, 10 cents. No parcels shall be over 6 
 length, and in no case shall a carrier be obliged to transport a load 
 of over 500 pounds. 
 
 Sec. 4. That on all unregistered prepaid mail matter without de- 
 clared value an indemnity up to $10 shall be paid by the lost-office 
 Department for such actual loss or damage as may occur through the 
 fault of the postal service, ami ihis without extra charge. Certificates 
 of posting shall be provided on demand. On registered parcels of de- 
 clared value, and on which the fee for registration, insurance, and 
 has been duly prepaid, the Tost Office Department shall pay the 
 full value of any direct loss or damage that: may occur thropgb the 
 fa nit of the postal service. The foes for Insurance and registration 
 shall lie as follows: I'm- registration and insurance up to $50, 10 cents: 
 f..r each additional $50, 2 cents. No claim for compensation will be 
 admitted \> ated within one year after the parcel is po 
 
 Sue. 5. That all acts and parts of acts Inconsistent with this act are 
 hereby repealed. 
 
 Sec. d. That this act shall take effect six months from and after the 
 date of approval thereof. 
 
 Mr. STJLZER. Mr. Speaker, the bill Just read by the ClerS 
 Is self-explanatory, and if enacted into law will accomplish the 
 purpose desired. Let me call the attention of the Bouse to the 
 absurd postal taxes which this bill proposes to consolldl 
 the rate of 8 cents a pound : 
 
 Printed books and pamphlets $0. 08 
 
 Blank books . if. 
 
 Printed cards . us 
 
 Blank cards . 10 
 
 Raw chestnuts . us 
 
 ' I eho-llMls . 1'", 
 
 Holiday earde printed on anything but paper . V> 
 
 Holiday cards, paper . 66 
 
 Onions for eating . 16 
 
 Onions tor planting .08 
 
 Advertisements on plain paper .us 
 
 Advertisements on blotting paper ■ 16 
 
 i . peas, potat _ .16 
 
 Beans, peas, potatoes, etc., for planting , .03 
 
 48470—9179 
 
Compare this system of postal rates with its 4-pound weight 
 limit with that provided by the Postmaster-General in the 
 postal express arrangements made by him with foreigners: 
 
 Weight limit 11 pounds, with its common rate for all mer- 
 chandise posted from the United States to foreign countries, 12 
 cents a pound; and from foreign countries to the United States: 
 From Austria : 
 
 4} pounds $0. 35 
 
 11 pounds . 36 
 
 From Italy : 
 
 7 pounds . 39 
 
 11 pounds . 79 
 
 From Norway : 
 
 2\ pounds . 10 
 
 11 pounds .96 
 
 From Germany : 
 
 4* pounds .33 
 
 11 pounds . SI 
 
 From Belgium : 
 
 4A pounds . 35 
 
 11 pounds 1. 10 
 
 United Slates foreign rates: 
 
 We'isfrt limit 11 pounds. Common rate 12 cents a pound — 
 
 2i pounds .36 
 
 7 pounds ' . 84 
 
 11 pounds 1.32 
 
 United States domestic service: 
 
 YYerj'hl limit: 4 pounds. Common rate 1 cent per ounce, 16 
 cents per pound — 
 
 2. 1 , pounds . 36 
 
 7 pounds (2 parcels) 1. 12 
 
 11 pounds (3 parcels) 1.76 
 
 Let me also call attention to the following discriminations 
 of our private express companies in favor of the foreign 
 Citizen against the American citizen. Under the English post- 
 American express arrangement English postal parcels now come 
 to the United States as follows: Three pounds for 60 cents, 
 7 pounds for S4 cents, 11 pounds for $1.0S, and the ex- 
 press company transports these parcels from New York City at 
 a common rate for the whole country of 24 cents a parcel. 
 Meantime the express company taxes domestic merchandise of 
 the same weights from 25 cents to $3.20, according to the dis- 
 tance traversed, while Congress taxes the public for a similar 
 domestic service on a o-pound parcel 4S cents, 7 pounds in two 
 p;i reels $1.32, 11 pounds in three parcels $1.76. 
 
 In April last representatives of at least 10,000.000 American 
 voters* including the great, agricultural associations of the 
 country. National Grange, the Farmers' Union, the Farmers' 
 National Congress, Retail Dry Goods Association of New York, 
 1he Associated Retailers of St. Lonis. the manufacturing per- 
 fumers of l lie United States, the American Florist Association, 
 and others, appeared before the House Postal Committee, de- 
 manding a domestic express post as extended and as cheap as 
 that provided by the Pc*rmaster-<xercernl in out foreign postal 
 service. The argument in behalf of this legislation, with its 
 •4-pouud weight limit, had then been hel'oro the committee tor 
 many months, bul the bill w,-is oxA np to the demands of these 
 
 friends of tie post-office. The report of the hearing showed that 
 the public wanli d an I 1-pmmd service ;il least. Seldom, if ever, 
 
 has any proposition received a stronger public support, and it 
 seemed as if the House Committee on Post-Offices would be 
 obliged to report at least some legislation hack to the House for 
 its consideration, 
 
 48-170— 0179 
 
6 
 
 Their answer finally came on t lio 27tli of May In the Bhape of 
 II. u. 26348) Introduced by Chairman John \v. Weeks, which 
 provides: 
 
 That nil mail matter of the fourth clasB shall !><• Bubjecl to examina- 
 tion and i" a postage the rate of three-fourths of l cenl an 
 ounce or fraction then prepaid by Btampa affixed — Btampa of 
 the following denominations: 
 
 Cents. 
 
 1 ounce : i 
 
 " ounces li 
 
 ;; ounces , ui 
 
 4 minces .'! 
 
 f> ounces :'<i 
 
 6 ounces 4J 
 
 7 ounces 51 
 
 8 ounces 6 
 
 On the 1st of June Mr. Weeks wrote to the secretary of the 
 Postal Progress League as follows: 
 
 ir do ■■ to me likely that any other parcel 
 
 than possibly the bill which I introduced lasl week— this bill — providing 
 for the reduction in rale on fourth-class matter, will be considered at 
 this session of Congress. 
 
 This means thai for al Icasf two years more the American 
 people are to be lei'i subject to the extortions of the rich and 
 powerful express companies, while we have in tbe postroffice a 
 well-equipped service of our own through whicb much of the 
 s business now carried on by these companies could be 
 done quicker and at infinitely less cost. 
 
 .Mr. speaker, it' the powers arraigned against (lie post-office 
 continue their efforts to limil its functions in behalf of private 
 interests, they will soon find themselves confronted with a Con- 
 gress pledged i<> extend the service of the post-office i" a 
 larger degree of the public transmission business; and : 
 I think it wise thai my bill should now be brought before the 
 House for immediate consideration. 
 
 In his notable postal programme of 1862, suggesting a world 
 postal union. Postmaster-General Montgomery Blair proposed 
 a system of postal insurance providing an indemnity up to $10 
 for the loss or damage of matter handled in the mails. Tins 
 wise suggestion soon became the common law of the progressive 
 world outside the United States, but for over thirty years his 
 successors deliberately refused to provide any indemnity for 
 the l.ss or damage of any kind of mail matter in the postal 
 service for which they were responsible; and e\on now we con- 
 fine our liability for the losses that occur in the mails under 
 our management of the people's business to $50, and this 
 applies only to sealed parcels that have paid a registration fee 
 of 10 cents, while a similar fee on an English postal parcel 
 carries insurance in (lie postal service of England up to $300. 
 
 The neglecl of the United states to establish a proper parcels 
 post has so far limited the easy exchange "f commodities ami 
 merchandise between manufacturers and consumers that it is 
 making our Government appear to be away behind the times as 
 Compared with some foreign nations, such, for instance, as Eng- 
 land, Prance, and Germany. It is a fact to-day that an Amer- 
 ican in England can send home by mail to any part of the United 
 States a parcel weighing two and one-half times more than the 
 United States limit for about one-third less in cost than the 
 d home rates. In other words, the world postal-union 
 48479—9179 
 
package unit is 11 pounds to the parcel, at the rate of 12 cents 
 per pound, whereas the United States unit is only 4 pounds to 
 the package, at a cost of 1G cents to the pound. The parcel 
 rate in the United States prior to 1874 was S cents per pond 
 for a package limited to a weight of 4 pounds. After that nie 
 rate was donbled, hut the weight remained the same. Since 
 1874 the cost of transportation has greatly decreased. The 
 question is, why Should not the people be given the benefit of 
 this decrease by the establishment of a uniform low postal rate 
 for parcels that will encourage the use of the post-office as a 
 medium of exchange of commodities, and thus greatly facilitate 
 trade? 
 
 Since the introduction of the rural free-delivery system in 
 this country, its operation has proved so satisfactory and so 
 successful that Congress overlooks the annual deficit arising 
 from the unreasonable restriction placed in the law limiting 
 the kind of postal matter to be carried to letters, newspapers, 
 and periodicals. The weight of this average load is ascertained 
 to be but 25 pounds per trip, while the vehicle which the postal 
 agent is required to supply can readily carry at least 200 
 pounds. It is estimated that should the restriction be removed 
 and parcels be carried enough revenue would be received from 
 the additional postage to more than pay the total cost of the sys- 
 tem, and not only make it self-supporting, but largely decrease 
 the annual postal deficit. 
 
 The Post-Oflice report of 1909 shows a loss to the public in 
 our registered-mail service of $200,000, and for tliis loss we 
 returned to our constituents only $18,000. On unsealed mer- 
 chandise we acknowledge no liability whatever for the loss or 
 damage of property intrusted to us by our constituents. Con- 
 trast this system of postal insurance with that of Great Britain. 
 In the British domestic postal service the ordinary rates of 
 postage on unsealed parcels — letters, so called — 2 cents on par- 
 cels up to 4 ounces, 1 cent on each additional 2 ounces, S cents 
 a pound; in the British parcels-post service, unsealed parcels 
 6 cents the first pound, 2 cents each additional pound, carry 
 insurance up to .$10 on parcels not of declared value: and oil 
 parcels of declared value the British 4-cent registration fee 
 carries insurance up to $25, 6-cent up to $100 and the payment 
 of an additional fee of 2 cents carries an additional insurance 
 of $100 up to $2,000. 
 
 The common rate of the foreign and colonial parcels post of 
 Great Britain is 24 cents for 3 pounds; larger parcels up to 7 
 pounds, 48 cents; for yet larger parcels up to 11 pounds, 72 
 cents; and these rates on parcels of a bulk 1 by 1 by 2 feet, 
 twice the bulk of our proposed local rural service, carry insur- 
 ance up to $5, while an insurance fee of 8 cents insures these 
 foreign and colonial bound parcels up to $60; and an addi- 
 tional indemnity of $G0 is provided on the payment of an addi- 
 tional fee of 2 cents up to $2,000. 
 
 Our failure to provide a reasonable parcels service on the 
 rural routes is causing to the Post-Oflice a needless loss of full 
 $2S,000,000 a year and to the rural public a loss of hundreds 
 of millions, while at the same time we deprive the carriers of 
 an opportunity to earn a reasonable living. 
 
 Estimating the needs of the average rural family to require 
 the posting of but one 10-cent— one suit case — packet a week to 
 48479—9179 
 
8 
 
 and from the post town and the home, onr proposed Improve- 
 menl of the Free Rural Service would increase the postal reve- 
 nues from our 4,000,000 rural families upward of 140,000,000 a 
 year, if the Bervice saved the average rural family bul one 
 trip to ami from Its posl town in four weeks, then according to 
 the estimated cosl of such a trip by the Fourth Assistanl Post- 
 r-General $2.25 — the saving of the entire population of 
 the rural routes would be over $117,000,000 a year. 
 
 In the general service of the Post-Office the mailing of bul 25 
 pounds of merchandise a year by the average American family 
 nt the new 8-cent-a-pound common-merchandise rate would in- 
 crease the merchandise income of the Post-Office from the about 
 $8,000,000 Of 1907 to over $32,000,000, and the mailing Of B simi- 
 lar amount by the average City family under their new local 
 2-cent 4 ounce sealed parcels post would add a local city income 
 of fully $10,000,000. 
 
 JOMB 13, 1910. 
 Hon. William Sdlzbr, M. C, 
 
 Washington, D. C. 
 
 Mr Dbab Sin: 1 wish to congratulate you on Introducing the Im- 
 proved parcels-post bill to provide tor a domestic parcels-posl on an 
 equality with the universal parcels-post, having some improvi 
 added. ' 
 
 it is a One bill and ought to be popular, especially when the express 
 companies' profits are so huge and their system of increasing the ter- 
 minal charges for delivery of goods in accordance to the distance they 
 carry the goods on the railroad is considered, [f you ever gel the 
 Committee on Post-Roads to report your bill, either favorably or ad- 
 
 !,, to the House, the express companies' operations of ch 
 such nigh rates for local delivery will afford a magnificent ai 
 for the establishing of a genuine parcels-post on the basis of a uniform 
 rate regardless of distance. That is what the people and merchants 
 want and what the combined express companies do not want. It the 
 vote on the postal savings-bank bill is any criterion of the feeling in 
 Congress, there should be a good prospect to expect a favorable i 
 -post. 
 
 In England the express companies use the parcels-post to send their 
 
 light-weight merchandise to distant cities to their local agents there, 
 
 and they (the agents) deliver the goods to the consignees at their 
 
 of business. Places near large cities the express 
 
 company delivers for less than the English parcels-post rate. 
 
 Another possibility soon to arise is the aerial letter and light par- 
 cel- post, to be carried even at less cosl than the railroad charges. Just 
 
 think of the letters carried today from New York to Philadelphia by 
 Ham 111 on I 
 
 I believe the post-bank bill ran be amended at another session to util- 
 vou suggest a portion of the surplus In road building, it is a 
 good Idea, economical, patriotic, constitutional, and should be encour- 
 aged but at the Start it may seem radical to some. 
 
 With the hope that we may get some parcels-post legislation, I 
 remain, 
 
 Yours, sincerely, Frederick C. Beach, 
 
 President Postal Progress League 
 
 ami Editor of Scientific American, 
 
 48479—9170 
 
 o 
 
Trade With Central America — Guatemala. 
 SPEECH 
 
 OP 
 
 HOIST. WILLIAM SULZEE, 
 
 of new york, 
 In the House of Kepresentatives, 
 
 Friday, July 9, 1909, 
 On the following resolution : 
 
 "Resolved, That the House of Representatives take from the Speak- 
 er's table and nonconcur in gross in the Senate amendments to House 
 bill No. 1438, entitled ' An act to provide revenue, equalize duties and 
 encourage the industries of the United States, and for other purposes ' 
 and agree to the conference asked for by the Senate on the disagree- 
 ing votes of the two Houses ; and that a committee of conference be 
 appointed forthwith ; and said committee shall have authority to join 
 with the Senate committee in renumbering the paragraphs and sec- 
 tions of said bill when finally agreed upon." 
 
 Mr. SULZER said: 
 
 OUR SISTER REPUBLICS IN CENTRAL AMERICA. 
 
 Mr. Speaker : At this time, and before the pending tariff bill 
 is finally enacted into law, I desire to reiterate the hope so 
 often expressed by me in Congress and out of Congress that 
 something be done — that some provision be written in this 
 legislation — to bring about closer political ties, broader mar- 
 kets, and freer commercial relations with our progressive 
 sister republics in Central America. 
 
 A GREAT FIELD. 
 
 Here is a great field — a splendid opportunity — it seems to me 
 for our industrial expansion and for our commercial extension : 
 and now is the time, in my opinion, for the representatives in Con- 
 gress of the people of the United States to exercise a little politi- 
 cal sagacity and exhibit a grain of good business foresight in the 
 enactment of this tariff legislation that will mean much commer- 
 cially as the years come and go to our producers, to our mer- 
 chants, to our manufacturers, and to all the people of our country. 
 
 THE TEOPLE OF CENTRAL AMERICA OUR FRIENDS. 
 
 And yet, sir, I regret to say, as I have frequently said before, 
 that not a line has thus far been written, by either the House 
 or the Senate, in the pending legislation, looking to closer politi- 
 cal ties and to the expansion of our trade and commerce with 
 these friendly and neighborly countries. Not a thing lias been 
 done for its accomplishment, and I am frank to say it is a great 
 political blunder and a greater commercial mistake. As [view 
 
 the Situation we either attempt on the one hand to go too far 
 afield seeking trade at great expense in far distant lands, or 
 we display on the other hand a sad lack of knowledge of exist- 
 ing conditions at home by denying trade at our doors thai Is as 
 1753—8512 
 
detrimental to mir besl Interests as it Is deplorable In our states- 
 manship. The people of Central America are onr real friends, 
 and they should be our i>rst customers; and they would be our 
 lies; customers 11 we only bad the commercial sense and the 
 political wisdom to deal with them fairly and justly and recip- 
 rocally along lines mutually advantageous. 
 
 a ii.i:a rois ntSEB mai:ki 
 
 Hence, sir. I repeal that I Indulge a last lingering hope that 
 ere the pending tariff bill becomes a law a paragraph will be 
 written in its provisions for freer markets ami closer com- 
 mercial relations with these progressive countries based on the 
 equitable principles of closer political lies and trues reciprocal 
 relations. As 1 have said before, 1 do not care lmw it is done; 
 I have no vanity in the matter; I am wedded to no partisan 
 policy; but I want to see it accomplished at the earliest possible 
 day for the benefit of our own people and in the interest of all 
 the people in Central America, I know it can easily be done, 
 and if it is not done now we are simply blind to our owb indus- 
 trial welfare and to our own commercial opportunities. 
 
 WHY ABB WB ItLINH TO OlTOiaTMTY? 
 
 Sir. the statistics conclusively show that this Central Ameri- 
 can trade at our very doors is growing more important and be- 
 coming more valuable every year. Why should we longer ig- 
 nore itV European countries are doing their best to secure it, 
 and the fads prove that they are getting the most of it at the 
 presold time, very much to our detriment and to our disad- 
 vantage. Why will our people always be blind commercially to 
 their own best interests and to their own greatest opportunities? 
 Why spend millions of dollars annually seeking trade in the 
 Orient when the commerce of all Central America — richer than 
 the Indies — is knocking at our door'.' Let us obliterate the ob- 
 stacles in the way. tear down the barriers Selfish interests have 
 
 erected, and open wide the doors to welcome this commerce ere 
 
 it is tOO late and the golden opportunity be lost forever. 
 
 NOW IS T1IH ACCKl'Ti:i> TIME. 
 
 Now is the accepted time. These Central American countries 
 
 are anxiously awaiting the outcome of our deliberations. They 
 long for some evidence Of our political friendship and OUT com- 
 mercial sincerity. They want to trade with us. They will meet 
 us more than hallway. They will study every line of this 
 tariff bill when it becomes a law to see if it welcomes or aban- 
 dons their hopes. Shall we disappoint their most sanguine 
 expectations? Shall we ignore this most valuable trade, these 
 great commercial opportunities, and give these splendid markets 
 wholly and entirely to Germany and to England? I trust not; 
 and s.\ I say again I hope ere we adjourn and the pending tariff 
 bill becomes a law. there will be written in it a just and fail- 
 provision for open markets, freer trade, and unrestricted com- 
 e between the United States and all our sister republics in 
 Central America. 
 
 GUATEMALA A WOXDr.UI.AXO. 
 
 Mr. Speaker, let me say that among the largest Importers 
 and exporters from and to the United States in Central America 
 
 is Guatemala— one of the richest and most progressive repub- 
 lics in Latin America, and a Republic extremely friendly to 
 1753—8512 
 
this Republic. Guatemala is a wonderland — a place of ideals 
 and a country of contrasts. I have recently been there, and I 
 know whereof I speak, and I say without fear of successful 
 contradiction that Guatemala is now, and always has been, 
 the loyal and consistent friend of the United States. Her nat- 
 ural resources are rich beyond the dreams of avarice, and as yet 
 they have barely been scratched. The people of Guatemala 
 want our trade, and we want their trade. They look to us for 
 aid, and we should extend to them a helping hand in their 
 onward march to greater industrial development. 
 
 PRESIDENT ESTRADA CABRERA. 
 
 Under the wise, farseeing, patriotic, and progressive adminis- 
 tration of President Manuel Estrada Cabrera, Guatemala is 
 rapidly developing her wonderful resources, and instead of clos- 
 ing our doors to her valuable products by restrictive tariff 
 taxes, in my opinion we should open them wider to her grow- 
 ing trade and do all in our power to facilitate closer bonds of 
 friendship and better commercial relations with the Republic 
 of Guatemala — the most enterprising land in all Central Amer- 
 ica. We want her products. She wants our products. I am 
 now, and always have been, a friend of Guatemala. I kuow 
 her people. They are among the most generous and the most 
 hospitable people in all the world; and I am williug to go as 
 far as any man, in Congress or out of Congress, to wipe out 
 tariff barriers in order to secure a fairer exchange of products 
 between the United States and this glorious little Republic of 
 Central America. 
 
 RESTORE OUR MERCHANT MARINE. 
 
 Then, too, sir, in connection with the expansion of our trade 
 and commerce with the countries in Central America we should 
 provide for adequate steamship service by discriminating ton- 
 nage taxes in favor of American-built ships carrying the 
 American flag and manned by American sailors. This policy 
 will go far to restore our merchant marine and give us a share 
 of the deep-sea carrying trade of the westeYn world. Next to 
 securing the trade is the ability to transport it, and we should 
 transport all this commerce in our own ships in order to build 
 up our own merchant marine; and we can easily accomplish 
 it, as I have frequently pointed out. by a graduated system of 
 tonnage taxes in favor of American-built ships and against 
 foreign-built ships. This was the policy of the early states- 
 men of our country, and it will not take a dollar out of the 
 Treasury or a penny out of the pockets of our taxpayers. We 
 must construct our own ships to get this trade: we must build 
 our own merchant marine to command this commerce. The 
 trade of Central America must be ours; it will be ours if (his 
 Cougress will now only do its duly and brush away the COb- 
 webs of the past and break down the barriers which now impede 
 its consummation. Enlightened public opinion favors this move- 
 ment, and I will go as far as any man in Congress to bring it 
 about. 
 
 THE WOBS or JOHN BARRETT. 
 
 Sir. it is only just and proper for me to say at tins time what 
 I have said before on several oeeasions that the good work that 
 is being done and has been done along these lines hy the Hon. 
 
 John Barrett, the very able and efficient and experienced i>i- 
 
 1733—8512 
 
rector of the Bureau <>f the American Republics is to be most sin- 
 cerely commended. 1 1< - is the right man In the right place. 
 His indefatigable labors are beginning to bear fruit, but I am 
 sorry to say that his earnest efforts arc very little appreciated 
 at home, though very generously applauded by the far-seeing 
 statesmen of our Bister republics. 
 
 THBIB SUCCESS OUK SUCCESS. 
 
 Mr. Speaker, the people of these Central American countries 
 are the true friends of the United states; they look to us tor 
 protection and sisterly Sympathy; they need our help in their 
 industrial progress; they desire our aid in the marketing of 
 their products; they want our financial assistance in the develop- 
 ment of their great natural resources; and their resources anil 
 their products art' greater and richer than those of countries far 
 away across the Atlantic and Pacific oceans. We should aid 
 them in their struggle for better conditions; we should extend 
 to them a helping hand in their onward march of progress ; we 
 should glory in their prosperity. Their success is our success. 
 They are rapidly forging to the front; their exports and im- 
 ports are increasing annually; their trade is becoming more 
 and more important; their commerce more and more valuable; 
 and instead of closing our doors by prohibitive tariff taxes 
 against these countries and their products, in my opinion we 
 should open them wider and do everything in our power to 
 hasten closer political ties and facilitate freer trade and com- 
 mercial relations. 
 
 WITE OCT TAUIFF BAUUIEUS. 
 
 We want their products and they want our products, and all 
 tariff barriers erected to prevent a fairer and more reciprocal 
 exchange of goods, wares, and merchandise between us and these 
 countries should, in so far as possible, be wiped out and elimi- 
 nated. It will be for the best interest of the people of our own 
 country, to the lasting benefit of the people of these Central 
 American countries, and for the mutual advantage of each and 
 all — binding us together in closer political ties of friendship and 
 making for the peace and the prosperity and the industrial 
 progress of the times. 
 
 175:;— So 12 
 
 O 
 
The Russian Passport Question. 
 
 SPEECH 
 
 OP 
 
 HON". WILLIAM SULZEE, 
 
 of new york, 
 
 In the House of Representatives, 
 
 December 13, 1911. 
 
 TREATY BETWEEN RUSSIA AND THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 Mr. SULZER (when the Committee on Foreign Affairs was 
 called) said : 
 
 Mr. Speaker : I call up House joint resolution 166, providing 
 for the termination of the treaty of 1832 between the United 
 States and Russia, which I send to the desk and ask to have 
 read. 
 
 The Clerk read as follows: 
 House joint resolution 166, providing for the termination of the treaty 
 of 1832 between the United States and Russia. 
 
 Resolved, etc., That the people of the United States assert as a funda- 
 mental principle that the rights of its citizens shall not be impaired at 
 home or abroad because of race or religion ; that the Government of the 
 United States concludes its treaties for the equal protection of all 
 classes of its citizens, without regard to race or religion : that the Gov- 
 ernment of the United States will not be a party to any treaty which 
 discriminates, or which by one of the parties thereto is so construed 
 as to discriminate, between American citizens on the ground of race or 
 religion ; that the Government of Russia has violated the treaty between 
 the United States and Russia, concluded at St. Petersburg December 18, 
 1832, refusing to honor American passports duly issued to American 
 citizens, on account of race and religion ; that iii the judgment of the 
 Congress the said treaty, for the reasons aforesaid, ought to be ter- 
 minated at the earliest possible time; that for the aforesaid reasons 
 the said treaty is hereby declared to be terminated and of no further 
 force and effect from the expiration of one year after the date of noti- 
 fication to the Government of Russia of the terms of this resolution. 
 and that to this end the President is hereby charged with the duty of 
 communicating such notice to the Government of Russia. 
 
 Mr. SULZER. Mr. Speaker, the joint resolution just read 
 by the Clerk of the House of Representatives speaks for itself 
 and demands the abrogation of the Russian treaty concluded in 
 St. Petersburg in 1S32, because for nearly half a century Russia 
 has persistently refused to abide by its terms and recognize 
 passports of American citizens without discrimination. 
 
 Treaties between nations should be free from ambiguity re- 
 garding the rights of their respective citizens to visil and so- 
 journ in the country of each other, and should admit of no 
 discrimination in favor of some citizens and against other citi- 
 zens of either of the high contracting parties, it is customary 
 among the nations of the world to recognize without discrimi- 
 nation the passports of each, when duly issued and authenti- 
 cated, to their respective citizens who desire to travel in other 
 countries. 
 
 201G4— 10440 
 
The question now before the Congress of the United States 
 ling this "Russian passport question" resolves itself into 
 this: lias Russia by i!i«" treaty of L832 agreed to recognize 
 American passports without discrimination? 
 
 To determine the matter it is necessary to road the provision 
 in the treaty of 1832 between the United States and Russia. 
 Article 1 < i' that treaty reads as follows: 
 
 There shall be between t ho territories of the high contracting parties 
 a reciprocal liberty of commerce and navigation. The Inhabitants of 
 their respective States shall mutually have liberty to enter the ports, 
 and rivers of the territories of each party wherever foreign 
 irce Is permitted. Thej shall be at liberty to sojourn and reside 
 in all parts whatsoever of said territories, in order to attend t 
 affairs, and they shall enjoy, to that effect, the same security and pro- 
 tect ion as natives of the country wherein they reside. 
 
 This provision of the treaty seems to be plain and clear, and 
 gives citizens of the United States— 
 
 the right to sojourn and reside in all parts of Russia in order to 
 to their affairs, and they shall enjoy the same security and 
 protection as natives of the country wherein they reside. 
 
 A treaty is the supreme law of the land, and Mr. Justice Field, 
 of the United slates Supreme Court, laid down the construction 
 of treaties in Geofroy v. Itiggs (133 U. S., 271), in which he 
 
 said: 
 
 It Is a general principle of construction with respect to treaties that 
 they shall be liberally construed, so as to carry out the apparent intent 
 of the part its to secure equality and reciprocity between them. As they 
 are contracts between Independent nations, in their construction, 
 words are to be taken in their ordinary meaning, as understood in the 
 public law of nations, and not in any artificial or special sense im- 
 pressed upon them by local law, unless such restricted sense is clearly 
 intended. And it has been held by this court that where a treaty admits 
 of two constructions, one restrictive of rights that may be claimed 
 under it and the other favorable to them, the hater is to be preferred. 
 
 The treaty with Russia regarding the rights of our people to 
 travel and sojourn in Russia is clear and explicit. By virtue of 
 its terms I am certain that no discrimination ran he made 
 against any American citizen desiring to visit Russia on account 
 of race or religion; and when Russia makes this discrimination 
 she violates the treaty and perpetrates an act unfriendly to the 
 people of the United States. We can not tolerate this injustice 
 to some of our citizens, this violation of treaty stipulations, this 
 race prejudice, and this religious discrimination. It is foreign 
 to the fundamental principles of our free institutions and con- 
 trary to everything for which civilization stands at the dawn 
 of tie twentieth century. 
 
 Wo assert that the Government of the United States has care- 
 fully lived op to its treaty obligations with Russia. We have 
 granted to every Russian eoming to this country all the rights 
 stipulated in the treaty, irrespective of race or religion. That 
 is our construction of tic treaty of 1832 and demonstrates (he 
 intention of the United States Government in its concbosian, 
 
 American citizens should have the same rights to visit and 
 sojourn in Rus-a'a that Russian citizens have to visit and so- 
 journ in the 1'nited States. If they do not, then the treaty is 
 violated and it ought to he abrogated. 
 
 The refusal el' Russia to recognize Anuu-ican passports ou 
 account of race and religion is a clear violation, in my judgment, 
 of the treaty, and the remaining question is one of remedy only. 
 
 The first duty of our Government is to protect the rights of 
 its citizens at home and abroad. All that is required on the 
 20164—10440 
 
part of the United States is a firm determination to do its duty 
 to all its citizens, to do it at all times, and to do it in all places. 
 The seal of the United States on a certificate of citizenship 
 should render it valid and make it acceptable by all countries at 
 its face value throughout the entire world. Our guarantee 
 should be good. 
 
 All argument based on the possible financial injury that may 
 be done to those Americans who have business interests in 
 Russia dwindles into mere nothingness when we consider that 
 human rights and national honor are at stake. It is confi- 
 dently believed that American citizens will not listen with equa- 
 nimity to any* suggestion which places the dollar above the 
 man. Who can be patient when, under existing conditions, we 
 are compelled to record the ignominious fact that during the 
 past summer the proprietor of one of the most influential 
 Jewish newspapers published in New York, who expressed a 
 desire to go to Russia, was refused vise of his passport by the 
 Russian consul at New York, but had no difficulty in procuring 
 such vise from the Russian consul in London? 
 
 Diplomacy of the highest order has been employed in vain 
 to bring about a change of policy on the part of the Russian 
 Government. Both of the great political parties of this country, 
 ever since 1904, in their national platforms declared that it is 
 the unquestioned duty of the Government to procure for all our 
 citizens, without distinction, the rights of travel and sojourn in 
 friendly countries, and have pledged themselves to insist upon the 
 just and equal protection of all of our citizens abroad, and have 
 declared themselves in favor of all efforts tending to that end. 
 They have further pledged themselves to insist upon the just and 
 lawful protection of our citizens at home and abroad and to 
 use all proper measures to secure for them, whether native born 
 or naturalized and without distinction of race or creed, the 
 equal protection of our laws and the enjoyment of all rights 
 and privileges open to them under the covenants of our treaties 
 of friendship and commerce. 
 
 On October 19, 190S, Senator Root, then Secretary of State, 
 in a letter to Mr. Jacob H. Schiff, referring to the same subject, 
 declared that our Government had never varied in its insistence 
 upon equality of treatment for all American citizens who seek 
 to enter Russia with passports, without regard to creed or 
 origin, and that the administration had repeatedly brought the 
 matter to the attention of the Russian Government and urged 
 the making of a new treaty for the purpose of regulating the 
 subject. The communication concludes: 
 
 We have but very recently received an unfavorable reply to this 
 proposal, and we have now communicated to Russia an expression of 
 the desire of this Government for the complete revision and amend- 
 ment of the treaty of 1832, which provides for reciprocal rights of 
 residence and travel on the part of the citizens of the two countries. 
 We have expressed our views (hat such a course would be preferable 
 to the complete termination of the treaty, subjecting both countries to 
 the possibility of being left without any reciprocal rights whatever, 
 owing to the delay in the making of a new treaty. 
 
 Seven years have passed since both political parties have 
 made these declarations of principle: three years have passed 
 since this pointed statement of our State Department, and yet 
 conditions are exactly the same as they were 40 years age. there 
 has been absolutely no progress in negotiation, the efforts of 
 20 1G4— 10440 
 
diplomacy hare proven futile, and the same discrimination 
 among our citizens continues. 
 
 There has thus been Inflicted, and continues to be Inflicted, a 
 shameless affront upon the honor of our country and upon the 
 integrity of American citizenship. The insult is not upon the 
 Individuals as t<> whom there has been discrimination, but 
 against the entire body <>r American citizens, because a wrong 
 done to one In his capacity as a citizen is a wrong inflicted upon 
 
 every citizen. 
 
 Our Government has been extremely patient and remarkably 
 resourceful, yet there is nothing to indicate that anything can 
 be accomplished by a continuance of the method's thus far em- 
 ployed. Russia believes that our Government has not been 
 serious and that its efforts have been ceremonial rather than 
 real. The time has come at last when more decisive action is 
 required, otherwise there will be good reasons for asserting 
 that certain classes of our citizens who have been singled out 
 by Russia are under civil disabilities with the implied sanction 
 of our Government. 
 
 From a careful and an unprejudiced investigation of all the 
 circumstances in this controversy, it seems evident to me, and it 
 must be apparent to every sensible and fair-minded person, that 
 when the treaty with Russia was concluded it was the intention 
 of Russia and the United States that the rights granted by 
 Article I of that treaty should extend equally to every citizen of 
 this country without discrimination of any kind whatsoever. 
 
 This being so, it is self-evident from the record in the case 
 that liussia has fur years continually violated this provision of 
 the treaty by refusing to recognize passports granted to Ameri- 
 can citizens on account of race or religion. 
 
 This is uot a Jewish question. It is an American question. It 
 involves a great principle. It affects the rights of all American 
 citizens. Russia not only refuses to recognize American pass- 
 ports held by Jews on account of their race or their religion 
 but she also refuses, when she sees fit, to recognize American 
 passports held by Baptist missionaries, Catholic priests, and 
 Presbyterian divines, on account of their religious belief. 
 
 The Government of the United States declares as a funda- 
 mental principle that all men are equal before the law regard- 
 less of race or religion, and mates no distinction based on the 
 creeds or the birthplaces of its citizens in this connection, nor 
 can it consistently permit such distinctions to be made by a 
 i power. We solemnly assert, and must maintain, that 
 the rights of our citizens at home or abroad shall not be im- 
 paired on account of race or religion. 
 
 Not the religion, nor the race of a man, but his American 
 citizenship is the true test of the treatment he shall receive and 
 the rights he shall enjoy under the law at home and abroad. 
 This is fundamental. We must adhere to it tenaciously. 
 
 Freedom of religious belief — the right to worship our Maker 
 according to the dictates of our conscience — is one of the corner 
 stones of our broad institutions, and so jealous of this liberty 
 were the fathers that they wrote in the Federal Constitution: 
 
 Congress shall make no law respecting the establishment of religion 
 or prohibiting the free exercise thereof. 
 
 "We must maintain this great principle of religious freedom 
 inviolate forever. 
 201G4— lotto 
 
5 
 
 Mr. Speaker, what action should the Congress of the United 
 States take in this matter? I have given much thought to this 
 inquiry and have finally concluded that the best thing we can do 
 to remedy this injustice to American citizens is to serve the 
 usual official notice of 12 months on Russia that we desire to 
 abrogate the treaty of 1S32, and that at the expiration of the 
 notice, given in accordance with the terms of the treaty, it 
 shall be null and void. 
 
 We must be true to the great principles of justice and free- 
 dom and equality on which our Government is founded. We 
 must not connive at the discrimination of any American citizen 
 on account of his race or his religion or permit any foreign 
 power to discriminate against him for these reasons. To do so 
 belittles our dignity, is an insult to every American, and makes 
 our boast of equal rights to all a hollow mockery. 
 
 Russia must recognize American passports without discrimi- 
 nation on account of race or religion, or the Russian treaty 
 should be abrogated. Our self-respect demands it. The mem- 
 ories of the past dictate it ; our hope for the future commands 
 it. No other course is open to the United States, and for this 
 Government to submit longer to the violation by Russia of the 
 treaty is a humiliation to our sense of justice and to our love 
 for our fellow man that merits the condemnation of every 
 patriotic citizen in America. 
 
 We are a patient aud a long-suffering people where the ques- 
 tion involved does not touch us on our tenderest spot — our 
 pocketbooks; but the patriotic awakening has come at last, and 
 with it a keen realization of the affronts we have suffered for 
 years at the hands of a Government notorious for its lack of 
 human sympathy. 
 
 This is not a partisan question. It is an American matter. 
 In a dignified way we say to Russia we give you the official 
 notice provided for in the treaty to abrogate the same, because 
 you have violated it — because it is obsolete — and we want to 
 negotiate a new treaty with you in harmony with the spirit of 
 the times; and we say to all the world in calmness and in delib- 
 eration, the Government of the United States puts human rights 
 above commercial gain in writing treaty contracts with the 
 powers of the earth. 
 
 Mr. Speaker, this joint resolution introduced by me has been 
 unanimously reported from the Committee on Foreign Affairs 
 of this House,, and I congratulate my colleagues on the com- 
 mittee for their expedition and their broad-minded patriotism 
 in tbe matter. Behind this resolution is an overwhelming case 
 of treaty violation, as conclusive in its details as it is incon- 
 trovertible in its proofs. 
 
 Nevertheless, in adopting to-day this resolution to abrogate 
 the Russian treaty we but follow precedent. We do nothing 
 new, nothing startling, nothing offensive. We assert a funda- 
 mental principle, act advisedly on a vested privilege declare 
 that human lights are more important than commercial rights 
 for the welfare of a free and a progressive people, and invoke 
 the impartial judgment of every liberty-loving and right-think- 
 ing citizen in our country on the justification of our action in 
 the premises. 
 
 The press and the pulpit, the bench and the bar, the Jew and 
 the Gentile, the poor and the rich, the weak and the powerful, 
 the Catholic and the Protestant throughout patriotic America 
 201G4— 10440 
 
demand that the Russian treaty be abrogated. The people are 
 aroused about the matter as they never have been before over 
 the Question, and the time for action by the Congress has come. 
 
 Ti re can be do arbitration of this elemental principle of our 
 Government; there must be ao more delay: the matter must be 
 settled now and for all time, and a new treaty hereafter nego- 
 tiated In which Russia can find no loophole to enable her in the 
 future to discriminate against any American citizen on account 
 of race or religion; a new treaty that will be up to date; that 
 will be in harmony with the twentieth century; that will In- in 
 sympathy with human rights; that will not override our Fed- 
 eral Constitution; that will not violate our national ideals; and 
 that will not dishonor the virtue and the integrity of the pass- 
 portS of our splendid and intelligent and patriotic American 
 citizenship. [Long and loud applause.] 
 
 Mr. Speaker, 1 ask unanimous consent to print in the Rec- 
 ord a few letters from distinguished citizens, which I intended 
 to read, but OOul d not for lack of time. 
 
 The SPEAKER. Is there objection? [After a pause.] The 
 Chair hoars none. 
 
 The letters follow : 
 
 103 East THIRTJ-FIFTH STREET, 
 
 New York City, December 1, 1011. 
 
 Hon. William Sulzer, 
 
 Chairman Committee on Foreign Affair/), 
 
 House of Representatives, Washington, D. 0. 
 
 My DBAS Mr. Sulzer : It is impossible for me to accept the invita- 
 tion you tender me to come lo Washington and be present at tin 
 
 tore the Committee en Foreign Affairs next Monday. Even were 
 I to come there is little that I could say. It has all been said and said 
 repeatedly and effects 
 
 The resolution which you have introduced seems to me to go directly 
 to the point, with no waste of words, no disjoiutcdness in argument, 
 and no disguise of purpose. 
 
 The question is not ai all a racial one. although projected by Russia's 
 racial discrimination. It is of no present significance whose passports 
 it is thai Russia fails to honor or how many or how few of such dis- 
 honored passports there may be. One such, issued in due form, if un- 
 recognized by ber, and persistently unrecognized, is a breach of 
 aational contract and an insult not only to the United States Govern- 
 ment, but to every individual citizen under that Government. It is to 
 (his individual sens.' of wrong that is due the intense feeling that now 
 prevails, our national dignity suffers by our indefinite submission to 
 Russia's pertinacious discourtesy and contumely. There is a point at 
 which aational forbearance not only ceases to be a virtue but 
 mences to ' condition of self-stultification, and at that point 
 
 we seem to nave already arrived. 
 
 The present situation affords us the opportunity to teach Russia a 
 less. .n in the art of modern civilization, and it i.- her Ignorance and 
 Inappreciation of that art that renders appropriate a more decisive 
 
 and drastic method Of dealing with Inn- than might be allowable were 
 she standing at a level with the more advanced najtlons with whom 
 such terms as treaty, compact, probity, and honor carry a significance 
 of which Russia appears to he altogether inappreclatlve. 
 
 I believe, sir, that the adoption of the resolution introduced by you, 
 . to the abrogation of the existing treaty with Russia, will afford 
 • ■ satisfaction not only to our Jewish friends but to the great 
 mass of American cltl 
 
 Yours, respectfully, C. II. Pabkhurst. 
 
 New York, December 8, 1911. 
 Hon. William Bdlzer, 
 
 Chairman of thi litee on Foreign Affair.*, 
 
 lii ust if Representatives, Washington, D. C. 
 My DEAR Mr. SOLZBR: I am unfortunately unable to go to Washington 
 and be present at the bearing which your committee will grant, on the 
 11th Instant, on the resolution which you have introduced to abrogate 
 the Russian treaty. 
 -0104—10410 
 
I sincerely trust that joint resolution No. 166, providing for the ter- 
 mination of the treaty of 1832 between our country and Russia, will 
 he unanimously approved by your committee. In my opinion, it is 
 absolutely useless to temporize any .longer over the passport question. 
 For the past 40 years Russia has ignored the protests of our State 
 Department, and the time has now arrived when all American citizens 
 who are proud of their citizenship_ should rise up and force Russia 
 either at once to recognize the provisions of the treaty of 1832 or that 
 the Government of the United States give summary notice of its abro- 
 gation. It does not appear to me to be a religious o.uestion, but an 
 American question, and one of right, honesty, and patriotism. It is 
 abhorrent to the true American doctrine of equality that any country 
 should discriminate against any class of American citizenship, and ail 
 the more shameful in view of that explicit protection afforded under 
 the terms of the treaty. All the efforts of diplomacy and the vigorous 
 protests heretofore made have been of no avail. American citizenship 
 must now be vindicated and notice given to Russia that we will no 
 longer permit the violation of our treaty obligations. The present situ- 
 ation is disgraceful, and as an American citizen — not only as a Jew — 
 I appeal to all members of the Committee on Foreign Affairs and to 
 our honored House of Representatives for justice. Let us not place 
 material interests above those of fair dealing, righteousness, and justice. 
 
 It appears to me that the suggestion offered to submit the question 
 at issue to an international court of arbitration would be humiliating 
 to the dignity and honor of our country. There is nothing to arbitrate ; 
 it is a question of enforcement of the treaty or of its abrogation. 
 
 I take this opportunity of thanking you "for the noble and persistent 
 fight which you have made on behalf of all loyal citizens. I feel con- 
 vinced that your committee will favorably report the resolution and 
 that the bill will pass both Houses of Congress. 
 Very truly, yours, 
 
 Isaac N. Selig.man. 
 
 1S22 Glenwood Road, 
 Flatbush, N. Y., December 9, 1911. 
 Hon. William Sulzer, 
 
 Chairman Committee on Foreign Affairs, 
 
 Washington, D. C. 
 My Dear Mr. Sulzer : I am sorry that I can not appear in person 
 before your committee to speak in favor of the resolution providing for 
 the termination of the treaty of 1S32 between the United States" and 
 Russia. Thirteen years ago I first published my book. Justice to the 
 Jew. I believe I was the first Gentile voice, in my profession at least, 
 to make a plea for justice to the Jew. There is no new argument that 
 can be made at this late day against the passage of your resolution. 
 My contention has always been that this is not a Jewish but an 
 American question. All we ask is that Russia shall do for all our 
 citizens what we are doing for all theirs — justice and a square deal 
 The American people justly demand as much and consistently can not, 
 will not. be satisfied with less. 
 
 Very sincerely, yours, Madison C. Peters. 
 
 Chicago, December 9, 1911. 
 Hon. William Silzer, 
 
 House of Representatives, Washington, D. C. 
 
 My Deai: Mi:. Sclzer : Replying to your letter of the Gth instant, I 
 wired you as follows : 
 
 " I regret my inability to comply with your request to appear before 
 Committee on Foreign Affairs next Monday. 
 
 "All I would say will doubtless be far more ably presented by others 
 who will attend. 
 
 "A vital principle is at stake, in which every self-respecting American 
 citizen is deeply interested. 
 
 " I earnestly hope the resolution will pass." 
 
 The foregoing message is by no means formal or perfunctory, since 
 I do, indeed, regret my inability to be there, even though I could not 
 and did not add a word or thought to the able presentation of the 
 Question which will surely then be made. 
 
 My law partner, Mr. Adolf Kraus, president of the Independent Order 
 of B'nal R'rilh, returned this morning from a visit to Washington 
 and New York, and said that while lie found it Impossible for him to 
 remain, Mr. Louis Marshall, of New JTork, Is expected to express the 
 sentiments of this order or, perhaps more particularly, those of its 
 president. 
 
 1 \rry much appreciate the deep interest you take in this question. 
 It should bring you the lasting gratitude of not only citizens of Jewish 
 201G4— 10110 
 
8 
 
 extraction, bul citizens of all classes, whatever, their origin, who believe 
 that American citizenship Is something more than an idle abstraction. 
 
 1 thank you Cor your wry kind and Battering letter, and with assur- 
 ance of highest esteem, I am, as .ever, 
 
 Very sincerely, yours, .Sam ill Alschdxbb. 
 
 Hon. William Sdlzeb, 
 
 Chairman Committee on Foreign Affairs. 
 My Dhab Sulzbr : l had expected t<> ho at the hearing Monday, bat 
 am detained in New York by an unexpected lawsuit. I am very BOrry. 
 As a former member of the Foreign Affairs Committee, may I express 
 the hope that the abrogation resolution will he promptly reported? 
 We have waited long enough for justice from Russia. 
 Yours, very truly, 
 
 William S. Bex.net. 
 
 Men's Club, St. Peteb'S Chubch, 
 Niagara rails, N. v., December 5, 191 1. 
 lion. William Sclzeil 
 
 'Deab Sut : At a meeting of the men of St. Peter's parish, held De- 
 -1, 1911, the resolution concerning the treaty with Russia was 
 ted and unanimously passed In the words which your commit- 
 tee suggested in your communication dated November 29. 
 Yours, most truly, 
 
 Rev. Philip V.*. Moshhb. 
 
 Resolution. 
 Whereas for more than a generation passports issued by our Gov- 
 ernment to American citizens have been openly and continually dis- 
 regarded and discredited by Russia in violation of its treaty obliga- 
 tions and the usage of civilized nations. 
 
 During all that time administration after administration, irrespec- 
 tive of party, has protested against this insult and humiliation, and 
 Congress has on repeated occasions given emphatic expression to its 
 resentment of the strain Imposed upon our national honor. Diplomacy 
 has exhausted itself in ineffectual effort to bring relief, for which a 
 new generation is Impatiently waiting. 
 
 The citizenship of every American who loves his country has in con- 
 sequence been subjected to degradation, and it has become a matter of 
 such serious import to the people of the United States, as an entirety, 
 that this condition can no longer be tolerated. Be 11 ther 
 
 Resolved, That as a body of citizens having at heart the preservation 
 of the honor of the Nation, joining In generous emulation with all other 
 citizens to elevate its moral and political standards and to stimulate an 
 abiding consciousness of Its ideal mission among the nations of the 
 earth, that our Representatives in Congress give their support to the 
 ition now pending In Congress, Introduced by Mr. Sdlzbb, of New 
 York, providing for the termination of the treaty of 1832 now existing 
 en the united states and Russia, to the end that If treaty rela- 
 are to exist between the two nations it shall he upon such condi- 
 tions and guaranties only as shall be consonant with the dignity of the 
 Be it further 
 lived. Thai a copy of this resolution be forwarded to the Con- 
 gressmen of our respective districts and the Senators of our State. 
 
 National Oeu man- American Alliance 
 
 en mi: United States of America, 
 
 Philadelphia 3 l'a., December t, ion. 
 To the TTon. William SDLZEB, 
 
 House oj Representatives, Washington, D. C. 
 Deab Sib: Protesting against the action of the Russian Government 
 
 in not recognizing the passports Of American citizens of the .Jewish 
 
 persuasion, the convention of the National German-American Alliance, 
 held at Washington, d. C, October 8-10, 1911, decided to request 
 Congress to declare null and void the treaty of this country with 
 Russia of 1832. 
 
 The following resolution was adopted unanimously : 
 
 lived, That the nonrt gnition of the American passport by the 
 
 Russian Government on at unl or the religion of the bolder thereof is 
 
 violative of tiie treaty of ls:;i'. and therefore Congress be petitioned to 
 pass the Sulz.er resolution to abrogate said treaty. 
 Respectfully submitted. _ 
 
 Adolph Timm, Secretary. 
 
 201G4— 10440 
 
 o 
 
PURCHASE OF EMBASSY AND CONSULAR 
 BUILDINGS ABROAD 
 
 SPEECH 
 
 OF 
 
 HON. WILLIAM SULZER 
 
 OF NEW YORK 
 
 HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES 
 
 FEBRUARY 7, 1911 
 
 
 WASTTTISTGTON 
 1911 
 
 793M— {,615 
 
SPEECH 
 
 OP 
 
 HON. WILLIAM 8ULZER, 
 
 The House being in the Committee of the Whole House on the state 
 of the Union and having under consideration the bill (H. R. 30888) 
 providing for the purchase or erection, within certain limits of cost, of 
 embassy, legation, and consular buildings abroad, and for other 
 purposes — 
 
 Mr. SULZER said : 
 
 Mr. Chairman : For many years I have been in favor of this 
 Government acquiring and owning diplomatic and consular 
 establishments for its representatives in the principal countries 
 of the world. This bill is a step in that direction and meets 
 with my earnest approval. 
 
 What the United States requires, in my opinion, in the great 
 capitals of the world, are official residences, which shall be per- 
 manent homes for its diplomatic and consular representatives, 
 whether they be rich or poor, in which they shall reside in a 
 position consistent with democratic institutions. I believe the 
 taxpayers of the country favor it because it will mean the main- 
 tenance of the dignity of our people and the enhancement of 
 the prestige of the Republic. Such a policy will produce an 
 external uniformity in the outward semblance of each and con- 
 ceal the difference between the rich diplomat and the poor, yet, 
 perhaps, far abler scholar and statesman. The price of a mod- 
 ern battleship would provide proper homes for most of our 
 ministers and ambassadors abroad and give these official resi- 
 dences the dignity that is associated with permanency. 
 
 The diplomatic representatives of our country iu foreign capi- 
 tals should reside in suitable homes, owned and furnished in a 
 proper manner by our Government, and be paid a salary suffi- 
 cient to enable them to live in a way befitting the greatness and 
 2 79395—0615 
 
the glory of the United States. We are a world power of the 
 first magnitude, and we should live up to it in the diplomatic 
 family of nations. I believe in economy. I like democratic 
 simplicity ; but I have traveled some, and, like others who have 
 been in foreign lands, I know what a sorry figure we generally 
 cut in diplomatic circles. If we want to be abreast of the 
 political and commercial spirit of the times we must yield to 
 modern progress in these important matters of the world and 
 lay aside the ultraconservatism of the past and the rigid sim- 
 plicity of bygone days. 
 
 If Congress is unable to understand the exceedingly mean 
 figure that is cut by the United States in foreign capitals when 
 its diplomatic representatives are obliged to spend their yearly 
 salaries in providing themselves with a roof over their oflicial 
 heads, then the case is hopeless. If our ambassador is an object 
 of derision, if the United States is the subject of contemptu- 
 ous remarks by all the little whippersnappers of diplomacy 
 who have been better provided for, the fault lies in the Con- 
 gress of this great country. Rich and powerful as we are as a 
 Nation, we belittle our own dignity and that of our representa- 
 tives in foreign lands by refusing to establish permanent homes 
 for them where the Stars and Stripes may ever fly. 
 
 Sir, how can we expect our diplomats abroad to be treated 
 with the same respect as those of other countries when the 
 very houses in which they live invite invidious comparisons? 
 It is just as important for the envoys representing our people 
 to be housed in a manner befitting the wealth and power of 
 our country as it is for the President of the United States to 
 live in the White House ; and the saddest commentary on it all 
 is the knowledge that men of ability, men of experience, but 
 lacking riches, in view of present conditions, can not hope to 
 represent this country in foreign lands. It would be more be- 
 coming to our pretensions of democratic simplicity, in my judg- 
 ment, if Congress should now place our Diplomatic Service on a 
 basis where brains and not dollars alone will be the essentials 
 for diplomatic office in foreign countries. 
 
If I am any judge of public opinion, I venture the assertion 
 i hat popular sentiment favors the enactment "f this legislation, 
 
 and I Indulge the hope that this hill will he a law ere we ad- 
 journ. We can not escape the logic of the case and the force 
 of the contention that our country must have fitting official 
 homes for its representatives in foreign capitals, Hying Old 
 Glory, and tenanted by patriotic citizens with an eye single for 
 the welfare of America. 
 79395—0015 
 
 o 
 
Alaska Wants Home Rule. 
 SPEECH 
 
 OF 
 
 HON. WILLIAM SULZER, 
 
 of new york, 
 
 In the House of Representatives, 
 
 January lJf, 1911. 
 
 Mr. WICKERSHAM. I will offer an amendment, then, at 
 
 this time to the same paragraph, that the words " not less than 
 
 one-half thereof upon the military and post road, bridges, and 
 
 trail between Seward and Iditarod," in lines 18 and 19, page 3S, 
 
 be stricken out. 
 
 The CHAIRMAN. The Clerk will report the amendment 
 
 The Clerk read the paragraph as it would be if amended : 
 
 Construction and maintenance of military and post roads, bridges, 
 and trails, Alaska : For the construction and maintenance of military 
 and post roads, bridges, and trails in the District of Alaska, to be 
 expended under the direction of the board of road commissioners 
 described in section 2 of an act entitled "An act to provide for the 
 construction and maintenance of roads, the establishment and main- 
 tenance of schools, and the care and support of insane persons in the 
 District of Alaska, and for other purposes,'' approved Janaury 27. 1010, 
 and to be expended conformably to the provisions of said act, $100,000, 
 to remain available until the close of the fiscal year ending June 
 30, 1913. 
 
 Mr. SULZER. Mr. Chairman, I move to amend, so it shall 
 
 read " one hundred and fifty thousand dollars." 
 
 The CHAIRMAN. The Clerk will report the amendment. 
 
 The Clerk read as follows : 
 
 Page 39, line 3, after the word " hundred " Insert the words " and 
 fifty," so as to read " one hundred and fifty thousand dollars." 
 
 Mr. SULZER. Mr. Chairman, in support of the amendment 
 I have offered, to give the Alaska Roads Commission $50,000 
 more for work this year, I wish to say that I substantially 
 concur in what the gentleman from Alaska has told the House. 
 The Government should build this year a dirt road in Alaska 
 73945—9497 
 
from Seward to the Iditarod country. There are Beveral thou- 
 sand people in the Iditarod gold placer mining camps, and 
 many believe it will be one of the best gold camps in Alaska. 
 They will take out millions and millions of gold. The camp at 
 present is quite inaccessible, and it costs the miners a good deal 
 of time and money to get their supplies In and their products 
 out by reason of its present inaccessibility. To get in or out 
 now means a journey of about 900 miles out of the way, and 
 freight rates are exorbitant. The camp is greatly handicapped, 
 and prices for nearly everything have been increased. The 
 people living in the Iditarod want to go in and come out by 
 way of Seward — the nearest and the quickest way. A road 
 between these places would shorten the present route, by way 
 of Fairbanks, nearly two-thirds of the distance. 
 
 The Delegate from Alaska understands the question, and 
 what he tells us should be controlling in the matter. My amend- 
 ment will solve his difficulty by giving the Alaska road com- 
 missioners the sum of $50,000 more for the current year. The 
 road commission can not build the Iditarod road and get along 
 with less money without neglecting the different roads now in 
 existence in Alaska, and which must be maintained. Nothing is 
 more necessary to open up this great country of Alaska to the 
 people than good roads. The building of these trails and wagon 
 roads to the different camps and towns in Alaska is of much 
 import to all the people of the country. It is not a local matter. 
 It is a national question. The wealth coming from Alaska bene- 
 fits the country generally. The Alaskans ask for little from 
 the Federal Government. All they want is home rule and 
 a part of their money that they pay into the Federal Treasury 
 yearly for the construction of dirt roads and simple trails to 
 make ingress and egress in that wild and rugged country a little 
 easier and less expensive. Hence the expenditure of a few 
 thousand dollars, more or less, for trails and dirt roads to aid 
 the men who discover these gold camps in the wilderness of 
 Alaska is money wisely expended, and yields back untold 
 wealth to all the people in the land. 
 
 Mr. Chairman, I know something about the vast domain we 
 call Alaska. I know something about the sentiments of the 
 7.".!>45— 0497 
 
people who live there, and I stand here and declare with the 
 confident knowledge that I can not be successfully contradicted 
 that the people of Alaska — the people who have gone there, and 
 who have lived there for years, and who are bona fide residents 
 of Alaska, and intend to stay there during the rest of their 
 lives — I know what they want, and I declare here that they 
 want not only a Representative in Congress, but they want Ter- 
 ritorial government. They want the right that every other Ter- 
 riory in the Union has — the right to make their own local laws, 
 to levy their own local taxes, to regulate their own internal 
 affairs, and to spend the money gathered by the tax collector 
 for their own use, for their own schools, for their own charit- 
 able institutions, for their own municipal affairs, for their own 
 trails and dirt roads, and for their own peace and happiness. 
 This is not asking too much, in my opinion. It is a fundamental 
 right. It seems to me it is only fair and just and proper. 
 Alaska has a population at the present time upward of 60,000 
 bona fide white citizens. It is true they are scattered over a 
 vast territory, but it is also true that they are an honest, brave, 
 sober, manly, God-fearing people who are of our kin, and who 
 ought to be treated as American citizens. I assert it is a fact 
 that I do not know how a few thousand dollars can be expended 
 to better advantage to all the people than in building these 
 roads. I have traveled some in Alaska and I know whereof I 
 speak. The gold that comes out of Alaska goes to the Govern- 
 ment assay office, is coined into money — real money — which in- 
 creases the volume of our circulating medium and that makes 
 times good and prosperous. That is so fundamental that I do 
 not think any economist or financial authority will dispute it 
 successfully. We owe much to Alaska. 
 
 Mr. HAMILTON. Will the gentleman yield? 
 
 Mr. SULZER. Certainly. I always yield to the gentleman 
 from Michigan. 
 
 Mr. HAMILTON. Simply for information. I recoguize, my- 
 self, the importance of a trail from Seward across to Iditarod, 
 but bearing upon the gentleman's statement that it is necessary 
 to carry supplies from Valdez over this road oSO miles to Fair- 
 banks, and then around to Iditarod 
 
 73045—9497 
 
Mr. SULZER. The gentleman from Alaska [Mr. Wickeb- 
 shasi] has expalined that fully. He is correct, quite correct, 
 about it. 
 
 Mr. HAMILTON. I want to know whether it is possible to 
 ship supplies during the summer season into Fairbanks, and 
 then have them held for transportation from Fairbanks into 
 Iditarod, as a practical proposition, saving this trip from Valdez 
 to Fairbanks overland? 
 
 Mr. SULZER. Yes. Some of the supplies, of course, can go 
 that way, and do go that way. The Iditarod is a new camp — a 
 good camp — with severai thousand people. Supplies go in now 
 from Fairbanks, from Nome, from places in the Yukon Valley, 
 and from the valley of the Kuskokwim; but nearly all these 
 supplies would go by the way of Seward if this proposed road 
 was built, and that would save thousands and thousands of 
 dollars not only to the miners, but to shippers and other people 
 from all over the United States who are doing business in 
 that section of Alaska. If this camp were in Canada, the Gov- 
 ernment of Canada would quickly construct the road. They do 
 these things better in Canada in these matters than in this 
 country. 
 
 In conclusion, let me say I trust there will be no opposition 
 to this amendment, because I feel confident that if the addi- 
 tional $."30,000 is granted the road commissioners of Alaska — in 
 whom I have every confidence — will have enough money to do 
 this work and everything else in road construction and mainte- 
 nance that is necessary to be done in Alaska this year. 
 73945—9497 
 
 O 
 
Justice to all Demands tlie Ratification of tho Income-Tax 
 Amendment to the Federal Constitution. 
 
 SPEECH 
 
 OF 
 
 HOX. WILLIA3I SULZEB, 
 
 o f n e w york, 
 In the House of Representatives, 
 
 January 8, 1910. 
 
 The House being in Committee of the Whole House on the state of 
 the Union and having under consideration the bill (H. K. 15384) making 
 appropriations for the support of the army for the fiscal year ending 
 June 30, 1911 — 
 
 Mr. SULZER said: 
 
 Mr. Chairman : For many years I have been the earnest ad- 
 vocate and the consistent champion of the imposition of a fed- 
 eral income tax, because it is the most equitable system of 
 taxation to all concerned that can, to my mind, be devised, com- 
 pelling wealth, as well as toil, to pay its just share of the bur- 
 dens of government. 
 
 As a citizen of the State of Xew York I had indulged the hope 
 that the income-tax amendment to the Federal Constitution 
 passed in the last session of Congress would meet with the 
 approval of Governor Hughes and be ratified this year by the 
 legislature of the Empire State. 
 
 Contrary to my expectations, however, and doubtless much 
 to the disappointment of many of the sincere friends of the 
 governor, the latter, in his recent message to the legislature de- 
 clares in specific terms against the ratification by the legisla- 
 ture of the income-tax amendment and urges its defeat. 
 
 I regret exceedingly that the governor has lent his great in- 
 fluence, with a studied calculation, tn the side of political reac- 
 tion, and thrown the weight of his great office, regardless of 
 popular opinion, to the support of selfish privilege. 
 
 The issue is a momentous one. and the people must decide. 
 For years they have demanded an income tax. and justice to all 
 commanded that it should be written on the federal statute 
 bonks so that the burdens of government should he more equi- 
 tably adjusted and the unprotected weak and the o\erladened 
 poor, to some extent, relieved of unjust discriminations in taxa- 
 tion. 
 
 Now, Mr. Chairman, in this connection I send to the Clerk's 
 desk and desire to bave read in my time a very able editorial 
 on tho SUbjed from the New York World. 
 
 The Clerk read as follows: 
 
 GOVERNOR HUGHES AND Tin: INCOME TAX. 
 
 [From editorial in New York World, Thursday, January 6, 1910.] 
 Governor Hughes bas furnished t>> the opponents of the Income-tax 
 
 amendment tin thing they have been seeking a plausible argument 
 
 from a highly respectable source. 
 22175—8659 
 
The governor's objection to t ln> amendment as submitted to t: 
 mil Btate legislatures for ratification binges upon the four words, 
 "from whatever source derived." in his opinion this would permit 
 Congress to tax the Income from Btate and < iiy bonds; and "to place 
 tbe borrowing capacity of the State and Its governmental agem 
 the mercy of the federal taxing power would be of the 
 
 essential rights of the State which as it- officers we arc bound i" de« 
 fend." Or, as the governor says elsewhere In bis □ to per- 
 
 mit such securities to be the subject of federal taxation is to plai 
 limitations upon the borrowing power of tii>' stair as to make the 
 performance of the functions of local government a matter of federal 
 graic." 
 
 With all respect t" Governor Hughes, the World regards his fears 
 try than real. Assuming even that tins amendment 
 
 would confer upon Congress power t<> tax the in oe from Btate and 
 
 city bonds, which is by no means certain, it is unlikely that Congress 
 would try to exercise thai power, liver since the adoption of tin- Con- 
 stitution Congress has had tin' power to levy dii If it pleases, 
 only t>> tii'' restriction that they be apportioned among tho 
 several States according to population. As a matter of public policy, 
 however, it lias never exercised this power. 
 
 The effed of popular sentiment upon ill-' vers of C< 
 
 i',i exceptional force by Justice Harlan in his dissenting 
 opinion in tin' income-tax case, which Governor lotes in his 
 
 message: "Any attempt on the part of Congress to apportion among the 
 States, upon the basis simply of their population, taxation of personal 
 property or of Incomes would tend to arouse such Indignation among 
 the freemen of America that it would never he repeated." In other 
 words, the taxing power of Congress has t-. ised in accordance 
 
 with the sentiment id' the American people. 
 
 Members of Congress are citizens of Slates and residents of counties. 
 They live in cities or villages or townships, as the case may he. and 
 most of these agencies of local government issue bonds for one purpose 
 or another. It is hardly probable that Congressmen would [.ass a fed- 
 eral-tax law impairing the value of the public securities of the commu- 
 nities in which they live and for the redemption of which their own 
 property is a pledge. But even if they did. we can assure Governor 
 Hughes that heal s If-government will not perish from Ihe earth or 
 ■ " a mat tor of federal gi 
 
 British Government, we believe, taxes the income from its own 
 consols, yet government in Great Britain still lives. Congress recently 
 levied an excise tax upon the net income of all corporations doing 
 business in the Dnited states. If the governor's process of re; 
 is correct, all these corporations will exisl as "a matter of 
 
 grace." When the stamp taxes were in force during i ] 
 
 lean war Mr. Charles El. Hughes must have drawn checks against 
 
 his personal hank account as "a matter of federal gra 
 
 All that a federal tax on the income from city and state bonds could 
 mean is that a Blight increase might have to ho made in the rale of 
 interest, as the holders of these securities would lose some of their 
 special privileges. If this is to be resisted as an invasion of state 
 
 rights, then the Government must concede that state ■ • vastly 
 
 more sacred than individual rights, for no such immunity is accorded 
 to the individual in his tax relations with the federal Government. 
 
 It taxes the blanket he is wrapped up in when he is born. It iaxes 
 the lumber in the roof that covers his head. It taxes tiie food that 
 -. the clothes that he wears, the ooliin in which he is buried, and 
 the humble gravestone that bids him ret in peace with the ho; 
 glorious resurrection. All this, however, is not an Invasion id' state 
 rights, and hence the governor refuses to worry about it. 
 
 The World does not impeach Governor Hughes's sincerity. His decla- 
 ration in favor of conferring upon Congress power to levy an income 
 tax is clear and unequivocal. His objections are all direct.',! against 
 the form of the proposed amendment : hat as this amendment 
 only specific income-tax question before the country, the goveri 
 all present practical purposes might as well have declared himself 
 against an Income tax in any form. 
 
 rdiess of the distinction he makes, Governor Hughes's me 
 will be hailed -with delight by all the Interests that oppose an Income 
 tax. They will promptly fall in behind the governor of New York to 
 
 safeguard the precious principle of state rights. Wail street is always 
 
 for state rights when there is any money in it. and always believes 
 in a strong central government when the balance of profit Bwings in 
 that direction, it will turn Governor Hughes's message, his arguments, 
 
 his influence, and his great reputation to its own account in every 
 22175—8059 
 
state capital in which there is a chance to prevent the ratification of 
 the amendment. 
 
 If this amendment to the Constitution of the T'nited States is de- 
 feated, a larger measure of responsibility will rest upon Charles B. 
 Hughes than upon any other one citizen of the country — a fact to 
 which the governor doubtless gave careful and conscientious consid- 
 eration before he sent his message to the New York legislature. 
 
 Mr. SULZER. Mr. Chairman, that timely and eloquent and 
 impartial editorial sums up the whole situation, and appealed 
 to me so strongly that I immediately wrote a letter commending 
 it to the New York World, which is published on its editorial 
 page this morning, and which I now send to the Clerk's desk 
 and ask to have read in my time as part of my remarks. 
 
 The Clerk read as follows : 
 
 IN REPLY TO GOVERNOR HUGHES REPRESENTATIVE SULZER SAYS THE 
 
 GOVERNOR'S OBJECTIONS TO THE INCOME-TAN AMENDMENT ARE WEAK 
 AND UNTENABLE LET THE LEGISLATURE RATIFY IT. 
 
 To the Editor of the World: 
 
 The splendid editorial in the World this morning in favor of the 
 ratification of the income-tax amendment to the Federal Constitution 
 by the New York legislature rings true, and I hope it will he read by 
 every taxpayer in the State of New York. 
 
 The criticisms of Governor Hughes in his message to the legislature 
 are weak and untenable. It is apparent the governor mistakes public 
 sentiment in the Empire State and has a very poor opinion of the ability 
 of Congress to enact an income-tax law that will be eminently fair 
 and just. The governor's message against the income tax is a blunder 
 that must grieve his most earnest friends. 
 
 Years ago Joseph Pulitzer proclaimed the equity of an income tax. 
 His ringing editorials, in season and out of season, made me an earnest 
 student of the subject, and after careful study and consideration com- 
 mitted me to the proposition that an income tax is the fairest, the most 
 honest, the most democratic, and the most equitable tax ever devised by 
 the genius of man. Ever since I came to Congress the Record will 
 show that I have been the constant advocate of an income tax along 
 constitutional lines. It is the only way to tax wealth as well as work. 
 
 At the present time nearly all of the taxes raised for the support of 
 the Government are levied on consumption, through the agency of un- 
 just and discriminating tariff taxes — on what the people need to eat 
 and to wear and to live — the necessaries of life — and the consequence is 
 that the poor man, indirectly but surely in the end, pays practically as 
 much to support the Government as the rich man, regardless of the 
 difference of incomes. This system of levying all the taxes on con- 
 sumption so that the consumers are saddled with all the burdens of 
 government is an unjust system of taxation, and the only way to 
 remedy the injustice and destroy the inequality is by a graduated sys- 
 tem of income taxes that will make idle wealth as well as honest toil 
 pay its just share of the money needed to administer the National 
 Government 
 
 Joseph Pulitzer never made a more honest and a better fight for the 
 people of his country than the light for the income tax. AH honor to 
 Mm and all credit to the World. I am with you in this light, and 
 sooner or later it must prevail, because it is right. 
 
 In this connection, 1 •— i me say thai every great thinker, every honest 
 jurist, every just statesman, and every intelligent writer on political 
 economy, from th Aristotle down to the present time, has 
 
 advocated and justified the Imposition of an income tax for the support 
 rernmenl as the mosl honest, the most equitable, and the most 
 expeditious system of taxation that can be devised. It must come in 
 this country, it should have been adopted long ago. Almost every 
 great government on earth secures a huge pari 01 its revenue from an 
 tax, and the United states must do the tame. We are tar 
 behind the governments of Europe In this respect far behind cnlight 
 ened public opinion tb.rougb.ou1 the world. 
 
 When the Income-tax amendment passed Congress t spoke in favor 
 of it. as the Record will show, hut i had my doubts as to the sin- 
 cerity of its eleventh-hour Republican friends. I predicted then that 
 
 they passed it to placate the people and justify to some extent the 
 
 iniquities of the I'ayne-Aldricb tariff law. and that ultimately it would 
 be found that many of tin' Republicans who urged t'i of the 
 
 Income tax amendment iu Congress would be opposing its ratification 
 -jit:, 8659 
 
in (lio legislatures of the States. On July 12. 1909, 1 said on the 
 Boor of the House of Representatives: 
 
 " I Mm nol going i" rive the Republicans credit for good faith In 
 passing tins resolution i" amend the Constitution to provide for an 
 Income tax until I see how their representatives rote on it In the legis- 
 latures of Republican States. Mark whal I say now: When this reso- 
 lution passes, the wealth and the Interests and the Republican leaders 
 of the country opposed t" an Income tax will soon gel together and 
 urge its rejection bj the legislatures of the states, if these obnoxious 
 Interests n> the welfare of the people can gel 12 legislatures to pre- 
 venl its ratification, the Income-tax amendment will fail to 
 the necessary approval of three-fourths of the States of the Union 
 ami will never be adopted as a pari of the Constitution." 
 
 l am not a prophet, but l know whal l was talking about! My pro- 
 dirt Ion is coming t rue. 
 
 Governor Hughes Is wrong on the income-tax proposition, and I 
 gly. His message on the subject-matter is specious 
 and a ■ ni. I hope, however, that the World and other 
 
 3 that bave tin 1 ix'st inter, sis of the people of tin- whole country at 
 bear! will urge upon the members of tin' New York legislature the 
 justice ami the importance idvisablllty of voting in favor of 
 
 the ratilication of the income-tax amendment in tii" Federal Cbnsti- 
 tution. If this amendment is beaten in tin' legislature of the State 
 of New York, it will be an outrage againsl the toilers of our land, an 
 injustice to the consumers of our country, and a crime againsl strug- 
 gling humanity. 
 
 William Sulzeb, >r. C., 
 Tenth District, \tw Yurie. 
 
 Washington, January G. 
 
 Mr. SULZER. Mr. Chairman, my letter speaks for itself and 
 shows my position on this momentous question. In the future, 
 as in the past, I shall do all in my power in Congress and out 
 of Congress to secure the ratification of the income-tax amend- 
 ment to the Federal Constitution, so that it shall become a part 
 of the supreme law of the land. 
 
 The question now, however, before the people of the country, 
 find especially the members of the legislatures of the different 
 States, is not whether Congress shall levy an income tax: or 
 the kind of an income it shall ultimately write on the national 
 law hooks, hut the question at present is simply this: Shall the 
 Congress of the United States have the constitutional right to 
 impose an income tax. or forever have its strong arm paralyzed 
 and he cut off from this source of revenue no matter what the 
 exigencies of the times in war or in peace may demand? 
 
 The people en masse throughout the land speak in thunder 
 tones, and furnish cumulative proofs mountain high, in favor 
 of the ratilication of the income-tax amendment. In the Em- 
 pire State Governor Hughes has failed us. Will the members 
 of the legislature of the Slate of New York prove recreant to 
 
 their dtltyV We shall sec; hill lest '.hey forget, lei the people 
 
 of grand old New York now speak out, and every friend of 
 justice and equality and humanity do his duty. 
 ^_'17o — SC50 
 
 o 
 
San Francisco. 
 SPEECH 
 
 OP 
 
 HON. WILLIAM SULZEE, 
 
 of new york, 
 
 In the House of Representatives, 
 
 January 31, 1911. 
 
 The House having under consideration House joint resolution 213 and 
 House bill 29362 — 
 
 Mr. SULZEE said: 
 
 Mr. Speaker : I shall rote for San Francisco as the most 
 desirable place in which to commemorate the opening of the 
 Panama Canal. The completion of the great canal will be the 
 consummation of the hopes of the great world builders and the 
 realization of the constructive dreamers of four centuries. It 
 will mark the engineering triumph of all the ages. It will 
 divide the continents, connect the oceans, extend our coast line, 
 and make us invulnerable on land and sea. We should fittingly 
 celebrate the completion of this gigautic undertaking. The Pan- 
 ama Canal is ours. We have built it, we will own it, and we 
 will protect it forever. We want a Panama year, and 1915 is 
 written as the time and San Francisco should be the place in 
 our glorious coming annals. 
 
 Sir, in the interest of the people I have carefully consid- 
 ered the best place in which to hold this celebration and 
 have come to the irresistible conclusion that the only suit- 
 able place to do justice to the Panama exposition is the 
 beautiful city of San Francisco. There are many reasons 
 for this judgment. In the short time allowed to me for dis- 
 cussion I can not go into all of them, but one reason is enough, 
 and tbat is the opening in 1915 of the Panama Canal will extend 
 the coast line of the United States from the Atlantic to the 
 Pacific. The stupendous work is essentially a Pacific project, 
 and the commercial metropolis of the Pacific Ocean is beyond 
 76834— 95G1 
 
question San Francisco — the city of boundless hospitality, the 
 city of warm hearts and glad hands, the greatest cosmopolitan 
 city on all the broad I'm iri> . She needs no eulogy. Her story 
 is the pride of America. 
 
 All credit to the intrepid citizens of San Francisco. They 
 know no such word as fail. All glory to the new San Francisco. 
 She has risen phoenixlike from her ashes — greater and grander 
 than ever — the wonder of the world. The people of San Fran- 
 cisco are determined to demonstrate to all the world the progress 
 they are achieving in everything that makes for the advance- 
 ment of humanity. They ask the Government for no help. They 
 want no gift. They appeal for no loan. All they ask is that the 
 Government recognize the importance of their celebration of the 
 opening of the Panama Canal, lend its official indorsement, take 
 part in it, build its own buildings, makes its own exhibits, do 
 so at its own expense, officially invite the other nations to 
 do likewise — and San Francisco will do the rest. 
 
 The Government has aided financially every exposition of a 
 national character ever held in this country. No Government 
 aid is asked by San Francisco for this Panama exposition — not 
 a dollar is sought, directly or indirectly — only suitable recogni- 
 tion and the extension of an official invitation to all the world 
 to come, to see, and to participate. 
 
 The San Francisco exposition will be in the interest of all the 
 people. It will materially benefit all sections of our country. 
 In an educational way it will be a blessing to all the world. 
 Then why should the Government refuse the request of San 
 Francisco? I can not believe that we shall be so blind to our 
 own best interests as to permit this legislation to fail. Congress 
 should lend a friendly recognition to the enterprising and pro- 
 gressive people on our Pacific borders. They are entitled to it. 
 They are doing a great work, that benefits all the people of our 
 country. This exposition will bring to the attention of the 
 world the wonderful natural resources and the great commercial 
 possibilities of the countries bordering on the Pacific, and do 
 much to strengthen the friendly trade relations of the nations 
 on the ocean of the Orient. 
 76834—9551 
 
Mr. Speaker, I am a friend of San Francisco. All things 
 considered, she deserves the honor of the Panama exposition. 
 Select as the celebration city the beautiful metropolis of the 
 Pacific coast and it will be for the good of all. The Panama 
 exposition will be a memorable milestone, marking a great 
 epoch in our onward and upward progress. It will diffuse 
 knowledge, educate the people, and exhibit the wonderful re- 
 sources of our country and the constructive genius of our 
 people. It will mean ocular demonstration, a great object les- 
 son along historical, and educational, and mechanical, and com- 
 mercial lines. It will mean triumph and advancement and en- 
 lightenment — and all for humanity. It will emphasize our 
 greatness and our grandeur and our glory. It will illustrate our 
 marvelous growth in every line of human effort, and demon- 
 strate the giant strides our citizens are making along every 
 avenue of industrial progress. [Applause.] 
 76834—9551 
 
 o 
 
THE PRESIDENT SHOULD OFFEE HIS 
 
 GOOD OFFICES TO BEING ABOUT 
 
 PEACE IN NICAEAGUA 
 
 SPEECH 
 
 OF 
 
 HON. WILLIAM SULZER 
 
 OF NEW YORK 
 
 IN THE 
 
 HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES 
 
 THURSDAY, MAY 19, 1910 
 
 WASHINGTO^ST 
 
 1010 
 
 49582-9229 
 
SPEECH 
 
 OF 
 
 HON. WILLIAM SITLZEB,. 
 
 The House heiug in Committee of the Whole House on the state of the 
 Union and hr.ving under consideration the bill (H. R. 25552) making 
 appropriations for sundry civil expenses of the Government for the 
 fiscal year ending June 30, 1911, and for other purposes — 
 
 Mr. SULZER said : 
 
 Mr. Chairman : Gen. Juan J. Estrada, the heroic leader of 
 the Nicaraguan insurgents, has again appealed to the United 
 States and to the Cartago court of justice to take legitimate 
 steps to cause a cessation of the internecine struggle that is 
 decimating his patriotic countrymen. In his letter to the Car- 
 tago court of justice, General Estrada represents that the 
 armies which, under Generals Lara, Godoy, and Chavarria, 
 were arrayed against Blueflelds and Raina, and which were 
 counted upon to enforce the authority of the Madriz administra- 
 tion and to reduce the insurgents to submission have been de- 
 stroyed, and that the public welfare imperatively demands the 
 immediate abandonment of a hopeless but disastrous conflict 
 that means, ultimately, extermination of the brave people of 
 our sister Republic of Nicaragua. 
 
 Thus far the United States, for reasons of its own, has re- 
 fused to recognize the Madriz government or the Estrada gov- 
 ernment, but both have made it clear that they would like 
 nothing better than to obtain this country's good will, and if 
 they were approached in some informal way they might be 
 ready to make such concessions as would be accepted by all 
 concerned as the basis of a mutually definitive adjustment. It 
 may be considered certain that any representations emanating 
 from the President, advisory in character, but not excluding 
 the possibility of a friendly rapprochement, would have much 
 weight, and no doubt succeed in establishing an honorable and 
 lasting peace. 
 
 The good people of beautiful Nicaragua are the true friends 
 of the people of the United States ; they look to us for aid and 
 for sympathy; they need our help in their industrial progress; 
 they desire our assistance in the marketing of their products; 
 they want our financial support in the development of their 
 great natural resources; and their products are greater and 
 richer than those of the countries away across the Atlantic and 
 the Pacific oceans. 
 
 Nicaragua is a wondrous country — nearly the size of the State 
 of New York — a land of eternal springtime, an Kdcn of sun- 
 shine and flowers, a wonderland of indescribable contrasts, rich 
 in natural resources beyond the dreams of avarice, glorious in 
 patriotic memories, and replete in historical recollections, she 
 is our sister in the grand sisterhood of republics in the New 
 49582—9220 3 
 
World. She cries to us for help. We should beed the Buppll- 
 
 catlous of tier loyal sous and the prayers of her patriotic i pie. 
 
 New is the accepted time for us to act, and humanity demands 
 
 thai we net III r. 
 
 My sympathy is Mil with the patriotic people of Nicaragua. 
 l am with them In their struggle for better conditions. I am 
 anxious to Bee peace restored to thai disturbed Republic, and, 
 in my judgment, the only way thai peace and prosperity 
 and order — can be restored there is by the President of the 
 United stales tendering liis good offices in an earnesl effort to 
 restore peace, lie should <!<» this at once, ami put an end to 
 the reign of lawlessness and stop the further slaughter of inno- 
 
 Cenl lives. 
 
 in ihis connection I want t<> say that at a largely attended 
 meeting, recently held in the city of Washington. I ». < '.. of the 
 American Group id' the Interparliamentary Union, I offered the 
 following resolution, which was unanimously adopted: 
 
 Resolved, Thai the American Group of the interparliamentary tnion. 
 in meeting assembled, deplores the fratricidal war in the Republic <>f 
 Nicaragua, and the less of life and property incident thereto; and 
 hereby pledges Itself to do all in its power to bring about a cessation 
 ..t' hostilities; and to that end urges the President <>f tin' United stains 
 to use his good offices in an endeavor to restore peace. 
 
 That resolution. Mr. Chairman, is self-explanatory and speaks 
 for itself. Every Member of Congress presenl at the meeting 
 voted for it and indorses its sentiments. It does credit to the 
 Members of Congress constituting the American group in the 
 world's interparliamentary union. The President should act 
 mi it and offer his good offices to the contending forces in 
 Nicaragua to bring about lasting peace, permanent order, and 
 the protection of life and property as speedily as possible. If 
 the President will do this I fee' confidenl good will be accom- 
 plished, the reign of anarchy will be over, bloodshed will cease. 
 life and property will be secure, and the Government of Nica- 
 rauga will ere long become again great and grand, progressive 
 and prosperous. 
 ■iiL-jsi'— 9229 
 
 o 
 
In Favor of the Recognition of Gen. Juan J. Estrada as the 
 President of the Legitimate Government in Nicaragua. 
 
 SPEECH 
 
 HON. WILLIAM SULZER, 
 
 of new york, 
 
 In the House of Representatives, 
 
 Tuesday, January 11, 1910. 
 
 The House being in Committee of tbe Whole House on the state of 
 the Union and having under consideration the bill (H. R. 15384) making 
 appropriations for the support of the army for the fiscal year endins 
 June 30, 1911 — 
 
 Mr. SULZER said: 
 • Mr. Chairman : The people of the United States have always 
 taken a deep and an abiding interest in the progress, the pros- 
 perity, and the material welfare of the people of Central 
 America ; and they never have been, and they never will be, 
 insensible to the troubles and the disturbances, whether foreign 
 or domestic, wbich come now and then to plague our little sister 
 republics in that part of the Western Hemisphere. 
 
 The people of these Central American countries are the true 
 friends of the people of the United States; they look to us for 
 protection and for sympathy ; they need our help in their in- 
 dustrial progress; they desire our aid in tbe marketing of their 
 products; they want our financial assistance in the development 
 of their great natural resources; and their products are greater 
 and richer than those of the far countries away across the At- 
 lantic and the Pacific oceans. 
 
 We should aid the people of Central America in their struggle 
 for better conditions; we should extend to them a helping hand 
 in their onward march of progress; we should glory in their 
 prosperity. Their success is our success. They are rapidly 
 forging to the front; their exports and imports are increasing 
 annually: their trade is becoming more and more imporiani : 
 their commerce more and more valuable; and instead of closing 
 our hearts to their entreaties and our doors against their prod 
 nets, in my opinion, we should open them wider in every sense 
 of the word, and do everything in our power to hasten closer 
 political ties and facilitate freer trade and commercial relations. 
 
 Imbued as I am with these sentiments toward all the good 
 people of Latin America. I am sorry to say that for some time 
 past a revolution has been in progress in the Republic of Nica- 
 ragua, caused by the tyranny and the usurpation of Zelaya, its 
 former president But this enemy of the people lias been 
 
 22772—8664 ' 
 
forced to resign he Is now a fugitive from his country — but 
 the revolution goes on, because the patriotic i »«•< »[»K* of Nicaragua 
 look upon his successor, Mr. Bladrlz, ms the mere factotum and 
 henchman of Zelaya, placed In the office of the presidency 
 through the machinations of Zelaya and his corrupt satellites, 
 
 by unconstitutional means, and for the very purpose of Con- 
 tinuing the cruel persecutions, the illiberal conventions, the un- 
 waranted conditions, and the tyrannical policies of Zelaya and 
 his friends still potent for evil in storm-tossed Nicaragua. 
 
 Thank God, the inhuman Zelaya is gone from that fair land. 
 May he never return to again blight that stricken country. But 
 I do not care at this time to express my opinion further regard- 
 ing his personality and Ids responsibility for the murders, the 
 rapine, the fiendish acts of cruelty, and the frightful deeds of 
 barbarism perpetrated during his long reign of terror. I trust 
 justice sooner or later will overtake him. no matter to what 
 country he flees for refuge, and that he shall not escape the just 
 penalty for his crimes. 
 
 Suffice it for me to say now that I am in sympathy with the 
 patriotic people of Nicaragua. I*am with them in their struggle 
 for better conditions. I am anxious to see peace restored to 
 that disturbed Republic, and. in my judgment, the only way that 
 peace and prosperity — law and order — can he restored there is 
 by the Government of the United states promptly recognizing 
 (ion. Juan J. Estrada, the heroic head and the acknowledged 
 chief of the struggling revolutionary forces, as the president of 
 the legitimate government in that unfortunate country. We 
 Should do this at once and put an end to the reign of lawlessness 
 and Stop the further slaughter of innocent lives. 
 
 In this connection. Mr. Chairman. I desire to send to the 
 Clerk's desk, and have read in my time, a joint resolution which 
 I prepared and recently introduced in this House to accomplish 
 the purpose desired. 
 
 The < Jlerk read as follows: 
 
 .tniiit resolution authorizing the President of the United States '•■ recog- 
 nize Gen. Juan J. Estrada as the President of Nicaragua. 
 
 Resolved, >'<-.. Thai the President be, and hereby is, authorized and 
 directed i<> recognize Gen. Juan J. Estrada as the President of 
 Nicaragua, and the United states Government hereby recognizes the 
 said Juan J. Estrada as the President of the legitimate government In 
 Nicaragua 
 
 Mr. SULZER. Mr. Chairman, that resolution speaks for 
 itself and needs no other comment by me, except to say that, 
 in the opinion of those most conversant with existing conditions 
 in Nicaragua, tin- adoption of tlie resolution just read will re- 
 store peace and order in that unhappy land, stop the further 
 shedding of human blood, protect life and property, and give 
 permanency and prosperity to the Government, and to that end 
 I trust the resolution will he promptly considered by the Com- 
 mittee on Foreign Affairs and favorably reported and passed 
 by tlie Congress. 
 
 Nicaragua is a wondrous country — nearly the size of the State 
 of New York — a land of eternal springtime, an Eden of sun- 
 shine and Bowers, of indescribable contrasts, rich in natural re- 
 sources beyond the dreams of avarice, glorious in patriotic 
 memories, and replete in historical recollections. She is our 
 
sister state in the grand galaxy of republics in the New World. 
 She cries to us for help. We should heed the supplications of 
 her loyal sons and the prayers of her patriotic people. Now is 
 the accepted time for us to act, and humanity demands that we 
 act at once. 
 
 The thing for us to do now for Nicaragua, to bring about last- 
 ing peace, permanent order, and the protection of life and prop- 
 erty as speedily as possible, is to recognize General Estrada. 
 If the Government of the United States will recognize him as 
 the President of the legitimate Government of Nicaragua, peace 
 will be accomplished, the reign of anarchy will be over, blood- 
 shed will cease, life and property will be secure, and the Gov- 
 ernment of Nicaragua will ere long, under the beneficent ad- 
 ministration of President Estrada, become again great and 
 grand, progressive and prosperous. 
 
 Let the great Republic act. Let President Taft do his duty. 
 Let us show our friendship for these embattled patriots. Gen- 
 eral Estrada is fighting the battle of the honest people of Nica- 
 ragua. His cause is the cause of liberty. He is for the per- 
 petuity of free institutions. He deserves the sympathy of every 
 patriotic citizen in America. He is a brave man, an able man, 
 an honest man, a good man — the Washington of his country — 
 and I predict he will make one of the best and one of the great- 
 est presidents Nicaragua has ever had in all her glorious his- 
 tory. The Government of the United States should now aid 
 him; should now extend to him a helping hand; should now 
 recognize him as the President of Nicaragua, in the interest of 
 humanity ; for progress and prosperity ; in the name of peace 
 and civilization. [Applause.] 
 22772 — 866i 
 
 o 
 
LIBRARIES FOR THE PEOPLE 
 
 I know of no agency in America save our public schools that 
 is doing so much good for good citizenship; so much for the 
 general weal ; and so much for the perpetuity of our free insti- 
 tutions as the free circulating libraries. 
 
 SPEECH 
 
 OF 
 
 HON. WILLIAM SULZER 
 
 OF ^STEW YORK 
 
 IN THE 
 
 HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES 
 
 MARCH 28, 1910 
 
 
 WASHINGTON 
 1910 
 
 84786-8866 
 
SPEECH 
 
 09 
 
 HON. WILLIAM SULZER. 
 
 The Bouse being In Committee of the Whole House on the state of the 
 Union and having under consideration the bill (S. 4G24) for the Takoma 
 Park branch library, and for other purposes — 
 
 Mr. SULZER said: 
 
 Mr. Chairman: This is a good bill in the interest of educa- 
 tion, and, in my opinion, there should be no opposition to it. 
 Let us see for a moment just what the bill does. Mr. Andrew 
 Carnegie, a public-spirited and philanthropic citizen of our 
 country — and I say all honor to him — is willing to give $30,000 
 to build a library in Takoma Park, one of the suburbs of the 
 District of Columbia. The citizens living in that place are 
 willing to donate the site, and all that the Congress is asked 
 is to allow it to be done. Why should we refuse? 
 
 The bill appropriates no money at present out of the Treas- 
 ury. All that we are asked to do is to accept this donation 
 from Mr. Carnegie in the interest of education. The people of 
 Takoma Park are donating the land, and all Congress will have 
 to do in the future is to maintain the library. That is what 
 the citizens in every city of this country are doing in regard 
 to libraries donated by the generosity of Mr. Carnegie. The 
 District of Columbia should certainly do the same. 
 
 The necessity for public libraries is everywhere acknowl- 
 edged. They supplement the school system and are an Integral 
 factor in popular education. When it is considered that only 
 a small percentage of the population continues in school after 
 the compulsory period has been reached, it is easy to see what 
 a free Circulating library may do in helping a man to continue 
 his education by reading; to study along the lines of his trade 
 or business ; to improve his mind ; and increase his earning 
 capacity by a greater knowledge of matters of moment. 
 
 2 34786 — 8866 
 
As an effective educational institution the public library of 
 the District of Columbia is ranked among the very first in the 
 country. During the last fiscal year it had a circulation of 
 600,000 volumes and an estimated attendance of S50,000. It 
 serves well the people of the District. It can not, however, 
 reach those who live long distances from the building. If a 
 man needs a book, he can, of course, get on a car and travel 
 back and forth for it. But the work which the central library 
 does in helping school children with their class work, debates, 
 and so forth ; all the literature it puts at the disposal of me- 
 chanics, business men, government employees, and its wide 
 variety of patrons is largely restricted to the population living 
 in a radius of 2 miles from the library. 
 
 The people who live in Takoma Park are 6 miles from this 
 central library. They can use the library, at best, with great 
 difficulty. Their children are now practically without library 
 service. These people are anxious for library privileges. They 
 have taken active steps to obtain a branch library and have 
 united in securing a very well-located and excellent site. 
 When citizens actually take practical steps like this it indicates 
 that they feel the need and are doing their best to have it sup- 
 plied. We should help them. To do otherwise will be as short- 
 sighted now as it will be contrary in the end to sound public 
 policy. 
 
 Mr. Chairman, I am in favor of these public libraries. They 
 do a great deal of good. Their establishment should be encour- 
 aged. They help the parents and the children. This library 
 will help the boys and girls. It will aid the men and the women 
 who want to improve themselves by reading and studying along 
 the various lines of their endeavors. I know of no agency in 
 America save our public schools that is doing so much good for 
 our citizenship; so much for the general weal; and so much 
 Cor the perpetuity of our democratic institutions as the free 
 libraries. Their facility for free education is the greatest bless- 
 ing vouchsafed to America and the surest guaranty for the 
 safety of our freedom. Instead of being criticised Andrew Car- 
 negie should be commended for all that he has done and is 
 doing for the free libraries of America. 
 
 3478G— 8866 
 
We ought to favor whenever and wherever we can the build- 
 ing and the maintenance of these free libraries for all the peo- 
 ple, where every boy and every girl and every man and every 
 woman can go, get a book, and study. There is no way in 
 which so much good can be accomplished, no way in which the 
 people of the country can be benefited so much ; no way in which 
 to induce a desire to study and a love for great books; and to 
 maintain a proper respect for the sanctity of home and for 
 law and order among the people as through the good books 
 the people get and read from these free circulating libraries. 
 I think their establishment by law is wise legislation; the 
 money for their maintenance well expended ; and all for the 
 benefit of the masses, and destined beyond doubt to promote the 
 general welfare. All honor and all praise to Andrew Carnegie; 
 and all success and all prosperity to the free circulating libraries 
 he is establishing in America. [Applause.] 
 34786—8866 
 
 O 
 
I Am In Favor of Real Economy. 
 
 SPEECH 
 
 OP 
 
 HON. WILLIAM SULZER, 
 
 of new york, 
 
 In the House of Representatives, 
 
 June 25, 1910. 
 
 The House having under consideration the bill (H. R. 20578) making 
 
 appropriations for the payment of invalid and other pensions of the 
 
 United States for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1911, and for other 
 
 purposes — 
 
 Mr. SULZER said: 
 
 Mr. Speaker : We hear much about economy ; but it is the 
 pound-foolish and the penny-wise kind of economy that sounds 
 well and means little. All I desire to say now is that I 
 am in favor of real economy, real retrenchment, and real 
 reform. I denounce, however, that false economy that dis- 
 misses the faithful clerks from the departments, after long 
 years of efficient service, to save a few dollars; that bogus 
 economy that deprives the poor pensioner of his rights to save 
 a few dollars ; tbat pretended economy that breaks the promise 
 to the veteran soldier and withholds the money long due the 
 men who saved the Union. [Applause.] That is sham econ- 
 omy, and there is nothing to it but hollow pretense. It fools 
 none but the unthinking. I am not in favor of tbat kind of 
 economy — away with it, I say. [Applause.] 
 
 Where are tbe friends of real economy when it comes to a 
 question of cutting down tbe great appropriation bills, carrying 
 millions and millions of dollars? Where are the watchdogs of 
 the Treasury when all rules are suspended and the " powers 
 that be" in Congress rush through the army, and the navy, and 
 the rivers and harbors, and the public buildings bills, appropri- 
 ating hundreds of millions of dollars? 
 
 The echo answers " Where?" Here is where I am in favor 
 of economizing. Then it is that I am in favor of using the 
 pruning knife. Let it be understood that those who are re- 
 50300—0^77 
 
sponsible here for these great appropriation bills have not 
 practiced what they preached, have no1 practiced the economy 
 thai they could have practiced, and yet they arc continually 
 
 harping upon the necessity of economizing, and delight to begin 
 on the poor and the needy. I would like to see them economize 
 a little on the big matters. Out, I say, on such false economy 
 and such transparent hypocrisy! [Applause.] 
 
 Just a few words more on the extravagance of this session 
 of Congress. Its record for wasting the money of the people 
 will eclipse any session of Congress in the history of the coun- 
 try. To talk about economy now in the face of this plundering 
 record is an insult to the taxpayers and a libel on the word 
 "economy." Lei us see what the figures show — millions and 
 millions of dollars more than ever before — a billion dollar ses- 
 sion and then millions and millions more with a vengeance. 
 The figures show that the session of Congress just closing has 
 broken all records in the history of the Republic in the amount 
 of money appropriated and authorized to be expended. It has 
 no parallel. The total amount of the appropriations and au- 
 thorizations as calculated approximate $1,054,086,941. This 
 exceeds by about Slo.nno.ouo the total of the appropriations 
 and authorizations made at the last regular session of Con- 
 gress. The amount of the appropriations in the last regular 
 session was, in round numbers, #1,044,000,000. When is it going 
 to stop? Where is the economy that was talked about all ses- 
 sion'/ That is what the taxpayers would like to know. Is it 
 any wonder the people demand a change'.' 
 
 The SPEAKER. The time of the gentleman from New York 
 has expired. 
 
 Mr. SULZER. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent to 
 print in the Record, in connection with my remarks, a letter 
 fnii! the Assistant Secretary of the Treasury and a comparative 
 statement of figures. 
 
 The SPEAKER. Is there objection. [After a pause.] The 
 Chair hears none. 
 
 The letter and statement are as follows: 
 
 TltKASTliY DEPARTMENT, 
 
 Washington, June 1). ifiio. 
 non. William Silzrb, 
 
 e of l.'i pr< sen hitivrx. 
 Bib: In reply in your communication of recent date, requesting a 
 Btatement showing ii itlve annual cosl of the Government 
 
 mulcr the administrations of Presidents Cleveland, McKinley, Roosevelt, 
 and Taft, I have the honor to inclose herewith a statement <>f the ordi- 
 nary disbursements, Including the Panama Canal, for the period, by 
 years, beginning March l. 
 50300—9277 
 
Tne disbursements on account of the canal to May 31, 1910, include 
 $87,309,594.S3 from proceeds of bonds aDd premium, and $1 14,032,- 
 908.73 paid from the general cash in the Treasury. 
 
 The ordinary disbursements include grants from the Treasury for de- 
 ficiencies in postal revenues, but do not include expenditures for the 
 postal service from postal revenues under control of the Postmaster- 
 General. 
 
 Respectfully, A. Piatt Andrew, 
 
 Assistant Secretary. 
 Statement of disbursements by annual periods from March 1, 1893, to 
 May 31, 1910. 
 
 President Cleveland: 
 
 March 1, 1S93, to March 1, 1894. 
 March 1, 1894, to March 1, 189.3. 
 March 1, 1895, to March 1, 1S9G. 
 March 1, 1S96, to March 1, 1897. 
 
 President McKinley: 
 
 March 1, 1S9T, to March 1, 1898. 
 March 1, 1898, to March 1, 1S99. 
 March 1. 1S99, to March 1, 1900. 
 March 1, 1900, to March 1, 1901. 
 
 President McKinley to Septem- 
 ber, 1901: President Roosevelt 
 from September, 1901: 
 
 March 1, 1901, to March 1, 1905. 
 
 March 1, 1902, to March 1, 1903. 
 
 March 1, 1903, to March 1, 1904. 
 
 March 1, 1904, to March 1, 190.3. 
 
 President Roosevelt: 
 
 March 1, 1905, to March 1. 1906. 
 March 1, 1906, to March 1. 1907 
 March 1, L907, to March 1. 1908 
 March 1, 1908, to March 1, 1909. 
 
 President Taft: 
 
 March 1. II 09, to March 1, 1910.. 
 March 1, 1910, to May 31, 1910... 
 
 Ordinary dis- 
 bursements. 
 
 Panama 
 Canal. 
 
 S371, 269,576. 28 
 
 366, 650, 441.79' 
 
 351,091,307.531 
 
 364,559,007.55 .. 
 
 Disburse 
 
 ment 
 
 eluding 
 
 canal. 
 
 m- 
 
 $371,269,576.28 
 366,650,441.79 
 351,094,307.53 
 364,559,067.55 
 
 1,453,573,393.15 
 
 1,453,573, 393. 15 
 
 3S1 ,883,198.27] 
 596, 415, 625. 64 : 
 521,476,500.85 
 498,996,295.21 
 
 381,883,198.27 
 596,415,625.04 
 521,476,500.85 
 
 49S,996,295.21 
 
 1, 99S, 771, 619. 97 il, 90S, 771, 619. 97 
 
 477,650,220.17 477,650,220.17 
 
 495,740,162.83 $3,nS5.00 495.744.1 (7. S3 
 
 522, 222,, 90. 37 15,000.00 522 237 790 37 
 
 501,000,062.12 51,811,916.73 012,902,028 85 
 
 2,056,673,255.49 51 ,S60,931.73 2, 108, 534. 1S7. 22 
 
 $556,980,404.88 $13,560,073 89 $570 540 478 77 
 
 540,842.526.13 23,889,099.23 7,70, :'S1 <;-\3 36 
 
 587,014,697.89 37,462,954.67 624, 177,652 56 
 
 659,337,645.28 31,776,485.93 691,114,031.21 
 
 2, 350, 175, 174. IS 106, 038, 613. 72 2, 456, 813.7S7. 90 
 
 660,206,614.41 33,868,582.18 694,075,196 59 
 t, 035.60 9,024,375.98 162,606,411.53 
 
 S13,790,050.01 42,892,958.1] 856,683, 606.12 
 
 Note.— This statement is exclusive of transactions in the public debt 
 mi oi expenditures fur the postal service paid from postal revenues. 
 
 and of expen 
 
 50:J00— 9277 
 
 o 
 
Any attmept to fasten this odious system of ship subsidies on 
 the legislative policy of the country is unDemocvatic, un- 
 Republican, and unAmerican. 
 
 SPEECH 
 
 OF 
 
 HON. WILLIAM STJLZER 
 
 OF NEW YORK 
 
 IN THE 
 
 HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES 
 
 MARCH 3, 1900 
 
 
 WAS] M N< 1-TON 
 1909 
 
SPEECH 
 
 OF 
 
 IIOX. WILLIAM SULZEE. 
 
 0( i W MAIL. 
 
 Mr. MOON of Tennessee. Mr. Speaker, T yield fifteen min- 
 utes to the gentleman from New York [Mr. Sulzeb], 
 
 The SPEAKER. The gentleman from New York [Mr. Sul- 
 zeb] is recognized for fifteen minutes. 
 
 Mr. SULZER. Mr. Speaker, the proposition under considera- 
 tion is essentially a ship-subsidy bill — nothing more and nothing 
 less. Call it what you will, the subsidy features can not be dis- 
 guised. It is a subsidy subterfuge, and the merest kind of a 
 miserable makeshift. If it is Into law, it will r< lard 
 
 intelligent shipping legislation for a decade at least I am op- 
 to the 'ill. ami l trust it will be decisively defeated. 
 
 I am now, ami always have been, and always expect to be 
 absolutely opposed to ship subsidies of every kind thai rob the 
 many Tor the benefit of the few. Ship subsidies do not build 
 ships; they create ocean-trading monopolies. Ship subsidies 
 will not give workmen employment in American shipyards; the 
 money taken without justification from the Treasury of the 
 people will simply go into the capacious pockets of the benefi- 
 ciaries of the Skipping trust. Every BCheme of this kind simply 
 permits respectable corruption and benefits the few at the ex- 
 pense of the many. The principle of ship subsidies is inherently 
 wrong and absolutely indefe '"I no man who under- 
 
 stands the question ran justify the robbery in the face of the 
 facts. | Loud applause. 1 
 
 Mr. Speaker, there is no man in this country more anxious 
 and more willing to enact proper legislation to restore the 
 American merchant marine than myself, but I want to do it 
 honestly; 1 wanl !■> do it along constitutional lines: and I want 
 to do it in harmony with that fundamental American principle 
 of equal rights to all and special privileges to none. I Applause.] 
 
 For years r have been advocating honest and intelligent 
 legislation to restox*e our merchant marine, and for years the 
 Republican majority in this House has turned t<> my app< 
 deaf ear. The Republican party is responsible for the present 
 deplorable condition of our merchant marine, and every intel- 
 ligent student <>>' the subject is aware of the fact. 
 
 in L896 the Republican party wrote in its national platform 
 a plank to restore the American merchant marine by discrimi- 
 nating duties. That meant something, bid Mr. Uanna. the then 
 leader of the Republican party, came to Congress and instead 
 of adhering to that plan he introduced a bill \'<<y ship subsidies, 
 an outrageous measure which was overwhelmingly defeated. 
 Thereupon I introduced a bill for discriminating duties, and the 
 Republicans refused to allow ii in be considered. Such is the 
 consistency of the grand old party. 
 
 The Republican party abandoned the plank id' 1S96 fur dis- 
 criminating duties and did not have the courage to readopl it. or 
 renounce ii. in iis platform of 1900, and studiously avoided COm- 
 T.-.oss 8101 
 
3 
 
 mitting its followers to any policy in its platforms of 1904 and 
 1908. No political party in all the history of our country lias 
 ever dared to write in its platform a plank in favor of ship 
 subsidies, and, in my opinion, no party that does not welcome 
 defeat will ever do it. 
 
 The Republican leaders in Congress, notwithstanding their 
 party professions to the contrary, have been advocating ever 
 since I have been in the House of Representatives, the restora- 
 tion of the American merchant marine by ship subsidies, by 
 gratuities that rob all the people in order to foster a special 
 industry. I am opposed to ship subsidies, and this proposition 
 is a ship-subsidy measure pure and simple. It is a little ship 
 subsidy, it is true, and that is the apology its advocates now 
 make for it. It is just a little subsidy, forsooth, but I warn the 
 Members that it is the entering wedge to open the Treasury of 
 the people, and if it is adopted it means in the end a gigantic 
 raid on the country's finances, not for $3,000,000 a year, but for 
 $30,000,000 a year, and for years and years to come. 
 
 This proposal before us to-day, if it be successful, is the be- 
 ginning of a systematic scheme to rob all the people for the 
 benefit of a few, and if it is rushed through under the party 
 lash in the closing hours of Congress, I predict that the people, 
 from one end of the land to the other, will denounce it in un- 
 measured terms and never rest content until it is repealed. 
 
 The American people are unalterably opposed to a ship-sub- 
 sidy raid on the Treasury. A subsidy is a bounty, a bonus, a 
 gratuity, and it never has succeeded, and it never will succeed, 
 in accomplishing the purpose desired. All history proves it 
 conclusively. Wherever and whenever it has been tried it has 
 failed. In my opinion, if a subsidy bill should pass it would 
 not restore our American merchant marine or aid our ship- 
 building industries. It is a waste of time to talk about ship 
 subsidies, and I believe every honest American is opposed to 
 them. We might just as well pass a bill to pay a subsidy to 
 every man who grows a bushel of wheat or a bale of cotton as 
 to pay a subsidy to the man who sails a ship. [Laughter and 
 applause.] 
 
 Now, sir, it appears to me that the people who are clamoring 
 the loudest for this ship-subskly bill are the bounty beggaa*s who 
 will get the subsidies; but, so far as I have been able to find 
 out, I have heard no demand from the honest folk of the coun- 
 try in favor of this iniquitous measure to take money out of 
 the Treasury of the people and pay it over to the American ship- 
 ping trust. 
 
 This is an inopportune time, it seems to mc, to ask for ship 
 subsidies, when the Treasury is bankrupted and the people all 
 over the country are demanding a revision of (he tariff, espe- 
 cially a reduction of those tax schedules which shelter monopoly 
 and give protection to Hie trusts that sell their manufactured 
 wares cheaper abroad than they do at home. Bui it scon:s that 
 the chief argument of these ship-subsidy schemers, reduced to 
 its last analysis, amounts to aboul this: As all other monopolies 
 are protected, therefore the shipping monopoly must he pro- 
 tected: as all other trusts are licensed to nil) the many tor the 
 benefit of the few. therefore the shipping trust must have an 
 Opportunity to pilfer the people and gel its share of the spoils. 
 
 The plea, however, seems to come at a very unfortunate time. 
 
 because the Treasury is empty, and from ..no end of the land to 
 75088—8101 
 
di" oilier iiir people are demanding ad only the prosecution 
 of the criminal trusis. but a substantial reduction of all pro- 
 tective tariff taxes that aid and Bhelter monopoly. 
 
 The taxpayers of our country, burdened now almosi beyond 
 endurance, are opposed to ship subsidies. They are opposed to 
 anj gift bill. They say no private business Interests should be 
 aided by direct grants from the Treasury. Ship subsidies are 
 subversive of the eternal principles of justice and equality, con- 
 trary i" tin- theory of our free Institutions, of doubtful expe- 
 diency, and at war with the spirit of the Constitution. Con- 
 gress has no power to subsidize any trade <>r any calling, on 
 land or sea. at the expense of the taxpayers of our country. 
 Any attempt to fasten this odious system of ship subsidies on 
 the legislative policy of the country is unDemocratlc, un- 
 Republican, and unAmerican. [Applause.] 
 
 Mr. Speaker. I am now. always have been, and always will 
 be a friend Of the American merchant marine. I long for the 
 coming of the day when American ships will be on every sea 
 ami our flag gloriously floating on the breeze in every port I 
 am willing to go as far as any man in this country to legislate 
 for the restoration of the American merchant marine to all its 
 former glory and to secure for the American people their just 
 Share of the over-seas carrying trade. I know, and every man 
 who lias investigated this subject knows, that our loss of deep- 
 sea commerce is due entirely to our own iniquitous legislation 
 and shortsighted policies. If the-American Congress would leg- 
 islate intelligently regarding this subject, we could restore our 
 merchant marine and secure nine-tenths of all our commerce 
 on the bigh seas, exports and imports, without a ship subsidy 
 or without taking a single dollar from the pockets of the tax- 
 payers. This whole subject is a very simple matter when re- 
 duced to an intelligent business proposition. We do not need 
 to take a dollar out of the pockets of the taxpayers, or out of 
 the Treasury of the United States to revive our shipbuilding 
 industries and restore our merchant marine. 
 
 Ali we need to do is to legislate intelligently, repeal the 
 iniquitous laws against our deep-sea Shipping now on our statute 
 books, put in their place laws similar to the navigation laws 
 that were enacted by the early statesmen of the country, 
 laws thai built up our merchant marine in (host! historic days, 
 laws that placed our flag on the high seas and gave us nine- 
 tenthS of our entire over-seas carrying trade. Why not do this 
 and abandon these futile attempts to enact ship subsidies? !f 
 we would only follow in the steps of the fathers, we could speed- 
 ily restore our ocean carrying trade, revive our shipbuilding 
 industries, give employment in our shipyards to thousands and 
 thousands of men in all parts of tbe country, bring about an era 
 of prosperity such as we have never known before in our ship- 
 ping trade and deep-sea commerce, place our flag on ships in 
 
 every sea. and make the American sailor what he was in the 
 historic days of the Republic— the pride of the people and the 
 arbiter of the ocean highways of the world. [Applause.] 
 
 it is a simple matter, and would be done run for the cor- 
 roding Influence of special interests and the tenacious grasp of 
 monopolist lc greed. 
 
 'the SPEAKER. The time of the gentleman from New York 
 has expired, 
 75088—8101 
 
 o 
 
THERE IS NO GIFT IN THE REPUBLIC TOO GREAT FOR 
 THE MEN WHO SAVED THE REPUBLIC. 
 
 FROM A SPEECH 
 
 OF 
 
 HON. WILLIAM SULZEE. 
 
 OF NEW YORK, 
 In the House of Representatives, 
 
 April 15, 1910. 
 ***** 
 
 Mr. SULZER said: 
 
 I introduced this bill because I am a friend of the 
 soldiers who saved the Union, and I want to reward 
 them while they live. Nobody here can ever say, 
 and nobody outside of these halls will ever be able 
 to say, that during the sixteen years I have been a 
 Member of this House I ever voted against a bill in 
 the interests of the soldiers and sailors who saved 
 the Union. This is a rich country; this is a great 
 country; this is the grand Republic; and it is all so 
 to a very large extent on account of what the brave 
 and gallant men who marched from the North did in 
 the great struggle for the Union. We owe them a 
 debt of gratitude we never can pay, and gratitude, my 
 friends, is the fairest flower that sheds its perfume in 
 the human heart. We should be grateful to the sol- 
 diers who fought that great war to a successful end. 
 I can not bring my ideas in favor of this bill down to 
 the level of mere dollars and cents. I place my views 
 on higher ground. I want it to pass for patriotism — 
 the noblest sentiment that animates the soul of man. 
 I say that there is no gift in the Republic too great for 
 
 the men who saved the Republic. 
 
 * * * * * 
 
 II si; i 9009 
 
 O 
 
MAJOR-GENERAL DANIEL E. SICKLES. 
 
 SPEECH 
 
 OF 
 
 HON. WILLIAM SULZER, 
 
 OF NEW YORK, 
 
 In the House or Representatives, 
 
 April 15, 1910. 
 The House being in Committee of the Whole House on the state of the 
 Union and having under consideration the bill (H. R. 133S3) to author- 
 ize the President of the United States to appoint Maj. Gen. Daniel E. 
 Sickles, retired, to be a lieutenant-general of the United States Army — 
 
 Mr. SULZER said: 
 
 Mr. Chairman : This bill simply allows the President, with 
 the consent of the Senate, to place General Sickles one grade 
 higher on the retired list of the army — to give him the rank of 
 lieutenant-general for heroic services. My sense of gratitude 
 is shocked by the personal antagonism this patriotic measure 
 has aroused. It is little less than a national disgrace. 
 
 When the greatest war for human liberty in the history of 
 the world began, Daniel E. Sickles was a prominent Member 
 of this House from the city of New York. He immediately went 
 to President Lincoln, one of the greatest apostles of human free- 
 dom in all the annals of time, and offered his services to help 
 save the Union, the noblest impulse that ever animated the heart 
 of man. He asked for no command. He requested no office. 
 He wanted no title. His patriotic heart was aflame for the 
 Union, and he enlisted as a private in the war. Senator Han- 
 nibal Hamlin and many others insisted that he ought to be an 
 officer on account of his military training and experience. Sickles 
 having been for many years a major in the militia of the State 
 of New York. President Lincoln thereupon sent for him and 
 told him to go to New York and organize and equip a regi- 
 ment of volunteers, and that the President would appoint 
 him the colonel. Sickles went back to New York and at his 
 own expense organized and equipped, not one regiment of volun- 
 teers, but five regiments. They were mustered into the service 
 as the Excelsior brigade, and Abraham Lincoln nomimtted. and 
 the Senate of the United States confirmed, Sickles as colonel 
 of the First Regiment. 
 
 The Excelsior brigade needs no eulogy. A braver body of 
 men never lived. It made history. Sickles saw much hard 
 fighting. Pie was rapidly promoted for bravery and valor 
 on the field. He participated in nearly every battle of the 
 Army of the Potomac from Bull Run to Gettysburg. He was 
 nominated by the President and confirmed by the Senate as 
 a brigadier and a major-general. He rendered most heron- 
 and important services as a commander at Malvern Hill, at 
 Antietam, and at many oilier sanguinary engagements, but his 
 eternal fame as a military chieftain rests on what he did at 
 38126—8930 
 
Gettysburg. According to the testimony of experts here and 
 abroad Who have Studied and written about the civil war It is 
 conceded that Gettysburg was the decisive battle of the great 
 conflict. If Lee bad won at Gettysburg, the Union would have 
 been severed in twain, the Capitol at Washington would have 
 fallen in the hands of the confederacy, and foreign nations 
 would have then recognized the South. Sickles won the battle 
 of Gettysburg. Thai is history now, and no reward in the gift 
 of a grateful country should be denied this grand old soldier. 
 
 Mr. Chairman, there is much to commend this bill and many 
 reasons why it Should become a law. (Jen. Daniel E. Sickles 
 was one of the most gallant and distinguished officers in the 
 Army of the Potomac and merits, in the opinion of those most 
 competent to testify, any honor the Republic he helped to save 
 can bestow on him in the sunset of his long and useful and 
 patriotic life. He is the one heroic living figure of the great 
 civil conflict and the last of the great corps commanders of the 
 war for the Union. 
 
 General Sickles is now on the retired list as a major-general, 
 and if this bill becomes a law it will simply place him on the 
 "retired list" a grade higher, namely, that of lieutenant-gen- 
 eral. In my opinion General Sickles deserves this honor, and 
 I can hardly believe that any person familiar with the great 
 services he rendered in the crucial hour of the life of the Na- 
 tion will begrudge him the distinction. 
 
 War experts the world over have testified that General 
 Sickles is the hero of the battle of Gettysburg; and his brav- 
 ery in that terrible struggle has stirred the heart of every 
 patriotic American, and is one of the brightest pages in the his- 
 tory of the Republic. He deserves well of his country, and will 
 ever be remembered by a grateful people. 
 
 What an eventful career Daniel E. Sickles has had. He was 
 born in New York City on the 20th day of October. 1825, and 
 is now in his eighty-fifth year. He received an academic edu- 
 cation, studied law. and was admitted to the bar in 1846, and 
 began practice in New York City. His illustrious career typifies 
 the opportunities of the Republic. It is a lesson to every Ameri- 
 can schoolboy. In 1S47 he was elected to the legislature of 
 New York, and quickly took a prominent part in its affairs. In 
 1849 he joined the Twelfth Regiment of the National Guard of 
 the State of New York, and in 1851 became the major of the 
 regiment. In 1853 he was made corporation attorney of New 
 York City, and in the same year was appointed secretary to 
 the American legation at London, and accompanied James 
 Buchanan to England. He returned to Xew York in is."."i, and 
 in the fall of that year was elected to the senate of the State of 
 New York, in which he became a conspicuous figure as its most 
 brilliant orator. In 1856 he was elected to Congress. He was 
 reelected in 1858. and served until March 3. 1861. It is doubt- 
 ful if there be many living who saw earlier service in this 
 House. 
 
 At the beginning of the civil war, as I have stated, at his own 
 expense, he raised, organized, drilled, and equipped at Camp 
 Scott, on Staten Island, in the bay of New York, the famous 
 Excelsior Brigade of United States Volunteers, and was com- 
 missioned by President Lincoln colonel of the first of the five 
 regiments. On September 3, 1861, he was made a brigadier-gen- 
 38126— 8'.' 30 
 
eral of volunteers. He commanded his brigade in the Army of 
 the Potomac and gained great distinction in the battles of Fair 
 Oaks and Malvern Hill. His brigade also saw service in the 
 seven days' fight before Richmond, and afterwards bore a con- 
 spicuous part in the Antietam campaign. He succeeded General 
 Hooker in command of the second division of the Third Army 
 Corps and greatly distinguished himself at Fredericksburg. 
 
 On the reorganization of the Army of the Potomac under 
 Hooker in February, 1S63, he was assigned to the command of 
 the Third Army Corps and. was appointed major-general on the 
 7th day of March, 1863, his commission dating from the 29th day 
 of November, 1S62. He displayed great gallantry at Chancellors- 
 ville, gaining the first success of the day by cutting off the rear 
 of Jackson's forces and arresting a general panic amongst 
 the retreating artillery and troops of the Eleventh Corps and re- 
 sisting Stonewall Jackson's attack with a skill and determina- 
 tion that won the admiration of friend and foe. 
 
 At Gettysburg his corps was posted on the left flank near 
 Little Round Top. He advanced to the front on more elevated 
 ground, which he thought desirable to hold, and in this position 
 was assailed by Gen. James Longstreet's entire assaulting 
 column, while Gen. John B. Hood endeavored to gain the un- 
 occupied slope of Little Round Top. In the desperate struggle 
 that followed Sickles's Third Corps effectively aided in pre- 
 serving that important position, but was greatly shattered by 
 the onset of overwhelming numbers under Longstreet. After 
 the line was broken Gen. Ambrose P. Hill followed the con- 
 federate advantage with an attack on Sickles's right, during 
 which General Sickles lost a leg, but remained on the field in 
 command of the troops — an act of heroism seldom witnessed 
 in all the history of war and for which he received the thanks 
 of Congress and the congressional " medal of honor." 
 
 In this connection let me read a letter written by General 
 Longstreet, which confirms all I have said about Sickles at 
 Gettysburg : 
 
 Department of the Interior, 
 
 Washington, September 19, 1902. 
 
 My Dear General Sickles : My plan and desire was to meet you at 
 Gettysburg on the interesting ceremony attending the unveiling of the 
 Slocum monument ; but to-day I find myself in no condition to keep the 
 promise made you when last we were togetheV. I am quite disabled 
 from a severe hurt in one of my feet, so that I am unable to stand 
 more than a minute or two at a time. Please express my sincere re- 
 grets to the noble Army of the Potomac, and to accept them, especially, 
 for yourself. 
 
 On that field you made your mark that will place you prominently 
 before the world as one of the leading figures of the most important 
 battle of the civil war. As a northern veteran once remarked to me : 
 " General Sickles can well afford to leave a leg on that field." 
 
 I believe that it is now conceded that the advanced position at the 
 peach orchard, taken by your corps and under your orders, saved that 
 battlefield to the Union cause. It was the sorest and saddest reflection 
 of my life for many years ; but to-day I can say with sincerest emotion 
 that It was and is the best that could have come to us all, North and 
 South, and I hope that the Nation, reunited, may always enjoy the 
 honor and glory brought to It by that grand work. 
 
 Please offer my kindest salutations to your governor and your fellow- 
 comrades of the Army of the Potomac. 
 Always, yours, sincerely, 
 
 .Tames Longstreet. 
 Lieutenant-General, Confederate Army. 
 
 Gen. D. E. Sickles, 
 
 (.'< Itysburg, Pa. 
 38126—8930 
 
That letter speaks for itself and ids do further comment. 
 
 It tells the story of Sickles mid what be did. After Gettysburg 
 
 General Sickles continued La active service until the beginning 
 "i 1866, and was then sent on a confidential mission by Presi- 
 dent Lincoln to Colombia and other South American countries, 
 where his mission was eminently successful and for which he 
 received the thanks of Secretary Seward. 
 
 On the 28th day of July. 1888, Sickles joined the Regular 
 Army as colonel of the Forty-second Infantry. On March 2, 
 isr.T, he was breveted brigadier-general for bravery at Fred- 
 ericks! iui-.tr and major-general for gallant and meritorious serv- 
 ice at Gettysburg. He commanded the military department of 
 the Carolinas in INC.") and the military district of the Carolina* 
 in IS(i-), isms, and isc.T. 
 
 Governor I >rr, of South Carolina, in a letter to General Sickles 
 dated September 7, 1867, says : 
 
 In all the official intercourse which we have had I beg to tender you 
 my thanks foi the uniform kindness and courtesy to which I have been 
 treated personally and officially, and foe the disposition you have 
 always manifested to make the burdens of the military government as 
 light upon the people whom 1 represent as it was possible under the cir- 
 cumstances. I have cot the pleasure of a personal acquaintance with 
 your successor. General Canby, hut hope that my official relations with 
 him may be marked with the same harmony and kind Feeling which 
 characterized our official intercourse for nearly two years past. 
 
 President Johnson offered General Sickles the mission to the 
 Netherlands, which he declined for personal reasons. He was 
 mustered out of the volunteer service on January 1. 1868, and on 
 April 14, 1869, President Grant placed him on the retired list of 
 the United States Army with the full rank of major-general. 
 
 lie was a friend of General Grant, and the latter admired 
 General Sickles and entertained a high opinion of his military 
 ability and patriotism. On the 15th day of -May. 1869, President 
 Grant appointed Sickles minister to Spain. He relinquished 
 that important post on the 20th day of March, 1873, and resumed 
 his residence in the city of New York, since which time he has 
 served the people of his State several terms in Congress and in 
 the legislature and in other high and important official positions 
 of trust. He has been sheriff of New York County, by appoint- 
 ment of Governor David B. Hill; president of the New York 
 State board of civil-service commissioners, alderman, and the 
 chairman of the hoard of commissioners of the State of New 
 Yoik for the erection of monuments on the battlefields of the 
 civil war. 
 
 Mr. Chairman, few men in the history of the Republic have 
 had such a long and such a useful and such a distinguished 
 career, both in civil and military life. General Sickles has done 
 much for our Republic, and his old comrades from one end of 
 the land to the other feel that the least the Republic can do 
 for this grand old warrior who did so much for his country in 
 the darkest hour of its history is to place him, as he passes 
 over the great divide into the dim beyond, on the "retired list" 
 of the army its lieutenant-general along with the great soldiers 
 of the Republic. 
 
 Resolutions in favor of < his hill have been sent to Congress 
 
 by the legislatures of New York and New Jersey, and strong 
 
 appeals in favor of the measure have come to Members of the 
 
 House of Representatives from veterans living in all quarters 
 
 38126—8930 
 
of the Republic — from California to Connecticut, from Texas 
 to Maine, from Colorado to New Jersey, and from Kansas to 
 New York. 
 
 In my opinion General Sickles deserves well of his country, 
 and the brave soldiers in the North, as well as the gallant men 
 of the Southland, who admire bravery and heroism, are anxious 
 to cheer his declining days as the shadows darken with this 
 additional recognition of his valor and his patriotism. This is 
 especially just, when it is considered that the rank of lieutenant- 
 general has been conferred upon Bates, and Young, and Corbin, 
 and Chaffee, and others, some of whom performed very little 
 service during the civil war. Why discriminate against Sickles? 
 He was the greatest of them all. 
 
 Five promotions to the grade of lieutenant-general have been 
 made by Congress since 1900, and these officers all gained their 
 chief rank during or since the war with Spain, whilst only 
 three officers who gained distinction in the civil war were raised 
 to the grade of lieutenant-general. It is plain, therefore, that 
 this bill will not make a " bad precedent," but, on the contrary, 
 this bill can not be a precedent, because there is no other among 
 the major-generals on the retired list whose military record ap- 
 proaches that of General Sickles. The true soldiers of the 
 country, North and South, the grizzled veterans of the great 
 conflict, petition Congress to pass this bill for General Sickles. 
 Large numbers of the surviving officers of the civil war desire 
 to have this additional honor conferred upon the victor of 
 Gettysburg, and I confidently submit that a gi'ateful people, who 
 realize the sacrifices Sickles made, will know the reason why 
 if this bill fails to pass. 
 
 Mr. Chairman, I was surprised to hear the gentleman from 
 Massachusetts [Mr. Weeks], who knows so little, apparently, 
 about the war and the record of the officers who participated 
 in that great conflict, say that if Sickles had not lost a leg on 
 the field at Gettysburg he would have been court-martialed. 
 That statement is absolutely without substantial foundation. 
 There is not a line in the records of the War Department that 
 justifies it. I challenge the gentleman from Massachusetts to 
 prove his words. 
 
 Mr. GARDNER of Michigan. I beg the gentleman's pardon ; 
 I did not know what he was talking about. My attention was 
 diverted. 
 
 Mr. SULZER. The gentleman should listen. I was replying 
 to a remark of the gentleman from Massachusetts [Mr. Weeks]. 
 I am coming to what the gentleman from Michigan said. 
 [Laughter.] The unreasonable opposition to this meritorious 
 bill witnessed here to-day will be a revelation to-morrow to 
 patriotic America and reflect no credit on some of the Members 
 of this House. They will hear from the old soldiers at home. 
 
 Well, Mr. Chairman, let us see for a moment just what was 
 done at Gettysburg. Sickles was in command of the Third 
 Army Corps. It is well known that neither Lee nor Meade 
 wanted to fight at Gettysburg. But the battle was precipitated 
 on Hie 1st day of July, and on that sanguinary field the destiny 
 of the greatest Republic the sun has ever looked upon was deter- 
 mined in favor of the Union. That struggle is history — that 
 field is consecrated ground. No words can do it justice. On the 
 second day of the battle the confederacy had all the advnnt.-ige. 
 Lee and Longstreel would have won had it not been for what 
 38126— 8980 
 
G 
 
 Sickles did. Ee took t ho celebrated position In the peach 
 orchard. He held thai strategic point against the onslaught of 
 the battalions of Longstreet He checked the confederate ad- 
 vance, lie Baved Little Round t<>i> to the Federals, and Little 
 Round Top saved the day, and that historic second day at Get- 
 tysburg saved the I'nion. Longstreet says that, and Longstreet 
 was one of the greatest soldiers of modern times. Read the 
 testimony of what t lie English and the French and the German 
 military experts have said about it. The best soldiers of the 
 war on both sides have testified that Sickles saved the day. 
 That is the proof. If I were arguing this case before a jury, 
 I would win on this testimony, and on this testimony alone. 
 
 But, unfortunately, I am not arguing the case before an im- 
 partial jury. I am arguing it before partisan Members of Con- 
 gress. Bui we must not forget that our predecessors voted unan- 
 imously the thanks of the Congress of the United States to Gen- 
 eral Sickles, and he is entitled, by reason of those thanks, under 
 the rule, to the privileges of this floor. I felt hurt when the 
 Member from New York LMr. MICHAEL B. Driscoll] referred to 
 this grand old grizzled warrior, who has done so much for his 
 country in civil and in military life, in the way that he did. 
 General Sickles sat in a seat here a few weeks ago. visiting the 
 House as he has done for many, many years, but the gentleman 
 from New York said that he was here lobbying for this bill. I 
 challenge him or any other Member of this House to say that 
 Sickles ever asked a Member to vote for this bill. Nobody can 
 get up and say so. He never asked me to introduce this bill, and 
 I believe that he has never asked a Member of this House to 
 vote for it. I introduced it because I am a friend of the sol- 
 diers who saved the Union, and I want to reward them while 
 they live. Nobody here can ever say, and nobody outside of 
 these halls will ever be able to say, that during the sixteen 
 years I have been a Member of this House I ever voted against 
 a bill in the interests of the soldiers and sailors who saved the 
 Union. I only wish I could say as much for others on the 
 floor of this i louse. This is a rich country; this is a great 
 country; this is the grand Republic; and it is all so to a very 
 large extent on account of what the brave and gallant men who 
 marched from the North did in the great struggle for the Union. 
 
 We owe them a debt of gratitude we never can pay, and grat- 
 itude, my friends, is the fairest flower that sheds its perfume 
 in the human heart. [Applause.l We should be grateful to 
 the soldiers who fought that great war to a successful end. The 
 gentleman from Iowa [Mr. Hull] argues against this bill, like 
 the gentleman from Michigan [Mr. Gardner] and the gentleman 
 from Illinois I Mr. I'rince], on the ground that General Sickles 
 is a rich man. lie probably will never go to the poorhouse, and 
 I hope he never will ; but he is not a very rich man. And if he 
 were, that is a very weak and a most unpatriotic argument 
 to make. I can not bring my ideas in favor of this bill down 
 to the level of mere dollars and cents. I place my views on 
 higher ground. I want it to pass for patriotism. I say that 
 there is no gift in the Republic too great for the men who 
 saved the Republic; and. according to the testimony of Lincoln 
 and of Grant, of Sheridan and of Lee and of Longstreet, 
 Sickles is one of the great soldiers of the civil war— one of the 
 saviors of the Nation. All the great soldiers of the world who 
 38126—8930 
 
have written upon that titanic struggle say that (General Sickles 
 not only saved the day at Gettysburg, but they say that he was 
 one of the greatest volunteer generals the war produced, North 
 or South ; and I will take the testimony of those experts. 
 
 Now, another thing, General Sickles was retired by President 
 Grant in 1S69 as a major-general in the Regular Army. He 
 went upon the retired list, and is to-day the ranking major- 
 general of the Regular Army. His record stands alone. There 
 is nothing like it in the annals of America. Sickles stands out 
 in bold relief in our temple of eternal fame. 
 
 President Grant appointed Sickles minister to Spain when 
 he was retired as a major-general. He served as minister 
 to Spain during Grant's administration. During that time he 
 never drew a dollar of his pay as a major-general. There was 
 nothing in the law that prevented him from taking it. 
 
 Mr. HULL of Iowa. Will the gentleman allow me to ask 
 him a question? 
 
 Mr. SULZER. I have only a few minutes left. There is no 
 record in the War Department or in Congress that General 
 Sickles ever put in a claim for the amount of money he ex- 
 pended in organizing and equipping the Excelsior Brigade. 
 He is now 85 years old; and I doubt very much whether he 
 will live long to receive pay under this bill if it should be- 
 come law. What a weak, specious argument for a Member of 
 this House to make against this legislation — that it may give 
 this grand old hero a few dollars a year more. I have heard 
 some of the arguments by some of the so-called military ex- 
 perts of the House regarding the grade of lieutenant-general. 
 I want to say something about the grade of lieutenant-general. 
 In foreign countries, in every first-class military power of the 
 world, the grade of lieutenant-general is not the highest grade 
 for a great soldier. There are grades above it ; but in America 
 the highest grade that has ever been conferred upon any soldier, 
 ■except Washington and Grant, has been the grade of lieutenant- 
 general. Now, gentlemen get up and talk about this grade as if 
 it were something sacred, as if it were such a tremendous honor ; 
 that it had not been bestowed upon anybody except Washington, 
 and Scott, and Grant, and Sherman, and Sheridan. But let me 
 say that the members of the Military Affairs Committee now op- 
 posed to this bill recently put on an appropriation bill a proviso 
 making Miles, Corbin, Chaffee. Bates, Young, and MacArthur 
 lieutenant-generals, and not one of them ever commanded a corps 
 in the civil war. Now, these same Members say that this grand 
 old veteran, one of the greatest volunteer soldiers in the history 
 of America, should not be made a lieutenant-general because it 
 might establish a precedent. My friends, that argument is too 
 specious to receive the consideration of intelligent Members of 
 this House. And when they say the bill will give Sickles a few 
 dollars more, I ask 3 r ou how many more years do you think 
 General Sickles is going to live to receive anything? 
 
 Just a few words more and this matter will be submitted to 
 the judgment of this House. Nearly every soldier now alive and 
 who fought in the war for the Union and reached the rank of 
 brigadier-general has written a letter in favor of this bill. I 
 want to appeal to all for justice to this grand old soldier, this 
 heroic warrior, this man who during all the years of his life 
 has done so much for his country, his State, and his city. I want 
 381^0—8930 
 
8 
 
 to bring to your notice the fact that a previous Congress wont 
 as far as it could in its day when it unanimously thanked sickles 
 for all that he did. I call your attention i<» the fad thai during 
 the time General Sickles served as a Member <>f this House he 
 rendered distinguished service t<» the cause of good government, 
 and we should show our appreciation by giving him this addi- 
 tional honor before be passes over the great divide to that un- 
 discovered country from whose bourne no traveler returns. 
 
 My friends, just a few words more. General Slckles's career 
 is finished. He is a very old man. T I is great work is done. 
 lie lias run the race. He has fought the good light. lie ean 
 live at best but 8 brief time. Who is there so unpatriotic that 
 he would refuse this honor to this grand old battle-scarred vet- 
 eran, with his gallant and heroic record? [Loud applause.] 
 3812G— 8UoO 
 
Justice to the Men who Saved the Union 
 
 SPEECH 
 
 HON. WILLIAM SULZER 
 
 OF NEW YORK 
 
 HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES 
 
 TUESDAY, JUNE 14, 1010 
 
 »!? 
 
 62132 9343 
 
 "WASHING'J'ON 
 1910 
 
SPEECH 
 
 OF 
 
 HON. WILLIAM SULZEE. 
 
 The House being in Committee of the Whole House on the state of the 
 Tnion and having under consideration the bill (H. R. 26730) making 
 appropriations to supply deficiencies in appropriations for the fiscal year 
 1910, and for other purposes — 
 
 Mr. SULZER said: 
 
 Mr. Chairman : In the closing hours of this session of con- 
 gress let me again say a few words for justice to the soldiers 
 and the sailors of the Union, for the bravest men on land and 
 sea that ever faced a foe, for those heroic men who saved the 
 Republic from destruction during the darkest hour in all our 
 history. They need no eulogy. The glorious Union is their 
 everlasting monument. For ages yet to come their achievements 
 will be sung in song and story. 
 
 Nearly fifty years have passed since the close of the great 
 civil war — a conflict unparalleled in the annals of time. More 
 than two-thirds of the soldiers and the sailors who participated 
 in that tremendous struggle have been gathered to the fathers, 
 and those that remain will soon cross the " great divide " to join 
 their comrades on " fame's eternal camping ground." During 
 the few years they will be with us on earth I believe it is the 
 duty of the Government to care for those in poverty and dis- 
 tress and to see to it that none lack the necessaries of life. 
 
 Our soldiers and our sailors should be generously treated by 
 the Government they did so much to preserve. That is the least 
 we can do for them in their declining years. Those that are 
 incapacitated and dependent should be liberally pensioned, and 
 their widows and orphans should be the wards of the Republic. 
 As Lincoln said, the Nation should care for those who have 
 borne the battle and for their widows and orphans, so that BOOB 
 shall be left in want and destitution. 
 
 I minted wilh these ideas, I introduced a patriotic bill to 
 redeem the promise to the volunteers, because I am a friend id' 
 the men who saved the Union, and I want to reward them 
 while they live. Nobody here can ever say, and nobody out- 
 side of these halls will ever be able to say, that during the 
 52132—9343 3 
 
Bixteeo years T have been a Member <>f this House I ever voted 
 against a Mil In the Interest of the Boldiers and sailors who 
 Baved the Onion. This Is a rich country; this is the land <>f 
 liberty; this is the grand Republic; and it is all so to a very 
 large extent on account of what the brave and gallant men who 
 sarched from the North did in the mighty simple for the 
 Union. We owe them a debt of gratitude we never can pay; 
 and gratitude, my friends, is the fairest flower thai sheds its 
 perfume iu the human heart. We should be grateful to the 
 soldiers who fought thai great war to a successful end. 1 can 
 not bring my Ideas of justice and gratitude in this matter down 
 "to the low level of mere dollars and cents. I place my views 
 on higher ground. I want this hill to pass for patriotism — the 
 noblest sentiment thai animates the soul of man. I say that 
 there is no gift in the Republic too great for the men who saved 
 the Republic. 
 
 I am now, always have been, and always will he the friend of 
 the soldiers and the sailors of the Union. I am proud of the 
 fact that I am called the '"old soldiers' champion; " and I want 
 to say again what I have frequently said on the floor of this 
 House, that in Congress or out of Congress, the men who saved 
 the Union can always depend on me to do all in my power to 
 see to it that they get their just rights and the thanks of a 
 grateful Republic. 
 
 A great reunited people now owe their repose and peace at 
 home, their phenomenal progress and prosperity, their com- 
 mercial success, and their influence abroad to the preservation 
 of the Union. I invite particular attention to the fact that this 
 proposed legislation has received the approval of a very large 
 number of prominent and influential men in various parts of 
 the country. The petitions of these citizens are now in the 
 hands of the military committees of the two Houses. Public 
 opinion favors this legislation, and the legislatures of the States 
 of Illinois, Ohio, New York, .Michigan, Nebraska, Colorado, 
 Wyoming, Utah, and Kansas, by unanimous votes, have passed 
 resolutions indorsing it. and requesting the Senators and Repre- 
 sentatives from these States to vote for the enactment of my 
 bill. It should have been passed and enacted into law long ere 
 this. Patriotism commands it. Gratitude demands it. I pro- 
 test against full her delay. Lei us do our duty and pass the 
 bill before wo adjourn. 
 52132—9343 
 
 o 
 
FOR A GRADUATED INCOME TAX 
 
 SPEECH 
 
 HON. WILLIAM SULZER 
 
 OF NEW YORK 
 
 HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES 
 
 MONDAY, JULY 12, 1909 
 
 it:;-.— s.-.n 
 
 WASHINGTON 
 19 09 
 
SPEECH 
 
 OF 
 
 HON. WILLIAM SULZEK. 
 
 The House haying under consideration the joint resolution < S. -T. It. 40) 
 proposing an an i the Constitution of the United States — 
 
 Mr. CLARK of Missouri I yield fifteen minutes to the gentle- 
 man from New York [Mr. Sulzeb]. 
 
 Mr. STJLZER. Mr. Speaker, I am now, always have been, 
 and always will be in favor of an income tax. because, In my 
 opinion, an income tax is the fairest, the most just, the 
 honest, the most democratic, and the most equitable tax ever 
 devised by the genius of statesmanship. Ever since I came to 
 Congress the record will show that I have boon the constant 
 advocate of an income tax along constitutional lines. And 80 
 to-day I reiterate that through it only, and by its agency alone, 
 will it ever be possible for the Government to be able to make 
 idle wen nil pay its just share of the ever-increasing burdens of 
 taxation. 
 
 At the present time nearly all the taxes raised for the sup- 
 port of the Government are levied on consumption — on what the 
 people need to eat and to wear and to live; on the necessaries of 
 life; and the consequence is that the poor man, indirectly, but 
 surely in the end, pays practically as much to support the 
 Government as the rich man— regardless of the difference of 
 incomes. This system of tariff tax on consumption, by which 
 the consumers are saddled with all the burdens of Government, 
 is an unjust system of taxation, and the only way to remedy 
 ill,- injustice and destroy the Inequality is by a graduated in- 
 come tax that will make idle wealth as well as honest toil pay 
 its just share of the taxes needed to administer the National 
 Government Hence I shall vote for the pending resolution or 
 any proposition that, in my judgment, will make an income lax 
 in this country possible and constitutional, however remote that 
 possibility may be. 
 
 I.ct me say. gentlemen, (hat every great thinker, every honest 
 jurist, and every great writer on political economy, from the 
 "days of Aristotle down to the present time, has advocated and 
 justified the Imposition of an income tax for the support of gov- 
 ernment as the most holiest ami the most expeditious and the 
 most equitable principle of taxation that can bo devised. It 
 must come in this country. It should have been adopted long 
 ago. Almost every great government on earth secures a large 
 part of its revenue from an income tax, and we must do the 
 same. We are far behind the governments of Europe in this re- 
 spect —far behind enlightened public opinion. 
 
 Sir. lei me say. however, that I am not deceived by the unanim- 
 ity in Which tiiis resolution is now being rushed through the 
 Congress by the Republicans, its eleventh-hour friends. I can 
 2 1733—8511 
 
3 
 
 see through their scheme. I know they never expect to see this 
 resolution become a part of the Constitution. It is offered now 
 to placate the people. The ulterior purpose of many of these 
 Republicans is to prevent this resolution from ever being rati- 
 fied by three-fourths of the legislatures of the States, accessary 
 for its final adoption, and thus nullify it most effectually. 
 Therefore, so far as I am personally concerned, I am not going 
 into ecstacies on account of the practically unanimous passage 
 of this joint resolution through Congress. I have been here 
 long enough to know, and I am wise enough to believe, that its 
 passage now is only a sop to the people by the Republicans, 
 and that their ulterior purpose is to defeat it in the Republican 
 state legislatures. 
 
 I am not going to give the Republicans credit for good faith 
 in passing this resolution until I see how their representatives 
 vote on it in the legislatures of Republican States. Mark what 
 I say now. When this resolution passes, the wealth and the 
 interests and the Republican leaders of the country opposed to 
 an income tax will soon get together and urge its rejection by 
 the States. If these obnoxious interests to the welfare of the 
 people can get 12 state legislatures to prevent its ratification, 
 the resolution will fail to secure the necessary approval of 
 three-fourths of the States of the Union and will never be 
 adopted as part of the Constitution. It will not be required 
 even to defeat it in the legislatures of 12 States. All that will 
 be necessary to be done is to prevent its being acted upon by 
 the senates of the 12 States. Let us wait and see if my pre- 
 diction comes true. 
 
 Mr. Speaker, I had indulged the hope that the Members of 
 this Congress would meet the expectations of the people — revise 
 the tariff downward — take advantage of this splendid oppor- 
 tunity and write into the pending tariff legislation a gradu- 
 ated income-tax provision that would be fair and just to all 
 the people and absolutely constitutional; that would make 
 wealth as well as toil, plutocracy as well as poverty, pay its 
 just share of the burdens of Government. There is no doubt 
 it could be done if the Republicans in Congress were true to 
 their promises to the people. In my opinion the Republicans 
 in this Congress have been recreant to their duty and faithless 
 to their pledges in failing to write into the pending tariff legis- 
 lation a constitutional provision for a graduated-income tax. 
 The people of the land witness here to-day, in the enactment of 
 the iniquitous Aldrich tariff bill, the most shameless betrayal 
 of their rights, the most shameful repudiation of Republican 
 promises that has ever been exhibited in all the annals of our 
 political history. 
 
 The passing of the outrageous Aldrich tariff bill, an oppres- 
 sive tax measure that will fasten on the backs of the consumers 
 of the country for years to come unspeakable burdens beyond 
 the calculation of the finite mind, is the legislative-tax iniquity 
 of the century. 
 
 Sir, the passage of this resolution is, as I say, only a subter- 
 fuge a mere hope to he speedily dashed to the ground. The 
 Republicans are only pretending to give the people the future 
 possibility of an Income lax. They know the people are in 
 favor of a graduated income tax; they know the people now 
 1T:!5— Soil 
 
demand it: and hence they hold onl this mere pretense while 
 they place apon the statute books the highest protective tariff- 
 tax law in the history of the land to burden them more than 
 they have ever been burdened before; and the Aldrlch tariff 
 
 hill as it will finally go upon the statute hooks — mark what I 
 say — will be the highest protective-tax measure in the interests 
 of the beneficiaries of protection thai has ever been enacted 
 
 in this country or any other civilized country in fill the his- 
 tory of the world. [Loud applause on the Democratic side.] 
 
 The SPEAKER. The time of the gentleman from New York 
 has expired. 
 
 Mr. SULZER. Well, Mr. Speaker, that is about all I set out 
 In say. of course I shall vote for this resolution. It will pass 
 Congress by the requisite two-thirds vote. It then goes to the 
 legislatures of the States. Three-fourths of the state IegiSla- 
 ures must ratify it Lei the people of the country see to it and 
 instruct their state representatives to vote for it. The issue is 
 now with them. I will do my part in Congress and out of 
 Congress to make this resolution for a constitutional income 
 '.?.x a part of the organic law of the land. 
 lT.io— SOU 
 
 o 
 
TRADE WITH CANADA, MEXICO, AND 
 CENTRAL AND SOUTH AMERICA 
 
 SPEECH 
 
 OF 
 
 HON. WILLIAM SULZER 
 
 OF NEW YORK 
 
 HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES 
 
 JULY 8, 1909 
 
 1263— S497 
 
 WASHINGTON 
 19 09 
 
SPEECH 
 
 OP 
 
 HON. WILLIAM SULZER. 
 
 TBADE WITH CANADA, MEXICO, AND CENTEAL AND SOUTH AMERICA. 
 
 Mr. SULZER. Mr. Speaker 
 
 The SPEAKER. Tlie gentleman from New York [Mr. Sxxlzbb] 
 is recognized. 
 
 Mr. SULZER. Mr. Speaker, while there is still time, and be- 
 fore the pending tariff bill is finally completed, I desire to re- 
 Iterate the hope, so often expressed by me, that something will 
 be done ere the tariff bill becomes a law to bring about closer 
 political ties and freer commercial relations with our neighbors 
 on the north — the Canadians — and with the progressive people 
 of our sister Republics, in Mexico and in Central and South 
 America. 
 
 Here is the true field, it seems to me, for our legitimate ex- 
 pansion of trade, for broader markets, for our industrial endeav- 
 ors, and for our commercial extension; and now is the time for 
 an exhibition on our part, as the representatives in Congress of 
 the people of the United States, of a little political sagacity and 
 the exercise of good business foresight in the enactment of this 
 tariff legislation that will mean more and more commercially as 
 the years come and go to our producers, to our merchants, to our 
 manufacturers, and to all the people of our country. 
 
 And yet, sir, I regret to say that not a line has thus far been 
 written, by cither the House or the Senate, in the pending tar- 
 iff bill looking to closer political ties and to a greater expansion 
 of our trade and commerce with these friendly and neighborly 
 countries. Not a thing has been done for its accomplishment, 
 and I am frank to say it is a grave mistake. As I view the 
 situation, we either attempt to go too far afield on the one hand, 
 seeking trade at great expense in distant lands, or we display 
 a laclc of business knowledge and exhibit a narrow provincial- 
 ism on the other hand, declining trade at our doors, that is as 
 detrimental to our best interests as it is deplorable in our 
 statesmanship. Canada, Mexico, Central and South America 
 are our neighbors and our real friends, and they should be our 
 best customers; and they would be our best customers if we 
 only had the commercial sense and the political wisdom to deal 
 with them aboveboard, in the spirit of trade equality, and treat 
 them fairly and reciprocally along lines mutually advantageous. 
 
 Hence I repeat that I indulge the lingering hope that ere 
 the pending tariff bill becomes a law a paragraph will bo writ- 
 ten in its provisions for closer commercial relations with these 
 progressive countries, based on the principles of freer trade, 
 closer political sympathy, and truer reciprocity. I do not care 
 how it is done; I have no vanity in the matter; but I want to 
 see it accomplished at the earliest possible day for the benefit 
 2 12G8— 8497 
 
and in the interest of all the people on the Western Hemisphere. 
 I know it can be easily done ; and if it is not done now, we are 
 simply blind to our own industrial welfare and to our own com- 
 mercial opportunities. Shall protection forever shackle us to 
 the dead post of the past and bind us to blighted opportunities? 
 
 Sir, the statistics conclusively show that this trade at our 
 very doors is growing more important and becoming more valu- 
 able every year. Why should we ignore it? European coun- 
 tries are doing their best to secure it, and the facts prove that 
 they are getting the most of it at the present time, very much 
 to our detriment and to our disadvantage. Why will our peo- 
 ple always be blind commercially to their own best interests 
 and to their own greatest opportunities? Wby spend millions 
 of dollars seeking trade in the Orient when the commerce of 
 the Occident — richer than the Indies — is knocking at our door? 
 Let us obliterate the obstacles, tear down the barriers, and open 
 wide the doors to welcome the commerce of North and South 
 and Central America, on land and sea, ere it is too late and 
 the opportunity to secure it be lost forever. Now is the ac- 
 cepted time. These countries are anxiously awaiting the out- 
 come of our deliberations. They are watching the enactment 
 of this tariff legislation. They long for some evidence of our 
 friendship and sincerity. They want to trade with us. They 
 will meet us more than halfway. Shall we disappoint their 
 most sanguine expectations? Shall we ignore this most valu- 
 able trade, these great commercial opportunities, and give these 
 splendid markets wholly and entirely to Germany and to Eng- 
 land and to France? I trust not; and so I say again that I 
 hope, ere we adjourn and the pending tariff bill becomes a law, 
 there will be written in it a broad and a liberal reciprocal 
 provision for open markets, freer trade, and unrestricted com- 
 merce between the United States and all our sister countries 
 on the Western Hemisphere. 
 
 If I read the signs of the time aright, I must say that I 
 believe President Taft is friendly disposed to the proposition, 
 and will not be disappointed if the tariff bill contains a pro- 
 vision for an expansion of our trade with our neighbors to the 
 north and to the south ; and I know we will make a serious 
 political blunder if we do not take advantage of the occasion 
 now presented to brush away the political cobwebs and break 
 down the commercial barriers which impede its consummation. 
 Enlightened public opinion favors this movement, sound busi- 
 ness judgment demands it, and I will go as far as any man in 
 Congress or out of Congress to bring it about. 
 
 In this connection, sir, I want to commend the good work 
 that is being done, and has been done, along these lines by 
 the Hon. John Barrett, the very able and efficient and expe- 
 rienced Director of the Bureau of the American Republics. He 
 is the right man in the right place. He knows the truth of what 
 I am saying to-day. He is doing his part. His indefatigable 
 labors are bearing fruit, but I am sorry to say that his earnest 
 efforts are very little appreciated at home, though very generally 
 applauded by the far-seeing statesmen of our sister republics. 
 
 Then, too, Mr. Speaker, in connection with the expansion of 
 our trade and commerce to our north and to the south, we should 
 provide for adequate steamship service on the Atlanlieandthel'a- 
 12G8— 8407 
 
cfflc by discriminating tonnage taxes in favor of American-built 
 ships, carrying the American Hat:, and manned by American 
 sailors. This policy will go far to restore our merchant marine 
 ami give ns a share In the deep-sea carrying trade Of the world. 
 Next feO securing the trade is the ability to carry it; and we 
 should transport all this commerce in our own ships, under out- 
 own flag, in order to build up our merchant marine; and we 
 can easily accomplish it, as I have suggested, by a graduated 
 system of tonnage taxes in favor of American-built ships that 
 will not cost the Treasury a cent or take a dollar out of the 
 pockets of our taxpayers. We must construct our own ships 
 to get this trade. We must build our merchant marine to com- 
 mand this commerce. The trade of the western world must be 
 ours. It will be ours if this Congress will do its duty and 
 take the right step to meet the expectations of the people. 
 
 Mr. Speaker, the people of these countries to our north and 
 to our south are the true friends of the people of the United 
 States: they look to us for protection, for sisterly sympathy, 
 for a reciprocal exchange of products; they need our help in 
 their industrial progress; they desire our aid in the marketing 
 of their exports; they appeal to us for financial assistance in the 
 development of their great natural resources: and their re- 
 sources and their products are greater and richer than those 
 of countries far away across the Pacific and the Atlantic oceans. 
 We should aid them in their struggle for better conditions. We 
 should extend to them a helping hand in their onward march 
 of progress. We should glory in their prosperity. Their suc- 
 cess is our success. They are rapidly forging to the front; 
 their exports and their imports are increasing annually: their 
 trade is becoming more and more important, their commerce 
 more and more valuable; and instead of closing our doors by 
 prohibitive tariff taxes against these countries and their prod- 
 ucts, in my opinion, we should open them wider and do every- 
 thing in our power to hasten closer political ties and facilitate 
 closer trade and commercial relations. We want their products 
 and they want our products, and all tariff barriers erected to 
 prevent a fairer and freer exchange of goods, wares, and mer- 
 chandise should, in so far as possible, be eliminated. It will 
 be for the best interest of the people of the United States, of 
 lasting benefit to our neighbors to the north and to the south, 
 and for the mutual advantage of each and every country on this 
 hemisphere, binding us together in closer ties of friendship and 
 making for the peace and the prosperity and the greater in- 
 dustrial and wider commercial progress of the times. 
 
 12G8— 8497 
 
OVERNOR SULZER'S VETO OF THE 
 FOLEY-WALKER WORKMEN'S 
 COMPENSATION ACT 
 
GOVERNOR SULZER'S MEMORANDUM VETOING 
 
 THE FOLEY-WALKER WORKMEN'S 
 
 COMPENSATION ACT. 
 
 State of New York — Executive Chamber 
 
 Albany, May 15, 1913. 
 
 Memorandum filed with Senate Bill, Introductory 
 No. 1064, Printed No. 2430, entitled: 
 
 "An act to amend the insurance law, in relation 
 to securing compensation to workmen, injured in 
 the course of their employment, and repealing 
 certain sections of the labor law, relating thereto." 
 
 Not Approved: 
 
 The common law rule that the individual employer 
 was responsible for injuries only where he was per- 
 sonally at fault, has been generally discarded by en- 
 lightened States as unsuitable to modern industrial 
 conditions. 
 
 In European countries, and in many of our States, 
 workmen's compensation laws have been passed for 
 the purpose of relieving injured workmen and their 
 families from the inevitable distress following upon 
 accident with its attendant stoppage of wage income. 
 
 These laws usually cover all accidents, including 
 those for which employers cannot legally be held liable, 
 and they further seek to eliminate or reduce to the 
 lowest possible minimum the cost and waste of litiga- 
 tion prevalent under the present system. 
 
 The Empire State has been slow in promoting these 
 admittedly necessary protective measures of assist- 
 ance to our industrial workers. This needed reform 
 
 3 
 
in our State industrial Bystero is in the interest of both 
 the employer and the workmen and is not a political 
 question but wholly an economic proposition. 
 
 Recognizing the justice and merits of the question, 
 the Democratic party at its last State convention, held 
 in Syracuse, in October, 1912, pledged itself, by pro- 
 viding in its platform: 
 
 " Time has clearly shown that the practice 
 
 under the old concept of employers' liability for 
 injury to employees is insufficient and ineffective 
 to do justice to injured workers, and their de- 
 pendents. We, therefore, pledge the Democratic 
 party of the State of New York to the enactment 
 of a comprehensive and just workman's compen- 
 sation law, by which the industry under State 
 supervision shall bear the financial burden of the 
 industrial risks to the life and limb of the workers. 
 To promote such legislation the Legislature of 
 nineteen hundred and twelve has already passed 
 a proposed amendment to the State Constitution, 
 and we pledge ourselves to pass again this pro- 
 posed amendment in the next session of the Legis- 
 lature." 
 
 In my first message to the Legislature I said, con- 
 cerning workmen's compensation laws: 
 
 " Many of our States have enacted workmen's 
 compensation or insurance laws. The production 
 of our wealth in a large measure is a tribute to 
 the ability and the efficiency of the workers. It is 
 only just then that those who do the work should 
 receive an equitable share of that which they have 
 helped to produce. No compensation is fair which 
 does not secure to each worker at least enough to 
 permit him, or her, decent standards of life. The 
 
workers themselves have not always been able to 
 secure such compensation for themselves. Par- 
 ticularly has this been true of women and children 
 in whom the State should take an especial in- 
 terest. To secure for these less accustomed to 
 the competitive struggle protection that other 
 workers have won for themselves through organi- 
 zation, we should carefully consider the establish- 
 ment of wage boards with authority to fix a living 
 wage for conditions of work below which stand- 
 ards no industry should be allowed to continue its 
 . operations. Massachusetts has enacted such a 
 law. Ohio recently adopted a constitutional 
 amendment authorizing the State Legislature to 
 do the same." 
 
 From the outset the bill now before me met with 
 serious opposition from those who are most vitally in- 
 terested in securing the benefits designed to accrue 
 from legislation of this character. This measure, I 
 am advised, is opposed by the State Federation of 
 Labor and the American Association of Labor Legis- 
 lation, and other true friends of these necessary reme- 
 dial industrial reforms. 
 
 I have given much thought to the subject. I know 
 what the party platform pledged and the manner of 
 performance expected of that party pledge. To my 
 mind a workmen's compensation law which fails to in- 
 spire the confidence of the industrial toilers for whom 
 it is enacted, and which meets with their vigorous and 
 emphatic protest, cannot be said to be an adequate 
 performance of such pledge. 
 
 I feel convinced that the objections urged against 
 this bill are serious and substantial, and among them 
 may be mentioned that the bill does not eliminate or 
 reduce to the lowest possible minimum the waste of 
 
6 
 
 litigation which is the crying evil under the present 
 
 system. 
 
 I am aware of the present constitutional limitation 
 in this State, necessitating an optional acceptance of 
 the provisions of any workmen's compensation act, 
 but I believe that it is feasible and practicable, as 
 demonstrated by the experience of other States to 
 provide a proper and comprehensive workman's com- 
 pensation law, among others a plan for a State in- 
 surance fund, contributed to by those affected and 
 managed and regulated by the State, through which 
 employers, so minded, might insure their workmen 
 against accidents. Such a plan will provide automatic 
 compensation, and do away with the unnecessary 
 waste of litigation now so prevalent. 
 
 The party platform pledges nothing less than the 
 enactment of a comprehensive, equitable and practic- 
 able workmen's compensation law. That purpose 
 should be faithfully and strictly performed. I believe 
 that a measure other than the one now before me can 
 be prepared and enacted next year, which will retain 
 the good features of this measure, and obviate all ob- 
 jections, and to the end that such an equitable law may 
 be enacted, I deem it my duty in the interest of all con- 
 cerned to disapprove this bill. 
 
 (Signed) WILLIAM SULZER. 
 
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 , Monday, April 14, 1913. 1 
 CHESTER C. PLATT 
 
 REPORT ON THE GREAT MEADOW PRISO f 
 By Geurge \V. Blake, 
 
 of i 
 
 , N. Y., 
 
 Comstock, N. 
 
 I reformatories 
 the deplorable 
 
 ) call your atten- 
 
 April 9, 1913. 
 Sulzer, Governor, State of New York, Executive 
 Ubany, N. Y.: 
 
 lit herewith my report on the work being done at 
 ,, in the construction of the Great Meadow prison. 
 ny duty to delay the investigation into the prisons 
 ds of the State long enough to call your attention 
 of affairs at this prison. 
 ixes the loss to the State by the con- 
 struction of the buildings, through carelessness or graft, at 
 $500,000. A peculiar feature of this situation is that no attempt 
 has been made to conceal the wrong. It is so brazen and con- 
 spicuous that even the most unobserving visitor to the prison 
 building must observe it. For more than two years this prison 
 building job has been used to rob the State. 
 
 Before going further into the details 1 ' 
 tion to a situation that seems to exist in the Department of Pri 
 It has been frequently said that there is a " prison ring," forged 
 for the purpose of stealing the people's money. I believe this 
 statement to be true because the dishonesty of this particular job 
 has so many ramifications. The bills for inferior work and for 
 work not done at all passed through the hands of the State Archi- 
 tect, his representatives at the prison, the Comptroller, and the 
 Superintendent of Prisons. 
 
 All of these persons, with the exception of the Comp troller, 
 must have known that the bills were dishonest and sh<»i5**»<jt haw 
 been paid. Yet they passed smoothly along and the money found 
 its way into the pockets of the contractor. A careful investigation 
 might, show how much of it remained there. 
 
 This was only part of the ring. The other parts were the sub- 
 contractors, who provided what labor and material they pleased 
 without interference. It must be plain to any thinking person 
 that a long series of bills, practically all of them dishonest, could 
 not have passed through so many hands without detection. 
 
 This project was conceived in graft. The State paid $92,000 
 for property worth not more than $30,000. The excuse for this 
 initial crime was the alleged need of a hospital building in the 
 health-giving air of the Adirondack region. This was a mere 
 subterfuge. The fact was that the owner of this property induced 
 his political friends to help him unload it upon the State at more 
 than three times its value. Then the Lunacy Commission decided 
 I it did not want this property, thereby threatening to deprive the 
 projectors of the scheme of large graft in the erection of buildings, 
 1 a prison there. The prison officials 
 
 nd it ' 
 
 s decided 
 
 )zzened into believing 
 ufficiently productive to 
 e of all the prisWs of the 
 upon the physique and 
 d upon those nearing the 
 
 complacently agreeing, the people 
 that this outlay of money would be 
 greatly reduce the cost of the maintene 
 State and would have a salutary erT< 
 morals of prisoners serving first Icrin? 
 time of their discharge. 
 
 The first appropriation was made in 1909 and was for $350,000. 
 The bill providing for this appropriation made it appear that this 
 sum would ho sufficient to complete the work, but up to the present 
 time more than $1,800,000 has been appropriated and more money 
 is still demanded. There is at present a demand to get $J5o,ii0o 
 more, despite the fact that $750,000 is still available of the 
 previous appropriations. From the conception of the scheme until 
 ^- tho prawn t time-ther^ does not seem-to have been -nnmttcmpt 
 N|nadc to give [he people mi honest return for this outlay. 
 
 One wing and a dormitory have been completed. The site chosen 
 m. these buildings is in a hollow in the laud, much of which is 
 quicksand. The great, prison building has settled so that cracks 
 appear in the walls, all of the piping is out of alignment and it is 
 only with great difficulty that some of the prison machinery .mil 
 be operated. The dormitory, where the guards sleep and where 
 the administrative work is conducted, is fortified with heavy iron 
 bars at the windows and h.-avv doors, but the interior walls are 
 fragile and combustible, h is possibl 
 
 fin q started would find the build 
 
 are of wood instead of concn '1 . [f a 
 when the guards were sleeping there 
 escape. This alone makes the work 1 
 
 a to kick holes in them and a 
 lug an easy prey, The Soors 
 fire should start in the night 
 would be no chance for their 
 i that the Stat.- should 
 
 immediately investigate to the end that the criminals guilty of it 
 should be punished. 
 
 The site of these two buildings is five feet below the surround- 
 ing lands. It is in a hollow pit of clay, in which ii received 
 the drainage of (be hillside?, which forced the Slate to spend manv 
 
 11 ^"" I ; " f dollars in drainage, Piles driven into tho soil sink 
 
 mil .d Mejit ami it seems impossible to rind proper foundations 
 for the heavy structures. The contract provides that the ground 
 on which the foundation rests shall be solid. 
 
 A- ji matter oi fact one end of the dormitory building began 
 Battling to an alarming extent and the State bad to -fend $37,000 
 to level the building. The foundation here is ipiieksanil, so it j 8 
 certain that this expenditure will have to be frequently and fa- 
 it is difficult to find any explanation for the selection of this 
 
 sue, when if is surrounded by a circle of upland where solid 
 
 f dationa could have been found. Knowledge of the dishonesty 
 
 of the men who permitted this work to continue makes it appear 
 likely thai their object was to place the buildings in b location 
 where they could aol possibly last in order to graft from the money 
 
 thai would be slantly needed in repairs and then finally to 
 
 enrich themselves anew l,v doing the work over. 
 
 K the construction of the new wing was stopped now, and 
 there is absolutely no need for it, the present wing and dormitory 
 
 would cost the piople of the State at least $50,000 a year to keep 
 in repair. The State would save money if the present buildings 
 were discarded and the work began all over again under the control 
 n |s ; This may seem like a drastic 
 eping the present prison buildings 
 t on a ranch larger amount than it 
 1 another site. 
 >rder to discover just how this work has been done, and 
 what the total theft has amounted to, it would be necessary to 
 prove up each item of the work in detail. I believe this should be 
 done, and in the meantime all work on the new wing should be 
 abandoned; that safe and decent quarters should be provided 
 for the guards and that a rigid investigation should be made into 
 the circumstances surrounding tho granting of the contracts and 
 the supervision of the work. 
 
 . apparent sign of any intelligent action in 
 
 " 3 prison. Forty thousand dollars 
 
 ■to the prison. Then it was found 
 
 . and was likely to breed disease. 
 
 ing, brick work and 
 anil workmanship, 
 ins should not have 
 
 Of honest and COmp 
 suggestion, but the 
 in repair would pay 
 would take to duplicate them c 
 
 illi rh. 
 
 was spent to have water piped i 
 
 that the water was unfit to usi 
 
 Water was unexpectedly struck during the 
 
 in the rear of the prison and this problem w 
 
 The poor installation of plumbing, pipe 
 general construction show inferior nmler 
 nud under the standard set by the specific; 
 been passed or paid for. It does not requir 
 pert to see this. Any prison official could 
 
 that less than $750,000 had been spent in the construction of the 
 building declared that there had been an overcharge of $75,000. 
 As a matter of fact more than $1,000,000 has been spent, which 
 would increase the overcharge to about $325,000. 
 
 The dishonest work has been as conspicuous in small matters 
 as in large. According to specifications there should have been a 
 
 of four 
 
 afte 
 
 
 for the steam pi; 
 
 in operation the State 
 
 but 1 
 
 . days 
 ; compelled 
 
 On. ■ ,vas $20 to rebabhit njshoe — 300 percent, more than 
 mark.t price. A new nut was bioightjor the engine at 250 per 
 cent, nunc than the market price. 
 
 Theso engines have been rnnni* ag about two years. The repairs 
 on them so far have cost $500. j {"striking proof that graft rules 
 this work is given in the fact rh it a representative of the State 
 Architect's office on the ground Ijected to some work which tho 
 contractor wanted passed as being up to specifications. The con- 
 troversy readied the State Archill , win inspected the work him- 
 self and passed i 
 
 The first specification provide — that the successful contractor 
 
 , ... . 
 
 ild furnish his own tools and ant for doing the work. 
 
 let the 
 
 sho 
 the 
 
 change in the specifications 
 tools. Assuming the contra 
 condition he would of course 
 pet i tors. If, by any chanci 
 the contract it is not likely 
 sion. This peculiar method 
 to the present time. 
 
 The work no 
 tractor appears t 
 contract should hi 
 
 ._. After 
 ^tractor was allowed by a 
 
 ii ;e $[5 a day for the use of' his 
 aining the contract knew this 
 
 i x position to underbid his com- 
 e E his competitors had received 
 
 \ jdj lave received this conces- 
 .qTing work seems to be the rule up 
 
 let in two sections and the con- 
 be the absolute boss of the situation. One 
 been completed two months ago. It is still 
 uncompleted. The other contract calls for completion November 
 first of this year; it has just been started. The penalty fixed for 
 delay is only ten dollars a day. Therefore, it appears thai no dif- 
 ficulty would bo had in cancelling this contract if the State finally 
 eludes this ought to be done, providing the contractor has not 
 
 ■ going 1 
 
 protected himself by sever; 
 The first draft of prison 
 
 1 labt 
 ed at this pi 
 ; than 400 p: 
 
 and equipped with toile 
 
 t" 'his report von will find a report of 
 it* asbestos use,! was not according to s[ 
 heap and useless and lacking in prope; 
 
 That the pi 
 
 to be .1 ver again. Y< 
 
 Respectfully submitted. 
 
 GEO. W. BLAKE, 
 
 C mummer. 
 
 Cosistock, N. Y., April ■•■ 1913. 
 As requested, I have carefully examined the work and material 
 
 connected with the pipe cverin- „.ed in tin- prison at l ..n„ioeL 
 
 and herewith submit ny conclusions- 
 
 The pipe even,,. i s install in the engine room, laundry, 
 boiler room and n, basements „f the cell building. 
 
 a part of 
 of Novoi 
 
 mparod the material and labor with the standa 
 
 of Prisons, and A. Pasquini, of Hi':: Broadway, New York, and 
 
 find that neither the material nor workmanship lea up to the 
 
 specifications demanded. 
 
 Tho pipe covering on the high pressure lines does not exceed 
 
 S|,e 
 
 iiok. 
 
 dee- no. exceed t hreo-quarters of an inch in thickness, and in 
 many places only one-quarter of an inch thick. 
 
 The effect of this is to cause groal loss of heat, and rapid wear 
 and tear; in fact oven at this early date after the installation of 
 the work, the material is now scaling off throughout the whole 
 system. 
 
 The material used on the high pressure pipe lines, as called 
 for in article 034, should be of 85 per cent, magnesia, grade A. 
 The grade furnished is 35 per cent, magnesia, grade B, and some 
 of lower grade. I submit, samples of the material used. 
 
 On tho low pressure lines the covering is even now in such 
 poor condition that a large perecentage of it will have to be 
 replaced inside of a year if not repaired and put in proper shape 
 at once. 
 
 On the fittings of the low pressure lines the covering does not 
 average over one-half inch in thickness and is also in the same 
 bad condition. 
 
 I find that the heavier covering, intended for the high pressure 
 lines, was placed on the low pressure piping, and vice versa. 
 
 Standard specifications under the contract calls for at least one 
 per cent, of oil paint on all pipo coverings. The paint used is 
 what is known as cold water paint and can ho brushed oil' with 
 the hand. 
 
 No paint whatever was put on a large number of foot of 
 covering. 
 
 ruder article 634 of specificatioi 
 
 Article i'-\- ..t -]>eeiti,ations calls tor the covering- "<t hectors. 
 tanks and separators u I*. nt least two inches in thickness and to 
 be applied in three qoats, with a line plaster finish of at least 
 one-eighth inch in thickness. The covering given does not exceed 
 
 one ami one half inch in thickni --. md has U0 planter finish. 
 
 After measuring o«r 2,800 feet of pipe covering. I wish to 
 state that u thia worijwaa paid for as per the grade covered by 
 tho specifications of tie contract there was n loss to the State in 
 first cost of at least $500 on his pi] vein- job. 
 
 Taking into consideration, however, thai there is a constant loss 
 of heat, and that this means more coal, there is, therefore, a steady 
 and constant expense to the State dm to defective material and 
 workmanship. The repairs, too, must be taken into account. 
 
 My opinion is that, this is the worst job I ovor saw. and no 
 honest inspector, understanding bis business, should have passed 
 tho work. 
 
 As for the general niping and plumbing work of the prison it 
 is very bad. 
 
 -T. P. Francisco, being duly sworn, deposes and says: 
 
 That be is 37 years of age, residing at '•-'* Beeeham avenue, 
 Home, N, Y. 
 
 That he is well qualified to act as an expert and appraiser on 
 pipe covering, having been in the business for the past twelve 
 years continuously, that he has had ;i large and varied practical 
 experience in the work, that he is now a contractor in this class 
 of work, and accepts and carries out large contracts. 
 
 That before signing the foregoing statement he carefully read 
 the same, and that the same is true of his own knowledge. ' 
 
 .1, P. FRANCISCO. 
 
 Sw 
 
 Com 
 
 Roue, X. V., April 7, 1018. 
 ncr, L32 State Street, Albany, 
 
 Ieorge W. Bu 
 X. V.: 
 
 Dkai; Sii:. — 1 found I he grounds upon which these buildings 
 ,'ere built composed of quick-sand, very unsuitabli for heavy 
 
 ■iii M in;:-, allow ing the I. mid in-, to s. I tie. and ecu,, nt lo crack, 
 
 Iso causing defections in plumbing and heating. The doprecia- 
 ion on buildings from the above cause and from extreme damp- 
 ess caused by deep excavations, and the natural wear of tho ele- 
 ments would be in ny i ■., . i i ■ ■, Svc tl -and dollars, 
 
 mse was a rerj p orlj erected building and the 
 division walls were nof fire-proof, being buill of pery cheap 
 
 material. Fl 'ing wa- -j.rneo v. |, when' it ,lioiiId have hen 
 
 I enclose herewith gop.i of findings on special order- sontraet, 
 
 ami affidavit as requested by yon. 
 
 The 
 
 T. E. BURNET. 
 
 SrATE of New Yobk, 1 
 c,„ ktt 01 Oneida, f 
 
 I. E Buraey, heing duly sworn, deposes and says: That he is 
 
 a contractor and builder, whiel upation be has followed tor 
 
 twenty-five years, and he has also adjusted fire losses, and made 
 estimations on construction work ol all de eriptions; thai for one 
 season 1,,- wa- ompkiyed h v tin \ ew Fork Contra! & Hudson 
 Ri ver Railroad to appraise property; that he 1- familior with 
 both carpenter and mnson work, also plumbing and healing, and 
 ,. ., . ,.,,.. Q nd knows tho value thereof, 
 
 T. E. BtTHNEY. 
 Sworn to before me this 7th 
 Lpril, 1013. 
 C II. \\ nTi r 
 
 Notary Public. 
 
"TAMMANY" 
 
 SPEECH 
 
 OF 
 
 Congressman Wm. Sulzer 
 
 IN 
 
 TAMMANY HALL 
 Thursday Night, February 15th 
 
 1 go 2 
 
 PRINTED BY ORDER OF 
 THE GENERAL COMMITTEE 
 
 PRESS OF 
 
 HICKOK PRINTING COMPANY 
 New York 
 
"TAMMANY." 
 
 SPEECH 
 
 OF 
 
 CONGRESSMAN WM. SULZER 
 
 IN 
 
 TAMMANY HALL, 
 Thursday Night, February 13, 1902. 
 
 Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen: Some time recently I was asked to 
 be here to-night, and to speak to you about the history of Tammany. 
 
 Let me assure you that it is a matter of much personal gratification 
 for me to be with you on this interesting occasion, and to thank you 
 sincerely for your kind reception and cordial greeting. I know, how- 
 ever, in the brief time I shall occupy your attention, that it will be im- 
 possible for me to even partially meet your expectations, for the long 
 story of the many commendable acts, and the eventful history of the 
 glorious achievements, of Tammany, for a century and more, cannot, 
 be told in a night, and cannot be read in a day. 
 
 To know Tammany, and what it has done, you must study the an- 
 nals of this city, the record of the state, and the history of the Re- 
 public. 
 
 THE PAST AND THE FUTURE. 
 
 Let me say at the commencement that it seems to me that this is a 
 fitting time for grave retrospection of the past, for sober consideration 
 of the present, for a hopeful glance of the future — a fitting time for us 
 to ponder deeply, and like true brothers to take counsel. There is no ac- 
 rimonious campaign raging now to sway our reason — no political strife 
 to disturb our judg-ment. We meet as citizens of a common country — 
 with a common interest— joint heirs of a common destiny. "We meet 
 to-night as patriots as in by-gone days — in the old wigwam — to incul- 
 cate the lessons of political truth — and to hand down from father to son 
 unimpaired, the priceless story that all should know, and that cannot 
 i" too often bold—the story of, what this ancient society — grand old Tam- 
 many — in the years gone by has done for civil liberty and the rights of 
 man. It is a story we can all be proud of, and point to with feelings of 
 jusl admiration — it is in part the story of the rise and growth of the 
 great American Republic — the greatest and the grandest government 
 ever instituted among men. 
 
TAMMANY AN [NDIAN NAME. 
 The word "Tammany" la an Indian name and belongs to America. 
 It was here before Columbus came, and it will be a part of our nomen- 
 clature while history lives. I like our Indian names. They belong to 
 this continent. They are all our own, and Cor music and harmony and 
 beauty cannot i>c surpassed In the world. We should do our best to 
 preserve them for all time to come. It would be well if they were more 
 in use. 
 
 M< iTJNT TAMMANY. 
 < >n the banks of the classic Delaware River — near the beautiful 
 water-gap — is a stately mountain, rearing its majestic form amid the 
 clouds — and looking down from its heroic heights can be viewed for 
 miles the picturesque scenery of the surrounding country. It is an im- 
 perishable monument of nature. It has stood for ages and will stand- 
 in all its grandeur— for ages yet to come. Many, many years ago — long 
 ere the Revolution began — men called it 'Tammany' in honor of one of 
 the most distinguished, one of the most accomplished, one of the wisest, 
 and one of the rao-t celebrated chieftains in all Indian history. This 
 Indian. Tammany, was the trusted companion of William Penn, and 
 the truest friend the early white settlers ever had. Penn speaks of him 
 as a grand old man — vigorous in mind and body. wise, sagacious, and 
 with high ideals of liberty. Many mythical tales and remarkable leg- 
 ends are told concerning this unique Indian, but there is no doubt of his 
 -wisdom, his bravery, his love of justice, and his sagacity. These stor- 
 ies about Tammany lived through all the years of the early period 
 of our history, and by reason of them, Tammany became the patron 
 saint of the Sons of Liberty during the entire Revolution. Many of his 
 precepts were the watchwords of the Continentals during the times 
 that tried men's souls; and his well known love of freedom the in- 
 spiration of the immortal minute men during the long. dark, terrible 
 seven years' struggle for American Independence. 
 
 TAMMANY THE SAINT. 
 
 The camp-fires of the patriots burned brighter because St. Tam- 
 many had lived, and his example was the incentive to many an act of 
 heroism in those stormy days unequalled in the world. 
 
 The wise sayings of Tammany made him a saint and the greatest 
 of Indian philosophers. The wonderful story of his life is. to my mind. 
 one of the most interesting character studies in all American biography. 
 The truth and romance concerning him are inseparably interwoven in 
 all the magical story of the formative period of the American nation. 
 
 It is said of Tammany that he loved liberty better than life, 
 
 THE TAMMANY SOCIETY. 
 \nd so. my friendly this Society— like the mountain on the Del- 
 aware-took its i.ame. a name known far and near to-day. from this il- 
 lustrious Indian chieftain. It is founded on the rock of freedom. Its 
 precepts are his precepts, its character his character and it is now, 
 ever has been, and ever will be. safe against the storms of time, because 
 it is dedicated to the immortal principle that civil liberty is the glory 
 
 ° v'niid'the throes of the greatest revolution for fr lom that ever 
 
 rocked the world, the germ of the Society of Tammany was generateu 
 and came into being. Men who stake their lives for liberty know how 
 
to value liberty and how to preserve it. We can only be free by mak- 
 ing others free. The patriots who risked all for American Independence 
 appreciated what had been won and were determined not to lose It. 
 After the stress of seven years of war and privation, after the shock 
 and suffering of battle, after peace had been declared and America had 
 taken her place among the natdons of the world, incident to it all, and 
 on the ruins of long years of tyranny and despotism two societies were 
 formed, one on the banks of the Hudson, called the "Society of Cincin- 
 nati," and the other here, in the City of New York, called the "Tam- 
 many Society of the Columbian Order." The first was organized by the 
 officers of the Revolution to be an exclusive organization based on the 
 feudal principle of primogeniture, only officers and their eldest son in 
 a direct line were to be eligible for membership. The second — the Tam- 
 many Society — was organized by the rank and file of the soldiers who 
 fought for American liberty. It was inclusive and based on the im- 
 mortal principles of the Declaration of Independence. 
 
 The Society of Cincinnati was aristocracy personified — the Tam- 
 many Society was Democracy deified. One was for the few, the other 
 for the many — one hereditary — the other equality. 
 
 Both of these societies have lived through all the years, but you 
 hear very little of the one and a great deal of the other. 
 
 TAMMANY SPRANG FROM THE REVOLUTION. 
 
 Tammany drew its first inspiration from the Revolution. It stands 
 to-day, and has ever stood, for all that great struggle accomplished. Its 
 mission is human liberty, its cause the rights of man. 
 
 The Tammany Society is generally misunderstood, and sometimes 
 wilfully misrepresented by those who are not members of it, and un- 
 familiar with its organization and its workings. There is the Tammany 
 Society, or Columbian Order, which is a fraternal organization, dedi- 
 cated to the noblest works of mankind; and there is the Tammany 
 political org-anization, dedicated to Democratic principles, and to the 
 welfare of the people and the public weal. 
 
 INCORPORATED IN 1805. 
 
 Two weeks after George Washington took the oath of office as the 
 first President of the United States, on the steps of the old City Hall 
 in Wall street, the Tammany Society, or Columbian Order, was formal- 
 ly organized by William Mooney and other distinguished citizens of 
 our municipality. In 1805 it was incorporated by an act of the Legis- 
 lature. Its object was to afford relief to indigent and distressed mem- 
 bers of the association, their widows and orphans, and others who 
 might be found worthy and proper objects of its charity. It is a ben- 
 evolent institution with a monument of eternal fame in ten thousand 
 kind and noble ads and glorious deeds. Since its organization, it has, 
 without an exception, annually celebrated Independence Day. It is 
 based on the rock of liberty, its corner-stone is freedom, its walls the 
 bulwarks of our free institutions, its inner sanctity a temple of justice. 
 and its future, as its past, dedicated to the great truths Thomas Jef- 
 ferson penned in the Declaration of Independence. 
 
 ITS GREAT ROLL OF MEMBERSHIP. 
 
 Call the loll of its illustrious membership for the past one hundred 
 years, and you will listen to the names of presidents and poets, soldiers 
 
 Ej 
 
and statesmen, governors and mayors, great judges, great merchants, 
 greal legislators, great writers, and distinguished citizens in every 
 walk of life and in every avenue of industry, the Nation's preatest and 
 most patriotic sons, whose deeds of nobility, whose acts of valor, and 
 whose works in the vineyard of mankind make our history the proudest 
 boast of an American citizen. 
 
 In the words of Horatio Seymour, standing In this hall, on a mem- 
 orable occasion: "This society, during its long history, has embraced 
 among its members many of the most eminent men of the state and 
 nation. It has always proved true, not only to national honor, but to 
 the rights of the state and the best interests of its citizens." 
 
 \\ II V THE SOCIETY ADOPTED ABORIGINAL FORMS. 
 Another object of the Society was to conciliate the numerous tribes 
 of Indians who were devastating the defenseless frontiers and carry- 
 ing death and desolation, with fire and tomahawk, to the homes of the 
 intrepid pioneers. Out of reverence to the memory of the venerated 
 chief Tammany, and the better to cultivate friendly relations with the 
 Indian tribes, the Society adopted aboriginal forms, costumes and cer- 
 emonies. The year was divided into four seasons. December, January 
 and February was the Season of the Snows; March, April and May, 
 the Season of Blossoms; June, July and August, the Season of Fruits, 
 September, October and November, the Season of Hunting; and these 
 ms were divided into Moons. 
 The members of the Society were divided into thirteen tribes, cor- 
 responding to the number of the original States. 
 
 New York was the Eagle tribe; Delaware, the Tiger; Virginia, 
 the Deer; Georgia, the Wolf; North Carolina, the Buffalo; Pennsyl- 
 vania, the Bee; Connecticut, the Beaver; New Hampshire, the Squir- 
 rel; Maryland, the Fox; New Jersey, the Tortoise; Massachusetts, 
 the Bear; Rhode Island, the Eel. and South Carolina, the Dog. For- 
 merly, when members joined the Society, either they chose the 
 tribe to which they proposed to belong, or were assigned to one by the 
 Grand Sachem; but this observance has now fallen into disuse. They 
 are all now called 'Tigers.' probably from the characteristics which the 
 great Chief Tammany, in his farewell legendary address to the child- 
 ren of his several tribe?, attributed to the Tiger. 
 
 The Society elects annually thirteen Sachems, the number of the 
 original thirteen states. One of them is elected as the Grand Sachem. 
 This body forms the Council presided over by the Grand Sachem, which 
 meets quarterly for the transaction of business. 
 
 The other officers of the Society are a Scribe, a treasurer, a saga- 
 more and a wiskinskie. The duty of the scribe is to record the proceed- 
 ings of the Society; of the sagamore to take charge of its property, and 
 "f the wiskinskie to act as doorkeeper. 
 
 INITIATION. 
 
 Members of the Society, other than honorary, are proposed at one 
 meeting, elected at the next, and initial..] at tin- next. They musi 
 have nearly a unanimous vote to be elected. The names of the hon- 
 orary members are inscribed on a roll separate from the names of the 
 active members. At the initiation of the Grand Sachem the 'Et-hoh 
 Song' is sung, commencing: 
 
 "Brothers, our Council-Are shines bright, Et-hoh." 
 
 At the initiation of a member, a different one is sung, the first 
 stanza of which is as follows: 
 
"Sacred's the ground where Freedom's found 
 
 And Virtue stamps her name; 
 Our hearts entwine at friendship's shrine, 
 And Union fans the flame. 
 Our hearts sincere, 
 Shall greet you here. 
 "With joyful voice 
 Confirm your choice. 
 Et-hoh! Et-hoh! Et-hoh!" 
 Every member who proposes a person for initiation is required to 
 vouch that he is a true patriot and firmly attached to the Constitution 
 of the United States. 
 
 MEETING PLACES OF THE SOCIETY. 
 
 The Society first met in Fraunce's old tavern near the Battery. 
 From there it went, in 1798, to the wigwam at Martling's, the corner of 
 Spruce and Nassau streets, where it remained until 1812, when it re- 
 moved to the wigwam on the site of the present "Sun" building, at the 
 corner of Frankfort and Nassau streets. Here it remained until 1S68, 
 when it removed to its present magnificent wigwam on East Fourteenth 
 street. In 1S6S this wigwam was opened with great pomp and much 
 ceremony. In the same year the Democratic National Convention 
 was held in the wigwam and that great Democrat, Horatio Seymour, 
 nominated for President. From then until now this has been the real 
 home of Democracy in the City of New York. 
 
 "What a history of Democratic gatherings these walls coulds tell! 
 What eloquence has here been heard for equal rights and human liberty! 
 
 THE POLITICAL TAMMANY. 
 
 Besides the Tammany Society there is also in connection with it the 
 Tammany political organization the greatest Democratic organization 
 in the country. It first asserted itself in the closing days of the 18th 
 century. It was organized under the leadership of the founders of the 
 Democratic party— Jefferson and Burr. It first attacked the powerful 
 Federal party which was rapidly establishing, on the ruins of mon- 
 archy, an aristocracy. 
 
 Before 1800 Tammany was composed of men of different political 
 opinions, and took no. prominent part in politics. But in the campaign 
 of that year, which resulted in a decided victory for the people, its 
 members stood together, the Federal party received its death blow; the 
 power of the aristocracy was broken, the tendencies to empire were 
 swept away, and Thomas Jefferson elected President of the United 
 States. It was the first and most signal of Democratic triumphs in this 
 country. It was the end of the Federal party. 
 
 AN EPOCH. 
 
 The influence of that victory was far-reaching and is felt to-day. 
 It was an epoch. Its Impulse on our political destiny is familiar to all 
 students of history. Books have been written about it and the subject 
 is Inexhaustible. Ii was a crisis in our political history. The people 
 won, ami the Influence of Tammany in that memorable contest turned 
 the current of events, settled for all time the complexion of our institu- 
 tions, and demonstrated that this is a government of the people, guar- 
 anteeing equality before the law, and deriving its ju-t powers from the 
 consent of the governed. 
 
From thence forward the Influence <>( Tammany baa been felt in 
 
 every campaign, it has been for the i pie and for Democracy. It 
 
 has done more for the state, and more for this great city, than any 
 other political organization that ever exist ed. 
 
 ITS INFLUENCE.— WHAT IT HAS DONE. 
 'l'lu' influence of Tammany on the early destiny of our country can- 
 not l^ overestimated or exaggerated. It supported and lent lustre to 
 the .1 [ministration <>( Washington, it harmonized every conflicting fac- 
 tion in the early .lays of the Republic. It insisted on the adoption and 
 ratification of the Federal Constitution, and gave to the people the power 
 which they have ever since enjoyed under the organic law of the land. 
 It protested against titles and aristocracy, it did not believe in lords and 
 dukes and kings and queens. It thwarted the schemes of the enemies of 
 the Republic. It believed the Revolutionary war had not been fought in 
 vain but had brought about a new era in the governments of the world. 
 From that day to this, it has never been false to its early traditions, 
 to its history, or the tenets and objects of its founders. It has always 
 been true to the principles of Jeffprson and the Constitution. It has 
 always responded to every call of the distressed and oppressed in every 
 land and every clime. By personal subscription it raised sufficient 
 funds to gather the remains of the martyred patriots, who died in 
 British prison-ships in the cause of Independence, and whose bones lay 
 bleaching in the sun. whitening the shores of the East River and bur- 
 ied them with honor beneath the beautiful mausoleum where they now 
 rest. It supported Jefferson in his great reform administration, it stood 
 with him for a bill of rights and helped to write them in the Constitu- 
 tion, it denounced the Alien and Sedition laws and demanded their re- 
 peal; it supported Jefferson in the Louisiana purchase and helped to 
 ratify that treaty; it stood for manhood, suffrage and ultimately 
 wrote the law on our statute books; it believed in the flag and wanted 
 the flag to protect American citizens on land and sea, at home or 
 abroad; it urged Madison to protect American sailors from British 
 diepredations and ultimately to enforce it by declaring war against 
 England. It never faltered in the war of 1812; it loyally aided and 
 supported the government, denounced the proceedings of the treason- 
 able Hartford Convention and the traitors who burned blue lights on 
 the shores of New England. It first suggested and proclaimed the Mon- 
 roe Doctrine. It organized, equipped and sent to the front a regimem 
 in every war. and has done a thousand other glorious and patriotic 
 deeds for the historian to record on every page of American history. 
 
 ANDREW JACKSON. 
 
 Andrew Jackson — the hero of New Orleans — loved Tammany, sat 
 by its council fires and drew from its teachings the inspiration to defy 
 the monopoly of the United States Bank, to destroy nullification and to 
 preserve the Union and the Constitution. 
 
 In October, 1792, and again in October, 1892, the Tammany Society 
 celebrated the 300th and 400th anniversary of the discovery of America 
 by Columbus — the only celebrations of the event in this country. 
 
 Time will not admit of more than a brief mention of many of trie 
 other achievements of Tammany as a patriotic or political organization, 
 in fostering the love of liberty and the spirit of National Independence, 
 and in maintaining the cause of the masses. 
 
 The Tammany Society was the first to celebrate Washington s 
 birthday after his inauguration as President in 1789. 
 
It has never omitted the celebration of the birthday of our National 
 Independence — the Fourth of July — and, as is believed, is the only So- 
 ciety in the United States which has always performed that patriotic 
 duty. 
 
 TAMMANY FOR MAN. 
 
 The iirst Constitution of the State, adopted in 1777, limited the 
 right to vote by a property qualification, whereby the great masses of the 
 people stood disfranchised. The influence of Tammany was exerted In 
 the most successful way in framing the Constitutions of 1821 and 1846, 
 extending the ballot and establishing the system of manhood suffrage, 
 as we have it in this state to-day. 
 
 At different times and by various names, such as "American party," 
 "Know-Nothing party," and others, which need not now be mentioned 
 in particular, it has been attempted to proscribe persons not born in the 
 United States and to prevent their becoming citizens, or to delay their 
 admission as such by a very extended term; but Tammany has al- 
 ways vigorously opposed all attempts at proscription., and has main- 
 tained our wise and liberal National policy, which has always welcomed 
 to our shores and invited to our citizenship the down-trodden people of 
 other nations. 
 
 Tammany has always been opposed to monopolies, to class legisla- 
 tion,, to all laws to favor an individual or class of individuals over the 
 other members of the community in the acquisition of wealth or in 
 the enjoyment of special privileges. 
 
 TAMMANY LOYAL TO THE UNION. 
 
 It is a matter of history that Tammany has always stood firmly Ioi 
 the preservation of the Union, and against every influence which would 
 sever its bonds, or mar the fraternal and kindly relations that should 
 exist between the great family of states. 
 
 During the Civil War the Tammany Society fitted out and sent a 
 fully equipped regiment to the field of battle, known as the "Tammany 
 Regiment," and the members of the organization raised other regiments 
 and brigades for the war. 
 
 Tammany has always stood for the cause of labor and has cham- 
 pioned every reasonable measure which the labor organizations them- 
 selves devised for the improvement of the condition of the masses. 
 
 Its sympathy and its efforts have gone out to every people — in every 
 land — in the Occident and in the orient — struggling for liberty and the 
 rights of self-government. 
 
 Such, my friends, in brief, is an outline in part of the history of this 
 grand old Tammany organization. What a record it presents! 
 
 And yet many well meaning citizens continually revile Tammany 
 and denounce the organization as a danger and menace to free in- 
 stitutions. Instead of being a menace and threatening the stability of 
 our institutions, why is it not a safeguard? I ask, has any great vic- 
 tory in the history of the world, for the good and the right, ever been 
 won without organization? Men may take a pessimistic view of organ- 
 ization to-day because it seems to be popular, but in the day of dark- 
 ness and trouble and defeat, nothing can accomplish more good for the 
 greatest number than the determined efforts of men united together 
 under one grand leader.-hip, fighting for principles that represent truth, 
 justice and humanity. 
 
IN ORGANIZATION THERE IS STRENGTH. 
 
 Organization is the secret of success in all great undertakings; very 
 little can be accomplished by individual effort. In organization there 
 is strength. The history of the world teaches this and successfully 
 demonstrates the falsity of every argument advanced against it. Every 
 Btep In the world's progress, every movement for the betterment of hu- 
 manity has been accomplished by organization. In my judgment more 
 can he done for the principles of the Democratic party, and for the 
 benefit of society at large, by systematic organization with fixed pur- 
 poses and a determination to succeed than in any other way. We must 
 deal with men as we find them and not as we would wish them — with 
 things as they are, and not as we desire. We cannot have everything 
 as we would like until the millenium is at hand. This Is a practical 
 age — let us be practical. 
 
 I am a Democrat. I believe in the great fundamental principles of 
 Democracy. I believe we should all stand together— organize and or- 
 ganize — to achieve victory in the cause of the people. 
 
 OPPOSITION UNJUST. 
 Many intelligent and worthy people in our city, I know, and I believe, 
 are opposed to Tammany because they know so little about it. They 
 it called an organization, and hence straightway denounce it 
 and all organizations. It would be as logical and equally a® absurd to 
 denounce all government because you do not like the political machin- 
 ery of the Chinese Empire. From the unit of the family to the highest 
 perfection of civilization everything is organization in a greater or a 
 lesser degree. AH government, all society, all business, all association 
 and all institutions are based on the sure foundation of more or less 
 perfect organization. It is the organization of the drilled regiment that 
 makes it effective and capable of successfully coping with the multi- 
 tude and the mob. It is the discipline of the police organization that 
 gives the citizen confidence in the security of his person and his prop- 
 erty. It is the trained organization of the fireman that makes insur- 
 ance rates so low in our city. Opposition to organization is unjust, un- 
 democratic and un-American. What great movement has ever succeed- 
 ed without organization? From the beginning of civilization, from the 
 establishment of the Christian church, from the discovery of America, 
 from the Revolution to the present day, everything that has been ac- 
 complished for the progress of the world and the advancement of the 
 human race has been done by organized effort and concerted action. 
 Every man here knows that to be true. What organization has done 
 in the past it can do in the future. Let us organize — organize! 
 
 If eternal vigilance is the price of liberty. Democratic organization 
 is its safeguard and best guarantee. 
 
 TAMMANY IN WAR. 
 
 Tammany supported Polk and Marcy in the war with Mexico, in the 
 ■annexation of Texas and the acquisition of California, which estab- 
 lished our boundaries on the Pacific and the Gulf of Mexico. 
 
 When the Civil War of 1861 followed the election of Lincoln, the in- 
 fluence of Tammany was instantly shown in the patriotic action of the 
 Common Council of our City, where its power was supreme, pledging 
 to the President all the resources of the municipality, in men and mon- 
 ey, for the support of the Government, in the enforcement of the laws 
 and to maintain the Union. 
 
 10 
 
Let me here recall to your memory the concluding resolutions of the 
 series, unanimously adopted by the New York Common Council, at a 
 special meeting- of the Board of Aldermen, cenvened on the 19th of 
 April, 1861, while the echoes of Sumter were still heard. 
 
 Resolvrd, That we invoke at this crisis the unselfish patriotism and 
 the unfaltering- loyalty which have been uniformly manifested In all 
 periods of national peril by the population of the City of New York; 
 and while we reiterate our undiminished affection for the friends of 
 the Union who have gallantly and faithfully labored in the Southern 
 States for the preservation of peace and the restoration of fraternal re- 
 lations among the people, and our readiness to co-operate with them in 
 all honorable measures of reconciliation, yet we only give expression 
 to the convictions of our constituents when we declare it to be their 
 unalterable purpose, as it is their solemn duty, to do all in their power 
 to uphold and defend the integrity of the Union and to vindicate the 
 honor of our flag and to crush the power of those who are enemies in 
 war, as in peace they were friends. 
 
 PRESIDENT LINCOLN. 
 
 President Lincoln said to General Sickles, referrring to this action 
 of our city government, a few days afterward, "Sickles, I have here on 
 my table the resolutions passed by your Common Council appropriating 
 a million of dollars toward raising men for this war and promising to 
 do all in the power of your authorities to support the government. 
 "When these resolutions were brought to me I felt my burden lighter. 
 I felt that when men break through party lines and take this patriotic 
 stand for the government and the Union, all must come out well in the 
 end." 
 
 This action of the Common Council of New York made the great 
 city a unit for national defense; it united all parties for the Union. 
 
 But in that momentous crisis Tammany did more. 
 
 THE TAMMANY REGIMENT. 
 
 The Forty-second New York Infantry was raised and organized by 
 the Tammany Society in the City of New York, in May and June, 1861. 
 The regiment was taken to the field by the Grand Sachem of that year, 
 Colonel William D. Kennedy, who died a few days afterward in Wash- 
 ington. Colonel Kennedy was succeeded by Captain Milton Coggswell, 
 an accomplished officer of the regular army. 
 
 Early in the same year. 1861. several other Tammany leaders raised 
 regiments and brigades for the war. Among them the regiment organ- 
 ized by General John Cochrane, and the brigades of General Thomas 
 Francis Meagher and General Daniel E. Sickles. 
 
 Colonel Nugent's Sixty-ninth Regiment lost more men in battle, 
 killed and wounded, than any infantry regiment from the State of New 
 Fork. At Antietam, eight color-bearers of the Irish Brigade were shot 
 down at Bloody Lane, but the brigade carried the position. At Fred- 
 erlcksburg the color-sergeant of the 69th was found dead with his flag 
 concealed ami wrapped around his body, a bullet having pierced the 
 flag and his heart. 
 
 A i Gettysburg the Tammany Regiment was in the thick of 
 the fight and lost in killed and wounded 18 officers and 223 en- 
 list, -d men; and considering the total number of men present in line of 
 battle this record gives the Forty-second the right to be included, as 
 history has already included it, among the great lighting regiments of 
 the war. 
 
 11 
 
On the battlefield of Gettysburg Tammany has elected a magnificent 
 monument to the brave and gallant Tammany regiment. 
 
 in the recent Spanish-American war Tammany also organized and 
 equipped a regiment and offered it to the government, but it was never 
 mustered into service. 
 
 I ' N \v A I ; 1 1 A N T l ■: D DENUNCIATION. 
 
 The men who, in season and out uf seas m. continually denounce 
 Tammany and Democracy— who denounce its leader?, who revile it ana 
 prophecy all evil concerning it, know not of what they talk. Its organ- 
 ization is thoroughly simply and absolutely Democratic. In this city there 
 are the various Assembly Districts — each divided into election district**, 
 containing about four hundred voters. In each Assembly District the 
 primary meeting is held strictly according to law— ample notice is given 
 of the time and place by publication and all Democrats are cordially 
 invited to attend and participate in its proceedings and deliberations. 
 This is the whole system in a nut-shell. What could be less dictatorial, 
 less autocratic and more in harmony with our Democratic institutions? 
 AM power comes from the people. These men and these committees rep- 
 resent constituencies. If they neglect their duty, if they prove false to 
 their trust — the remedy is in the hands of the people and can always 
 promptly and effectually be applied. 
 
 Every Democrat in the city is welcome and if the organization is 
 not all that he could wish, the fault, if fault there be, is, to some ex- 
 tent, to say the least, his fault. Chronic fault-finding is unfair, sweep- 
 ing denunciation unwarranted. 
 
 TAMMANY IS DEMOCRACY. 
 
 Tammany is Democracy. Tammany needs no defense from any 
 man. It needs no eulogy but its own history, its own record, and its 
 own indefatigable efforts for its principles and the people. That record 
 and that history speak in trumpet tones to the world more eloquently 
 than words of mine. Read its history, read what it has done for the 
 people in many a struggle, and for the Democratic party, ere you judge 
 it and condemn. In the words of William L. Marcy, "Do not impugn 
 our motives and convict us on the bickerings of pigmy malice and the 
 ravings of malefactors whose only object is the destruction of every bar- 
 rier which can possibly defend the liberties of our country." 
 
 Do not let me be misunderstood. We all know, and it cannot be 
 denied, that there are pages in its history that its true and sincere 
 friends would prefer to have rewritten. It cannot be denied that there 
 have been times in its history when the men at the helm steered the 
 old ship near dangerous shoals, but it has never been wrecked. It has 
 survived all defeats; frustrated and baffled all the schemes of its en- 
 emies: lived Jtiwn the calumnies of generations, and to-day it is 
 greater and grander, broader and more liberal, more influential and 
 capable of accomplishing more for the good of the people apd the com- 
 mon weal than ever before. 
 
 It has seen the Federal party come and go; it destroyed the Tory 
 party; made the American party ridiculous; the Know-Nothing party 
 odious; it saw the great Whig party rise and fall and pass away, and 
 the time will come when its present political enemy, the Republican 
 patty, will only be a memory— but Tammany will go on and on— for- 
 ever — to its truer and grander destiny. 
 
 To quote from a poem read by John G. Saxe in Tammany in 1870, 
 "Then success to old Tammany, long may it stand 
 The bulwark of freedom— the pride of the land." 
 
DEMOCRATS SHOULD STAND TOGETHER. 
 
 All the Democrats of this metropolis should stand together. All 
 should be harmony. In essentials— unity— in non-essentials— toleration. 
 But at all times organization. Every Democrat should strive with a 
 singleness of purpose to redeem our party and our city. Let us stand 
 firm by our principles, our pledges and our convictions, and success will 
 surely crown our efforts, and our grandest and greatest victories will 
 be achieved in the future. Republicanism is on the wane— its night is 
 near at hand. Democracy has its face to the morning sun. Victory 
 will soon be ours. 
 
 Far be it from me to brand an honest difference of opinion with the 
 stamp of faction, which is always the parent of discontent and revolu- 
 tion. But when independence to regular organization and true Dem- 
 ocratic principles springs from jealousy, vanity and petty ambition, 
 and protest against regularity is a mere desire for a change in the 
 existing order of affairs, coupled with the hope of personal advantage, 
 it should be beneath the contempt of honest Democrats and sincere and 
 patriotic citizens. Tammany is liberal and magnanimous, tolerant and 
 cosmopolitan. It rises superior to caste, and has no race prejudice. It 
 recognizes honest effort, appreciates ability, and rewards industry. 
 
 LEADER NIXON. 
 
 My friends, in our leader, Mr. Nixon, we have an honest, a fearless, 
 an intrepid chieftain. He is a true Democrat, liberal, broad-minded, 
 far-seeing and generous. He is the leader of Tammany in fact as well 
 as in name. Let there be no doubt about this. Let us all rally to his 
 suppoit; let us all loyally stand by him and victory will follow a? day 
 follows night. 
 
 TAMMANY'S WELCOME. 
 
 Come into Tammany! It welcomes you. We appeal to all — to the 
 young and the old — to all Democrats. Its doors are always open. Par- 
 ticipate in its deliberations and rejoice in its victories. Every Demo- 
 crat in the city should belong to its organization, and every Democrat 
 in the country should be its friend. You can help to shape its course. 
 You can help to guide its action. You can help to make it all that we 
 wish and all that it should be — a great vehicle for truth — a great temple 
 for justice, and a great agency for Democracy. Let us all stand to- 
 gether for honesty and righteousness — for Democracy and humanity — 
 
 "For the cause that lacks assistance: 
 
 For the wrongs that need resistance; 
 
 For the future in the distance; 
 
 And the good that we can do." 
 
LIBRARIES FOR THE PEOPLE 
 
 I know of no agency in America save our public schools that 
 i. doing so much good for good citizenship ; so much for ^he 
 general weal; and so much for the perpetuity of our free instf 
 tutions as the free circulating libraries. 
 
 SPEECH 
 
 OF 
 
 HON. WILLIAM SULZER 
 
 OB 1 1NTEW YORK 
 
 IN THE 
 
 HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES 
 
 MARCH 28, 1910 
 
 
 8478fi— W6 
 
 WASHINGTON 
 1910 
 
SPEECH 
 
 OF 
 
 HON. WILLIAM SULZER. 
 
 The House being in Committee of the Whole House on the state of the 
 Union and having under consideration the bill (S. 4624) for the Takoma 
 Park branch library, and for other purposes — 
 
 Mr. SULZER said : 
 
 Mr. Chairman : This is a good bill in the interest of educa- 
 tion, and, in my opinion, there should be no opposition to it. 
 Let us see for a moment just what the bill does. Mr. Andrew 
 Carnegie, a public-spirited and philanthropic citizen of our 
 country — and I say all honor to him — is willing to give $30,000 
 to build a library in Takoma Park, one of the suburbs of the 
 District of Columbia. The citizens living in that place are 
 willing to donate the site, and all that the Congress is asked 
 is to allow it to be done. Why should we refuse? 
 
 The bill appropriates no money at present out of the Treas- 
 ury. All that we are asked to do is to accept this donation 
 from Mr. Carnegie in the interest of education. The people of 
 Takoma Park are donating the land, and all Congress will have 
 to do in the future is to maintain the library. That is what 
 the citizens in every city of this country are doing in regard 
 to libraries donated by the generosity of Mr. Carnegie. The 
 District of Columbia should certainly do the same. 
 
 The necessity for public libraries is everywhere acknowl- 
 edged. They supplement the school system and arc an Integral 
 factor in popular education. When it is considered that only 
 a small percentage of the population continues in school after 
 the compulsory period has been reached, it is easy to see what 
 a free circulating library may do in helping a man to continue 
 his education by reading; to study along the lines of his trade 
 or business; to Improve his mind: and increase his earning 
 capacity by a greater knowledge of matters of moment. 
 2 34786 8868 
 
As an effective educational institution the public library of 
 the District of Columbia is ranked among the very first in the 
 country. During the last fiscal year it had a circulation of 
 600,000 volumes and an estimated attendance of 850,000. It 
 serves well the people of the District. It can not, however, 
 reach those who live long distances from the building. If a 
 man needs a book, he can, of course, get on a car and travel 
 back and forth for it. But the work which the central library 
 does in helping school children with their class work, debates, 
 and so forth ; all the literature it puts at the disposal of me- 
 chanics, business men, government employees, and its wide 
 variety of patrons is largely restricted to the population living 
 in a radius of 2 miles from the library. 
 
 The people who live in Takoma Park are 6 miles from this 
 central library. They can use the library, at best, with great 
 difficulty. Their children are now practically without library 
 service. These people are anxious for library privileges. They 
 have taken active steps to obtain a branch library and have 
 united in securing a very well-located and excellent site. 
 When citizens actually take practical steps like this it indicates 
 that they feel the need and are doing their best to have it sun- 
 plied. We should help them. To do otherwise will be as short- 
 sighted now as it will be contrary in the end to sound public 
 policy. 
 
 Mr. Chairman, I am in favor of these public libraries. They 
 do a great deal of good. Their establishment should be encour- 
 aged. They help the parents and the children. This library 
 will help the boys and girls. It will aid the men and the women 
 who want to Improve themselves by reading and studying along 
 the v;i rions lines of their endeavors. I know of no agency in 
 America save our public schools that is doing so much good for 
 Our citizenship; bo much for the general weal: and so much 
 for the perpetuity of our democratic institutions as the free 
 libraries. Their facility for free education is the greatest Me^s 
 im_' vouchsafed to America and the surest guaranty for the 
 safety of our freedom. Instead of being criticised Amlrew <"ar- 
 uegle should be commended for all that he has done ami is 
 doing for the free libraries of America. 
 ::ITS0— 8866 
 
We ought to favor whenever and wherever we can the build- 
 ing and the maintenance of these free libraries for all the peo- 
 ple where every boy and every girl and every man and every 
 woman can go, get a book, and study. There is no way in 
 which so much good can be accomplished, no way in which the 
 people of the country can be benefited so much ; no way in which 
 to induce a desire to study and a love for great books; and to 
 maintain a proper respect for the sanctity of home and for 
 law and order among the people as through the good books 
 the people get and read from these free circulating libraries. 
 I think their establishment by law is wise legislation; the 
 money for their maintenance well expended; and all for the 
 benefit of the masses, and destined beyond doubt to promote the 
 general welfare. All honor and all praise to Andrew Carnegie; 
 and all success and all prosperity to the free circulating libraries 
 he is establishing in America. [Applause.] 
 34786—8866 
 
 o 
 
THE SOLUT ION OF THE LIQUOR PROBLEM 
 
 REMARKS 
 
 OF 
 
 HON. WILLIAM S. BENNET 
 
 OIT NEW YORK 
 IN THE 
 
 HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES 
 
 WEDNESDAY, MARCH 8, 1916 
 
 era 
 
 3-2113-15215 
 
 WASHINGTON 
 
 una 
 
REMARKS 
 
 HON. WILLIAM S. BENNET. 
 
 THE SOLUTION OF THE LIQUOB PROBLEM. 
 
 Mr. BENNHT. Mr. Speaker, one of the inequalities of our system of govern- 
 ment is the lack of opportunity of the minor parties to get their views before 
 the American people. Mine is not a prohibition district. But the 154 enrolled 
 Prohibitionists have the same right to look upon me as their representative as 
 have the Democrats, Republicans, Progressives, Socialists, Americans, and 
 Independence Leaguers. I have been asked to lay their views before Congress, 
 as expressed by their most recent candidate for governor of New York State, 
 former Gov. William Sulzer: 
 
 [Reprinted from New York Critic] 
 
 A Great Speech by a Great Man — The Solution of the Liquob Pboblem — 
 Former Gov. Sttlzeb's Masterly Address Before the State's Prohibition 
 Committee, Syracuse, N. Y., December 20, 1915. 
 
 Mr. Sulzer said: My friends, last year the Prohibition Party did me the honor 
 to nominate me for governor. That evidence of its confidence in my sincerity 
 was deeply appreciated, and although it was impossible, for reasons which are 
 known, for me to carry its standard to victory, yet I did my best for the cause. 
 I made a good fight, and the result shows I inure than quadrupled the vote of 
 the Prohibition Party. 
 
 The chairman, Mr. Bishop, in his report has told us that the impetus of that 
 Campaign has not abated, but that the fight has gone on apace. That is 
 gratifying to me and must be to every friend of our principles, so that to-day 
 we know no mistake was made last year, and that by reason of that struggle 
 wo are now stronger in numbers and stronger in influence than wo ever were 
 before in all the history of the movement. 
 
 So to-day I come to .\<ni as one of you, one of you for the right. I would not 
 be true lo yen. and I would not be true to myself, if I did not say this, and 
 say Bgaiu, that in the future, as lo the past, all that in me Is every effort of 
 my being — will be exerted (<> promote (ho cause of prohibition, to forward the 
 cause <>f morality, to advance tin- cause of temperance, until (he light of suc- 
 cess dawns and victory crowns our efforts. 
 
 It is not my purpose this afternoon to mal.o a prohibition speech. You know 
 I can do that, and you know that now to do it will ho as useless as carrying 
 coals t.» Newcastle. Everyone in this meeting is as good a prohibitionist as i 
 am. They say I have a rule which I novel break, and that is nou-r to waste 
 time carrying coals to Newcastle. 
 
 Since the last campaign many of you know I have been very busy in the 
 light for the cause. This year I have made more than 200 speeches for pro- 
 hibition. In making these speeches I have traveled over 14,000 miles— from 
 32418—15245 a 
 
tcean b> ocean— through the West, the Intel-mountain stales, up and down 
 the Pacific slope, and from Alaska to Mexico. So you see I am doing my 
 share Of the work in my own way, as you are doing your slian- of the work 
 In your own way. I know I am accomplishing some good, and thai is ull 
 ward T want. 
 
 My purpose this afternoon is to say something practicable — and that Is 
 always a difficult thing to do. The trouble with some of the advocates of 
 prohibition is that they travel in a circle. Thai is a fact, is it not? You know, 
 lind 1 know, that wo can not succeed going around in a circle. We never get 
 anywhere. Those that see clearly say that the Prohibition Party has been 
 traveling in a circle for 40 years, and if it does not change its methods it 
 will continue to travel in a circle for the next -10 years, it is a mailer of 
 knowledge that if one Is lost in the wilderness he will wander abont in a 
 circle, never finding his way out until he departs from his beaten path and 
 strikes out in a new direction. The fault many lind with the Prohibition Party 
 is that it is like a man lost in the wilderness — going arouud in a circle — 
 chasing its tail — dog fashion. If that is true we must strike out in a new 
 direction if we want to get out of the wilderness. 
 
 You and I are prohibitionists. We believe in the cause. So far, so good. 
 But they say I am something more than a prohibitionist — that I am a poli- 
 tician — a practical politician. If that is so, I have no apology to make. It 
 was born in me. I came by it naturally. Once a politician, always a poli- 
 tician. I will be a politician until I am dead. Then the historians — if they do 
 me justice — will say that I was a statesman. 
 
 So, being that kind of a prohibitionist, it comes quite natural for me to say 
 I want to win. To that end I believe in following the lines of least resistance. 
 You know the only way to win is to get votes. You will never be respected, 
 and will always be ridiculed, until you command votes. When you poll the 
 votes the politicians will sit up and take notice. They will then come to you 
 with their hats in their hands and ask, " What do you wantV H 
 
 The question is, How can we win? How can we get the votes? How can 
 we get out of the wilderness? Mr. Harger has just told you that Mr. Hobson 
 declared last year that if the Democratic Party does not put a prohibition 
 plank in its next platform he will certainly leave the Democratic Party. Let 
 us hope that it is true. I served in Congress with Mr. Hobson. He and I 
 are personal friends. But I hold iu my hand a statement made by Mr. Hobson 
 iii yesterday's New York Trihune. This statement seems to contradict the 
 declaration of Mr. Harger. "The question," says Mr. Hobson, in the Tribune, 
 " is going to be asked with considerable frequency, Is prohibition to organize 
 politically? In my opinion, no. Our light is to be an omnipartisan fight It 
 is based on patriotism and not on party." There is where Mr. Hobson stand*. 
 Nothing in that about leaving the Democratic Party. In this matter I differ 
 with Mr. Hobson. I want to make prohibition a political issue — the political 
 issue — not some time in the future, but now. That is the way to win. 
 
 They say I know, through and through, most of the Democratic and KepuD- 
 lican politicians. That is true. The reason it is said I am not liked by some 
 of them as well as one would wish to be liked is because I know too much about 
 them — and the man who knows the truth is always the man who is haled and 
 feared — but secretly respected. Let me tell you that very few Democrats and 
 precious few Republicans are going to leave their parties because their respec- 
 tive parties fail to adopt a prohibition plank. These men will never leave the 
 old parties until we become thoroughly political and show them the way to 
 victory. That's politics, and until we put politics as well as patriotism into 
 
Now, a few words about local option as a remedy for the evils of inlempot 
 anco. There is not a man in this room, and there is not a Prohibitionist in th 
 country, who does not know that local option as a remedy i.s a fallacy. S 
 there is not a Prohibitionist in America who does not believe that a prohibitio 
 amendment to the Federal Constitution is an iridescent dream. Local optio: 
 is local humbug, and the Hobson amendment to prohibit the "sale," uud not th 
 "manufacture," as a remedy is as impotent as it is impudent. 
 
 The true solution of the problem is by legislation to abolish effectually th 
 manufacture and the sale of intoxicating liquors. Our good friend Mr. Hir 
 shaw tells us that it has taken the entire life of the Republic to adopt a fe\ 
 amendments to the Federal Constitution. It is a difficult thing to amend th 
 Constitution of the United States. It can only be done through political partie 
 which command votes in Congress and in the State legislatures. Before w 
 can get a prohibition amendment in the Federal Constitution we will have t 
 get one or both of the great political parties to adopt it in national convention- 
 al! then it will take a lifetime to succeed. 
 
 Why should we delay for 50 years? Why fritter away time for a constitu 
 tional amendment which requires a two-thirds vote in Congress? And afte 
 that spend the balance of our lives endeavoring to secure its ratification b; 
 three- fourths of the State legislatures? The very men, it seems, advocating 
 the amendment are consciously or unconsciously doing their best to delay pro 
 hibition. The brewers and the distillers would like nothing better, if the Con 
 gress should pass a prohibition amendment, than to play battledoor and shuttle 
 cock with it in the State legislatures, and hold it in abeyance for decades t< 
 come, while the Prohibitionists were trying to get it ratified in the State legis 
 latures. The constitutional amendment gives our enemies the opportunity the; 
 desire to laugh at us in their sleeves, and in our discomfiture cry: "He, he 
 Ha, ha! Ho, ho!" To genuine Prohibitionists local option is a local fraud am 
 the Hobson constitutional amendment a blind alley of delay and disappointment 
 
 Mr. Pitts lias been good enough to say that I am a constitutional lawyer am 
 an experienced legislator. It is true that I have served six years in the legis 
 lature of this State and have held in that body every position of responsibility 
 It i.s also true I served 18 years in Congress and was chairman of one of its 
 most important committees. It goes without saying that I know something 
 about drawing a bill, something about legislation, something about the Consti 
 tutlon. 
 
 Hence, my friends, I come to you to-day to tell you frankly, after giving 
 the subject much consideration, what Is the easiesl solution of the liquoi 
 problem, and what is the simplest remedy for the evils of intemperance— 
 a remedy that spells success, and a solution that means victory. That is whal 
 we want ; we want success; we want: victory! We want to abolish the maim 
 facture and the sale of alcoholic liquors in the United States. Some of u> 
 want to do it because we love humanity; some of us want to do it because 
 of morality; some of us want to do it for economical reasons. I want to dc 
 it for all these reasons, and I want to do il because il is right 
 
 Tin- question before us then is: How shall we abolish the manufacture 
 and the sale of alcoholic Liquors? Let me tell you. The way to stop the 
 manufacture and the sale and the Importation of alcoholic Liquors in the 
 United Suites is by Legislation. The traffic Is done by Legislation. It must 
 be undone l.y legislation. You can not atop it any other way. You can not 
 8lop it by talk; you can not stop it by riot; you can not stop it through the 
 newspapers; you can not stop it through the churches. You can BtOD 
 32418—15215 
 
it you must ge- by law. That is the remedy. There Is none other, 
 
 la this connection I have prep a red a bill with much care which will accom- 
 sh what we want by the simplest method and in the shortest time. Let 
 i read you this bill. It is entitled "An act to raise revenue." This may 
 an to some a strange title for a prohibition measure, bat all bills of this 
 aracter most be entitled either "An act to raise revenue** or **An act to 
 crease revenue.*" The bill reads as follows : 
 
 Aa act to raise revenue. 
 
 ?f it enttrttd, ttc, That there stall be levied and collected on the ■■■afii h n and 
 
 ' 1-. -_.:-■.--«. "-■■■'■- -? '-' - - ' "- " ' - " " ; 
 
 i sacramental purposes, a l eiena e tax of S 1.000 a gallon: that all law* or parts of 
 m inconsistent with this law are heresy repealed, and that any violation of this law 
 ill be a. felony, punishable fey imprisonment far aot leas than two jeara or by a one 
 not less than $5,000. or fey both such fine aad imprisonment, in the dm cr ctiea i of tfen 
 
 . Ihat this act shall take effect on the 1st day af January. 1917. 
 
 That's the bin. H I —ere the law, not a gallon of Intoxicating liquors 
 11 be manufactured for personal consumption. The bill is a prohibition 
 jasure with a v engeanc e, lly friend. Mr. Candler of Mississippi, will 
 troduce it in -; .ress. Leading Members of the Congress ap p io ae 
 
 and tell us th- ; :e for it. They know it is the real solution of the 
 
 oblem. They have asked a few prominent men who stand for the true 
 medy to come to Congress and urge its pas? - 
 
 The bill is constitutional. There is not a constitutional lawyer in the 
 ad who will tell you to the contrary. There will be a hearing en the 
 Eassre in the House. The genuine pr sts are going to fight f 
 
 major -rill pass it through the National Legislature. No President 
 
 S dare to veto it. If the honest friends of prohibition will get behind 
 is legislation, it can be enacted into law ere the present Congress adjourns. 
 »en the victory is won. 
 
 This t way and the quickest remedy. If it were the law 
 
 ere would not be. from one end of the country to the other, a gallon of i - 
 ting liquor manufactured for beverage purposes. But if, for the sake of argu- 
 mt, there was one gallon manufactured, the man who manufactured it would 
 ve to pay the Government $1,000 and the man who sells it would have to pay 
 e Government another $1 man could afford to manufacture and no 
 
 in could afford to sell alcoholic liquors under these penalties. They are nro- 
 If either the manufacturer or the seller failed to pay the tax, he would 
 guilty of a felony and punished by fine and i m pris on ment. All the power of 
 e Government would be invoked to this end, and the enforcement of the law 
 raid abolish for all rinw* , within the confines of our country, the manufacture 
 d the sale and the importation of alcoholic liquors. 
 
 Wast a remedy ! Can anyone propose a better solution? Is it not simple? 
 a. Is it not honest? Yes. Is It not quick? Yes. Is it not constitutiona*rt 
 s. Then why not be for it? Why waste time going around in a circle talk- 
 e local option while a few of Its advocates capitalize it for their personal 
 grandizement? Why waste time wandering in the wilderness, like the cha- 
 en of ancient Israel hoping that some day. in the next century, the light of 
 mmon sense will dawn upon the old political parties and that then, and sot 
 1 then, will they have the courage to give yon a constitutional ■«* imIiihk 
 Do you not know it follows like the night the day that if no intoxicating 
 
 nmm trill ho CatM *> 
 
would be things of the past. So I say to you, if you want to stop the woes an 
 the wants, the fears and the tears, the trials and the troubles, the cries an 
 the crimes, and the miseries and the inhumanities that follow fast upon ear 
 other the indulgence in intoxicating liquors, you must stop the manufacture 
 and the only way you can do that is by a tax so high as to be effectually pr< 
 hibitive. 
 
 Are you really for prohibition? Then here is the remedy. Do you want t 
 abolish the manufacture of intoxicating liquors? Then here is the solutioi 
 Do you want to win? Then stand for this law — so simple, so honest, and s 
 speedy. Put this measure on the statute books and I tell you that the mam 
 factnre and the sale of alcoholic liquors will be a thing of the past; that tli 
 struggle of the brave men and the heroic women who, in season and out c 
 season, have battled for prohibition will be won; and under the dome of th 
 Union sky there will not be a drunken man or a drunken woman in all tb 
 limits of our glorious country. 
 
 You know what to do. It seems to me our duty is plain. The dictates c 
 our hearts must now prompt our future action. Now is the time to start righ 
 So here to-day I ask you to declare in favor of this legislation that will foreve 
 abolish the manufacture and the sale of intoxicating liquors; and to this cor 
 summation, so devoutly to be wished, let us welcome the support of all politics 
 parties and the cooperation of the reform forces in America, regardless of th 
 past, but with an eye single to success, and with the hope, fathered by a determ 
 nation that there shall be no retreat, no compromise, until we reach the end o 
 the road, and the gladsome voices of our country saved tell us the victory fo 
 humanity has been achieved. 
 
 GOV. SULZER POINTS THE WAY TO SUCCESS. 
 
 [Editorial from the Sentinel, the leading Prohibition paper in the State of New Yori 
 
 Feb. S, 1916.] 
 
 Former Gov. William Sulzer is a man who does tilings. His record prove 
 that. He has that indefinable quality of knowing how. While others wai 
 Sulzer acts. 
 
 On the opposite page of this issue we print the Sulzer bill to tax the liquo 
 traffic out of existence. This bill has been introduced in the Congress of th 
 United States by Mr. Sulzer's friend, Representative Candler, of Mississippi. 
 
 The bill was prepared by former Gov. Sulzer. He has given the subjec 
 careful Investigation and consideration. The bill, in the opinion of those nios 
 Conversant with the matter, is the true remedy for the abolition of the liquoi 
 traffic. In this connection read the great speech of Mr. Sulzer, delivered a 
 the Prohibition convention at Syracuse, N. Y., last December. 
 
 We know local option is a compromise. It is like walking in a circle. I 
 gets nowhere. We know that a prohibition amendment to the Constitution o: 
 the United Slates is a difficult matter to secure. Those who know most abou 
 it declare that it would take half a century for its accomplishment Why wait' 
 Why wander in the wilderness? 
 
 The Sulzer plain is feasible. There is no doubt, as Gov. Sulzer says, that tin 
 bill is constitutional. It can not ho successfully attacked in the courts. Tin 
 United States Supreme Court; has declared over and over again that the pouci 
 of Congress to tax is Incontrovertible, and that the power to tax is the powei 
 to destroy. The Sulzer bill is the practical way to destroy the liquor traffic. 
 
 Mr. Sulzer wants to abolish the manufacture and the sale of intoxicating 
 liquors in the United Stales by taxing the evil out of existence. His reinedj 
 Is the simplest and the quickest remedy that can be applied. Hence every pro- 
 
8 
 
 ibitionist, every believer in temperanee, every advocate of the constitutional 
 mendment, every antlsaloon leaguer, every local optionist, and every friend 
 f the cause should get together and line up in the fight for tin; Sulzer bill, 
 ropplng ail other plans and concentrating on (lie Snlzer plan. If this is done, 
 ie Snlzer bill can be passed before this Congress adjourns and (he battle for 
 rohlbltlon won. 
 
 Mr. Snlzer is a .ureal leader. lie says (bat he will lead the fight for this 
 jglslation; that lie will lead where any friend of (he cause will follow; and 
 liat he will follow where any friend of the cause will lead. What man can say 
 lore? What man can do more? Where can the prohibitionists of (he country 
 ml an abler, a more experienced, a more eloquent, and a more popular leader 
 ban William Snlzer? He has spent IS years in Congress, and has had a longer 
 >gislative experience (ban any man in the country. Mr. Snlzer knows W;ish- 
 igton like a book. He is popular, respected, and well known to the people 
 1 official life in Washington. We believe if the fight is made, under his 
 sadership, for ibis legislation it can be passed. To that end we will do all 
 ] our power to help Mr. Sulzer, and thus aid the cause. 
 
 Another thing — just as important. Mr. Sulzer's plan lo unite the reform 
 srees in American behind the campaign to abolish the manufacture and sale 
 f alcoholic liquors, and for other reforms — to many people just as important— 
 minds the keynote for the battle this year. As Mr. Sulzer says: "United we 
 ,in ; divided we lose." He proved that in 1914, in bis great campaign for gov- 
 rnor. Mr. Sulzer is the unchallenged leader of the American Party. He 
 arried the banner for the Prohibition Party in the State of New York in the 
 ist gubernational campaign and polled five times more votes than any other 
 andidate in its history. He stands unequivocally for prohibition, and has had 
 lie American Party declare for it. No man in America has done more for the 
 ause of prohibition. He is to-day its foremost advocate, and the best-equipped 
 eneral in command of its forces and supporters. 
 
 Mr. Sulzer is the greatest campaigner in America. He stands squarely for 
 lie reforms we want. He has the faculty of presenting them more eloquently 
 nd more convincingly to the voters than any other man in (he country. He 
 nows what lo say and how to say it. He knows what to do and how to do it 
 Ie knows how to get the votes, and votes tell. Without the votes we can not 
 •in. With the votes we will win. Why not get the votes V Why not win? It 
 i all very clear to us. 
 
 Let us help Mr. Sulzer in every way we can. If lie is willing to lead let us 
 gree to follow him. If we do follow him he will lead us to victory. " Sulzer 
 nd success" should be the bailie cry of all friends of the reforms wo have so 
 inch at heart from now on until the polls close in (he campaign of 191G. 
 
 Mr. Sulzer is the Moses to lead us out of the wilderness into the promised 
 ind. 
 
 M1NNKSOTA FOR STJIZER, 
 
 Editorial from Iowa Prohibitionist, the leading Prohibition paper in Iowa, Feb. 22, 1916.] 
 
 The time has fully conic when the people should know who are among the 
 respective standard bearers for the responsibilities and honors for President 
 f the United States. This high office, like all American business, is on a com- 
 etitive basis. The platform and the candidate plus the partisan spirit deter- 
 aine the business transaction. 
 
 There is great value in keeping in touch with the people. This the leaders 
 
 ^Til/Mr Imirn nlo«o/l fha nomo nf a-v.Cinv Willinm R11I7.PV. 
 
9 
 
 of New York, on their primary ballot as candidate for the Presidency on th< 
 Prohibition Party ticket. The name of ex-Gov. Foss, of Massachusetts, has 
 also been put on the primary ballot. Already the cry is heard from all parts 
 of the State, " Sulzer and victory." 
 
 Minnesota realizes that now is the time to make votes for the party candl 
 date. The Nation can be thoroughly aroused for ex-Gov. Sulzer before the con 
 vention and at that time his nomination will bring the prenomination campaigr 
 to a white heat and spread like a prairie^ fire from the St. Paul convention t( 
 all parts of the Nation. 
 
 Now is Ihe time to concentrate on a candidate. Much work can be done thai 
 will greatly add to the strength of the campaign. Thousands of votes can b< 
 made and thousands of workers lined up who will be doubly prepared for can* 
 paign work. The leaders should speak out through the party papers and a concen 
 sus of opinion select our candidate as soon as possible. The principle that will 
 be built into a platform as well as the man who stands on it is a matter oi 
 interest to every voter in the Nation, more especially to every prohibition votei 
 going into the national convention. 
 
 SULZER FOR PRESIDENT. 
 [Editorial from tbe Illinois Banner, the leading Prohibition paper in Illinois, Feb. 24, 1916.] 
 
 The presidential campaign is approaching and the Prohibition Party leaders 
 should be looking out for candidates that will lead on to victory. The presi- 
 dential nominee must be, first of all, an honest, conscientious man, a true 
 prohibitionist, and a leader who can command men and women and secure 
 votes. The Prohibition Party has always been true to its first principles, but 
 we have been too long playing politics. We must change our methods and go to 
 doing politics. 
 
 Our leaders may differ — in fact, they do differ on some of the important mat- 
 ters at issue — but these differences will all be adjusted before going into the 
 national convention. We must have a broad and firmly constructed platform, 
 covering all necessary reforms — a platform upon which all reform voters may 
 unite and elect our Prohibition Party candidates. There is no doubt but that 
 Teddy Roosevelt will lead a goodly number of Progressives back into the Repub- 
 lican Party, but they will not all go with him. There are a large number of the 
 members of the Progressive Party that will go into some other reform party 
 when their parly goes to pieces, as it surely will at the twin national convention 
 in Chicago. These reform voters are nearly all prohibitionists in theory, and 
 Lhey will become prohibitionists in reality whenever they can see signs of suc- 
 cess in the Prohibition Party. The American Party has been organised in a 
 Dumber of States on a platform almost identical with (he Prohibition Party 
 platform. In the State of New York tbe American Party was merged with the 
 Prohibition Party by the Hon. William Sulzer, who was the Prohibition Party 
 Candidate for governor of that State a few years ago. Mr. Sulzer made a 
 wonderful showing in his campaign, receiving live times more Prohibition Party 
 votes than had ever before been given a prohibition candidate in that State. 
 All these things look favorable for the Prohibition Party if our leaders select 
 the right man lo lead. 
 
 The Prohibition Party has a large number of capable men, any of whom 
 
 might be selected as our armor bearer, but tbe Illinois Banner believes thai the 
 
 lion. William Sulzer, of New York, Is the logical candidate for President on the 
 
 Prohibition Party ticket. Mr. Sulzer is, first of all, a sincere prohibitionist, as 
 
 82418—15245 
 
10 
 
 -vo have been informed by his intimate associates. He is an ideal leader of men 
 mil measures, the best campaigner and vote getter in the country. In fact, we 
 relieve Sulzer is the man to lead the Prohibition Tarty on to victory. Like one 
 >f old, Mr. Sulzer " would rather be right than be President." He has been 
 ested and came out without a blemish, though hounded and villiiied by the 
 totorious Murphy, leader of the Tammany sang of grafters. Mr. Sulzer served 
 line terms — 18 years — In the Congress of the United States, after serving sev- 
 eral terms as Speaker of the New York State Assembly. His record in Congress 
 s an open book. 
 
 We shall have more to say about Mr. Sulzer In future issues of the Illinois 
 banner. 
 
 Nominate Sulzer for President and select some well-known western man for 
 Pice President, and next November the victory for prohibition will have been 
 von if all of the enemies of the liquor traffic will do their duty. 
 
 ' Why I am for Prohibition" — Forceful speech of former Gov. Sulzer, of New 
 York, at Pittsbiiryh, Pa., February 22, 1916. 
 
 [Reprinted from the Tost.] 
 
 Mr. Sulzer spoke as follows: 
 
 " When they ask you why I am for prohibition you tell them because prohibi- 
 ten is the salvation of humanity; because prohibition is the remedy for the 
 nils of intemperance; because prohibition will save 50 per cent of your taxes; 
 >ecause prohibition will .solve the problem of the high cost of living; because 
 prohibition will cut in half the expenses of government; and because prohibi- 
 ten is an economic reform that will work a revolution in the industrial develop- 
 ment of our country. 
 
 " When they ask you why I am for prohibition you toil them because I am 
 Igainst slavery — the slavery of alcohol ; because I know strong drink is the 
 •iieiny of the human race; because I am for the home and against the saloon. 
 LV11 them, I say, that every believer in the family, that every rent payer, that 
 ■very taxpayer, and that every friend of civic righteousness should be with U9 
 n the Struggle we are making to abolish the slavery of strong drink. Tell 
 hem that every man in the State who is opposed to the evils of intemperance 
 diould come to our support, and if he will do so victory will crown our efforts. 
 Cell them I am doing my part, and that we must summon to the Standard to do 
 heir part every man and every woman who believes in the fatherhood of God 
 m<l the brotherhood of man. 
 
 "Tell them that prohibition Is a moral reform; that prohibition refuses to 
 temporize with vice; that prohibition will not compromise with immorality; 
 that prohibition is a principle; that a principle is either right or wrong; that 
 kve know the principle of prohibition is right; and that every workingman, 
 :'very employer of labor, every farmer, every taxpayer, and every law-abiding 
 citizen in the country should he for prohibition, because it will do more for 
 morality, more to reduce taxation, more for the social uplift, more for economic 
 betterment, more to mala' the home happy, more to remedy the high tost of 
 living, and more for the common weal, take it all in all, than any other agency 
 in America. 
 
 "Tell them T have carefully Studied the question of prohibition; that I know 
 what I am talking about; that prohibition has become an issue in politics; that 
 prohibition will never be settled until it is settled right; and that if we present 
 the issue without fear to tho voters, it will win in every State in the Union* 
 
 32418—15213 
 
11 
 
 "When they tell you about the revenue derived from the liquor traffic yo 
 tell them you think so much of your country that you want it to get out of th 
 saloon business, revenue or no revenue, so that we can cut to the depths th 
 evils of strong drink. Tell them that prohibition and only prohibition will d 
 It. Tell them that the first step to success must be the divorcement of goverr 
 ment from its copartnership with John Barleycorn. Tell them that we are in 
 fight for a great cause — the cause of humanity — and that behind this grea 
 cause we must put the church, and the school, and the home, and every mora 
 agency in the State. 
 
 " When they ask you why I am for prohibition you tell them because I hav 
 the courage of my convictions ; because I am against intemperance ; because 
 do not straddle a fundamental principle; because I will not be a hypocrite 
 because I love my fellow man; because I believe the time has come for th 
 Government to get out of the liquor business ; because I want no man to er 
 slave himself, to shackle his friends, to widow his wife, and to bring sorrow t 
 the homes of his fellow man ; because I want no friend of mine to make hi 
 children dotards, and the children of his associates tear-stained orphans; b< 
 cause I am opposed to any man doubling his taxes ; because I know fror 
 experience that a dollar saved is a dollar made ; and, finally, because I wan 
 to do my share, in my day and generation, to lessen the woes and the wants o 
 humanity ; to end the crimes and the criminals of society ; and to decrease th 
 poorhouses and the penitentiaries of the country. 
 
 "When they ask you why I am for prohibition you tell them that if th 
 people were to save the money the indulgence in strong drink costs annuallj 
 and the same were utilized for public purposes, it would develop our grea 
 water powers and give us light, heat, and power free of cost ; that it wouli 
 build the best dirt roads since the days of the Caesars ; that it would erect th 
 most beautiful public buildings the eye of man has ever witnessed — all poem 
 in stone — challenging the admiration of every lover of the beautiful ; that i 
 would dig the deepest canals ever constructed on earth ; that it would rear t 
 heaven the most magnificent schoolhouses for the children of women eve 
 modeled by the genius of man; and that beyond all, and above all, it woul< 
 make our people sober and industrious and efficient, and capable of producin 
 in every avenue of trade, every channel of commerce, and every line of bumai 
 endeavor more than 20 per cent of what they now produce, and hence to tha 
 extent increase the earning and the saving capacity of our workers. 
 
 " When (bey ask you why I am for prohibition you tell them that I am fo 
 prohibition because I want our men and women to come out of the swales o 
 drunkenness up to the heights of soberness and get the perspective of the prom 
 ised land ; because I know from facts that those who earn their wage in th 
 sweat of their face and spend it for strong drink are robbing their families b; 
 picking their own pockets; because I know from statistics, medical and physio 
 logical, that the use of alcoholic drinks is death to brain and brawn and fetter 
 to hope and ambition; because I know from an economic standpoint, to say noth 
 ing about its moral and its physical aspects, that the prohibition of the inami 
 faeture and the sale of alcoholic liquors will be one of the greatest boons tha 
 ever blessed humanity — a tremendous factor for good to every man, woman, ani 
 child in the Commonwealth — a harbinger to all mankind in the struggle fo 
 Huccess; and one of the most potent agencies on earth to Increase the materia 
 wealth of America in the onward and upward march of civilization. 
 
 " When they ask you why I am for prohibition you tell them because I wan 
 to make the hearlhsido happy ; because I want to make mankind free ; because 
 want to make the State sober; and because I know the home can not be happ; 
 while the State is rioting In alcoholic drunkenness. 
 
12 
 
 • Tell them thai I .say ao State and no country can long endure half wet and 
 half dry, half drunk and half sober, and that all friends of good government 
 
 should be wiiii us in the light to make the State sober and to banish forever the 
 as from our country. 
 
 • Tell them that wr boast that we arc the greatest and richest country In the 
 world; that we have a population of more than 100,000,000 people; that its esti- 
 mated wealth Is more than $200,000,000,000; that its annual revenue from the 
 liquor traffic is about $200,000,000; that the people spend every year for alco- 
 holic liquors more than $2,000,000,000 — just about ten times as much as the 
 Government derives from the revenue, a sum of money that staggers the Unite 
 mind; that most of the money comes from the poor, and If it were deposited in 
 savings hanks to the credit of the toilers we would have a Government without 
 a pauper and the richest people per capita since the dawn of time in any land 01 
 in any dime. 
 
 "Tell them that you know and I know that for every dollar the Government 
 gets from its association with the liquor business it costs the taxpayers at least 
 $20 to support courts and juries, hospitals and asylums, paupers and prisoners, 
 poorhouses and penitentiaries. Tell them that the use of alcoholic stimulants is 
 blighting the hope of our womanhood, debauching the flower of our manhood— 
 morally, mentally, and physically — and devastating, degenerating, and docl> 
 mating the human race. 
 
 " Tell them that if I were asked to sum up in a single word the cause on eartli 
 of more than seven-tenths of all the woes and all the wants; of all the fears and 
 all the tears; of all the trials and all the troubles; of all the ghouls and all the 
 ghosts; of all the crimes and all the criminals; of all the groans of helpless men 
 and all the griefs of weeping women and all the heart pangs of sad-faced chil 
 dren, I should sum it all up in that short word It-U-M — HUM — which menaces 
 the progress of the future and challenges the advance of civilization." 
 SUUS— 102-15 
 
 o 
 
Governor Sulzer Makes Flat Denial of Frawlev 
 Charges that He Made Personal Use of 
 Campaign Contributions or Specu- 
 lated in Stocks. 
 
 Governor Breaks Silence with Bomb-like Declaration He 
 is Innocent-Did not Know Brokers -Never Had an 
 Account with Fuller and Gray or Boyer and Griswold- 
 Denies all Speculation. 
 
 Governor Sulzer after a conference with his lawyers 
 last night issued a statemenl containing emphatic 
 denials of the charges of the Frawley commitl 
 
 Probably the mosi important of these assertions was 
 
 the on,, that he had not used campaign contril 
 
 for persona] use. He also denied thai he had specu- 
 lated in Wall streel or used any money given him for 
 campaign use to buy stocks. 
 
 Prom the beginning of the so-called revelations of 
 the Frawley committee the Governor has promised a 
 reply when he had become familiar with the tran 
 actions with which his name had been connected. 
 
 Governor Sulzer's denials of certain vital charge 
 made by the committee will, it is believed, put a new 
 
 aspeci on the ease and may make it necessary for I lie 
 committee to revise its report or gather new evidence 
 it it hopes to make out a prima facie case of 
 impeachment. 
 
 The Governor's statement is as follows: 
 
 " In view of (he fact that the Frawlev committee 
 is about to make its report of the investigation il 
 lias been making, I am advised that it would he 
 unwise for me at this lime to make any detailed 
 statement in reply to the matters that have been 
 brought to the attention of that committee, hut 
 having promised that I would furnish the press a 
 statement, in fulfillment of that promise, I make 
 the following brief reply to the matters that. 1 am 
 informed had been brought before such committee: 
 
 " I deny that I used campaign contributions for 
 personal use. 
 
 " I deny that I speculated in Wall sir- < i or u i d 
 money contributed for campaign purposes to buy 
 slocks either in my own name or othi rwi e, 
 
 " I never had an account with Fuller and Q 
 or Boyer and Griswold. I never heard of these 
 firms; do not know the meml 
 imr about the transactions with these linns. !<■< 
 tified to before the Frawley committee, until 
 recently threatened with exposure, and the all 
 transactions wi^vf brought ntion by the 
 
 Frawley committee. 
 
 •• The slock matter with Harris and Fuller was 
 not a speculative account, hut a loan made upon 
 
 collateral, whi 
 quired and ■ ire my nomination 
 
 for H Brie "\ and from other sources 
 
 than Harris and Fuller. 
 " Certain checks given tome for campaign pur- 
 
 pose! ted to my personal account, and 
 
 after T paid the amount of said checks to my 
 campaign committee. 
 
 " In films my statement of receipts ami dis- 
 bursements with the Secretary relied 
 upon information furnished me by the persons in 
 immediate charge of my campaign, and in v 
 
 had, and -till have, the most implicit oonfidi 
 and I believe. 1 the statement furnished by tl , 
 me. at tin- I 
 
THERE IS NO GIFT IN THE REPUBLIC TOO GREAT FOR 
 THE MEN WHO SAVED THE REPUBLIC. 
 
 FROM A SPEECH 
 
 OF 
 
 HON. WILLIAM SULZER, 
 
 OF NEW YORK, 
 
 In the House of Representatives, 
 
 April 15, 1910. 
 
 Sfa Jjc 3|C i|S yr 
 
 Mr. SULZER said: 
 
 I introduced this bill because I am a friend of the 
 soldiers who saved the Union, and I want to reward 
 them while they live. Nobody here can ever say,. 
 and nobody outside of these halls will ever be able 
 to say. that during the sixteen years I have been a 
 Member of this House I ever voted against a bill in 
 the interests of the soldiers and sailors who saved 
 the Union. This is a rich country; this is a great 
 country: this is the grand Republic; and it is all so 
 to a very large extent on account of what the brave 
 and gallant men who marched from the North did in 
 the great struggle for the Union. We owe them a 
 debt of gratitude we never can pay. and gratitude, my 
 friends, is the fairest flower that sheds its perfume in 
 t lie human heart. We should be grateful to the sol- 
 • lit'i's who fought that great war to a successful end. 
 I can not bring my ideas in favor of this bill down to 
 the level of mere dollars and cents. I place my views 
 on higher ground. I want it to pais for patriotism — 
 the noblest sentiment that animates the soul of man. 
 1 say that there is no gifl in the Republic too great for 
 
 the men who saved the Republic. 
 
 ***** 
 
 41801 9009 
 
 o 
 
'On the issues this year the Democratic 
 Party Deserves Success" 
 
 OF 
 
 AT THE 
 
 laftfication 
 h T 
 
 leeHn 
 a 
 
 TUESDAY NIGHT 
 OCTOBER 18, 
 
 Stenographically Reported and Printed 
 by the Campaign Committee 
 
Mr. Sulzer paid in part: 
 
 DEMOCRATIC VICTORY IS CERTAIN. 
 "In my opinion the Democrats will carry the State of New 
 York this fall I am conservative, but the scandalous revela- 
 tions at Albany and the high cost of living have put the Re- 
 publicans in this State on the defensive. On all the issues 
 Involved in this campaign the Democratic party deserves suc- 
 cess and is entitled to victory. 
 
 THE OPPORTUNITY IS OURS. 
 
 "Every Democrat in the State now has his face to the rising 
 sun of Democratic opportunity and, imbued with hope, is 
 looking forward to victory on election clay. The weak and 
 incompetent administration of State and National affairs by 
 the Republicans supplies us with all the political arguments 
 we want: and if we will present the facts of Republican vacil- 
 lation, Republican inconsistency, and Republican broken prom- 
 ises earnestly and" "fearlessly to the people, I feel conlident 
 our cause will be sustained. 
 
 A SPLENDID TICKET— AND UNITED FRONT. 
 "We present to the people a splendid State ticket— < -om- 
 posed of able, honest, capable and efficient men — well quali- 
 fied for their respective offices, and under the wise leadership 
 of our candidate for Governor — the Honorable John A. Uix — 
 our party is harmonious and now presents a united front all 
 along the line. Our ticket will win because it deserves to 
 win, and because the Republican ticket deserves defeat. That 
 sums up in a nutshell the whole political situation in this 
 campaign. 
 
 THE PLATFORM THE BEST IN YEARS 
 "The Democratic platform adopted in the Rochester Con- 
 vention marks a gieat forward movement, and is the best 
 exposition of progressive Democratic principles enunciat' >l 
 in recent years by a Democratic State Convention. I helped 
 to make that platform, and for years — in season and out of 
 season — 1 have been advocating the reforms it now promul- 
 gates as party principles. 
 
 WHAT IT PROMISES. 
 
 "The Democratic party, in this State campaign, thi 
 splendid platform, niomises and pledges the people, aino 
 other desirable things, the following reforms: 
 
 "First — Ballot reform by simplifying the ballot alcn;. 
 lines of the Australian or Massachusetts ballot laws. 
 
 "Second — Legislation in favor of direct nominations ol ail 
 candidates for office so that the people of our State shall 
 nominate the candidates as well as elect them. The election 
 ol Senators in Congress by the people. 
 
 "Third — In favor of the ratification of the income tax am 
 merit to the Federal Constitution so that wealth as well 
 woik shall bear its just share of the burdens of government 
 
 "Fourth — Home rule for our cities, towns and villages. 
 
 "Fifth — In favor of a sensible, broad-minded businesslike 
 administration of governmental affiairs, with honesty and prac- 
 tical economy all along the line as the watchwords. 
 
 "Sixth — Internal improvements; parcels post, good roads, 1 
 tetter waterways and the sensible conservation of all ou* 
 Statural resources. 
 
"I believe there are no matters of moment that the next, 
 Legislature can consider that will be of greater advantage 
 to the people and for the good of the public weal than these 
 prepositions. 
 
 "In my own way I am doing and have been doing ail 1 can 
 for their accomplishment, and in the future, as in the past, 1 
 shall do my part to write this desirable legislation upon the 
 statute books of our State. 
 
 THE TARIFF QUESTION. 
 
 "Now, my friends, let me briefly discuss with you a few of. 
 the most important questions before the people in this cam- 
 paign. 
 
 "The tariff issue is a live question. It will not down. The 
 Republicans promised that they would revise the tariff down- 
 ward; they told us that they would reduce tariff taxes; but 
 the Payne-Aldrich law does not do it. On the contrary, it 
 increases taxation and is a revision upward. That act con- 
 victs the Republican party of its plutocratic copartnership 
 with the criminal trusts and the oppressive monopolies and 
 demonstrates the hollowness of Republican promises when it 
 comes to tariff tax reductions on the necessaries of life in 
 tbe interest of the plain people of the country. 
 
 PAYNE-ALDRICH LAW UNJUST. 
 
 "The Payne-Aldrich law is unjust in its discriminations 
 against the toilers; it is unfair in its impositions on the pro- 
 ducers; and It is unconscionable in its tyrannical exactions 
 on the consumers of the country. The Democratic party is 
 absolutely opposed to the Payne-Aidrich tariff law. It is an 
 imposition on the people. It is a mockery and a sham. It is 
 legalized robbery. It is the highest protection measure ever 
 placed on our statute books, tl increases the taxes on almost 
 every necessary cf life. 
 
 MOCKERY OF TARIFF LAW. 
 
 • more than ten years the increased cost; of living, 
 mointing higher and higher each succeeding year, has been 
 
 most immediate, the most pressing and the most univer- 
 sally observed fact about economic conditions in this coun- 
 
 Iiuring all this period, while wages have remained prae- 
 
 y the same, and the cost of the necesaries of life have 
 been growing more and more oppressive, the promise has 
 been held out by the Republicans that when they got around 
 to tarifi revision something would be done to remedy these 
 inequitable conditions. But what, was the result? The mock- 
 
 ■'. the Payne-Aldrich law — making matters wor 
 of better. 
 
 "The people are tired of being humbugged. Ever since 1896 
 lan has been gradually losing his hold on the 
 means of physical exist* i 
 
 PROTECTION NO BENEFIT TO LABOR. 
 "When we demand an equitable revision of unjust tariff 
 Iminations the Republican standpatters contend thai they 
 are all in the interest of labor; that this exorbitant protec- 
 tion is for the benefit of the wage-earner; but every intolli- 
 gent man in the country knows the absurdity of the proposi- 
 tion. Protection for the sake of protection does not mate- 
 rially benefit labor. Labor comes in free from every country 
 on earth except China and Japan, and successfully competes 
 here with the skilled labor of the world. Labor receives no 
 
protection. Tariff taxation has nothing '<• fa vitn the price 
 of labor. Capital id not charitable. Capltul buys labor, like 
 everything else, as cheaply as it can. Wages are regulate. i 
 by the inexorable law of supply and demand. Whenever you 
 And two employers looking for one workman, wages will bn 
 high, and whenever you find two workmen looking for one 
 employer wages will be low. When the demand 1b grca' 
 than the supply wages go up. and when the supply Is greater 
 than the demand wages go down. Tariff taxes have little or 
 nothing to do with the price of labor. In all prosperous com. 
 munitles labor id sought and not turned aside 
 
 FRIEND OF THE WORKINGMAN. 
 "I am now, always have been, and always will be, the friend 
 of the workingman; my record for sixteen years in the Hoi 
 of Representatives testifies to the fact. The American wage- 
 earner is the greatest producer of real wealth in all our coun- 
 try, lie is the best artisan and the best mechanic on earth. 
 Of course, he gels more wages than the foreign workman. 
 And he should, because he can do more work ml better work 
 and In less time than the foreigner, and it costs the American 
 workman at least twice as much to live here as it does the 
 foreign workman "to-iive in other countries. On an average 
 during the past ten years the cost of living in the United 
 States has increased 49 per cent., and wages have remained, 
 with Lew exceptions, about the same. The American w< 
 earner pays twice as much for the necessaries of life as the 
 foreign wage-earner. In the end he cannot save much. If 
 the American workman is a little better off than the foreign 
 workman he has no one to thank but himself, no agency to 
 praise for his improved condition but his loyal Brothers in 
 tire trades unions of the country, which have done more than 
 nil other things combined to promote his progress, pro' 
 his interests and benefit his welfare. 
 
 TAX WEALTH, NOT POVERTY. 
 
 "The Payne-Aldrich vax law discriminates against the many 
 for the benefit of the few, and violates every principle of 
 equality and of justice and of democracy. It is a revision of 
 the tarifi upward and not downward. It repudiates the plat- 
 form of the Republican party; refutes the promises of the 
 Republican leaders; and laughs at the professions of Presi- 
 dent Taft in the last campaign. It is a protection measure 
 from end to end. No monopoly in the country opposed it. 
 No standpatter repudiated it. The measure was quite satis- 
 factory to every 'interest' but the interest of the plain people, 
 who must pay all the taxes in the long run. It is a law to 
 tax poverty and not wealth, and as an equitable tariff meas- 
 ure it is the saddest disappointment of the country. 
 
 THE RIGHTS OF THE TOILERS. 
 r *T stand for the rights of man. I believe in justice to all. 
 I am opposed to special privilege. I am an individualist. 1 
 -want to give all an equal chance. I want to keep open the 
 door of opportunity to every individual in all iur country. I 
 iwaut to do all I can to make the world better and happier, 
 and more prosperous. I believe in the greatness of labor. 
 And I want to do everything I can as a legislator to protect 
 jits Inherent rights and promote its best interests for the last- 
 1ng benefit of all the r ole. I want labor to have as muctt 
 standing as capitr" seat of government. 
 
 A 
 
(NCOME TAX LIVE QUESTION. 
 
 "The income tax is a live question. I am In favor of aa 
 income tax, so that wealth, as well as toil, shall pay its just 
 share of the burdens of government. 
 
 'For years I hav« been a student of the income tax, and 
 after careful consideration, I am committed to the proposition 
 that an income tax is the fairest, the most honest, the most 
 democratic and the most equitable tax ever devised by the 
 genius of man. Ever since I went to Congress the record 
 will show that I have been the constant advocate of an in- 
 come tax along constitutional lines. 
 
 "At the present time nearly all of the taxes raised for tne 
 support of the government are levied on consumption, through, 
 the agency of unjust and discriminating tariff taxes — on what 
 the people need to eat, and to wear, and to live — the neces- 
 saries of life — and the consequence is that the poor man, in- 
 directly, but surely in the end, pays practically as much to 
 support the government as the rich man. regardless of the 
 difference in incomes. This system of levying all the taxes 
 on consumption so that the consumers are saddled with all 
 the burdens of government is an unjust system of taxation, 
 and the only way to remedy the injustice and destroy the in- 
 equality is by a graduated system of income taxes that will 
 make idle wealth as well as honest, toil pay its just share of 
 the money needed to administer the national government. 
 
 INCOME TAX FAIR TO ALL. 
 
 "An income tax is fair to all. Every great thinker, every 
 honest jurist, every just statesman and every intelligent 
 writer on political economy, from the aays of Aristotle down 
 to the present time, has advocated and justified the imposi- 
 tion of an income tax for the support of government as the 
 most expeditious system of taxation that can be devised. It 
 must come in this country. It should have been adopted long 
 ago. Almost ev«ry great government on earth secures a large 
 part of its revenue from an income tax. 
 
 BLOW AT MILLIONAIRES' CLUB. 
 
 "Just a few words about the election of Senators 'ay fche 
 people. 
 
 "I am the author of this reform, and I am glad the Demo- 
 . crats in our State Convention wrote in our platform a strong 
 plank in favor of it. It is in line with the plank in our plat- 
 form for State- wiete" direct nominations. It should be the law 
 in our State and In every State in the Union. I believe it is 
 right. I know the people favor it. 
 
 "I want to see it a part of the fundamental law of the land. 
 I want to make the Senate less aristocratic and more demo- 
 cratic. I want it more obedient to man and less responsive 
 to Mammon. I want to make it pay more heed to the ap- 
 peals of the people and listen less to the demands of plutoc- 
 <ra<y. J want the Senate to be the people's Senate, in the 
 Interest of many and for the benefit of all the people, md 
 its i< ■••ornplishment will keep the gover-nrnent. nearer the 
 masses and herald the dawn of a brighter and a better day 
 in the onward march of the republic. 
 
 GIVE THE PEOPLE A CHANCE. 
 
 "The people all over this country demand this much-needed 
 ihange la the Federal Constitution, so that they can vote 
 ly for Senators In Congress. It is not a partisan ques- 
 tion, neither la It a sectional Issue. The demand reaches ua 
 
 I 
 
from all parts of the land and Irom m«B in all political par- 
 of unanimity that is quite surprising. It 
 is our duty to respect the wishes cf the people and '■ 
 them a aniform law allowing them to vote for Senators in 
 ss just tii!. same as they n for Represantatives 
 
 in < 
 
 BRAINS, NOT SUBSERVIENCY. THE TEST. 
 "1 am opposed to delegating away the rights of the p 
 and where they have been delegated away I would n 
 them to the people. I trus' pie and 1 believe in the 
 
 people I believe that all governments, derive their just 
 powers from the consent of the governed, and hence I want 
 to restore to the people the right now delegated to the I 
 lain res by the Cramers of th? Crmstltution, so that ths Seriate, 
 I! as the House, will be directly responsible to the peo- 
 ple and the government become more and more a pure d nioc- 
 
 whcre brains, fitnns-, honesty, ability, and experien 
 capacity, and not wealth and subserviency, shall be the true 
 qualifications for the upper branch of the. Federal Legislature. 
 
 OUR MERCHANT MARINE. 
 
 "Nov.", my friends, another matter of moment, bet me tell 
 you that there is not a line in the Payne-Aldrich law to ie- 
 Ktore the American merchant marine; and increase our reve-^ 
 nue by taxing the carrying capacity of foreign-built ships in 
 our deep-sea trade; and it is a matter of much regret that 
 the few Republican in Congress who control its affairs and 
 diet ate legislation seek to remedy the situation by shij 
 tidies, and hence earnestly favor a ship-subsidy bill, which 
 is another phase of protection/but no remedy at all, onlv a 
 mere temporary makeshift to rob the many for the ben 
 the few by taking money out of the pockets of the taxi' 
 generally and giving it to a few favored individuals. I am 
 opposed to this subsidy policy. It never has succeeded and it 
 never will succeed in accomplishing the purpose desired. All 
 history proves it conclusively. Wherever and whenever it 
 been tried it has failed. Ship subsidies are subversive of 
 the eternal principles of justice and equality and in violation 
 of the spirit of our institutions. The tixpayers of our coun- 
 try, burdened now almost beyond endurance, are opposed to 
 ship protection in the guise of ship subsidies. They are op» 
 ! to any mon graft bills. They say no private bu£ 
 
 interests should be aided by direct giants from the Treasury. 
 They declare Congress has no power to subsidize any trade 
 oi any calling or any business, on land or sea, at the exp 
 ol I be taxpayers of our country. 
 
 "The records of Congress will show that I urged the Ways 
 and Means Committee when it was making up tin I 
 tariff rax bill to do something for the restoration of our 
 building industry; to do something to recover our de< | 
 trade along tin lines of a graduated system of tonnage 
 on foreign ships, but 1 am sorry to say the commit ire did 
 absolutely nothing for these important industries. 
 THE REPUBLICANS RESPONSIBLE FOR THE DECLINE 
 OF OUR MERCHANT MARINE. 
 
 "The Democratic party is in favor of immediate action by 
 Congress for the resumption of the shipping policy which 
 prevailed under the first five Presidents of the Republic, and 
 which brought forth and maintained the best merchant ma- 
 Tine on the ocean without the cost of a cent to the America* 
 
 I 
 
people: I denounce the Republican party for its willful neg- 
 lect of our shipping in the foreign trade, having done nothin<* 
 whatever for its revival since the Civil War, except to con- 
 nive at the passage of vicious subsidy bills, utterly useless 
 for the object in v-ic-w, and really in the interest of foreign 
 nations. 1 am wiping io go as far as any man in this country 
 to legislate for the restoration of the American merchant ma- 
 rine to all its former glory and to sseu-e for the American 
 people fheh just share of the over-seas carrying trade of the 
 world. I know, and every man who has investigated this 
 subject knows, that our loss of deep-sea commerce is due 
 entirely to the iniquitous legislation and short-sichted pt'i- 
 cies of the Republicans in the National Legislature If the 
 American Congress would legislate intelligently regarding this 
 subject, we could restore our merchant marine, increase our 
 revenues, and secure nine-tenths of all our commerce on the 
 high sr:,;, exports and imports, without a ship subsidy and 
 without taking a single dollar from the pockets of the tax- 
 payers to give bounties to favored ship owners. 
 A SIMPLE BUSINESS MATTER. 
 "This whole subject is a very simple matter when reduced 
 to an intelligent business proposition. We do not need to 
 take a dollar out of the Treasury of the United States to re- 
 vive our shipbuilding interests or restore the merchant ma- 
 rine. All we need to do is to legislate intelligently repeal 
 the restrictive laws against our deep-sea shipping now on 
 our statute nooks, put in their place laws similar to the navi- 
 gation laws that were enacted by the early statesmen of the 
 country— laws that built up our merchant marine in those 
 historic days— laws that placed our flag on the high seas and 
 gave us nine-tenths of our entire over-seas carrying trade 
 and we would do it if it were not for the greed and the 
 selfishness of the shipping trust. 
 
 WHY THE REPUBLICAN PARTY IS DOOMED TO DEFEAT. 
 
 "The Republican party has failed to meet the just expecta- 
 tions of the people, and in the coming campaign is doomed 
 to defeat. It has refused to respond to the earnest demands 
 of the overburdened consumers of the country. It has sneered 
 at the sincere appeals of the taxpayers. If has scorned the 
 patriotic petitions of the toilers. It has legislated for the 
 lew and against the many. It has 'stood pat' for high pro- 
 tection and failed to reduce the exorbitant tariff taxes It 
 has signally neglected to carry out the pledge of true reci- 
 procity. It has refused to investigate and prosecute the crim- 
 inal trusts, save where they declined to contribute. It has 
 studiously avoided wherever possible the ratification of the 
 income tax amendment to the Constitution, so that idle wealth 
 as well - ionest toil shall bear its just share of the burdens 
 ®* ' V£- n has declined to pass the law to elect 
 
 Congress by direct vote of the people. It has 
 to pass the bill for a department of labor with a 
 .y having a. seat in the Cabinet; and all other legisla- 
 tor that matter, in the interests of the toilers, ft has 
 -leated every Democratic effort to enact measures for home 
 » U Z n, er local self-government for the Philippines for 
 forto Rico, and for Alaska, and continues to govern these 
 possessions like conquered provinces, through the strong 
 arm of the War Department It has Ignored every effort to 
 XfJ? ?\ ^ 68 K law \? ald the American merchant marine. 
 And, take it all In all, it has spent more of the taxpayers* 
 
money and given the people less to sliow for It than any other 
 political party la all the history of our existence. 
 
 WHAT THE REPUBLICAN PARTY STANDS FOR. 
 
 Viui. now, my friends, a few words in conclusion. The 
 Republican part.y to-day stands for tariff taxation that, makes 
 living a struggle for existence; for subsidies that rob the 
 for the iVw; for economic heresies that paralyze indus- 
 trial freedom; for centralization tn government at Washing- 
 ton that destroys the sovereignty of the States; for political 
 usurpations that subvert the Constitution for reckless ex- 
 <anee that i.s little less than criminal; for political poli- 
 ties that creat monopoly and enslave the masses; for -: 
 
 ition thai tramples under foot the rights or man. and 
 for a restrictive military government, in our insular posses- 
 sions that violates the basic principles of the Declaration ot 
 Independence. 
 
 NOT THE PARTY OF LINCOLN. 
 "The Republican party is not what it used > be; t is no 
 longer the party of Lincoln; it no longer has 1 message for 
 humanity; ir, no longer stands for great principles; it. no 
 longer has a conscience; it no longer has freedom for an 
 asset, it no longer advocates the policies of its founders; it. 
 no longer has a single honest issue it dares to present to the 
 country in the interest of all the people. 
 
 WHAT THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY STANDS FOR- 
 
 'The Democratic party stands to-day where it always has 
 stood apd where it always will stand —for equal rights 
 and special privileges to none;- for law and order and good 
 government; for economy and retrenchment and reform; for 
 home rule and the right of local self-government; for equal 
 and exact justice to all men, no class legislation, no caste, 
 no cant, no pretense, no hypocrisy, no sumptuary and oppres- 
 sive laws. 
 
 DEMOCRACY WILL NEVER DIE. 
 
 "I have.no fears for Democracy. The Democratic party 
 will never die until the pillars of the Republic totter and 
 crumble and liberty is no more. Its future is is secure as its 
 past is glorious and its ultimate Success la the struggle for 
 equal rights to all will 1>c the crowning triumph of the prog- 
 »f the race and the brightest page is the annals of human 
 destiny. It will live to voice the aspirations of liberty and to 
 perpetuate the freedom of the fathers; it will live to remedy 
 every political evil, to expose every economic heresy; and 
 Atroy every governmental abuse; it will live to push 
 onward the forces of reform and to lift, humanity to a higher 
 plena in the march of civilization; it will live to champion 
 the cause that lacks assistance and to stem the tide that 
 resistance; It will live to battle for the weak against 
 rang and for the right against the wrong; it will live to 
 stop the predatory few from exploiting the protesting many. 
 and doing it all under the cloak of law; it will live to defend 
 the Constitution and to commend the Declaration of inde- 
 pendence; it will live to fight for the glory of the flag and to 
 vindicate the rights of man; it will live to keep alive tue 
 memory of Jefferson and of Lincoln, the greatest apostles ot 
 freedom in all our marvelous history; it will live because it 
 has a mission — a mission that can never die, the true mis- 
 sion of Democracy to make mankind brothers and all the 
 world free." 
 
 ft 
 
GETTYSBURG CELEBRATION 
 JULY 3, 1913. 
 
 Mr. Sulzer said : 
 
 ' ' My Friends : We meet on the far-famed field of 
 Gettysburg; dedicated to the freedom of man; conse- 
 crated to the perpetuity of a reunited Country; and 
 memorable forever in the illustrious pages of our 
 glorious history. 
 
 " No pen, no tongue, no brush, can ever picture or 
 describe the scenes enacted on this field. 
 
 " Gettysburg is fame's eternal camping ground — an 
 inspiration and a shrine — the epic poem of the Union 
 — sacred to the heroic men, living and dead, whose 
 struggle here made Gettysburg immortal, and hallowed 
 this ground for all the centuries yet to come. 
 
 "All honor and all glory to the men, from upland 
 and from lowland, that met here to do or die for 
 Country. Their fame is secure. Their memory will 
 endure. Their deeds shall never be forgotten. 
 
 ' ' Fifty years ago, Great Captains, with their men in 
 blue and gray — the bravest of the brave,, from North 
 and South, that ever faced a foe — struggled here and 
 there across this plain, amid the roar of cannon, for 
 three long weary days, in the mightiest contest that 
 ever shook our land; and in that clash of steel, and by 
 the trial of battle, it was decided, then and here, that 
 all men must be free, and that the Eepublic of the 
 Fathers shall not perish from the earth. 
 
 " Half a century has come and gone since that ter- 
 rific conflict, but the intervening years have only added 
 greater splendor to the sacrifice sublime, and a grander 
 glory to the victory triumphant. 
 
 ' ' History tells us truly that on this field was fought 
 the decisive battle of the War between the States ; that 
 it was here the flood tide of the fate of Union — of all 
 that we are, and all that we hope to be — turned toward 
 Old Glory; that it was here the triumph of the Stars 
 and Stripes, over the Stars and Bars, saved from dis- 
 solution the greatest Eepublic the sun of noon has ever 
 seen; and that the valor, and the heroism, and the 
 
Trade With Central America — Guatemala. 
 
 SPEECH 
 
 OF 
 
 HON. WILLIAM SULZER, 
 
 of new york, 
 
 In the House of Representatives, 
 
 Friday, July. 9, 1909, 
 
 On the following resolution : 
 
 "Resolved, That the House of Representatives take from the Speak- 
 er's table and nonconcur in gross in the Senate amendments to House 
 bill No. 1438, entitled ' An act to provide revenue, equalize duties, and 
 encourage the industries of the United States, and for other purposes,' 
 and agree to the conference asked for by the Senate on the disagree- 
 ing votes of the two Houses ; and that a committee of conference be 
 appointed forthwith ; and said committee shall have authority to join 
 with the Senate committee in renumbering the paragraphs and sec- 
 tions of said bill when finally agreed upon." 
 
 Mr. SULZER said: 
 
 OUR SISTER REPUBLICS IN CENTRAL AMERICA. 
 
 Mr. Speaker: At this time, and before the pending tariff bill 
 is finally enacted into law, I desire to reiterate the hope so 
 often expressed by me in Congress and out of Congress that 
 something be done — that some provision be written in this 
 legislation — to bring about closer political ties, broader mar- 
 kets, and freer commercial relations with our progressive 
 sister republics in Central America. 
 
 A GREAT FIELD. 
 
 Here is a great field — a splendid opportunity — it seems to me 
 for our industrial expansion and for our commercial extension ; 
 and now is the time, in my opinion, for the representatives in Con- 
 gress of the people of the United States to exercise a little politi- 
 cal' sagacity and exhibit a grain of good business foresight in the 
 enactment of this tariff legislation that will mean much commer- 
 cially as the years come and go to our producers, to our mer- 
 chants, to our manufacturers, and to all the people of our country. 
 
 THE PEOPLE OF CENTRAL AMERICA (Tit FRIENDS. 
 
 And yet, sir, I regret to say, as I have frequently said before, 
 that not a line has thus far been written, by either the House 
 or the Senate, in the pending legislation, looking to closer politi- 
 cal ties and to the expansion of our trade and commerce with 
 these friendly and neighborly countries. Not a thing has been 
 done for its accomplishment, and I am frank to say it is a great 
 political blunder and a greater commercial mistake. As 1 view 
 the situation we either attempt on the one hand to go too Ear 
 afield seeking trade at great expense in far distant lands, or 
 we display on the other hand a sad lack of knowledge of twist- 
 ing conditions at home by denying trade at our doors — that is as 
 1753—8512 
 
detrimental to our besl Interests as it is deplorable In our states- 
 manship. The people of Central America are our real friends, 
 and they should be our best customers; and they would be our 
 lies) customers If we only had the commercial sense and the 
 political wisdom to deal with them fairly and justly and recip- 
 rocally along lines mutually advantageous. 
 
 a m.i:a rot n:i:r.u mai:ki:i s. 
 
 Eence, sir. I repeal that I indulge a last lingering hope thai 
 ere the pending tariff l » I J l becomes a Jaw a paragraph will be 
 written in its provisions for freer markets and closer com- 
 mercial relations with these progressive countries based on the 
 
 equitable principles of closer political ties anil truer reciprocal 
 relations. AS 1 have said before, J do not care bow it is done; 
 I have no vanity in the matter; I am wedded to no partisan 
 policy; but I want to see it accomplished at the earliest possible 
 day for the benefit of our own people and in the interest of all 
 the people in Central America. I know it can easily be done, 
 and if it is not done now we are simply blind to our own indus- 
 trial welfare and to our own commercial opportunities. 
 wax aim: \vk blind to oitoutcxity ': 
 Sir, the statistics conclusively show that tins Central Ameri- 
 can trade at our very doors is growing more Important and be- 
 coming more valuable every year. Why should we longer ig- 
 nore it'.- European countries are doing their best to secure it, 
 and the facts prove that they are getting the most of it at the 
 present time, very much to our detriment and to onr disad- 
 vantage. Why will OUT people always be blind commercially to 
 their own best interests and to their own greatest opportunities? 
 Why spend millions of dollars annually Seeking trade in the 
 Orient when the commerce of all Central America — richer than 
 the Indies — is knocking at our door? Let us obliterate the ob- 
 stacles in the way, tear down the barriers sellish interests have 
 erected, and open wide the doors to welcome this commerce eie 
 it is too late and the golden opportunity he lost forever. 
 
 NOW IS TIIH ACCKLTKD TIME. 
 
 Now is the accepted time. These Central American countries 
 are anxiously awaiting the outcome of our deliberations. They 
 long l'"i- some evidence of our political friendship and our com- 
 mercial Sincerity. They want to trade with us. They will meet 
 us more i han halfway. They will study every line of this 
 tariff bill when it becomes a law to see if it welcomes or aban- 
 dons their hopes. Shall we disappoint their most sanguine 
 expectations? Shall we Ignore this most valuable trade, these 
 great commercial opportunities, and give these splendid markets 
 wholly and entirely to Germany and to England? 1 trust not: 
 and so I say again I hope ere we adjourn and the pending tariff 
 bill becomes a law. there will be written in it a just and fair 
 
 provision for open markets, freer trade, and unrestricted com- 
 merce between the Dnited Slates ami all our sister republics ill 
 Central America. 
 
 GUATEMALA A WnXPEHLAXD. 
 
 Mr. Speaker, let me say that among the i.-ir-_'. st Importers 
 
 and exporters from and to the Tinted Slates in Central America 
 
 is Guatemala— one of the richest and most progressive repub- 
 lics in Latin America, and a Republic extremely friendly to 
 
 17.".:;— s.-,il- 
 
this Republic. Guatemala is a wonderland — a place of ideals 
 and a country of contrasts. I have recently been there, and I 
 know whereof I speak, and I say without fear of successful 
 contradiction that Guatemala is now, and always has been, 
 the loyal and consistent friend of the United States. Her nat- 
 ural resources are rich beyond the dreams of avarice, and as yet 
 they have barely been scratched. The people of Guatemala 
 want our trade, and we want their trade. They look to us for 
 aid, and we should extend to them a helping hand in their 
 onward march to greater industrial development. 
 
 PRESIDENT ESTRADA CABRERA. 
 
 Under the wise, farseeing, patriotic, and progressive adminis- 
 tration of President Manuel Estrada Cabrera, Guatemala is 
 rapidly developing her wonderful resources, and instead of clos- 
 ing our doors to her valuable products by restrictive tariff 
 taxes, in my opinion we should open them wider to her grow- 
 ing trade and do all in our power to facilitate closer bonds of 
 friendship and better commercial relations with the Republic 
 of Guatemala — the most enterprising land in all Central Amer- 
 ica. "We want her products. She wants our products. I am 
 now, and always have been, a friend of Guatemala. I know 
 her people. They are among the most generous and the most 
 hospitable people in all the world; and I am willing to go as 
 far as any man, in Congress or out of Congress, to wipe out 
 tariff barriers in order to secure a fairer exchange of products 
 between the United States and this glorious little Republic of 
 Central America. 
 
 EESTORE OUR MERCHANT MARINE. 
 
 Then, too, sir, in connection with the expansion of our trade 
 and commerce with the countries in Central America we should 
 provide for adequate steamship service by discriminating ton- 
 nage taxes in favor of American-built sbips carrying the 
 American flag and manned by American sailors. This policy 
 will go far to restore our merchant marine and give us a share 
 of the deep-sea carrying trade of the western world. Next to 
 securing the trade is the ability to transport it, and we should 
 transport all this commerce in our own ships in order to build 
 up our own merchant marine; and we can easily accomplish 
 it, as I have frequently pointed out, by a graduated system of 
 tonnage taxes in favor of American-built ships and against 
 foreign-built ships. This was the policy of the early states- 
 men of our country, and it will not take a dollar out of the 
 Treasury or a penny out of tho pockets of our taxpayers. We 
 must construct our own ships to get this trade; we must build 
 our own merchant marine to command this commerce. The 
 trade of Central America must be ours; it will be ours if this 
 Congress will now only do its duly and brush away the cob- 
 webs of the past and break down the barriers which now impede 
 its consummation. Enlightened public opinion favors this move- 
 ment, and I will go as far as any man in Congress to bring it 
 about. 
 
 TIIK WORK OV JOHN BARRETT. 
 
 sir. it is only just ami proper for me to say at this time what 
 1 have said before on several occasions that Hie good work that 
 is being done and has been done along these lines by the Hon. 
 
 John Barrett, the very able and efficient and experienced i»i- 
 175:; 8512 
 
rector of the Bureau of the American Republics is to be most sin- 
 cerely commended. He is the right man In the right place. 
 His indefatigable labors are beginning to bear fruit, but I am 
 Borry t<> Bay that hla earnest efforts are very little appreciated 
 ;i i home, though very generously applauded by the far-seeing 
 statesmen of our sister republics. 
 
 THBIB BOCCBSS OUB SUCCESS. 
 
 Mr. speaker, the people of these central American countries 
 
 are the true friends of the United States; they look to US for 
 protection and sisterly sympathy; they need OUT help in their 
 industrial progress; they desire our aid in the marketing of 
 their products; they want our financial assistance in the develop- 
 ment of their great natural resources; and their resources and 
 their products are greater and richer than those of countries far 
 away across the Atlantic and Pacific oceans. We should aid 
 them ill their struggle for better conditions; we should extend 
 to them a helping hand in their onward march of progress: we 
 should glory in their prosperity. Their success is our success. 
 They are rapidly forging to the front; their exports and im- 
 ports are increasing annually; their trade is becoming more 
 and more important; their commerce more and more .valuable ; 
 and instead of closing our doors by prohibitive tariff taxes 
 against these countries and their products, in my opinion we 
 should open them wider and do everything in our power to 
 hasten closer political ties and facilitate freer trade and com- 
 mercial relations. 
 
 WITE OCT TARIFF BARRIERS. 
 
 We want their products and they want our products, and all 
 tariff barriers erected to prevent a fairer and more reciprocal 
 exchange of goods, wares, and merchandise between us and these 
 countries should, in so far as possible, be wiped out and elimi- 
 nated. It will be for the best interest of the people of our own 
 country, to the lasting benefit of the people of these Central 
 American countries, and for the mutual advantage of each and 
 all — binding us together in closer political ties of friendship and 
 making for the peace and the prosperity and the industrial 
 progress of the times. 
 1753— Soil! 
 
 O 
 
GOVERNOR SULZER'S 
 MESSAGE ON STOCK EXCHANGES 
 
 STATE OF NEW YOEK 
 
 Executive Chambee 
 
 Albany, January 27, 1913. 
 To the Legislature: 
 
 A matter concerning the general welfare of onr State, to which 
 I desire to call the attention of your honorable bodies, is the sub- 
 ject of remedial legislation regarding stock exchanges. 
 
 These stock exchanges, as is well known, are places where the 
 purchase and sale of stocks, bonds and other securities, as distin- 
 guished from commodities, are carried on and transacted. 
 
 Illegitimate stock speculations result from improper, unneces- 
 sary, and fraudulent manipulations through matched orders, wash 
 sales, pooling agreements, etc., which are no more nor less than 
 fictitious transactions, and affect the public by assuming to create 
 values where none exist, or values not according to the intrinsic 
 worth of the securities. 
 
 The people have a vital interest in seeing to it that transactions 
 upon stock exchanges are conducted honestly, and with due regard 
 to the protection of the investing public. These transactions in- 
 volve such great amounts, affect such a large number of the in- 
 vesting public, and are so bound up with the success of our busi- 
 ness enterprises, that the subject is one requiring careful' con- 
 sideration by the members of the Legislature of the greatest com- 
 mercial State in the Union. 
 
 Complaints of flagrant abuses led Governor Hughes, in De- 
 cember, 1908, to refer the subject for investigation to an unofficial 
 committee of eminent citizens of conspicuous ability, who sub- 
 mitted a comprehensive report thereon the following June. 
 
2 
 
 In dealing with bhe sub j eel this committee recognized the fad 
 thai these stock exchanges are the rnoel important markets in 
 the world; thai their influence upon the welfare of the people of 
 the I oited States cannot be overestimated; because they are the 
 places where prices are made, and a ready market provided, for 
 the billions of dollars of corporate securities, constituting the 
 investments of perhaps a million individuals, and thousands of 
 hanks, savings institutions, and insurance companies. 
 
 The report shows that the committee was convinced that seri- 
 ous abuses existed. It declared thai a substantial part of the 
 transactions in these stock exchanges were virtually gambling 
 operations; and the statements were conclusive that often prices 
 of securities were grossly manipulated by speculators, causing- 
 material losses to the public and moral detriment to the people. 
 
 While most conservative in its recommendations, this commit- 
 tee, of distinguished citizens, did not hesitate to condemn these 
 evils specifically, and to admonish the governors of the ex- 
 changes to take the necessary corrective measures, which with 
 their experience and the plenary powers conferred upon them 
 by their rules and constitution, they could devise more effec- 
 tively, without injury to legitimate business, than any other 
 body of men ; pointing out that unless they did so the State would 
 be compelled to intervene. 
 
 These stock exchanges are an inevitable necessity. They can- 
 not be destroyed without doing irreparable injury to business. 
 When properly conducted they constitute an efficient agency for 
 promoting industrial and commercial prosperity. As at present 
 constituted, however, they are beyond the regulative powers of 
 any administrative department of the State. 
 
 That evils requiring immediate remedy exist is beyond dispute. 
 These evils are easily discovered and readily stated, but the reme- 
 dies to be applied require deliberate consideration and the most 
 delicate adjustment to meet the situation, so as to benefit the 
 public at large, and at the same time not disturb economic and 
 indusl rial conditions. 
 
 Recently a committee of the House of Representatives has taken 
 cognizance of the conditions, as matters which concerned the 
 whole country, and has placed on record the testimony of some 
 of the governors of the exchanges, and of other persons, which 
 leaves no doubt in the minds of men of judgment that the ex- 
 
changes have been either incapable, or unwilling, to devise meas- 
 ures that will effectively eradicate the evils. 
 
 In view of these circumstances it is now the obvious duty of 
 the State, it seems to me, to devise the remedies. If the State 
 neglects to do its plain duty, the State should find no fault if the 
 Federal government acts in the premises. 
 
 A critical examination of the testimony adduced in, the congres- 
 sional investigation shows that the grossest of the evils — manipu- 
 lations of prices of securities, by means of which the public is 
 deceived and mulcted — are not only possible under the present 
 regulations of these exchanges, but that they actually occur. 
 
 It is demonstrated that the members ,of the exchanges are 
 aware of these occurrences, but ignore them; manifesting a sur- 
 prising indifference to the public interest; and to the reputation 
 of the exchanges which is often besmirched by these vicious 
 operations. 
 
 It is now conceded by some of the officials that a gambling taint 
 is present in some of the transactions — a concession that confirms 
 the general opinion. 
 
 It has been established as a fact by the testimony, that trans- 
 actions in their nature essentially fictitious, which make manipu- 
 lations possible, are carried on without serious attempts at re- 
 straint, on the pretense that they are in form in compliance with 
 the regulations. 
 
 Abuses of the mechanisms, and violations of just and equitable 
 principles of trading, are treated leniently instead of being vigor- 
 ously condemned and followed by condign punishment. 
 
 The testimony further shows that in cases where members have 
 been punished for extreme violations of the rules, it also indicates 
 quite clearly that there are habitual evasions, undisclosed because 
 not investigated. 
 
 Many of the evil practices are not disclosed until the books of 
 members who fail are examined ; but this has not led the governors 
 to exercise their power of examination prior to failures. 
 
 The men who have been entrusted with the power to regulate 
 the operations of these exchanges have sometimes displayed in- 
 excusable laxity in their duties to the public, frequently surpris- 
 ing incapacity to conduct the institutions properly, and again an 
 unwillingness to enforce the just and equitable principles of trade 
 which they profess. Since they have failed or refused to exercise 
 
the power to prevenl such clearly vicious abuses, the authority of 
 the State must be invoked to exercise thai power. 
 
 Certain of the methods of business and of the operations 
 ducted upon these exchanges have been the Bubjecl of many com- 
 plaints and grave criticisms. Some of those methods and practices 
 meril the severesl condemnation and others do not appear, upon 
 careful examination of the facts, to be well founded. 
 
 As a matter of fact It seems to me the necessary machinery of 
 these exchanges is often employed with impunity by or through 
 members to commit depredations upon the public. 
 
 These things must be stopped. An enlightened public opinion 
 demands it. An exchange in which they occur ceases to be a 
 legitimate market, and becomes a powerful mulcting instrument. 
 
 Suffice it for me now to call to your attention certain sugges- 
 tions that have been made looking toward immediate remedial 
 legislation, and to submit for your consideration other subjects 
 with a view to essential legislative acts. 
 
 Manipulation. 
 
 Of the many subjects of complaint none exceeds in importance 
 the grievances that arise from the subject, of so-called stock manip- 
 ulation. This manipulation is one of the matters about which 
 there lias been much public discussion. It may not be easy to 
 define manipulation or to lay down rules that will clearly dis- 
 tinguish between justifiable and unjustifiable transactions in 
 securities. The bringing of a stock into notice so that it may 
 be a marketable security at its real value resulting from sales and 
 purchases is not open to valid criticism. 
 
 What is a subject of just criticism, however, is a concerted 
 movemenl artificially to raise, or depress, the price of a stock in 
 order to enable those participating in the movement to realize a 
 resulting speculative profit. Such movements in the main Beem 
 to be produced by a combination of men uniting together for the 
 purpose of raising, or depressing, the price of a security in which 
 they have decided to institute a movement. 
 
 A law Bhould be promptly enacted that will clearly distinguish 
 proper transactions of purchase and sale, on the one hand, from 
 those mi (he other hand that are the result of combinations de- 
 signed to mise artificially, ot to depress, the price of securities 
 
without regard to their true value, or to the veal state of legitimate 
 demand and supply. 
 
 The Power of the State. 
 
 The power of the' State to enact remedial legislation to cure 
 existing evils in such business, and place it under the regulative 
 administration of one or more of its departments is undoubted. 
 This authority of the State is embraced within the State's 
 sovereign power, called the " police power." 
 
 An able characterization of the police power of a State was 
 made by Mr. Justice Harlan in the well known case of House v. 
 Mayes, 219 F. S. 270, at 282, where he states: 
 
 " That the government created by the Federal Constitu- 
 tion is one of enumerated powers, and cannot, by any of 
 its agencies, exercise an authority not granted by that in- 
 strument, either in express words or by necessary implica- 
 tion; that a power may be implied when necessary to give 
 effect to a power expressly granted ; that while the Con- 
 stitution of the United States and the laws enacted in pur- 
 suance thereof, together with any treaties made under the 
 authority of the United States, constitutes the Supreme 
 Law of the land, a State of the Union may exercise all such 
 governmental authority as is consistent with its own consti- 
 tution, and not in conflict with the Federal Constitution; 
 that such a power in the State, generally referred to as 
 its police power, is not granted by or derived from the 
 Federal Constitution but exists independent of it, by 
 reason of its never having been surrendered by the State to 
 the General Government ; that among the powers of the 
 State, not surrendered — which power therefore remains 
 with the State — is the power to so regulate the relative 
 rights and duties of all within its jurisdiction so as to guard 
 the public morals, the public safely and the public health, 
 as well as to promote the public convenience and the com- 
 mon good ; and that it is with the State to devise the 
 means to be employed to such ends, taking care always that 
 the means devised do not go beyond the necessities of the 
 case, have some real or substantial relation to the objects 
 to be accomplished, and are not inconsistent with its own 
 constitution or the Constitution of the United States." 
 
G 
 
 In speaking of the police power, Mr. Justice Eolmes, in the 
 case of Noble State Bank v. Haskell, 219 l'. S. L04, al ill, 
 used the following language : 
 
 " It may be said in a general way thai the police power 
 extends to all the great public needs. (Canfield v. United 
 States, L67 I . S. 518.) It may be pul forth in aid of what 
 i- sanctioned by usage, or held by the prevailing morality 
 or stroiiii - and preponderant opinion to be greatly and im- 
 mediately necessary to the public welfare." 
 
 Concerted Movements to Deceive. 
 
 It is my judgment also thai where, by a combination or con- 
 certed movement, a body of men seek to give to a stock an appear- 
 ance of activity thai does not in fad belong to it, for example, 
 by selling backward and forward among themselves blocks of a 
 particular stuck, or by selling it oul through one broker and at the 
 -ami' time buying it back through another, there is danger thai 
 this operat ion may mislead or deceive outside investors, the practice 
 should be prohibited. 
 
 If operations of this elm racier do mislead or deceive, and do 
 induce outside investors to purchase stock under a false impression 
 as to the extent of the demand for it and the nature of the market 
 for it, a statute should be placed on the books forbidding such 
 operations. 
 
 So long as transactions are nor calculated or intended to mis- 
 load or deceive, and do no1 infringe upon the rights of others, 
 they should not be interfered with; but transactions that are 
 fraudulent in their nature and amount to fraudulent schemes or 
 devices, should be rigorously prohibited. 
 
 I urge upon you the prompt enactment of laws to end these 
 shifty schemes, and to forbid these clever combinations to catch 
 the unwary and to mislead the public 
 
 Short Sales. 
 
 The subject of so-called " short sales " is one requiring your 
 serious consideration. A contracl to sell property which a man 
 does not own at the time, but with which he can provide himself 
 in time for the performance of bis contract, is a general trans- 
 action throughout the various branches of business, and is not 
 limited or peculiar to stocks or securities sold on exchanges. It is 
 
a subject which has been very much discussed by writers on 
 financial topics, and one that has also been the subject-matter of 
 legislation in this and other countries. As with other business 
 transactions, it may be perverted so as to work an injury to the 
 public. The best views seem to be that short-selling in and of 
 itself is not a wrongful or reprehensible thing, but it is the abuse 
 of this practice that works injury to the public. 
 
 Your efforts in the enactment of legislation should, therefore, 
 be to draw that distinction so that what will be condemned is the 
 perversion of a legitimate form of business to improper ends. 
 Combinations of men through short-selling to depress a stock arti- 
 ficially for the purpose of buying it in to complete their short 
 sales at an unwarrantedly low price, and thereby realize a profit 
 which is not the result of natural prices, but of a condition 
 fictitiously created by themselves, is the feature of the matter 
 which is to be condemned. 
 
 Hypothecation of Securities. 
 
 The relation of a broker to his customer is one that is gov- 
 erned by the general law of the land, and is the same whether 
 transactions on stock exchanges are involved or not. Their re- 
 spective rights in securities which are bought or sold for the cus- 
 tomer, the extent to which securities that have been bought for the 
 customer partly on credit may be pledged by the broker for the 
 security of the amount owing on them, and, generally, the recipro- 
 cal rights and obligations of the broker and his principal, are mat- 
 ters which have been much considered by the courts and respecting 
 which rules of law have been and are constantly being formulated. 
 
 But it has been the subject of just complaint that in the case 
 of failures customers of the failing brokers have lost in whole or 
 in part securities which had been purchased for them. Such 
 losses result from a violation of the law governing the relations of 
 broker and principal. This entire subject should receive imme- 
 diate consideration at your hands, and all necessary modification 
 of existing law for the protection of the investing public should be 
 promptly made and all acts productive of such losses which are 
 now merely a matter of civil liability, should be brought under 
 the condemnation of the penal law. 
 
Trading Against Customehs' Orders. 
 
 Legislation should be devised which will require of brokers 
 the execution of orders given them so that, whether purchases 
 or sales, they shall be purchases from or sales to independent 
 
 persons, and so thai in no case shall a broker employed to buy 
 for his customer be the seller on his own account, or as broker 
 of some other principal of his own without disclosure of the 
 fact. If there are eases in which, because of the peculiarity of 
 the stock and the dealings in it, a purchase cannot be made ex- 
 cepting through acquiring the stock of another principal of the 
 broker, those exceptional cases should be defined with precision. 
 
 It has been charged that there has been a practice on the part 
 of some brokers of selling for their own account the same stocks 
 that they have been ordered to buy for their customers contem- 
 poraneously with the execution of the orders on behalf of their 
 customers. Such transactions, of course, amount to a virtual 
 bucketing by brokers of the orders of their customers. They 
 come within the same principles that lead to the condemnation 
 of bucket shops. They are obviously unjustifiable, and should 
 be stringently forbidden by a (dear and explicit statute on the 
 subject. 
 
 Prohibiting Brokers from Doing Business Afteb Theib 
 k x o w x i x sol v e x c y. 
 
 One of the most widespread causes of complaint, and one of 
 the most morally reprehensible practices, consists in a broker 
 doing business after he ha- become actually insolvent, or knows 
 or has reason to believe himself to be insolvent. Cases of great 
 hardship upon the innocent investing public are due chiefly to 
 the tact that the broker has received his customer's money when 
 he knew he was insolvent. Banks are forbidden by law to receive 
 deposits after their known insolvency. Brokers should be sub- 
 jected to a like restriction. 
 
 I. therefore, recommend an amendment to the law. with appro- 
 priate penalties for its violation, forbidding a broker to receive 
 securities, or cash, from his customers, excepting in liquidation of, 
 or as security for, an existing account; or to make fresh pur- 
 chases or sales for his own account, after he has become insolvent. 
 The law should also contain a clear definition of insolvency within 
 the meaning of the act. either analogous to the insolvency pro- 
 
visions of the National Bankruptcy Act, or otherwise clearly de- 
 fining such insolvency. 
 
 More Stringent Penal Provisions Affecting Bucket Shops. 
 
 Under the law of New York as it is at present it is necessary 
 to establish that both parties to an ostensible trade in securities 
 intended that it should be settled by the mere payment of differ- 
 ences and not by the actual delivery of property. It follows from 
 this state of the law that the keeper of a bucket shop may escape 
 the penalties now imposed by the law merely by proving that his 
 customer was an innocent victim and not a consenting party to 
 the illegal transaction. I believe the Penal Code should be 
 amended so that it shall be necessary only to show that the 
 bucket shop keeper intended that there should be no actual 
 delivery of property. 
 
 False Statements. 
 
 One of the most widespread of public grievances in connection 
 with the purchase of stocks arises from false or fraudulent pros- 
 pectuses, statements, or advertisements regarding corporate se- 
 curities. Under our law as it now exists it is difficult to bring 
 to justice persons who, by means of false and fraudulent state- 
 ments, advertisements and promises, deceive and wrong the in- 
 vesting public. These deceiving practices have been attacked, 
 under the Federal laws, forbidding the use of the mails for fraud- 
 ulent purposes. 
 
 I recommend amending the law of this State so as to make it a 
 criminal offense to issue any statement, or publish any advertise- 
 ment, as to the value of any stock, or other security, or as to the 
 financial condition of any corporation, or company, issuing or 
 about to issue stock or securities, where any promise or predic- 
 tion contained in such statement, or advertisement, is known to 
 be false or to be not fairly justified by existing conditions. 
 
 Usury. 
 The repealing of the exemption contained in the law of New 
 York regarding interest upon call loans of $5,000 or over, secured 
 by collateral, has been the subject of much discussion. It has 
 been charged that (his exemption in the law regarding the rate of 
 interest had facilitated over-speculation and stock gambling opera- 
 tions. 
 
10 
 
 But whether persona who borrow, or need to borrow, sums of 
 money in amounts over $5,000, Becured by collateral, for the pur- 
 pose of speculation or otherwise, should be forbidden to pay more 
 than six per cent interest on their call Loans, thus secured, is a 
 serious question which I commend to your careful consideration, 
 and. after all the facts have been presented to you and the subject 
 fully considered, should be deall with by such remedial legislation 
 as shall be deemed wise and in the best interests of the public 
 welfare. 
 
 Relations Between Exchanges. 
 
 Complainl has been made that the restrictions placed by certain 
 exchanges on the right of their members to act for the members of 
 other exchanges, or to belong to such exchanges, result in unfair 
 discrimination and injustice. 
 
 The existing rules and practices in this regard should be care- 
 fully considered, and if these rules, in fact, or in their actual oper- 
 ation, result in injustice, or in the curtailment of honest business, 
 or in harm to the general investing public, then I recommend such 
 remedial legislation as the facts require. 
 
 Incorporation of Exchanges. 
 
 It, has been urged that the law be amended so as to require the 
 incorporation of these stock exchanges, to the end that the au- 
 thority of the Stale over the transactions upon these exchanges 
 and the acts of their governing bodies may be directly invoked. 
 On the other hand, it has been argued with great cogency that the 
 power of discipline possessed by the governing bodies of these 
 exchanges over the conduct of their members, which can now be 
 exercised in a summary manner, would be curtailed and frustrated 
 by delays and technical obstacles which would greatly impair 
 their just disciplinary powers, and lead to a lowering of their 
 standards of business morality, to the ultimate detriment of the 
 investing public. Whether, if appropriate legislation shall be 
 framed and enacted into law dealing with the specific subjects 
 above enumerated, the public will be adequately protected without 
 the incorporation of these exchanges, is a question which I sub- 
 mit for your serious consideration. 
 
 Some of these reasons were clearly stated in the report of the 
 Hughes' Committee, but no definite action was taken, and no 
 effective legislation was suggested, the Committee stating sub- 
 stantially : 
 
11 
 
 " This Committee in refraining from advising the incor- 
 poration of exchanges does so in the expectation that they 
 will in the future take full advantage of the powers con- 
 ferred by voluntary organization, and will be active in pre- 
 venting wrongdoing, such as has occurred in the past. Then 
 we believe there will be no serious criticism of the fact that 
 they are not incorporated." 
 
 The members of these exchanges must realize that many of the 
 customs and rules now controlling them are antiquated and un- 
 fitted for present-day purposes, and they should be desirous, 
 in their own interest, of expeditiously adopting corrective 
 measures that, when put into operation, will place the exchanges in 
 harmony with the progressive spirit of the times. Every stock 
 transaction should be above board. Corporations whose securities 
 are bought and sold on these exchanges should be compelled to 
 make regular audited reports. Publicity should be the watchword. 
 The trouble with the exchanges so far as the investing public is 
 concerned, is lack of confidence. It can only be restored by doing 
 business straight and on the square and in the open. 
 
 Let us go slow and not act hastily. Ill-considered legislation in 
 regard to the purchase <and sale of stocks and bonds might result 
 in serious harm to the financial supremacy of the State, have a 
 tendency to drive capital away from New York, and might dis- 
 organize the large operations of legitimate business now centered 
 in this State, to the detriment of its citizens and the commonwealth 
 generally. 
 
 Great care should be taken, therefore, in the consideration and 
 enactment of just laws which, if wisely drawn, will protect the 
 investing public, promote publicity, safeguard the rights of the 
 people, restore confidence, and facilitate our business prosperity, 
 but which, if inconsiderately enacted, may result in a serious dis- 
 organization of general business. 
 
 WM. SULZER. 
 
MM no* „ S93o | *i.„ bf 
 
 UI04J it, : . KniuI11 J 
 
 °44 0» a piB Jai00i 
 
 R 
 
 a of all. If I am the 
 but you may be the 
 lzer. 
 
 ut the prison and the road grafters. 
 
 removed. It tells graphically the 
 ved the Governor. 
 
 ■ clean politics and good government. 
 I how he fought corruption in high 
 :r twenty-five years for the people. 
 
 the "Tammany Machine" and ex- 
 "Boss" Tweed, 
 ely printed on English-finish paper, 
 
 dollar to The National Prohibition 
 
 The book will give you a fund of 
 
 IE NATIONAL PROHIBITION 
 
 copy of this great book. You will 
 !ch to carry on our fight against this 
 
 aluable History of the 
 
 $1.00 
 
 r LEAGUE 
 aper ought 
 ire doing a 
 Someone 
 e in prohi- 
 ;nd to Un- 
 re, making 
 ier payable 
 )HIBITION 
 : thousands 
 : into your 
 some funds 
 te, help us 
 8 yours as 
 me thing. 
 
 iston Tran- 
 ition in the 
 bition issue 
 e than the 
 n policies." 
 
 THE STAR OF HOPE ought to go into the 
 homes of a million peop'e every month. Tens 
 of thousands are receiving this issue. Let us 
 send it to hundreds of thousands next month. 
 Send us five dollars and we will mail out o 'e 
 thousand < opies of this parer to that m«ny 
 different names. Think of it; five dollars 
 reaching «" audience of one thousand peop'e 
 with a little paper like this full from first 
 column to the last of the best and most heart- 
 ening news and convincing arguments it is 
 poisib'o to crowd into its pages. Be a booster 
 and help. 
 
 The Republican State Convention of Kansas 
 has just declared for National Prohibition. 
 Wnile we have seen no reference, editorially 
 or otherwise, to the event in any prominent 
 Republican newspaper outside the confines of 
 the Sun Flower State, this may or may not 
 indicate a -ertain laik of consuming interest 
 in the development from the National Rrjjub- 
 lic«Ja point of view. 
 
 mating 
 raising 
 300.000 
 formed 
 ste the 
 •e this 
 'on be 
 
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 «}h the 
 
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Nineteen states have state-wide pro- 
 hibition and more than half of the 
 population is under seme sort of pro- 
 hibition law, yet the per capita con- 
 sumption of liquor is on the increase— 
 except during the last year which was 
 a year of panic. That is your non- 
 partisan prohibition; that is the re- 
 sult when you vote prohibition on the 
 people and then place in power politic- 
 al parties unfriendly to the measure. 
 Vote prohibition all you wish but also 
 ry along with it political parties 
 > in favor of enforcing the law. 
 
 that ; 
 
 Constitutional prohibition is non-ef- 
 fective until the legislature or con- 
 gress meet and pass laws lor its en- 
 forcement. Write all the constitution- 
 al amendments you wish and but little 
 good will be accomplished if political 
 parties unfriendly to the law are 
 placed in power to enforce the law. 
 You need not neglect the one but you 
 should no! fail to do the other— put 
 in power a prohibition party. 
 
 A few more years of hard fighting 
 and the last trench occupied by John 
 Barleycorn will be taken. His first, 
 line, the political parties, is being 
 shattered already. Get in the fight. 
 
 The political party that refuses to 
 declare for prohibition this year i 
 political party unfit for any decent 
 man or woman to give it his or her 
 vote. 
 
 Thousands will receive a copy of 
 this little paper. We want you to 
 read it and ten show it to some other 
 person and ask him to read it. Also 
 send us a bunch of subscribers. 
 
 An interesting bit of testimony 
 comes from the section of Minnesota 
 which recently became dry through 
 what might be called an automatic 
 application of prohibition to a region 
 where no election was held to settle 
 
 Ulo question, namely, the enroTSSfflBSIt 
 of an old Indian treaty. Because of 
 thiB action there Is not now an open 
 saloon In Itasca county, and as 
 result a marvelous reformation has 
 taken place. One year ago ssventy 
 nine tons of beer were shipped In, 
 This year there was no beer, but the 
 books show that seventy-nine tons 
 more of groceries were consumed at 
 this point than during the 
 ing month of last year. The Minne- 
 apolis Journal says that the records 
 of the mining companies, which em- 
 ploy the large population of foreign- 
 ers, show fewer layoffs among the 
 men than ever before and the stores 
 report larger and more profitable busi- 
 ness from these employees, 
 
 Former Governor SuI/.t will make a whirl- 
 wind campaign from one end of the country 
 to the other. It will be a fight for blood and 
 to a finish. It will be one of the most 
 marknble and spectacular campaigns ever l 
 in this country. W« know what we are talk. 
 Ing about, William Sulzer ought to poll three 
 million ifot i. Thin will not be enough J« 
 
 elect htm, but it will e!uct Prohibition, by 
 giving It such an impetus that nothing run 
 sttip its triumph in 1920, 
 
 Send us one dolla: 
 advortl! A on last i 
 book will be worth 
 
 
 the great book 
 
 tliis 
 
 'II,. 
 
 t. you send THE 
 NATIONAL PROHIBITION LEAGUE a dol- 
 lar as a sift and we will semi you the book 
 as n gift. Do nythtng, seet 
 
 In a crib "somewhere in America" there 
 lies a ro*y-toed, crowing baby who will DC 
 Pr.si.knt ..f a United Stales in which the 
 saloon is n memory, the brewery a bad dream 
 that is over 
 
 A two-blHton dollar tire 1 Suppose we had 
 a very much 
 cheaper amusement to burn a '■ 
 lar city annually than to tolerate the llQOor 
 traffic. 
 
 -blue 
 
 prc». Bh 
 
 WMMMMMMMi I 
 
 HAMMMMMMMsVI 
 
 DON'T MISS THIS SPLcNDID OPPORTUNITY 
 
 BIGGEST BOOK BAR6AIN0F THE YEAR 
 
 For all who help support the National - 
 a special distribution of THE BOSS, or THE & t ,™° I ~i' ea f ue 
 
 about the greatest political conspiracy in the 1 
 
 are going to make 
 jOVERNOR— the book that tells the truth 
 
 stcry of America. 
 
 'ERNOR 
 THE GOV concern of all If ! am the 
 "An injustice to one is the knows, but you may be the 
 victim of injustice today, who ;Vm. Sulzer. 
 victim of injustice tomorrow." — ^ . 
 
 ells about the prison and the road grafters. 
 It tells all about Boss Murphy. It t er ^j removed. It tells graphically the 
 It tells the inside story of why Governor Suiz rs removed the Governor, 
 story of the farcical trial, and how the grafts fight for clean politics and good government. 
 It tells about Governor Sulzer's heroic lwSi an( j how he fought corruption in high 
 It tells how he fought for honest and just 1; f or over twenty-five years for the people, 
 places. It tells about his trials and triumphs mas hed the "Tammany Machine" and ex- 
 
 The book tells all about the man that s time of "Boss" Tweed, 
 posed the biggest bunch of grafters since the ia ndsomely printed on English-finish paper, 
 You can get this great 456-page book, h„g one dollar to The National Prohibition 
 with cartoons and illustrations, by contributii traffic. The book will give you a fund of 
 League. The dollar will help fight the liquor 
 
 important information. to THE NATIONAL PROHIBITION 
 
 Send one dollar as a contribution y OU a copy of this great book. You will 
 LEAGUE, Uniontown, Pa., and we will mail yjth w hich to carry on our fight against this 
 treasure it highly and we need the dollar \ 
 
 gigantic evil. A Valuable History of thejte^ f* f% 
 A Book You Want to Read/te 4 f\f\ Times— J>1. 
 
 —A Book You Will Keep— jp |,yy ' only ^fmww 
 
 all tho* wh-l owe on their subscription 
 THE NATIONAL PROHIBITION 
 
 CI B would immediately 
 
 could be done 
 
 S..-nd purl of it at lei 
 
 send in r 
 
 
 . 
 
 HIHITION LEAGUE 
 THE NATIONAL PR^-ad this paper ought 
 needs help. You who 'mis. We are doin« a 
 to help it. We need fufets money, 
 pre at work and it c© you believe i 
 must fool "he bills. Dojl Then send 
 bltlon, peace, pr osparlta ar or more, 
 lontown, Pa., one -l^i 
 jour check or poitoffV- ! 
 to THE NATION " k * to »" e ,l 
 
 LEAGUE, Would you r*r*r sent .r 
 of copies of this little- • end u » ,om 
 
 ■ 
 
 thoiunil aOPUH "f thi* p*r«-r to 
 different nam-s. Think of it ; 
 
 r.-—him' »■ 
 with a li't'. 
 
 ... UUI of the b«-»t and 
 
 county or st 
 with which 
 
 , of Kan*ai 
 Nation*! Prohibition 
 
 ,ves it. He 1« today 
 Ihe Prohibitionists and the Pro- 
 the country. He will be the 
 
 script to analyse the 
 
 , various stairs rcport> 
 , is interestinc U>e p 
 1 tariff or preparedno 
 
 hy the Boston Tran 
 
 ""The prohibition Is 
 
 le far more than the in the 
 
 * our foreign policies." t Uema p 
 
GOVERNOR SULZER THE MAN OF HE HOUR 
 
 (By W. M. LIKINS.) 
 "I have yet to meet a single person who 
 believes, or even pretends to believe, that a 
 single honest motive has animated the pro- 
 ceedings of your antagonists." — Letter from 
 Cofy Roosevelt to Governor Sulzer during the 
 trial uf the latter for impeachment before the 
 court of Murphy, Tammany's head. 
 
 "1 refused to listen to the pretenders and 
 to go forward with the work for decent citi- 
 zenship and honest government, come weal or 
 wot." — Letter of Governor Sulzer to Col. 
 Roosevelt during the impeachment trial be- 
 fore the oiirt of Murphy, Tammany's head. 
 
 The Prohibitionists of these United States 
 have greater responsibilities this year than 
 have ever yet been their lot to possess, for 
 one's responsibilities are generally measured 
 by one's power, or opportunity to get power. 
 In the past we who have been voting the 
 Prohibition ticket, most of ub for many yearB, 
 haven't had a thought of winning, that ia, 
 of electing our ticket. We have lived and 
 worked by faith, which 
 
 
 But 
 
 
 high n 
 ; alwayi 
 
 ight. The 
 
 In round numbers there is 
 million voting Prohibitionists 
 States. Not that many vote 1 
 year, but counting thosi who 
 tho election and those who 
 political parties once in awhile, 
 
 . k-att a quarter 
 
 By thus reckonii 
 
 forty-eight i 
 
 light llkewlsi 
 
 Clinton B. Fiske 
 and for whom 272,000 
 
 We Prohibitionists nt 
 theae facts, 
 proportion 
 
 ■d not be ashamed of 
 
 nt dwindling of our 
 
 need to do Is to 
 
 of which, with 
 
 opponeB. Hill, Demo< 
 
 In Mr. Bth District by 11.000, 
 " i Re- 
 
 . i iei 
 
 
 readerB 
 
 i Mr. Sulzi |B 
 uld forbid l'i 
 
 :u'i,i li- 
 
 ttle idea of the 
 ust have 
 
 from even mention- 
 B to the botU'rniL'iif 
 ini I'-diNC'ii while in 
 
 of 1914 Dr. Welech, fa- 
 
 an old-Mme Prohibitionist, was 
 
 York. Dr. Welsch withdraw f 
 ior the purpose ot" having Mr. 
 at the heaa of the Pronibiiioi 
 was already nominated by the j 
 
 and others 
 
 their ballots for 
 
 clea 
 
 Sulzer received 127,000 
 and Prohibition tickets 
 mpaign brought Mr. Su 
 th iviany prominent pa 
 He has always believed 
 
 settled 
 
 The fact is, Mr. Sulzer 
 hlbltioniBt and brought 
 
 all and sjiecial privileges 
 
 Mr. Su' which beci 
 
 the people ; the 
 
 Among these let us c 
 following: The elec 
 Senators hy a direct 
 
 resolution expressing aressing sympathy < 
 ban Patriots ; one exp^tles for freedom : 
 the Boers in their bator the Russian J' 
 expressing sympathy f and secured the 
 and he iilto introduceqongratulating the 
 BUge of the resolution iStablishing the Chi 
 pie of China in their e r 
 Republic. ' TO _„ nn tne m09t 
 
 portant committees of 
 man of the Naval Con 
 Committee on Foreign , 
 
 thehir 
 
 and the Houa 
 
 of departmental deci- 
 
 pT.qak o f avajl 
 the PronTbuionist; 
 Sheir presidential candidate, 
 :ept if nominated? Yes, 
 nan, and he will accept th 
 At the top of this column i 
 
 is" >l>o "liimiuir v 
 
 William S 
 tried by T. 
 being governor of 
 York, having been 
 
 Col. Roosevelt wrote to Hon 
 
 while the latter was being 
 
 ly for impeachment, he then 
 
 "a great state of New 
 
 cted by a plurality of 
 
 opponents. Mr. Roose- 
 
 believe M 
 ; he did beli 
 get rid of the 
 
 ■ 
 
 ganizatlon. 
 
 A Subservi 
 The LegUlatu; 
 
 lilty 
 that Tammany 
 
 foul-, 
 
 the Republic 
 In the eiejt 
 
 Legislature, 
 bowed before its god and 
 margin voted to impeach 
 st ot the Democrats voting 
 ient, while a large majority of 
 n members, and all tho Progres- 
 votcd against bis Impeachment. 
 n the next year when assembiy- 
 
 preBide over the 
 William Suize 
 New York state, 
 March IS, 1863. 
 family of sever 
 
 Lydia Sulzer, 
 
 me who had been chosen to 
 destinies of that great state. 
 
 ■, the forty-first governor of 
 was born at Elizabeth, N. J., 
 He is the second Bon of a 
 children, five boys and two 
 
 Btudent at Heidelberg University! 
 patriot army In 18-18, and fought t 
 
 prison, but i 
 
 i his < 
 
 He 
 
 country in 1851 
 
 He settled on a farm 
 
 his eon William helped his father until' "he 
 went to New York City to study law. 
 In 188-1 William Sulzer was admitted to the 
 opened a law office. 
 
 His practice been 
 
 apidly 
 
 
 lucrative and he 
 
 of 
 
 
 attorneys in the Metropolis of the Na- 
 came interested 
 the Fourteenth 
 
 In their deadly 
 
 Assembly fou 
 
 bee: 
 
 . and fathered i 
 conditions iren 
 
 law 
 
 this day. 
 
 Always Championed Reform 1 
 
 Among the measures he introduce 
 
 passed we mlgnt mention the foil 
 
 
 for 
 
 irkin 
 debt: 
 
 dy Vindicated, 
 in of Mr. Sulzer 
 ady spok • of that foul 
 
 details here, 
 
 ■ for i 
 
 Sulzi 
 
 rh liir 
 
 ; Tan 
 The fact 
 
 in-i-'i esentath 
 
 dijii ere sent back to tl 
 . tpi evidence to establii 
 nt wlient. I love Mr. Su 
 
 tho truth of this 4at 
 zer because he waair 
 whose motives are ah 
 
 himself to hold this a 
 more than one wour] 
 simply because his »; 
 
 charges thcm^.-lv.s 
 
 the unsupport- 
 him. Even the 
 ; trifles if they 
 applying cam- 
 It was far bet 
 
 pocket,? votes. 
 n to ha-every c 
 h to hu; Refer 
 
 arge Murphy 
 head of thi 
 
 Mr. Sulzer 
 sense of jusl 
 
 he chose rati 
 affluence of 
 promised hirr 
 
 gift from Tan- 
 sand dollars pe 
 
 But all these hi 
 
 Albany 
 whole si 
 
 1 could have r< 
 i| if he had chi 
 | obeying Murphy. But 
 
 Murphy 
 id dol 
 
 of trouble betwt 
 
 ' circl t out to clean up th 
 Yorli ideal rottenness, an 
 ce se n wrong. The publi 
 
 nd he had alreac 
 
 icals ; the public 
 
 • bowed to the beh. 
 
 In New York it< 
 
 trty and fight *.he 
 
 That showed 
 
 
 , and yet of great propor 
 lltiee, and thoroughly or 
 of New York. 
 
 party Prohibi 
 
 far ; 
 
 I h.y - 
 
 leader for tne dry forces tl 
 id asKed him if ! 
 take the Prohit 
 President and h 
 so. Since then, Prohibitionists all o 
 nation have been writing Mr. Sulzer 
 office, 115 Broadway, Now York, a 
 loyal support and tellii 
 
 PLATFORM OF AMERICAN PARTY 
 
 The American party believes in the Father- 
 hood of God ; the Brotherhood of Man ; the 
 Sanctity of the Home; the Perpetuation of 
 the Free Institutions of America; und de- 
 mands the following essential reforms to fur- 
 ther the progress of civilization : 
 
 1. An honest and an efficient and an eco- 
 nomical administration of public affairs; free 
 from graft: and free from bossism— with 
 equal rights 
 
 for beverage 
 
 apital and la- 
 ibution of the 
 work day ; one 
 
 of public util- 
 
 ; equality of all 
 arbor improve- 
 .ation of deBert 
 
 fruits of labo: 
 
 tirely on the 
 of our natun 
 referendum a 
 
 Lellir 
 
 for 
 
 
 Mr. Sulzi 
 
 liilion votes. If added ■ 
 
 ssibility of electing him, or 
 least, of throwing the election into the H< 
 of Representatives. 
 
 Will We Call Mr. Sulzer to Lead Us? 
 
 What will the Prohibitionists do with 
 
 man? Will they elect I 
 
 nted 
 
 , himself 
 
 I leave the matter with you. Wo hav 
 ented the case of the friends of Mr. 
 n the strongest light we know how, a: 
 .re perfectly willing for the national c< 
 
 nly 
 
 but will 
 
 idieve is to be the most memorab 
 that has ever been carried on t 
 ;al party on the American cont 
 ,l2er and Victory" ought to beconr 
 word of flvj million patriotic an 
 
 liberty-loving American citizi 
 
 "THE BOSS. OR THE GOVERNOR," ia 
 great book. You want to read it. You wai 
 to be informed as to the character of M 
 Sulzer, and as to tho fight he is waging. Send 
 a dollar as a contribution to THE NATION- 
 AL PROHIBITION LEAGUE and we wil 
 give you a copy of this book. When yoi 
 have read it pass it to your neighbor and keep 
 
 someone reading it every week. Order 
 
 
 sin '_rk- I'r.'-iiii?iiti:il 
 
 Presidsn 
 
 preferential 
 
 n of Preei- 
 
 and Rep- 
 
 C'in iress --together with their 
 by ■ 
 federal ju lias for 
 of Congre 
 succeeding the election of 
 
 ghts befove property 
 the dollar; simplicity 
 
 al law procedure 
 
 lecilon directly by the 
 of Congress ■ 
 hers thereof. 
 
 and 
 
 
 plicity and i 
 ' iw prow 
 
 
 :ion of the 
 
 i shops and 
 
 -jentul decl- 
 
 efficient parcels' 
 
 banks ; 
 
 ' land banks and rural 
 
 agricultural resources. 
 
 free public schoolB 
 from superstition .;_ant 
 
 in 'ii icnlly, iiK-iii ally, economically and 
 
 for the Prohl- 
 
 of the liquor 
 
 Some of you outrht to order a half dozen 
 mies of "THE BOSS, OR THE GOVER- 
 NOR," the hook that tells about the grafters. 
 
 Then keep the si 
 that many readers all tl 
 until election. No greate: 
 campaigning can be done. 
 
 the hands of 
 
 is a leader who leads. Wil- 
 worker who works. William 
 
 for the refon 
 
 HELP THE NATIONAL PROHIBITION LEAGUE 
 
 Desiring to further the movement for Nation-wide Prohibition I will pay 
 for one year the sum indicated by my X mark per month, same to be paid 
 quarterly. 
 
 I 1 
 
 $5.00 per mo. 
 
 $3.00 per mo. 
 
 J2.00 per mo. 
 
 State Date. 
 
 Amount paid now $ 
 
 $1.00 per : 
 
 .331,4 per mo. 
 .25 per mo. 
 
 t£» Insane ; abolishing corporal punishtr 
 
 (All parties agreeing to help The National Prohibition League will be 
 notified from time to time of whatever amount may be due and will also be 
 sent for one year The Star of Hope, a national organ, published at Union- 
 town, Pa., national headquarters. Be sure to write your name as plainly as 
 you can, and, if a payment is made when subscription is given, indicate it 
 in blank left for that purpose so there may b* credit given for same.) 
 
THE STAR OF EOPE 
 
 MONTHLY. 
 Published by the Nations 
 League at Uniontown, Pa., abo 
 
 P 
 
 fSPS 
 
 
 . U, 
 
 L. 
 
 
 i li Id i. lib .■ L. 
 
 "•ICKETT 
 a Year 
 
 Or in Cluba as Follows: 
 
 THE BOSS OR THE GOVERNOR 
 
 OFFICERS -OF THE NATIONAL 
 PROHIBITION LEAGUE. 
 A. C. Powell. Presidei 
 
 On the last paye of this paper la adver- 
 
 
 tised a book, -THE BOSS. OR THE GOV- 
 ERNOR," that, under the circumstances 
 
 IS 
 
 ought to be in every American home The 
 
 for 
 
 boik, of course, is a atory of the tragedy en- 
 acted at Albany wftei Tammany impeached 
 Governor Sulzer. the latter now being talked 
 of as the Prohibition and American party 
 
 tV7 
 
 A MATTER OF BUSINESS 
 
 WHA1 THE PROHIBITION PARTY 
 
 t. —«.»l that no m o„ li„« 
 
 HAS WON IN FIFTY YEARS 
 
 :he New Y'fk Tribune states the case 
 
 Address ly Robert H. Patton. Read at the 
 
 dern busine-* against alcohol la re- 
 
 Prohibition Coanty Conventions Through- 
 
 bly effective wards: 
 
 om Illinois on April 15, 1916. 
 
 have discontinued alcoholic liqQor ad- 
 n^ purely ai 1 a matter of bubincss pol- 
 
 For forty-seven years the Prohibition party 
 has withstood the political storms because It 
 
 
 was built upon the solid rock of sound prln- 
 
 v as each rM* P^aaet tb 
 
 
 ■ hoi is inco npattble with efficiency in 
 
 
 ortatloVas wl/aBTn^a'rtistic^and Jro^ 
 
 rise and fall ol many Independent parlies. 
 
 ally imposes oaon himself a serious dis- 
 
 lived and bid fair to outlive them all. 
 
 candidate and 
 mlBht. Thi« 
 
 prohibition. 
 
 MR, SULZER SETTLES IT 
 
 ew Prohibitionists have- churned Mr. Sul- 
 
 
 ■ ■ : i ■ 
 
 the sal 
 What's wr< 
 
 ies and the i 
 The Prngret 
 
 •■■ ■ ' " "" ■ >■ nil) li.' ,..,u.' f ,-,, r .. '" " " 
 
 i V , w 
 
 to»» the ticket ; give us Hanly on.' ; will advertised on th 
 
 NATIONAL PROHIBITION 
 
 ho read this could eas- 
 never nii^ it. Ther 
 opy of the great book 
 
 
 fi>r j.-u.ers l-'ii-c <io|- 
 
 fallacy. 
 
 
 Inm-tiv.j copies to he 
 
 
 ilk-rent Persons in your 
 
 
 logic .ii 
 
 
 ■ Prohibition party na- 
 
 
 FLflstsf 
 
 n. you nre right. Let ua 
 ui let us not write that 
 Jual the opposite to the 
 n mi gull ab .ui nine-tenths 
 els. and 1 move its inper- 
 
 >.. o I.. I- , ■!.-, i.,d; we must 
 
 i, iv« U . law a Ditrued and applied by ui 
 
 ■ i i ...1 federal Judges ni. 
 
 plank in red Ink 
 one you speak of 
 
 . ri' :,.■'.'.',> uf i-uhllc officers 
 mre desirable, be kept out 
 
 
 With Governor S 
 
 ' 
 
 
 vord. The bouM 
 for the enemies h 
 
 honesty and right 
 
 11 
 
 il ■- .i la a household 
 inte him ; but we love him 
 
 ■ 
 
 ZVt™:..' ,. blch Sae d 'tt« 
 
 
 Mow many of > 
 NATIONAL PRC 
 
 wcr.ty-five. nfv ■ 
 io ani then give 
 
 u. will contribute to THE 
 H1BITION 1 
 
 ore ■ ' 
 
 1. which to UI 
 
 ■ 
 
 r one hunrin-d dollars and 
 
 nk what B U i 1 
 
 ,-,.r I'r .lohii.. .o in m n,y of the states. He ia 
 He is , 
 teetotaler, and a Prohibitionist tbi 
 
 ■ 
 
 Salser, nfi 
 
 him how 
 rith Mr Sulzrr, si our ch»m- 
 
 r the good 
 
 U country. 
 campaign f»r Salter. Let joy 
 
 J' the" pla B tform U 'o 
 
 ■ 
 
 1 
 
 rnor William 
 
 latform he will sweep the 
 
 war* for Govern 
 
 Read ad on last pa^c - "THE BOSS, OU 
 THE GOVERNOR." 
 
THE CAMPAIGN FOR 
 PRESIDENT IS NOW ON 
 
 OFFICIAL ORGAN OF THE NATIONAL PROHIBITION LEAGUE 
 
 VOL. II 
 
 UNIONTOWN, PA., MAY, 1916 
 
 NO. 7 
 
 The campnitm for a prohibition President 
 Is now on, and the fight must not lae until 
 victory in achieved. That victory for the 
 right, victory for the home, victory for the 
 
 ,,.., ! ,-ll, \ ■■ ■ , i. :■ :,■■■. in; I ill-- 
 
 Hqum 
 
 thoughtful 
 
 ufiii , 
 
 When that 
 
 
 no doubt be 
 i good B politl 
 
 UUCR] i.. I 
 
 strong; r nun than Mr. Sulier. Tins cortaii 
 ly goes as far as any man can possibly go. 
 Thai are to have n great campaign thl 
 
 CiKUTt'.s.iiiu'Ii, e.x-tiovernor': and powerful pt 
 
 lions will be lined up on our aid 
 This U to be a year in which mi! 
 
 ','. .'!',-„. '!-' Ik.nly of Indi 
 
 anythinj I 
 campaign '.' 
 
 The Prohibition pi '.. Ihi Vr.^TTcsslve par- 
 ty and the American party are getting to- 
 gether i '!■• v most unite their for:es to win, 
 I Hhnll have a campaign 
 
 
 I parties sit i 
 ick. To that « 
 
 
 ■f, b.ii 
 unite .11 
 ■ i ■ 
 platform. 
 
 ■ 
 
 Di n i ■ ...■,, party is 
 
 York ami n several other states 
 
 " ■ ■ ■■"'1 t'.-n 
 
 <■'■ It has ai 
 ' «il! poll two million 
 itlsm, 1U em 
 bkm Is the Liberty 1MI. i 
 
 Pr.-Mbili.-t. 
 mini norni- 
 
 MR. SULZER BURNS BRIDGES BEHIND HIM 
 
 April 12, 1916. 
 Hon. Olin S. Bishop, 
 
 Chairman of the Prohibition State Committee, 
 
 Lafayette Building, 
 Utica, New York 
 My Dear Mr. B'shop: 
 
 Your letter received. In reply you can say to those who doubt, what y 
 know, that I am for the abolition of the manufacture, and 1 the sale, and the 
 importation, and the transportation of alcoholic liquors for beverage pur- 
 poses — State and National— by legislative enactment; or by constitutional 
 amendment; or by both through the efforts of the Prohibition Party— and 
 every other agency that will accomplish its consummation. 
 
 Prohibition is a political issue that will not down. It will never he wet- 
 tied until it is settled right. In the fight against John Barley 
 continue to ring true. In the struggle to destroy the curse of 
 I am going to the end of the road — regardless of personal consequen 
 What man tan say more? 
 
 It is gratifying, of course, to know that my efforts for the 
 preciated by the true believers in the cause, and I would be l€ 
 did not feel grateful to those heroic souls who now and Ihei 
 name as a suitable standard bearer in the coming cam,pagn — but I want 
 you. and all your friend?, to feel, as I feel, that I have no vanity in the matter 
 save the success of the cause, and no ambition, personal or otherwise, oxcepl 
 to serve where I best can serve to promote the greatest reform in America. 
 If I am called io lead, because those competent to judge believe I am best 
 ■ •quipped to lead. I shall lead where any man will follow; and if. on the other 
 hand. I am told to servfe in the ranks, I shall cont'nuo to serve in the ranks, 
 and follow where any ian will lead. 
 
 To sum it all up— [ am for the cause — first, last and all the time— that 
 is all— and when ihe hour strikes to rtc< ::de who shall le^d I shall acqu 
 in the judgment of those sele"led to decide— and whatever the del. 
 may be, it will be satisfactory to me— and 
 move onward and upward in the struggle I 
 and the greater, and the grander day. 
 
 Very sincerely yo 
 
 llo Broadway, New York City. 
 
 SULZER'S NOMINATION 
 
 Mr. John H. Stoody. 
 
 Akron, New York. 
 Dear Sir— Wc are informed I 
 the candidacy of Mr. Sulxer i 
 boan i in hi ■ flghl m arc lining up to unit* 
 the reform forces ol the country to make. In 
 this campaign, a concerted movement forward 
 
 Wc have cnnfully analysed the situation. 
 We knov what we are talking about, and In 
 view df the fact that Mr. Sulser [Killed 127,- 
 
 [i the Prohl- 
 
 tlcketa. 
 
 •luTnnWTDTTih, 
 
 REPUBLIC/IN PARTY 
 
 (Editorial from Nation ,| Enquln 
 
 platform is 
 
 and political issue of the 
 ized partnership bettv^en 
 and national — and the traffic 
 
 In a moment of crucial need its voice is 
 hushed. In the midst of moral degeneracy, 
 i oil tion, multiplying 
 
 elected 
 deal' I 
 
 Charles G. SeifrlL 
 
 Is all right. 
 
 xisu illy i. 
 
 ronauct In of lice lo> 
 
 fishes, the tlesh- 
 
 rd hn» carried Mlchhran and NY- 
 
 This is i he party whose 
 
 uminav-d the spoke i 
 
 
 ury ties- uxr. 
 
 I. a coudtyV 
 :hi years aire, »r(d wit 
 
 ■ 
 
 v nfty-three yc* _ 
 
 ■■ DSU ty _ . 
 :. The Republic n party I 
 
 «onle, liut lacks 1 
 
 tions," the "liberty and en lighten n 
 
 the honesty 
 
 iu hand upon the oni 
 
 B thi ' llvlni 
 
 . Tectlvi 
 
 urrt-rnlir It 
 
 il this evil. 
 
 i instrument 
 
 >'■■ "-' i! "I this traf- 
 
 h/llf. I cilllr, 
 
 beloi 
 
 
 it* ticket 
 
 i tkk 
 through whl< 
 
 e in belonKink- to a party. In 
 
 ith the Republican pnrty be- 
 
 * I wish to iro. but now 
 my *«y. The 
 linn docs nol 
 
 i. fact,' I 'can go with U 
 
 b regret. It has honored 
 
 it, 
 
 I hi 
 
 ... ,-.. . i 
 
 a title deed 1 
 
 
 .., y,u „!,,, Mr. jujr, 
 
 .-li.ul.l I.- Mir.- "f »" llr '■"'7. , , m_ o„, 
 
 , ( i m lm] 
 
 publli llf. lit- 
 
 faithful un<l " 
 
 Ith 
 
 the vineyard 
 
 
 nd I 
 
 . -linv-ly -- 
 
 , v yours, 
 ALEXANDBU S. BACON. 
 Nations! Chairman American Party. 
 C7S Broadway. New York City. 
 
 ■■■"■■ 
 
 WlfLIAMJJBRYAN 
 
 Will Mr. ».P- ""i-" 1 ''" " W "" """" 
 
 thl. „„, We .Io not *»w. tan ». .!■■ too, 
 
 ,„. Th,. »«U" »»' !>••• » 
 
 I Mr . Bnr.n hlm-lf. Mr. «"»» 
 
 h.. ».!„.. r "'• ""'" 
 
 ....,, Uimf. Mr. Bry.n 
 
 m-i& «'rBr,°.vr; .. '»^u ; , 
 
 r ,ucb circumstances 
 -m.. Hryai'e nam* has been •"*"- 
 
 " Ta « ". h. . hXt 
 
 The sol* tic 
 
 N-i en <. 
 
 
 __ 
 
 victory. 
 
uoa 3Hi slid mm 
 
 r of m\* 
 
 - 
 
 akafciBi 
 
 » mrr.j-z of 
 
 Ib icii 
 
 1 ben all 
 
 
 tIGN rate: 
 
 
 •b * 
 
 - 
 
 { aip in XoBJidsuoD |Bopt|od jsaiBaiS 3q} jnoqB 
 > 3HX JO 'SS09 3HX i° uonnqmsTp pnoads b 
 jbuoubn »q} woddns dpq oqav j[B joj 
 
 una xooa is399ia 
 
 SIHl SSIIAI LNOQ 
 
 tfctS 
 
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Wreck «f the Xaine. 
 
 -PEECH 
 
 HON. WILLIAM STL ZEE. 
 
 7 >" Z W IOBK, 
 
 Lv the Horsr or Hepkesext .=_rr -? 
 Friday. February 2|, 1911. 
 
 _ ~--r H:-~= ">? -- .z ::--:" ^r :: :': i "-:".•? H: iff ^- :"-f "-"- : •;; 
 --'. - i-i ;i-.ii -It: :-::t::-.:; :: : .. . 7 :-". - -_ i :; 
 
 srr: t: -.::;-? : r :^ T .;:::- ::-.: fiT-u-ri : :^r - -t:lz_t_: :;: 
 the fiscal year ecdui~ J«k 30. 1912. aid for otJser parpen — 
 
 Mr. SITLZER said: 
 
 Mr. Cn.-c3.itAX : This bin contains a provision appropriating 
 az a::: :::--.". s:~ :: $?-:■ '■'•" :: nt'tr ttir — tk : : : - - 
 the battleship Maine in Habana Harbor. Heretofore & : 
 hare been appropriated for this purpose, and we are Informed 
 the money carried in this bin for the purpose will complete the 
 job and comply with the mandate of Congress. I hope this 
 is bo, and that the work of raising the Maine will soon be 
 
 In my opinion it is a matter of congratulation among an 
 patriotic pc : at last the wreck of the ill-fated battle- 
 
 ship Maine is to be raised. Thirtr- - ind More hare come 
 
 and gone since the Maine was blown up in the harbor of 
 Habana. That catastrophe made history, wrote a large page 
 in our annals, and changed the map of the world. But the 
 Maine was apparent . ifi B ttM and nothing was done ': 
 
 -v.ment in all I s reck and bring 
 
 home and bury, with naval honors, in Arlington Ceaseter; 
 remains of the sixty-odd brave and gallant sailors entombed in 
 that hnlk in the mock and slime of the harbor of Habana. 
 
 Tite records in the Navy Department show that 231 men were 
 killed when the Maine was blown op: that 1 re im- 
 
 mediately recovered and buried in Key West. F'.a.: that later 
 144 a - e recovered and buried in Habana: that these 
 
 bovT.es were subsequently brought home and buried in the na- 
 tions", at Arlington: that at least - never 
 recovered or aooou: m entombed in the wreck 
 of the Me.i-ie. Our dereliction in this ma - strange 
 contra - arriotism. The work must go on. and 
 every patriotic man in America wants it finished as soon as 
 poss: 
 
 There are three r - Bhoohl relax nv 
 
 raise the wreck of the Mai- because the wrev % - 
 
 a in the harbor of Habana a v. 
 removed from the channel v the Maine must be raise*.'. 
 
to ascertain how she was destroyed, so thai the truth shall be 
 blown beyond peradventure ; and, thirdly and mosl Important 
 
 of all from a patriotic point of view, thai the remains of the 
 Nation's dead now entombed in the hulk shall be recovered 
 and brought home for burial with naval honors in Arlington 
 ( temetery. 
 
 Public sentiment has demanded for years that the wreck of 
 the Maine be raised; that the truth of her destruction be told; 
 that the derelict be removed from the channels of navigation; 
 that the bodies of these brave sailors who sacrificed their lives 
 on the altar of I heir country be recovered ami decently Interred 
 in the national cemetery. When this additional appropriation 
 is .Mailable, we are assured by the Army engineers that the 
 work will diligently proceed to a final and successful comple- 
 tion; and to that end I favor appropriating this additional sum 
 of money and trust no more funds will be required and no 
 further delay tolerated. 
 
 Mr. Chairman. I now send to the Clerk's desk and ask to 
 have read in my time and as a part of my remarks several let- 
 ters from Ma.i. John F. O'Rourke, the eminent engineer and the 
 president of the O'Rourke Engineering Construction Co.. of New 
 York, which will throw some light on the subject matter and 
 show that if my suggestions had been followed in the first in- 
 stance the work of raising the Maine would be finished ere this, 
 and for a stun much less than now seems to be required by the 
 Army engineers. 
 
 The Clerk read as follows : 
 
 O'Rourke Engineering Construction Co., 
 
 Si5 Fifth Avenue, Sew York, July S6, 1910. 
 Hon. William Sulzer, 
 
 US Broadway, New York City. 
 
 Dear Sir: I had an interview yesterday at the War Department in 
 Washington with the Flon. Robert Shaw Oliver, Acting Secretary of 
 War, at which I submitted to Secretary Oliver plans showing my method 
 for raising the Maine, together with a letter explaining the method in 
 detail, and a proposition under which the O'Rourke Enginering Construc- 
 tion Co. would do the work. The following Is a copy of this letter, 
 which is dated July 23 : 
 
 " I had the honor of writing you on July 5 in regard to a plan I 
 have devised for the raising and docking of the Maine, and also inclos- 
 ing a letter from Hon. George W. Wickersham, Attorney General, kindly 
 presenting my project and myself to your consideration. 
 
 " I am now in a position to lay before you the manner in which my 
 company is prepared to do this work, and discuss the question of ar- 
 ranging for having the work done, should you decide to raise the ship 
 at this time. 
 
 " The method is as follows : 
 
 " To construct on both sides of the ship and about 20 feet therefrom, 
 two ordinary wharves on piles, sink pneumatic caissons between the 
 wharves and tin- ship to a depth of about 10 feet below the bottom of 
 the Maine, these caissons to have cables on them every 4 feet; the ca- 
 bles opposite one another bcins: of different sizes; in one case a plow- 
 Bteel cable of cbout 200 tons capacity, and in the other a small battling 
 cable of perhaps r ; inch diameter. These cables are then carried down 
 outside the caissons from their tops to and underneath the cutting 
 edges, the ends being coiled In the air chambers before the sinking is 
 begun. A small pipe is pushed through the bottom from one air cham- 
 ber to the other, and through this pipe the ends of the small cables are 
 passed to the opposite air chamber, after which the pipe is pulled into 
 that air chamber over the ends of the cables, leaving the latter lying 
 exposed in the mud. The ends of the big cables opposite these little 
 ones arc then attached to the latter, which readily hauls them out 
 from under the cutting edge, and under and around the Maine to the 
 top of the opposite caisson. 
 
 " In this manner cables are passed underneath the ship every 4 feet 
 from the top of ore caisson to the top of the opposite caisson, the com- 
 
 81832 D724 
 
bined strength of the cables being four times the weight of the battle- 
 ship. 
 
 " The air chambers are filled with sand, the wharves are carried 
 over on top of the caissons, which are cut off to the proper level there- 
 for, and then a strong framework is erected with double columns every 
 4 feet. This structure would be about 30 feet in height, strongly braced 
 and guyed, and fitted at the tops of the posts with a casting connect- 
 ing the posts and braces, and providing a seat with a universal joint 
 for a screw jack of at least 100 tons capacity. The screws of the 
 jacks end in a head like that of an eye-bar, and the clamps which grip 
 the cable are finished in two similar eye-bar heads, giving a connection 
 with the screws by means of a 3J-inch pin, which is over 100 tons in 
 strength. 
 
 " When the framework is in place and the screw jacks are con- 
 nected to the cables, a strong tension is taken in the cables with the 
 jacks, and then water corresponding to the weight of the Maine is. 
 pumped from the cofferdams of the caissons. By this means the caissons 
 are prepared to receive the weight of the Maine without imposing any 
 additional weight on the mud bottom upon which the caissons rest. I 
 might say that the caissons are made sufficiently large and strong to 
 still contain 50 per cent more weight of water 'than the ship weighs, 
 so that there is a margin of about 3,000 tons of water which can be 
 drawn upon should occasion require. When the caissons are thus pre- 
 pared for receiving the weight, the connection between the mud and the 
 bottom of the ship is broken by any one of several well-known methods, 
 after which, by a proper manipulation of the screws, the vessel is first 
 brought to an even keel and then made level fore and aft. 
 
 "After the above work has been accomplished, the screws are gradu- 
 ally slacked off in pairs, fleeted down to their fullest extent, recfamped 
 on the cables, after which the tension is restored and other screws are 
 fleeted downward in like manner until all the screws have been low- 
 ered to their greatest extent, so that all of them are ready for a lift 
 upward of about 10 feet. This part of the work is very safe and 
 certain, because sufficient strength is provided to carry the Maine with 
 one-half the cables and screws that are employed. The operation of 
 fleeting the screws down and lifting the ship up is repeated again and 
 again until the vessel is brought out of the water in the same con- 
 dition in which she sank — that is, so far as any interference with her 
 during these operations is concerned. 
 
 "A platform above water under the ship is then constructed between 
 the caissons and a dry dock of ample strength and extent affords every 
 facility for examination and repairs. In some respects this dock is 
 superior to the ordinary lifting dock, because wherever a supporting 
 cable may be in the way it can be slacked off and moved to some other 
 point, where it will perform its part in supporting the vessel just as well 
 as where it belonged, instead of having fixed keel and bilge blocks to 
 deal with. 
 
 " It will be noticed that in the process described there are no chances 
 taken with any attempt to introduce something involving experiment ; 
 but, on the contrary, I have confined myself to things with which we 
 have had great practical experience. The wharf building, the caisson 
 sinking, the passing of pipes between air chambers, the raisin? of the 
 cables underneath and around the ship, the construction of the lifting 
 structure, and the fitting and operation of the screw jacks are all 
 operations well understood, easily carried out, and independent of any 
 questions of depth of mud or condition of the ship. The mud, however 
 deep, does not complicate the question or add materially to the cost, and 
 should there be obstructions at any point preventing the passage of the 
 cable, tunneling to and removal of the obstruction is a simple matter. 
 Damages to the ship, however great, would not prevent its being 
 brought up intact because of the distribution of the weight and the 
 flexibility, contiguity, as well as rigidity of the means employed. 
 
 " The method, however, is entirely novel, and the uses made of all 
 the well-known operations employed are new. 
 
 " The plan of pumping water from the cofferdams of the caissons of 
 a weight equivalent to that to be thereafter applied to them is* a way 
 of conducting operations over a mud bottom possessing no dependable 
 supporting power, and deriving from the water pressure under the bot- 
 toms a support as efficient and reliable as solid rock. 
 
 "The whole plan is one of great simplicity, and though it perhaps 
 would be better appreciated by an engineer than a layman, it is easilv 
 understood by everybody. 
 
 "In sinking caissons alongside of large buildings supported on quick- 
 sands the writer devised and patented a method of Conducting I be 
 compressed air escaping from the air chamber up alongside the caisson 
 81832—9724 
 
on the aide opposite the building, leaving the support of tho latter 
 
 entirely undisturbed. B< ( the largest buildings In New York that 
 
 are supported over spread foundations on quicksands have bad ca 
 provided w iiii this hlgb cutting edge on the distant side of the caisson sunk 
 alongside them without producing any Bettlemenl whatever, it is pro- 
 posed i" use Hiis device on the caissons surrounding 1 1 > > - Maim-, bo chat 
 the mud underneath the ship would remain undisturbed until the ship 
 is carried "ii the cables. There arc numerous other Improvements in 
 caisson work devised by the writer thai would also be employed, so that 
 the work would be carried on with entire safety, certainty, and speed, 
 and the results Boughl would be obtained without question in the same 
 manner thai any other great engineering operation of the usual char- 
 acter would be carried out. 
 
 "In my letter to the Attorney General I stated that in disclosing 
 tiiis method l would expect to be protected. In dealing with your de- 
 partment 1 am satisfied that my rights will be as safe in your hands as 
 if the patents now applied for had already been granted. 
 
 ■• It mighl appear at first that the appropriation made for this work 
 Is inadequate tor the purpose, but I think that it is most likely that 
 much of the Government's resources could be employed in addition to 
 its money — tor instance, one of the repair ships now in southern waters 
 could be utilized lor carrying the necessary plant and giving the re- 
 quired power, while there is nothing more appropriate than that one 
 of the regiments of the Army should man the jacks while they are 
 lifting their dead comrades out of the water. A fair idea of the power 
 to be employed is given by the fact that these jacks require approxi- 
 mately 1,000 men. Should the Government care to thus utilize Its 
 present facilities and concede certain things the actual cost in cash 
 would not be very great. 
 
 '• The O'Kourke F.ngineering Construction Co., of which I am the 
 president, would undertake this work and agree to deliver the ship In 
 the dock already described within a period to be agreed upon. The 
 company at the present time is fully equipped with the necessary plant. 
 and has an organization of men of great experience in this character 
 of work, who would be set to work as fast as the supplies required could 
 be procured. We would also bear in mind that this operation would be 
 watched by the whole world, and that not only the credit of the com- 
 pany but "of the country itself was involved in the successful comple- 
 tion of this undertaking in a manner worthy of the occasion and in 
 record time." 
 
 After some discussion of the matter in which I explained my plans. 
 Secretary Oliver gave the plans and letter to Oen. Bixby, who will refer 
 them to a board of engineers which will be shortly appointed to con- 
 sider the subject. 
 
 During the interview Gen. Bixby showed me a copy of my letter to 
 you of the 11th instant, in which I brought to your notice the fact that 
 I had a method for raising the Maim- along lines with which I am fa- 
 miliar, and concerning the efficiency, cost, and independence of local 
 conditions, there is no question, so that If desired tho work of raising 
 the ship and docking her for examination and repairs could be begun at 
 once. 
 
 Very truly, yours, John F. O'Rourke. 
 
 O'Rodrke Engineering Constkcction Co., 
 
 345 Fifth .\i< nut, Sew York, Aityust 30, 1910. 
 
 Hon. William Rolzer, 
 
 115 Broadway, Ace- York Cily. 
 
 My Dear Sib : 1 have just returned from the interview 7 with President 
 Taft at Beverly, which was arranged through your kindness. 
 
 The President was most cordial, and gave me an opportunity to fully 
 explain my plans and propositions to him and also to Mr. Meyer. Sec- 
 retary of the Navy, who happened to be calling on the President at 
 the time. Mr. Taft gave most careful attention to the plans, which 
 showed in detail the manner in which the work was to he done, and 
 atir a full discussion of the ways and means I made him the following 
 nroposil ion : 
 
 That the O'Kourke Engineering Construction Co. would agree to raise 
 the Unini in the manner shown by the plans for a cost not to exceed 
 
 S5 100 to the Government; any costs that might be incurred above 
 
 that figure to be borne by the O'Kourke Co. Second, that we would 
 consent to anv form of contract which would insure 1 . > the Government 
 that we would onlv be pnid for the actual cost of the work, with no 
 allowance for profit ThiVl. that no payment would be asked for until 
 after the Maine had ben raised out of the water, properly docked for 
 examination and disposal, as shown by the plans. 
 818'i2— 9724 
 
The President seemed favorably impressed bv my plans and by the 
 offer to do the work, and invited me to come to Washington for another 
 conference on the 25th of next month, when he expected to be there 
 for a few days. There was a question in his mind in regard to whether 
 he was authorized by the bill and the Government regulations to maks 
 such a contract, and told me that in the meantime he would read the 
 bill himself, and also obtain from the Attorney General an opinion as to 
 his powers in the matter. 
 
 He also wired Gen. Bixby in my presence, directing him to have a 
 report by the 25th of September from the board of engineers who 
 were considering the raising of the Maine, in regard to the conditions 
 which they found in Habana Harbor. 
 
 I told him that my present information was sufficient to enable me 
 to make a binding offer now, as the method which I was proposing to 
 use was independent either of the character of the bottom or the con- 
 dition of the Maine. 
 
 Since seeing the President I have decided to go to Habana next week, 
 and will ask Col. Black, chairman of the board, for permission to take 
 part with them in their investigations. 
 
 Very truly, yours, John F. O'Rourke. 
 
 O'ROURKE ENGINEERING CONSTRUCTION CO., 
 
 845 Fifth Avenue, New York, September 21, 1910. 
 Hon. William Sulzer, 
 
 115 Broadway, New York City. 
 
 Dear Sir: I returned yesterday from Habana, where I spent all of 
 tast week taking part in the borings and examinations which the Board 
 or Engineers is now carrying on at the wreck of the Maine. I also 
 talked with a number of people who were eyewitnesses of the explosion, 
 so that I feel familiar with the conditions surrounding the loss of the 
 ship and the nature of the bottom of the harbor where she now lies 
 
 The first boring was made off the stern of the Maine, where the drill 
 peached hard bottom at 105 feet below surface. There is 35 feet of water 
 then 30 feet of mud of practically no consistency whatever, after which 
 it gradually grows harder, until at 85 feet down it is quite hard, and 
 at .lOo feet it is probably rock. The next boring was made off the bow, 
 W vT el l e ™.c depth of water w as just the same, but it was found to be 
 about 90 feet below the surface before any degree of hardness was 
 found in the bottom, and hard bottom was encountered at 118 feet 
 down. 
 
 On Saturday morning, before sailing for home, I made a test, from 
 the deck of the Government scow in the presence of the engineers, with 
 my own hands, using a 1-inch pipe, which I readilv pushed down 55 
 fee L , at which point I could lift the pipe up and down unaided, show- 
 ing that at that depth the bottom is nothing but mud. As this is the 
 point at which I would stop my proposed caissons, it was very grati- 
 fying to find that the conditions were ideal for the method which I 
 propose. 
 
 It is most likely that very little difference will be found in anv of 
 the future tests. It is quite possible that hard bottom may in some in- 
 stances be found nearer the surface, but this would not alter the sit- 
 uation any as regards the use of a cofferdam, which is being discussed 
 because the governing factor in such a case is not the high points 
 but the low points ; and a cofferdam that could be used there* with suc- 
 cess would have to be a very strong structure resting on hard bottom 
 and possessing sufficient stability in itself to resist the tendency of 
 the water and mud to overturn it, unaided by interior bracing, as the 
 latter is impracticable. The expense of this method would be enor- 
 mous, the time required would be very great, and its subsequent removal 
 would be much more of an undertaking than the raising of the ship 
 itself is now. 
 
 I have called the attention of the Board of Engineers to this fact and 
 I trust they will not be led Into the adoption of anv cofferdam 
 method; or if they are, that (hey will make adequate plans for doin"- 
 the work so that the discrace of a failure may bo avoided. 
 
 The relation of certain uninjured parts of the ship to high water 
 was easily attained, and from the known dimensions, as given in the 
 plans. I have been able to fix the position of the bottom of the ship as 
 48 feet below water. This. I understand, is 5 or feet deeper than the 
 ship was found to be sunk to at the time of the accident, and several 
 men who work in boats around the harbor (old me thai she is sinkin" 
 deeper year by year. The condition of the mud as described :ii 55 fee? 
 below the surface would indicate this to lie true. Another evidence of 
 I he continual sinking of the ship is plainly shown in a comparison of 
 81832—9724 
 
tin- photographs made at the time of the accident and ones that I took 
 mysrir lasi week. 
 
 I am going to Washington nexl Monday to meel the President, as 
 arranged a( Beverly, l hope to !><• able to place all these tacts before 
 him, as they correspond exactly with the conditions assumed In my In 
 terview \\ it h him last month and verily all that 1 said at that time. 
 Very truly, yours, 
 
 John F. O'Rourke. 
 
 O'Roirke Engineering Construction Co., 
 
 345 J- if tli Avenue, \eir York, September 29, 1910. 
 Hon. William Sulzer, 
 
 115 Broadway, New York City. 
 
 Peak Sir : I returned last night from Washington, where I expected 
 to see President Taft by appointment, but found that his engagements 
 did not permit of receiving me. 
 
 Had a couple of Interviews, however, with Attorney General Wicker- 
 sham, to whom I explained the situation at Ilabana. particularly the 
 character of the bottom surrounding the Maim . which I told him was 
 so soft as to entirely preclude the idea of using a cofferdam. A Is.. 
 made a sketch of the borings at the bow and stern of the Maine and 
 showed him a sample of the material at 55 feet below the surface, which 
 clearly indicates its light and unstable character. 
 
 I waited about two hours at the White House before Secretary Norton 
 told me that the President would be unable to see me, and that he had 
 left the matter in the hands of the Attorney General and the Board of 
 Engineers of the War Department. 
 
 As the amount of the appropriation at present available for raising 
 the Maine is $300,000, while waiting to see the President I prepared 
 an offer, which I gave to Mr. Wickersham, who promised to show it to 
 the President at luncheon, in which I proposed to build the temporary 
 platforms, sink the caissons, and put all the cables in place under and 
 around the ship, with the ends resting on the caissons on each side, for 
 the lump sum of $290,000, it being understood that I would complete 
 the remainder of the work and raise the Maine without waiting for a 
 further appropriation, trusting to Congress to be paid later for doing 
 the balance of the work. 
 
 I stated that if allowed to go on within a reasonable time from now 
 with the work that I would guarantee to raise the ship out of the water 
 on February \'< next, the thirteenth anniversary of its sinking. This 
 I could easily do, because the amount of work involved is no greater 
 than I have often done under conditions less favorable, and besides, 
 there is nothing experimental about anything that is involved. 
 
 I stated, as a basis of future payments, that the remainder of the 
 work, including the subsequent removal of platforms and caissons, would 
 be done for the lump sum of $210,000. or, if preferred, for the net cost 
 of materials and labor and prevailing rates for use of plant and equip 
 ment, the vessel to be raised from the water and turned over to the War 
 Department, as shown in the plans, ready for Inspection and for repairs 
 or dismemberment as might be subsequently decided. 
 
 I was a little disappointed at not seeing President Taft, as my un- 
 derstanding with him on August 29 at Beverly was that a conference 
 would be arranged between himself and the Attorney General, the Secre- 
 tary of War. and the Army engineers, at which I was also to be present. 
 The question of authority for making the contract would be settled In 
 the meantime, and I had been looking forward to making an Immediate 
 arrangement to raise the ship, according to some form of contract. 
 which, as I have already told you, I left entirely to the President. 
 Very truly, yours, 
 
 John F. O'Rourke. 
 
 O'Rourke Engineering Construction Co., 
 Sio Fifth Avenue, WetC York, February 15, 1911. 
 Hon. William Sulzer, 
 
 House o} Representatives, Washington, n. C. 
 My Dear Mi:. Sii.zkk : Apropos to the Maine, the New York Herald 
 of September 26, 1010, the date on which I went to Washington to see 
 the President, contained an interview with me in which I called atten- 
 tion to the impracticable character of the proposition to use a cofferdam 
 in connection with the raising of the wreck. it was BUCh a positive 
 
 and unmistakable warning and so publicly given that the quoting of this 
 in connection with the interview with Mr. Wickersham and the fatuous 
 81832—9724 
 
report of the engineers of a few days later make strikingly significant 
 my letter describing the Washington trip. 
 
 The report of Gen. Bixby to the President, transmitting the report 
 of the board of engineers and his, to me, preliminary estimate is just 
 as silly as the plan he was indorsing, when you compare his promises 
 with their performances. The work that they are doing at Habana 
 now is of the simplest character, and the placing of steel sheet piling 
 in such soft and comparatively uniform material is a most inexpensive 
 operation when properly conducted. I imagine that they have involved 
 themselves in all sorts of expense, keeping dredges on hand at a price 
 of perhaps several hundred dollars per clay, when, if they knew their 
 business, they would obtain them after they had completed their coffer- 
 dam and were ready to put them into use. 
 
 The possible interference of wreckage from the explosion or anything 
 in the nature of sunken obstacles in the way of the sheet piling could 
 be better removed by some grappling contrivance than by a dredge, and 
 the same machinery which handles the steam hammer used for driving 
 the piles could be just as useful in operating a grapple. 
 
 I should be sorry not to see the appropriation they are looking for 
 given them, because it would always be said that they failed for want 
 of favorable congressional action, and if they are honest in thinking 
 that they can do the work, as they are proposing to, it seems only 
 fair, since the chance was accorded them, that they should be permitted 
 to go on to the end. 
 
 There is no doubt, however, that in view of your connection with 
 this raising of the Maine and the position you have already taken with 
 the President in the matter, that the reading of my letters and the 
 claim on your part that you had procured for the President an oppor- 
 tunity to have this work done under terms which did not admit of the 
 loss of a dollar to the Government in the case of its failure and a 
 saving of money to the Government in the case of its success, as well 
 as the prompt execution of the work, should be strongly brought out. 
 
 To-day is the thirteenth anniversary of the sinking of the Maine, and 
 if I had had my way to-day would have witnessed the raising of that 
 ship from out of the water. There is so little imagination or appeal 
 to the national pride in the plan that has been adopted that one can 
 hardly dream that men having the authority vested in that board would 
 be so shortsighted and narrow-minded as to refuse to approve of a 
 plan like mine of such startling novelty and absolute certainty in execu- 
 tion. 
 
 The very conditions surrounding the Maine, while piling up almost 
 unsurmountable difficulties against the construction of a safe cofferdam, 
 actually facilitated the ease and success of my method, and nothing is 
 less reasonable or could be more insincere than the ground taken by 
 the engineers that the lifting of the wreck in a flexible cradle of cables 
 would so deform its present shape that one could not tell if there had 
 been an external explosion. 
 
 You might just as well claim that to take in your hand a battered 
 tin can, that its weight upon your hand would cause the indentations 
 to disappear, as to claim that a ship which is as strong in proportion to 
 its weight as the tin can is in proportion to its weight, would likewise 
 lose its indentations and have its shape changed by reason of resting 
 upon a support as flexible and distributed over the whole area of the 
 ship's bottom as the palm of your hand would he beneath the tin can 
 which I am using as an illustration. This talk about the forward part 
 of the ship beini; so thoroughly destroyed is without reason, because 
 eyewitnesses, and even the testimony taken by the board of naval 
 officers at the time of the disaster, shows that she remained afloat too 
 long after the explosion to have been in any such condition. For the 
 reduction of the forward third of the ship to a semidetached mass of 
 wreckage, incapable of excluding water from within, would simply mean 
 that that part of the ship was a dead weight, which would have' pulled 
 her down head first, like a dog with a stone tied to his neck, but even 
 if it were true that the forward third of the ship is in this condition 
 my cradle method would have brought it up without the bending of a 
 single plate or the dislocation of any of its parts from the position they 
 now occupy with relation to the rest of the ship. 
 
 As you may recall, my final proposition Included the placing of cables 
 every 2 feet apart, and the application of power independently to 
 each cable, so that if it wore found that any one cable was yielding to 
 tension at a greater rate than its neighbors, that cable could have the 
 tension applied to It reduced so as not to come up any faster than the 
 others, and the strength of the cables were such that not more than 
 one In every three need be strained at all, and those which were, were 
 fully competent to do all the lifting required. Moreover, I put no 
 81832—9724 
 
8 
 
 limit on the number of cablet thai would be used. If desired; so that, 
 even if they criticised my cable every 2 feet, 1 could pat them much 
 more frequently uud arrange them iu any manner that circumstances 
 should require. 
 
 I do ii < » t know whether I have nlrendy informed you that I applied 
 f.>r a patent Involving the principles devised (or this work, bat Bucb 
 wis done, and the claims, In themselves most basic in nature, were 
 allowed by the Patent Office without reference to any existing patent, 
 publication, or known state of the art, whlcb is perhaps the most 
 striking testimony possible as to their originality, novelty, and Invention. 
 
 As regards the granting Of the appropriation, I sincerely trust tliis 
 
 will be done, but at the same time I think the engineers should he 
 required to give In detail t he manner In wblcb the lirst appropriation 
 has been expended, and I think you will find that what I have s.-iid 
 about useless dredges retained at great cost and other forms of mis- 
 management due to inexperience will be disclosed. 
 
 Most sincerely, yours, JOHN V. U'Uuluke. 
 
 81832— 1)724 
 
 o 
 
>peech of 
 Acceptance 
 
 Ion. William Sulzer 
 
 DEMOCRATIC CANDIDATE 
 FOR GOVERNOR 
 
 DELIVERED IN THE NATIONAL 
 DEMOCRATIC CLUB, OF NEW 
 YORK CITY, ON THE OCCASION 
 OF HIS NOTIFICATION, THURS- 
 DAY NIGHT, OCTOBER 10, 1912. 
 
Mr. Sulzer spoke as follows : 
 
 Gentlemen — The nomination for Governor by the 
 Democrats of New York is an honor deeply appreciated 
 and the responsibilities entailed are fully realized. " I 
 thank the delegates to the Syracuse convention, and 
 through them all the Democrats of the Empire State, 
 whom they represented in that memorable gathering. 
 With gratitude to all I accept the nomination — and 
 gratitude with me is "the fairest flower that sheds its 
 perfume in the human heart." 
 
 It is gratifying to me to know that my nomination 
 for Governor comes from a free and an unfettered 
 convention of independent delegates, elected according 
 to law by the people, and that it has united and har- 
 monized the Democratic party from one end of the 
 State to the other. 
 
 We are all together now, fighting for great funda- 
 mental principles — in the interests of all the people. 
 With our faces to the rising sun of Democratic oppor- 
 tunity, under the leadership of our national standard- 
 bearer, the gifted Governor of New Jersey, the Honor- 
 able Woodrow Wilson, we are marching on to trium- 
 phant victory. 
 
 Platform Meets Approval. 
 
 The progressive platform, ably written and unan- 
 imously adopted by the delegates to the Syracuse con- 
 vention, has been carefully studied and meets with my 
 sincere approval. If I am elected Governor I shall do 
 everything in my power to faithfully carry out every 
 promise made by my party in that enunciation. 
 
 An ounce of performance is worth a ton of promise. 
 In the future, as in the past, I shall promise little, 
 but try to the best of my ability to perform much, and 
 I submit as a surety of this my record at Albany and 
 in Washington as the best guarantee for the sincerity 
 of my words. 
 
 To me Democracy is a part of my existence. I use 
 the term in its best and its broadest sense. I am a 
 Democrat through and through, a progressive Demo- 
 crat, and an organization Democratic, if you will. I 
 believe that through the agency of organization and 
 systematic effort the greatest good for the greatest 
 number can best be accomplished. In union there is 
 strength, and if I am elected Governor I want to rely 
 on the aid and the counsel of all good citizens and a 
 united party to accomplish the reforms now demanded 
 by the people. 
 
 It is, of course, imposible for me in this speech of 
 acceptance, which I desire to make as brief as possible, 
 to go into details regarding many matters of public 
 moment and discuss them as fully as I should like to 
 do. During the campaign, however, I shall no doubt 
 speak to the people on many matters of interest which 
 time now prevents. I want to take the people into my 
 confidence, as I want them to take me into their confi- 
 
industry and intelligence and patriotism; they promote 
 social intercourse, prevent intellectual stagnation, and 
 increase the happiness and prosperity of our producing 
 masses; they contribute to the glory of the city and 
 the country, give employment to our idle workmen, 
 distribute the necessaries of life — the products of the 
 fields and the forests and the factories — encourage 
 energy and husbandry, inculcate love for our scenic 
 wonders and make mankind better and broader and 
 greater and happier. 
 
 The Truths of History. 
 
 The plain people are familiar with the truths of 
 history. They know the past. They realize that often 
 the difference between good roads and bad rfeads is 
 the difference between profit and loss. Good roads 
 have a money value far beyond the ordinary concep- 
 tion. Bad roads constitute our greatest drawback to 
 internal development and material progress. Good 
 roads mean prosperous farmers; bad roads mean aban- 
 doned farms, sparsely settled country districts, and 
 congested populated cities, where the poor are des- 
 tined to become poorer. 
 
 Good roads mean more cultivated farms and cheaper 
 food products for the toilers in the cities; bad roads 
 mean poor transportation, lack of communication, high 
 prices for the necessaries of life, the loss of untold 
 millions of wealth, and idle workmen seeking employ- 
 ment. Good roads will help those who cultivate the 
 soil and feed the multitudes, and whatever aids the 
 farmers will increase our wealth and benefit all the 
 people. We cannot destroy our farms without final 
 decay. 
 
 If the people send me to Albany I shall do what I 
 can to reduce the high cost of living, and make life 
 less a struggle for existence. For more than ten years 
 the increasing cost of living, mounting higher and 
 higher each succeeding year, has been the most im- 
 mediate, the most pressing and the most universally 
 observed fact about economic conditions in this coun- 
 try. During all this period, while wages have re- 
 mained practically the same and the cost of the neces- 
 saries of life have grown more and more oppressive, 
 the promise has been held out by the Republicans that 
 when they got around to tariff revision something 
 would be done to remedy these inequitable conditions. 
 But what was the result? The mockery of the Payne- 
 Aldrich law — making matters worse instead of better. 
 
 Promises Proved Empty. 
 
 Ever since 1896 the average man has been gradually 
 losing his hold on the means of physical existence. 
 The political party in power all this time cannot escape 
 responsibility for these conditions. The people no 
 longer trust Republican promises. They no longer 
 blindly believe in the efficiency of Republican policies. 
 
The systematic overcapitalization of all kinds of enter- 
 prises; the consolidation of management and the cen- 
 tralization of ownership ; the fixity of the wages of 
 toil; the advancing of prices, in too many cases out 
 of all reason, of the necessaries oi life — all these 
 things have caused a widespread distrust of Republican 
 doctrines and the philanthropic assertions of the bene- 
 ficiaries of Republican protection. 
 
 A continuance of these evils is a menace to our 
 civilization. It is the duty of Democracy to remedy 
 them* and the Democratic party, with the motto of 
 equal rights to all and special privileges to none writ- 
 ten across its banner, welcomes the opportunity. 
 
 As a Democrat imbued with the principles of Jeffer- 
 son I believe in justice to all. I am opposed to special 
 privilege. If I am anything I am an individualist, and 
 I believe in keeping the door of opportunity open for 
 every man in all this broad land. That is my democ- 
 racy, and it is true Democracy, and I use the word 
 " democracy " not in its political but in its generic 
 sense. 
 
 Believes in Fair Play. 
 
 There is nothing narrow-minded about my view of 
 political questions. I believe in fair play to all. I am 
 opposed to anything that will estrange employer and 
 employee or cause a breach between capital and labor, 
 and I am a friend of both. I want to give each an 
 equal chance. 
 
 I believe I voice the sentiments of the working people 
 when I say that all labor wants is a fair show, an equal 
 chance and a square deal. Labor is indefatigable and 
 unselfish. It does not ask for more than its just right. 
 We hear much about equality before the law. That is 
 all the workingmen want. They seek no special privi- 
 lege and they want none. 
 
 Labor makes no war on vested rights. It does not 
 rail at honestly acquired wealth. It is not antagonistic 
 to legitimate capital. It would close no door of op- 
 portunity. It would darken no star of hope. It strikes 
 no blow to paralyze ambition. It stands for equality 
 before the law and for concord and peace. 
 
 My record of hard work for nearly a quarter of a 
 century in the vineyard of the people proves, if it proves 
 anything, that no man in all our land stands more 
 squarely than I do for personal liberty, for home rule 
 and for the reserved rights of the State. I believe in 
 the dignity and the rights of American citizenship, 
 native and naturalized — at home and abroad — and I 
 commended the patriotism of the Democratic members 
 of the House of Representatives, which compelled the 
 termination of the Russian treaty of 1832, and pledge 
 myself to do all in my power in the future to preserve 
 the sacred rights of American citizenship ; and I declare 
 that no treaty should ever receive the sanction of our 
 government which does not affirmatively recognize the 
 unquestionable equality of all of "our citizens, irrespec- 
 
tive of their religious beliefs, or, of the race or na- 
 tionality of their origin, and which does not expressly 
 guarantee the fundamental right of expatriation. 
 
 Proud of Being " Commoner." 
 
 Our platform is explicit regarding the civil service. 
 I am a firm believer in the merit system. The pages 
 of the Congressional Record sustain me in this con- 
 nection against adverse criticism. How I voted and 
 what I have done are known. I appeal to that record 
 for my justification, and affirm that if I am elected 
 there will be no step backward in civil service reform, 
 and the integrity and efficiency of the merit system 
 will be promoted. 
 
 They say I am a commoner. I am proud of that. 
 I come from the farm and from humble surround- 
 . ings. All that I am and all that I hope to be I owe 
 to a good mother and an honest father. I have toiled 
 up step by step from the bottom, from poverty and 
 obscurity, and my career illustrates again the hope of 
 the Republic, and demonstrates anew that the door of 
 opportunity is still open to the humblest boy in all our 
 land. 
 
 The plain people know me and they know what I 
 have done. They know I can be trusted. They have 
 seldom been deceived by one of their own. 
 
 It is said I am a simple man — of little vanity and 
 less prejudice. That is true. The only prejudice I have 
 is against intrenched wrongs, to remedy which I have 
 struggled all my life. If I go to Albany I shall try 
 to follow in the footsteps of Silas Wright in the 
 honesty and simplicity of genuine Democratic adminis- 
 tration, and endeavor to emulate the example of Sam- 
 uel J. Tilden for progressive reforms along construc- 
 tive and constitutional lines. 
 
 Knows New York's Needs. 
 
 My nomination for Governor came to me because for 
 long years I worked for my party, and through my own 
 exertions I earned the good will of the Democrats of 
 my State by deeds done and works accomplished. I 
 am no novice. I know the needs of New York. I am 
 the candidate of a united party and an unshackled con- 
 vention. I went to the convention, not as a candidate, 
 but to fight for a principle — the principle of an open 
 convention, a fair field, and no favor. 
 
 I will go into office, if elected, without a promise 
 except my promise to all the people to serve them 
 faithfully to the best of my ability. I am free, without 
 entanglements, and shall remain free. If elected I 
 will be the Governor of the people and the Executive 
 Office will be in the Capitol. When I take the oath of 
 Governor, I shall enforce the laws fearlessly and 
 honestly and impartially — wfth malice toward none. 
 William Sulzer never had a boss, and his only master 
 is himself. 
 
Aid for the Farmers. 
 
 Agricultural education, now in its infancy, must be 
 fostered until agriculture is taught not only in a few 
 colleges in the State, but in every higjh school in our 
 commonwealth. Our game laws should be strength- 
 ened to prevent thoughtless hunters from trespassing 
 on farms during the game season unless freedom to 
 hunt has been granted. Each year thousands of com- 
 plaints are heard about the abuse of hunters who tres- 
 pass and shoot game without permission of the owners, 
 and often much damage is done to poultry and other 
 farm stock. 
 
 The farmer's interest must be promoted in the matter 
 of good roads. The State fair must be made an agri- 
 cultural, an educational and an industrial exposition 
 and State institution commissioned by men in sympathy 
 with its interests and capable of directing this great en- 
 terprise in all its channels. The State Agricultural 
 Society, which has become such a splendid clearing 
 house of agricultural thought, direction and publicity, 
 should be encouraged to greater activity. 
 
 Our Department of Agriculture, one of the most use- 
 ful administrative branches of the State government, 
 must never be allowed to become partisan in character, 
 but held strictly to the line of agricultural promotion. 
 If I am the Governor I desire to say that whatever 
 is within my power I shall do to sustain, to promote 
 and to 'upbuild the agricultural resources of the Em- 
 pire State. I will work heartily with representatives, 
 as well as the rank and file of farmers, to make the 
 next two years the most prosperous that this State 
 has ever known. When the farmer is prosperous the 
 State will flourish. 
 
 Good Roads and Waterways. 
 
 Good roads, the continued conservation of human 
 life, of our natural resources and the constant improve- 
 ment of our waterways appeal to me now as they have 
 in the past, and will have my earnest support and con- 
 stant attention. 
 
 We know that good roads, like good streets, make 
 habitation along them most desirable; they enhance the 
 value of farm lands, facilitate transportation, and add 
 untold wealth to the producers and consumers of the 
 country; they are milestones marking the advance of 
 civilization; they economize time, give labor a lift, and 
 make millions in money ; they save wear and tear 
 and worry and waste; they beautify the country — bring 
 it in touch with the city; they aid the social and re- 
 ligious and educational and the industrial progress of 
 the people; they make better homes and happier fire- 
 sides; they are the avenues of trade, the highways of 
 commerce, the mail routes of information and the 
 agencies of speedy communication; they mean the 
 economical transportation of marketable products — the 
 maximum burden at the minimum cost; they are the 
 ligaments that bind the country together in thrift and 
 
dence. I trust the people and they trust me. We un- 
 derstand each other, and we must work together for 
 the general welfare. 
 
 Pledges to the People. 
 
 If elected Governor I shall to the best of my ability 
 endeavor to give the people of the State an honest, an 
 economical and a business-like administration of public 
 affairs. I say business-like advisedly, because I assure 
 the business men in every part of our State that they 
 can rely on me in all seasons, and at all times, to do 
 my utmost to promote the business and the commer- 
 cial interests of our commonwealth. I realize how im- 
 portant they are, and shall ever be exceedingly care- 
 ful to take no step to jeopardize the financial and the 
 commercial supremacy of the first State in the Union. 
 
 Suffice it to say that I am a friend of every honest 
 business, whether big or little, and will always have 
 its welfare in view in the administration of State af- 
 fairs. To this end I shall work unceasingly for quicker 
 and better transportation agencies, and for improved 
 and larger terminal facilities, in order that New York 
 shall continue to receive her just share of the trade 
 and commerce of our country. 
 
 •Is a Friend of the Navy. 
 
 I am now, and always have been, a friend of the 
 Navy, and I believe in the restoration of the supremacy 
 of the Flag of the United States upon the merchant 
 shipping of the world and the proper protection to 
 owners and users of vessels built in this country, and 
 shall continue to urge speedy action in favor of the 
 establishment and maintenance of an American Mer- 
 chant Marine. 
 
 Ever before us must be kept the needs of agricul- 
 ture. I' grew to manhood on a farm. I know farm 
 life, and my sympathy is with the toilers. What the 
 farmer produces is real wealth. To-day, when con- 
 sumption has caught up with production, it behooves 
 us to give attention and every kind of encouragement 
 to the land. Those of the cities who would return to 
 farms must be encouraged, those of the farms must 
 be aided to greater effort and larger profit. 
 
 To this end legislation that will secure greater pro- 
 duction should be promoted. Let our people be pro- 
 vided with constructive legislation that will enable 
 farmers to co-operate among themselves, so that farm- 
 ers and city people can have the closest possible inter- 
 course, and the products of the farm may be moved 
 to the kitchens of customers with the least possible 
 friction, at the smallest expense, and in the shortest 
 time. We should help our farmers to secure the ad- 
 vantages of long loans at reasonable interest rates. 
 The parcels post legislation just started should be fur- 
 ther extended so as to include an express post in order 
 to make still freer the exchange between country and 
 city. 
 
 ?, 
 
limit on th 
 even If the, 
 
 more frequi 
 
 should rei|ii 
 I do not 
 1\>r a pater 
 was done, 
 allowed by 
 publication, 
 si liking tes 
 As regar 
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 required to 
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 uianagcmi'ii 
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 81832- 
 
 Thosc who know me best know that 1 stand lirmly 
 for certain fundamental principles — for personal liberty ; 
 for religious freedom; for constitutional government] 
 for equality before the law; for equal rights to all and 
 special privileges to none; and for unshackled oppor- 
 tunity as the beacon light of individual hope and the 
 best guarantee for the perpetuity of our free institu- 
 tions. 
 
 He Is an Optimist. 
 
 I have no race or religious prejudices. I am charitable 
 in all my views. I am an optimist. I have sympathy 
 for all and know that good works constitute the most 
 enduring monument. I believe in my fellow-men, in 
 the good of society generally, and I know that the world 
 is growing better. I believe in the old integrities, in 
 the new humanities, and declare with Burns — " A man's 
 a man for a' that." 
 
 The people have no fears for Democracy. The Demo- 
 cratic party will never die until the pillars of the Re- 
 public totter and crumble and liberty is no more. Its 
 future is as secure as its past is glorious, and its ulti- 
 mate success in the struggle for equal rights to all will 
 be the crowning triumph of the progress of the race 
 and the brightest page in the annals of human destiny. 
 
 In conclusion let me reiterate what I have often said 
 before — I am a Democrat, unafraid, free, progressive 
 and independent ; and I have the courage of my con- 
 victions. I know my duty and dare do it regardless of 
 consequences. The past is secure, my face is to the 
 future. My motto is onward with hope — forward with- 
 out fear. 
 
 • 
 
 m 
 
 Vote in the Circle 
 Under the Star. 
 
Editorial in The New York Call, Monday, October 20, 1913. 
 
 The Truth About William Sulzer 
 
 William Sulzer, impeached and expelled from the office n r 
 Governor returns to private life, and the kept newspapers that 
 from the beginning have helped in all ways to drag him dm™ 
 lell us that he is disgraced. uuwn, 
 
 I do not see how. 
 
 Admit all you please about the weak and foolish acts of this 
 man, and still to the impartial mind capable of independent 
 judgment, these pivotal facts will remain: 
 
 1. He was impeached chiefly for acts committed when he 
 was not Governor. 
 
 2. The things charged against him, however erratic or sillv 
 were not things that deserved impeachment. 
 
 3 He was plainly the victim, not of Murphy and Tammany 
 Hall, but of the Invisible Government which he had offended 
 Mr. Ryan sent his own son to testify against him and to go out 
 of the normal way of a witness to say bitter and injurious things 
 against the man whose political death had been decreed. 
 
 4. The New York newspapers, whose controlling influence is 
 now no secret to any man that cares to inquire about it, treated 
 him with deliberate unfairness and plainlv strove in every way 
 to create prejudice against him. 
 
 5. There is not one politician in public life against whom 
 charges cannot be brought similar to those that were used to 
 wreck Governor Sulzer. The consequence, then, is as plain as 
 day. From this time forth men in public office will understand 
 that at any revolt against the Powers that be, Sulzer 's fate 
 may be theirs. 
 
 The total effect is to strengthen beyond any possible precedent 
 the malign influences that concentrated wealth exerts over our 
 affairs. 
 
 The whole inside of this case is unmistakable 1o anyone ac- 
 customed to more than surface observation. / 
 
 Sulzer was a politician and played the politician's usual game 
 in the usual way. But at the same time h^liad always a sincere 
 sympathy with the people, and within/ms limitations of habit 
 and vision, a sincere desire to serve them. 
 
 I know that, because 1 saw mucJ?f*of his work in Washington. 
 I hardly need to say that about/many things we fundamentally 
 disagreed. But it at least -affas true that throughout all his 
 Washington service no map/ever went to him with any proposal 
 on the side of the peopne against privilege without finding a 
 sympathetic listener, -nor without getting all the help that this 
 man, within, t Vfe limitations of his position, could possibly afford. 
 
 So far. as lie could see his way, he was with the working class, 
 and not for political advantage, but from his natural sympathies. 
 
 Bvery other unbiased observer in Washington knew that as 
 well as I, and will say so. 
 
 Very likely lie had more heart than head. I don't know. 
 ""Tint 1 do know that the- fault is -so-nnusnal among public men- 
 that to my mind it amounts to a virtue. 
 
 Nobody ever alleged it against Mr. Ryan. 
 
 To many a good cause he gave his support ungrudgingly 
 and without a chance of any return. He had a capacity for 
 genuine feeling about injustice. Long before he began his suc- 
 cessful campaign against the Russian treaty, he told me pri- 
 vately his convictions about Russia gathered from his own 
 readings and observations. He took up the cause of the under- 
 paid women teachers of New York when to do so could mean 
 no possible advantage to him. He stood out long ago for 
 woman suffrage, when to advocate it insured only an avalanche 
 of ridicule. 
 
 When he was elected Governor, it was as a politician, playing 
 the game. In the office he got a good inside view of the per- 
 fectly rotten condition of government as it really is, and in his 
 own way and within the limitations of his vision he tried to 
 combat the evils he saw around him. 
 
 Sav that he thought he saw in the situation a chance to fur- 
 ther his own ambition. I don't know and I don't care. I 
 have no time to quarrel with the motives of men that are moved 
 to give battle to Privilege. It is enough to find one that will 
 do it for any motive, and they are rare enough at that. 
 
 Sulzer gathered some idea of the Hock of cormorants that for 
 years and years have settled upon State contracts, State insti- 
 tutions and State work. He started to drive them from their 
 roosts and aroused their fierce and undying hatred. Back of 
 these creatures and their preying were some of the most power- 
 ful Interests in the State. In revenge they determined to 
 achieve his political ruin. 
 
 At the same time he revolted against Wall Street and the In- 
 visible Government. Then the supreme power in our affairs 
 sentenced him to extinction and set its retainers to work to 
 thai end. 
 
 Some of the newspapers pretend to be astonished that in the 
 midst of his misfortunes he seems to be uncrushed and retains 
 a cheerful and unruffled demeanor. 
 
 Why should he not? 
 
 It may be painful to be sacrificed to the Controlling Interest, 
 but it is no disgrace. William Sulzer is not the first man they 
 have pulled down, and will not be the last. 
 
 The mark of their disapproval is no sign of disgrace; it is a 
 badge of honor. 
 
 Knowing what I know about them and their ways and their 
 purposes, the fan thai they have slaughtered (his man atones 
 
 No man can possibly be disgraced or unworthy of respect if 
 he has managed to earn their enmity. 
 
 No man can possibly be very bad if he has been good enough 
 to secure the condemnation of the fihhv kept press of New York. 
 
 And finally any man thai knows ihinii- .i- the) are in New 
 York Stale and New York Citv would rather I..- William Sulzer, 
 thrown out of office by the Gas House Gang of Wall Street, 
 than spend one hour in the Governor's chair as the valet and 
 lackey of Thomas Fortune Ryan. 
 
 CHARLES EDWARD RUSSELL. 
 
'U.v. 
 
 ■su. 
 
 SI. 
 
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 '1IAV 
 
 
 Ml 
 
Speech, in part, of Governor Sulzer, at the Banquet 
 - given by The National Democratic Club, at the 
 Waldorf Astoria Hotel, New York City, Satur- 
 day night, April 12, 1913, to celebrate the birth- 
 day of Thomas Jefferson. 
 
 Mr. Sulzer said in part : 
 
 " It is a pleasure for me to be one of the guests 
 to-night of The National Democratic Club. I con- 
 gratulate its members on keeping alive the mem- 
 ory of the author of the Declaration of Independ- 
 ence and the founder of true democracy. 
 
 JEFFERSON'S BIRTHDAY. 
 
 " It is proper and patriotic that the birthday of 
 Jefferson should be celebrated in all lands and in 
 all climes by the lovers of liberty and the friends 
 of freedom. The principles of Jefferson have been 
 on trial for a century, and are more secure and 
 more popular to-day in the hearts of humanity 
 than ever before. 
 
 JEFFERSON A MAN OF ALL TIME. 
 
 " Jefferson was not of an age, but a man of all 
 time. I know of few men of whom this can be more 
 truthfully said than of the third President of the 
 Union — a man of such marvellous intellectual 
 power and creative force that he will be a leader 
 of generations yet unborn. 
 
 " He lived at a time when agitation and conflict 
 tended to develop the highest powers of mankind, 
 
but the work that lie did for the people in those 
 days of storm and stress, redounds to our ad- 
 vantage to-day, and exemplifies the eternal truths 
 which lie at the very foundation of popular gov- 
 ernment and tend to promote and preserve human 
 Liberty. 
 
 AHEAD OF HIS TIME. 
 
 " The man who wrote the Statutes in Virginia 
 for religious freedom, and who penned the verities 
 in the Declaration of Independence, was a century 
 ahead of his time. " He was one of the greatest 
 apostles of human liberty in all the annals of 
 history. We are just catching up with his love of 
 freedom, with his progressive principles, and with 
 the spirit and the wisdom of his political philos- 
 ophy. 
 
 HIS PRINCIPLES ETERNAL. 
 
 " Thomas Jefferson lives. His example en- 
 dures. His principles are eternal. As the years 
 come and go the heroic form of the Sage of Monti- 
 cello looms larger and larger on the horizon of 
 man. For centuries yet to come this simple man 
 of the people will wield a mighty influence on the 
 destinies of the human race. 
 
 THE EMPIRE STATE. 
 
 " It is gratifying, in a personal way, that 1 am 
 asked to respond to the toast of The Empire State 
 — conceded to be the first and the greatest State 
 in the Dnion. Tt 1ms a Larger population now than 
 the entire country had during the administration 
 of Jefferson, and its diversified interests are a 
 thousand times more extended and complicated 
 than the interests of the Republic a century ago. 
 
3 
 
 AT THE HEAD OF THE COLUMN. 
 
 " New York State moves on at the head of the 
 column, and keeps pace with the march of the 
 Union. To-day it possesses more than a twelfth 
 part of all the wealth of the United States, and 
 contains more than a tenth of the population of 
 the entire country. Our citizens have every reason 
 to be proud of our commonwealth, and I know 
 from long experience that they take a deep and an 
 abiding interest in the advancement of her ma- 
 terial welfare, and in the promotion of her agri- 
 cultural and commercial supremacy. Our motto 
 is Excelsior, and to accentuate that motto, and 
 maintain our prestige, in the Union of our sister- 
 hood of States, there must be constant progress 
 and no step backward. Every citizen of New 
 York must do his duty, and must do his best, to 
 keep our State in the vanguard of advancing 
 civilization. 
 
 NEW YORK THE EXEMPLAR. 
 
 " New York should always stand as an ex- 
 emplar of law and order, and of economical, and 
 efficient, and progressive administration. I am 
 proud to be its Governor, and I have promised the 
 people that in so far as I can it will be my constant 
 endeavor to maintain law and order ; to protect life 
 and property; and to give the State an honest, an 
 efficient, an economical, and a business-like ad- 
 ministration of public affairs. I am friendly to 
 every legitimate industry. I have no prejudice 
 against business, big or little, so long as it is 
 honest; and the business men in every part of our 
 State can rely on me at all times to do my utmost 
 to promote its commercial interests. I realize how 
 
important they are, and shall always be careful to 
 make no move that will jeopardize the financial 
 
 and the business supremacy of the firsi and the 
 greatesl State in the Republic. To this end 1 have 
 
 been working ever since the firsi day of January 
 for quicker and better transportation agencies, 
 and for improved and larger terminal facilities in 
 order that New York shall continue to receive her 
 just share of the trade and the commerce of the 
 country. 
 
 A WORD OF CAUTION TO LABOR. 
 
 " They say I am a friend of the poor and the 
 toiler. If that be true it is also true that I am a 
 greater friend of law and order, and of life and 
 property. A word of caution on this occasion may 
 be timely. I have no sympath} 7 with lawlessness. 
 •No man in all our history was a firmer believer in 
 law and order than Thomas Jefferson. 
 
 THE RIGHTS OF LABOR AND CAPITAL. 
 
 " The right of a man to labor is inalienable, and 
 the right of a man to quit work is just as un- 
 deniable. Neither capital nor labor has the right 
 to take the law in its own hands. If capital does 
 wrong that is no reason why labor should do 
 wrong, or vice versa. Two wrongs never did and 
 never will make a right. In a government such as 
 ours, the reign of law must not give way to the 
 reign of force. The law must be obeyed by all. 
 
 GOOD ADVICE. 
 
 " The best advice that any friend can give labor, 
 organized or otherwise, in its struggle for its just 
 rights, for better conditions, for greater progress, 
 and for a more equitable distribution of its fruits, 
 
is obey the law. Labor's only hope is here. No 
 man is greater than the law in this country. 
 
 A BELIEVER IN LAW AND ORDER. 
 
 ' ' No individual in all our State is a greater be- 
 liever than I am in the supremacy of the law. Let 
 no one misunderstand me when I say that the 
 present Governor of the State of New York stands 
 for the conservation of law and order, and the 
 protection of life and property. During my term 
 of office every power at my command vail be in- 
 voked, and every agency of government will be 
 utilized, at all times, to the accomplishment of 
 this end. No man, rich or poor, high or low, great 
 or small, is above the law. No man, no matter 
 what he believes is his grievance, or what he 
 thinks are Iris rights, must take the law into his 
 own hands. Contempt for the law destroys the 
 State. The law is supreme, and every man must 
 bow to its observance. There must be no lawless- 
 ness in the State of New York. This is a land of 
 liberty, but it is now, always has been, and always 
 will be, liberty under law." 
 
WM. SULZER 
 
 A Short Sketch of the Nan Who Does Things 
 
 By 
 
 JULIUS CHAMBERS, F. R. G. S. 
 
 Formerly Managing Editor of the New York Herald. 
 
 REPRINTED FROM "PROMINENT MEN IN NEW YORK, 1912." 
 
 A man who has distinguished himself 
 in straight law and in clean politics 
 is "William Sulzer, representing for 
 years the Tenth District, New York, 
 in the United States House of Repre- 
 sentatives. Mr. Sulzer was born in 
 Elizabeth, N. J., of German and Scotch- 
 Irish parentage. His father was a 
 farmer, near Elizabeth, and the boy 
 was educated at the country schools 
 near that town. He then attended lec- 
 tures at the Columbia Law School and 
 read law in the office of Parish & Pen- 
 dleton, in New York city. His parents 
 were strict Presbyterians, and intended 
 their son for the ministry; but he pre- 
 ferred the law and was duly admitted 
 to the bar on attaining his majority in 
 1884. He soon became recognized as a 
 sound lawyer and an eloquent public 
 speaker. He took an active part in the 
 first Cleveland campaign and has been 
 prominent in every campaign since. 
 His success in law has been equalled 
 by that in politics. He was sent to the 
 New York Assembly and re-elected for 
 five years. He made a splendid record 
 for usefulness to the State at Albany. 
 No one ever questioned his honesty, 
 his sincerity or his capability. He serv- 
 ed with distinction in the sessions of 
 1890, 1891, 1892, 1893 and 1894. 
 
 He was a leader there of his party 
 and the Speaker in 1893 — one of the 
 youngest on record. 
 
 From the first, the newspapers were 
 his friends. In 1894 the old Tenth Dis- 
 trict of this city sent him to the Fifty- 
 fourth Congress; he has been returned 
 ever since by increasing majorities. He 
 is popular with the people. His course 
 in the House has been one of hard 
 work and steady independence. He was 
 a staunch friend of the suffering Cu- 
 bans; his sympathies are world wide; 
 his ideas are broad, and his work na- 
 tional. 
 
 He introduced the bill declaring war 
 against Spain, the Joint Resolution pro- 
 viding for a constitutional amendment 
 under which the United States Senators 
 will be elected by direct votes of the 
 people; he is the author of the law es- 
 tablishing the Bureau of Corporations 
 in the Department of Commerce and 
 Labor; the bill increasing the pay of 
 letter carriers. He is the author of the 
 resolution denouncing the Jewish out- 
 rages in Russia; of the Columbus Day 
 bill; the law increasing the pensions of 
 
 the soldiers and sailors of the Union; 
 the laws to raise the wreck of the 
 Maine; of the copyright law; and the 
 resolution for an income tax. He is 
 the author of the bill to re-establish 
 the merchant marine; for a general 
 parcels post; for national aid in the 
 construction of good roads; of the bill 
 to create a Department of Labor with 
 a Secretary having a seat in the Cabi- 
 net; of the bill to decrease the cost 
 of living by placing the necessaries of 
 life on the free list, and of many other 
 measures in the interest of the people 
 of the country. His record at Albany 
 and at Washington is a monument to 
 his untiring zeal and indefatigable in- 
 dustry. 
 
 He has been a delegate to every Dem- 
 ocratic National Convention since 1896. 
 I stood beside him at the Chicago Con- 
 vention of that year when Whitney, as 
 chairman of the New York delegation 
 declined to support Bryan, and coun- 
 selled the New York delegation to bolt. 
 Mr. Sulzer refused to be led out of the 
 convention hall and stood alone in his 
 support of the nominee. Sulzer pre- 
 vented the New York delegation from 
 bolting, and kept the Democrats from 
 New York regular. He explained to 
 me at the time that there were so many 
 good things in the platform and that 
 Mr. Bryan was a man of so much hon- 
 esty and energy and power for good 
 that he decided to go along with him. 
 This was an act of great courage, for 
 the New Yorkers were then bitterly 
 hostile to Bryan. 
 
 Mr. Sulzer has served on several Im- 
 portant committees in the House of 
 Representatives. Just so soon as his 
 party gained control of the House his 
 colleagues made him chairman of the 
 important and responsible Committee 
 on Foreign Affairs, and he is making 
 good. He is widely read, is considered 
 a fine international lawyer, with ability 
 along executive and diplomatic lines. 
 
 Mr. Sulzer last year was a candidate 
 for the nomination for Governor on 
 the Democratic ticket. Had he been 
 selected he would have been elected by 
 a landslide majority. I sincerely hope 
 he will attain that high office of which 
 he is worthy. The people are with him. 
 He is a true man, an ideal representa- 
 tive, and one of the best known and 
 most lovable characters in our coun- 
 try. 
 
 <ltgcg£»l°0 
 
THE REPUBLIC OF CHINA 
 
 SPEECH 
 
 OP 
 
 HON. WILLIAM SULZER 
 
 OUT NEW YORK 
 
 HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES 
 
 FEBRUARY 29, 1912 
 
 «£ 
 
 81002 ior,.ri 
 
 WASniNGTON 
 1012 
 
SPEECH 
 
 01 
 
 HON. WILLIAM SULZER 
 
 REPUBLIC OF CHINA.. 
 
 Mr. SULZEB said: 
 
 Mr. Si'KAKKi;: By direction of the Committee on Foreign 
 Affairs I ask unanimous consent for the presenl consideration 
 of the joint resolution introduced by me, to congratulate the 
 people of China on the establishment of the Chinese Republic, 
 
 which I send to the Clerk's desk and ask to have read. Tins is 
 a matter of some moment, and I hope there will be no objection 
 to it. It is reported unanimously from the Committee on For- 
 eign Affairs. 
 
 The SPEAKER. The gentleman from New York asks unani- 
 mous consent for the present consideration of House joint reso- 
 lution 254, which the Clerk will report. 
 
 The Clerk read House joint resolution 254, congratulating 
 
 the people of China on their assumption of the powers, duties. 
 
 and responsibilities of self-government, as follows: 
 
 Whereas the Chinese nation has successfully asserted the fart that 
 sovereignty Is vested in the people, and has recogni7.ed the principle 
 that government derives its authority from the consent of the gov- 
 erned, thereby terminating a condition of Internal strife; and 
 Whereas the American people are inherently and by tradition sympa- 
 thetic with all efforts to adopt the Ideals and institutions of repre- 
 sentative government : Therefore lie it 
 
 Iteaolri-tl. etc, That the United Slate-; of America congratulates the 
 people of China on their assumption of the powers, duties, and responsi- 
 bilities of Belf-government, and expresses the confident hope that In the 
 adoption and maintenance of a republican form of government the 
 rights, liberties, and happiness of the Chinese people will he secure and 
 the progress of the country insured. 
 
 Mr. SULZER. Mr. Speaker, the joint resolution just read by 
 
 the Clerk congratulating the people of China on assuming the 
 
 duties and the responsibilities of self-government speaks for 
 
 itself and needs no apology and no explanation from any pa- 
 
 2 31092— 10G34 
 
3 
 
 triotic American. It should pass the Congress of the United 
 States without a dissenting vote. 
 
 It is fitting and proper that the people of the United States of 
 America should congratulate the people of China on their as- 
 sumption of the powers, duties, and responsibilities of self- 
 government, and to express the confident hope that in the 
 adoption and maintenance of a republican form of government 
 the rights, liberties, and happiness of the Chinese people will be 
 secure and the progress of the country insured. . . 
 
 The resolution is in diplomatic form, according to custom, 
 and in no way contravenes the status quo in the Orient or inter- 
 feres with the protocol existing between the allied powers. Its 
 adoption by Congress will be in line with our time-honored 
 precedents. 
 
 The establishment of a republic in China is a great world 
 event — momentous in the annals of human history. Its accom- 
 plishment speaks volumes for the moderation and the patriotism 
 of the Chinese people, challenges the admiration of civilization, 
 and gives renewed evidence of the growth and the progress of 
 the cause of. representative government. 
 
 I believe the people of China are capable of self-government. 
 I reassert that governments derive their just powers from the 
 consent of the governed. I feel confideut that the adoption of 
 this resolution will meet with the approval of the liberty-loving 
 people of our country. I indulge the hope that it will be fol- 
 lowed ere long by Executive action officially recognizing the 
 Republic of China. Long live the Republic of China ! 
 
 Mr. RAKER. Mr. Speaker, we would like to hear over here 
 what is going on with reference to China. 
 
 The SPEAKER. The point of order is well taken. 
 
 Mr. SULZER. Mr. Speaker, I will say to the gentleman from 
 California that it is unnecessary for me to dwell at length on 
 the urgent reasons why this resolution should pass immediately. 
 
 Mr. RAKER. If there are any urgent reasons I think the 
 House ought to know them. 
 
 Mr. SULZER. Mr. Speaker, has the gentleman from Cali- 
 fornia any objection to congratulating the people of China on 
 31992— 10G34 
 
establishing a republic? This resolution simply congratulates 
 the people of China on assuming the rights and duties of self- 
 government. 
 
 Mr. RAKER. Mr. Speaker, 1 would congratulate any people 
 who are In favor of a republican form of government 
 
 Mr. SULZER Good. That Is all this resolution does. 
 
 The SPEAKER Is there objection? [After a pause.] The 
 Chair hears none. 
 
 The joint resolution was ordered to be engrossed and read 
 third time, was read the third time, and passed. 
 
 On motion of Mr. Sulzi:r, a motion to reconsider the vote 
 whereby the joint resolution was passed was laid on the table. 
 81992—10634 
 
 o 
 
THE VOLUNTEER OFFICERS' 
 RETIRED LIST 
 
 SPEECH 
 
 OF 
 
 23l1>I O U Jj/j Jil\ 
 
 OF NEW YORK 
 
 IN THE 
 
 HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES 
 
 SATURDAY, FEBRUARY 20, 1909 
 
 7430S— 8079 
 
 WASHINGTON 
 1909 
 
SPEECH 
 
 OF 
 
 HON. WILLIAM SITLZER. 
 
 The House being in Committee of the Whole House on the state of 
 the Union, and having under consideration the bill (H. R. 2S059) mak- 
 ing appropriations for the support of the Military Academy for the fiscal 
 year ending June 30, 1910, and for other purposes — 
 
 Mr. SULZER said: 
 
 Mr. Chairman : I rise to say a few words for the soldiers and 
 the sailors of the Union, for the bravest men on land and sea 
 that ever faced a foe, for those heroic men who saved the Re- 
 public from destruction during the darkest hour in all our his- 
 tory. They need no eulogy. The glorious Union is their ever- 
 lasting monument. For ages yet to come their achievements 
 will be sung in song and story. 
 
 Nearly fifty years have passed since the close of the great 
 civil war — a conflict unparalleled in the annals of time. More 
 than two-thirds of the soldiers and the sailors who participated 
 in that tremendous struggle have been gathered to the fathers, 
 and those that remain will soon cross the " great divide " to join 
 their comrades on " fame's eternal camping ground." During the 
 few years they will be with us on earth I believe it is the duty 
 of the Government to care for those in poverty and distress and 
 to see to it that none lack the necessaries of life. The Govern- 
 ment owes the volunteers for the Union a debt of gratitude it 
 can never pay, and gratitude to these men should be the fair- 
 est flower that blossoms in the great heart of our reunited coun- 
 try. Our soldiers and our sailors should be generously treated 
 by the Government they did so much to preserve. That is the 
 least we can do for them in their declining years. Those that 
 are incapacitated and dependent should be liberally pensioued, 
 and their widows and orphans should be the wards of the Re- 
 public. As Lincoln said, the Nation should care for those who 
 have borne the battle and for their widows and orphans, so that 
 none shall be left in want and destitution. 
 
 I am now, always have been, and always will be the friend of 
 the soldiers and the sailors of the Union. I am proud of the 
 fact that I am called the "old soldiers' champion; " and I want 
 to say again what I have frequently said on the floor of this 
 House, that in Congres or out of Congress, the men who saved 
 the Union can always depend on me to do all in my power to 
 see to it that they get their just rights and the thanks of a 
 grateful Republic. 
 
 For several years these brave old veterans have been trying 
 to enact a law known as the " volunteer retired list bill." I have 
 done all in my power to aid them in their struggle. This year 
 after a hard fight I succeeded in reporting a bill favorably from 
 the Committee on Military Affairs. My report Is now before 
 the Congress, and the bill is slumbering on the calendar of the 
 House, and will Bleep there. 1 am sorry to say. until this Con- 
 gress adjourns on March 4. The fault is not nunc. I would 
 
 743G8— 8079 3 
 
make the bill a law to-day if I could. For reasons annece 
 for me to express at this time that hill can not pass this Con- 
 gress. However, I Indulge the hope that some bill along similar 
 lines will pass the next Congress and Become a law. Willi that 
 end in view I shall, just as soon as the extraordinary session 
 of the Congress convenes, on the 15th day of next March, re- 
 introduce the bill I have carefully prepared, and which I now 
 send to the Clerk's desk and ask to have read. 
 
 The Clerk read as follows: 
 A hill (II. It. 2.8337) to create In the War and Navy Departments, re- 
 spectively, a roll to be known as the ™ Volunteer officers retired li^i," 
 to authorize placing thereon with pay surviving officers who served in 
 the Volunteer Army, Navy, or Marine Corps of the United States In 
 the civil war, and who are not now on the retired list, and for other 
 purposes. 
 
 Be it enacted, etc., That upon written application to the B 
 War, or to the Secretary of the Navy, and subject to the conditions 
 and requirements hereinafter contained, the name of each surviving 
 officer who served In the Volunteer Army, Navy, or Marine Corps of the 
 United States In the civil war, shall be entered on a roll to be known 
 as the " Volunteer officers' retired list." Each person so entered shall 
 have served with credit as an olficer in said Volunteer Army. Navy, or 
 Marine Corps in the civil war, and shall have been honorably disc;: 
 and shall not have been retired; said application to be accompanied 
 with proof of identity of the applicant, and both the application and 
 proof to be under oath. 
 
 _' That each applicant whose name shall be entered upon snld 
 ill be entered as of the highest mustered rank held by htm 
 while serving in said Volunteer Army, Navy, or Marine Corps, and when 
 60 entered on said list he shall be paid, out of any money In the Treas- 
 ury not otherwise appropriated, as follows: From the time that he 
 attains the age of 64 years, $50 per month ; from the time he attains the 
 age of TO vears, $75 per month; and from the time he attains the age 
 of 70 years, $100 per month during the remaining period of his natural 
 life, such pay to begin on the date of filing his said application with 
 the Secretary of War or the Secretary of the Navy : Provided, Ths 
 act shall not applv to any officer while serving as an official or em- 
 ployee of the United States or any state or municipal government or 
 income from anv source exceeds $1,200 per annum. 
 Sec. 3. That each person who shall receive pay under this act shall 
 thereby relinquish all his right and claim to pension from the United 
 States after the date of filing said application, and any payment of 
 such pension made to him covering a period subsequent to the filing 
 of his said application shall be deducted from the amount due him on 
 the first payment or payments under this act. The pay allowed by this 
 act shall not be subject or liable to any attachment, levy, lien, or de- 
 tention under any process whatever, and persons whose names are 
 placed open Bald roll shall not constitute any part of the United States 
 Army, Navy, or Marine Corps. 
 
 4. That this act shall take effect immediatly. 
 
 Mr. SULZEIt. Mr. Chairman, that bill speaks for itself. It 
 is just and honest and fair and square. No liberty-loving citi- 
 zen should object to it. I believe it meets with the approval 
 of the soldiers and sailors of the Union — of those that are left 
 of the Grand Army of the Republic — and I shall do everything 
 In my power to make it a law before the Sixty-first Congress 
 ■hall adjourn on the 4th of March. 1911, and to this end I invoke 
 the aid of every friend of the soldiers and sailors of our country. 
 
 Sir, every sentiment of my heart impels me to say that the 
 surviving volunteer officers who served with credit during the 
 civil war are entitled to receive honors and emoluments equal to 
 those which have been bestowed upon any officers wbo have 
 served in defense of the country. It must be recognized that 
 in time of war reliance has been bad upon volunteer* to bear 
 the heat and burden of the conflict, and that it has always 
 been, and will no doubt be to the end, the policy of the Govern- 
 74368— S070 
 
5 
 
 ment to maintain a small Regular Army. The civil war in- 
 volved the perpetuity of the Union. The Union was preserved 
 and the national authority maintained at the end of the great- 
 est war of the world, in which more than two millions of vol- 
 unteers marched and fought under the triumphant banner of 
 their country. 
 
 A great reunited people now owe their repose and peace at 
 home, their phenomenal progress and prosperity, their commer- 
 cial success, and their influence abroad to the preservation of 
 the Union. I invite particular attention to the fact that this 
 proposed legislation has received the approval of a very large 
 number of prominent and influential men in various parts of 
 the country. The petitions of these citizens are now in the 
 hands of the military committees of the two Houses. Public 
 opinion favors this legislation, and the legislatures of the States 
 of Illinois, Ohio, New York, Michigan, Nebraska, Colorado, 
 Wyoming, Utah, and Kansas, by unanimous votes, have passed 
 resolutions indorsing it, and requesting the Senators and Repre- 
 sentatives from these States to vote for the enactment of a 
 volunteer retired list law. The bill should have been passed 
 and enacted into law long ere this. Patriotism commands it. 
 Gratitude demands it. Let us do our duty and pas^ the bill. 
 
 And now, Mr. Chairman, that is all I care to say at this time 
 in connection with this matter, but ere I take my seat I ask 
 unanimous consent to print in the Record, as part of my remarks, 
 several letters from distinguished volunteer army officers in 
 favor of this legislation. These letters are similar to dozens 
 I am receiving weekly from all over the country, and they speak 
 eloquently for justice to the soldiers and sailors of the Union. 
 
 The CHAIRMAN. Is there objection to the request of the 
 gentleman from New York? [After a pause.] The Chair hears 
 none, and the request is granted. 
 
 The letters follow: 
 
 235 West One hundred and second street, 
 
 Hew York, Fehruary 2.3, 1909. 
 Hon. William Solzer, M. C, 
 
 Washington, D. O. 
 
 Dear Mr. Sulzer : Through the courtesy of my old comrade, our 
 esteemed mutual friend, Colonel Lowry, I have a copy of your 
 bill to create a volunteer retired list, and as a party in Interest 
 I sincerely thank yo\i for your wise, patriotic, and energetic efforts in 
 that direction. While this bill does not make the same allowance for 
 the surviving officers of the civil war that had been so deservedly cx^ 
 tended to those of the Revolution by the acts of 1828 and 18;S2, granting 
 them full pav during life, If the Government of the country that we 
 fought to protect through all the perils of a terrible war, without 
 counting any risk of life or financial sacrifice, Is not willing or can not 
 afford to do us justice, we must he grateful for what we can get and 
 be content with the thought that " half a loaf Is better than none," but 
 we want that half loaf now. while we are alive to eat it. I was 
 wounded nine times in battle and know whereof I speak. 
 
 The question of other necessary large appropriations should, in my 
 opinion, not be allowed to cause delay, for the Government had to Issue 
 bonds to raise funds to prosecute the war and it can do so now to help 
 those who had volunteered their lives in her service. 
 
 Gen. Edwin L. Hayes, who is in his ninety-first year, called to see me 
 last Friday. He has a brilliant war record, but is physically feeble and 
 financially needy. I read him your bill, and he answered : 
 
 "Please thank Mr. Sulzer for me, bat tell him, for God's sake, to 
 have the bill passed at this session, for I do not expect to live until 
 the next." 
 
 There are hundreds of similar cases that should not ho suffered to 
 plead in vain to the heart of our great Nation. Private soldiers, on au 
 average, now receive as much in pensions as they received pay during 
 743G8— 8079 
 
the civil wur, while officers do not receive one tenth of their former 
 pay. 
 
 Although it takes private soldiers to make generals and win hattles, 
 It required good officers and hard, persistent work to convert the raw 
 material into the brave, efficient soldiers that won the hattles of the 
 civil war. 
 
 You are known throughout the land as the " soldier's friend," and 
 
 can you not add one more golden link to the long chain of noble il Is 
 
 for which we owe you love and gratitude and have your bill enacted 
 Into law at this session of Con^i 
 
 With esteem and best wishes, 
 
 Very truly, yours, Saml. K. Schwexk. 
 
 PniLLiPSBUitG, N. J., November so, 1908. 
 lion. William Sulzer, Esq., 
 
 New York City, 
 
 Dear Sir : I have been told that you arc drawing up a bill having for 
 Its object the placing of the ex-officers of the United States Army, Navy, 
 and Marine Corps who served during the late civil war on the retired 
 list and treated in every respect with the same honors and considera- 
 tions shown to the regular officers who served in that war. 
 
 In one of the bills introduced last winter for the army it made it 
 obligatory to have served eighteen months. Another bill made the time 
 limit one year-. 
 
 I have for years been a medical examiner — United 81 "> sur- 
 
 geon — and to'secure a pension ninety days' service is required. In your 
 bill I would suggest as a time limit six months or nine months, as it is 
 not fair to exact s year or eighteen months for those who went and did 
 their duty and slaved in until the end of the war. They should be en- 
 titled to be pltfced on the retired list, as it was not their fault that the 
 war was over and they mustered out. If in your bill you exact a six 
 months' service, that would he all right. 
 
 A second suggestion is this : In one of the bills of last winter the 
 officer must have resigned or been honorably discharged on or before 
 July 15, 180.". This is not right, for the Government could not disband 
 so large an armv and navv In so short a time. I was in the navy and 
 not discharged until August 10, 1865, and others on my Bhip and some 
 I know of not until September and later. At this point I would sug- 
 gest that to be placed on the retired list tbey must have entered the 
 service on April 1~>. 1861, and resigned or been honorably discharged 
 prior to October 1, 1st;.", or December 31, 1865. 
 
 A third suggestion — as to b<dng retired on the rank one grade higher 
 than the highest grade attained in the service. This is the rule in the 
 navv, I know, and I believe the Bame applies to the army. All officers, 
 as a mark of honor, especial honor of the Regular Navy, on being 
 retired and who served for any length of time in the civil war are 
 retired one rank higher than the highest in which they served. No 
 other naval officers who are placed on the retired list of t lie navy — 
 and I think the army — are given this extra rank on retirement. It Is 
 a special mark of appreciation and honor, intended only for the regular 
 officers who served m that war. 
 
 Now, If re. ers are given this special mark of appreciation 
 
 and honor, should nol volunteers on their being retired be treated with 
 the same consideration and respect and have equal honors with the 
 regulars for their (the volunteers) service in the same war'.' 
 
 I would BUggest, therefore, when drawing your bill, that you Incor- 
 porate in it this special honor, making, as I presume you intend to, that 
 the volunteer shall be in every respect on the same footing and with 
 equal consideration and respect and with the same honors accorded to 
 the regulars. I have had all the papers from the Navy Department 
 relating to naval officers' retirement, and know just what I am writing 
 about. I ask and hope that you will give my suggestions your careful 
 consideration, and hope you may decide to incorporate them In your 
 new bill. I am, sir. 
 
 Very truly, yours, J. A. Detrie, M. D. 
 
 l'liibi.ii'SKi BO, N. J., November so, 1908. 
 
 Hhadquabters Cameron Post, to. 
 
 Department New York. G. a. R., 
 
 \, ,/ For* aiii. February 22, 1909. 
 ITon. William Sulzbb, M. C, 
 
 n ashington, D. C. 
 Dear Sir: I have just been reading a copy of your bill to au- 
 thorize placing on the retired list certain surviving officers of the 
 United States Volunteer Army. I wish to thank you for your tireless 
 743G8— .S(»7U 
 
labor in our behalf, and assure you that I am firmly impressed with the 
 justice of this proposed measure and believe that the passage of such a 
 worthy and righteous act should be secured soon as possible. I know 
 many worthy surviving officers who are earnestly interested in the 
 enactment of such a bill ; some that are not able to work, and others 
 who can not find employment and are living on charity and slowly 
 starving. May God help you in this good work. 
 Very sincerely, yours. 
 
 Lucius B. Wilson,, 
 Commander Cameron Post, 79, G. A. B. 
 67 West Eleventh street. 
 
 Richard H. Bermingham, recording secretary, 5G West Ninety-third 
 street ; William A. Peet, financial secretary, 52-54 Park street ; Sixty- 
 third, Sixty-ninth, Eighty-eighth, Fourteenth, and Fifteenth batteries, 
 New York, Twenty-eighth Massachusetts and One hundred and sixteenth 
 Pennsylvania Volunteers, comprising Meagher's Irish brigade, Col. 
 James' J. Smith, honorary president, New Sixty-ninth Regiment Armory, 
 Lexington avenue, between Twenty-fifth and Twenty-sixth streets. 
 
 New York, February ?J h 1909. 
 Hon. William Sulzer, M. C. 
 
 Mr Dear Mr. Sulzer : Your favor of the 16th, together with the 
 copies of the volunteer officers' bill, came duly to hand. I have seen 
 quite a number of the ex-officers, and all of them approve of the bill, 
 without an exception, and will cheerfully aid you to the best of their 
 ability in making it a law. I want to say that we all know that you 
 are our consistent friend and fully appreciate 3 r our efforts in our be- 
 half, and thank you most cordially for the same. Wishing you success 
 in every direction, and with kindest wishes and best regards, 
 I am, very truly, yours, 
 
 Jno. R. Nugent, 
 S5 Mount Morris Parle West, Neiv York City. 
 
 Illinois and Chicago Volunteer Retired List Committees, Joseph B. 
 Leake, brevet brigadier-general, president ; F. A. Battey, lieutenant- 
 colonel, Fifty-seventh Illinois Volunteer Infantry, secretary and treas- 
 urer. Vice-presidents at large : Samuel Fallows, brevet brigadier-gen- 
 eral, Chicago; James A. Connelly, major One hundred and twenty-third 
 Illinois Volunteer Infantry, Springfield. Vice-presidents of congres- 
 sional districts: First district, Col. W. L. Barnum, 174 Dearborn street, 
 Chicago ; second district, Capt. M. J. Sheridan, 4351 Calumet avenue, 
 Chicago; third district, Capt. James G. Everest, 6611 Yale avenue, Chi- 
 cago : fourth district, Lieut. Joseph S. Smith, Forty-fourth street and 
 Beater avenue, Chicago; fifth district, Bvt. Brig. Gen. Charles T. 
 Hotchkiss, Chicago ; sixth district, Adjt. Edward A. Blodgett, 510 West 
 Monroe street, Chicago ; seventh district, Col. John W. Bennett, 122 
 South Central avenue, Chicago; eighth district, Lieut. Robert S. Ben- 
 nett, 138 West Monroe street, Chicago ; ninth district, Maj. William 
 Eliot Furness, 417 Orchard street, Chicago; tenth district, Maj. E. D. 
 Reddlngton, Evanston ; eleventh district", Lieut. E. W. Willard, Juliet; 
 twelfth district, Capt. J. August Smith. Rock ford ; thirteenth district, 
 Maj. George S. Avery. Galena; fourteenth district, Lieut. \y. H. Sexton, 
 Monmouth; fifteenth district. Lieut. George M. .Lines. Qulncy; si. 
 district, Lieut. II. M. Trimble, Princeton ; seventeenth district, Gen. 
 George F. Dick, Bloamington ; eighteenth district, Firsl Lieui. Samuel 
 F. Wilson, Neoga ; nineteenth district, Maj. V. L. Hays, Decatur; twen- 
 tieth district. Capt. W. A. Kirby, Jacksonville; twenty-rfirst district, 
 Lieut. B. R. Ilicronymus, Springfield! twenly ser.md district, Mai. Wil- 
 liam R. Prlckett, Edwardsvllle: twenty-third district, Cant. C. D. Ken- 
 dall, Newton; twenty-fourth district, Capt. C. M. Lyon, McLeansboro ; 
 and twenty-fifth district, Capt. N. B. Thistlewood, Cairo. 
 
 Rockfobd, III., February t&, 1909. 
 LTon. William Sulzer, 
 
 Congressman from New York. 
 
 HONORABLE Siu: From Col. P. A. Battoy, of Chicago, 111., I learned 
 that you had introduced a new bill to Congress in the interest of the 
 civil-war officers. 
 
 As vice-president of the twelfth congressional district of Illinois, I 
 extend to you the thanks of the civil-war officers in this con 
 district, ami hope that your bill will become law. 
 Respectfully, 
 
 .i. a i oi ST Smith, 
 
 1JU North Church 6.7, v, t. 
 743GS— S079 
 
8 
 
 JAKDABTj 1909, LIST OF srnviviNO UAJOE IND BBIC U'MR- 
 
 i.i.m.k.u.x OF V0LUNTF.DB8 0* Tin: CIVIL WAE. 
 
 The following printed list, prepared Janaary, 1909, gives the name 
 and age of - major-generals ana 26 brigadier-generals of volunteers, the 
 Burvlvors of 131 major-generals and 549 brigadier-generals of volun- 
 teers appointed and who served during the civil war. 
 
 There are aow only 2 major-generals and l'."> brigadier-generals of 
 volunteers surviving who are eligible to the provisions "f the volun- 
 teer-retired list hills now pending before Congress: 
 
 Name. 
 
 Address. 
 
 Age at 
 
 birthday 
 
 after 
 
 ■ 
 
 HAJOB-GSNKRALS OP VOLUNTEERS. 
 
 QrenvflleU 
 
 Stalil. Julius 
 
 BRIGADIBB-GENEBALS OP VOLUNTEFRS. 
 
 A mea . A delbert 
 
 Andrews, Christopher C 
 
 ty, John 
 
 Bussey, Cyrus 
 
 Oatterson, R. F 
 
 Chamberlain, Joshua L 
 
 lain, August L 
 
 Clayton, Powell 
 
 Connor, Selden 
 
 Cook, John 
 
 Cooper, Joseph A 
 
 Curtis, Newton M 
 
 Grant, L. A 
 
 Gregg, D. McM 
 
 Harland, Edward 
 
 MeCook, Edward M 
 
 MoGinness, G. F 
 
 Nickerson, Frank S. 
 Paine, Charles J 
 
 Pierce. Byron R 
 
 Raurn, Green H 
 
 Seward. William EL... 
 
 Shaler, Alex ani ler 
 
 Smith, William Sooy. 
 
 Webb, Alexander S... 
 
 Lowell, M iss 
 
 st. Paul, Minn 
 
 Columbus, Ohio 
 
 Washington, D. O 
 
 Minneapolis. Minn 
 
 Brunswick, Me 
 
 :n. Ill 
 
 Eureka Springs, Ark 
 
 Augusta, Me 
 
 Ransom, Mich 
 
 St. Johns, Kans 
 
 Ogdensburg, N, Y 
 
 Minneapolis, Minn 
 
 Reading, Pa 
 
 Norwich, Conn 
 
 319 Broadway, New York, 
 N. Y. 
 
 Indianapolis, Ind 
 
 Needham, Mass. 
 
 613 Sears Buiiding, Bos- 
 ton, Mass. 
 
 Grand Rapids, Mich 
 
 Chicago, 111 
 
 Auburn. N. Y 
 
 Ridgetleld, N. Y... 
 
 Mmiadnock Block, Chica- 
 go, 111. 
 
 Riverdale, N. Y 
 
 71 
 80 
 81 
 76 
 74 
 
 Nl 
 
 86 
 
 70 
 
 Bi 
 86 
 
 74 
 
 so 
 7<i 
 77 
 7i 
 
 B8 
 
 83 
 
 76 
 
 .so 
 80 
 
 B2 
 78 
 
 It is at present impossible to give the number of colonels, 
 lieutenant-cononels, majors, captains, and lieutenants of volun- 
 teers during the civil war who are living, but it is suggested 
 the proportion as above would be about the same. 
 74368—8079 
 
 o 
 
At the Banquet, of the American 
 Party, Monday night, September 
 27, 1915, in the Broadway Central 
 Hotel, New York City, Mr. Sulzer 
 spoke in part as follows: 
 
 "My friends, in view of the 127,600 votes polled by the Ameri- 
 can Party — under its emblem — the Liberty Bell — in the last 
 State Campaign no apology is necessary for its activity in this 
 campaign. There are no national issues involved in this fight. 
 In the last analysis this campaign means, which candidate, if 
 elected, is best fitted for the office, and can best serve the people. 
 The American Party is for that candidate. 
 
 "The American Party stands for good government ; for decent 
 citizenship ; for a square deal ; for the rights of the people ; for the 
 dignity of labor ; for woman's suffrage ; for all progressive poli- 
 cies ; for the Social Welfare ; for the ideals of patriotic America ; 
 and for the perpetuation of the free institutions of the Fathers. 
 
 "The politicians — wise and otherwise — know the American 
 Party is the party of the plain people, and will continue to fight 
 the battle of the taxpayers for honest government ; to destroy 
 corrupt bossism ; and to abolish the iniquitous system of bi- 
 partisan graft, called Fifty-Fifty, by which taxation is doubled, 
 and the few wax fat at the expense of the many. 
 
 "The American Party asserts that the Democracy of New 
 York cannot succeed under its present deficient and deplorable 
 leadership, which constitutes a despotism of depravity, from 
 an ethical-political viewpoint, worse than anything known in auto- 
 cratic Russia. 
 
"As the Progressive Party wanes, and passes into the shadow, 
 the American Party looms larger and larger on the political 
 horizon. The American Party is alive — very much alive. The so- 
 called Bull Moose I 'arty is dead — very dead — and while it- ghost, 
 in the person <>:' Terrible Teddy, for yet a little while, struts the 
 political stage, to disturb the Presidential dreams of Republican 
 Candidates', there appears to be none, but George W. Perkins, and 
 our auburn-haired friend, Victor Murdock, to mourn its loss, or 
 shed a crocodile tear over its curious bier. All of which goes to 
 prove that a political party cannot be kept alive to gratify the 
 vanity and the whims of a disappointed third term office seeker. 
 
 "< mi this festive occasion we congratulate each other, and the 
 people, that the American Part}- has designated a worthy ticket 
 in every Borough of Greater New York. When our candidates 
 are nominated in the Primaries, and the politicians get the per- 
 spective, they will realize the significance of this remark, and 
 wonder at their lack of political sagacity. 
 
 "The American Party is for Frank K. Bowers for Sheriff, of 
 New York Count}-. He has demonstrated, as Under Sheriff, his 
 capacity, his fitness, and his ability, to administer the affairs of the 
 office to the satisfaction of the Bench and the Bar, and for the 
 welfare of all the people generally. 
 
 "The salary of the Sheriff is $12,000 a year, and the fees 
 amount to more than $60,000 annually. As between Mr. Bowers, 
 our candidate for Sheriff, and Al Smith — Boss Murphy's handy 
 man at Albany — the taxpayers of New York County should have 
 no hesitancy as to whom to support, especially in view of the fact 
 that Mr. Bowers says that if elected he will give the fees of the 
 office, amounting to more than $60,000 a year, to the City to reduce 
 taxation, while the Tammany candidate, in accordance with cus- 
 tom, will doubtless give the fees to the man higher up. We chal- 
 lenge Smith to tell the voters — what Mr. Bowers tells them — 
 that if he, Smith, is elected Sheriff, he will turn over to the City 
 the $60,000 fees of the office. 
 
 '.'In view of what the Bar Association says about the fitness 
 of the Tammany candidate for Justice of the City Court, the 
 American Party urges all citizens to vote for Philip C. Samuels, 
 
its candidate for Justice of the City Court, because he is a well- 
 known lawyer; because he is a popular citizen ; because he has 
 made a fine reputation at the Bar; because he stands high in his 
 profession ; because he has won the confidence of the people ; and 
 because of his fitness and integrity. Between Mr. Samuels, our 
 candidate for Judge of the City Court, and the Tammany candi- 
 date, no believer in Justice, no lawyer in the City, and no taxpayer 
 with common sense, should be in doubt as to how he should vote, 
 in this connection, on Election Day. 
 
 "The American Party is for William S. Bennet, for Repre- 
 sentative in Congress, in the 23rd Congressional District. He is 
 the fusion candidate against Tammany. His election is assured. 
 As a matter of fact, between Congressman Bennet, and his oppo- 
 nent—the boy relative of the Boss of Tammany — there should be 
 no question in the minds of the voters of the 23rd Congressional 
 District as to how they should vote on Election Day. They 
 should ballot for William S. Bennet, for Congress, because of 
 his well-known qualifications for the office ; because of his work 
 for good government; because of his eloquence and experience; 
 because of the splendid record he made during the six years he 
 served in Congress ; because there never was a time when the 
 City of New York needed in Congress representatives of ability, 
 of character, and of experience, so much as it does at the present 
 time. 
 
 "The American Party in Kings County urges the election 
 of that fearless champion of decent citizenship ; that true friend 
 of honest government, Col. Alexander S. Bacon, for Justice of 
 the Supreme Court. Col. Bacon is an independent citizeii, a 
 brilliant lawyer, and an American through and through. He 
 deserves success on Election Day because he stands squarely for 
 progressive principles, and the ideals of patriotic America ; be- 
 cause of his probity and high character ; because of his fine sense 
 of Justice ; and because of the splendid work he has done for the 
 Social Welfare, and for Civic Righteousness. The American 
 Party will make every effort to elect Col. Bacon a Supreme Court 
 Judge in the Second Department. 
 
 "The American Party, to a man, is for Woman Suffrage, and 
 
will do everything in its power, through its agencies, in every 
 part of the State, to make the equal suffrage amendment, giving 
 the women the right to vote, a part of the organic law of our 
 State. 
 
 "The American Party is against the adoption of the proposed 
 Constitution, because it is a libel on representative government ; 
 because it is a menace to the sovereignty of the citizen ; because it 
 is verbose, involved, and contradictory; because it is contrary to 
 the progressive spirit of the age ; because it is undemocratic, 
 unrepublican, un-American, and reactionary ; because it is the 
 work of cunning politicians and subtle lawyers, representing pow- 
 erful corporate interests, which seek, under the cloak of law, to 
 plunder the people of the State in the future as they have plun- 
 dered them in the past ; because it is a long-winded legal docu- 
 ment of more than 32,000 words which few people will ever read, 
 and fewer people will ever understand ; because it is in favor of 
 special privilege and against inherent rights ; because it is the 
 cleverest contrivance, take it all in all, ever conceived by the mind 
 of man to rob his fellow-man, to stifle opportunity, to destroy ini- 
 tiation, and to shackle the plain people to the chariot wheels of 
 invisible government ; and last, but not least, because it ac- 
 centuates corrupt bossism, and perpetuates the bi-partisan system 
 of graft — called Fifty-Fifty — beyond the ability of the people to 
 escape the incubus during the rest of their natural lives." 
 
GOVERNOR SULZER 
 
 THE POLITICAL BOSSES 
 
 AND 
 
 THE LEGISLATURE 
 
 STATEMENT BY THE GOVERNOR 
 
 STATEMENT BY HIS COUNSEL 
 
 THE GOVERNOR'S LAST MESSAGE TO THE 
 LEGISLATURE 
 
 COMMENT OF NEWSPAPER CORRE- 
 SPONDENTS 
 
 THE GOVERNOR'S SPEECH AT CORNING 
 
STATEMENT 
 
 REGARDING THE POWER OF THE FRAWLEY 
 COMMITTEE 
 
 TO ANNOY AND HARASS THE GOVERNOR 
 AND OTHER CITIZENS OF THE STATE. 
 
 By Valentine Taylor, Counsel to the Governor. Dated July 24, 1913 
 
 STATEMENT. 
 
 The attention of the Executive Department has been 
 called to the fact that Eugene Lamb Richards, acting 
 as counsel to the Frawley Committee, has issued a 
 request in letter form, and sent the same to many 
 state officials and other citizens of the State, in sub- 
 stance, requesting that they furnish information to 
 Mr. Richards, or the Committee, as to what campaign 
 contributions, if any, they have made during the State 
 campaign last year, which resulted in the election of 
 Governor Sulzer. 
 
 The letter requests that it be specified whether such 
 campaign contribution was made by cash, or by check; 
 to whom it was made ; — when it was made ; how it 
 came to be made ; and for what purposes it was made, 
 etc., etc. 
 
 Mr. Richards' letter, further states in substance, 
 that if such information is furnished no subpoena to 
 testify before the Frawley Committee on such subject 
 will be served upon the person furnishing such infor- 
 mation. 
 
 Neither the Committee, nor Mr. Richards, as its 
 counsel, has any authority whatever to make such an 
 unwarranted demand, accompanied by threat of sub- 
 poena. 
 
THE POWER. OF Till'] FRAWLEY COMMITTEE. 
 
 There can be no misunderstanding or misappre- 
 hension as to the scope of (he power and authority of 
 the Frawley Committee. The legitimate functions of 
 this Committee are prescribed and defined by a con- 
 current resolution, which the Legislature adopted on 
 May 3, 1913, which gives the Committee power: 
 
 " to examine into the methods of financial ad- 
 ministration and conduct of all institutions, so- 
 cieties or associations of the State, which are sup- 
 ported either wholly or in part by state moneys, 
 or which report officially to the state ; into the func- 
 tions of any or all State Departments concerned 
 in the management, supervision or regulation of 
 any of such Departments; the methods of making 
 purchases, fixing salaries, awarding contracts for 
 supplies, buildings, repairs and improvements, the 
 sale of manufactured articles, and the conduct gen- 
 erally of the business of all such institutions and 
 departments, for the purpose of reporting to the 
 next session of the legislature such laws relating 
 thereto, as the committee may deem proper." 
 
 The exact language of this resolution, passed at the 
 regular session of the Legislature, is specific as to the 
 functions and powers of this Committee. 
 
 THE THOMPSON RESOLUTION VOID. 
 
 No lawyer of intelligence would honestly attempt to 
 maintain that a certain resolution introduced in the 
 Senate during the present extraordinary session, by 
 Senator Thompson, purporting to enlarge the powers 
 and functions of the Frawley Committee, is of any 
 force or effect. 
 
This so-called Thompson resolution is absolutely 
 
 void under the express provisions of section 4 of 
 
 article IV of the State Constitution, which provides : 
 
 "At an extraordinary session no subjects shall 
 
 be acted upon except such as the governor may 
 
 recommend for consideration." 
 
 Governor Sulzer made no recommendation to this 
 extraordinary session of the Legislature relating to 
 the subjects covered, or referred to, in the resolution 
 introduced by Senator Thompson, and its passage by 
 the Senate and Assembly, in violation of the consti- 
 tutional prohibition, reveals a lack of all good faith 
 and honest purpose in its introduction and passage. 
 It is null and void. 
 
 RICHARDS' THREATS. 
 
 The attempt of Mr. Richards, by his threat of sub- 
 poena, to secure information which he must know, and 
 which' the Committee itself must know relates to a 
 subject matter, concerning which the Committee is 
 wholly without authority and jurisdiction, is nothing 
 less than an abuse and misuse of legislative proced- 
 ure and process, and an unwarranted and unlawful 
 attempt at coercion of the citizens, in violation of the 
 State Constitution itself. 
 
 Governor Sulzer has already announced, and desires 
 to reiterate, that he is not only desirous, but is anxious 
 to aid the Frawley Committee in every proper way, 
 through every appropriate means, so long as it con- 
 fines itself to the legitimate scope of its powers and 
 functions as prescribed by the concurrent resolution, 
 passed by the Legislature on May 3, 1913. 
 
Till-] Hi'AWLEY COMMITTEE WILL NOT BE 
 AIDED TO DISCREDIT THE EXECUTIVE. 
 
 It is not to be expected, nor will the Governor co- 
 operate with the Committee when it attempts to use 
 its powers, and the more so when it usurps to itself 
 unwarranted jurisdiction and authority, for the pur- 
 pose of going on a fishing expedition, with the view 
 of securing data to discredit the Executive in any of 
 his actions done in the performance of his duty under 
 the Constitution and laws. 
 
 The subject matter of the inquiry in Mr. Richards' 
 letter, being absolutely without and beyond the juris- 
 diction and legitimate functions of the Frawley Com- 
 mittee, and his implied threat that unless the desired 
 information be furnished, a subpoena would be served, 
 compelling the citizens to testify before the Com- 
 mittee, is an idle threat and no attention should be 
 paid to it whatsoever by any citizen in the State. 
 
 THE POWER OF THE COMMITTEE. 
 
 It is possible that the Committee or its coun- 
 sel, may issue a subpoena under the guise that the 
 witness is desired to be interrogated respecting 
 matters legitimately within its jurisdiction as covered 
 by the resolution of May 3, 1913, and the witness so 
 served would be required under Section 1239 of the 
 Penal Law to obey such a subpoena and appear before 
 the Committee, but such unwarranted abuse of process 
 would have no further effect. 
 
 Such a witness being placed upon the witness stand 
 could refuse to answer any questions relating to po- 
 litical contributions, on the ground that such questions 
 
did not relate to the subject matter within the juris- 
 diction of the Committee, or pertinent to the inquiry. 
 
 The citizen who may be interested is hereby advised 
 that the Supreme Court of the United States has held 
 that neither branch of the Legislature, or a legislative 
 committee, can be invested with a general power of 
 making inquiry into the private affairs of a citizen. 
 
 Further that the highest court stated, " it cannot be 
 too often repeated — that the principles that embody 
 the essence of constitutional liberty and security for- 
 bid all invasions on the part of the government and its 
 employees of the sanctity of a man's home and the 
 privacies of his life. Of all the rights of the citizen, 
 few are of greater importance or more essential to 
 his peace and happiness than the right of personal 
 security and that involves not merely protection of his 
 person from assault but exemption of his private 
 affairs, books and papers from the inspection and 
 scrutiny of others. ' ' 
 
 THE GOVERNOR'S POSITION. 
 
 The Governor of a State as representing the execu- 
 tive branch of the State government, is entitled to that 
 immunity from encroachment by either the judicial or 
 the legislative branches of the government on that 
 fundamental theory and maxim of American constitu- 
 tions, known as the tripartite separation of powers. 
 
 A large number of judicial precedents exist, both 
 Federal and State, to the effect that the Executive 
 branch of the government is independent of the legis- 
 lative and judicial branches and that no one of the 
 three departments can usurp the powers of any of the 
 others, or invade the rights or jurisdiction of any 
 other department, either through a committee or any 
 other agency. 
 
THE GOVERNOR'S CHALLENGE TO THE 
 
 FRAWLEY C( >M M 1TTEE. 
 
 If the Frawley Committee is sincere and honest in 
 its purpose to examine into campaign contributions of 
 the election of the fall of 191"2 in this State, the Gov- 
 ernor desires to announce to all who may be interested 
 that he will gladly and unreservedly give his besl 
 efforts to assist the Committee in this respect, pro- 
 vided the Committee will give some evidence of its 
 honesty and sincerity in the matter by calling Charles 
 F. Murphy, Philip Donohue, and others, whose names 
 he will furnish, place them on the witness stand, and 
 permit them to be examined under oath, regarding all 
 the contributions they received, and for which they 
 never accounted. 
 
 Under such circumstances the Executive will render 
 every possible assistance in this matter which the 
 Committee has intimated it desires thoroughly to in- 
 vestigate, but unless some such evidence of the Fraw- 
 ley Committee's sincerity is forthcoming, the Gov- 
 ernor, on the advice of eminent counsel whom he has 
 consulted, will instruct the staff of the Executive De- 
 partment, and all others called or subpoenaed, that 
 when the Frawiey Committee attempts to usurp un- 
 warranted authority and exercise jurisdiction on sub- 
 jects not within the legitimate scope of its functions, 
 that no attention whatever be paid to their communica- 
 tions oi- requests. 
 
 JUDICIAL PRECEDENTS. 
 
 A legislative committee can not be empowered by 
 
 the Legislature, with the general power of making in- 
 quiry into the private affairs of the citizens. 
 
 On May 26, L804, the Supreme Court of the United 
 States, decided the case of Interstate Commerce Com- 
 
9 
 
 mission v. Brimson, 154 U. S. 447; 155 U. S. 3, Mr. 
 
 Justice Harlan delivering the opinion of the court. In 
 
 the prevailing opinion of Mr. Justice Harlan, the court 
 
 states : 
 
 " We do not overlook these constitutional limi- 
 tations which, for the protection of personal 
 rights, must necessarily attend all investigations 
 conducted under the authority of Congress. 
 Neither branch of the legislative department, still 
 less any merely administrative body established 
 by Congress, possesses, or can be invested with, a 
 general power of making inquiry into the private 
 affairs of the citizen. (Kilbourn v. Thompson, 
 103 U. S. 168, 190.) We said in Boyd v. United 
 States (116 U. S. 616, 630) — and it can not be too 
 often repeated — that the principles that embody 
 the essence of constitutional liberty and security 
 forbid all invasions on the part of the Govern- 
 ment and its employees of the sanctity of a man's 
 home and the privacies of his life. As said by Mr. 
 Justice Field in In re Pacific Railway Commission 
 (32 Fed. Eep. 241, 250), ' of all the rights of the 
 citizen, few are of greater importance or more 
 essential to his peace and happiness than the right 
 of personal security, and that involves not merely 
 protection of his person from assault, but exemp- 
 tion of his private affairs, books and papers from 
 the inspection and scrutiny of others.' 
 
 " The inquiry whether a witness before the 
 Commission is bound to answer a particular ques- 
 tion propounded to him or to produce books, 
 papers, etc., in his possession and called for by 
 that body is one that can not be committed to a 
 subordinate administrative or executive tribunal 
 for final determination. Snch a body could not, 
 under our system of government, and consistently 
 
10 
 
 with due process of law, be invested with author 
 ity to compel obedience to its orders by a jn< 
 nielli of fine or imprisonment. Except in the 
 particular instances enumerated in the constitu- 
 tion, and considered in Anderson v. Dunn (6 
 Wheat. 204) and in Kilbourn v. Thompson (103 
 U. S. L68, 190') of the exercise by cither House of 
 Congress of its right to punish disorderly be- 
 havior upon the part of its members, and to com- 
 pel the attendance of witnesses, and the produc- 
 tion of papers in election and impeachment cases, 
 and in cases that may involve the existence of 
 those bodies, the power to impose fine or im- 
 prisonment in order to compel the performance of 
 a legal duty imposed by the United States can 
 only be exerted, under the law of the land, by a 
 competent judicial tribunal having jurisdiction in 
 the premises. See WhitcomVs case (120 Mass. 
 118) and authorities there cited." 
 
 To the same effect see Hale v. Henkel, 201 U. S. 43; 
 American Tobacco Co. v. Werchmeister, 207 U. S. 284. 
 
 LEGISLATIVE PRECEDENTS. 
 
 See also to the same effect, Congressional precedents 
 as follows: 
 
 Second session Twenty-fourth Congress, Journal, 
 pp. 165, 166 (January 3, 1837). 
 
 House Report, first session Twenty-fourth Congress 
 No. 193, p. 2 of Journal of Report. 
 
 Journal of Report, No. 193, pp. 67-80 (January 25, 
 L837). 
 
 Above Congressional precedents summarized in 
 Hind's Precedents of the House of Representatives, 
 Vol. 3, p. 94, section 1733. 
 
11 
 
 NEW Y\jk& STATE PRECEDENTS. 
 
 In the Matter of Barnes, 204 N. Y. 108 (January, 
 1912), Mr. Barnes was a witness, and was required to 
 produce the books of the Albany Journal. He offered 
 to produce a transcript of the books, relating to all the 
 business of the Journal Company with State officials. 
 This was refused by the Committee, and Barnes was 
 asked certain questions as to how he got his stock; 
 what he paid for it ; whether he paid anything for it ; 
 and whether it was given to him. 
 
 These questions Mr. Barnes refused to answer and 
 the Committee attempted to punish him for contempt 
 brought legal proceedings. 
 
 The Court of Appeals held that Mr. Barnes was not 
 required to answer these questions. 
 
 The Court of Appeals took occasion to say in its 
 opinion, by Judge Gray, at page 116 : 
 
 " The evidence showed the practices of the com- 
 pany in its transaction of the public business and 
 its methods in dealing with public officials, suffi- 
 ciently for the committee to frame recommenda- 
 tions, if any were deemed needful, for further 
 legislation in the public interest." 
 
 And at page 117 : 
 
 " There was no occasion for going through the 
 corporate books for the purpose of fishing for 
 other facts, which might reflect discreditably upon 
 the business methods of the company; with the 
 result of exposing its business dealings to the 
 world." 
 And at page 118: 
 
 " Having the admissions and knowledge which 
 the evidence afforded it, whatever conclusion it 
 
L2 
 
 might leau to, to permit the committee to proceed 
 to the desired Length would be necessary to the 
 object of its inquiry and make offensively inquisi- 
 torial a proceeding not visitorial in its nature, in 
 the sense of being instituted for the inspection 
 and control of the corporation itself. I think it 
 was not ' a proper case ' for compelling the wit- 
 ness to bring the corporate books." 
 
 No witness can be compelled to testify to his per- 
 sonal business, such things need not be disclosed to the 
 Committee, under the statement by the witness that 
 pursuant to section 856 of the Code, the questions are 
 not pertinent, and in the language of section 854 of 
 the Code, it is not " a proper case " to insist upon 
 laying bare to the Committee the transactions in a 
 person's private books, — such as private check books, 
 or private account books — which items relate to the 
 individual's business, and in no way relate to the 
 official duties of the public officer under examination 
 as a witness. 
 
 THE LEGISLATURE HAS ADJOURNED. 
 
 Under the Constitution, and the statutes, the at- 
 tempt of the Legislature to pass a resolution for a re- 
 cess from July 23, 1913, to August 11, 1913, when as a 
 physical fact a quorum was not present; the closing 
 of the Legislature and the departure of the members, 
 by such unwarranted procedure as matter of law and 
 as matter of fact, amounts to an abdication by the 
 Legislature of all its legislative functions. 
 
 Such an attempted recess, not in accordance with the 
 constitutional provision, may be miscalled a legisla- 
 tive recess, but must, and will be treated by the Execu- 
 tive as a final abandonment of this extraordinary ses- 
 
13 
 
 sion of the legislature — extraordinary in more ways 
 than one — of its further assemblage as a legislative 
 body. 
 
 It follows therefore that the Frawley Committee has 
 no legal existence, or legislative power, save as defined 
 in the resolution adopted May 3, 1913, and above set 
 forth; that it must report to the next Legislature in 
 1914 ; and that the Legislature for 1913 is no longer in 
 existence, and by virtue of the Constitution and the 
 laws cannot meet again this year, except by the proc- 
 lamation of the Governor. 
 
 VALENTINE TAYLOR, 
 
 Counsel to the Governor. 
 Dated, July 24, 1913. 
 
 STATEMENT BY THE GOVERNOR. 
 
 Thursday Morning, July 24, 1913. 
 
 " Several bills were passed by the Legislature 
 last night," said Governor Sulzer to-day. " The 
 newspaper correspondents inform me this morn- 
 ing that there was not a quorum last night in 
 either branch of the Legislature, and hence the 
 passage of these bills was in violation of the Con- 
 stitutional provision requiring that there shall be 
 a quorum in each branch of the Legislature to pass 
 a bill. 
 
 ''Article 3, section XV, of the Constitution pro- 
 vides : 
 
 " ' nor shall any bill be passed, except by the as- 
 sent of the majority of the members elected to 
 each branch of the legislature; ' 
 
14 
 
 " 'mere were only seventeen Senators present, 
 and only thirty-seven members of Assembly, in 
 the legislative session last night — not a quorum 
 in eithea House. These newspaper correspond- 
 ents counted the members presenl and have their 
 names. The facts cannot be successfully disputed. 
 
 " However, section 40 of the Legislative Law 
 provides : 
 
 " ' Upon the passage of a bill or concurrent 
 resolution by either house, the presiding officer 
 thereof shall append to such bill or resolution, a 
 certificate of the date of its passage by the votes 
 of a majority of all the members elected to such 
 House. No bills shall be deemed to have so passed 
 unless certified by the presiding officer, which cer- 
 tificate to such effect shall be conclusive evidence 
 thereof.' 
 
 " In the case of Matter of Stickney, 110 App. 
 Div. 21)4 (1905) ; affd. 185 N. Y. 107. Writ of er- 
 ror to review dismissed 209 U. S. 419 (1908). 
 
 " The court in the opinion written by Appel- 
 late Division questioned the constitutionality of 
 seel ion 40 of the Legislative Law as regards the 
 provision that the certificate of the presiding offi- 
 cer shall be conclusive evidence of its contents. 
 
 " The court intimated that such provision was 
 not within the Legislature's authority to enact and 
 that it was unconstitutional and void, it being in 
 direct conflict with article 3, section XV, of the 
 State Constitution (quoted above), which spccifi- 
 cally provides: 
 
 " ' Nor shall any bill be passed except by the 
 assent of the majority of the members elected to 
 each branch of the Legislature.' 
 
15 
 
 " I sent for the Clerks of the Senate and the 
 Assembly to-day," continued the Governor, " and 
 requested the production of the records of the 
 proceedings last night in the Legislature." 
 
 "An examination of the Journals of the Senate 
 and of the Assembly shows that 28 Senators were 
 present and answered the roll call in the Senate ; 
 and that 98 Assemblymen were present and an- 
 swered the roll call in the Assembly on each of 
 these bills. This is officially certified to by the 
 Presiding officers of the two branches of the 
 Legislature. 
 
 "lam advised that I am bound by the official 
 records of the Assembly and the Senate notwith- 
 standing the facts. The courts, if any question 
 arises, must determine the matter on the evidence 
 submitted. 
 
 " In view of this," said the Governor in con- _ 
 elusion, " I shall not return these bills for the 
 reasons stated. Assuming that I am bound by the 
 official records of the Legislature as to the pres- 
 ence of a quorum, I must say that I indulge the 
 hope that in the future the Legislature will not 
 falsify its records." 
 
 MESSAGE OF THE GOVERNOR, JULY 23, 1913. 
 State of New York — Executive Chamber. 
 
 Albany, July 23, 1913. 
 To the Legislature: 
 
 The regular session of this Legislature convened this 
 year on January 1, 1913, and it adjourned on May 3, 
 1913. 
 
 Prior to the thirty-day period for the consideration 
 of measures by the Executive, the Legislature had 
 
li; 
 
 ed Mini -cut to the Executive, for his consideration, 
 bills. Of these 442 were approved. A memoran- 
 dum was filed with 22 of the measures. There were 
 recalled 74 hills; and L5 were yetoed with separate 
 
 During the thirty-day period the Executive had 
 under consideration 70] bills. Of these 35] were ap- 
 proved; and 350 were vetoed, with 1!' memoranda of 
 approval and 51 memoranda of disapproval. 
 
 All told, 7!).'! hills were enacted into laws, out of a 
 total of 1,232 bills, passed by the Legislature and sub- 
 mitted to me for consideration. 
 
 The financial hills passed by the Legislature, ex- 
 cluding sinking fund and bond interesl hills, aggre- 
 gated a total of $55,108,705.25, made up as follows: 
 
 General appropriations $30,236,987 29 
 
 General supply bill 6,916,922 60 
 
 Special appropriations 17,054,795 36 
 
 I approved $29,825,897.29 of the general appropria- 
 tion hills; $4,178,505.73 of the general supply bill; and 
 $13,778,862.21 of the special appropriation bills, mak- 
 ing a total of $47',783,265.23. 
 
 The total of financial items and bills which I vetoed 
 amount to $7,325,440.02. 
 
 During the regular session, the Legislature having 
 failed to pass a hill for Direct Primaries, on May 8, 
 1913, 1 issued a proclamation convening the Legisla- 
 ture in extraordinary session to commence June L6, 
 1913. 
 
 This ext inordinary session of the Legislature was 
 called for the purpose of considering the People's hill 
 for Stat.' wide Direct Primaries. It has been in ses- 
 s ion for a few minutes now and then for a period of 
 
17 
 
 over a month, but has signally failed to pass a State- 
 wide Direct Primary bill, containing provisions which 
 I recommended, and which I believe should be on the 
 statute books of our State. 
 
 Since the extraordinary session convened, I have 
 been urged, and for reasons which seemed to me to 
 be quite sufficient, I have recommended for the con- 
 sideration of the Legislature several other measures, 
 concerning each of which I have sent to the Legis- 
 lature a bill with a special message. They relate to 
 the following matters : 
 
 On June 18th, recommending the passage of a bill 
 to submit to the voters of the State at the regular elec- 
 tion in November, 1913, the question " Shall there be 
 a convention to revise the Constitution and amend the 
 same? " 
 
 On June 23d, recommending temporary legislation 
 relating to maintenance contracts on the highways. 
 
 On June 23d, recommending the passage of a bill for 
 the legal conveyance to the State, by the authorities 
 of the city of New York, of the title to the land and 
 appurtenances of the Long Island State Hospital. 
 
 On June 24th, recommending the passage of a meas- 
 ure exempting from sanitary inspection seed oyster 
 beds within the State of New York. 
 
 On June 24th, recommending the passage of a bill 
 concerning the extension of the time when the law com- 
 monly known as the " Housing Law," being Chapter 
 774 of the Laws of 1913, shall take effect. 
 
 On June 24th, recommending the passage of a bill 
 providing for the direct tax for the payment of inter- 
 est and principal due on the Slate debt. 
 
 On .June 25th, recommending necessary legislation 
 relating to the appropriation by the State of toll 
 bridges crossing the canals. 
 
is 
 
 On June 25th, recommending Legislation concerning 
 ilic operation of the proposed terminal railway in the 
 Borongh of Brooklyn. 
 
 On Jnne 25th, recommending that Chapter -Mi.", of 
 the Laws of 1913, entitled "An acl to amend the Labor 
 Law, in relation to bakeries," should not be effective 
 againsl cellar bakeries until a certain time after May 
 !), L913, when the law went into effect. 
 
 On June 25th, recommending necessary Legislation 
 tn aid t lie Stale Architect 's office in doing its import a nt 
 work. 
 
 <)n July 8th, recommending the enactment of the 
 optional city charter bill. 
 
 ( Mi .Inly Kith, recommending the enactment of essen- 
 tial legislation to relieve disgraceful prison conditions 
 in the State of Xew Fork. 
 
 Since the convening of this extraordinary session 1 
 have sent the following- appointments to the Senate 
 for confirmation : 
 
 To Be a Trustee of Cornell University: 
 
 John DoWitt Warner, of New York city, a former 
 Member of Congress, and a well-known lawyer. He 
 is an alumnus of the university and peculiarly qualified 
 for the duties of the office. 
 
 For Commissioners of the State Reservation at 
 Niagara: 
 
 Elton T. Ransom, of Ransomville, N. Y. 
 Ahram .J. Elias, of Buffalo, N. V. 
 John L. Romer, of Buffalo, N. Y. 
 Obadiah \\\ Cutler, of Niagara Falls, N. Y. 
 
 These gentlemen are well-known citizens who take 
 
 a deej) and an abiding interest in the affairs of this 
 reservation. 
 
19 
 
 Foe Public Service Commissioners, Second District : 
 
 William E. Leffingwell, of Watkins, N. Y., to succeed 
 Frank W. Stevens, resigned. 
 
 Mr. Leffingwell was formerly a conspicuous Member 
 of Assembly. He is a successful business man of much 
 experience and well qualified for the position. 
 
 Charles J. Chase, of Croton-on-IIudson, N. Y., to 
 succeed Curtis N. Douglas, term expired. 
 
 Mr. Chase has been connected with the New York 
 Central and Hudson River railroad for more than 
 twenty years as a locomotive engineer. He is indorsed 
 by railroad organizations, as well as by bankers, mer- 
 chants, clergymen and distinguished citizens. 
 
 For Commissioner of Labor: 
 
 James M. Lynch, of Syracuse, N. Y., to succeed John 
 Williams, resigned. 
 
 Mr. Lynch is one of the foremost labor leaders in 
 America. He is the President of the International 
 Typographical Union, whose membership numbers 
 more than 50,000 enrolled printers. Representatives 
 from the allied printing trades; various labor organi- 
 zations, and many prominent citizens indorse Mr. 
 Lynch for this important position. It is generally 
 admitted he is well qualified to perform its arduous 
 duties. 
 
 For Commissioner of Prisons: 
 
 James T. Murphy, of Ogdensburg, N. Y., to succeed 
 Edgar A. Newell, term expired. 
 
 Mr. Murphy is a well-known merchant of Ogdens- 
 burg, and lakes great interest in these institutions. 
 
 Rudolph F. Diedling, M. P., of Saugerties-on-Hud- 
 
 SOn, N. Y., to succeed Simon Quick, term expired. 
 
20 
 
 Dr. Diedling was at one time Burgeon of the Elmira 
 Reformatory, and is very conversant with the dutii - 
 of the office for which be has been selected. 
 
 Fob Trustee of the New York State Hospital fob 
 the Treatment of [nctpient Pulmonary Tubeb 
 culosis: 
 
 George L. Brown, of Elizabethtown, X. Y., to succeed 
 Martin E. Mc( llary, resigned. 
 
 Mr. Brown is a well-known and respected citizen of 
 Elizabethtown ; editor of a newspaper, and the presenl 
 1 'ostmaster. 
 
 Fob Trustee <m the State College of Forestry at 
 s\ racuse universh 5 : 
 
 Francis Hendricks, of Syracuse, N. Y., to succeed 
 George E. Dunham, heretofore appointed and unable 
 to serve. 
 
 Mr. Hendricks is a highly respectable citizen of 
 Syracuse. He was formerly State Senator; Collector 
 of the Port of New York, and State Superintendent of 
 1 1 1 mi ranee. 
 
 Fob Hell Gate Pilot: 
 
 Alberl A. Fordham, of the City Island, N. Y., reap- 
 pointed. Was appointed in L912 upon the recommen- 
 dation of the Board of Port Wardens. 
 
 Fob Fibe Island State Park Commissioners: 
 
 Colonel Alfred Wagstaff, of New York city, to sue 
 v(h^\ Samuel L. Parish, who declined reappointment. 
 
 Colonel WagstafE is too well known to need intro- 
 duction. He resides on Long Island and is the Clerk 
 of the Appellate Division, Supreme Court, First De- 
 partment. 
 
21 
 
 James W. Eaton, of Babylon, N. Y., to succeed John 
 H. Vail, term expired. 
 
 Mr. Eaton is a large property holder and actively 
 interested in the development of the South Shore of 
 Long Island. 
 
 Edward Blum, of the Borough of Brooklyn, reap- 
 pointed. 
 
 Mr. Blum is a prominent business man and- has 
 served continuously in this office since its organization 
 in 1908, performing very efficient service. 
 
 These recommendations and these nominations 
 speak for themselves; they are made in the interest 
 of the common weal, and I indulge in the hope that 
 the Legislature will consider them on their merits, ere 
 the adjournment of this extraordinary session. 
 
 Of course I am aware of the inconvenience imposed 
 upon the members of both branches of the Legislature 
 through the necessity of their attendance at this 
 extraordinary session, and I appreciate that the con- 
 sideration of certain charges in the Cohalan case may 
 have prevented the consideration of some of these 
 legislative matters. However, there is no reason now 
 why all these matters should not be speedily considered 
 and promptly disposed of — one way or the other. 
 
 The Legislature must recognize that its continu- 
 ance in session adds largely to the burdens of the tax- 
 payers through necessary expense; and while it is 
 proper that the pending matters should receive careful 
 consideration, it is respectfully suggested, in the inter- 
 est of economy, that they be disposed of at the earliest 
 possible time, and the Legislature then adjourn. 
 
 It is useless to deny that at the present season of 
 the year it is extremely difficult to secure the presence 
 o!' a quorum to pass legislation, but 1 feel confident 
 that an announcement by the legislative leaders. 
 
1*2 
 
 strictlj adhered to, thai pending legislation must be 
 promptly considered by the votes of all the member . 
 will accomplish the desired result; and to thai pur- 
 pose, I respectfully urge again thafl the measure 
 recommended by me receive immediate and favorable 
 consideration. 
 
 With the view of assisting the speedy dispatch of 
 pending legislative business, and of reducing to a 
 minhnum the necessary expense of this extraordinary 
 ■ 3ioD of the Legislature, I hereby announce, for the 
 information of the members, and all others interested, 
 thai I shall recommend to this extraordinary session 
 no further legislation. 
 
 For the reasons herein stated, 1 now earnestly argi 
 tin prompt consideration, by this Legislature, of pend- 
 ing measures; and by the Senate, the early action 
 upon the appointments I have submitted, to the end 
 that the genera] welfare be promoted; the convenience 
 of the members conserved, and the expenses to the 
 taxpayers of a protracted session reduced to the mini- 
 mum. 
 
 WM. SULZER. 
 
23 
 
 From The Evening Sun, New York, July 21, 1913. 
 
 INSIDE STORY OF SULZER WAR WITH MUR- 
 PHY TOLD AT LAST BY THE GOVERNOR 
 HIMSELF — " BOSS " REGARDED HIM AS 
 PROXY, BUT WAS SOON DISILLUSIONED — 
 REALLY RULES NOW THROUGH LEGISLA- 
 TURE. 
 
 [From a Staff Correspondent of The Evening Sun.] 
 
 Albany, July 21. — William Sulzer has been Gov- 
 ernor of New York for six months and twenty days, 
 and they have been months and days of trial and 
 trouble, not only for him, but for every enemy of good 
 government. 
 
 " I am the Governor," he said; " the people elected 
 me to execute the laws. I shall do it, ' ' and his square 
 jaws snapped. 
 
 Governor Sulzer is a revelation to old timers in 
 Albany. There has never been a man here just like 
 him. Much of what he said when he became Governor 
 was not taken seriously, but the politicians have been 
 connecting up his early remarks with his perform- 
 ances, as he has thrown consternation into their ranks, 
 and they now take him too seriously. 
 
 In many respects William Sulzer is an enigma. The 
 more you study him at close range the less apparently 
 you can define his thoughts, fathom his motives and 
 comprehend the purport of his sayings. 
 
 However, his most implacable enemy is forced to 
 admit two things: First, that he is absolutely honest, 
 and, second, that he is sincere. No matter what any- 
 body thought at Hie beginning, no man doubts these 
 things now. 
 
24 
 
 The critics now remember these words in Sulzer's 
 inaugural address : 
 
 •'The hour has struck, and the task of admin- 
 istrative reform is mine. The cause is the cause 
 of the Stale and is worthy of the zealous efforts 
 of any man. I grasp the opportunity the people 
 now give me, and am resolved to shirk no respon- 
 sibility ; to work for the welfare of the people; to 
 correct every existing abuse; to abolish useless 
 offices, and whenever possible consolidate bureaus 
 and commissions to secure greater economy and 
 more efficiency; to uproot official corruption and 
 to raise higher the standard of official integrity; 
 to simplify the methods of orderly administra- 
 tion; to advance the prosperity of all the people; 
 to be ever dissatisfied with conditions that can be 
 improved; to promote the common weal; to guard 
 the honor and protect the rights of the Empire 
 State; and last, hut not least, to reduce govern- 
 mental expenditures to the minimum and thus 
 lessen as much as possible the heavy burdens of 
 luxation." 
 
 When Sulzer became Governor he revolutionized the 
 policies of the Executive Chamber, lie declared that 
 every action of the Governor would lie open and above 
 board; thai all official papers in the Executive Cham- 
 ber would be public, and thai every man, woman and 
 child in the State who wanted i<> see him could do so, 
 at the big desk, in the big room. 
 
 Tn e W.u op Sulzer. 
 
 lie said he Would See Hie newspaper I'epreseu I a t i \'es 
 
 twice a day, al 11 o'clock in the morning and at 4 
 
 o'clock iii Hie afternoon, and would talk to them 
 
25 
 
 frankly regarding matters of public moment, and that 
 no politician of high or low degree would be able to 
 talk to him privately in his back room. 
 
 These declarations were precedent breakers and the 
 doubting Thomases, who for years have watched the 
 human moves on the political checkerboard at the Cap- 
 itol, simply snickered. 
 
 But Sulzer began at once to do things. He wanted 
 to know about everything. He began inquiries, he 
 started investigations and he declared that his pur- 
 pose was to put the State on an honest business basis 
 by greater economies and more efficiencies that would 
 save money for the taxpayers. 
 
 Mr. Sulzer has worked eighteen hours out of the 
 twenty-four. He comes to the office at 8 o 'clock in the 
 morning and seldom leaves it until 8 o'clock at night. 
 He has public officials on the jump and he works stenog- 
 raphers nearly to death. The newspaper men at the 
 beginning said he could keep it up about two weeks. At 
 the expiration of two weeks they said he would be in 
 the hospital with nervous prostration in a month. Six 
 months, however, have come and gone since then and 
 Sulzer is keeping it up and apparently is now in better 
 health and finer physical trim than he was at the begin- 
 ning. 
 
 He doesn't even go to the People's House for lunch. 
 Every day at noon Mrs. Sulzer scuds him over a sand- 
 wich. He eats little, works hard and tells his friends 
 that he sleeps well, and on the average he cannot get 
 more than five hours' sleep out of the twenty-four. 
 
 Sulzer is a marvel, lie sees everybody who comes 
 to see him. The Executive Chamber is tree and open 
 to all. On an average he meets more than two hun- 
 dred people every day. How he dors i! all is wonder- 
 
26 
 
 l'ul. Besides bis mail is ten times larger than any 
 previous Governor ever received, and he reads tnosl of 
 the Letters and answers mosl of them himself. 
 
 GoVERNOB's Ilol'F.s. 
 
 ki Whatever I do as Governor," he says, kk will 
 always be open to all and above board. 1 confide in 
 the people, and 1 hope when my official term comes 
 to an end that I shall have accomplished something 
 to merit their approval and to justify the confidence 
 they have reposed in the rectitude of my intentions, 
 lly administration will in the last, analysis be judged 
 not by what 1 say, but what I do." 
 
 After the Governor talked with the newspaper men 
 this morning I sat with him for an hour at the big 
 desk in the Executive Chamber. Dozens of people 
 were around waiting for an opportunity to gel the 
 Governor's ear. They were office seekers. State 
 officials and friends from all parts of the State. Sulzer 
 will see them all and hear them all before he goes into 
 the back room at '2 o'clock to talk to his secretaries 
 and go over the correspondence of the day with the 
 stenographers. 
 
 Notwithstanding all his trials and his troubles he 
 appeared calm and imperturbable. lie looks you 
 straight in the eye; talks very deliberately and im- 
 presses you with his earnestness. Be has aged some 
 -in ce he became Governor. There are lines of care on 
 
 his sad, boyish face; and now and then a nervous 
 twitching around bis close set mouth and determined 
 chin show the mental stress he is under and goes 
 through day in and day out, 
 
 "Governor," said The Sun correspondent, " wilj, 
 you take a vacation this summer! " 
 
27 
 
 Rest? Not Sulzek. 
 
 " No," he said, " I never take a vacation. Hard 
 work agrees with me. When I get tired of doing one 
 thing I do another. That is my only recreation. 
 When the extraordinary session of the Legislature 
 adjourns, and of course it will not adjourn until Mr. 
 Murphy tells it to adjourn, I shall go around the State 
 a bit to look into certain institutions and familiarize 
 myself by ocular demonstration with their condition 
 and management. That will be interesting and in- 
 structive to me and I shall be better prepared to look 
 after them next year. I have many invitations to 
 deliver addresses, but have accepted very few. 
 
 " My duty is to stay here and earn the wages the 
 people pay me, by a conscientious performance of the 
 duties that come before me every day. I have only 
 been away from Albany a few T days since I became 
 Governor — to attend the President's inauguration; 
 to speak at Gettysburg, and to talk to the people a bit 
 about direct primaries. 
 
 " When I became Governor I made up my mind that 
 I would be the Governor in fact as well as in name. 
 Many doubted that, you know, the first part of Jan- 
 nary, but nobody doubts it now. 
 
 "As the Governor," he continued, " I determined 
 that no influence should control me in the performance 
 of my duty but the dictates of my conscience and my 
 obligations to tin 1 people. T have adhered tenaciously 
 to that thus far and 1 shall stick to it until the end, 
 come what may. 
 
 11 Ever since I have been Governor obstacles have 
 been placed in my way by men high in the councils of 
 my party because 1 wanted to do what 1 believed was 
 v\"-\\\ and wli;:< I promised to do when I was a candi- 
 date for Governor." 
 
28 
 
 ■• Do you expect the Senate to confirm your recent 
 appointments? " the Governor was asked. 
 
 " Ye>," he promptly answered. 
 
 •• Mr. Lynch, for Labor Commissioner; Mr. Chase 
 and Mr. Lemngwell, for Public Service Commissioners, 
 should be confirmed and they will be unless Mr. Mur- 
 phy tells the Senate to the contrary." 
 
 "Not Mtjbphy's Appointments." 
 " These are good appointments," went on the Gov- 
 ernor, "of honest men, peculiarly qualified for the 
 performance of the duties required. These nomina- 
 tions should be confirmed on their merits. However, 
 what is the use of diseussing that, when you know that 
 Mr. Murphy is the Legislature, and it does just what 
 
 lie tells it to. 
 
 ,k 'Idle people know these nominations are not Mr. 
 Murphy's. They are mine. I selected them, and I 
 did so very carefully. They were highly recommended, 
 and no one can question the capabilities of the candi- 
 dates. Jt' they are not confirmed it will not be my 
 fault, but because they are not Mr. Murphy's nomina- 
 tions. Von know Mr. Murphy wanted me to appoinl 
 " Idle " McManus for Labor Commissioner, and 
 •• Paekey " McCabe and George Palmer for Public 
 Service ( lommissioners. I refused. My appointments, 
 I believe, are better. At all events 1 know they are 
 mine and made in the interest of the general welfare. 
 
 " Let me tell ymi this," said the Governor, " I would 
 have no trouble with the members of the Legislature 
 if it were not for outside influences and the dictations 
 of Mr. Murphy. The members of the Legislature and 
 I worked together very well at the beginning, and we 
 wrote on the statute hooks some very tfood constructive 
 laws. If Mr. Murphy had not interfered we would 
 
29 
 
 have carried out every promise we made to the people 
 in the last campaign." 
 
 " How did the trouble begin with Mr. Murphy! " 
 the Governor was asked. 
 
 " Murphy Thought He Was Governor." 
 " That is a long story," he replied. " Some day I 
 will tell it, but at present I am too busy to go into the 
 details. Suffice it to say that ni} r trouble with Mr. 
 Murphy began soon after I took my oath of office. 
 Mr. Murphy had the notion that he was the Governor 
 and that the people had elected me to be a proxy. I 
 promptly disabused the mind of Mr. Murphy about 
 it. He got mad. I told him that no boss could make 
 me a rubber stamp; that the people elected me the 
 Governor; and that while I was in office I would be 
 the Governor. 
 
 " Then more trouble arose over appointments. Mr. 
 Murphy wanted me to name the men ho selected as 
 candidates for public office, in order to strengthen his 
 machine, reward his friends and persecute his enemies. 
 I refused to allow him to do it. All factions of the 
 Democratic party supported me for Governor, and I 
 wanted to be fair to everybody and treat all Demo- 
 crats, in every county, squarely. It goes without say- 
 ing that this was just what Mr. Murphy did not want. 
 " Mr. Murphy and I could not agree about appoint- 
 ments; we could not agree about policies; and we were 
 as far apart as the poles concerning publie duties. 
 Trouble began from the beginning. It grew every day. 
 It reached the climax when 1 emphatically refused to 
 appoint Jim Gaffnoy Commissioner of Highways. 
 
 " G.\Ki'X:;v OB War." 
 " Then the ultimatum was issued by the boss — 
 ' GalTney or war.' I accepted the challenge. The 
 hat tie has been raging ever since. Many other things 
 
30 
 
 have added fuel to the dames. The war has been going 
 on since the middle of April. 1 shall oot surrender. 
 There will be do compromise bo far as I am concerned. 
 .Mr. Murphy can't be the Governor during my term." 
 
 •• Why <li<l Mr. Murphy order the Senate to reject 
 John Mitchell for Labor Oommissionerl " the Gover- 
 nor was asked. 
 
 " That is a matter I never could find out," he 
 replied. " I was responsible for Mr. Mitchell's nomi- 
 nation. I sent for liim ami urged him to accept tic 
 offie". because I knew In- was one of the best qualified 
 men on earth to do the work of this great department. 
 Yon remember I said when I made the appointment 
 that John Mitchell as Labor Commissioner would be 
 a valuable asset to tin- State of New York. Murphy 
 ordered his defeat for reasons which he has never 
 
 >lained. They tell me the National Association of 
 Manufacturers lias something to do with it. Sooner 
 or later the truth will come out. The best we could do 
 was to get 19 votes in the Senate for the confirmation 
 of Mr. Mitchell. We needed 26. 
 
 Tubning to 'Lynch. 
 
 " "When I found out," said the Governor, lk that it 
 was an impossibility to get Mr. Mitchell confirmed I 
 looked around for another candidate, and finally on 
 the advice of friends of both capital and labor I 
 -'hctcd James M. Lynch, the president of the Interna- 
 tional Typographical Union. He i- Indorsed by the 
 Democratic committee of Onondaga county, by labor 
 organizations generally and by many distinguished 
 citizens of our State. Mr. Lynch is a man of ability. 
 His honesty has never been questioned. He is an 
 organizer and understands the duties of the office for 
 which I have selected him. If ho is confirmed by the 
 Senate — and he certainly ought to be — there is no 
 
31 
 
 doubt that lie will make a great Commissioner and 
 carry out the purposes of the reorganized Labor De- 
 partment. 
 
 " Of course you know the Democrats in the last 
 State convention wrote a plank in their platform that 
 if the party were successful it would put a practical 
 railroad man on the Public Service Commission. I 
 want to make that pledge good. Mr. Chase was recom- 
 mended to me for this position by the State Federation 
 of Labor and by the railway organizations as a man 
 essentially fitted by ability and experience for the 
 place. Nothing can be said against the capacity or 
 the character of Mr. Chase. If the Democrats in the 
 Senate are sincere regarding platform promises and 
 Mr. Murphy does not order them to reject the nomina- 
 tion, it follows Mr. Chase will be confirmed. 
 
 " Mr. Leffingwell is one of the best known men along 
 our southern tier. He stands high in the estimation of 
 his fellow citizens and was recommended for Public 
 Service Commissioner by the leading Democrats of 
 the southern counties in our State. Nothing can be 
 said against his Democracy or his character or his 
 ability. 
 
 Again Murphy's Hand in It. 
 
 " If these nominations are rejected it is simply 
 because Mr. Murphy did not name them, and hence 
 will not have them. That has been the trouble from the 
 beginning. When Mr. Murphy cannot have his own 
 way he sulks and orders the Legislature ami other 
 Slate departments, which he controls, to block my 
 efforts to do what 1 believe to be right and for the 
 best interests of the people generally. As a matter of 
 fact, I cannot submit to Mr. Murphy's dictation and 
 maintain my self-respect. W he is in be the Governor 
 I do not wan I the job. 
 
32 
 
 li During the la I campaign they (ill me I spoke to 
 more people than anj other candidate for office in all 
 the history of the Stale I told the people simple 
 truths Prom the bottom of my heart. Many doubted 
 the sincerity of my speeches in the last campaign, luit 
 there was one man who never doubted the sincerity of 
 those speeches, and that was the man who is now the 
 Governor of I lie State 
 
 " It is ail \cr\ simple to me because 1 am a simple 
 man. I am just the same to day as I was in the Legi 
 lature a quarter of century ago. I am just the same 
 today as 1 was in Congress. I haven't changed. I 
 don't intend to change. Others have changed, and if 
 the fighl is on i! is their fault and not mine. 
 
 Has Burned Last Bridge. 
 
 "My fight for direct primaries burned the la t 
 bridge between me and Tammany Hall. Mr. Murphy 
 thought I made this fighl for dired nominations be- 
 cause I wanted to dislodge his leadership. He is wrong 
 about that. I made the fighl because the Democratic 
 
 party had made the pledge to enact a State wide direct 
 primary law. 'That 's all. 
 
 " The Democratic party promised the people in the 
 1,-1-1 campaign thai if it were successful it would give 
 them among other things — a State-wide direct pri- 
 mary law. 
 
 " I ran for the Governorship on the platform of the 
 Syracuse convention, and after I was nominated I 
 stood on it throughout the campaign — squarely and 
 
 honestly. 
 
 "At the request of my party I made a campaign 
 through the State. I told the people that if I were 
 elected I won Id do everything in my power to carry out 
 the pledges of my partj as enunciated in tin 1 Syracuse 
 platform. 
 
33 
 
 " When I cannot be honest in politics I shall get out 
 of politics. I believe honesty in politics will succeed 
 just the same as I believe honesty in business will 
 succeed. If any one doubts that all he has to do is to 
 think of what has been accomplished in this country 
 during the past quarter of a century by the men who 
 have dared to be true in politics. 
 
 " When I make a promise to the people I keep it 
 or I frankly tell the people why I cannot keep it. 
 When my party makes a promise to the people I want 
 my party to keep the promise or I want the people to 
 know the reason why." 
 
 From The Evening Mail, New York, July 24, 1913. 
 
 MURPHY AND BARNES IN SULZER WAR 
 STRANGLE GOVERNMENT OF STATE — 
 LEGISLATURE, COSTING PEOPLE $1,000 A 
 DAY, WILL NEITHER ENACT LEGISLATION 
 DEMANDED BY PEOPLE THROUGH GOV- 
 ERNOR, NOR ADJOURN TO AFFORD HIM 
 OPPORTUNITY TO APPOINT MEN WHO 
 WILL CARRY ON BUSINESS OF THE STATE 
 — THOUSANDS SEND SULZER MESSAGES 
 URGING DIM TO FIGHT TO THE END. 
 By James Ceeelman. 
 (By telegraph to The Evening Mail.) 
 Albany, July 24.— It is time that the people should 
 realize the open shame of the situation in which the 
 government of New York State lias actually broken 
 down in the brutal attempt of Boss Murphy, with the 
 assistance of Boss Barnes, to punish and wreck Gov- 
 ernor Sulzer for daring to show independence of his 
 orders. 
 
34 
 
 The Bpectacle id Albany today is aol only disgrace 
 t'nl, lull extremely costly to the taxpayers, who are 
 paying $1,000 a day Eor the extra expense of a legit 
 lature that stays in mock session without acting, simply 
 in prevent the Governor from removing and appoint- 
 ing officials and to intimidate him by threats of ini 
 peachment. 
 
 The two bosses have strangled the government of 
 9,000,000 inhabitants of an area of more than 49,000 
 square miles, and they propose to keep it strangled by 
 continuing the farce of a legislative session at an extra 
 cost of $1,0(10 a day until the end of the year if 
 necessary. 
 
 It is an almost unbelievable sight in the capital of 
 the greatesl and richest State in the Union. 
 
 Down in the vasl Executive Chamber sits Governor 
 Sulzer, with the portraits of Tilden, Cleveland, Roose- 
 velt and Hughes Btaring at him from the mahogany 
 paneled walls. 
 
 It is a place of magnificent stateliness, an audience- 
 room tit for an emperor. 
 
 Urge " No Stjrbendeb ! " 
 
 A steady procession of visitors moves past the Gov- 
 ernor's desk with earnest and sometimes passionate 
 messages from all over the State, urging him not to 
 surrender to the bosses and to keep up the people's 
 ! " hi for Stale-wide direct primaries. 
 
 Troops of summer tourists, farmers, school girls and 
 what not, pass murmuringly over the quarter-acre of 
 crimson carpet, look at the pictured walls, the re 
 splendent and mighty lire place and the high, raftered 
 ceiling — watching with awkward, sidewise glances 
 the throngs about the fall, shanky. restless Governor 
 tinst whom the malevolenl and secret power of cor- 
 rupt ring politics is concent rated. 
 
35 
 
 Up-stairs the royally gorgeous halls of the Senate 
 and Assembly are empty and the dim light shines on 
 marbles, gildings and carvings without disclosing a 
 human form. 
 
 Yet the Legislature is in extraordinary session and 
 the taxpayers are paying $1,000 a day to its employees. 
 Three or four members of each house are in Albany, 
 only to meet and take a recess every two or three days. 
 
 Really No Legislature. 
 
 The Legislature has refused to pass the direct pri- 
 mary law it was called together to enact. It has re- 
 fused to pay any attention to the Governor's recom- 
 mendations. It refuses to adjourn, because that 
 would allow the Governor to make ad interim appoint- 
 ments and go on with the work of government, which 
 to-day is paralyzed. 
 
 As a matter of fact, there is no Legislature. The 
 men who are paid to make the laws for New York 
 merely carry out the orders of the Tammany and 
 Republican bosses. 
 
 Boss Murphy is playing golf on Long Island. He 
 issues his daily commands to Albany over the long- 
 distance telephone. They are obeyed to the letter. 
 
 Twice a week Boss Barnes goes to the room of Sen- 
 ator Brown, the Republican " leader," and makes 
 known his will. 
 
 Bosses Act Together. 
 
 The two bosses act together against G-overnor Sulzer 
 without any pretense of partisan division. 
 
 Not only does the Legislature ignore the Governor 
 and defeat the work of government by refusing to ad 
 journ, but it cut out of the general supply bill the 
 $30,000 that has always been given to the Executive 
 
36 
 
 for investigations, and refuses to Lei him have a dollar 
 to enable him to search out and punish grafters in 
 the Highway Department, Conservation Department, 
 Prison Departmenl and other places where ringsters 
 have been getting fat. 
 
 The extraordinary thing about this is thai it has 
 been customary to vote these executive investigating 
 funds, even to Governors of hostile political faith-. 
 
 Govt rnor Sulzer has been left without a dollar to 
 employ investigators and go on with the work of rid- 
 ding the departments of grafters and incompetents. 
 
 Nothing like it has been seen in New York before. 
 
 Tammany Leadebs Boasting. 
 
 The Tammany leaders openly boast that they have 
 deprived the Governor of < verything except the powt r 
 to employ stt nographers. 
 
 They have refused to confirm the important appoint- 
 ments he has made, and they insist on keeping up the 
 sham legislative session — at $1,000 a day extra — so 
 that he cannot till the offices between sessions. 
 
 This is the degraded and disastrous effect of a boss- 
 dominated Legislature niton the public business of the 
 State to-day. 
 
 And all because Governor Sulzt r would not put B — 
 Murphy's henchman Gaffney vn control of the $66,000,- 
 000 which is being spent on public roads, and insisted 
 on pressing for an honest direct primary law against 
 the will of the Murphy-Barnes conspiracy to perpetu- 
 al boss rale in politics and government. 
 
 Boss .\lmph> controls the Attorney-General and the 
 State ( Jomptroller. 
 
 Because the Governor removed Superintendent of 
 Prisons Scott and appointed Superintendent Riley in 
 his place Murphy's Comptroller has refused to pay 
 
37 
 
 the employees of the State's prisons and reforma- 
 tories, and Murphy's Attorney-General has been asked 
 for a legal opinion which, if it is adverse, will compel 
 1 he Governor to resort to the courts in order to carry 
 on the prison and reformatory work. 
 
 Because the Governor refused to appoint Murphy's 
 man Commissioner of Labor, Murphy's Legislature 
 refused to confirm the Governor's appointment, and 
 to-day the Labor Department, charged with the en- 
 forcement of the factory laws, is directed by a second 
 deputy without power to make appointments or take 
 any important executive action. 
 
 Because Mr. Carlisle, the Commissioner of High- 
 ways, would not make Murphy appointments, Mur- 
 phy's Comptroller refuses to pay the salaries of many 
 of Mr. Carlisle's most important deputies, and he is 
 seriously crippled in the vast new highways work 
 which is costing $66,000,000. 
 
 Muephy's Theeat. 
 
 It was on April 13 that Governor Sulzer saw Boss 
 Murphy for the last time and left with the threat ring- 
 ing in his ears, " I'll have you out of office in six 
 months." 
 
 Since then the ring has tried to blackmail him into 
 obedience; has trailed him night and day with hired 
 spies; has sent private detectives to search his record 
 in Washington, in Albany, in New York city, in Alaska 
 and in his boyhood home in New Jersey. 
 
 But the thing that should arouse Hie people to a 
 realizing sense of danger is thai in their fierce desire 
 for vengeance the bosses have actually deprived Hi'' 
 I overnor of even a dollar with which to investigate 
 wrong-doing in the great Slide departments and have 
 deliberately broken down the administ ration of the 
 government. 
 
38 
 
 Not < >xk Voice os Prog i 
 
 And hi the pri sence of this appalling work of corrupt 
 machine politicians not our responsible Republican 
 voice has been raised in public protest. 
 
 Yet, although the State government has been broken 
 down, and the mock Legislature laughs at the wreck 
 of things and the temporary helplessness of the Gov- 
 ernor to get at the grafters, thousands upon thousand- 
 of letters pour into the Executive Chamber — m 
 sages of comfort and encouragement from citizens in 
 ever>- city, town and village of W\v York, bidding the 
 Governor to stand his ground and wait for the ap 
 proachhig day when the people will take the Legisla- 
 ture into their own hands. 
 
 From The Evening Mail. New York, July 25, H>13. 
 
 "IT'S ORDERS," SULZEE IS TOLD ON AP- 
 PEALING TO TAMMANY LEADERS — GOV- 
 ERNOR SAYS UTS FREQUENT REQ1 ESTS 
 THAT LEGISLATIVE LET WHEELS- OF 
 GOVERNMENT MOVE AGAIN BRING ONLY 
 THE SAME ANSWER — MURPHY, TELE- 
 PHONING FROM good GROUND GOLF LINKS 
 TWICE DAILY AND NOT RESPONSIBLE To 
 PEOPLE, MAKES STATE POWERLESS- 
 SULZER DECLARES HE WILL APPEAL To 
 PEOPLE ONCE MORE FOR REMEDY. 
 
 By James < 'ia i lman, 
 
 (By telegraph to The Evening Mail.) 
 
 Albaxv, .Inly l'5. — With the State government 
 brokm down by the refusal of Boss Murphy's Legis- 
 
39 
 
 lature to confirm Governor Sulzer 's appointments or 
 to adjourn so that he can make recess appointments, 
 and with Murphy's State Comptroller holding up the 
 pay-rolls of the Prison Department and preventing 
 the letting of millions of dollars' worth of new high- 
 way contracts — to say nothing of the fact that the 
 Labor Department, which guards the safety of the 
 factory workers, is without a head — -I asked Gov- 
 ernor Sulzer to-day whether he had ever appealed to 
 the Tammany leaders in the Legislature to relieve the 
 people from the peril of a paralyzed State adminis- 
 tration. 
 
 " I have appealed to them again and again," he 
 said. 
 
 "And what do they say? " 
 
 " ' Orders ' is their only explanation." 
 
 Mr. Sulzer clasped his hands under his coat tail and 
 threw his head back as he paced the room. The lines 
 in his lean face hardened and his gray eyes grew cold. 
 For all his nervous energy;, he looked tired and worn. 
 
 Murphy 'Phones Oedees Twice Daily. 
 
 ' ' That is all the answer I can get from the lead- 
 ers in the legislature — ' orders. ' 
 
 " What does that mean? " 
 
 " It means Mr. Murphy. The truth is that there 
 is no real legislature in this state just now — there 
 is only Mr. Murphy, who sends his orders here 
 twice a day over the long-distance telephone. 
 
 " But have you explained to the leaders the fact 
 that the executive government is paralyzed and 
 that the public interests are being sacrificed? 
 
 " I have. But I get only one reply — ' orders.' " 
 
40 
 
 NOT \ I lOLLAB FOB 1 M'l'IKV. 
 
 It seems hard to believe thai a single political boss, 
 idling «)ii the Long Island golf links, is able to control 
 ili«- Legislature and render the Governor of a greal 
 state powerless to carry on the administrative govern- 
 ment. 
 
 Yet there is the testimony of the Governor himself. 
 
 And what crimes of grafting and extravagance may 
 be going unpunished in the greal State departments 
 while the Murphy Legislature denies the Governor 
 even a dollar to make investigations no man can say. 
 
 As Mr. Sulzer revealed the astounding conditions to 
 which the war of bosses for control have reduced the 
 government of the State, the tallies and chair.- aboul 
 him, and the Iloor itself, were piled with an indescrib- 
 able ruck of letters from all parts of the State urging 
 him not to allow himself to be starved into surrender. 
 
 Will Appeal to People. 
 
 " But, Mr. Sulzer, things cannot go on long in 
 this way. What are von going to do? " 
 
 " I am going to go to the people again and tell 
 them what has happened. The voters of the state 
 will find a remedy. L cannot and will not allow 
 any political boss to he the real governor, no mat- 
 ter what happens, and 1 believe that the people will 
 support me." 
 
 As the regularly elected Governor of the State, Mr. 
 Sulzer is responsible for the Department of Public 
 Works, which is spending $100,000,000 on the barge 
 canal work; the Conservation Department, which 
 spends aboul $3,500,000 a year and lias vast powers in 
 the condemnation of land-; the Kxcise Department, 
 which handles something like $20,000,000 a year; the 
 
41 
 
 Board of Charities, the Board of Elections, the Agri- 
 cultural Department. 
 
 Tragedy Growing Blacker. 
 
 These are in the hands of Tammany men. The Gov- 
 ernor is without money to investigate them. If he re- 
 moves the heads, the Legislature will refuse to allow 
 him to provide successors and Murphy's Comptroller 
 will decline to recognize vouchers or pay bills. 
 
 Murphy's Attorney-General and his deputies are bit- 
 terly hostile, and the Governor is unable to hire a 
 lawyer to advise him. 
 
 The tragedy grows blacker every day and the Gov- 
 ernor is fighting desperately to carry on the govern- 
 ment, while Boss Murphy laughs on the Long Island 
 golf links. 
 
 Millions Being Wasted. 
 
 The refusal of the State Comptroller and the Legis- 
 lature to allow the Department of Highways to make 
 emergency repairs, without the slow process of adver- 
 tising for bids and printing contracts, means that per- 
 haps $8,000,000 damage will be done to roads that 
 might have been saved by immediate action. 
 
 Nor will the Comptroller recognize a single voucher 
 signed by the wardens of the Sing Sing and Clinton 
 prisons, declining to pay even for the transportation 
 of prisoners, so that yesterday the New York Central 
 Railroad Company agreed to carry Sing Sing prison- 
 ers on the Governor's personal assurance that some- 
 how the bills would be paid. 
 
 So desperate is the situation thai the Legislature it- 
 self is actually borrowing funds from the banks and de- 
 fiantly spending money denied by the Governor's veto. 
 
!_' 
 
 Advised to Remove Hosg iles. 
 
 1m this extraordinary crisis the Governor lias been 
 advised to remove the hostile Tammany heads of de- 
 partments at once, and, if the Murphy Barnes Legis- 
 lature refuses to confirm their successors or remains 
 in session in order to prevent him from filling the va- 
 cancies, assign deputies to direct the work, Bign the 
 vouchers himself, and through the courts compel the 
 ( lomptroller to paj the bills. 
 
 A - matters stand the Governor of the great State of 
 New York, which spends $56,000,000 a year, is helpless 
 to go into any of the State departments controlled by 
 Tammany and find out what is going on. Yet only nine* 
 months ago he was overwhelmingly elected to direct the 
 government as the responsible representive of nine 
 million persons. 
 
 Even the Bureau of Efficiency, created by Governor 
 Sulzer's request, is under Tammany influence and can- 
 not be depended upon to make Investigations. 
 
 All this is a tremendous joke to Boss Murphy on the 
 golf links. He does not even have to visit Albany to 
 strike down the State government. It is all done by 
 long distance telephone. Tin 1 hoss grows rosier and 
 happier while the hardworking, harassed Governor 
 grows thinner and paler. 
 
 Nothing Like It Sinck Tweeu Days. 
 
 It is the most daring and defiant exhibition of DOS! 
 power and ruthless disregard of public opinion that 
 has been seen since the day- of Tweed. 
 
 The Hat refusal of the sham Legislature to act or to 
 
 adjourn, ami the repeated statements of the Leaders to 
 
 the Governor that they are acting under " orders " — 
 
 remember the word — literally means that in a certain 
 
 -e there La no responsi hie government in the State, 
 
43 
 
 and heaven only knows what official villianies are being 
 hidden from the public and the grand juries. 
 
 GHASTLY JOKE ON PEOPLE. 
 
 It is a political joke to Boss Murphy, perhaps ; but it 
 is a ghastly joke on the taxpayers of New York, the ul- 
 timate possibilities of which are suggested by the hor- 
 rible Binghamton fire tragedy, while the Labor Depart- 
 ment, charged with the protection of factory workers, 
 is left headless and without the new force of inspectors 
 provided by law, because the Governor would not let 
 Murphy name the Labor Commissioner. 
 
 It may be that no future Democratic Governor of 
 New York will ever forget the punishment inflicted on 
 Governor Sulzer for daring to be independent of " or- 
 ders," and then it may be that Boss Murphy and all 
 the bosses — Barnes included — who have supported 
 him in his savage fight against the people 's direct pri- 
 mary bill, will have cause to remember the irresistible 
 power of an aroused public opinion. 
 
 There will be a new Assembly elected this year. 
 With the lower branch of the Legislature in the hands 
 of men independent of the Murphy-Barnes combination 
 the doors will be opened for the grand juries, the State 
 administration can be put on an honest and economical 
 basis and the way prepared for a State-wide direct 
 primary law that will sweep away boss domination in 
 politics and government and make impossible a repeti- 
 tion of the shameful and disastrous spectacle which 
 Albany presents to-day. 
 
 Direct Primaries the Remedy. 
 
 It is no longer a question of Mr. Sulzer 's political 
 fortunes. The situation has got far beyond that. Mr. 
 Snlzer is simply an incident. 
 
1 1 
 
 The real Issue is whether a political boss can control 
 the Legislature and absolutely destroy the administra- 
 tive power of the State government by " orders " over 
 a long distance telephone. 
 
 Go to the Governor as he sits working amid the in- 
 creasing litter of messages rained in on him by the peo- 
 ple, and lie will tell you that the members of the Legis- 
 lature are not personally had — that they worked well 
 with him until he angered Murphy — but that they are 
 the helpless instrumentalities of the boss system in pol 
 itics, and that until that is smashed once and for all by 
 a peal dired primary law, decent and independent gov- 
 ernment in New York is almost impossible. 
 
 SPEECB OF GOVEBNOB SULZEE IN Tills 
 OPEBA HOUSE, COINING, NEW YOBK, 
 NooN, MAY 20, L913. 
 
 ( Stenographically Reporte< I . ) 
 
 [This speech has never been printed before.] 
 
 Governor Sulzer said: 
 
 My friends, it is a great pleasure for me to greet 
 yon and to tell yon that the beautiful city of Corning 
 has an affectionate place in my heart (Applause.) 
 
 I see here this morning many old friends, some of 
 them the friends of nearly a lifetime — true friends 
 who have stood hy me in the past — real men, whose 
 hearts are sincere and whose heads are steady. 
 
 Here on this platform I see my colleague in the 
 Legislature of the long ago, that brave soldier and 
 that splendid statesman, Dr. Bush. He is with us in 
 our light for direcl primaries. (Applause,) 
 
 Here also sits the Mayor of Minora, our good friend, 
 the Hon. Daniel Sheehan. (Applause.) Next to him 
 
45 
 
 sits former Congressman Havens of Rochester (ap- 
 plause) and former Congressman John DeWitt 
 Warner of New York city — two of the very best citi- 
 zens in our State. (Applause.) 
 
 And here sits your State committeeman — brother 
 Schwa rzenbach. (Applause.) Then you all know 
 your Congressman, my friend, Mr. Underbill (ap- 
 plause), a good editor, a high type of our national 
 legislator, and an honest citizen. (Applause.) 
 
 I see here, too, many of your distinguished fellow 
 townsmen, whose names I would like to mention and to 
 whom I would like to pay a deserved tribute, but I 
 haven't the time. 
 
 However, I observe a distinguished gentleman 
 whom I see standing in the side aisle, one of the great 
 men of the Empire State, the favorite son of old Steu- 
 ben county, that grand old jurist, Judge Bradley. 
 (Loud applause.) 
 
 These good men are all with us in our efforts to 
 keep the party faith and to write on our statute books 
 an honest direct primary law. 
 
 My friends, when I became Governor I made up my 
 mind that I would be the Governor in fact as well as in 
 name. Many doubted that the first part of January, 
 but nobody doubts it now. (Laughter and applause.) 
 When I became Governor I determined that no influ- 
 ence should control me in the performance of my duty 
 but the dictates of my conscience and my obligations 
 to the people. I have adhered tenaciously to that 
 thus far, and I shall stick to it until the end, come what 
 may. (Applause.) 
 
 Ever since I have been Governor obstacles have been 
 placed in my way by men high in the councils of my 
 party, because I wanted to do what I believed was 
 righ1 a ii< I what I promised to do when I was a Can- 
 dida le for Governor. 
 
4G 
 
 The Democratic platform of 1910 declared for 
 " stale-wide " direct primaries, 1 >ut those who drew 
 the platform of L912, realizing that the expectations oi 
 
 the rank and tile of part}- voters Were QOl met by the 
 legislation of 1911, pledged the party to "adopt sucn 
 amendments to the existing law as will perfect the 
 direct primary system." 
 
 The electors ol* the State understood the words 
 " State-wide direct primaries " to mean direct pri- 
 maries applied to all State nominations. Democratic 
 campaign speeches and the newspapers which sup- 
 ported our ticket so interpreted these words. 
 
 hi my first message to the Legislature I Baid: 
 
 " We are pledged to direct primaries, State 
 wide in their scope and character, and I urge the 
 adoption of such amendments to our primary laws 
 as will perfect the direct primary system of the 
 State." 
 
 The people expected nothing less from us when we 
 declared Tor State-wide direct primaries than the 
 nomination by the voters of all State officers, because 
 it has been demonstrated that under the convention 
 system the will of the people was not faithfully car- 
 ried out in the State conventions. 
 
 Delegates to the State convention, when assembled 
 for action, have been found not properly responsive 
 to the sentiment of their constituents. They have 
 been found more anxious to carry out thu wishes of 
 party leaders than to carry out the wishes of the mass 
 of individual party voters. Controlling- political 
 power has not passed From the individual unit, in 
 which it should originate, up to the State convention. 
 On the contrary, controlling political power has orig- 
 inated with certain political bosses who have usurped 
 
47 
 
 the rights of party voters and brought about nomina- 
 tions which were desired by the bosses, but not de- 
 manded by the voters. (Applause.) 
 
 The sentiment in the State in favor of direct pri- 
 maries found its origin and growth principally in the 
 fact that under the established primary law the rank 
 and file of party voters were not able to control their 
 delegates when they assembled in the State con- 
 ventions. 
 
 I am now, always have been, and always will be in 
 favor of carrying out, in letter and in spirit, our plat- 
 form pledges. (Applause.) 
 
 The best way to strengthen a political party is to 
 keep the faith. I want to restore to the people of the 
 State the complete control of their State government; 
 to afford the voters of the State the freest expression 
 of their choice of candidates for public offices, and I 
 believe that our " State-wide " direct primary bill 
 embraces an honest, a sincere, a comprehensive and a 
 practical plan for these accomplishments. 
 
 Besides, I consider that our " State-wide " direct 
 primary bill is an absolutely nonpartisan measure 
 which faithfully reproduces and will substantially 
 carry into practice the pledges of the three great 
 political parties concerned in the last State election. 
 
 There are only two kinds of primaries — direct and 
 indirect. The latter constitutes the reactionary dele- 
 gate system; the former constitutes the present pro- 
 gressive system. I am for the direct system. I want 
 the people to nominate because I want the people to 
 rule. The power to nominate is the power to control. 
 Do not forget that. (Applause.) 
 
 To have direct primaries and to have State con- 
 ventions is impossibe. Direct primaries have been 
 devised by the friends of good government to permit 
 
> 
 
 the people to nominate their officials directly vrithout 
 the intermediary of delegates, and as, of course, you 
 
 cannot have Stale conventions without delegates, it 
 follows that State conventions must go and hones! 
 direel primaries must come. There is no middle 
 ground. There can be no compromise. Those who 
 
 want to compromise are against us. You cannot com- 
 promise a principle. (Applause. ) 
 
 It is self-evident to me that if the people are compe- 
 tent to directly elect their public officials they are jjuei 
 as competent to directly nominate these officials. 
 
 The bosses say they will beat me. I have heard that 
 before. The bosses could not beat me years ago when 
 I was an Assemblyman for five years in this State. 
 (Applause.) They could not prevent me going to 
 Congress, and I stayed there in spite of them for 
 eighteen years. (Applause. ) 
 
 They say they will destroy me, but I tell them no man 
 can destroy me but William Sulzer. (Applause.) I 
 care very little about the political future ami less 
 about personal consequences. I shall go on doing my 
 diit>- to the people as God gives me the light to see the 
 right. (Applause.) 
 
 During the last campaign they tell me [ spoke to 
 more people than any other candidate for office in all 
 the history of the State. I told the people simple 
 truths from the bottom of my heart. Many doubted 
 the sincerity of my speeches in the last campaign, but 
 there was one man who never doubted the sincerity of 
 
 those speeches, and that was the man who is now the 
 Governor of the State. (Applause.) 
 
 It is all very simple to me, because I am a simple 
 man. I am just the same to-day, as Dr. Bush can tell 
 you, as I was in the Legislature a quarter of a cen- 
 tury ago. I am just the same to-day, as Congress- 
 
49 
 
 man Und.erh.ill can tell you, as I was in- Congress. I 
 haven't changed. I don't intend to change. Others 
 have changed, and if the fight is on, it is their fault, not 
 mine. (Applause.) 
 
 All I want to be is honest. (A voice: " You're 
 right.) All I want to do is keep the faith; all I desire 
 is to tell the truth. I want to make good. (Applause.) 
 When I am dead and buried the only monument I want 
 is to have the people say in their hearts — "Well 
 done, Bill." (Great applause.) 
 
 I am not working for the bosses. I am working for 
 the people. (Applause.) I want to do something for 
 my fellowman. I know, in the last analysis, that when 
 the future historian pens the record of my adminis- 
 tration I will be judged by what I have accomplished. 
 (Applause.) 
 
 I am trying to do things. Do things for myself. No ! 
 not at all ; but to do things for all the people. Do you 
 think it is easy? If you only knew how I am threat- 
 ened; if jou only knew the obstacles that are put in 
 my way; if you only knew how discouraging it is at 
 times, you would sympathize with me in the struggle, 
 and every one of you would be with me in the fight for 
 the right. (Applause.) 
 
 (A voice: " You have a crowd in this part of the 
 State that will back you up.") 
 
 Thank you for that. What that man says I hope is 
 true. At this time I want to congratulate you for 
 sending to the Legislature Senator Seeley, and As- 
 semblyman Brewster, and Assemblyman Seely. (Ap- 
 plause.) They voted for direct primaries. They are 
 good men. They are honest representatives. They 
 have served the people faithfully. They are entitled 
 
50 
 
 to praise and commendation. They stood i»y you at 
 Albany. (Applause.) They stood by you when every 
 effort was made to gel them to vote against your in 
 terests. All honor to these representatives. Their 
 votes for direct primaries were right, and they will 
 never have cause to regret it. 
 
 My friends, what is the issue:' It is very simple. It 
 is the people against the bosses. (Applause.) A child 
 can understand it. You know there are two kinds of 
 
 taxei direct and indirect. So L tell yon there are 
 
 two kinds of primaries — direct and indirect. Dir 
 primaries are the kind the people want. Indirect pri- 
 maries are the kind the bosses want. If you are for the 
 people you are for direct primaries. If you are for the 
 bosses then you are for indirect primaries. 
 
 The friends of direct nominations are fighting for a 
 principle. A principle is fundamental. You cannot 
 compromise it. (Applause.) It is ridiculous to try, 
 although a few prominent Democrats in the State are 
 trying to do it. If you are for direct primaries you 
 are in favor of the voters nominating all candidates for 
 public office. (Applause.) 
 
 (A voice: That's right.) 
 
 In the beginning of our history there were men who 
 said that the people could not be trusted; that it was 
 better to have a King, or a Queen, around than to let 
 the people govern themselves; but Washington, and 
 Franklin, and Jefferson, did not think that way. The 
 men in those days who said the people could not be 
 
 trusted were called Tories. We have Tories now, just 
 
 as the patriotic fathers had them, only the Tories of 
 to-day are called Political -Bosses. (Applausi .) 
 
51 
 
 The political bosses tell us that we may have sense 
 enough to nominate a constable, but not brains enough 
 to nominate a Governor. They are willing to let us 
 nominate a justice of the peace, but we must not think 
 of nominating a judge of the Supreme Court, 
 (Laughter.) 
 
 The truth is, I trust the people, and the people trust 
 me. We understand each other, and know how to get 
 along together. That is the reason, I believe, why it is 
 that during all the years, just half of my natural life, 
 I have never been beaten for public office, although I 
 have always had to run in a Republican district. (Ap- 
 plause.) 
 
 It is my experience that the man who trusts the peo- 
 ple never trusts them in vain. I know in trusting them 
 now I shall not be disappointed. (Applause.) There 
 has never been a time in the history of this State when 
 a public man trusted the people that the people did not 
 trust that public man. There has never been a time in 
 all our history when the people, deprived of political 
 power at the formation of the government were given 
 an opportunity to get that political power in their own 
 hands that they did not take it. 
 
 If anybody doubts that let him read the story of the 
 adoption of the amendments to the Federal Constitu- 
 tion. All of these amendments have been written in 
 the Constitution by the rank and file, against the pro- 
 test of men who said the people could not be trusted. 
 
 Our fight for direct primaries is the old question over 
 again. The few want to govern, because they do not 
 trust the people. I am on the side of the people. I 
 declare the people are competent to govern themselves, 
 and I am willing to trust them with our government. 
 
If the people want to control their governmenl they 
 niusi nominate the candidates for public office. They 
 
 cannot control unless they nominate. The power to 
 nominate is the power to control. (Applause.) 
 
 Why is it that two men in our State, to-day, control 
 the Legislature.' Because these two men control 
 the nominations of the members of the Legislature. 
 Unless the legislators do what these two men tell them 
 to do they cannot be renominated. Take away the 
 power to nominate, and you take away the power of tin- 
 boss. (Applause.) 
 
 That is the reason why every boss is against our bill 
 for direct primaries. Can you blame the bosses? Well, 
 hardly. But when we want to give the people the 
 power to be their own bosses can anyone doubt that the 
 people will not gladly take this power to nominate. 
 (Applause.) 
 
 De Tocqueville — in the greatest story that has ever 
 been written about the free institutions of America — 
 says that this Republic will never perish because it 
 possesses the power to legislate, and to adjudicate, and 
 to execute. Our government is indestructible, as was 
 demonstrated during the Civil War, because it has this 
 ] tower to execute. (Applause.) 
 
 As the Governor of the State I realize every day, 
 more and more, the tremendous agency of this power 
 to execute. What do the bosses, and the special in- 
 terests, care about the laws if they can control the men 
 who executed the laws? Nothing. Why are they fight- 
 ing me so bitterly? You know. Because they cannot 
 control the man who is executing the laws of the State 
 of New York. (Applause.) 
 
 We want to make the people free to control their 
 own government by giving them the power to nominate 
 
their own public officials. We assert, and defy suc- 
 cessful contradiction, that if the voters are capable of 
 nominating an alderman they are just as capable of 
 nominating a United States Senator. Any assertion to 
 the contrary is an indictment against our intelligence, 
 and a protest against our advancing civilization. (Ap- 
 plause.) Out upon such a proposition. (Applause.) 
 Notwithstanding the fact that I have always been in 
 favor of the people nominating all candidates for pub- 
 lic office, I went into this struggle for direct nomina- 
 tions slowly and cautiously. All winter I appealed to 
 the members of the Legislature to carry out the prom- 
 ises of the Syracuse platform. I wanted them to keep 
 faith with the voters. I wanted them to help me write 
 on the statute books what the Democratic party prom- 
 ised — a direct primary law — State-wide in its scope. 
 (Applause.) They refused to do it. Then I sent a 
 special message to the Legislature telling the members 
 exactly what we ought to do about it. They answered 
 that special message by sending me the abortive Blau- 
 velt bill to make matters worse instead of better. I 
 vetoed it in language that could not be misunderstood. 
 (Applause.) We then sent them our bill. They beat 
 it. How did they beat it f I will tell you how they beat 
 our direct primary bill. First the democrats caucused 
 against it. Then the republicans caucused against it. 
 The two great political parties caucused to defeat this 
 bill of the people. I am a pretty good parliamentarian. 
 I have studied parliamentary law for a quarter of a 
 century. I have searched through the precedents, and 
 I tell you, and through you the people of the State of 
 New York, that in all the history of parliamentary gov- 
 
54 
 
 ernmenl this was the only time when two political par- 
 ties caucused to beat one bill. 
 
 Do you suppose the members of the Legislature 
 beat our direct primaries bill of their free will and 
 accord.' Certainly not. The Democratic members got 
 their orders over the telephone Prom Delmonioo's and 
 the Republicans got their orders from Mr. Barnes 
 in Albany. These orders heat the bill. What a spec- 
 tacle of representative government! What an indict- 
 ment of free institutions. What shall we say when a 
 boss in one part of the State and a boss in another 
 part of the State, acting in concert, compel the mem- 
 bers of the Legislature to caucus to beat a hill these 
 very members were pledged to enact.' There was 
 never anything- like it in all the history of our State, 
 and 1 trusl after another election there will never be 
 anything like it again. (Applause and laughter.) 
 
 No man fears direct primaries, except a man whose 
 character, and whose ability, and whose mentality can- 
 not bear the searchlight of publicity. No man fears 
 direct primaries, unless lie wants to be the creature of 
 invisible government rather than the servant of popu- 
 lar government. (Applause.) 
 
 Let me tell you briefly just what our direct primary 
 bill seeks to accomplish : 
 
 1. That all party candidates for public office shall 
 be nominated directly by the enrolled party voters at 
 an official primary — the official primary to be con- 
 ducted by the State, and surrounded with all the safe- 
 guards of an official election — any violation of the 
 official primary law to be a felony. 
 
 2. A Slide committee of 150 members, one Prom each 
 Assembly district, and a county committee for each 
 county, to be elected directly by the enrolled party 
 voters at the official primary. 
 
55 
 
 3. All party candidates for public office to be voted 
 for in the official primary must be designated by pe- 
 tition only, the same as independent candidates. 
 
 4. Every designating petition should contain the ap- 
 pointment of a committee for filling vacancies on the 
 primary ballot. 
 
 5. Candidates to be arranged on the ballot under the 
 title of the office. Order of arrangement to be deter- 
 mined in each group by lot, by the commissioners of 
 election, in the presence of the candidates or their 
 representatives. All emblems on the official primary 
 ballot must be abolished. Names of candidates to be 
 numbered. The voter to indicate his choice by mak- 
 ing a separate mark before the name of each candidate. 
 
 6. The number of enrolled party voters required to 
 sign a designating petition should be fixed at a percent- 
 age of the party vote for Governor at the last preced- 
 ing election, except that for State offices the number 
 should not exceed 5,000 enrolled party voters, of which 
 100 shall be from each of at least twenty counties. 
 
 7. The primary district should be made identical 
 with the election district, and the primaries of all par- 
 ties phould be held at the same polling place, conducted 
 by the regular official election officers, just the same as 
 an official election. 
 
 8. Each party to have a Party Council to frame a 
 platform; such Council to consist of the party candi- 
 dates for office to be voted for bv the State at large: 
 party Congressmen and party United States Senators; 
 candidates for the Senate and Assembly; members of 
 the State committee; and the chairman of each count}' 
 committee. 
 
 9. The time for filing independent nominations sub- 
 sequent to the filing of party nominations should be 
 
50 
 
 increased from five days, as now provided, to fourteen 
 or more days. The onmber of signers of as independ- 
 ent certificate of Domination should conform to the 
 number of signers of a party designation. 
 
 10. Election of Ohited Stales Senator by the people 
 should be provided for in accordance with the recent 
 constitutional amendment. Nominations for United 
 States Senator to be made at the official primary in the 
 same manner as for the office of Governor. 
 
 11. Registration days in the country should be re- 
 duced from four to two, and registration in the country 
 should be by affidavit where voter does not appear per- 
 sonally. 
 
 12. Boards of elections in counties having less than 
 one hundred and twenty thousand inhabitants should 
 be reduced from four members to two, in order to 
 decrease the expenses. 
 
 13. The use of party funds at primary elections 
 to be absolutely prohibited, and made a felony. 
 
 14. The penal law should be amended limiting to a 
 reasonable sum the amount of money that may be ex- 
 pended by a candidate, or anyone on his account, for 
 the purpose of seeking a nomination to public office, 
 any violation of the same to be a felony, and make the 
 nomination, if secured, a nullity. 
 
 15. Delegates and alternates from the State at large, 
 and from congressional districts, to the National Con- 
 vention should be chosen by the direct vote of enrolled 
 party voters at the official primary. 
 
 Such a law, in my judgment, will substantially re- 
 deem our party pledges and meet the just demands of 
 the enrolled party voters of the State. Any proposi- 
 tion less than this begs the whole question and violates 
 
57 
 
 the pledged faith of the several political parties to 
 their voters in the State. 
 
 It is my candid opinion that every member of the 
 Legislature is solemnly bound in honor by the highest 
 moral and political obligations to vote for the enact- 
 ment of a direct primary bill; and those who fail to 
 do so will be recreant to their promises and forced 
 to yield by public opinion to others who will vote to 
 give the State an efficient " State-wide " direct pri- 
 mary law that will embrace every public office — from 
 Governor down to constable. 
 
 (Cheers and prolonged applause.) 
 
Entered as «econd-class matter January 10, 1910, a 
 
 A Weekly Report Concerning Moral Refoi 
 
 Published at 61 State Street, Albany, N. Y 
 
 Superintendent of the New York Civic 1 
 
 Vol. 4. "^g^»3 Albany, N. Y., July % 
 
 SULZER'S BATTLE WITH GRj 
 Some Startling Facts 
 
 We have received a few letters protestii 
 letin of July 18th on the Bosses and the gn 
 that some members of the Legislature who 
 are grafters. We have no apology to make 
 about the facts than the people who have > 
 bribery in the Legislature have been made in ' 
 While we are sure that many of the Legisl 
 could not be bought for any price, yet there; 
 tried to sell themselves to special interests, 
 have others we can give the Frawley Investigf 
 
 Three Tammany Senator 
 Three years ago when there was a bill j 
 tai'n corporations furnishing legal services t 
 such a bill would do a great injury to many o 
 of the State who take the claims of their cl 
 agree to collect the claim and furnish the law 
 The secretary of an association of these 
 from New York City to prevent the passage 
 we believe, of high Christian character, and h 
 in the matter. He called on some member: 
 bill was referred and others who were not 
 stated his case and showed them the great in 
 to help defeat it. Among those called on w< 
 
 i' 
 tors 
 to dr 
 
 • S •'/'''"' f'-" r lY '"'-' ! aoresitmnoD jCto) -mavur jfarnou 
 
 nothiK?,;,;;/^'! 1 ';;'," 1 ™°*e **um a *o (pa&js) * 
 
 '//■'■/A N •"•'Miy 'IS ''I'-'s 19 ••'■Ul'K H O " 
 
 reprewaAg f 8 » qnd ur '"ii"u nuojo a am p -..io *«o- 
 
 Lai., , * ( 1 ' ,ut 'l> >IJ<>A\ (U.M.iLyo pui: js.hui: 
 
 Ifonn I'll ~'V-i 1 ,, :proa '8X61 'ri £«ji> 
 
 TREA 
 
 Cash on hand, 
 Total cash reo 
 
 Printing 
 
 Postage 
 
 Clerk hire (an 
 Salaries of S' 
 
 Secretary, 
 
 Expenses of 5 
 
 Secretary, 
 
 hotel bills, 
 
 Special lecturei 
 
 Office furnitun 
 
 cards, etc. 
 Office rent, jan 
 Telephone, tele 
 Express and fi 
 Expenses of D 
 Miscellaneous: 
 
 Total 
 Cash on hand, 
 
 No-license Bull 
 Office furniture 
 Cash on hand 
 
 Total e 
 R 
 
 This is b 
 found correct, ; 
 
 This is tl 
 with all bills p; 
 year the Leagu> 
 $20,075.88. Wi 
 Civic League h 
 things to pass."' 
 ported wholly 1 
 the saloons, rai 
 Its State headq 
 
 Senator Ge 
 gratulate you for 1 
 more credit is clue 
 racetrack gambling 
 The New York Ci\ 
 
 Senator Eu 
 
 tor the very 
 
 I greatly rt^r tho 
 
 gambling bill had , 
 
 Bulletin, which wo 
 
 Senate 
 
 tk 
 
nent member of the present Senate Investigating Committee which if -trying 
 so hard to find some fake excuse for impeaching the Governor! Think of 
 such corrupt men being in our Legislature, making our laws, defeating every 
 effort to secure an honest, State-wide Direct Primary law, and viciously at- 
 tacking a man like Governor Sulzer who we sincerely believe is making an 
 honest, conscientious, and determined effort to drive all grafters out of office. 
 
 The editor of The Bulletin said to this Christian man, "Why did you not 
 report it and expose the Senators who solicited a bribe so boldly?" He replied 
 that there was no one present except himself and the Senator when he talked 
 with each of them, hence one man's word, in court, is as good as another's. 
 
 He said that he also feared if he came out and exposed the three Tammany 
 Senators they would make a "frame-up" and swear that by appointment they 
 all met this man together at his request, not knowing what he wanted, and 
 that he boldly offered them each money to help kill the bill, which they declined, 
 atajd thus as the result of such a frame-up, he might have been convicted of 
 attempted bribery and sent to the penitentiary. Men who are mean enough 
 to solicit a bribe, of course, would be mean enough to go to any other limit to 
 protect themselves and punish a "squealer." 
 
 THE GOVERNOR'S LIFE IS BEING THREATENED. 
 
 Governor Sulzer is receiving many threatening letters from the underworld, letters 
 which everybody believes are inspired by the Tammany Hall crowd. Some friends of 
 Governor Sulzer who are in a position to know, insist that if he does not take the greatest - 
 care he will be assassinated before the close of his term of office. The Tammany crowd 
 of grafters are simply desperate. Governor Sulzer has stopped millions of their graft, 
 and when you touch graft you touch the heart of Tammany. Hence, we fear that because 
 of this, some bodily harm may come to the Governor; but if it does, the people of New 
 York State mill hold Tammany Hall wholly responsible for it. 
 
 HAVE YOU THANKED THE GOVERNOR? 
 
 How many friends of reform have written and thanked Governor Sulzer for 
 his brave fight against Sunday baseball, race-track gambling, and for a state-wide direct 
 primary law? A word of praise to one who is staggering under an awful load, lightens 
 the burden and strengthens the heart for future battles. Every good man should stand 
 by the Governor in his battle with the Bosses. Lincoln said, " Stand with anybody that 
 stands right. Stand with him when he is right and part with him when he goes wrong." 
 Governor Sulzer is certainly going right and anyone who understands him and the 
 present situation cannot honestly question but that he is doing the right thing now. We 
 believe he is thoroughly sincere and entitled to the sympathy and prayers of all Christian 
 people. Tammany Hall and the newspapers it controls, together with the newspapers 
 controlled by the Republican machine, are doing everything in their power to discredit 
 Governor Sulzer and make the people believe that he is moved purely by selfish motives 
 in everything he does, which we do not at all believe. True, we believe it will 
 help Governor Sulzer politically to do right, as it will help every other politician 
 in the -end to do right. Write and thank Governor Sulzer for the many good things 
 already done and others he is trying to do. 
 
 ENEMIES' OPPOSITION PROVE OUR EFFECTIVENESS. 
 
 We received a kind letter from Assemblyman Charles J. Vert of Plattsburgh, a 
 man whom we always count on the right side of moral questions, in which he commends 
 very highly the effectiveness of our work. Mr. Vert is one of the most prominent lawyers 
 in Northern New York and it has been a great personal financial sacrifice for him to give 
 two years to the Legislature. We greatly regret that he does not intend to be a candidate 
 again for the Assembly. We give his letter below. 
 
 Rev O. R. Miller, Albany, N. Y. Plattsburgh, N. Y., May 24, 1913. 
 
 Dear M-. Miller:— No one could be about the r=ipitn1 Huring ty Legislative session, 
 without V : -& impressed by the earnest and effective work of yourself and your pubYw^ 
 tion perhaps Uhe highest tribute you received was the very intense feeling of antagoni 
 towards you and y 0ur publication, by_ those opposed to your position on the several measui 
 with reference to w hich you took active part. If your work had not been effective, it wou 
 have passed witho ut no ti ce by your opponents. For this very reason, I repeat, their intens 
 hostility was the n jghest tribute to the effectiveness of your labors. I have no intention o 
 standing for re-ele^j on t0 t j, e Assembly. I do not feel I can afford it. With kindest per 
 sonal regards and <-. est w j s hes, I am, very sincerely yours, C. J. VERT. 
 
®h* inform IttlUtttt 
 
 Enlmd as second-clan matter January 10. 1910. at poll ollice at Albany N Y 
 
 A Weekly Report Concerning Moral Reforms in the State of iw Ynrfc 
 Published at 6i State Street, Albany, N. Y., by Rev. 0. R Miller State 
 __ _ Superintendent of th e^ew^rkCWixLea^jsc^te per y ear 
 
 Vol. 4- «^»» A lbany, N. Y., Tulv 2 g ion == 
 
 J ' y J " JNo. 30 
 
 SULZER'S BATTLE WITH GRAFT AND GRAFTERS. 
 Some Startling Facts to Consider. 
 We have received a few letters protesting against our attack in The Bul- 
 letin of July 18th on the Bosses and the grafters, especially in our intimation 
 that some members of the Legislature who are now hounding the Governor 
 are grafters. We have no apology to make because we probably know more 
 about the facts than the people who have written to us. Frequent hints of 
 bribery in the Legislature have been made in many daily papers in recent years. 
 While we are sure that many of the Legislators are incorruptible, men who 
 could not be bought for any price, yet there are Legislators who have boldly- 
 tried to sell themselves to special interests. Let us give one illustration. We 
 have others we can give the Frawley Investigating Committee, if it desires more. 
 Three Tammany Senators Ask a Bribe. 
 Three years ago when there was a bill pending at Albany to prohibit cer- 
 tain corporations furnishing legal services to their clients, it was found that 
 such a bill would do a great injury to many of the mercantile collection agencies 
 of the State who take the claims of their clients and for a certain percentage 
 agree to collect the claim and furnish the lawyers to prosecute in court. 
 
 The secretary of an association of these collection agencies came to Albany 
 from New York City to prevent the passage of that bill. He was a man, as 
 we believe, of high Christian character, and had no desire to do anything wrong 
 in the matter. He called on some members of the committee to whom that 
 bill was referred and others who were not members of the committee. He 
 stated his case and showed them the great injustice of the bill and urged them 
 to help defeat it. Among those called on were three Tammany Senators. 
 
 He told the editor of The Bulletin that all three of those Tammany Sena- 
 tors boldly hinted that they wanted pay for helping to kill that bill. Desiring 
 to draw them out a little further, he asked each what he meant. One Tam- 
 many Senator said, "Well, you don't suppose we are going to kill that bill for 
 nothing, do you?" Another asked, "How many collection agencies do you 
 nt?" The man replied "Twenty." That Senator then said: "You go, 
 r^^a^K York City and call together the representatives of those twenty 
 ^-es to-morrow night and tell them to put up $500 each, bring 
 "•■■ ■■.-:--^ an( j I w iH see that the bill is killed." As soon a s that Chris- 
 'me'to appreciate the real object sought by these men,"' Refused to 
 anything to do with them. / 
 
 Tammany Boss Murphy is at this moment hurling tl he vials of his 
 
 - •rath at Governor Sulser because the latter refuses to appoint 01 He of those same 
 
 , teiking Senators as the head of one of the great Depc rtments of New 
 
 1 State'" Another one of those bribe-seeking Senators /is a very promi- 
 
TREASURER'S REPORT OF THE NEW YORK CIVIC LEAGUE. 
 For the Year Ending May 31, 1913- 
 
 Cash on hand, June I, 1912 
 
 Receipts. 
 
 s.02 
 
 $20,1 T3. 90 
 
 L,abii on iiaiiu, j unc 1, iyi^ i~ qn 
 
 Total cash received during the year 20,075.11 
 
 Expenditures. 
 
 Printing- $5, 2 3°-37 
 
 pS^. ::::::::::::::::::::::::::: :::::":: 3,867.38 
 
 Clerk°hire (an average of 15 clerks employed the year round)..... 4,048.64 
 Salaries of State Superintendent, Legislative Superintendent, Field 
 
 Secretary, and three District Superintendents • ■.■ • ■ 4,327-92 
 
 Expenses of State Superintendent, Legislative Superintendent, Field 
 
 Secretary, and three District Superintendents: Railroad fares, 
 
 hotel bills, etc (&1-4S 
 
 Special lecturers and workers, services and expenses ■■■ 00.00 
 
 Office furniture and supplies: Desks, cabinets, typewriters, stencils, 
 
 cards, etc 1,086.26 
 
 Office rent, janitor service, gas and electricity 477-22 
 
 Telephone, telegraph and messenger service 219.6b 
 
 Express and freight 26.33 
 
 Expenses of Directors to Board meetings 33-25 
 
 Miscellaneous: Insurance. $7.56; interest, $21.97; refund, $4.25 33.78 
 
 Total expenditures $20,080.28 
 
 Cash on hand, May 31, 1913 33-62 
 
 $20,113.90 
 Assets. 
 
 No-license Bulletins ■ $50. 00 
 
 Office furniture: Desks, cabinets, typewriters, stencils, etc. (estimated) 1,500.00 
 Cash on hand May 31, *9i3 • 33-62 
 
 Total assets, June 1, 1913 $1,583.62 
 
 Respectfully submitted, (Signed) THOMAS A. ALLEN, Treasurer. 
 
 This is to certify that the Treasurer's books and vouchers has been examined and 
 found correct, as stated above. (Signed) CHARLES GIBSON, Auditor. 
 
 This is the first time that the New York Civic League has been able to close a year 
 with all bills paid, for which we thank God and the good people of this State. The first 
 year the League raised $9,010.26; the second year, $15,455.41; and the third year, last year, 
 $20,075.88. Will not our friends help us raise at least $30,000 this year? The New York 
 Civic League has shown by its splendid success in the past that it knows how to "bring 
 things to pass." It is worthy of the generous support of all Christian people. It is sup- 
 ported wlwlly by the free-will contributions of those who believe in its work of fighting 
 the saloons, racetrack gambling, Sabbath desecration, impurity, boss rule in politics, etc. 
 Its State headquarters is at 61 State Street, Albany, N. Y. Send it a contribution. 
 
 "Brings Things to Pass" 
 
 Senator George B. Eurd, in a letter dated Sept. 30, 1911, wrote us saying: " Allow mo to con- 
 gratulate you for the splendid work done during the session of the Legislature just closing. I believe that 
 more credit is due to the New York Civic League and to your Reform Bulletin for the defeat of the Gittins 
 racetrack gambling bills and the several Sunday Baseball bills, than to any other influence in the State. 
 The New York Civic League brings things to pass." 
 
 Senator Eugene M. Travis, in a letter to us dated April 4, 1912, said: "Accept my congratula- 
 io — for the very effective and successful work done at Albany during the recent session of the Legislature! 
 . y I "-'" the evil forces would have succeeded in passing the Sunday baseball bill 
 uliJfi'l 15 .- llad " ot man y members of the Legislature feared the New York Civic Leagj 
 winch would have given wide publicity as to how they voted.' 
 
 , |e „, S !H3£6r'Ge c , 1 -ge H. Whitney, in n letter to us dated May 14, 1913, said: "I take™.. 
 Z-; Sv of the se: ,sion at lllc Legislature to commend the earnest and efficient work done by yo 
 bill l!!l Winter '' n Pre Vt ' n \ mS the Passase of ™<2eairable legislation especially the fight you maple agai ^ 
 " seeking to open the 00ns on Suu day." 
 
 Stateine 
 
 uUeth 
 
 AJbanv "^ment of the STS,? 8 ?!?' mana S' ement ' circulation, etc., of The Reform Bulletin, published wig 
 th « 9th day f Xly 19 Mullenneau, Notary Public. (My commission expires 1 March BO.PJ 
 
"-- «■ 3ZTLZ1 . C , ARD ce ^«c ATE5! 
 
 t^^^^^^^l 
 
 ,v is,,,.,, t, ™ ™ U,at :,, ""»»i for a 
 
 year's subscription 
 
 cents each, ^ £ * *" Bulletin 
 
 We have 
 
 23 
 
 five of these P 0st CaTd ", « c ™ tai °» of Th. B „u«i" ' °' '"">' "' "'" Mm, 
 
 in. y. Christian Advocate r„~ 
 York Christian Advocate of E , C r ; mendS NeW York Civic League -Th • v 
 Temperance Wave," ^iJj&LZtt^Z?^? ^^ °" "^S X, ?£ 
 Washington It also referred to the g eat Z t T ""^ eSP * daU > *°« ££* 
 where the- liquor dealers have sent ou 4 bo st T £ '" *J° ntana a ^' * S« 
 and retailers are working unanimously to nuSn f 'if 1 *' " The local ^olesakrs 
 * the wettest State in the Union, 7 tCcSS^I^^ *"» ** « 
 
 ■C if ' Passed, would lei 
 
 is being u ^S^d U it^^K c iSL S S ( hL and week da > s - ( " — for wha 
 
 ~^ 
 
 the splendid Bulletin of last week, Myi^^t'^^Z- 5 ^^ 3 C0 P ies l ' 1 "' of 
 Attacks upon Governor Sulzer are all Infi bv Bo Al °nal of wind, is, "Vicious 
 few, drop us a card telling us how many S^iSS, th^wKlenty' „," 
 
 of Chanties and Correction held at SpSngri g£ U ^June the £th to JrhTT ^'l'"" 
 honors the State when honoring such a man as Dr Pratt Governor Sulzer 
 
 phy's grievance is financial. He is battlinR 
 tor contracts and profits. 
 
 Sulzer's real offense was blocking Tam- 
 many s access to millions of State money 
 that is the beginning and end oi th. v< n 
 detta that Murphy is waging againsl the 
 Governor That is the beginning and end 
 ot the veiled impeachment pr, I i,,. 
 
 Boss is righting for his graft, thi I egisla- 
 ture is subservient to the Bess and the 
 business of the State is at a standstill. 
 
 It is possible that the Government of ihe 
 State of New York touched lowei depl 
 of degradation under Tweed than under 
 Murphy, although we doubt it. [„ Tweed's 
 day there was a strong and virile public 
 opinion that uncompromisingly resisted cor- 
 ruption at every step until the corruptiyt^s' 
 were driven out In Murphy>--"Ciay the 
 struggle seems to be regarded with cynical 
 indifference as a contest between two poli- 
 ticians, one of Llllulll JS CLvi-riior .-i"fl il:is 
 
 quarreled with his party oJrgan izat J' l '"- fil ,,,, 
 Poor old New York! As « reauy^ ?ov 
 
 self-go\ erument, or is i'/ fit *^ n ^. n y, v rigM 
 eminent by contracts? /is 
 after all in the sordid/ view u ' 
 of the political morals /of t he pc0p 
 State? 
 
 POOR OLD NEW YORK! 
 
 Editorial, N. Y. World, July 23d. 
 
 So far as open warfare between the legis- 
 lative and executive authority can make it 
 so, the Government of the State of New 
 1 ork has broken down. Important depart- 
 ments are without responsible heads be- 
 cause_ the Senate will not confirm the Gov- 
 ernors nominations. Necessary legislation 
 is withheld because the Legislature will not 
 act on the Governor's recommendations. 
 
 New York has no Legislature in the con- 
 stitutional sense. It is without representa- 
 tive government. The Legislature, as a 
 Legislature, has abdicated, and its powers 
 a [e all in the hands of Charles F. Murphy. 
 What h° t»lls it to do, it does. What he 
 do, it refrains from doing, 
 ority of the members took 
 ., nos ^ to support the Constitu- 
 
 '-""■' 3r*flg^dth of office was to Charles 
 
 tfW 1 * ^ e uncIer stood that the quarrel 
 °ehvn the Governor and the Boss is not 
 Po/j'ial. It is financial. Murphy is not 
 fryir to destroy the Governor because the 
 "Ov t nor advocated direct primaries or be- 
 c aii S( he " plays to the galleries." Mur- 
 
 111 ", J v,„ riff'" 
 
 • of till- 
 
SURER'S REPORT OF THE NEW YORK CIVIC LEAGUE. 
 For the Year Ending May 31, 1913. 
 
 Receipts. 
 
 June 1, [91a $38.02 
 
 tved during the year - 
 
 $20, I ! ,} . QO 
 
 EXPENDITURES. 
 $5.^8.37 
 
 •• 3.*<>7 .<* 
 
 average of 15 clerks employed the year round) 4,048(4 
 
 ate Superintendent, Legislative Superintendent, Field 
 
 and three District Superintendents 4,327. yj 
 
 Itate Superintendent, Legislative Superintendent, field 
 and three District Superintendents: Railroad far.-, 
 
 etc 661 .45 
 
 s and workers, services and expenses 60. 00 
 
 i and supplies: Desks, cabinets, typewriters, stencil*, 
 
 1,086.26 
 
 iter service, gas and electricity 477-2 
 
 graph and messenger service ->iq.(i8 
 
 eight 26.33 
 
 irectors to Board meetings 33 . 25 
 
 Insurance. $7.56; interest, $21.97; refund, $4.25 33 . 7.S 
 
 expenditures $20,- 18 
 
 May 31, 1913 ,u.<<2 
 
 $20 1 13.OO 
 
 Assets. 
 
 etins $50.00 
 
 : Desks, cabinets, typewriters, stencils, etc. (estimated ) 1,500.00 
 May 31. 1913 33.62 
 
 ssets, June 1, 1913 •'No 
 
 espectfully submitted, (Signed) THOMAS A. ALLEN, Treasurer. 
 
 -) certify that the Treasurer's books and vouchers has been examined and 
 is stated above. (Signed) CHARLES GIBSON, Auditor. 
 
 ie first time that the New York Civic League has been able to clove a year 
 iid, for which we thank God and the good people of this State. The first 
 j raised $9,010.26; the second year, $15,455.41; and the third year, last year, 
 [] not our friends help us raise at least $30,000 this year? The New York 
 as shown by its splendid success in the past that it knows how to " bring 
 It is worthy of the generous support of all Christian people. It i^ siq* 
 >y the free-will contributions of those who believe in it^ work of lighting 
 :etrack gambling. Sabbath desecration, impurity, boss rule in polities, etc. 
 uartcrs is at 61 State Street, Albany, X. V. Send it a contribute n. 
 
 "Brings Things to Pass" 
 
 irge B. Burd, in a letter dated Sept 80, 1911, wrote as Baying: "Allow 
 
 he splendid work dune daring the session <>f the Legislature ,i'ist closing. I believe that 
 
 to tlu' Now York Civic League nnil to your Reform Bulletin for the defeat of the Gittina 
 lolls and the several Sunday Baseball bills, than to any other influence in tin- 
 League brings things to pass." 
 
 gene M. Travis, in a letter to ns dated April 4. 1912, snid: "Accept my oongratula- 
 ctive and successful work done at Albany during the recent session of the Legislature, 
 evil forces would hi ■• Sunday baseball bill and the rncfif ""'"'' 
 
 iot many members of the Legislature feared the New York Civic League ;\n<l your K. 
 iid have given wide publicity as to how they voted." 
 
 "^.^ 
 
fl How to Win 
 
 FOR 
 
 Peace, Progress, Prosperity, 
 Patriotism, and Prohibition. 
 
 Ex-Gov. WM. SULZER 
 
 The Truth Shall Give You Light. 
 
 Issued by 
 
 The Society of Friends, (f^T^ 
 
 Room 711 (((T.A, 
 
 203 Broadway, New York City 
 
 299 
 
A WORD TO THE WISE. 
 
 Our Society is not in Politics. 
 
 It has no favors to ask. 
 
 It has no axe to grind. 
 
 It recognizes FACTS and ACTS. 
 
 Are you a Patriot ? 
 
 Are you a Prohi ? 
 
 Are you a Radical ? 
 
 Are you a Worker ? 
 
 Do you want to WIN ? 
 
 You can if you Unite — 
 
 The WORKERS FOR THE CAUSE. 
 
 The FRIENDS OF PEACE FOR THE CAUSE. 
 
 The PATRIOTS FOR THE CAUSE. 
 
 The RADICALS FOR THE CAUSE. 
 
 The PROHIS FOR THE CAUSE. 
 
 The PLATFORM MUST RING TRUE. 
 
 The CANDIDATE MUST FIT THE PLAT- 
 FORM. 
 
 WHO IS THE MAN TO WIN ? 
 
 WE ANSWER— WM. SULZER. 
 
 WHY ? 
 
 READ! READ!! THINK ! THINK ! ! 
 
 THE FACTS ARE IN THIS PAMPHLET. 
 
 FACTS ARE STUBBORN THINGS. 
 
 THE OPPORTUNITY IS YOURS. ACT! 
 
 THE MAN TO UNITE THESE FORCES 
 IS GOV. SULZER. 
 
 IN UNION THERE IS STRENGTH— AND 
 VOTES. 
 
 LET THE SLOGAN BE SULZER AND 
 SUCCESS. 
 
 THE SOCIETY OF FRIENDS. 
 
 ,When you get through reading this pam- 
 phlet preserve it, or pass it on. Do not 
 throw it away. Someone else wants it. 
 
FORMER GOVERNOR WM. SULZER 
 
 A Short Sketch of the Man Who Does 
 
 Things 
 
 By Julius Chambers, F.R.G.S. 
 
 (Formerly Managing Editor of the N. Y. 
 Herald.) 
 
 Reprinted from 
 "PROMINENT MEN IN NEW YORK." 
 
 A man who does things, and who has dis- 
 tinguished himself in straight law, and clean 
 politics, is former Governor Wm. Sulzer — 
 lawyer, lecturer, legislator, and liberal- 
 minded statesman. 
 
 Mr. Sulzer was born in Elizabeth, N. J., 
 on March 18, 1863, of German and Scotch- 
 Irish parentage. His father was a farmer 
 near Elizabeth, and William was educated 
 in the country school, and later for the law 
 at Columbia College. 
 
 His parents were strict Presbyterians, 
 and intended their son for the ministry; but 
 he preferred the law, and was duly admitted 
 to the bar on attaining his majority in 1884. 
 He soon became recognized as a sound law- 
 yer, and an eloquent public speaker. He has 
 taken an active part in every political cam- 
 paign, and has been prominent in public life, 
 since 1884. His success in law has only been 
 equalled by his prominence in politics. He 
 was elected to the New York Assembly in 
 
 1889, and re-elected for five years. He made 
 a splendid record for usefulness to the State 
 at Albany. No one ever questioned his hon- 
 esty, his sincerity, or his capability. He 
 served with distinction in the sessions of 
 
 1890, 1891, 1892, 1893, and 1894. 
 
He was the leader there of his party, and 
 the Speaker in 1893 — one of the youngest on 
 record. 
 
 From the first the newspapers were his 
 friends. In 1894 the old Tenth District, of 
 New York City, sent him to the Fifty-fourth 
 Congress. He was returned for eighteen 
 years by increasing majorities. His course 
 in Congress was one of hard work and 
 steady independence. He was a staunch 
 friend of the suffering Cubans. His sym- 
 pathies are world-wide; his ideas are broad; 
 and his work national — and international. 
 
 He introduced the law declaring war 
 against Spain; the constitutional amendment 
 by which United States Senators are elected 
 by direct votes of the people; the law estab- 
 lishing the Bureau of Corporations in the 
 Department of Commerce; and the law in- 
 creasing the pay of letter carriers. He is the 
 author of the resolution denouncing the 
 Jewish outrages in Russia; the law increas- 
 ing the pensions of the soldiers and sailors 
 of the Union; the law to raise the wreck of 
 the Maine; the new copyright law; and the 
 income tax amendment to the Constitution. 
 He is the author of the law to re-establish 
 the merchant marine; for a general parcels 
 post; for national aid in the construction 
 of good roads; the law to create a Depart- 
 ment of Labor, with a secretary having a 
 seat in the Cabinet; of the law to decrease 
 the cost of living by placing the necessaries 
 of life on the free list; and of many other 
 measures in the interest of the people of the 
 country. His record at Albany, and at 
 Washington, is a monument to his untiring 
 zeal, his indefatigable industry, and his 
 constructive statesmanship. 
 
 He has been a delegate to every national 
 convention since 1892. I stood beside him 
 at the Chicago convention in 1896 when 
 
Whitney, the chairman o: the New York 
 delegation, declined to support Bryan and 
 counselled the New York delegation to bolt. 
 Mr. Sulzer refused to be led out of the 
 convention hall, and stood alone in his sup- 
 port of Mr. Bryan. Mr. Sulzer prevented 
 the New York delegation from bolting, and 
 kept the Democrats from New York regu- 
 lar. He explained to me at the time that 
 he liked Bryan, and that there were so many 
 good things in the platform that he decided 
 to keep the Party regular. This was an 
 act of great courage, for the New Yorkers 
 were then bitterly hostile to Bryan. 
 
 Some people have asserted, and many 
 have assumed, that Mr. Sulzer has been a 
 Tammany man. This is not true. He never 
 was a Tammany man; but, on the contrary, 
 from his first entrance into politics, he 
 has always fought Tammany — and all Tam- 
 many stands for — the Spoils system and the 
 Graft system. Tammany always was hos- 
 tile to Mr. Sulzer's political ambitions, but 
 Mr. Sulzer always won, as an Independent 
 Democrat, because the people, regardless 
 of politics, were loyal to him, and he was 
 loyal to the oeople. 
 
 Mr. Sulzer served on several important 
 committees in the House of Representa- 
 tives. Just as soon as his party gained con- 
 trol there, his colleagues made him chair- 
 man of the important and responsible Com- 
 mittee on Foreign Affairs, and he at once 
 made good as a diplomat by keeping the 
 Country out of war with Mexico; by reor- 
 ganizing the Diplomatic and Consular Serv- 
 ice, placing the latter on the merit-system; 
 and aiding the establishment of the Repub- 
 lic of China. He is widely read; is consid- 
 ered a fine international lawyer; and has 
 demonstrated great ability along legislative, 
 executive, and diplomatic lines. 
 
Mr. Sulzer was the choice of the up- 
 State Democrats, for Governor, in 1912, and 
 was elected by over 200,000 votes — the t larg- 
 est plurality ever given a candidate for that 
 office in the history of New York, running 
 far ahead of the Presidential ticket, and 
 thousands and thousands of votes ahead of 
 the State ticket. 
 
 Immediately on taking the oath of office 
 he began to do things for the people; for 
 reform; for civic righteousness; and for 
 honest government. He made a great rec- 
 ord for honesty, for efficiency, and for prac- 
 tical economy. He saved more money for 
 the taxpayers in less time than any other 
 Executive in the annals of the State. He 
 wrote more good laws on the statute books 
 for the plain people, during his brief term, 
 than any other Governor in the history of 
 the State. He was, beyond successful con- 
 tradiction, the greatest reform Governor in 
 the pages of the commonwealth. He fought 
 the corrupt bosses; Wall Street; the confed- 
 erated railroads: the looting plunderbund; 
 the bipartisan "fifty-fifty" grafters; the ene- 
 mies of the public schools; and every agency 
 of "invisible government" — and all these 
 enemies of the State finally combined to 
 oust him, and conspired successfully to steal 
 his office. After months of a farcical, il- 
 legal, and unconstitutional trial, in a packed 
 political court, this corrupt force succeeded 
 — by threats, perjury, bribery, and intimida- 
 tion — in removing the Governor by just one 
 vote. The Chief Judge of the Court of Ap- 
 peals, who presided over the travesty, 
 called the "Murphy Court of Infamy," de- 
 clared the consummation of the conspiracy 
 was anarchy and a disgrace to the State. 
 
 The bosses, and the enemies of the people, 
 trumped up all sorts of absurd charges 
 against the Governor, but every one of them 
 
\vas quickly disproved; nevertheless the 
 marionettes in the Court of the Bosses were 
 "ordered" to oust the Governor, because, 
 they said, his campaign statement of elec- 
 tion; expenses was irregular, notwithstand- 
 ing that it was shown to be in accordance 
 with the law. 
 
 The constitution and laws of New York 
 declare the Governor can only be removed 
 "for wilful and corrupt misconduct in of- 
 fice." The conspirators in the "Murphy 
 Court of Infamy" removed the Governor on 
 a flimsy charge of something he is alleged 
 to have omitted to do long prior to his 
 inauguration — and even this charge was 
 shown to be absolutely false. 
 
 Mr. Sulzer is the first man in the history 
 of the world to be removed from a great 
 elective office by a "Packed Star Chamber 
 Political Court" for an alleged trivial dere- 
 liction committed, or omitted, before he 
 took office. The illegality and the absurdity 
 of the Murphy proceeding must be as appar- 
 ent to the layman as it is to the lawyer. 
 The so-called Quack trial was a travesty- 
 on Justice. 
 
 The truth of the matter is that the Gov- 
 ernor refused to be bossed; worked for the 
 people instead of Invisible Government; 
 could not be bought or bullied; and had set 
 in motion the machinery of justice to send 
 political grafters to prison. As one of the 
 bosses put it after the trial: "We had to 
 put him out or he would put us in" — mean- 
 ing that if the bosses did not remove the 
 Governor, the Governor would send them 
 to prison for robbing the taxpayers. 
 
 Just so soon as the Governor was re- 
 moved, in the latter part of October, 1913, 
 the people re-elected him to the Legisla- 
 ture, on an independent ticket, by a major- 
 ity of 5 to 1 against all other candidates. 
 
This was the Governor's vindication, and a 
 fitting rebuke to the bosses and their mani- 
 kins in the "Murphy Court of Infamy." 
 
 Besides the Governor, in a series of 
 memorable speeches, addressed to the larg- 
 est crowds which ever assembled in New 
 York, told the true story of the Tammany 
 rottenness in the State, with the result that 
 the entire Tammany ticket was defeated 
 by an avalanche of ballots from the indig- 
 nant voters. Mr. Sulzer did things in the 
 Legislature of 1914 — and made good. That 
 fall he ran for Governor on the American- 
 Prohibition ticket and polled 127,600 votes, 
 more than six times the normal prohibition 
 vote, and succeeded in defeating every 
 Tammany candidate running for office in 
 the State. 
 
 Mr. Sulzer's record speaks for itself. It 
 is a monument of human endeavor in the . 
 vineyard of the people. It needs no eulogy. 
 He is the author of more good laws for 
 mankind than any man to-day in America. 
 He has run seventeen times for high public 
 office, and was never defeated before the 
 people but once — in 1914. He is absolutely 
 honest; fearless; true blue; an intense 
 American; a genuine statesman; a man who 
 does things; a great reformer; and the most 
 eloquent champion of a righteous cause in 
 our land. 
 
 Mr. Sulzer is a plodder who makes prog- 
 ress; a thinker who acts; an orator who 
 talks facts; a leader who leads; a legislator 
 who legislates; and a statesman who knows 
 the difference between right and wrong; 
 has the courage of his convictions; and 
 dares to do the right regardless of personal 
 consequences. 
 
 Mr. Sulzer is a radical. When a thing is 
 wrong he wants to remedy the evil by 
 destroying it root and branch. He is the 
 
greatest Progressive in America — and his 
 record proves it. He has always been a 
 quarter of a century ahead of the times. He 
 is popular with all sorts and conditions of 
 people because of his inherent honesty, his 
 generosity, and his affable manners and sun- 
 shiny disposition. No wonder he is so suc- 
 cessful as a vote-getter, and that his loyal 
 followers call him "Plain Bill" — and the 
 "Friend of Man" — and that they love him 
 for the enemies he has made. 
 
 Governor Sulzer is a "Commoner" 
 through and through. The more you know 
 him, the more you see of him, the more 
 you study him at close range — the more 
 you like him, and the more you appre- 
 ciate what he has done, and glory in his 
 trials and his triumphs. He needs no de- 
 fense. His record is as clean as a hound's 
 tooth. His career of struggle for higher 
 and better things, from a poor farm boy to 
 the Governorship of the greatest State in 
 the Union, is an epic poem. 
 
 Mr. Sulzer is of large stature, standing 
 over six feet in height, with a weight of 
 185 pounds, which he carries with the grace 
 of a trained athlete. He is abstemious; has 
 sandy hair, and steel blue eyes that look 
 straight into yours and read your inner- 
 most thoughts. During the war with Spain 
 he organized a regiment of volunteers and 
 was elected colonel, but for political reasons 
 it was not called into active service. 
 
 Mr. Sulzer has been an extensive travel- 
 ler, and has seen much of the World. In 
 1908 he married Miss Clara Roedelheim, of 
 Philadelphia, and they live in the Old Home, 
 of the late General "Joe" Hooker, the cor- 
 ner of Fifth avenue and Ninth street, in 
 the heart of the Governor's Old Congres- 
 sional District, New York City. 
 
 The Governor is a 32d degree Mason, has 
 
held all the honors in the craft, and years 
 ago became a life member. He is a mem- 
 ber of Lloyd Aspinwall Post, G. A. R.; the 
 Army and Navy Union; the Eagles; the 
 Loyal Order of Moose; the League to secure 
 World Peace; the Pioneers of Alaska; the 
 Arctic Brotherhood; Manhattan Club; Press 
 Club; Masonic Club; and other social clubs 
 in Washington and New York City. His 
 most profitable reading has been history, 
 philosophy, and political economy; and his 
 advice to young men is to work hard, culti- 
 vate good habits, have a motive in life, and 
 a positive determination to succeed. 
 
 Mr. Sulzer is a very busy man, but his 
 spare hours are spent in writing a book on 
 "Political Economy," which his friends be- 
 lieve will be a standard text-book on eco- 
 nomic principles. His rugged honesty, his 
 loyalty to his friends, his fearless devotion 
 to every duty, his fidelity to principle, his 
 ability as a champion of the oppressed in 
 every land and in every clime have made 
 his name a household word among the peo- 
 ple of America, and as an Apostle of Lib- 
 erty forever enshrined him in the hearts of 
 humanity. 
 
 WHY WE ARE FOR SULZER. 
 
 (Editorial in "Progressive American," of 
 
 July 2nd, 1916, the leading Patriotic 
 
 and Prohibition Paper in Iowa.) 
 
 We are for Sulzer because he is for Peace. 
 
 We are for Sulzer because he is for Prog- 
 ress. 
 
 We are for Sulzer because he is for Pros- 
 perity. 
 
 We are for Sulzer because he is for 
 Fatriotism. 
 
 We are for Sulzer because he is for 
 Prohibition. 
 
 We are for Sulzer because he is the best 
 equipped man, in our country, to light for 
 these principles. 
 
 We are for Sulzer first, last, and all the 
 time because he can win — and we want to 
 win. 
 
 1U 
 
MR. SULZER'S BRILLIANT RECORD 
 
 OF ACCOMPLISHMENT IN 
 
 THE LEGISLATURE OF 
 
 THE STATE OF 
 
 NEW YORK. 
 
 The record of Mr. Sulzer in the Legisla- 
 ture at Albany proves that William Sulzer: 
 
 1. Was the author of, and wrote on the 
 statute books of the State of New York, 
 the law for the Women's Reformatory. 
 
 2. Was the author of, and wrote on the 
 statute books of the State of New York, 
 the law for the State care of the insane 
 — one of the great reformatory meas- 
 ures of recent times, which has been 
 substantially copied by nearly every 
 State in the Union. 
 
 3. Was the author of, and wrote on the 
 statute books of the State of New York, 
 the law abolishing sweat shops. 
 
 4. Was the author of, and wrote on the 
 statute books of the State of New York, 
 the law for free lectures for working- 
 men and working women. 
 
 5. Was the author of, and wrote on the 
 statute books of the State of New York, 
 the law finally abolishing imprisonment 
 for debt. 
 
 6. Was the author of, and wrote on the 
 statute books of the State of New York, 
 the Ballot Reform law. 
 
 7. Was the author of, and wrote on the 
 statute books of the State of New York, 
 the law to limit the hours of labor. 
 
 8. Was the author of, and wrote on the 
 statute books of the State of New York, 
 the law to open Stuyvesant Park to the 
 people. 
 
 9. Was the author of, and wrote on the 
 statute books of the State of New York, 
 
 11 
 
the law to give the people free admis- 
 sion to the Metropolitan Museum of 
 Art. 
 
 10. Was the author of, and wrote on the 
 statute books of the State of New York, 
 the law for the Prevailing Rate of 
 Wages. 
 
 11. Was the author of, and wrote on the 
 statute books of the State of New York, 
 the law for the State Park and to con- 
 serve the Adirondack forests. 
 
 12. Was the author of, and wrote on the 
 statute books of the State of New York, 
 the law for the conservation of the nat- 
 ural resources of the State of New 
 York, and for the protection of the 
 water sheds of the Hudson River. 
 
 13. Was the author of, and wrote on the 
 statute books of the State of New York, 
 the law abolishing corporal punishment 
 in the prisons of the State. 
 
 14. Was the author of, and wrote on the 
 statute books of the State of New York, 
 the law to enlarge the State canals. 
 
 15. Was the author of, and wrote on the 
 statute books of the State of New York, 
 the Weekly Payment law. 
 
 16. Was the author of, and wrote on the 
 statute books of the State of New York, 
 the Saturday Half-Holiday law. 
 
 17. Was the author of, and wrote on the 
 statute books of the State of New York, 
 the law establishing the Epileptic Col- 
 ony. 
 
 18. Was the author of, and wrote on the 
 statute books of the State of New York, 
 the law for the Aquarium in New York 
 City. 
 
 12 
 
x9. Was the author of, and wrote on the 
 statute books of the State of New York, 
 the law for Bronx and Van Coftlandt 
 Parks. 
 
 20. Was the author of, and wrote on the 
 statute books of the State of New York, 
 the law for the New York City Free 
 Public Library. 
 
 21. Was the author of, and wrote on the 
 statute books of the State of New York, 
 the law to compel the New York Cen- 
 tral Railroad Co. to light and ventilate 
 the Fourth Avenue tunnel; and many 
 other progressive measures of far- 
 reaching importance to all the people 
 of the State of New York. 
 
 The people will never forget Governor 
 Sulzer; and they will not forget that the 
 power that removed him might be used to 
 remove another Sulzer — who dared to be 
 free — who dared to be honest. That power 
 is the power of the Boss — and the Boss 
 system must be destroyed. 
 — From editorial in the Knickerbocker 
 
 Press, Oct. 20, 1913. 
 
 13 
 
THE CONSTRUCTIVE RECORD OF 
 
 MR. SULZER'S EIGHTEEN 
 
 YEARS IN CONGRESS. 
 
 The Congressional Record tells the story 
 of Mr. Sulzer's work in Congress for eight- 
 een years, and proves that Wm. Sulzer: 
 
 1. Is the author of, and wrote on the 
 statute books, the law for the Bureau 
 of Corporations, through the agency of 
 which the anti-trust laws are enforced. 
 
 2. Is the author of, and wrote on the 
 statute books, the law increasing the 
 pay of the letter carriers of the coun- 
 try. 
 
 3. Is the author of, and wrote on the 
 statute books, the resolution of sym- 
 pathy for the Cuban patriots. 
 
 4. Is the author of, and wrote on the stat- 
 ute books, the resolution of sympathy 
 for the heroic Boers in their struggle 
 to maintain their independence. 
 
 5. Is the author of, and wrote on the stat- 
 ute books, the resolution of sympathy 
 for the oppressed Jews in Russia, and 
 protesting against their murder by the 
 Russian government. 
 
 6. Is the author of the bill to make Lin- 
 coln's birthday a legal holiday. 
 
 7. Is the author of, and wrote on the stat- 
 ute books, the law to abrogate the 
 treaty with Russia because that govern- 
 ment refused to recognize Jewish- 
 American passports. 
 
 8. Is the author of, and wrote on the stat- 
 ute books, the pension law for the or- 
 phans and widows of the deceased sol- 
 diers and sailors who saved the Union. 
 
 9. Is the author of, and wrote on the stat- 
 ute books, the law to elect United States 
 Senators by direct vote of the people. 
 
 10. Is the author of, and wrote on the stat- 
 
 14 
 
ute books, the law to restore the Amer- 
 ican merchant marine, by preferential 
 duties along the lines of the early nav- 
 igation laws of the country. 
 
 11. Is the author of, and wrote on the stat- 
 ute books, the law to construct national 
 good roads. 
 
 12. Is the author of, and wrote on the stat- 
 ute books, the law to raise the wreck of 
 the "Maine." 
 
 13. Is the author of, and wrote on the stat- 
 ute books, the law to light the Statue 
 of Liberty. 
 
 14. Is the author of, and wrote on the stat- 
 ute books, the law to create the "De- 
 partment of Labor," with a Secretary 
 having a seat in the Cabinet. 
 
 15. Is the author of the amendment to the 
 Constitution for the income tax. 
 
 16. Is the author of the law for postal sav- 
 ings banks, and a general parcels post. 
 
 17. Is the author of the law to increase the 
 pension of the volunteer soldiers and 
 sailors who saved the Union. 
 
 18. Is the author of, and wrote on the stat- 
 ute books, the new copyright law. 
 
 19. Is the author of, and wrote on the stat- 
 ute books, the resolution congratulating 
 the people of China on the establish- 
 ment of a Republic. 
 
 20. As the Chairman of the Committee on 
 Foreign Affairs, in Congress, he reor- 
 ganized the Diplomatic and Consular 
 Service, and placed the latter on the 
 merit system; kept the Country out of 
 war in Mexico; aided the establishment 
 of the Republic of China; and initiated, 
 and wrote on the statute books, the 
 law to acquire homes, for our Diplo- 
 mats, in Foreign Countries, so that a 
 poor man, as well as a rich man, can 
 
 15 
 
represent the United States in Foreign 
 Lands. 
 21. Is the author of the law to prevent any 
 ship sailing from ports of the United 
 States unless equipped with every de- 
 vice for saving life; and many other 
 useful measures in the interests of all 
 the people of the country. 
 
 "The Friends of Good Government 
 are with you. I have yet to meet a 
 person who believes, or even pretends 
 to believe, that a single honest motive 
 has animated the proceedings of your 
 antagonists." — Letter of Col. Roose- 
 velt to Governor Sulzer. 
 
 "I have refused to compromise with 
 the tempters ; and the enemies of the peo- 
 ple ; and have resolved to go forward 
 with the work I am doing for decent 
 citizenship and honest government — 
 come weal or woe." — Answer of Gov- 
 ernor Sulzer to Col. Roosevelt. 
 
 16 
 
WHAT. MR. SULZER DID AS GOV- 
 ERNOR. 
 
 1. Proclaimed early in his administration 
 that his election made him the Gov- 
 ernor, and not Murphy, and invited 
 anyone who challenged his title to the 
 office to come out in the open and 
 fight. 
 
 2. Vetoed the iniquitous Blauvelt bill, on 
 the ground that it did not carry out the 
 pledges of the Democratic platform, 
 and insisted on the enactment of a 
 thorough-going direct nomination law. 
 
 Spoke to great audiences all over the 
 State denouncing the bosses for block- 
 ing primary and other reforms. 
 
 3. Called the Legislature in extraordinary 
 session to enact a genuine direct pri- 
 mary law. 
 
 4. Appointed commissioners to investigate 
 frauds in various departments. Ob- 
 tained proofs of graft in the State 
 capitol, and promptly removed every 
 guilty official. 
 
 5. Gigantic frauds in contracts for high- 
 ways discovered, resulting in indict- 
 ments and convictions of Tammany 
 men who had conspired to plunder the 
 State of millions of dollars. 
 
 6. Began investigation of frauds of canal 
 construction, and reorganized the va- 
 rious departments of the State on a 
 scientific basis, to eliminate typical 
 Tammany methods in public office. 
 
 7. Caused the reorganization of the De- 
 partment of Labor, with provisions 
 meant to better the conditions of labor 
 throughout the State, to conserve the 
 health, and protect the lives of workers. 
 
 8. Appointed a sanitary commission, the 
 result of which was a law reorganizing 
 
 17 
 
the State Health Department and mak- 
 ing it possible to substitute up-to-date 
 scientific methods for an archaic 
 system. 
 9. Vetoed over $8,000,000 appropriations, 
 and cut off all the bipartisan graft in 
 the State printing contracts, and the 
 padding of payrolls for the support of 
 an army of Tammany taxeaters. 
 
 10. Investigated the State prisons, found 
 shocking conditions and political cor- 
 ruption; obtained indictments; re* 
 moved the Superintendent of Prisons; 
 and proved the conditions at Sing 
 Sing were so horrible that the Legis- 
 lature was compelled to order the 
 building of a new penitentiary. Ap- 
 pointed a new Prison Commission, and 
 made Thomas Mott Osborne its Chair- 
 man. 
 
 11. Prepared and caused the passage of 
 the Stock Exchange bills, to make 
 Wall Street do business honestly. 
 
 12. Demanded the resignation of Senator 
 Stillwell, upon proof that he had de- 
 manded a bribe for his influence in fa- 
 vor of a bill, and brought about his 
 trial and conviction after the Tammany 
 Legislature had whitewashed the guilty 
 legislator. 
 
 13. Refused Murphy's demands for the ap- 
 pointment of James E. Gaffney, Mur- 
 phy's contracting partner, to be com- 
 missioner of highways, in charge of the 
 expenditure of $50,000,000. 
 
 14. Declined to appoint Murphy's commis- 
 sioner of labor. Appointed John 
 Mitchell the Labor Commissioner; and 
 rejected Boss Murphy's recommendations 
 of other Tammany favorites for import- 
 ant State and judicial offices. 
 
 18 
 
15. Took advice about appointments from 
 distinguished citizens, and leading mem- 
 bers of their profession, instead of from 
 the Bosses. 
 
 16. Wrote a genuine workingman's com- 
 pensation law devised for the benefit 
 of workingmen. 
 
 17. Wrote upon the statute books the full- 
 crew law. Appointed a railway man, 
 Mr. Chase, a member of the Public 
 Service Commission. 
 
 18. Wrote upon the statute books the Civil 
 Rights law. 
 
 19. Wrote upon the statute books the law 
 for a Negro Regiment, and ordered it 
 mustered into service. 
 
 20. Vetoed the infamous McKee Public 
 School bills. 
 
 21. Vetoed the absurd and unjust Tammany 
 constitutional convention bill. 
 
 22. Vetoed over $8,000,000 of unnecessary 
 appropriations — most of which was 
 graft. 
 
 23. Invoked the machinery of justice to rid 
 the State of grafters. 
 
 24. Wrote upon the statute books an up- 
 to-date and scientific home rule law for 
 cities.' 
 
 25. Saved the taxpayers more money in less 
 time than any other Governor in the 
 history of the State. 
 
 26. Refused to compromise, between Right 
 and Wrong, with Murphy; the rail- 
 roads; the grafters; Wall Street; the 
 Plunderbund; and Invisible Govern- 
 ment. 
 
 27. Fought consistently for decent citizen- 
 ship; civic righteousness; and honest 
 government. 
 
 19 
 
28. Wrote on the statute books the amend- 
 ment for woman suffrage. 
 
 29. Pardoned Brandt, a Swedish boy, sent 
 to prison for forty years, without a 
 trial, and for a trifling offense. 
 
 30. Demanded the repeal of the Long 
 Sault Water Power charter, and suc- 
 ceeded in restoring to the people one 
 of the greatest natural resources in the 
 State. 
 
 31. Said he would rather be right than be 
 Governor; that he would rather have 
 his own self-respect than any office in 
 the State. 
 
 "No one better than I knows that had 
 the Governor agreed not to execute his oath 
 of office he would be unchallenged in his 
 place as the executive, no matter what other 
 bitterness might be displayed against his 
 independence of boss control. His inflexi- 
 ble determination to go after all the looters 
 and his purpose to begin with the indict- 
 ment of Bart Dunn, a member of the State 
 Committee from Tammany Hall, ended all 
 relations. Then the savagery of removal 
 from office took life in the Delmonico con- 
 ference held by Charles F. Murphy. 'It's 
 his life, or ours,' was the way Murphy put 
 it." — From the report of Commissioner Jno. 
 A. Hennessy. 
 
 20 
 
GOVERNOR SULZER DID NO WRONG 
 
 —HE WAS OUSTED BECAUSE HE 
 
 COULD NOT BE BOSSED OR 
 
 BOUGHT — BECAUSE HE 
 
 WAS LOYAL TO THE 
 
 PUBLIC. 
 
 (Reprinted from editorial in the "Inde- 
 pendent," November 1, 1913.) 
 
 Wm. Sulzer needs no eulogy. His place 
 in history is secure. He will live in the 
 hearts of his countrymen for the good he 
 did, and the things he dared to do. He 
 showed how to be a patriot. He wrote a 
 large chapter in the annals of New York, 
 as one of her most honest, one of her most 
 fearless, and one of her most independent 
 Executives. He will live in the history of 
 the Commonwealth as one of her greatest 
 reformers. He did things. He showed 
 great moral courage. He was his own 
 master. He never was afraid. 
 
 No Boss could control Wm. Sulzer. No 
 Plutocrat could buy him. From first to last 
 he was loyal to the public. During the 
 time he was Governor he made a remarkable 
 record — a record which has become a part 
 of our glorious history — and nothing his 
 enemies say can detract from his brilliant 
 accomplishments as a statesman. 
 
 Wm. Sulzer will live in the hearts of de- 
 cent citizens. As a patriot he will rank with 
 Lincoln. As a statesman he will stand with 
 Wright. As a reformer he will be compared 
 with Tilden. Besides, Sulzer had only be- 
 gun his work of reform. He was only on 
 the threshold of his efforts for honest gov- 
 ernment when he was removed from office 
 by the foulest political conspiracy in the 
 annals of American history. However, the 
 
 21 
 
results of Mr. Sulzer's work, as Governor, 
 will live in the affairs of New York, and 
 the resultant benefits will be felt by the 
 people for generations yet to come. 
 
 When the future historian comes to faith- 
 fully and impartially write the story of what 
 Governor Sulzer did, and of his illegal trial, 
 and unconstitutional removal from office, he 
 will give as the real reasons for that infa- 
 mous act the following, viz.: 
 
 First: Mr. Sulzer's persistent efforts to 
 secure the enactment of the Full Crew legis- 
 lation to conserve human life on the rail- 
 roads. 
 
 Second: Mr. Sulzer's persistent efforts to 
 secure the enactment of the laws he recom- 
 mended to compel honest dealings on the 
 New York Stock Exchange. 
 
 Third: Mr. Sulzer's dogged refusal to ap- 
 prove the iniquitous McKee Public School 
 Bills which would give control of our free 
 public schools to an alien political-religious 
 hierarchy. 
 
 Fourth: Mr. Sulzer's successful efforts to 
 secure the repeal of the notorious charter 
 of the Long Sault Development Company, 
 by which the State of New York received 
 back its greatest water power and the most 
 valuable of its natural resources. 
 
 Fifth: Mr. Sulzer's defiance of the bosses 
 — big and little — and his heroic fight for 
 honest and genuine direct primaries. 
 
 Sixth: Mr. Sulzer's determined refusal 
 to be a proxy Governor — a rubber stamp — 
 like Dix and Glynn — for Charles F. Mur- 
 phy. 
 
 Seventh: Mr. Sulzer's absolute refusal to 
 do what the Bosses demanded regarding 
 legislation and appointments, and his blunt 
 refusal to call off prosecutions, and stop in- 
 vestigations, which were being made under 
 
 22 
 
hi. direction to uncover fraud and expose 
 graft in the State Departments. 
 
 Eighth: Mr. Sulzer's moral courage, in 
 the performance of public duty, wherein he 
 insisted on the trial and punishment of 
 Senator Stillwell for extortion. The fight 
 Mr. Sulzer made to bring Stillwell to jus- 
 tice arrayed against the Governor the bit- 
 ter and secret hatred of all the Bosses, and 
 every crook in the Legislature. 
 
 Ninth: Mr. Sulzer's determination to set 
 in motion the machinery of the law, in vari- 
 ous counties of the State, to indict the 
 grafters and bring them to justice. 
 
 To the impartial investigator who will 
 take the time to go over the record, and 
 familiarize himself with the real facts, it will 
 be apparent that these were the true reasons 
 why Mr. Sulzer was removed from the office 
 of Governor of the State of New York. 
 
 As Chief Judge Cullen said: "Governor 
 Sulzer has done no wrong. His removal 
 from office is anarchy." 
 
 "The unseen government is doomed. In- 
 visible government has had its day. The 
 people at last are awake to the fact that 
 ballots are only respectable when they rep- 
 resent convictions. The day is forever past 
 when men will blindly go to the polls to 
 register the wishes of a political boss under 
 the threat of regularity." — From speech of 
 Governor Sulzer in Legislature February 
 1, 1914. 
 
 23 
 
A GREAT REFORM GOVERNOR. 
 
 What Doctor Albert Shaw Says of 
 Mr. Sulzer. 
 
 Mr. Sulzer's work for honest government 
 discussed by Dr. Albert Shaw in the Re- 
 view of Reviews, December, 1913. 
 
 A faithful reflection of public opinion in 
 regard to Governor Sulzer, and his removal 
 from office, is found in the December num- 
 ber of the Review of Reviews. This maga- 
 zine, edited by Dr. Albert Shaw, presents 
 every month an intelligent, non-partisan, 
 and impartial review of recent history-mak- 
 ing events which commends itself to dis- 
 criminating readers who appreciate how the 
 powers of invisible government distort cur- 
 rent news in the columns of many of the 
 daily newspapers. 
 
 Dr. Shaw in the Review of Reviews says: 
 "The election of William Sulzer to the 
 legislature is not merely sensational; it is a 
 political affair that is Revolutionary. Mr. 
 Sulzer as Governor has rendered the State 
 of New York an almost superlative service. 
 The prospect for good government 'in the 
 State is better now than it has been at any 
 time for half a century — and this result is 
 due to Sulzer. He had a chance, as Gov- 
 ernor, to make a nominally good record for 
 himself, and yet to avoid all serious trouble. 
 Tammany would have allowed him to ac- 
 complish many things that could have borne 
 the reform label. All that Tammany asked 
 of him was not to investigate Graft too 
 sharply, and to consult Mr. Murphy about 
 appointments. In spite of all kinds of 
 threats to disgrace him Governor Sulzer 
 persisted in investigating corruption in the 
 affairs of the State. 
 
 24 
 
"The trumped up charges against the 
 Governor were easily proven to be false. 
 Judge Cullen, who presided over the court, 
 held that Sulzer had done nothing for which 
 he could be impeached. The scoundrels who 
 were mixed up in the orgy of canal and 
 road-building graft were so short-sighted 
 as to suppose that if they removed the 
 Governor they would discredit Mr. Sulzer's 
 accusations against them. But this was the 
 very opposite of what happened. Their re- 
 moval of Mr. Sulzer focused the attention 
 of the whole world upon their own iniqui- 
 ties. It aroused the entire State of New 
 York to a sense of public danger and public 
 duty. 
 
 "But let us never forget that Governor 
 Sulzer, thrown out of his office by Tam- 
 many, will unquestionably go down in his- 
 tory along with Tilden and Hughes, as one 
 of the great reform Governors of the State 
 of New York, whose courage in defying the 
 corrupt combinations of crooked politics and 
 crooked business led to great progress in 
 the long-suffering but noble cause of good 
 government. 
 
 "The great size of Mr. Mitchel's plu- 
 rality, in the Mayorality campaign, was due 
 to Mr. Sulzer's speeches in the campaign. 
 The Fusion ticket only had a fighting chance 
 to win. But it happened that Tammany's 
 fight against Governor Sulzer had resulted 
 in sensational exposures of the real rea- 
 sons that had impelled the Tammany Ring 
 to oust him. It was shown clearly that 
 Sulzer had been impeached, not for his 
 faults, but for his virtues. He had started 
 out as Governor to expose the mismanage- 
 
 25 
 
ment of State departments and the robbery 
 of the State by politicians and contractors in 
 the expenditure of two or three hundred 
 million dollars upon State canals, highways, 
 prisons, and so on. Mr. Sulzer in a series of 
 wonderful speeches, of definite accusations, 
 with an irresistible quality of carrying con- 
 viction, before great masses of people, made 
 the issue so clear that no one was left in 
 doubt — and Tammany was annihilated. 
 
 "Governor Sulzer, meanwhile, had been 
 promptly named for the legislature as a 
 Progressive in the old Sixth Assembly Dis- 
 trict, and his meetings there were attended 
 by countless thousands of sympathetic citi- 
 zens who arose in passionate determination 
 to vindicate an honest Governor against his 
 corrupt traducers, and infamous opponents." 
 
 "The fight for honest government must 
 go on. William Sulzer has played his part 
 well, and his race is not yet run. From the 
 watch towers he sounds the alarm. He is 
 the leader. The great living issue he typi- 
 fies and represents, pulsating with the life 
 blood of humanity, will go forward until a 
 cleaner and purer day arrives in the politi- 
 cal life of our country." — From editorial in 
 The Call, January 3, 1914. 
 
 26 
 
'THE NEGRO SOLDIERS." 
 
 Mr. Sulzer Is An Orator. 
 
 We here give two short speeches on mat- 
 ters of national moment — one delivered by 
 Mr. Sulzer in the House of Representatives 
 on the 27th of February, 1909. The bill to 
 do justice to the negro soldiers was before 
 the Congress. Mr. Sulzer took the floor 
 and delivered the following eloquent ad- 
 dress: 
 
 Mr. Sulzer said: 
 
 "Mr. Speaker: We have no braver soldiers 
 in the Republic than the negro troops. I 
 am in favor of doing justice to these negro 
 soldiers. They are entitled to it. They 
 never have had a square deal in or out of 
 Court. 
 
 "The innocent should not be punished for 
 the guilty. I voted in favor of this bill in 
 the Committee on Military Affairs, and I 
 shall vote to pass it through the House. It 
 is honest and it is just. 
 
 "It will be justice to the innocent men. 
 If we fail to do justice in this case, we will 
 be false to ourselves, and false to every 
 principle that we revere. If we refuse to 
 do justice to the colored soldiers who are 
 innocent, we will violate every tenet of our 
 boasted love of fair play. In my opinion, 
 if this bill becomes a law, no guilty man will 
 be able to re-enlist in the army, and no in- 
 nocent man should be prevented from doing 
 so. 
 
 "I have no race prejudice. I want to say 
 that I am now, always have been, and I 
 trust always shall be, in favor of justice 
 to all men — here and everywhere through- 
 out the world — without regard to race or to 
 creed. 'For justice all seasons summer, 
 and all places a temple.' " 
 
 27 
 
"JUSTICE TO THE JEW." 
 
 On December 18, 1905. Mr. Sulzer, speak- 
 ing to his resolution — "For Justice to the 
 Jew" — delivered in Congress the following 
 eloquent tribute to the Jews: 
 
 "Mr. Speaker: I arraign Russia before the 
 bar of civilization for high crimes against 
 the Jews. The Russian government is re- 
 sponsible for these outrages on the Jews. 
 Let us say to the Czar, and the grand dukes, 
 who are responsible for these crimes, that 
 the House of Representatives of the United 
 States sympathizes with the Russian Jews, 
 the same as we would with any other out- 
 raged people, and that the ruthless extermi- 
 nation of the Jews in Russia must cease. 
 
 "We cannot ignore these crimes against 
 humanity. We cannot escape our responsi- 
 bility. These innocent victims are our 
 brothers and our sisters — mankind through- 
 out the world are one. A continuing crime 
 against one race is the concern of all the 
 other races. 
 
 "My heart goes out to the oppressed Jews 
 in Russia. I grieve with those who grieve 
 for their dead. I sympathize with the living 
 and the terror-stricken. I am not a bigot. 
 I care naught for creed. I have no race 
 prejudice. I stand for humanity, and a 
 man is a man, to me, for all that. I have 
 struggled all my life to help those who need- 
 ed help, to do something to better the con- 
 ditions of the poor and the humble, and to 
 aid oppressed humanity in every land and in 
 every clime in the forward march of civiliza- 
 tion. 
 
 "I am a friend of the Jews. It is, how- 
 ever, unnecessary for me, or any one else. 
 
 28 
 
to eulogize the intrepid sons and the vir- 
 tuous daughters of Israel. The Jew needs 
 no eulogy. All he asks is justice. All he 
 demands is equal opportunity. All he wants 
 is equality before the law. The record of 
 his race, from the dawn of time down to the 
 present day, is the history of the march of 
 humanity along the highways of progress 
 and the avenues of civilization. In all ages 
 of the world the ostracized Jew has done 
 his share for his fellow-man, for enlighten- 
 ment, for liberty, for freedom, for progress, 
 and for civilization — and he has done it all 
 in the face of adverse circumstances. In 
 science and in art, in literature and in phil- 
 anthropy, the Jew in all lands and in all 
 times has written his name high in the tem- 
 ple of fame. In statesmanship and diplo- 
 macy, in law and in medicine, in ethics and 
 philosophy, in research and discovery, the 
 greatness of the Jew is and ever has been 
 unchallenged. In commerce and in trade, in 
 industry and husbandry, overcoming forces 
 that would deter another, he has held his 
 own in the vanguard of progress. Perse- 
 cuted for thousands of years, he has sur- 
 mounted all obstacles; shunned for centur- 
 ies, he has kept in the very front of the 
 higher and the better civilization. In trial 
 and in triumph, in sunshine and in storm, in 
 war and in peace, on land and on sea, in 
 all eras and in all places, the Jewish race 
 has written its enduring name, and its eter- 
 nal fame, all over the pages of human his- 
 tory." 
 
 29 
 
MR. SULZER THE FRIEND OF LABOR. 
 
 Foremost among the achievements of Mr. 
 Sulzer's career in Congress was the passage 
 during the session of 1912 of his bill estab- 
 lishing a Department of Labor with a Sec- 
 retary in the Cabinet. Smiled at as a pre- 
 posterous idea when Mr. Sulzer first pro- 
 posed the measure — the bill finally passed 
 unanimously. 
 
 The signing of this Department of Labor 
 bill was the last official act of President 
 Taft, and he did so on the personal appeal 
 of Mr. Sulzer. The bill was first intro- 
 duced by Mr. Sulzer in 1904, and was rein- 
 troduced and advocated by him in every 
 Congress since that time. In support of 
 the measure, on one occasion, he thus ad- 
 dressed the House of Representatives: 
 
 "Mr. Speake r : My bill for a Department of 
 Labor should be a law. It is the first bill 
 ever introduced in Congress to create a De- 
 partment of Labor. It is the first attempt to 
 systematically classify labor in an intelli- 
 gent way that has ever been presented in a 
 bill to Congress, and its enactment into law 
 will evidence a disposition on the part of 
 the Government to see to it that labor gets 
 some recognition, the dignity of having a 
 voice in the councils of State, and the op- 
 portunity to have its claims dispassionately 
 discussed. 
 
 "Capital as well as labor should favor this 
 Department of Labor, because it will go far 
 to solve the labor problem and bring about 
 industrial peace. For years this legislation 
 has been advocated by the wage-earners of 
 the country. The bill meets with their ap- 
 probation, and has the sanction of the best 
 thought in our land. It has been indorsed 
 by some of the ablest thinkers, some of the 
 wisest political economists, and many of our 
 leading newspapers. The time is ripe, it 
 
 30 
 
seems to me, for the creation of a Depart- 
 ment of Labor with a secretary having a 
 seat in the Cabinet, with all the rights and 
 powers conferred by this bill. It will bring 
 labor and capital closer together, and one 
 is dependent on the other. They should 
 be friends — not enemies — and walk hand in 
 hand in the march along the paths of mu- 
 tual prosperity, and a more equitable dis- 
 tribution of the fruits of toil. This bill, if it 
 becomes a law, will go far to prevent labor 
 troubles in the future, do much to solve 
 existing labor problems, and every friend of 
 industrial peace should aid in its enactment. 
 The employers of labor, as well as the em- 
 ployees themselves, whether they belong to 
 trades unions or not, are all, as far as I have 
 been able to ascertain, in accord with the 
 principles of this progressive legislation and 
 heartily favor its passage to the Statute 
 books." 
 
 THE 8-HOUR WORK-DAY. 
 
 From Speech of Gov. Sulzer Before the 
 
 Brotherhood of Railway Trainmen, 
 
 Detroit, June 2, 1916. 
 
 (Reprinted from Detroit Journal, June 3, 
 1916.) 
 "I want to say that I am a friend of the 
 wage-earner. I want to see, and I hope the 
 day is not far distant when we all shall see 
 the eight-hour work-day the law all over the 
 land and rigidly enforced in every State, 
 every city, every town, and every village in 
 the country. I believe it will be beneficial to 
 the laborer, advantageous to the community 
 in which he lives, and for the best interests 
 of the Government. Too long hours make 
 the wage-earner a poor workman. Shorter 
 
 31 
 
hours, in my opinion, will produce better 
 results all around and for all concerned. 
 Every writer on political economy confirms 
 this conclusion, and I assert as a funda- 
 mental principle that any scheme for the 
 amelioration of the social condition of the 
 wage-earner which does not proceed on this 
 proposition as its foundation is for all per- 
 manent purposes a delusion and a snare. 
 
 "I am now, always have been, and always 
 will be an advocate of shorter hours for a 
 legal work-day. The history of the past 
 teaches us that every reduction in the hours 
 constituting a day's work has resulted bene- 
 ficially. YVe have gone on steadily, step by 
 step, shortening the hours of labor from 
 sixteen hours to fourteen hours a day, from 
 fourteen hours to twelve hours a day, from 
 twelve to ten hours, and in every instance it 
 has been for the better. Statistics conclu- 
 sively prove that every decrease in the hours 
 constituting a legal work-day has been for 
 the advancement of the toiler and the 
 progress of the masses. 
 
 "These reductions in the hours of labor 
 have decreased intemperance, increased 
 knowledge, made better homes, happier and 
 better-clothed wives and children, brighter 
 and more prosperous firesides ,and in every 
 way benefited the social relations, pro- 
 moted happiness and contentment, and im- 
 proved the moral, economical, and financial 
 condition of the laboring people of our 
 land." 
 
 32 
 
GOVERNOR SULZER ON PROHIBI- 
 TION. 
 
 From Speech Before Prohibition Conven- 
 tion, at Pittsburgh, Pa., February 22, 
 1916. 
 
 (Reprinted from Pittsburgh Post, February 
 23, 1916.) 
 
 "When they ask you why I am for pro- 
 hibition you tell them because I have the 
 courage of my convictions; because I am 
 against intemperance; because I do not 
 straddle a fundamental principle; because I 
 will not be a hypocrite; because I love my 
 fellow man; because I believe the time has 
 come for the Government to get out of the 
 liquor business; because I want no man to 
 enslave himself, to shackle his friends, to 
 widow his wife, and to bring sorrow to the 
 homes of his fellow man; because I want no 
 friend of mine to make his children dotards, 
 and the children of his associates tear- 
 stained orphans; because I am opposed to 
 any man picking his own pocket and doub- 
 ling his taxes; because I know from experi- 
 ence that a dollar saved is a dollar made; 
 and, finally, because I want to do my share, 
 in my day and generation, to lessen the woes 
 and the wants of humanity; to end the 
 crimes and the criminals of society; and to 
 decrease the poorhouses and the penitentia- 
 ries of the country. 
 
 "When they ask you why I am for pro- 
 hibition you tell them that if the people were 
 to save the money the indulgence in strong 
 drink costs annually, and the same were 
 utilized for public purposes, it would develop 
 our great water powers and give us light, 
 heat, and power free of cost; that it would 
 build the best dirt roads since the days of 
 the Caesars; that it would erect the most 
 
 33 
 
beautiful public buildings the eye of man has 
 ever witnessed — all poems in stone — chal- 
 lenging the admiration of every lover of the 
 beautiful; that it would dig the deepest and 
 the widest canals ever constructed on earth; 
 that it would rear to heaven the most mag- 
 nificent schoolhouses for the children of 
 women ever modeled by the genius of man; 
 and that beyond all, and above all, it would 
 make our people sober and industrious and 
 efficient, and capable of producing in every 
 avenue of trade, every channel of commerce, 
 and every line of human endeavor more than 
 20 per cent, of what they now produce, and 
 hence to that extent increase the earning 
 and the saving capacity of our workers. 
 
 "When they ask you why I am for prohi- 
 bition you tell them that I am for prohibi- 
 tion because I want our men and women to 
 come out of the swales of drunkenness up 
 to the heights of soberness and get the 
 perspective of the promised land; because I 
 know from facts that those who earn their 
 wage in the sweat of their face and spend it 
 for strong drink are fooling themselves and 
 robbing their families; because I know from 
 statistics, medical and physiological, that the 
 use of alcoholic drinks is death to brain 
 and brawn, and fetters to hope and ambition; 
 because I know from an economic stand- 
 point, to say nothing about its moral and its 
 physical aspects, that the prohibition of the 
 manufacture and the sale of _ alcoholic 
 liquors, for beverage purposes, will be one 
 of the greatest boons that ever blessed 
 humanity — a tremendous factor for good to 
 every man, woman, and child on earth — 
 a harbinger to all mankind in the struggle 
 for success; and one of the most potent 
 agencies in the world to increase the ma- 
 terial wealth of America in the onward and 
 upward march of civilization. 
 
 34 
 
"When they ask you why 1 am for pro- 
 hibition you tell them because I want to 
 make the hearthside happy; because I want 
 to make mankind free; because I want to 
 make the Stata sober; and because I know 
 the home can not be happy while the people 
 are rioting in alcoholic drunkenness. 
 
 "Tell them that I say no State, and no 
 country, can long endure half wet and half 
 dry, half drunk and half sober, and that all 
 friends of good government should be with 
 us in the fight to make the State sober, and 
 to banish forever the saloons from our 
 country. 
 
 "Tell them that we boast that we are the 
 greatest and richest country in the world; 
 that we have a population of more than 
 100,000,000 people; that its estimated wealth 
 is more than $200,000,000,000; that its annual 
 revenue from the liquor traffic is about 
 $200,000,000; that the people spend every 
 year for alcoholic liquors more than $2,000,- 
 000,000 — just about ten times as much as the 
 Government derives from the revenue, a sum 
 of money that staggers the finite mind; that 
 most of the money comes from the poor, 
 and if it were deposited in savings banks to 
 the credit of the toilers we would have a 
 Government without a pauper, and the rich- 
 est people per capita since the dawn of time 
 in any land or in any clime. 
 
 "Tell them that you know, and I know, 
 that for every dollar the Government gets 
 from its association with the liquor business 
 it costs the taxpayers at least $20 to support 
 courts and juries, hospitals and asylums, 
 paupers and prisonerSj poorhouses and peni- 
 tentiaries. Tell them that the use of alco- 
 holic stimulants is blighting the hope of our 
 womanhood, debauching the flower of our 
 manhood — morally, mentally, and physicallv 
 
 35 
 
— and devastating, degenerating, and deci- 
 mating the human race. 
 
 "Tell them that if I were asked to sum 
 up in a single word the cause on earth of 
 more than seven-tenths of all the woes and 
 all the wants; of all the fears and all the 
 tears: of all the trials and all the troubles; 
 of all the ghouls and all the ghosts; of all 
 the crimes and all the criminals; of all the 
 groans of helpless men, and all the griefs 
 of weeping women, and all the heart pangs 
 of sad-faced children, I should sum it all up 
 in that short word — R-U-M — RUM— which 
 menaces the progress of the race, and 
 challenges the advance of civilization." 
 
 MR. SULZER'S GOOD WORK. 
 
 "This is a different Assembly from that 
 of last year. A new Speaker presides. The 
 old faces are not here. The faces that 
 laughed at the taxpayers; that defied pub- 
 lic sentiment; that carried out the 'orders' 
 of the unseen government; that impeached 
 the Governor because the Governor re- 
 fused to do wrong; where are they? They 
 are gone hence; their outraged constituents 
 kept them home." — From speech of Gov- 
 ernor Sulzer in Assembly, January 5, 1914. 
 
 36 
 
COLONEL ALEXANDER S. BACON ON 
 MR. SULZER'S NOMINATION. 
 
 April 13, 1916. 
 
 Mr. John H. Stoody, 
 Akron, New York: 
 
 Dear Sir — We have read your letter con- 
 cerning the candidacy of Mr. Sulzer as the 
 standard bearer in the fight we are making 
 to unite the reform forces of the country, 
 in this campaign, for Prohibition. 
 
 We have carefully analyzed the situation. 
 We know what we are talking about, and 
 in view of the fact that Mr. Sulzer polled 
 127,600 votes for governor in 1914 on the 
 Prohibition and American tickets, we know 
 of no better man to lead the fight this 
 year. If you know of a better man, we shall 
 be glad to favor him, but We want a man 
 who is known; who is popular; who can 
 make a great speaking campaign; and who 
 can get enough votes to accentuate the is- 
 sue, and give it such an impetus that vic- 
 tory will be sure in 1920. 
 
 Mr. Sulzer is not running after the nomi- 
 nation; and he is not running away from 
 the fight. He has no illusions and no vanity. 
 He is a broadminded statesman. He sees 
 things political clearly. He is as unselfish 
 as he is self-sacrificing. He does not want 
 to lead if a better equipped man can be 
 drafted. He is reluctant to be the standard 
 bearer — because of the sacrifice of time and 
 money necessarily entailed. 
 
 Enclosed I am sending you a copy of a 
 letter Mr. Sulzer has written Mr. Bishop. 
 It is a classic. It states his position frankly 
 and without equivocation. It leaves no one 
 in doubt — save the man who wants to doubt. 
 Besides, from a recent talk with Mr. Sulzer, 
 
 37 
 
I feel confident that unless he can be assured 
 of united support he will not consent to be 
 our candidate. This would be most unfor- 
 tunate for the cause, and I assume that you 
 have the cause at heart just as much as 1 
 have. 
 
 Let me tell you ■ that I was one of Mr. 
 Sulzer's counsel in the great fight he made, 
 at Albany, for honest government. You 
 are as much in error about that struggle 
 as you are wrong in other matters you 
 speak about so lightly. There was no evi- 
 dence, legal or otherwise, that Mr. Sulzer 
 had done wrong. His removal was a crime. 
 Every lawyer in the State, except a Tam- 
 many lawyer, knows Mr. Sulzer's ouster 
 from office was illegal and unconstitutional 
 — in fact anarchy. I can tell you, as a 
 lawyer, that Mr. Sulzer could have had a 
 million dollars, and been the Democratic 
 candidate for President, if he would have 
 carried out the wishes of the bosses; 
 the orders of the railroads; the decrees of 
 the Roman Hierarchy; and the desires of the 
 Plunderbund of Wall Street; and two hours 
 before he was removed, he could have re- 
 mained in office by simply agreeing to stop 
 the investigations, and the prosecutions, of 
 the grafters. Sulzer refused, and a thou- 
 sand years from now he will be pictured in 
 6ong and story as the greatest reform gov- 
 ernor in the annals of the State. 
 
 You should be more careful what you say 
 and what you write about Mr. Sulzer. You 
 should be sure of your facts. You should 
 not labor under the impression that Mr. 
 Sulzer is anxious to be a candidate for any 
 office. He retired from public life after 26 
 years of faithful and fruitful service in the 
 vineyard of the people, with the approval 
 of his conscience, and to enjoy his own self- 
 respect. If we can get him to put on the 
 
 38 
 
harness again the friends of Reform, and 
 of Progress, and of Patriotism, and of Hon- 
 est Government, and of Prohibition, will be 
 exceedingly fortunate. 
 
 Very truly yours, 
 ALEXANDER S. BACON. 
 National Chairman American Party. 
 
 MR. SULZER IS TRUE BLUE. 
 
 HE IS GOING TO THE END OF THE 
 ROAD. 
 
 (Reprinted from Observer, N. Y., April 22, 
 1916.) 
 
 April 12, 1916. 
 Hon. Olin S. Bishop, 
 
 Chairman of the Prohibition State Com- 
 mittee, 
 Utica, New York. 
 My Dear Mr. Bishop: 
 
 In reply to your letter you can say to 
 those who doubt, what you know, that I am 
 for the Prohibition of the manufacture, and 
 the sale, and the importation, and the trans- 
 oortation of alcoholic liquors for beverage 
 purposes — State and National — by legislative 
 enactment; or by constitutional amendment; 
 or by both through the efforts of the Pro- 
 hibition Party — and every other agency that 
 will accomplish its consummation. 
 
 Prohibition is a political issue that will 
 not down. It will never be settled until it 
 is settled right. In the fight against John 
 Barleycorn I shall continue to ring trye. In 
 the struggle to destroy the curse of strong 
 drink I am going to the end of the road — 
 regardless of personal consequences. 
 
 39 
 
It is gratifying, of course, to know that 
 my efforts for the cause are appreciated 
 by the true believers in the cause, and I 
 would be less than human if I did not feel 
 grateful to those good souls who now and 
 then mention my name as a suitable stand- 
 ard bearer in the coming campaign — but I 
 want you, and all our friends, to feel, as I 
 feel, that I have no vanity in the matter 
 save the success of the cause, and no am- 
 bition, personal or otherwise, except to serve 
 where I best can serve to promote the great- 
 est reform in America. If I am called to 
 lead, because those competent to judge be- 
 lieve I am best equipped to lead, I shall 
 lead where any man will follow; and if, 
 on the other hand, I am told to stay in 
 the ranks, I shall continue to serve in the 
 ranks, and follow where any man will lead. 
 
 To sum it all up — I am for Prohibition — 
 that is all. I am for the cause — first, last 
 and all the time — and when the hour strikes 
 to decide who shall lead I shall acquiesce 
 in the judgment of those elected to decide — 
 and whatever the determination may be, it 
 will be satisfactory to me — and whether I 
 lead, or follow, I shall move onward in the 
 struggle I am making to usher in the better, 
 and the greater, and the grander day. 
 Very sincerely yours, 
 
 WM. SULZER. 
 
 "The time has arrived when the people 
 demand that every party, and every Boss 
 of a party, must halt on the frontier of 
 their political approval before they shall be 
 allowed to advance." — From speech of 
 Governor Sulzer, Peoria, 111., May 28, 1916. 
 
 40 
 
Headquarters 
 
 American Party, 
 
 675 Broadway, 
 
 New York City. 
 
 June 7, 1916. 
 Colonel L. G. Warfield: 
 
 My dear Colonel — I am glad you favor a 
 union of our forces to the end that success 
 shall crown our efforts for Prohibition, and 
 God, Home, and Country. 
 
 Mr. Sulzer is the idol of the American 
 Party, which is organized in several States 
 and grows with leaps and bounds. We love 
 him for the enemies he has made. He com- 
 mitted the American Party to the princi- 
 ple of Prohibition when he was the candi- 
 date of the Prohibition Party, and the 
 American Party, in the memorable campaign 
 for Governor in 1914; and he polled six 
 times more votes for the Cause than were 
 ever cast before in New York. He can 
 poll over three million votes in the Na- 
 tional campaign. 
 
 The American Party is doing everything 
 in its power to promote the Cause of Pro- 
 hibition, and will declare for it this year 
 unequivocally, in its National Platform. We 
 are a Radical Party; a Progressive Party; 
 a Patriotic Party; and we stand for every 
 principle of the Prohibition Party. 
 
 There is a growing sentiment throughout 
 the country in favor of making Mr. Sulzer 
 our standard bearer — that is, the candidate 
 for President — of the Prohibition Party; of 
 the American Party; and of the Radical 
 Party. We believe that he can unite these 
 parties behind Prohibition, and in favor of 
 other patriotic reforms. If this is done it 
 spells victory for the Cause you have so 
 much at heart. 
 
 41 
 
We believe .Mr. Sulzer is the most elo- 
 quent speechmaker; the most popularly 
 known; the greatest campaigner; and the 
 best vote-getter in the country. He says 
 he is willing to lead where any man will fol- 
 low. We must draft him to lead. We should 
 place the standard in his hands, and bid 
 him godspeed. We believe he can win in 
 the coming campaign; but whether he wins 
 or loses, he will give the Cause such an im- 
 petus that nothing can prevent its success 
 in the years to come. 
 
 As the Rev. Dr. Peters says: "Strange 
 mixture of power and practicality, of fancy 
 and fact: of zeal and enthusiasm: dreamer 
 of big dreams, Wm. Sulzer cannot be ig- 
 nored. You may hate him; or you may love 
 him; but be sure of one thing — you can 
 never forget him. He is the most potent 
 force for good in our country — the greatest 
 reformer in America." 
 
 If you agree with us in favor of unity, and 
 harmony, and a concerted movement, for 
 Peace, Progress, Prosperity, Patriotism 
 and Prohibition, all along the line, write me 
 regarding your views. 
 
 Very truly yours, 
 
 ALEXANDER S. BACOX. 
 
 Chairman. 
 
 "The work of William Sulzer is not fin- 
 ished. As he said when Murphy's court 
 removed him: 'My fight for honest gov- 
 ernment has just begun.' The people are 
 with him in the fight." — From editorial in 
 World, May 2, 1914. 
 
 42 
 
GOVERNOR SULZER ON PEACE AND 
 PROHIBITION. 
 
 Law Offices of 
 
 WM. SULZER, 
 
 115 Broadway, 
 
 New York. 
 
 May 10, 1916. 
 George L. Thompson, Esq., Editor of "Civi-' 
 lization," Northfield, Mass.: 
 
 My Dear Mr. Thompson — In reply to 
 your questions I shall be as frank as you 
 suggest. 
 
 First — I stand squarely on the Platform 
 of the Prohibition Party; and the Plat- 
 form of the American Party. They are 
 much alike, and that is well. We should- 
 be united. In union there is strength. 
 
 Second — I am for Prohibition first, last, 
 and all the time, and my record for the 
 Cause justifies the assertion without fear of 
 successful contradiction. 
 
 Third — I am against militarism — against 
 the erroneous doctrine that might makes 
 right. I am for Peace — World Peace — 
 through the establishment of an Interna- 
 tional Court having jurisdiction of every 
 international question — with the agencies to 
 enforce its decrees — just the same as the 
 courts of our country have the jurisdiction, 
 and the agencies, to settle all disputes be- 
 tween States and individuals. For twenty 
 years I have been working in this vine- 
 yard — and I now see the coming of the 
 better day for outraged humanity. War 
 is Barbarism — wholesale murder — and I 
 know the human heart is just as_ much op- 
 posed to wholesale murder as it is opposed 
 to individual murder. 
 
 Fourth — I believe in the Patriotism of 
 the American People; in their loyalty to the 
 Old Flag: in their determination to perpetu- 
 ate the Free Institutions of the Fathers: 
 
 43 
 
and I know the rank and rile are faithful to 
 the Constitution — and that Government of 
 the People shall not Perish for lack of Pa- 
 triots, or for want of Patriotism. 
 
 Finally — I am not seeking office. I have 
 traveled beyond that bump of vanity. I 
 have held public office more than half my 
 natural life. If I wanted to continue to 
 hold high office all I had to do was to be 
 obedient to a corrupt system, and forget the 
 difference between right and wrong — but I 
 said I would rather be right than be Gov- 
 ernor. In our struggle I am for the best 
 man to win — to get votes for the Cause — 
 and as I have said, I will follow where any 
 man will lead, and I will lead where any 
 man will follow. I am going forward with- 
 out fear. 
 
 Your friend, 
 
 WM. SULZER. 
 
 MR. SULZER'S PLAN. 
 
 WM. SULZER, 
 
 Counselor-at-Law, 
 
 115 Broadway, 
 
 New York. 
 
 April 3, 1916. 
 Dr. Daniel B. Strong, Bossburg, Washing- 
 ton: 
 My Dear Mr. Strong — In reply to your let- 
 ter I want to thank you for what you say 
 about my work for Prohibition. 
 
 What you, and other friends of the Cause, 
 tell me, and write me, is gratifying. If 
 you and our friends sincerely believe I am 
 best equipped to carry the standard and 
 get the votes in the coming campaign _ I 
 shall carry the Banner where any man will 
 follow, and whether I win or lose, the Cause 
 will triumph, and after the battle the Flag 
 returned, unsullied, to the Party. 
 
 Suffice it to say that I have no vanity in 
 
 44 
 
the matter. 1 want to win the fight for 
 Prohibition— that is all. 1 am not opposed 
 to any plan of campaign; or to any solution 
 of the problem. My only ambition is to be 
 an instrumentality in the great campaign 
 this year to abolish the manufacture ": 
 the sale of intoxicating liquors. In the fight 
 for the Cause I am willing to lead for any 
 plan that will mean success. My plan to tax 
 the iniquity out of existence is simple and 
 constitutional. It will accomplish the pur- 
 pose, and do it in the quickest time, and 
 the easiest way. Many of our friends agree 
 with me, and favor the Sulzer Plan. How- 
 ever, I am in favor of a genuine Constitu- 
 tional amendment, and sooner or later be- 
 lieve we shall get it — but until then I realize 
 that we must go along the lines of least 
 resistance to accomplish what we all have so 
 much at heart— the abolition of the Liquor 
 Traffic by legislation. 
 
 To that end, it goes without saying, I am 
 as deeply interested as you are in the com- 
 ing campaign. But I am more interested 
 in unity, and in harmony, and uniting our 
 Reform Forces than I am in candidates. 
 If we can unite the Reform Forces in Amer- 
 ica behind the Prohibition movement we 
 can win this year— or certainly in 1920— 
 and for one I want victory to crown our 
 efforts before I die— and then have it said 
 I did my part for the greatest moral reform 
 in America. . . 
 
 When the proper time comes, if it is the 
 consensus of opinion that I am the _ best 
 man— taking all things into consideration— 
 to lead the Cause to Victory, the friends of 
 Prohibition can rely on me to make the 
 greatest fight that has ever been made for 
 the Principle. 
 
 With all good wishes, believe me as ever. 
 Very sincerely yours, 
 
 WM. SULZER. 
 
 45 
 
WHAT THE PROHIBITION PAPERS 
 SAY. 
 WE ARE FOR SULZER. 
 We are for Mr. Sulzer because he can 
 win; because he can unite in a concrete 
 fighting mass the Reform Forces of Amer- 
 ica; because he is a Radical, a Progressive, 
 a Patriot, a Prohibitionist, a statesman the 
 peer of any in all the world, in experience, 
 in constructive ability, and in fidelity to 
 the ideals of all that is great and good and 
 grand on earth. — Editorial from Clean Com- 
 monwealth, June 5, 1916. 
 
 SULZER AND VICTORY. 
 
 (Editorial from the Patriot, March 15, 
 1916.) 
 
 Already the cry is heard from all parts of 
 the Country, "Sulzer and victory." 
 
 We realize that now is the time 
 to make votes for the party candidate. The 
 Nation can be thoroughly aroused for ex- 
 Governor Sulzer before the convention and 
 at that time his nomination will bring the 
 prenomination campaign to a white heat 
 and spread like prairie fire from the St. 
 Paul convention to all parts of the Nation. 
 
 Now is the time to concentrate on a can- 
 didate like ex-Governor Sulzer. Much work 
 can be done that will greatly add to the 
 strength of the campaign. 
 
 SULZER FOR PRESIDENT. 
 
 (Editorial from the Illinois Banner, the 
 Leading Prohibition Paper in Illinois, 
 
 February 24. 1916.) 
 The presidential campaign is approaching 
 and the Prohibition Party leaders should be 
 looking out for candidates that will lead 
 on to victory. The presidential nominee 
 must be, first of all, an honest, conscien- 
 tious man, a true Prohibitionist, and a lead- 
 
 46 
 
er who can command men and women and 
 secure votes. 
 
 We must have a broad and firmly con- 
 structed platform covering all necessary re- 
 forms — a platform upon which all reform 
 voters may unite and elect our Prohibition 
 Party candidates. There are many members 
 of the Progressive Party that will go into 
 some other reform party when their party 
 goes to pieces, as it surely will at the twin 
 national convention in Chicago. These re- 
 form voters are nearly all prohibitionists in 
 theory, and they will become prohibitionists 
 in reality whenever they can see>signs of 
 success in the Prohibition Party. 
 
 The American Party has been organized 
 in a number of States on a platform almost 
 identical with the Prohibition Party plat- 
 form. In the State of New York the Amer- 
 ican Party joined with the Prohibition 
 Party for the Hon. William Sulzer, who 
 was their candidate for governor of that 
 State in 1914, and polled 127,600 votes— six 
 times more than the average Prohibition 
 vote. Mr. Sulzer made a wonderful showing 
 in his campaign. 
 
 The Illinois Banner believes that the Hon. 
 William Sulzer, of New York, is the logical 
 candidate for President on the Prohibition 
 Party ticket. Mr. Sulzer is a sincere Pro- 
 hibitionist. He is an ideal leader of men 
 and measures, the best campaigner and vote 
 getter in the country. In fact, we believe 
 Sulzer is the man to lead the Prohibition 
 Party on to victory. Like one of old, Mr. 
 Sulzer "would rather be right than be Presi- 
 dent." He has been tested and came out 
 without a blemish, though hounded and vil- 
 ified by the notorious Murphy, leader of the 
 Tammany gang of grafters. Mr. Sulzer 
 served nine terms — 18 years — in the Con- 
 
 47 
 
gress of the United States, after serving 
 several terms, and as Speaker, of the New 
 York State Assembly. His record is an 
 open book — and a platform in itself. 
 
 Nominate Sulzer for President and select 
 some well-known western man for Vice- 
 President, and next November the victory 
 for prohibition will have been won if all of 
 the enemies of the liquor traffic will do their 
 duty. 
 
 GOVERNOR SULZER POINTS THE 
 
 WAY TO SUCCESS. 
 (Editorial from the Sentinel, the Leading 
 
 Prohibition Paper in the State of New 
 York, February 8, 1916.) 
 
 Former Governor William Sulzer is a man 
 who does things. His record proves that 
 he has that indefinable quality of knowing 
 how. While others wait Sulzer acts. 
 
 Mr. Sulzer wants to abolish the manufac- 
 ture and the sale of intoxicating liquors 
 in the United States by taxing the evil out 
 of existence. His remedy is constitutional, 
 and the simplest and the quickest rem- 
 edy that can be applied. Hence every pro- 
 hibitionist, every believer in temperance, 
 every advocate of the Constitutional Amend- 
 ment, every anti-saloon leaguer, every local 
 optionist and every friend of the Cause 
 should get together and line up in the fight 
 for Sulzer and the Sulzer plan. 
 
 Mr. Sulzer is a great leader. He says 
 that he will lead where any friend of the 
 Cause will follow; and that he will follow 
 where any friend of the Cause will lead. 
 What man can say more? What man can 
 do more? Where can the Prohibitionists of 
 the country find an abler, a more experi- 
 enced, a more eloquent, and a more popu- 
 lar leader than William Sulzer? He has 
 
 48 
 
spent 18 years in Congress, and has had a 
 longer legislative experience than any man 
 in the country. Mr. Sulzer knows Washing- 
 ton like a book. He is popular, respected, 
 and well known to the people of the entire 
 country. We believe if the right kind of a 
 fight is made, under his leadership, we can 
 win this year. To that end we shall do all 
 in our power to nominate Mr. Sulzer. 
 
 Another thing — just as important. Mr. 
 Sulzer can unite the reform forces in Amer- 
 ica behind our campaign to abolish the 
 manufacture and sale of alcoholic liquors, 
 and for other reforms — to many peo- 
 ple just as important — and he sounds the ' 
 keynote for the battle! "United we win; 
 divided we lose." He proved that in 1914, 
 in his great campaign for governor. Mr. 
 Sulzer is the unchallenged leader of the 
 American Party. He carried the banner for 
 the Prohibition Party in the State of New 
 York in the last gubernatorial campaign and 
 polled six times more votes than we usually 
 receive. He stands unequivocally for pro- 
 hibition, and has had the American Party 
 declare for it. No man in America has done 
 more for the cause of prohibition. He is to- 
 day its foremost advocate, and the best- 
 equipped general in command of its forces. 
 
 Mr. Sulzer is the greatest campaigner in 
 America. He stands squarely for the re- 
 forms we want. He has the faculty of pre- 
 senting them more eloquently and more con- 
 vincingly to the voters than any' other man 
 in the country. He knows what to say and 
 how to say it. He knows what to do and 
 how to do it. He knows how to get the 
 votes, and votes tell. Without the votes we 
 can not win. With the votes we shall win. 
 Why not get the votes? Why not win? It 
 is all very clear to us. 
 
 49 
 
Let us help Mr. Sulzer in every way we 
 can. If he is willing to lead let us agree 
 to follow him. If we do follow him he will 
 lead us to victory. "Sulzer and success" 
 should be the battle cry of every true blue 
 prohibitionist from now until the polls close 
 in the campaign of 1916. 
 
 LET US NOMINATE A WINNER. 
 
 (Editorial from Illinois Banner, April 19, 
 1916.) 
 
 If the Prohibitionists of the country have 
 the good sense to grasp a great opportunity 
 they will nominate ex-Governor Sulzer, of 
 New York, for President. 
 
 Mr. Sulzer is on record squarely for Pro- 
 hibition. He has been advocating for years 
 the popular reforms the people now de- 
 mand. He is well known by the voters of 
 the country. He is a great campaigner. He 
 is a vote getter. He knows how to win. He 
 combines elements of strength possesed by 
 no other candidate. He can combine the 
 Prohibition, the Patriotic, the Progressive 
 and the Reform Forces of the country. The 
 people love him for the enemies he has 
 made. 
 
 We want Sulzer — and a campaign of Vim, 
 Vigor and Victory. 
 
 SULZER THE CHOICE. 
 
 (Editorial in Clean Commonwealth, May 21, 
 1916.) 
 "Former Governor William Sulzer will be 
 our candidate. The overwhelmingly large 
 vote he received in the primaries in Minne- 
 sota and Wisconsin proves it. He is to- 
 day the choice of the Prohibitionists and 
 the Progressives of the country. He will 
 be the choice of the Prohibition voters when 
 our convention meets in St. Paul. And the 
 
 50 
 
few kickers, and the few reactionaries, can- 
 not stop the tide that is setting in for the 
 former governor of New York." 
 
 SULZER OR BRYAN. 
 
 (Editorial in Patriotic Phalanx, May 16, 
 
 1916.) 
 "When the nomination is made; when the 
 reform forces finally settle down on some 
 great leader like Sulzer, or Bryan, let all of 
 us get behind the successful candidate and 
 push, and do it with all our might. This 
 year is to be an epochal year for prohibi- 
 tion." 
 
 GOVERNOR SULZER AND A GREAT 
 CAMPAIGN TO WIN. 
 
 (From Editorial in Looking Glass, May 18, 
 1916.) 
 "Former Governor Sulzer will make a 
 whirlwind campaign from one end of the 
 country to the other. It will be a fight 
 to the finish. It will be one of the most 
 remarkable and spectacular campaigns ever 
 held in this country. We know what we 
 are talking about. William Sulzer ought 
 to poll three million votes. This will not 
 be enough to elect him, but it will elect 
 Prohibition, by giving it such an impetus 
 that nothing can stop its triumph in 1920." 
 
 SULZER'S NAME A HOUSEHOLD 
 WORD— THAT'S AN ASSET. 
 
 (From Editorial in the Progressive Ameri- 
 can, June 9, 1916.) 
 "With Governor Sulzer as our standard 
 bearer we move forward, and the grand old 
 Prohibition Party takes a front seat in poli- 
 
 51 
 
tics. Don't forget William Sulzer is the 
 best vote-getter in America. He will cut 
 the Democratic vote in two. His name is 
 a household word. The bosses hate him; 
 but we love him for the enemies he has 
 made in the cause of righteousness." 
 
 MR. SULZER SETTLES IT. 
 
 (Reprinted from Editorial in the Star of 
 Hope, June 1, 1916.) 
 
 A few Prohibitionists have charged Mr. 
 Sulzer with being a Democrat. That ques- 
 tion is settled by Mr. Sulzer himself in the 
 statement that he is a Prohibitionist. Mr. 
 Sulzer is not begging the Prohibition Party 
 to nominate him. He is now working hard 
 to get another candidate other than himself, 
 a candidate who has not been mentioned a 
 dozen times seriously by the Prohibition 
 press, and yet a candidate who is known 
 in every home in America. If this man 
 can be brought over Mr. Sulzer will be re- 
 sponsible for it. 
 
 Mr. Sulzer says plainly that he will sup- 
 port the Prohibition Party. This, of course, 
 would leave any man to be his own judge as 
 to the extent of the support he would ren- 
 der. Certainly, should some old line Pro- 
 hibitionist be nominated at St. Paul over 
 such a man as Sulzer, then surely neither 
 he, nor any other sensible man, would 
 tear his hair up a very great deal nor render 
 himself hoarse by campaigning very ardent- 
 ly for votes, for all of them would know it 
 would make but little difference as to how 
 great a campaign was made — but few votes 
 can be polled for a straight-jacket Prohibi- 
 tionist. 
 
 THE END. 
 
 52 
 
3toe inform 
 
 Entered u iecond-cUu matter January 10, 1910. at pott • 
 
 A Weekly Report Concerning Moral Reforms 
 Published at 61 State Street, Albany, N. Y., by 
 Superintendent of the New York Civic Leagi 
 
 Vol. 4 
 
 Albany, N. Y., July 18 
 
 Vicious Attacks Upon Go> 
 
 All Are Inspired by Boss 
 
 We have said little in The Bulletin about tl 
 Governor Sulzer, made or inspired by Boss Mur] 
 have thought it scarcely worth while. Governor 
 book. His record in Congress was a creditable or 1 
 has certainly been most commendable. He has c 
 as Governor. We may not agree with everything 
 of us, he is human, but we know his heart is rigl 
 should make mistakes. 
 
 We do not believe the good people of this 
 the vicious, scandalous attacks being made upon 
 character as Charles F. Murphy, the Tammany 
 instigated by the Boss because Governor Sulzer 
 wants. That explains it all. 
 
 Governor Sulzer knows things about Boss Mu 
 to tell and which we think at the proper time he 
 training has not properly fitted him for directing 
 of this great State. Twenty years ago Murphy 
 and running a Bowery saloon ; two years age he 
 running the whole State, including the Governoi 
 most of the State departments! This year Murp 
 the Legislature and some of the State departments 
 run Governor Sulzer. 
 
 Early this year. Murphy met the Governor ar 
 did not make the appointments which he ( Mn rnhvl 
 
 need fear 
 eminent 1 
 
 Our 
 friends a 
 party is f 
 State mu 
 must be 
 my life I 
 humanity 
 
 Wha 
 to be a t 
 Let him s 
 mate rest 
 
 In c< 
 to the sti 
 great exj 
 and the c 
 all honor 
 for all th 
 and good 
 there and 
 
 FIC 
 
 The 
 thing exc 
 will not a 
 inch gun 
 folly, for 
 Why the 
 fight a p 
 the bosse 
 because t 
 against tl 
 as well as 
 
 Tail- 
 ing- leader 
 1>een done 
 the great ; 
 voters con 
 the repres< 
 
 •iazinc iubimim jo uoijBDipuiA aqi aq \\itk jqdoad aq} jo pip-m Mfcl 
 
 oin 8uis puB 'mou siuoi-uun iwq* }B 3 q sduiins jaqqru puB spddnd puB ftylf*. 
 ■re pus .sauJBR am P UB *&&*¥( aqj Wl uoipap J9*}B *Bp oip s.qi az rrew JJ m 
 
 aqi ■joujoao') oqi a^Jlfui *otiUB? HQUB-J^nUA p«B Aiuunpo Mazing ureqi!^ 4-" 
 |.m,,'i P ub japuBig aaaJBOjBonjioa siq jib in wopq sb* «A3 aq umn sass?m atj 
 
element of the Democratic party all over the State is with Governor Sulzer and 
 we believe the best element of all parties is with him. If the State-wide direct 
 primary bill is not passed before the next State conventions meet, Murphy and 
 Barnes will doubtless both nominate men whom they can rule as their puppets 
 while Governor. This is why we urge Governor Sulzer to stand firm for the 
 passage of a State-wide Direct Primary bill. 
 
 Remember, if the corrupt bosses could control Governor Sulzer they would 
 not be attacking him now. Do not forget that the Governor is fighting graft, 
 ■fighting for direct primaries; fighting for good government. Every honest citizen 
 in our State should now sustain the Governor. If Sulzer is beaten by the bosses 
 the cause of reform will be checked for many many years. Help all you can. 
 
 We urge every pastor to write and have several of his leading laymen to 
 write to their Republican and Democratic County Chairmen warning them that 
 they will support no man for the Assembly this year who will not publicly promise 
 to support Governor Sulzer's state-wide direct primary bill. 
 
 The editor of The Bulletin has watched with great interest the battle between 
 Governor Sulzer and the Bosses, and we believe that he is sincere and firmly deter- 
 mined to do his very best to secure passage of a state-wide direct primary law which 
 will be of untold value to the moral forces of this State in the years to come. Every citizen, 
 irrespective of his political affiliation, who believes in clean government and honest politics 
 and who is opposed to graft of every kind, should back up Governor Sulzer in the terrible 
 battle which he is now waging for the welfare of our State. 
 
 WHY THE GRAFTERS HOUND THE GOVERNOR. 
 Interesting Letter from Governor Sulzer. 
 
 State of New York, Executive Chamber, Albany, 
 Rev. O. R. Miller, July 14, 1913. 
 
 61 State Street, Albany, N. Y.: 
 
 My dear Mr. Miller. — Yours received. I want to thank you for all you 
 are doing to help in the struggle to give the people of New York honest 
 government and direct nominations. 
 
 You have no conception of the obstacles put in my way. Neither have you 
 any idea of the difficulties that beset me. Often I am sick at heart; but then 
 words of assurance like yours come to hand, and I take renewed hope to go 
 forward with determination. 
 
 When the political bosses found out they could not control me, and make 
 me a rubber stamp, they threatened to destroy me politically, and they have 
 been doing everything in their power, ever since, to that end. 
 
 However, I have no fear of the ultimate result. The people will win. The 
 truth will prevail, and right makes might. In the future as in the past, you, 
 and all our friends, can rely on me to do my duty to all the people, as I see 
 the right, and God gives me the light, regardless of political or personal con- 
 sequences. 
 
 Of course the grafters are hounding me. Mr. Murphy and his hirelings 
 necessarily are traducing me. They have had detectives following me around, 
 and searching high and low to find out everything I have ever done since my 
 birth. Why? Just to get some mud, if possible, to throw at me. 
 
 However, I can assure you there is little, or nothing, in any of the charges 
 they make against me. Most of the stuff they get in the newspapers is base- 
 less, and pure fabrication. They know this, and they know it will not in the 
 last analysis hurt me; but they also know it worries my mother and annoy," 
 Mrs. Sulzer. 
 
 When Boss Murphy told me he would destroy me if I did not do his bid- 
 ding, I defied him to do his worst, and declared I would continue to do my best. 
 The fight for good government will go on. The bridges are burned. With the 
 aid of the decent, God-fearing people of our State I shall go forward, come 
 what may With best wishes, believe me, as ever, very sincerely your friend, 
 
 WM. SULZER. 
 
 si 
 
EotertJ u i«ohJ-cLim milltr Juturf 10. 1910. It port •dice it AlWny. N. Y. 
 
 A Weekly Report Concerning Moral Reforms in the State of fl 
 
 Published at 61 State Street, Albany, N. Y., by Rev. O. R. Miller, 
 
 Superintendent of the New York Civic League. 23 cents per year 
 
 V 1 ,. 4. «^s»3 Albany, N. Y., July 18, 1013 
 
 Vicious Attacks Upon Governor Sulzi 
 
 AH Are Inspired by Boss Murphy. 
 
 We have said little in The Bulletin about the many vicious ; 
 Governor Sulzer, made or inspired by Boss Murphy of Tammany 
 have thought it scarcely worth while. Governor Sulzer's life recor 
 book. His record in Congress was a creditable one and his record 
 has certainly been most commendable. He has doubtless made sc 
 as Governor. We may not agree with everything he has done, for 
 of us, he is human, but we know his heart is right, even if someti 
 should make mistakes. 
 
 We do not believe the good people of this State will give ; 
 the vicious, scandalous attacks being made upon Governor Sulze 
 character as Charles F. Murphy, the Tammany Boss. The}' are 
 instigated by the Boss because Governor Sulzer will not do \vl 
 wants. That explains it all. 
 
 Governor Sulzer knows things about Boss Murphy which we tl 
 to tell and which we think at the proper time he will tell. Murp 
 training has not properly fitted him for directing the affairs anc 
 of this great State. Twenty years ago Murphy was wearing a 
 and running a Bowery saloon ; two years age he was wearing a 
 running the whole State, including the Governor, Senate and A 
 most of the State departments! This year Murphy has been abl< 
 the Legislature and some of the State departments, but he has not 
 run Governor Sulzer. 
 
 Early this year, Murphy met the Governor and told him plai 
 did not make the appointments which he (Murphy) recommended 1 
 ruin his administration and disgrace the Governor personally. Go 
 refused positively to make the appointments desired by Murphy and 
 is trying to carry out his threat to ruin the Governor's administratior 
 him personally. The decent people of this State ought to stand by 
 for the enemies he has made. It is to the Governor's credit that he 
 attacked by such a vile character as Hoss Murphy and his henchme 
 gang will doubtless devise some more " frame-ups " against the I io 
 the end they will all prove boomerangs against Tammany, who sta 
 The Bulletin did not support Governor Sulzer for election h 
 thought he was too close to Tammany Coss Murphy, but he is 
 enough away from Murphy now. lie has burned the bridges be 
 he will never return to Tammany Hall. Tammany will never allow 
 rc-nominated for Governor in the future if their r-Qn nrm^nt it 
 
direct nominations unless he rt&ftts to be the creature df invisible got 
 ather than the servant <>f popular government 
 
 State-wide direct primary bill is a good measure. I am for it. M 
 
 e For it. Every good citizen is for it. The platform of nearly ever 
 or it. * >n this issue there is no middle ground. The Democrats of tri 
 il stand with their Democratic Governor for direct primaries, or the 
 against the Democratic platform. Every Democrat must decide, \ 
 
 have fought for the right; for the truth; for simple justice, and f< 
 
 1 shall not change now. 
 t honest Democrat in our State wants me to be false to our platform 
 
 aitor to our party: and to l»e a deserter in the performance of duty 
 peak out. In this cause for direct primaries 1 have no fear of the tdt 
 lit. The people are sure to win. 
 
 inclusion, let me thank you for your cordial greeting. T wish all succes 
 ulents of this College. You are on the threshold of the larger life— • 
 testations — of widening opportunities. You are the coming teacher 
 oming mothers of our country. Gpd bless you, each and every one, an 
 to the man. Dr. McKenzie and his assistants for all they have done, an 
 ey are doing so unselfishly to make you useful women, brave womei 
 
 women, women who will do your duty in every walk of life, here an 
 
 everywhere. 
 
 }HT WITH TWELVE-INCH OR THREE-INCH GUNS? 
 
 Bosses are anxious to compromise and are willing to surrender even 
 ept the State convention, but Governor Sulzer, representing the peopl 
 ccept such terms. For the Governor to allow the enemy to hold a twelvt 
 in order that the people may get a three-inch gun, would l>e the utmo> 
 
 the battle must still continue with the Bosses until they are conquerec 
 n place ourselves in a position where with three-inch guns we mu 
 owerful and entrenched enemy with twelve-inch guns? The enem; 
 s. though now apparently strong, are really in a demoralized conditio 
 hey fear the people on election day. The people must keep batterin 
 ie now weakened walls of the terrified enemy until the twelve-inch gun 
 
 the three-inch guns are captured and the enemy utterly routed. 
 
 DIRECT PRIMARIES IS THE ISSUE. 
 Editorial, Albany Knickerbocker Press, July 15th. 
 many's theory of warfare seems to be that if it succeeds in blackening the oppo; 
 or witness, its own crimes will be forgotten and condoned. In spite of all thai hi 
 during the last two or three months to distract public attention in New York Stat 
 nd insistent issue is that of a genuine direct primary law. Shall the bosses or tli 
 trol the nominating power? Shall two men dictate legislation at Albany or sha 
 ntatives of the people be free to legislate in accordance with the wishes of the 
 s? It might be presumed that these are unnecessary questions; nevertheles 
 a serious condition of affairs. They mean that representative government i 
 State has been turned into a plaything for commercialized bosses and that a 
 •ct primary law will be resisted by the beneficiaries of the boss system to the hitU 
 people should not forget that the one big question still before them is whefhc 
 • bosses are to rule the State government. 
 
 THE PEOPLE ARE WITH GOVERNOR SULZER. 
 
 Editorial in the Albany Argus, June 27th. 
 ■rnor Sulzer has made a great fight for a great principle. lie is a brave man an 
 strated heroic qualities of leadership. He has shown that he cannot be threatened 
 
 owbeaten or intimidated. He has defied the bosses to do their worst, lie laugl' 
 ■•• •• : - <" .l.-tr.,v him nolitieallv. Governor Sulzer to-day is stronger and mot 
 
GOVERNOR SULZER 
 
 THE POLITICAL BOSSES 
 
 AND 
 
 THE LEGISLATURE 
 
 STATEMENT BY THE GOVERNOR 
 
 STATEMENT BY HIS COUNSEL 
 
 THE GOVERNOR'S LAST MESSAGE TO THE 
 LEGISLATURE 
 
 COMMENT OF NEWSPAPER CORRE- 
 SPONDENTS 
 
 THE GOVERNOR'S SPEECH AT CORNING 
 
need fear direct nominations unless he wants to be the creature of invisible gov- 
 ernment rather than the servant of popular government. 
 
 Our State-wide direct primary bill is a good measure. I am for it. My 
 friends are for it. Every good citizen is for it. The platform of nearly every 
 party is for it. On this issue there is no middle ground. The Democrats of the 
 State must stand with their Democratic Governor for direct primaries, or they 
 must be against the Democratic platform. Every Democrat must decide. All 
 my life I have fought for the right ; for the truth ; for simple justice, and for 
 humanity. I shall not change now. 
 
 What honest Democrat in our State wants me to be false to our platform; 
 to be a traitor to our party; and to be a deserter in the performance of duty? 
 Let him speak out. In this cause for direct primaries I have no fear of the ulti- 
 mate result. The people are sure to win. 
 
 In conclusion, let me thank you for your cordial greeting. I wish all success 
 to the students of this College. You are on the threshold of the larger life — of 
 great expectations — of widening opportunities. You are the coming teachers, 
 and the coming mothers of our country. God bless you, each and every one, and 
 all honor to the man, Dr. McKenzie and his assistants for all they have done, and 
 for all they are doing so unselfishly to make you useful women, brave women, 
 and good women, women who will do your duty in every walk of life, here and 
 there and everywhere. 
 
 FIGHT WITH TWELVE-INCH OR THREE-INCH GUNS? 
 
 The Bosses are anxious to compromise and are willing to surrender every- ' 
 thing except the State convention, but Governor Sulzer, representing the people, 
 will not accept such terms. For the Governor to allow the enemy to hold a twelve- 
 inch gun in order that the people may get a three-inch gun, would be the utmost 
 folly, for the battle must still continue with the Bosses until they are conquered. | 
 Why then place ourselves in a position where with three-inch guns we must 
 fight a powerful and entrenched enemy with twelve-inch guns? The enemy, 
 the bosses, though now apparently strong, are really in a demoralized condition 
 because they fear the people on election day. The people must keep battering ' 
 against the now weakened walls of the terrified enemy until the twelve-inch guns 
 as well as the three-inch guns are captured and the enemy utterly routed. 
 
 DIRECT PRIMARIES IS THE ISSUE. 
 
 Editorial, Albany Knickerbocker Press, July 15th. 
 
 Tammany's theory of warfare seems to be that if it succeeds in blackening the oppos- ■ 
 ing leader or witness, its own crimes will be forgotten and condoned. In spite of all that has 
 been done during the last two or three months to distract public attention in New York State, 
 the great and insistent issue is that of a genuine direct primary law. Shall the bosses or the 
 voters control the nominating power? Shall two men dictate legislation at Albany or shall > 
 the representatives of the people be free to legislate in accordance with the wishes of their 
 constituents ? It might be presumed that these are unnecessary questions ; nevertheless, 
 they imply a serious condition of affairs. They mean that representative government in | 
 New York State has been turned into a plaything for commercialized bosses and that an 
 honest direct primary law will be resisted by the beneficiaries of the boss system to the bitter 
 end. The people should not forget that the one big question still before them is whether 
 they or the bosses are to rule the State government. 
 
 THE PEOPLE ARE WITH GOVERNOR SULZER. 
 
 Editorial in the Albany Argus, June 27th. 
 Governor Sulzer has made a great fight for a great principle. He is a brave man and . 
 has demonstrated heroic qualities of leadership. He has shown that he cannot be threatened 
 cajolechjjrowbeaten or intimidated. He has defied the bosses to do their worst. He laughs I 
 at their threats to destroy him politically. Governor Sulzer to-day is stronger_aj2ilJBMBB 
 loved by the masses than he ever was before in all his political career. Slander and libel 
 will not hurt William Sulzer. Calumny and vituperation cannot injure the Governor. The 
 people are with him. They know he is right. They will follow his lead. The creatures of 
 the bosses will realize this the day after election. Let the Murphys and the Barnes' and all 
 of their hirelings and puppets and rubber stamps beat their tom-toms now, and sing the 
 praises of the bosses. They will have a different song to sing when the election returns 
 come in. The verdict of the people will be the vindication of William Sulzer. 
 
WHY A DIRECT PRIMARY LAW IS NEEDED. 
 
 From an address by Governor Sulzer, the afternoon of May 20 nm ,t ri,» m ■ r 11 • 
 for Women, the oldest College for Women in America * <&S$$£& ^ortS) 
 
 Dr McKenzie, President of the College, when introducing the Governor said ■ 
 
 "Your Excellency one of our most beautiful young ladies. Miss Hutchinson 
 the representative of the Association of Suffragettes, in this Colleee wants to 
 decorate you. The young lady then stepped forward and pinned a bow of satin 
 ribbon on the lapel of the Governor's coat. Governor Sulzer said ■ 
 
 Dr. McKenzie and ladies: It is a real pleasure for me to meet you and to 
 greet you, on this beautiful afternoon. I had no idea there were so manv ?ood 
 looking young women in the Elmira College. Dr. McKenzie is to be corWratu 
 lated upon the intelligence, the neat appearance, and the enthusiasm of his stu 
 dents. I would not mind being a teacher here myself. (Laughter and applause 1 
 
 We are making a trip through the State to tell the people something about 
 direct primaries. You know about the fight we are having in Albany to secu e 
 this reform. Perhaps it will not be amiss to say a word to you about the matter. 
 Two Kinds of Primaries. 
 
 There are two kinds of primaries— direct primaries and indirect primaries 
 Indirect primaries mean the old delegate system by which the Bosses nominate all 
 the candidates for public office. Direct primaries— which we advocate— mean 
 that the voters will nominate all the candidates. That is the difference between 
 the two. Very simple is it not ? 
 
 The Bosses tell us the voters have enough brains, in their opinion, to nominal e 
 a Constable, but they haven't enough brains to nominate a Governor. We differ 
 with them about that. We assert that the voters of the State of New York are 
 just as capable as the Bosses to nominate all candidates for public office. 
 
 As a matter of fact, I would rather trust the voters to make the nominations 
 than to trust the Bosses. I believe a million and a half voters in the State of New 
 York can nominate just as good men for public office as the two political bosses. 
 
 When two men defy the inherent rights of a million and a half voters I know 
 what is going to happen. These two Bosses can prevent the Legislature, which 
 they now control, from passing our direct primaries bill, but when public opinion 
 gets after these Boss-owned members of the Legislature they will ultimately sur- 
 render. Time is on our side. There never was a time in our history, and there 
 never will be a time in our history when a couple of political bosses could defeat 
 for long the just demands of a million and a half determined citizens. 
 
 Blood Will Tell. 
 
 They tell me Dr. McKenzie is a Scotch Presbyterian. My mother's ancestry 
 was of Scotch-Irish stock. I have in me some of that fighting blood. The Rosses 
 said, when I began this direct primary campaign, that I would not fight. Thai I 
 would be like Hughes and Dix, talk a little, and then give up the struggle. They 
 know better than to say that now. 
 
 If it is wise to trust the people with the power to nominate some public offi- 
 cers, I am sure it is just as wise to trust them with the power to nominate all 
 public officers. I believe it is just as wise to trust them to nominate a Governor 
 as to trust them to nominate a Constable, and as wise to trust them to nominate 
 a Judge of the Supreme Court as to trust them to nominate a Justice of the Peace. 
 
 The people have been trusted with this power to nominate in man)' other 
 
 States, and they have used it most intelligently to bring about good government 
 
 and greatly improved political conditions. Let the Empire State put itself in 
 
 lirtf with the foremost States in the Union, by favoring nominations by the voters, 
 
 •f^rrtrs-only can we secure a government of the people. So if any one 1, II- you 
 
 that direct nominations is not a good thing, you deny it. and point to wlial other 
 
 States have done through the agency of this beneficent reform. 
 
 Who Fears Direct Primaries? 
 
 No man need fear direct primaries except. a man whose character, and whose 
 ability, and whose mentality, cannot stand the searchlight of publicity. .\o man 
 
STATEMENT 
 
 REGARDING THE POWER OF THE FRAWLEY 
 COMMITTEE 
 
 TO ANNOY AND HARASS THE GOVERNOR 
 AND OTHER CITIZENS OF THE STATE. 
 
 By Valentine Taylor, Counsel to the Governor. Dated July 24, 1913 
 
 STATEMENT. 
 
 The attention of the Executive Department has been 
 called to the fact that Eugene Lamb Richards, acting 
 as counsel to the Frawley Committee, has issued a 
 request in letter form, and sent the same to many 
 state officials and other citizens of the State, in sub- 
 stance, requesting that they furnish information to 
 Mr. Richards, or the Committee, as to what campaign 
 contributions, if any, they have made during the State 
 campaign last year, which resulted in the election of 
 Governor Sulzer. 
 
 The letter requests that it be specified whether such 
 campaign contribution was made by cash, or by check ; 
 to whom it was made; — when it was made; how it 
 came to be made ; and for what purposes it was made, 
 etc., etc. 
 
 Mr. Richards' letter, further states in substance, 
 that if such information is furnished no subpoena to 
 testify before the Frawley Committee on such subject 
 will be served upon the person furnishing such infor- 
 mation. 
 
 Neither the Committee, nor Mr. Richards, as its 
 counsel, has any authority whatever to make such an 
 unwarranted demand, accompanied by threat of sub- 
 poena. 
 
THE POWEE OF THE FRAWLEY COMMITTOR 
 
 There can be do misunderstanding or misappre 
 aension as to the scope of the power and authority of 
 the Frawley Committee. The Legitimate functions of 
 
 this Committee are prescribed and defined by a con- 
 current resolution, which the Legislature adopted on 
 May 3, 1913, which gives the Committee power: 
 
 " to examine into the methods of financial ad- 
 ministration and conduct of all institutions, so- 
 cieties or associations of the State, which are sup- 
 ported either wholly or in part by state moneys, 
 or which report officially to the state ; into the func- 
 tions of any or all State Departments concerned 
 in the management, supervision or regulation of 
 any of such Departments ; the methods of making 
 purchases, fixing salaries, awarding contracts for 
 supplies, buildings, repairs and improvements, the 
 sale of manufactured articles, and the conduct gen- 
 erally of the business of all such institutions and 
 departments, for the purpose of reporting to the 
 next session of the legislature such laws relating 
 thereto, as the committee may deem proper." 
 
 The exact language of this resolution, passed at the 
 regular session of the Legislature, is specific as to the 
 functions and powers of this Committee. 
 
 THE THOMPSON RESOLUTION VOID. 
 
 No lawyer of intelligence would honestly attempt to 
 maintain that a certain resolution introduced in the 
 Senate during the present extraordinary session, by 
 Senator Thompson, purporting to enlarge the powers 
 and functions of the Frawley Committee, is of any 
 force or effect. 
 
This so-called Thompson resolution is absolutely 
 void under the express provisions of section 4 of 
 article IV of the State Constitution, which provides : 
 
 "At an extraordinary session no subjects shall 
 be acted upon except such as the governor may 
 recommend for consideration." 
 
 Governor Sulzer made no recommendation to this 
 extraordinary session of the Legislature relating to 
 the subjects covered, or referred to, in the resolution 
 introduced by Senator Thompson, and its passage by 
 the Senate and Assembly, in violation of the consti- 
 tutional prohibition, reveals a lack of all good faith 
 and honest purpose in its introduction and passage. 
 It is null and void. 
 
 KICHARDS' THREATS. 
 
 The attempt of Mr. Richards, by his threat of sub- 
 poena, to secure information which he must know, and 
 which the Committee itself must know relates to a 
 subject matter, concerning which the Committee is 
 wholly without authority and jurisdiction, is nothing 
 less than an abuse and misuse of legislative proced- 
 ure and process, and an unwarranted and unlawful 
 attempt at coercion of the citizens, in violation of the 
 State Constitution itself. 
 
 Governor Sulzer has already announced, and desires 
 to reiterate, that he is not only desirous, but is anxious 
 to aid the Frawley Committee in every proper way, 
 through every appropriate means, so long as it con- 
 fines itself to the legitimate scope of its powers and 
 functions as prescribed by the concurrent resolution, 
 passed by the Legislature on May 3, 1913. 
 
THE FRAWLET COMMITTEE WILL NUT BE 
 AIDED TO DISCREDIT THE EXECUTIVE. 
 
 It is not to be expected, nor will the Governor co- 
 operate with the Committee when it. attempts to use 
 
 its powers, and the more so when it usurps to itself 
 unwarranted jurisdiction and authority, for the pur- 
 pose of going on a fishing expedition, with the view 
 of securing data to discredit the Executive in any of 
 his actions done in the performance of his duty under 
 the Constitution and laws. 
 
 The subject matter of the inquiry in Mr. Richards' 
 letter, being absolutely without and beyond the juris- 
 diction and legitimate functions of the Frawley Com- 
 mittee, and his implied threat that unless the desired 
 information be furnished, a subpoena would be served, 
 compelling the citizens to testify before the Com- 
 mittee, is an idle threat and no attention should be 
 paid to it whatsoever by any citizen in the State. 
 
 THE POWER OF THE COMMITTEE. 
 
 It is possible that the Committee or its coun- 
 sel, may issue a subpoena under the guise that the 
 witness is desired to be interrogated respecting 
 matters legitimately within its jurisdiction as covered 
 by the resolution of May 3, 1913, and the witness so 
 served would be required under Section 1239 of the 
 Penal Law to obey such a subpoena and appear before 
 the Committee, but such unwarranted abuse of process 
 would have no further effect. 
 
 Such a witness being placed upon the witness stand 
 could refuse to answer any questions relating to po- 
 litical contributions, on the ground that such questions 
 
did not relate to the subject matter within the juris- 
 diction of the Committee, or pertinent to the inquiry. 
 
 The citizen who may be interested is hereby advised 
 that the Supreme Court of the United States has held 
 that neither branch of the Legislature, or a legislative 
 committee, can be invested with a general power of 
 making inquiry into the private affairs of a citizen. 
 
 Further that the highest court stated, ' ' it cannot be 
 too often repeated — that the principles that embody 
 the essence of constitutional liberty and security for- 
 bid all invasions on the part of the government and its 
 employees of the sanctity of a man's home and the 
 privacies of his life. Of all the rights of the citizen, 
 few are of greater importance or more essential to 
 his peace and happiness than the right of personal 
 security and that involves not merely protection of his 
 person from assault but exemption of his private 
 affairs, books and papers from the inspection and 
 scrutiny of others. ' ' 
 
 THE GOVERNOR'S POSITION. 
 
 The Governor of a State as representing the execu- 
 tive branch of the State government, is entitled to that 
 immunity from encroachment by either the judicial or 
 the legislative branches of the government on that 
 fundamental theory and maxim of American constitu- 
 tions, known as the tripartite separation of powers. 
 
 A large number of judicial precedents exist, both 
 Federal and State, to the effect that the Executive 
 branch of the government is independent of the legis- 
 lative and judicial branches and that no one of the 
 three departments can usurp the powers of any of the 
 others, or invade the rights or jurisdiction of any 
 other department, either through a committee or any 
 other agency. 
 
THE GOVERNOR'S CHALLENGE TO THE 
 FRAWLET? COMMITTEE. 
 
 If the Frawley Committee is sincere and honest in 
 its purpose to examine into campaign contributions of 
 
 (lie (lection of the fall of 1912 in this State, the Gov- 
 ernor desires to announce to all who may be interested 
 that he will gladly and unreservedly give his best 
 efforts to assist the Committee in this respect, pro- 
 vided the Committee will give some evidence of its 
 honesty and sincerity in the matter by calling Charles 
 F. Murphy, Philip Donohue, and others, whose names 
 he Avill furnish, place them on the witness stand, and 
 permit them to be examined under oath, regarding all 
 the contributions they received, and for which they 
 never accounted. 
 
 Under such circumstances the Executive will render 
 every possible assistance in this matter which the 
 Committee has intimated it desires thoroughly to in- 
 vestigate, but unless some such evidence of the Fraw- 
 ley Committee's sincerity is forthcoming, the Gov- 
 ernor, on the advice of eminent counsel whom he has 
 consulted, will instruct the staff of the Executive De- 
 partment, and all others called or subpoenaed, that 
 when the Frawley Committee attempts to usurp un- 
 warranted authority and exercise jurisdiction on sub- 
 jects not within the legitimate scope of its functions, 
 that no attention whatever be paid to their communica- 
 tions or requests. 
 
 JUDICIAL PRECEDENTS. 
 
 A legislative committee can not be empowered by 
 
 the Legislature, with the general power of making in- 
 quiry into the private affairs of the citizens. 
 
 On May 26, 1894, the Supreme Court of the United 
 States, decided the ease of Interstate Commerce Com- 
 
9 
 
 mission v. Brimson, 154 U. S. 447; 155 U. S. 3, Mr. 
 Justice Harlan delivering the opinion of the court. In 
 the prevailing opinion of Mr. Justice Harlan, the court 
 states : 
 
 " We do not overlook these constitutional limi- 
 tations which, for the protection of personal 
 rights, must necessarily attend all investigations 
 conducted under the authority of Congress. 
 Neither branch of the legislative department, still 
 less any merely administrative body established 
 by Congress, possesses, or can be invested with, a 
 general power of making inquiry into the private 
 affairs of the citizen. (Kilbourn v. Thompson, 
 103 U. S. 168, 190.) We said in Boyd v. United 
 States (116 U. S. 616, 630) — and it can not be too 
 often repeated — that the principles that embody 
 the essence of constitutional liberty and security 
 forbid all invasions on the part of the Govern- 
 ment and its employees of the sanctity of a man's 
 home and the privacies of his life. As said by Mr. 
 Justice Field in In re Pacific Railway Commission 
 (32 Fed. Rep. 241, 250), < of all the rights of the 
 citizen, few are of greater importance or more 
 essential to his peace and happiness than the right 
 of personal security, and that involves not merely 
 protection of his person from assault, but exemp- 
 tion of his private affairs, books and papers from 
 the inspection and scrutiny of others.' 
 
 " The inquiry whether a witness before the 
 Commission is bound to answer a particular ques- 
 tion propounded to him or to produce books, 
 papers, etc., in his possession and called I'm- by 
 that body is one that can not be committed to a 
 subordinate administrative or executive tribunal 
 for final determination. Such a body could not, 
 under our system of government, and consistently 
 
10 
 
 with due process of law, In- invested with author 
 ity to compel obedience to its orders by a judg- 
 ment of fine or imprisonment, Except in the 
 particular instances enumerated in the constitu- 
 tion, and considered in Anderson v. Dunn (6 
 Wneat. 204) and in Kilbourn v. Thompson (103 
 U. S. 1G8, 190) of the exercise by either House of 
 CongToss of its right to punish disorderly be- 
 havior uijon the part of its members, and to com- 
 pel the attendance of witnesses, and the produc- 
 tion of papers in election and impeachment cag 
 and in cases that may involve the existence of 
 those bodies, the power to impose fine or im- 
 prisonment in order to compel the performance of 
 a legal duty imposed by the United States can 
 only be exerted, under the law of the land, by a 
 competent judicial tribunal having jurisdiction in 
 the premises. See Whitcomb's case (120 Mass. 
 118) and authorities there cited." 
 
 To the same effect see Hale v. Henkel, 201 U. S. 43; 
 American Tobacco Co. v. Wcrclimcister, 207 U. S. 284. 
 
 LEGISLATIVE PRECEDENTS. 
 
 See also to the same effect, Congressional precedents 
 as follows: 
 
 Second session Twenty-fourth Congress, Journal, 
 pp. 1G5, 16G (January 3, 1837). 
 
 House Report, first session Twenty-fourth Congress 
 No. 193, j). 2 of Journal of Report. 
 
 Journal of Report, No. 1 ( X\, pp, 67-80 (January 25, 
 1837). 
 
 A hove Congressional precedents summarized in 
 Hind's Precedents of the House of Representatives, 
 Vol. 3, p. 94, section 1733. 
 
11 
 
 NEW lUitK STATE PRECEDENTS. 
 
 In the Matter of Barnes, 204 N. Y. 108 (January, 
 1912), Mr. Barnes was a witness, and was required to 
 produce the books of the Albany Journal. He offered 
 to produce a transcript of the books, relating to all the 
 business of the Journal Company with State officials. 
 This was refused by the Committee, and Barnes was 
 asked certain questions as to how he got his stock; 
 what he paid for it ; whether he paid anything for it ; 
 and whether it was given to him. 
 
 These questions Mr. Barnes refused to answer and 
 the Committee attempted to punish him for contempt 
 lirough legal proceedings. 
 
 The Court of Appeals held that Mr. Barnes was not 
 required to answer these questions. 
 
 The Court of Appeals took occasion to say in its 
 opinion, by Judge Gray, at page 116 : 
 
 " The evidence showed the practices of the com- 
 pany in its transaction of the public business and 
 its methods in dealing with jniblic officials, suffi- 
 ciently for the committee to frame recommenda- 
 tions, if any were deemed needful, for further 
 legislation in the public interest." 
 
 And at page 117 : 
 
 " There was no occasion for going through the 
 corporate books for the purpose of fishing for 
 other facts, which might reflect discreditably upon 
 the business methods of the company; with the 
 result of exposing its business dealings to the 
 world." 
 And at page 118 : 
 
 " Having the admissions and knowledge which 
 the evidence afforded it, whatever conclusion it 
 
L2 
 
 might Lena to, to permit the committee to proceed 
 in the desired length would be necessary to the 
 object of its Inquiry and make offensively inquisi- 
 torial a proceeding aot visitorial in its nature, in 
 the sense of being instituted for the inspection 
 and control of the corporation itself. I think it 
 was not ' a proper case ' for compelling the wit- 
 ness to hring the corporate books." 
 
 No witness can be compelled to testify to his per- 
 sonal business, such things need not be disclosed to the 
 
 Committee, under the statement by the witness that 
 pursuant to section 856 of the Code, the questions are 
 not pertinent, and in the language of section 854 of 
 the Code, it is not " a proper case " to insist upon 
 laying bare to the Committee the transactions in a 
 person's private books, — such as private check books, 
 or private account books — which items relate to the 
 individual's business, and in no way relate to the 
 official duties of the public officer under examination 
 as a witness. 
 
 THE LEGISLATURE HAS ADJOURNED. 
 
 Under the Constitution, and the statutes, the at- 
 tempt of the Legislature to pass a resolution for a re- 
 cess from July 23, 1913, to August 11, 1913, when as a 
 physical fact a quorum was not present; the closing 
 of the Legislature and the departure of the members, 
 by such unwarranted procedure as matter of law and 
 as matter of fact, amounts to an abdication by the 
 Legislature of all its legislative functions. 
 
 Such an attempted recess, not in accordance with the 
 constitutional provision, may be miscalled a legisla- 
 tive recess, but must, and will be treated by the Execu- 
 tive as a final abandonment of this extraordinary ses- 
 
13 
 
 sion of the uegislature — extraordinary in more ways 
 than one — of its further assemblage as a legislative 
 body. 
 
 It follows therefore that the Frawley Committee has 
 no legal existence, or legislative power, save as denned 
 in the resolution adopted May 3, 1913, and above set 
 forth; that it must report to the next Legislature in 
 1914 ; and that the Legislature for 1913 is no longer in 
 existence, and by virtue of the Constitution and the 
 laws cannot meet again this year, except by the proc- 
 lamation of the Governor. 
 
 VALENTINE TAYLOR, 
 
 Counsel to the Governor. 
 Dated, July 24, 1913. 
 
 STATEMENT BY THE GOVERNOR. 
 
 Thuesday Morning, July 24, 1913. 
 
 " Several bills were passed by the Legislature 
 last night," said Governor Sulzer to-day. " The 
 newspaper correspondents inform me this morn- 
 ing that there was not a quorum last night in 
 either branch of the Legislature, and hence the 
 passage of these bills was in violation of the Con- 
 stitutional provision requiring that there shall be 
 a quorum in each branch of the Legislature to pass 
 a bill. 
 
 "Article 3, section XV, of the Constitution pro- 
 vides : 
 
 " ' nor shall any bill be passed, except by the as- 
 sent of the majority of the members elected to 
 each branch of the legislature; ' 
 
1 [ 
 
 11 i uere were only seventeen Senators present, 
 and only thirty-seven members of Assembly, in 
 the legislative session last night — not a quorum 
 in either Eouse. These newspaper correspond- 
 ents counted the members present and have their 
 names. The facts cannot be successfully disputed. 
 
 " However, section 40 of the Legislative Law- 
 provides : 
 
 " ' Upon the passage of a bill or concurrent 
 resolution by either house, the presiding officer 
 thereof shall append to such bill or resolution, a 
 certificate of the date of its passage by the votes 
 of a majority of all the members elected to such 
 House. No bills shall be deemed to have so passed 
 unless certified by the presiding officer, which cer- 
 tificate to such effect shall be conclusive evidence 
 thereof. ' 
 
 " In the case of Matter of Stickney, 110 App. 
 Div. 294 (1905) ; affd. 185 N. Y. 107. Writ of er- 
 ror to review dismissed 209 U. S. 419 (1908). 
 
 " The court in the opinion written by Appel- 
 late Division questioned the constitutionality of 
 section 40 of the Legislative Law as regards the 
 provision that the certificate of the presiding offi- 
 cer shall be conclusive evidence of its contents. 
 
 " The court intimated that such provision was 
 not within the Legislature's authority to enact and 
 that it was unconstitutional and void, it being in 
 direct conflict with article 3, section XV, of the 
 State Constitution (quoted above), which specifi- 
 cally provides: 
 
 " ' Nor shall any bill be passed except by the 
 assent of the majority of the members elected to 
 each branch of the Legislature.' 
 
15 
 
 " I sent for the Clerks of the Senate and the 
 Assembly to-day," continued the Governor, " and 
 requested the production of the records of the 
 proceedings last night in the Legislature." 
 
 "An examination of the Journals of the Senate 
 and of the Assembly shows that 28 Senators were 
 present and answered the roll call in the Senate; 
 and that 98 Assemblymen were present and an- 
 swered the roll call in the Assembly on each of 
 these bills. This is officially certified to by the 
 Presiding officers of the two branches of the 
 Legislature. 
 
 " I am advised that I am bound by the official 
 records of the Assembly and the Senate notwith- 
 standing the facts. The courts, if any question 
 arises, must determine the matter on the evidence 
 submitted. 
 
 " In view of this," said the Governor in con- 
 clusion, " I shall not return these bills for the 
 reasons stated. Assuming that I am bound by the 
 official records of the Legislature as to the pres- 
 ence of a quorum, I must say that I indulge the 
 hope that in the future the Legislature will not 
 falsify its records." 
 
 MESSAGE OF THE GOVERNOR, JULY 23, 1913. 
 State of New York — Executive Chamber. 
 
 Albany, July 23, 1913. 
 To the Legislature: 
 
 The regular session of this Legislature convened this 
 year on January 1, 1913, and it adjourned on May 3, 
 1913. 
 
 Prior to the thirty-day period for the consideration 
 of measures by the Executive, the Legislature had 
 
n; 
 
 passed and sen! to the Executive, for his consideration, 
 53] bills. < If these 442 were approved. A memoran- 
 dum was filed with 22 of the measures. There were 
 recalled 74 hills; and L5 were vetoed with separate 
 veto messages. 
 
 During the thirty-day period the Executive had 
 under consideration 7<M hills. Of these 35] weir ap- 
 proved; and 350 were vetoed, with 19 memoranda of 
 approval and 5] memoranda of disapproval. 
 
 All told, 79.'5 hills were enacted into laws, out of a 
 total of L,232 hills, passed by the Legislature and sub- 
 mitted to me for consideration. 
 
 The financial hills passed by the Legislature, ex- 
 cluding sinking fund and bond interest hills, aggre- 
 gated a total of $55, 108,70;"). 25, made up as follows: 
 
 General appropriations $30,236,987 29 
 
 Genera] supply bill 6,916,922 60 
 
 Special appropriations 17,954,795 36 
 
 I approved $29,825,897.29 of the general appropria- 
 tion hills; $4,178,505.73 of the general supply bill; and 
 $13,778,862.2] of the special appropriation hills, mak- 
 ing a total of $47,783,265.23. 
 
 The total of financial items and bills which I vetoed 
 amount to $7,325,440.02. 
 
 During the regular session, the Legislature having 
 failed to pass a hill for Direct Primaries, on Ma\ 8, 
 L913, T issued a proclamation convening the Legisla- 
 ture in extraordinary session to commence June 16, 
 1913. 
 
 'This extraordinary session of the Legislature was 
 called for the purpose of considering the People's bill 
 for State wide Direct Primaries. It has been in ses- 
 sion for a few minutes now and then for a period of 
 
17 
 
 over a month, but has signally failed to pass a State- 
 wide Direct Primary bill, containing- provisions which 
 I recommended, and which I believe should be on the 
 statute books of our State. 
 
 Since the extraordinary session convened, I have 
 been urged, and for reasons which seemed to me to 
 be quite sufficient, I have recommended for the con- 
 sideration of the Legislature several other measures, 
 concerning each of which I have sent to the Legis- 
 lature a bill with a special message. They relate to 
 the following matters : 
 
 On June 18th, recommending the passage of a bill 
 to submit to the voters of the State at the regular elec- 
 tion in November, 1913, the question " Shall there be 
 a convention to revise the Constitution and amend the 
 samel " 
 
 On June 23d, recommending temporary legislation 
 relating to maintenance contracts on the highways. 
 
 On June 23d, recommending the passage of a bill for 
 the legal conveyance to the State, by the authorities 
 of the city of New York, of the title to the land and 
 appurtenances of the Long Island State Hospital. 
 
 On June 24th, recommending the passage of a meas- 
 ure exempting from sanitary inspection seed oyster 
 beds within the State of New York. 
 
 On June 24th, recommending the passage of a bill 
 concerning the extension of the time when the law com- 
 monly known as the " Housing Law," being Chapter 
 774 of the Laws of 1913, shall take effect. 
 
 On June 24th, recommending the. passage of a bill 
 providing for the direct tax for the payment of inter- 
 est and principal due on the State del, I. 
 
 On June 25th, recommending necessary legislation 
 relating to the appropriation by the State of foil 
 bridges crossing the canals. 
 
is 
 
 ( )n June 25th, recommending legislation concerning 
 the operation of the proposed terminal railway in the 
 Borough of Brooklyn. 
 
 On Jnne 25th, recommending thai Chapter 463 of 
 the Laws of L913, entitled "An act to amend the Labor 
 Law, in relation to bakeries," should not be effective 
 against cellar bakeries until a certain time after May 
 !), L913, when the law went into effect. 
 
 On June 25th, recommending necessary Legislation 
 to aid the State Architect's office in doing- its important 
 work. 
 
 On duly 8th, recommending the enactment of the 
 optional city charter bill. 
 
 ( >n July L6th, recommending the enactment of essen- 
 tial legislation to relieve disgraceful prison conditions 
 in the State of New York. 
 
 Since the convening of this extraordinary session I 
 have sent the following appointments to the Senate 
 lor confirmation : 
 
 To Be a Trustee of Cornki/l University: 
 
 John DeWitt Warner, of New York city, a former 
 Member of Congress, and a well-known lawyer, lie 
 is an alumnus of the university and peculiarly qualified 
 
 for the duties of the office. 
 
 For Commissioners of the State Reservation at 
 Niaoara : 
 
 ESlton T. Ransom, of Ransomville, N. Y. 
 Ahram J. Blias, of Buffalo, N. Y. 
 John I,. Bomer; of Buffalo, N. Y . 
 Obadiah W. Cutler, of Niagara Falls, N. Y. 
 
 These gentlemen are well-known citizens who take 
 a deep and an abiding interest in the affairs of this 
 reservation. 
 
19 
 
 Fob Public Service Commissioners, Second District : 
 
 William E. Leffingwell, of Watkins, N. Y., to succeed 
 Frank W. Stevens, resigned. 
 
 Mr. Leffingwell was formerly a conspicuous Member 
 of Assembly. He is a successful business man of much 
 experience and well qualified for the position. 
 
 Charles J. Chase, of Croton-on-Hudson, N. Y., to 
 succeed Curtis N. Douglas, term expired. 
 
 Mr. Chase has been connected with the New York 
 Central and Hudson River railroad for more than 
 twenty years as a locomotive engineer. He is indorsed 
 by railroad organizations, as well as by bankers, mer- 
 chants, clergymen and distinguished citizens. 
 
 For Commissioner of Labor : 
 
 James M. Lynch, of Syracuse, N. Y., to succeed John 
 Williams, resigned. 
 
 Mr. Lynch is one of the foremost labor leaders in 
 America. He is the President of the International 
 Typographical Union, whose membership numbers 
 more than 50,000 enrolled printers. Representatives 
 from the allied printing trades ; various labor organi- 
 zations, and many prominent citizens indorse Mr. 
 Lynch for this important position. It is generally 
 admitted he is well qualified to perform its arduous 
 duties. 
 
 For Commissioner of Prisons: 
 
 . I nines T. Murphy, of Ogdensburg, N. Y., to succeed 
 Edgar A. Newell, term expired. 
 
 Mr. Murphy is a well-known merchant of Ogdens- 
 burg, and takes great interest in these Institutions. 
 
 Rudolph F. Diedling, M. I>., of Saugerties-on-Hud- 
 son, N. Y., to succeed Simon Quick, term expired. 
 
20 
 
 Dr. Diedliiig was ;il one time surgeon of the Elmira 
 Reformatory, and is very conversanl with the duties 
 of the office for which he has been selected. 
 
 Fob Trustee O] the New York State Hospital fob 
 tin; Treatment of [ncipient Pulmonary Tubeb 
 culosis: 
 
 George 1.. Brown, of Elizabethtown, N. V., to succeed 
 
 Mail in K. McCIary, resigned. 
 
 Mr. Brown is a well-known and respected citizen <>f 
 Elizabethtown; editor of a newspaper, and the present 
 Postmaster. 
 
 Fob Trustee of the State College oi Forestry at 
 Syracuse University : 
 
 Francis Hendricks, of Syracuse, N. V., to succeed 
 George E. Dunham, heretofore appointed and unable 
 to serve. 
 
 Mr. Hendricks is a highly respectable citizen of 
 
 Syracuse. Me was formerly State Senator; Collector 
 of the Port of New York, and State Superintendent of 
 Insurance. 
 
 For Hell Gate Pilot: 
 
 Albert A. Fordham, of the City Island, N. Y., reap- 
 pointed. Was appointed in 1912 upon the recommen- 
 dation of the Board of Port Wardens. 
 
 For Fire Island State Park Commissioners: 
 
 Colonel Alfred Wagstaff, of New York city, to suc- 
 ceed Samuel L. Parish, who declined reappointment. 
 
 Colonel Wa.u'staff is too well known to need intro- 
 duction. He resides on Lone; Island and is the Clerk 
 of the Appellate Division, Supreme Court, First De- 
 partment. 
 
21 
 
 James W. Eaton, of Babylon, N. Y., to succeed John 
 H. Vail, term expired. 
 
 Mr. Eaton is a large property holder and actively 
 interested in the development of the South Shore of 
 Long Island. 
 
 Edward Blum, of the Borough of Brooklyn, reap- 
 pointed. 
 
 Mr. Blum is a prominent business man and has 
 served continuously in this office since its organization 
 in 1908, performing very efficient service. 
 
 These recommendations and these nominations 
 speak for themselves; they are made in the interest 
 of the common weal, and I indulge in the hope that 
 the Legislature will consider them on their merits, ere 
 the adjournment of this extraordinary session. 
 
 Of course I am aware of the inconvenience imposed 
 upon the members of both branches of the Legislature 
 through the necessity of their attendance at this 
 extraordinary session, and I appreciate that the con- 
 sideration of certain charges in the Cohalan case may 
 have prevented the consideration of some of these 
 legislative matters. However, there is no reason now 
 why all these matters should not be speedily considered 
 and promptly disposed of — one way or the other. 
 
 The Legislature must recognize that its continu- 
 ance in session adds largely to the burdens of the tax- 
 payers through necessary expense; and while it is 
 proper that the pending matters should receive careful 
 consideration, it is respectfully suggested, in the inter- 
 est of economy, that they he disposed of at the earliest 
 possible time, and (he Legislature then adjourn. 
 
 It is useless to deny that at the present season o\' 
 the year it is extremely difficult to secure the presence 
 of n quorum to pass legislation, but I fee] confident 
 that an announcement by the legislative leaders, 
 
strictly adhered to, that pending 'legislation must be 
 promptly considered by the votes of all the members, 
 will accomplish the desired result; and to thai pur 
 
 pose, 1 respectfully urge again that the measures 
 recommended by me receive immediate and favorable 
 consideration. 
 
 With the view of assisting the Bpeedy dispatch of 
 pending legislative business, and of reducing to a 
 minimum the necessary expense of this extraordinary 
 session of the Legislature, I hereby announce, for the 
 information of the members, and all others interested, 
 that I shall recommend to this extraordinary session 
 no further legislation. 
 
 For the reasons herein stated, I now earnestly urge 
 the prompt consideration, by this Legislature, of pend- 
 ing measures; and l>y the Senate, the early action 
 upon the appointments 1 have submitted, to the end 
 that the general welfare be promoted; the convenience 
 of the members conserved, and the expenses to the 
 taxpayers of a protracted session reduced to the mini- 
 mum. 
 
 WM. SULZEE. 
 
23 
 
 From The Evening Sun, New York, July 21, 1913. 
 
 INSIDE STORY OF SULZER WAR WITH MUR- 
 PHY TOLD AT LAST BY THE GOVERNOR 
 HIMSELF — "BOSS" REGARDED HIM AS 
 PROXY, BUT WAS SOON DISILLUSIONED — 
 REALLY RULES NOW THROUGH LEGISLA- 
 TURE. 
 
 [From a Staff Correspondent of The Evening Sun.'] 
 
 Albany, July 21. — William Sulzer has been Gov- 
 ernor of New York for six months and twenty days, 
 and they have been months and days of trial and 
 trouble, not only for him, but for every enemy of good 
 government. 
 
 ' ' I am the Governor, ' ' he said ; " the people elected 
 me to execute the laws. I shall do it," and his square 
 jaws snapped. 
 
 Governor Sulzer is a revelation to old timers in 
 Albany. There has never been a man here just like 
 him. Much of what he said when he became Governor 
 was not taken seriously, but the politicians have been 
 connecting up his early remarks with his perform- 
 ances, as he has thrown consternation into their ranks, 
 and they now take him too seriously. 
 
 In many respects William Sulzer is an enigma. The 
 more you study him at close range the less apparently 
 you ran define his thoughts, fathom his motives and 
 comprehend the purport of his sayings. 
 
 However, his most implacable enemy is forced to 
 admit two things: First, that he is absolutely honest, 
 and, second, that he is sincere. No matter what any- 
 body thought at the beginning, no man doubts th< 
 things now. 
 
24 
 
 The critics now remember these words in Sulzer's 
 inaugural address : 
 
 '•The lioui - has siruck, and the task of admin- 
 istrative reform is mine. The cause is the cause 
 of the State and is worthy of the zealous efforts 
 o!' any man. I grasp the opportunity the people 
 new give me, and am resolved to shirk no respon- 
 sibility; to work for the welfare of the people; to 
 correcl every existing abuse; to abolish useless 
 offices, and whenever possible consolidate bureaus 
 and commissions to secure greater economy and 
 more efficiency; to uproot official corruption and 
 to raise higher the standard of official integrity; 
 to simplify the methods of orderly administra- 
 tion; to advance the prosperity of all the people; 
 to be ever dissatisfied with conditions that can be 
 improved; to promote the common weal; to guard 
 the honor and protect the rights of the Empire 
 State; and last, but not least, to reduce govern- 
 mental expenditures to the minimum and thus 
 lessen as much as possible the heavy burdens of 
 taxation." 
 
 When Sulzer became (iovernor he revolutionized the 
 policies of the Executive Chamber. He declared that 
 every action of the Governor would be open and above 
 board; that all official papers in the Executive Cham- 
 ber would be public, ft\\(\ that every man, woman and 
 child in the State who wanted to see him could do so, 
 at t he big desk, in 1 hr big room. 
 
 Til!. \\ \\ OF SULZEB. 
 
 Be said he would see the newspaper representatives 
 
 twice a day, at II o'clock in the morning and at 4 
 o'clock in the afternoon, and would talk to them 
 
25 
 
 frankly regarding matters of public moment, and that 
 7io politician of high or Low degree would be able to 
 talk to him privately in his back room. 
 
 These declarations were precedent breakers and the 
 doubting Thomases, who for years have watched the 
 human moves on the political checkerboard at the Cap- 
 itol, simply snickered. 
 
 But Sulzer began at once to do things. He wanted 
 to know about everything. He began inquiries, he 
 started investigations and he declared that his pur- 
 pose was to put the State on an honest business basis 
 by greater economies and more efficiencies that would 
 save money for the taxpayers. 
 
 Mr. Sulzer has worked eighteen hours out of the 
 twenty-four. He comes to the office at 8 o'clock in the 
 morning and seldom leaves it until 8 o'clock at night 
 He has public officials on the jump and he works stenog- 
 raphers nearly to death. The newspaper men at the 
 beginning said he could keep it up about two weeks. A t 
 the expiration of two weeks they said he would be in 
 the hospital with nervous prostration in a month. Six 
 months, however, have come and gone since then and 
 Sulzer is keeping it up and apparently is now in better 
 health and finer physical trim than he was at the begin- 
 ning. 
 
 He doesn't even go to the People's House for lunch. 
 Every day at noon Mrs. Sulzer sends him over a sand- 
 wich. He eats little, works hard and tells his friends 
 that he sleeps well, and on the average he oannol gel 
 more than five hours' sleep ouf of the twenty-four. 
 
 Sulzer is a marvel. lie sees everybody who comes 
 
 to see hiin. The Executive Chamber is free and open 
 <<> all. On an average he meets more than two hun- 
 dred people every day. Now he does \\ all is wonder- 
 
-li 
 
 fill. Besides his mail is ten times larger than any 
 previous Governor ever received, and he reads most oi 
 the letters and answers most of them himself. 
 
 ( rOVERNOR's I [OPES. 
 
 "Whatever i do as Governor," he Bays, "will 
 always be open to all and above board. I confide in 
 the people, and I hope when my official term comes 
 to an end that I shall have accomplished something 
 to merit their approval and to justify the confidence 
 they have reposed in the rectitude of my intentions. 
 My administration will in the last analysis l»e judged 
 not by what I say, but what I do." 
 
 After the Governor talked with the newspaper men 
 this morning I sat with him for an hour at the big 
 desk in the Executive Chamber. Dozens of people 
 were around waiting for an opportunity to gel the 
 Governor's ear. They were office seekers, State 
 officials and friends from all parts of the State. Sulzer 
 will see them all and hear them all before he goes into 
 the back room at 2 o'clock to talk to his secretaries 
 and go over the correspondence of the day with the 
 stenographers. 
 
 Notwithstanding all his trials and his troubles he 
 appeared calm and imperturbable. lie looks you 
 straight in the eye; talks very deliberately and im- 
 presses you with his earnestness, lie has aged some 
 since he became Governor. There are lines of care on 
 his sad, boyish face; and now and then a nervous 
 twitching around his close ^-i month and determined 
 chin show the mental stress he is under and goes 
 through day in ami day out. 
 
 ".Governor," said The Sun correspondent, "will 
 yon take a vacation this summer? 
 
■27 
 
 Rest? Not Stjlzer. 
 
 " No," he said, " I never take a vacation. Hard 
 work agrees with me. When I get tired of doing one 
 thing I do another. That is my only recreation. 
 When the extraordinary session of the Legislature 
 adjourns, and of course it will not adjourn until Mr. 
 Murphy tells it to adjourn, I shall go around the State 
 a bit to look into certain institutions and familiarize 
 myself by ocular demonstration with their condition 
 and management. That will be interesting and in- 
 structive to me and I shall be better prepared to look 
 after them next year. I have many invitations to 
 deliver addresses, but have accepted very few. 
 
 " My duty is to stay here and earn the wages the 
 people pay me, by a conscientious performance of the 
 duties that come before me every day. I have only 
 been away from Albany a few days since I became 
 Governor — to attend the President's inauguration; 
 to speak at Gettysburg, and to talk to the people a bit 
 about direct primaries. 
 
 ' ' When I became Governor I made up my mind that 
 I would be the Governor in fact as well as in name. 
 Many doubted that, you know, the first part of Jan- 
 uary, but nobody doubts it now. 
 
 "As the Governor," he continued, " I determined 
 that no influence should control me in the performance 
 of my duty but the dictates of my conscience and my 
 obligations to the people. I have adhered tenaciously 
 to that thus far and I shall stick to it until the end, 
 came what may. 
 
 " Ever since I have been Governor obstacles have 
 been placed in my way by men high in the councils o\' 
 my party because I wanted to do what I believed was 
 righl and what 1 promised to do when I was a candi- 
 date for Governor." 
 
2$ 
 
 '• Do you expect the Senate to confirm your recent 
 appointments? " the Governor was asked. 
 
 '• STes," be promptly answered. 
 
 " Mr. Lynch, for Labor Commissioner; Mr. Chase 
 and Mr. Leffingwell, for Public Service Commissioners, 
 should be confirmed and they will be unless Mr. Mur- 
 phy tells the Senate to the contrary." 
 
 "Not Murphy's Appointments." 
 " 'I'hesc are --ood appointments," went on the G-ov- 
 ernor, " of honest men, peculiarly qualified for the 
 performance of the duties required. These nomina- 
 tions should bo confirmed on their merits. However, 
 what is the ust' of discussing that, when you know that 
 Mr. Murphy is the Legislature, and it does just what 
 
 he tells it to. 
 
 ' k The people know those nominations are not Mr. 
 Murphy's. They are mine. 1 selected them, and 1 
 did so very carefully. They were highly recommended, 
 and no one can question the capabilities of the candi 
 dates. If they are not confirmed it will not he my 
 fault, hut because they are not Mr. Murphy's nomina- 
 tions. You know Mr. Murphy wanted me to appoint 
 " The " McManus for Labor Commissioner, and 
 i4 Packey " McCabe and George Palmer for Public 
 Service Commissioners. I refused. My appointments, 
 I believe, are better. At all events I know they are 
 mine and made in the interest of the general welfare. 
 
 " Let me tell you this," said the Governor, " I would 
 have uo trouble with the members of the Legislature 
 if il were not for outside influences and the dictations 
 of Mr. Murphy. The members of the Legislature and 
 1 worked together very well at the beginning, and we 
 wrote on the .statute hooks some very good constructive 
 laws. If Mr. Murphy had not interfered we would 
 
29 
 
 have carried out every promise we made to the people 
 in the last campaign." 
 
 " How did the trouble begin with Mr. Murphy? " 
 the Governor was asked. 
 
 " Murphy Thought He Was Governor." 
 " That is a long story," he replied. " Some day I 
 will tell it, but at present I am too busy to go into the 
 details. Suffice it to say that my trouble with Mr. 
 Murphy began soon after I took my oath of office. 
 Mr. Murphy had the notion that he was the Governor 
 and that the people had elected me to be a proxy. I 
 promptly disabused the mind of Mr. Murphy about 
 it. He got mad. I told him that no boss could make 
 me a rubber stamp; that the people elected me the 
 Governor; and that while I was in office I would be 
 the Governor. 
 
 " Then more trouble arose over appointments. Mr. 
 Murphy wanted me to name the men he selected as 
 candidates for public office, in order to strengthen his 
 machine, reward his friends and persecute his enemies. 
 I refused to allow him to do it. All factions of the 
 Democratic party supported me for Governor, and I 
 wanted to be fair to everybody and treat all Demo- 
 crats, in every county, squarely. It goes without say- 
 ing that this was just what Mr. Murphy did not want. 
 " Mr. Murphy and I could not agree about appoint- 
 ments; we could not agree about policies ; and we were 
 as far apart as the poles concerning public duties. 
 Trouble began from the beginning. It grew every day. 
 It reached the climax when 1 emphatically refused to 
 appoint Jim Gaffney Commissioner of Highways. 
 
 " Gaffney ob War." 
 
 "Then the ultimatum was issued by the boss- 
 
 1 Gaffney or war.' 1 accepted the challenge. The 
 
 battle has been raffing ever since. Many other things 
 
30 
 
 have added fuel to the flames. The war has been going 
 on since the middle of April. I shall not surrender. 
 There will be no compromise so far as I am concerned. 
 Mr. Murphy can't be the Governor during my term." 
 
 " Why did Mr. Murphy order the Senate to reject 
 John Mitchell for Labor Commissioner? " the Gover- 
 nor was asked. 
 
 " That is a matter I never could find out," he 
 replied. " I was responsible for Mr. Mitchell's nomi- 
 nation. I sent for him and urged him to accept the 
 office, because I knew he was one of the best qualified 
 men on earth to do the work of this great department. 
 You remember I said when I made the appointment 
 that John Mitchell as Labor Commissioner would be 
 a valuable asset to the State of New York. Murphy 
 ordered his defeat for reasons which he has never 
 explained. They tell me the National Association of 
 Manufacturers has something to do with it. Sooner 
 or later the truth will come out. The best we could do 
 was to get 19 votes in the Senate for the confirmation 
 of Mr. Mitchell. We needed 26. 
 
 Turning to Lynch. 
 " When I found out," said the Governor, " that it 
 was an impossibility to get Mr. Mitchell confirmed I 
 looked around for another candidate, and finally on 
 the advice of friends of both capital and labor I 
 selected James M. Lynch, the president of the Interna- 
 tional Typographical Union. He is indorsed by the 
 Democratic committee of Onondaga county, by labor 
 organizations generally and by many distinguished 
 citizens of our State. Mr. Lynch is a man of ability. 
 His honesty has never been questioned. He is an 
 organizer and understands the duties of the office for 
 which I have selected him. If he is confirmed by the 
 Senate — and he certainly ought to be — there is no 
 
31 
 
 doubt that lie will make a great Commissioner and 
 carry out the purposes of the reorganized Labor De- 
 partment. 
 
 '' Of course you know the Democrats in the last 
 State convention wrote a plank in their platform that 
 if the party were successful it would put a practical 
 railroad man on the Public Service Commission. I 
 want to make that pledge good. Mr. Chase was recom- 
 mended to me for this position by the State Federation 
 of Labor and by the railway organizations as a man 
 essentially fitted by ability and experience for the 
 place. Nothing can be said against the capacity or 
 the character of Mr. Chase. If the Democrats in the 
 Senate are sincere regarding platform promises and 
 Mr. Murphy does not order them to reject the nomina- 
 tion, it follows Mr. Chase will be confirmed. 
 
 " Mr. Leffingwell is one of the best known men along 
 our southern tier. He stands high in the estimation of 
 his fellow citizens and was recommended for Public 
 Service Commissioner by the leading Democrats of 
 the southern counties in our State. Nothing can be 
 said against his Democracy or his character or his 
 ability. 
 
 Again Murphy's Hand in It. 
 " If these nominations are rejected it is simply 
 because Mr. Murphy did not name them, and hence 
 will not have them. That has been the trouble from the 
 beginning. When Mr. Murphy cannot have his own 
 way he sulks and orders the Legislature and other 
 State departments, which he controls, to block my 
 efforts to do what I believe to be right and for the 
 best interests of the people generally. As a matter of 
 fact, I cannot submit to Mr. Murphy's dictation and 
 maintain my self-respect. If he is to be the Governor 
 I do not want t he jolt. 
 
61 
 
 " During the last campaign they tell me I spoke to 
 more people than any other candidate for office in all 
 the history of the State. I told the people simple 
 truths from the bottom of my heart. Many doubted 
 the sincerity of my speeches in the last campaign, but 
 there was one man who never doubted the sincerity of 
 those speeches, and that was the man who is now the 
 Governor of the State. 
 
 11 It is all very simple to me because I am a simple 
 man. I am just the same to-day as I was in the Legis- 
 lature a quarter of century ago. I am just the same 
 to-day as I was in Congress. I haven't changed. I 
 don't intend to change. Others have changed, and if 
 the fight is on it is their fault and not mine. 
 
 Has Burned Last Bridge. 
 
 " My fight for direct primaries burned the last 
 bridge between me and Tammany Hall. Mr. Murphy 
 thought I made this fight for direct nominations be- 
 cause I wanted to dislodge his leadership. He is wrong 
 about that. I made the fight because the Democratic 
 party had made the pledge to enact a State-wide direct 
 primary law. That's all. 
 
 11 The Democratic party promised the people in the 
 last campaign that if it were successful it would give 
 them — among other things — a State-wide direct pri- 
 mary law. 
 
 " I ran for the Governorship on the platform of the 
 Syracuse convention, and after I was nominated I 
 stood on it throughout the campaign — squarely and 
 honestly. 
 
 "At the request of my party I made a campaign 
 through the State. I told the people that if I were 
 elected I would do everything in my power to carry out 
 the pledges of my party as enunciated in the Syracuse 
 platform. 
 
33 
 
 " When I cannot be honest in politics I shall get ont 
 of politics. I believe honesty in politics will succeed 
 just the same as I believe honesty in business will 
 succeed. If any one doubts that all he has to do is to 
 think of what has been accomplished in this country 
 during the past quarter of a century by the men who 
 have dared to be true in politics. 
 
 " When I make a promise to the people I keep it 
 or I frankly tell the people why I cannot keep it. 
 When my party makes a promise to the people I want 
 my party to keep the promise or I want the people to 
 know the reason why." 
 
 From The Evening Mail, New York, July 24, 1913. 
 
 MURPHY AND BARNES IN SULZER WAR 
 STRANGLE GOVERNMENT OP STATE — 
 LEGISLATURE, COSTING PEOPLE $1,000 A 
 DAY, WILL NEITHER ENACT LEGISLATION 
 DEMANDED BY PEOPLE THROUGH GOV- 
 ERNOR, NOR ADJOURN TO AFFORD HIM 
 OPPORTUNITY TO APPOINT MEN WHO 
 WILL CARRY ON BUSINESS OF THE STATE 
 — THOUSANDS SEND SULZER MESSAGES 
 URGING HIM TO FIGHT TO THE END. 
 By James Creelman. 
 (By telegraph to The Evening Mail.) 
 Albany, July 24.— It is time that the people should 
 realize the open shame of the situation in which the 
 government of New York State lias actually broken 
 down in the brutal attempt of Boss Murphy, with the 
 assistance el' Doss Barnes, to punish and wreck Gov- 
 ernor Sulzer for daring to show independence o\' his 
 orders. 
 
34 
 
 The spectacle in Albany to-day is not only disgrace- 
 ful, but extremely costly to the taxpayers, who are 
 paying $1,000 a day for the extra expense of a legis- 
 lature that stays in mock session without acting, simply 
 to prevent the Governor from removing and appoint- 
 ing officials and to intimidate him by threats of im- 
 peachment. 
 
 The two bosses have strangled the government of 
 9,000,000 inhabitants of an area of more than 49,000 
 square miles, and they propose to keep it strangled by 
 continuing the farce of a legislative session at an extra 
 cost of $1,000 a day until the end of the year if 
 necessary. 
 
 It is an almost unbelievable sight in the capital of 
 the greatest and richest State in the Union. 
 
 Down in the vast Executive Chamber sits Governor 
 Sulzer, with the portraits of Tilden, Cleveland, Roose- 
 velt and Hughes staring at him from the mahogany 
 paneled walls. 
 
 It is a place of magnificent stateliness, an audience- 
 room fit for an emperor. 
 
 Ukge " No Surrender! " 
 
 A steady procession of visitors moves past the Gov- 
 ernor's desk with earnest and sometimes passionate 
 messages from all over the State, urging him not to 
 surrender to the bosses and to keep up the people's 
 fight for State-wide direct primaries. 
 
 Troops of summer tourists, farmers, school girls and 
 what not, pass murmuringly over the quarter-acre of 
 crimson carpet, look at the pictured walls, the re- 
 splendent and mighty fire-place and the high, raftered 
 ceiling — watching with awkward, sidewise glances 
 the throngs about the tall, shanky, restless Governor 
 against whom the malevolent and secret power of cor- 
 rupt ring politics is concentrated. 
 
35 
 
 Up-stairs the royally gorgeous halls of the Senate 
 and Assembly are empty and the dim light shines on 
 marbles, gildings and carvings without disclosing a 
 human form. 
 
 Yet the Legislature is in extraordinary session and 
 the taxpayers are paying $1,000 a day to its employees. 
 Three or four members of each house are in Albany, 
 only to meet and take a recess every two or three days. 
 
 Really No Legislatuke. 
 
 The Legislature has refused to pass the direct pri- 
 mary law it was called together to enact. It has re- 
 fused to pay any attention to the Governor's recom- 
 mendations. It refuses to adjourn, because that 
 would allow the Governor to make ad interim appoint- 
 ments and go on with the work of government, which 
 to-day is paralyzed. 
 
 As a matter of fact, there is no Legislature. The 
 men who are paid to make the laws for New York 
 merely carry out the orders of the Tammany and 
 Republican bosses. 
 
 Boss Murphy is playing golf on Long Island. He 
 issues his daily commands to Albany over the long- 
 distance telephone. They are obeyed to the letter. 
 
 Twice a week Boss Barnes goes to the room of Sen- 
 ator Brown, the Republican " leader," and makes 
 known his will. 
 
 Bosses Act Together. 
 
 The two bosses act together against Governor Sulzer 
 without any pretense of partisan division. 
 
 Not only does the Legislature ignore the Governor 
 and defeat the work of government by refusing to ad- 
 journ, but it cut out of the general supply bill the 
 $30,000 that has always been given to the Executive 
 
36 
 
 for investigations, and refuses to let him have a dollar 
 to enable him to search out and punish grafters in 
 the Highway Department, Conservation Department, 
 Prison Department and other places where ringsters 
 have been getting fat. 
 
 The extraordinary thing about this is that it has 
 been customary to vote these executive investigating 
 funds, even to Governors of hostile political faiths. 
 
 Governor Sulzer has been left without a dollar to 
 employ investigators and go on with the work of rid- 
 ding the departments of grafters and incompetents. 
 
 Nothing like it has been seen in New York before. 
 
 Tammany Leaders Boasting. 
 
 The Tammany leaders openly boast that they have 
 deprived the Governor of everything except the power 
 to employ stenographers. 
 
 They have refused to confirm the important appoint- 
 ments he has made, and they insist on keeping up the 
 sham legislative session — at $1,000 a day extra — so 
 that he cannot fill the offices between sessions. 
 
 This is the degraded and disastrous effect of a boss- 
 dominated Legislature upon the public business of the 
 State to-day. 
 
 And all because Governor Sulzer would not put Boss 
 Murphy's henchman Gaffney in control of the $66,000,- 
 000 which is being spent on public roads, and insisted 
 on pressing for an honest direct primary law against 
 the will of the Murphy-Barnes conspiracy to perpetu- 
 ate boss rule in politics and government. 
 
 Boss Murphy controls the Attorney-General and the 
 State Comptroller. 
 
 Because the Governor removed Superintendent of 
 Prisons Scott and appointed Superintendent Eiley in 
 his place Murphy's Comptroller' has refused to pay 
 
61 
 
 the employees of the State's prisons and reforma- 
 tories, and Murphy's Attorney-Genera] lias been asked 
 for a Legal opinion which, if it is adverse, will compel 
 the Governor to resort to the courts in order to carry 
 on the prison and reformatory work. 
 
 Because the Governor refused to appoint Murphy's 
 man Commissioner of Labor, Murphy's Legislature 
 refused to confirm the Governor's appointment, and 
 to-day the Labor Department, charged with the en- 
 forcement of the factory laws, is directed by a second 
 deputy without power to make appointments or take 
 any important executive action. 
 
 Because Mr. Carlisle, the Commissioner of High- 
 ways, would not make Murphy appointments, Mur- 
 phy's Comptroller refuses to pay the salaries of many 
 of Mr. Carlisle's most important deputies, and he is 
 seriously crippled in the vast new highways work 
 which is costing $66,000,000. 
 
 Murphy's Thebat. 
 
 It was on April 13 that Governor Sulzer saiv Boss 
 Murphy for the last time and left with the threat ring- 
 ing in his ears, " I'll have you out of office in six 
 months." 
 
 Since then the ring has tried to blackmail him into 
 obedience; has trailed him night and day with hired 
 spies; has sent private detectives to search his record 
 in Washington, in Albany, in New York city, in Alaska 
 and in his boyhood home in New Jersey. 
 
 But the thing that should arouse (he people to a 
 realizing sense of danger is thai in their fierce desire 
 Tor vengeance the bosses have actually deprived the 
 Governor of even a dollar with which Id investigate 
 wrong-doing in the great Stale departments and have 
 deliberately broken down the administration of the 
 government. 
 
38 
 
 Not One Voice of Pkotest. 
 
 And in the presence of this appalling work of corrupt 
 machine politicians not one responsible Republican 
 voice has been raised in public protest. 
 
 Yet, although the State government has been broken 
 down, and the mock Legislature laughs at the wreck 
 of things and the temporary helplessness of the Gov- 
 ernor to get at the grafters, thousands upon thousands 
 of letters pour into the Executive Chamber — mes- 
 sages of comfort and encouragement from citizens in 
 every city, town and village of New York, bidding the 
 Governor to stand his ground and wait for the ap- 
 proaching day when the people will take the Legisla- 
 ture into their own hands. 
 
 From The Evening Mail. New York, July 25, 1913. 
 
 "IT'S ORDERS," SULZER IS TOLD ON AP- 
 PEALING TO TAMMANY LEADERS — GOV- 
 ERNOR SAYS HIS FREQUENT REQUESTS 
 THAT LEGISLATURE LET WHEELS OF 
 GOVERNMENT MOVE AGAIN BRING ONLY 
 THE SAME ANSWER — MURPHY, TELE- 
 PHONING FROM GOOD GROUND GOLF LINKS 
 TWICE DAILY AND NOT RESPONSIBLE TO 
 PEOPLE, MAKES STATE POWERLESS — 
 SULZER DECLARES HE WILL APPEAL TO 
 PEOPLE ONCE MORE FOR REMEDY. 
 
 By James Creelman. 
 
 (By telegraph to The Evening Mail.) 
 
 Albany, July 25. — With the State government 
 broken down by the refusal of Boss Murphy's Legis- 
 
39 
 
 lature to confirm Governor Sulzer 's appointments or 
 to adjourn so that he can make recess appointments, 
 and with Murphy's State Comptroller holding up the 
 pay-rolls of the Prison Department and preventing 
 the letting of millions of dollars' worth of new high- 
 way contracts — to say nothing of the fact that the 
 Labor Department, which guards the safety of the 
 factory workers, is without a head — I asked Gov- 
 ernor Sulzer to-day whether he had ever appealed to 
 the Tamman}^ leaders in the Legislature to relieve the 
 people from the peril of a paralyzed State adminis- 
 tration. 
 
 " I have appealed to them again and again," he 
 said. 
 
 "And what do they say? " 
 
 " ' Orders ' is their only explanation." 
 
 Mr. Sulzer clasped his hands under his coat tail and 
 threw his head back as he paced the room. The lines 
 in his lean face hardened and his gray eyes grew cold. 
 For all his nervous energy, he looked tired and worn. 
 
 Murphy 'Phones Oedees Twice Daily. 
 
 " That is all the answer I can get from the lead- 
 ers in the legislature — ' orders. ' 
 
 " What does that mean? " 
 
 " It means Mr. Murphy. The truth is that there 
 is no real legislature in this state just now — there 
 is only Mr. Murphy, who sends his orders here 
 twice a day over the long-distance telephone. 
 
 " But have you explained to the leaders the fact 
 that the executive government is paralyzed and 
 that the public interests are being sacrificed? 
 
 " I have. But I get only one reply — ' orders.' " 
 
40 
 
 Not a Dollar foe Inquiry. 
 
 It seems hard to believe that a single political boss, 
 idling on the Long Island golf links, is able to control 
 the Legislature and render the Governor of a great 
 State powerless to carry on the administrative govern- 
 ment. 
 
 Yet there is the testimony of the Governor himself. 
 
 And what crimes of grafting and extravagance may 
 be going unpunished in the great State departments 
 while the Murphy Legislature denies the Governor 
 even a dollar to make investigations no man can say. 
 
 As Mr. Sulzer revealed the astounding conditions to 
 which the war of bosses for control have reduced the 
 government of the State, the tables and chairs about 
 him, and the floor itself, were piled with an indescrib- 
 able ruck of letters from all parts of the State urging 
 him not to allow himself to be starved into surrender. 
 
 Will Appeal to People. 
 
 " But, Mr. Sulzer, things cannot go on long in 
 this way. What are you going to do? " 
 
 ' ' I am going to go to the people again and tell 
 them what has happened. The voters of the state 
 will find a remedy. I cannot and will not allow 
 any political boss to be the real governor, no mat- 
 ter what happens, and I believe that the people will 
 support me." 
 
 As the regularly elected Governor of the State, Mr. 
 Sulzer is responsible for the Department of Public 
 Works, which is spending $100,000,000 on the barge 
 canal work; the Conservation Department, which 
 spends about $3,500,000 a year and has vast powers in 
 the condemnation of lands; the Excise Department, 
 which handles something like $20,000,000 a year; the 
 
41 
 
 Board of Charities, the Board of Elections, the Agri- 
 cultural Department. 
 
 Tragedy Growing Blacker. 
 
 These are in the hands of Tammany men. The Gov- 
 ernor is without money to investigate them. If he re- 
 moves the heads, the Legislature will refuse to allow 
 him to provide successors and Murphy's Comptroller 
 will decline to recognize vouchers or pay bills. 
 
 Murphy's Attorney-General and his deputies are bit- 
 terly hostile, and the Governor is unable to hire a 
 lawyer to advise him. 
 
 The tragedy grows blacker every day and the Gov- 
 ernor is fighting desperately to carry on the govern- 
 ment, while Boss Murphy laughs on the Long Island 
 golf links. 
 
 Millions Being Wasted. 
 
 The refusal of the State Comptroller and the Legis- 
 lature to allow the Department of Highways to make 
 emergency repairs, without the slow process of adver- 
 tising for bids and printing contracts, means that per- 
 haps $8,000,000 damage will be done to roads that 
 might have been saved by immediate action. 
 
 Nor will the Comptroller recognize a single voucher 
 signed by the wardens of the Sing Sing and Clinton 
 prisons, declining to pay even for the transportation 
 of prisoners, so that yesterday the New York Central 
 Railroad Company agreed to carry Sing Sing prison- 
 ers on the Governor's personal assurance that sonic- 
 how the bills would be paid. 
 
 So desperate is the situation thai the Legislature it- 
 self is actually borrowing funds from the banks ami de- 
 fiantly spending money denied by the Governor's veto. 
 
42 
 
 Advised to Remove Hostiles. 
 
 In this extraordinary crisis the Governor has been 
 advised to remove the hostile Tammany heads of de- 
 partments at once, and, if the Miirphy-Barnes Legis- 
 lature refuses to confirm their successors or remains 
 in session in order to prevent him from filling the va- 
 cancies, assign deputies to direct the work, sign the 
 vouchers himself, and through the courts compel the 
 Comptroller to pay the bills. 
 
 As matters stand the Governor of the great State of 
 New York, which spends $56,000,000 a year, is helpless 
 to go into any of the State departments controlled by 
 Tammany and find out what is going on. Yet only nine 
 months ago he was overwhelmingly elected to direct the 
 government as the responsible representive of nine 
 million persons. 
 
 Even the Bureau of Efficiency, created by Governor 
 Sulzer's request, is under Tammany influence and can- 
 not be depended upon to make investigations. 
 
 All this is a tremendous joke to Boss Murphy on the 
 golf links. He does not even have to visit Albany to 
 strike down the State government. It is all done by 
 long distance telephone. The boss grows rosier and 
 happier while the hardworking, harassed Governor 
 grows thinner and paler. 
 
 Nothing Like It Since Tweed Days. 
 
 It is the most daring and defiant exhibition of boss 
 power and ruthless disregard of public opinion that 
 has been seen since the days of Tweed. 
 
 The flat refusal of the sham Legislature to act or to 
 adjourn, and the repeated statements of the leaders to 
 the Governor that they are acting under " orders " — 
 remember the word — literally means that in a certain 
 sense there is no responsible government in the State, 
 
43 
 
 and heaven only knows what official villianies are being 
 hidden from the public and the grand juries. 
 
 Ghastly Joke on People. 
 
 It is a political joke to Boss Murphy, perhaps; but it 
 is a ghastly joke on the taxpayers of New York, the ul- 
 timate possibilities of which are suggested by the hor- 
 rible Binghamton fire tragedy, while the Labor Depart- 
 ment, charged with the protection of factory workers, 
 is left headless and without the new force of inspectors 
 provided by law, because the Governor would not let 
 Murphy name the Labor Commissioner. 
 
 It may be that no future Democratic Governor of 
 New York will ever forget the punishment inflicted on 
 Governor Sulzer for daring to be independent of " or- 
 ders," and then it may be that Boss Murphy and all 
 the bosses — Barnes included — who have supported 
 him in his savage fight against the people's direct pri- 
 mary bill, will have cause to remember the irresistible 
 power of an aroused public opinion. 
 
 There will be a new Assembly elected this year. 
 With the lower branch of the Legislature in the hands 
 of men independent of the Murphy-Barnes combination 
 the doors will be opened for the grand juries, the State 
 administration can be put on an honest and economical 
 basis and the way prepared for a State-wide direct 
 primary law that will sweep away boss domination in 
 politics and government and make impossible a repeti- 
 tion of the shameful and disastrous spectacle which 
 Albany presents to-day. 
 
 Direct Primaries the Remedy. 
 
 It is no longer a question of Mr. Sulzer's political 
 fortunes. The situation has got far beyond that. Mr, 
 Sulzer is simply an incident. 
 
44 
 
 The real issue is whether a political boss can control 
 the Legislature and absolutely destroy the administra- 
 tive power of the State government by " orders " over 
 a long distance telephone. 
 
 Go to the Governor as he sits working amid the in- 
 creasing litter of messages rained in on him by the peo- 
 ple, and he will tell you that the members of the Legis- 
 lature are not personally bad — that they worked well 
 with him until he angered Murphy — but that they are 
 the helpless instrumentalities of the boss system in pol- 
 itics, and that until that is smashed once and for all by 
 a real direct primary law, decent and independent gov- 
 ernment in New York is almost impossible. 
 
 SPEECH OF GOVERNOR SULZER IN THE 
 OPERA HOUSE, CORNING, NEW YORK, 
 
 NOON, MAY 20, 1913. 
 
 ( Stenographically Reported. ) 
 [This speech has never been printed before.] 
 
 Governor Sulzer said: 
 
 My friends, it is a great pleasure for me to greet 
 you and to tell you that the beautiful city of Corning 
 has an affectionate place In my heart, (Applause.) 
 
 I see here this morning many old friends, some of 
 them the friends of nearly a lifetime — true friends 
 who have stood by me in the past — real men, whose 
 hearts are sincere and whose heads are steady. 
 
 Here on this platform I see my colleague in the 
 Legislature of the long ago, that brave soldier and 
 that splendid statesman, Dr. Bush. He is with us in 
 our fight for direct primaries. (Applause.) 
 
 Here also sits the Mayor of Elmira, our good friend, 
 the Hon. Daniel Sheehan. (Applause.) Next to him 
 
45 
 
 sits former Congressman Havens of Kochester (ap- 
 plause) and former Congressman John DeWitt 
 Warner of New York city — two of the very best citi- 
 zens in our State. (Applause.) 
 
 And here sits your State committeeman — brother 
 Schwa rzenbach. (Applause.) Then you all know 
 your Congressman, my friend, Mr. Underbill (ap- 
 plause), a good editor, a high type of our national 
 legislator, and an honest citizen. (Applause.) 
 
 I see here, too, many of your distinguished fellow 
 townsmen, whose names I would like to mention and to 
 whom I would like to pay a deserved tribute, but I 
 haven't the time. 
 
 However, I observe a distinguished gentleman 
 whom I see standing in the side aisle, one of the great 
 men of the Empire State, the favorite son of old Steu- 
 ben county, that grand old jurist, Judge Bradley. 
 (Loud applause.) 
 
 These good men are all with us in our efforts to 
 keep the party faith and to write on our statute books 
 an honest direct primary law. 
 
 My friends, when I became Governor I made up my 
 mind that I would be the Governor in fact as well as in 
 name. Many doubted, that the first part of January, 
 but nobody doubts it now. (Laughter and applause.) 
 
 When I became Governor I determined that no influ- 
 ence should control me in tho performance of my duty 
 but the dictates of my conscience and my obligations 
 to the people. I have adhered tenaciously to thai 
 thus far, and I shall stick to it until the end, come what 
 may. (Applause.) 
 
 Ever since I have been Governor obstacles have been 
 placed in my way by men high in the councils of my 
 party, because I wanted to do what I believed was 
 li'-Hit and what 1 promised to do when 1 was a can- 
 didate for Governor. 
 
46 
 
 The Democratic platform of 1910 declared for 
 " State-wide " direct primaries, but those who drew 
 the platform of 1912, realizing that the expectations of 
 the rank and file of party voters were not met by the 
 legislation of 1911, pledged the party to "adopt sueii 
 amendments to the existing law as will perfect the 
 direct primary system." 
 
 The electors of the State understood the words 
 " State-wide direct primaries " to mean direct pri- 
 maries applied to all State nominations. Democratic 
 campaign speeches and the newspapers which sup- 
 ported our ticket so interpreted these words. 
 
 In my first message to the Legislature I said : 
 
 " We are pledged to direct primaries, State- 
 wide in their scope and character, and I urge the 
 adoption of such amendments to our primary laws 
 as will perfect the direct primary system of the 
 State." 
 
 The people expected nothing less from us when we 
 declared for State-wide direct primaries than the 
 nomination by the voters of all State officers, because 
 it has been demonstrated that under the convention 
 system the will of the people was not faithfully car- 
 ried out in the State conventions. 
 
 Delegates to the State convention, when assembled 
 for action, have been found not properly responsive 
 to the sentiment of their constituents. They have 
 been found more anxious to carry out the wishes of 
 party leaders than to carry out the wishes of the mass 
 of individual party voters. Controlling political 
 power has not passed from the individual unit, in 
 which it should originate, up to the State convention. 
 On the contrary, controlling political power has orig- 
 inated with certain political bosses who have usurped 
 
47 
 
 the rights of party voters and brought about nomina- 
 tions which were desired by the bosses, but not de- 
 manded by the voters. (Applause.) 
 
 The sentiment in the State in favor of direct pri- 
 maries found its origin and growth principally in the 
 fact that under the established primary law the rank 
 and file of party voters were not able to control their 
 delegates when they assembled in the State con- 
 ventions. 
 
 I am now, always have been, and always will be in 
 favor of carrying out, in letter and in spirit, our plat- 
 form pledges. (Applause.) 
 
 The best way to strengthen a political party is to 
 keep the faith. I want to restore to the people of the 
 State the complete control of their State government; 
 to afford the voters of the State the freest expression 
 of their choice of candidates for public offices, and I 
 believe that our " State-wide " direct primary bill 
 embraces an honest, a sincere, a comprehensive and a 
 practical plan for these accomplishments. 
 
 Besides, I consider that our " State-wide " direct 
 primary bill is an absolutely nonpartisan measure 
 which faithfully reproduces and will substantially 
 carry into practice the pledges of the three great 
 political parties concerned in the last State election. 
 
 There are only two kinds of primaries — direct and 
 indirect. The latter constitutes the reactionary dele- 
 gate system; the former constitutes the present pro- 
 gressive system. I am for the direct system. I want 
 the people to nominate because I want the people to 
 rule. The power to nominate is the power to control. 
 Do not forget that. (Applause.) 
 
 To have direct primaries and to have State con- 
 ventions is impossibe. Direct primaries have been 
 devised by the friends of good government to permit 
 
the people to nominate their officials directly without 
 the intermediary of delegates, and as, of course, you 
 cannot have State conventions without delegates, it 
 follows that State conventions must go and honest 
 direct primaries must come. There is no middle 
 ground. There can be no compromise. Those who 
 want to compromise are against us. You cannot com- 
 promise a principle. (Applause.) 
 
 It is self-evident to me that if the people are compe- 
 tent to directly elect their public officials they are just 
 as competent to directly nominate these officials. 
 
 The bosses say they will beat me. I have heard that 
 before. The bosses could not beat me years ago when 
 I was an Assemblyman for five years in this State. 
 (Applause.) They could not prevent me going to 
 Congress, and I stayed there in spite of them for 
 eighteen years. (Applause.) 
 
 They say they will destroy me, but I tell them no man 
 can destroy me but William Sulzer. (Applause.) I 
 care very little about the political future and less 
 about personal consequences. I shall go on doing my 
 duty to the people as God gives me the light to see the 
 right. (Applause.) 
 
 During the last campaign they tell me I spoke to 
 more people than any other candidate for office in all 
 the history of the State. I told the people simple 
 truths from the bottom of my heart. Many doubted 
 the sincerity of my speeches in the last campaign, but 
 there was one man who never doubted the sincerity of 
 those speeches, and that was the man who is now the 
 Governor of the State. (Applause.) 
 
 It is all very simple to me, because I am a simple 
 man. I am just the same to-day, as Dr. Bush can tell 
 you, as I was in the Legislature a quarter of a cen- 
 tury ago. I am just the same to-day, as Congress- 
 
49 
 
 man Underbill can tell you, as I was in Congress. I 
 haven't changed. I don't intend to change. Others 
 have changed, and if the fight is on, it is their fault, not 
 mine. (Applause.) 
 
 All I want to be is honest. (A voice: " You're 
 right.) All I want to do is keep the faith; all I desire 
 is to tell the truth. I want to make good. (Applause.) 
 When I am dead and buried the only monument I want 
 is to have the people say in their hearts — "Well 
 done, Bill." (Great applause.) 
 
 I am not working for the bosses. I am working for 
 the people. (Applause.) I want to do something for 
 my fellowman. I know, in the last analysis, that when 
 the future historian pens the record of my adminis- 
 tration I will be judged by what I have accomplished. 
 (Applause.) 
 
 I am trying to do things. Do things for myself. No ! 
 not at all ; but to do things for all the people. Do you 
 think it is easy? If you only knew how I am threat- 
 ened; if you only knew the obstacles that are put in 
 my way; if you only knew how discouraging it is at 
 times, you would sympathize with me in the struggle, 
 and every one of you would be with me in the fight for 
 the right. (Applause.) 
 
 (A voice: " You have a crowd in this part of the 
 State that will back you up.") 
 
 Thank you for that. What that man says I hope is 
 true. At this time I want to congratulate you for 
 sending to the Legislature Senator Seeley, and As- 
 semblyman Brewster, and Assemblyman Seely. (Ap- 
 plause.) They voted for direct primaries. They are 
 good men. They are honest representatives. They 
 have served the people faithfully. They are entitled 
 
50 
 
 to praise and commendation. They stood t>y you at 
 Albany. (Applause.) They stood by you when every 
 effort was made to get them to vote against your in 
 terests. All honor to these representatives. Their 
 votes for direct primaries were right, and they will 
 never have cause to regret it. 
 
 My friends, what is the issue? It is very simple. It 
 is the people against the bosses. (Applause.) A child 
 can understand it. You know there are two kinds of 
 taxes ■ — direct and indirect. So I tell you there are 
 two kinds of primaries — direct and indirect. Direct 
 primaries are the kind the people want. Indirect pri- 
 maries are the kind the bosses want. If you are for the 
 people you are for direct primaries. If you are for the 
 bosses then you are for indirect primaries. 
 
 The friends of direct nominations are fighting for a 
 principle. A principle is fundamental. You cannot 
 compromise it. (Applause.) It is ridiculous to try, 
 although a few prominent Democrats in the State are 
 trying to do it. If you are for direct primaries you 
 are in favor of the voters nominating all candidates for 
 public office. (Applause.) 
 
 (A voice : That's right.) 
 
 In the beginning of our history there were men who 
 said that the people could not be trusted; that it was 
 better to have a King, or a Queen, around than to let 
 the people govern themselves; but Washington, and 
 Franklin, and Jefferson, did not think that way. The 
 men in those days who said the people could not be 
 trusted were called Tories. We have Tories now, just 
 as the patriotic fathers had them, only the Tories of 
 to-day are called Political Bosses. (Applause.) 
 
51 
 
 The political bosses tell us that we may have sense 
 enough to nominate a constable, but not brains enough 
 to nominate a Governor. They are willing to let us 
 nominate a justice of the peace, but we must not think 
 of nominating a judge of the Supreme Court. 
 (Laughter.) 
 
 The truth is, I trust the people, and the people trust 
 me. We understand each other, and know how to get 
 along together. That is the reason, I believe, why it is 
 that during all the years, just half of my natural life, 
 I have never been beaten for public office, although I 
 have always had to run in a Republican district. (Ap- 
 plause.) 
 
 It is my experience that the man who trusts the peo- 
 ple never trusts them in vain. I know in trusting them 
 now I shall not be disappointed. (Applause.) There 
 has never been a time in the history of this State when 
 a public man trusted the people that the people did not 
 trust that public man. There has never been a time in 
 all our history when the people, deprived of political 
 power at the formation of the government were given 
 an opportunity to get that political power in their own 
 hands that they did not take it. 
 
 If anybody doubts that let him read the story of the 
 adoption of the amendments to the Federal Constitu- 
 tion. All of these amendments have been written in 
 the Constitution by the rank and file, against the pro- 
 test of men who said the people could not be trusted. 
 
 ( )ur fight for direct primaries is the old question over 
 again. The few want to govern, because they do not 
 trust the people. I am on the side of the people. I 
 declare the people are competent to govern themselves, 
 and I am willing to trust them with our government. 
 
52 
 
 If the people want to control their government they 
 must nominate the candidates for public office. They 
 cannot control unless they nominate. The power to 
 nominate is the power to control. (Applause.) 
 
 Why is it that two men in our State, to-day, control 
 the Legislature! Because these two men control 
 the nominations of the members of the Legislature. 
 Unless the legislators do what these two men tell them 
 to do they cannot be renominated. Take away the 
 power to nominate, and you take away the power of the 
 boss. (Applause.) 
 
 That is the reason why every boss is against our bill 
 for direct primaries. Can you blame the bosses 1 Well, 
 hardly. But when we want to give the people the 
 power to be their own bosses can anyone doubt that the 
 people will not gladly take this power to nominate. 
 (Applause.) 
 
 De Tocqueville — in the greatest story that has ever 
 been written about the free institutions of America — 
 says that this Republic will never perish because it 
 possesses the power to legislate, and to adjudicate, and 
 to execute. Our government is. indestructible, as was 
 demonstrated during the Civil War, because it has this 
 power to execute. (Applause.) 
 
 As the Governor of the State I realize every day, 
 more and more, the tremendous agency of this power 
 to execute. What do the bosses, and the special in- 
 terests, care about the laws if they can control the men 
 who executed the laws ? Nothing. Why are they fight- 
 ing me so bitterly? You know. Because they cannot 
 control the man who is executing the laws of the State 
 of New York. (Applause.) 
 
 We want to make the people free to control their 
 own government by giving them the power to nominate 
 
53 
 
 their own public officials. Wo assert, and defy suc- 
 cessful contradiction, that if the voters are capable of 
 nominating an alderman they are just as capable of 
 nominating a United States Senator. Any assertion to 
 the contrary is an indictment against our intelligence, 
 and a protest against our advancing civilization. (Ap- 
 plause.) Out upon such a proposition. (Applause.) 
 Notwithstanding the fact that I have always been in 
 favor of the people nominating all candidates for pub- 
 lic office, I went into this struggle for direct nomina- 
 tions slowly and cautiously. All winter I appealed to 
 the members of the Legislature to carry out the prom- 
 ises of the Syracuse platform. I wanted them to keep 
 faith with the voters. I wanted them to help me write 
 on the statute books what the Democratic party prom- 
 ised — a direct primary law — State-wide in its scope. 
 (Applause.) They refused to do it. Then I sent a 
 special message to the Legislature telling the members 
 exactly what we ought to do about it. They answered 
 that special message by sending me the abortive Blau- 
 velt bill to make matters worse instead of better. I 
 vetoed it in language that could not be misunderstood. 
 (Applause.) We then sent them our bill. They beat 
 it. How did they beat it : ; I will tell you how they beat 
 our direct primary bill. First the democrats caucused 
 against it. Then the republicans caucused against it. 
 The two great political parties caucused to defeat this 
 bill of the people. I am a pretty good parliamentarian. 
 I have studied parliamentary law for a quarter o\' a 
 century. 1 have searched through the precedents, and 
 I tell you, and through you the people of the State of 
 New York, that in all the history of parliamentary gov- 
 
54 
 
 eminent this was the only time when two political par- 
 ties caucused to beat one bill. 
 
 Do you suppose the members of the Legislature 
 beat our direct primaries bill of their free will and 
 accord? Certainly not. The Democratic members got 
 their orders over the telephone from Delmonico 's and 
 the Eepublicans got their orders from Mr. Barnes 
 in Albany. These orders beat the bill. What a spec- 
 tacle of representative government! What an indict- 
 ment of free institutions. What shall we say when a 
 boss in one part of the State and a boss in another 
 part of the State, acting in concert, compel the mem- 
 bers of the Legislature to caucus to beat a bill these 
 very members were pledged to enact? There was 
 never anything like it in all the history of our State, 
 and I trust after another election there will never be 
 anything like it again. (Applause and laughter.) 
 
 No man fears direct primaries, except a man whose 
 character, and whose ability, and whose mentality can- 
 not bear the searchlight of publicity. No man fears 
 direct primaries, unless he wants to be the creature of 
 invisible government rather than the servant of popu- 
 lar government. (Applause.) 
 
 Let me tell you briefly just what our direct primary 
 bill seeks to accomplish: 
 
 1. That all party candidates for public office shall 
 be nominated directly by the enrolled party voters at 
 an official primary — the official primary to be con- 
 ducted by the State, and surrounded with all the safe- 
 guards of an official election — any violation of the 
 official primary law to be a felony. 
 
 2. A State committee of 150 members, one from each 
 Assembly district, and a county committee for each 
 county, to be elected directly by the enrolled party 
 voters at the official primary. 
 
55 
 
 3. All party candidates for public office to be voted 
 for in the official primary must be designated by pe- 
 tition only, the same as independent candidates. 
 
 4. Every designating petition should contain the ap- 
 pointment of a committee for filling vacancies on the 
 primary ballot. 
 
 5. Candidates to be arranged on the ballot under the 
 title of the office. Order of arrangement to be deter- 
 mined in each group by lot, by the commissioners of 
 election, in the presence of the candidates or their 
 representatives. All emblems on the official primary 
 ballot must be abolished. Names of candidates to be 
 numbered. The voter to indicate his choice by mak- 
 ing a separate mark before the name of each candidate. 
 
 6. The number of enrolled party voters required to 
 sign a designating petition should be fixed at a percent- 
 age of the party vote for Governor at the last preced- 
 ing election, except that for State offices the number 
 should not exceed 5,000 enrolled party voters, of which 
 100 shall be from each of at least twenty counties. 
 
 7. The primary district should be made identical 
 with the election district, and the primaries of all par- 
 ties should be held at the same polling place, conducted 
 by the regular official election officers, just the same as 
 <?n official election. 
 
 8. Each party to have a Party Council to frame a 
 platform; such Council to consist of the party candi- 
 dates for office to be voted for by the State at largo; 
 party Congressmen and party United Stales Senators; 
 candidates for the Senate and Assembly; members of 
 the State committee; and the chairman of each county 
 committee. 
 
 9. The time for filing independent nominations sub- 
 sequent to the filing of party nominations should be 
 
56 
 
 increased from five days, as now provided, to fourteen 
 or more days. The number of signers of an independ- 
 ent certificate of nomination should conform to the 
 number of signers of a party designation. 
 
 10. Election of United States Senator by the people 
 should be provided for in accordance with the recent 
 constitutional amendment. Nominations for United 
 States Senator to be made at the official primary in the 
 same manner as for the office of Governor. 
 
 11. Registration days in the country should be re- 
 duced from four to two, and registration in the country 
 should be by affidavit where voter does not appear per- 
 sonally. 
 
 12. Boards of elections in counties having less than 
 one hundred and twenty thousand inhabitants should 
 be reduced from four members to two, in order to 
 decrease the expenses. 
 
 13. The use of party funds at primary elections 
 to be absolutely prohibited, and made a felony. 
 
 14. The penal law should be amended limiting to a 
 reasonable sum the amount of money that may be ex- 
 pended by a candidate, or anyone on his account, for 
 the purpose of seeking a nomination to public office, 
 any violation of the same to be a felony, and make the 
 nomination, if secured, a nullity. 
 
 15. Delegates and alternates from the State at large, 
 and from congressional districts, to the National Con- 
 vention should be chosen by the direct vote of enrolled 
 party voters at the official primary. 
 
 Such a law, in my judgment, will substantially re- 
 deem our party pledges and meet the just demands of 
 the enrolled party voters of the State. Any proposi- 
 tion less than this begs the whole question and violates 
 
57 
 
 the pledged faith of the several political parties to 
 their voters in the State. 
 
 It is my candid opinion that every member of the 
 Legislature is solemnly bound in honor by the highest 
 moral and political obligations to vote for the enact- 
 ment of a direct primary bill; and those who fail to 
 do so will be recreant to their promises and forced 
 to yield by public opinion to others who will vote to 
 give the State an efficient " State-wide " direct pri- 
 mary law that will embrace every public office — from 
 Governor down to constable. 
 
 (Cheers and prolonged applause.) 
 
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