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 AN EXPLANATION 
 
 SOME OF THE DIFFERENCES 
 
 The Society of Sons of the Revolution 
 
 The Society of Sons, of the American Revolution. 
 
 I>HILADELPH1A 
 1890. 
 
AN EXPLANATION 
 
 SOME OF THE DIFFERENCES 
 
 BETWEEN 
 
 The Society of Sons of the Revolution 
 
 The Society of Sons of the American Revolution. 
 
 PHILADELPHIA, 
 1890. 
 
Printed by 
 
 ALLEN, LANE & SCOTT, 
 
 Philadelphia. 
 
 E^o^ 
 
AN EXPLANATION 
 
 OF SOME OF THE DIFFERENCES, 
 
 That there are serious differences between the Societies of 
 Sons of the Revolution and Sons of the American Revolu- 
 tion is, unfortunately, a fact with which many members of 
 both societies are already familiar. The letter of Mr. J. 
 Marshall Brown,* and the editorial article reprinted from 
 1'he Republic, a newspaper specially friendly to the Society 
 of the Sons of the American Revolution, present with rea- 
 sonable fairness some of the points of difference between 
 that society and the older society, known as Sons of the 
 Revolution. 
 
 The Society of Sons of the Revolution originated in 
 New York, in 1876.'}" In 1SS3, tlie present New York Society 
 of Sons of the Revolution was formed, Mr. John Austin 
 Stevens, one of the original members of the organization in 
 1876, becoming its first president. In April, 1888, a society 
 in affiliation with the New York society was organized, 
 known as the Pennsylvania Society of the Sons of the Rev- 
 olution. In March, 1889, a itw weeks before the celebra- 
 tion in New York of the Centennial of the Inauguration 
 of General Washington as President, a few members of the 
 New York society, seeking greater personal prominence than 
 they then enjoyed in that society, conceived the notion of 
 forming a New Jersey society, without authority from or 
 conference with the New York or the Pennsylvania societies. 
 This New Jersey Society of Sons of the Revolution was or- 
 ganized March 7th, 1889, with seven members, and at its 
 first meeting, without conference with New York or Pennsyl- 
 vania, appointed a committee, of which one of its two origi- 
 
 *See page 7. tSee page 11. 
 
nators was chairman, to "invite" the descendants of Revolu- 
 tionary sires to organize State societies and elect delegates to 
 meet himself and associates at Fraunces' Tavern, in New 
 York, April 30th, iSSo, and organize a National society y''- 
 
 A number of prominent gentlemen, not knowing the irreg- 
 ular methods employed l)y the member referred to, met in 
 response to this peculiar invitation. Without any con- 
 stituencies behind them they proceeded to organize, what 
 they called, a "National Society of Sons of \.\\ii. American 
 Revolution," quietly appropriating the name of the original 
 society with the simple insertion of the prefix "American " 
 before " Revolution ;" and at the same time they rewarded the 
 originator of the scheme with the title of "vice-president at 
 large." Since that time this " National society" has had 
 three presidents; and the "vice-president at large," now 
 a "Vice-President General of Sons of the xAmerican Rev- 
 olution," has been engaged as a sort of mi:^sionary, re- 
 gardless of expense, organizing with more or less undue haste 
 State societies in every conceivable part of the country. l"he 
 greater i)art of his valuable time has been freely given to 
 this noble work ; and his every movement and utterance has 
 been freely, if not lavishly, telegraphed to the newspapers. 
 " Magnificent insignia " has been manufactured, recently re- 
 duced in price to meet the popular demand, and no effort 
 has been spared to gather in with lightning rapidity the 
 greatest possible number of new members. 
 
 The New York and Pennsylvania societies of Sons of the Rev- 
 olution, with tne conservatism natural to their Eastern local- 
 ities, wished to pursue their way in peace, and to grow gradu- 
 ally by a principle of strict qualification and careful selection. 
 But they have not been allowed this simple privilege. For 
 months they have been solicited to submit themselves to the 
 jurisdiction of the more recent society, and to "accept the 
 olive branch " of humiliation offered by the magnanimous 
 Vice-President General and his associates. They have been 
 assailed as "preventing harmony," and it has been coolly 
 
 * See page 12. 
 
5 
 
 stated that " nothing can now retard union between tlie Sons 
 of the American Revohition and the Sons of the Revokition 
 except a lack of patiiotic spirit on the part of the Societies 
 S. i?." * Thus insult is added to injury. Rival societies 
 have been set up, or attempted to be set up, in New York 
 and Pennsylvania. t In one of these instances an eminent 
 gentleman, prominent in national politics and famous as an 
 impromptu orator, and not wholly without Presidential as- 
 pirations, has been elected president of a State society, 
 though only an "honorary member," and (it has been un- 
 derstood) without any ancestral record entitling him to actual 
 membership in the society ! 
 
 The New York and Pennsylvania societies, and the more 
 recent society of the District of Columbia in affiliation with 
 them, have preserved a dignified silence. But while these 
 societies decline to make any official reply to the many news- 
 paper attacks upon them, it is well that some of the facts 
 should be known, and it is the purpose of the present writer 
 to aid in making them known. 
 
 The aims of the two societies appear to be quite different. 
 The original Society of Sons of the Revolution is conserva- 
 tive and disposed to move slowly on well-settled lines. It is 
 not seeking members, while gladly welcoming all who are 
 of unquestioned eligibility and of such personal qualifica- 
 tions as will make them useful and respected members. It 
 does not, however, "go out into the highways and hedges and 
 compel them to come in." It employs no missionaries, and 
 utterly prohibits any discussion of party politics within its 
 borders. It seeks quality rather than quantity of membership. 
 It does not accept members on hearsay testimony, but re- 
 quires actual proof of the requisite qualifications. Its aims 
 are historical, literary, social, and ^patriotic, and its mem- 
 bers, while of the most diverse political sentiments, are 
 united purely for general patriotic purposes and antiquarian 
 res:?arch. 
 
 * Editorial in The Repuei,ic of May 14, 1S90. 
 t See pages 12 and 14. 
 
The objects of the Society of Sons of the American Revo- 
 lution are, in many respects, quite different. Some of its 
 members wish to make an impress on the politics of the coun- 
 try, " to save the schools " — whatever that may mean — and 
 to speedily enroll such a large membership tliat it may be 
 recognized as a " power " in the land. It is continually 
 boasting of "rapid growth." Its haste is undignified, to 
 say the least, and unnecessary, unless it is desirous to be- 
 come a " power " before the next Presidential election. In- 
 cidentally it seeks " to promote social intercourse among 
 its members," but, as one of its advocates claims that tliere 
 ought to be secured " a membership of twenty-five thousand 
 in the State of Ohio alone," it is not easy to see how social 
 intercourse and historical research could be practically 
 maintained in so large a body. 
 
 It is freely admitted that the Society of Sons of the Amer- 
 ican Revolution now contains many distinguished members, 
 of which any society might be proud. It is believed, how- 
 ever, that most, if not all, of such members were ignorant 
 of many of the facts which attended the foundation of the 
 society they joined. It is further believed that they were 
 misled by the originator of this National society, whose 
 combination of pertinacity, vanity, and effrontery is un- 
 equaled, and whose insensibility to the usages of polite life 
 is manifest in every movement. 
 
 The New York society now numbers over six hundred 
 and the Pennsylvania society about two hundred members. 
 Both societies have printed full ali)habetical lists of their 
 members, with the relationship, name, and rank of the 
 ancestor from whom the member is descended. Both 
 societies may well be proud, not only of the distinguished 
 Revolutionary patriots who are represented, but of the char- 
 acter and standing of the members through whom the ances- 
 tors are represented. No such complete and satisfactory 
 lists, it is believed, have been issued by the societies of the 
 later organization. Those of Revolutionary descent are free 
 to choose between the two societies. It is matter of regret, 
 
however, that the name of the elder society should have been 
 so closely imitated. 
 
 The writer is a member of the Pennsylvania Society of Sons 
 of the Revolution, but holds no official position therein, and 
 what has been written is in noway an official utterance. It is 
 a brief statement of some facts which are within his knowl- 
 edge, and his reason for writing is that his patience has been 
 more than exhausted by the publication of wholly unfair 
 statements respecting the society of which he has the honor 
 to be a member. What he has written has been in the inter- 
 est of truth and fair play, and without suggestion from or 
 consultation with any one. The following quotation, from 
 an original letter of Thomas Jefferson, in the writer's collec- 
 tion of autograph Revolutionary letters, seems peculiarly ap- 
 propriate at this time: "Truth and reason can maintain 
 themselves without the aid of coercion, if left free to defend 
 themselves. But then they must defend themselves. Eter- 
 nal lies and sophisms on one side, and silence on the other, 
 are too unequal." 
 
 Philadelphia, May 30th, 1890. 
 
 The following letter is reprinted from The Republic (a 
 weekly newspaper of New York City) of May 21st, 1890: — 
 
 Strictness in Membership. 
 
 Editor of the Republic, 
 
 Sir : — I do not know as I have any right to say anything 
 in regard to the struggle now on between the S. A. R. and 
 S. R., inasmuch as I am not a member of either society. 
 Neither do I wish to boast my ancestry. I will say, however, 
 to explain why I write to you, that I am descended from two 
 soldiers of Bunker Hill, and so, naturally, feel an interest in 
 the welfare of any society formed of the descendants of 
 Revolutionary sires. 
 
In reading The Republic, many points have risen in ray 
 mind on which I would like to have the explanation of The 
 Republic. In the first place, I do not understand what 
 there is to quarrel about, or why the S. A. R. should attack 
 the S. R. foot, horse and dragoons with all the animosity 
 with which the ancestors of the members of each society 
 fought red coats; and, on the other hand, I do not see why 
 the S. R., if all that has been said in The Republic is true 
 in regard to conciliatory messages, &c., should stand out 
 so sturdily and obstinately against the fusion of the socie- 
 ties. 
 
 Why, if the S. R. is of so little importance, should the S. 
 A. R. pursue them so constantly to perfect an amalgamation 
 of the two societies? Why, if the gentlemen composing the 
 S. R., do not want to join the S. A. R., should they not be 
 left alone to do as they please in the premises ? I do not see 
 why an older organization should be in honor bound to come 
 into another organization of similar object, and, by so doing, 
 have to give up their insignia, name, badges and, more than 
 that, to give up some of the strictness of their rules for what 
 shall constitute eligibility. 
 
 I have read well and carefully the constitutions of both 
 societies, and can see that that of the S. R. is more strict in 
 regard to membership, or rather in regard to what shall be 
 called qualifications for membership. In this, it is in the 
 right. The membership of any society supposed to be 
 formed from the descendants of any class, should be made 
 up of those and those only who can clearly prove their de- 
 scent from that class ; and the more exacting the conditions, 
 the more will a membership therein be sought and prized. 
 Persons will come to the society, instead of the society pre- 
 senting the picture of soliciting for membership. 
 
 The country had waited for over a hundred years for such 
 a society to be formed. The S. R. had started such a 
 society ; it had a healthy growth, organized well and con- 
 servatively, with the proper safeguards against the admission 
 of ineligible persons ; had adopted colors and insignia 
 
\ 
 
 which cannot be equaled, for their colors are those of our 
 fathers' uniforms, and their insignia makes the common 
 soldier the principal figure, and is fashioned after no foreign 
 badge of nobility. As I said before, the S. R. had a healthy 
 growth. Its organizers, feeling that there was danger of the 
 crowding in of those not proi)erly qualified, wished to keep, 
 the membership restricted to those and only those who could 
 clearly prove their descent ; they wished in fact to control 
 the management until the society had such a start, and until 
 such a feeling had been inculcated in the minds of the mem- 
 bership to inspect with jealous care every application for 
 admission. Their natural conclusion was that in time the 
 S. R. would swell into a national organization the same as 
 any secret or other organization grows, spreading its bounda- 
 ries as it gets older. The S. A. R. went to work and formed 
 a rival society, and then came with demands that the S. R. 
 should give up name and insignia to them. Of course, the 
 S. R. was indignant and refused to have anything to do with 
 the S. A. R. I do not see how they could do otherwise and 
 preserve their self-respect. 
 
 I do not mean to assume that the organizers of the S. A. R. 
 were in any degree dishonest, or were actuated by other than 
 honest motives; but I do believe that a large membership 
 and a widespread organization should be a secondary item ; 
 that the first consideration should be high ground in the 
 matter of wliat might be considered the qualifications for 
 membership, the manner in which evidence should be given, 
 verification of evidence of descent, &c. To illustrate, I 
 notice that in the blank application for admission to S. A. R.,. 
 it is left optional with State societies whether the evidence Jor 
 membership shall be taken on oath before a notary public or 
 other officer, or not. This is not so with the S. R., and^ 
 according as a State society may be ambitious for a large 
 membership or not, the door is left open for totally unquali- 
 fied persons to enter, upon no better evidence than their "say 
 so," into a society, a membership in which ought to be the 
 proudest boast of any Yankee citizen. 
 
I mean to say that it is possible in the new societies S. 
 A. R. , formed in the West, the officers of which are them- 
 selves ignorant of their duty in regard to close inspection, 
 for any one who can trace a pedigree back to Revolutionary 
 times to become members of the society. 
 
 The Republic has said in every copy I have so far noticed 
 that it is the impartial, unprejudiced mouthpiece of both 
 societies ; and although I liave so far seen very little that 
 was any defense of the S. R., I have taken the liberty of 
 writing you, only after long thought on the subject, trusting 
 it will be printed, as you have always solicited the views of 
 descendants on the subject of the two societies. 
 
 I am for the joining of the societies, but want to see it 
 ■done without the S. R. having to give up their honored 
 colors, simple and appropriate insignia, or their just and 
 proper restrictions in regard to admission. 
 
 I write this in great haste on my way to the South, and trust 
 you will overlook mistakes, as I have dictated in haste and 
 have not had time to inspect closely or correct. 
 
 J. MARSHALL BROWN. 
 
 Chicago, III., May 13th, 1890. 
 
 [Extract from an editorial in The Republic of May 21st, 1890.] 
 
 The S. a. R. and S. R. differ radically on many impor- 
 tant points. Name, insignia, and badge are three of them, 
 and yet after all, these matters do not equal in importance 
 one other, namely, the principle at the basis of the organ- 
 ization of the united order. If the united societies are to be 
 formed for purely social objects, for pleasant reminiscences 
 ■of the era in which our forefathers established Independence 
 and representative government, for banquets, for the personal 
 •distinction of being recognized as the descendants of men 
 who played a part bravely and well in the trying times of 
 one hundred years ago, and for the preservation of relics. 
 
documents, and records, then perhaps the aristocratic prin- 
 ciple might be all well enough. The united societies might 
 then limit their membership as much as they please and make 
 their order exclusive — a sort of junior Cincinnati — an associ- 
 ation oT patriotic gentlemen for the mutual enjoyment of 
 each other's cultivated society. But if the united order is to 
 be not only that, but more, if it is to impress American ideas 
 upon the great mass of our fellow-citizens — whether of native 
 or foreign birth — who are negligent of American ideas, if it 
 is to save the schools, teach patriotism to the young, and 
 unite the men of the South and of the North in patriotic 
 sentiment, then The Republic believes it must be someihins 
 besides an exclusive and aristocratic association. It must be, 
 in the best sense, popular, must hold frequent meetinj.s, and 
 must be inspired with the spirit of representative institutions 
 in its whole manasiement, local and national. 
 
 First Organized in New York in 1876. 
 
 The Society of the Cincinnati, founded at West Point by 
 the officers of the Army of the Revolution in 1783, originally 
 limited its membership to descendants of officers in the elder 
 branch, and, with a temporary and short variation from the 
 rule, has ever since maintained its restriction. 
 
 The approach of the Centennial Anniversary of American 
 Independence is an appropriate time for the formation of a 
 society on a broader basis, which may include all descend- 
 ants of those who served in the Army of the Revolution. 
 
 The undersigned have formed themselves into a society 
 under the name of " The Sons of the Revolution," and in- 
 vite the membership of all who, like themselves, are descend- 
 ants of officers or soldiers of the Revolutionary Army. The 
 object of the society is to take part in the Centennial Ex- 
 hibition at Philadelphia. 
 
 A meeting will be held for organization at the rooms of 
 the New York Historical Society on the morning of Tuesday 
 
the 2 2d of Februar)' next (1876), at 12 o'clock. All per- 
 sons having a right and desire to become members may send 
 their names and the names of those they represent, to the 
 undersigned, Box SS, Station " D," New York Post Office. 
 
 JOHN AUSTIN STEVENS. 
 
 Organization of New Jersey Societv. 
 
 The New Jersey Society was organized at Newark, N. J.^ 
 March 7th, 1889. The organization was perfected through 
 the efforts of Mr. William O. McDowell and Mr. Josiah 
 Collins Pumpelly, both being at that time members of the 
 New York Society of Sons of the Revolution. 
 
 These gentlemen, together with Messrs. Paul Revere, John 
 Lawrence Boggs, Jr., George Blight Halsted, Benjamin 
 Myer, and Charles E. McDowell, were the founders of the 
 New Jersey Society. It was at this first meeting that steps 
 were taken to set on foot a plan for the formation of a 
 National Society. A series of resolutions were passed, where- 
 by a committee of three was authorized to invite the descend- 
 ants of Revolutionary sires, wherever found, to organize 
 sister societies in th.e various States of the Union, and to 
 elect delegates who should convene in New York City on 
 April 30th, 1889. 
 
 [Editorial in Philadelphia Inquirer, April iSth, 1S90.] 
 
 Rival Sons of the Revolution. 
 
 The Society of the Sons of the American Revolution, a 
 rival of the Society of the Sons of the Revolution, is can- 
 vassing the State of Pennsylvania with the idea of utilizing 
 the centennial of the death of Benjamin Franklin for the 
 establishment of a Pennsylvania branch and of gathering in 
 members. A circular letter signed by William O. McDowell, 
 "Vice-President General," has been distributed, apparently 
 
13 
 
 with the idea of drumming up recruits. The Pennsylvania 
 Society of the Sons of tlie Revolution was established Ai)ril 3d, 
 1888, and now numbers one hundred and sixty-six members. 
 Its president is Major William Wayne, great-grandson of 
 ^' Mad " Anthony Wayne, Pennsylvania's great Revolutionary 
 hero, and himself a gallant soldier of the Army of the James. 
 Its members are gentlemen of character and of high standing 
 in this State. Male descendants of persons who aided in the 
 establishment of the American Union during the contest 
 with England are eligible to membership in this society, and 
 any one so eligible, we should think, would prefer to join it 
 rather than to embark upon a new venture, which is uncalled 
 for and whose outcome is uncertain, since it is launched upon 
 a held already fully occupied. 
 
 To establish two societies having precisely the same pur- 
 pose and erected on precisely the same foundations, is only 
 to weaken the resources and strength of both. There is not 
 room for two such societies, even if there were any occasion 
 for another one, which there is not. The best material 
 available in this State has already gone towards building up 
 the Pennsylvania Society of the Sons of the Revolution. It 
 has undertaken an historical work of some importance in the 
 collecting, from country attics and other places, of manuscripts 
 relating to the Revolutionary War, and in the marking of the 
 numerous places in Pennsylvania made historic by the opera- 
 tions of Washington's army or by the presence of other 
 patriots of the period. In this work the people of Pennsyl- 
 vania should lend the society assistance by communicating to 
 Mr. John W. Jordan, the registrar of the society, at the hall 
 of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania, No. 1300 Locust 
 Street, Philadelphia, information concerning any letters or 
 writings relating to the Revolutionary War, in order that 
 copies of them may be made. 
 
 It has been said of the rival organization that in its anxiety 
 to gain members it has not been particular to insist that the 
 claims to membership of applicants should be well founded. 
 If this be so the movement becomes ridiculous. It appears 
 
from its circular that it does not require a sworn statement of 
 such claims preliminary to admission, and it is, perhaps, un- 
 fortunate for this pushing organization that the value of a 
 membership which should be the source of an lionorable 
 pride, does not depend upon the ease with which admission 
 to the society can be gained or a fictitious claim be made to 
 answer the purpose of a sound one. The rival society is a 
 mistake. It should never have been started, antl now it 
 ought to be merged in the one already existing. 
 
 [Editorial in Philadelphia Inquirer, April 21st, 1890.] 
 Sons of the American Revolution. 
 
 The Inquirer acknowledges the receipt from William O. 
 McDowell, " Vice-President General " of the Sons of the 
 American Revolution, of three communications since Friday 
 last. The first announced the intention to form a branch of 
 this society in Pennsylvania; the last announces that so 
 many recruits have been brought in that at least four chapters 
 have already been established in this State. There is a wild 
 Western land-boom appearance about "Vice-President Gen- 
 eral " McDowell's methods, which, to say the least, seem pe- 
 culiar when applied to the formation of a society whose foun- 
 dation is supposed to rest upon historical services rendered 
 during the Revolutionary War. Indeed, -'Vice-President 
 General" McDowell is in such a hurry to boom his society 
 that in his circular letter he spells the name of General 
 Greene, "Green," and that of Muhlenberg, " Muhlen- 
 burg," which does not indicate that degree of familiarity 
 with American history which is desirable in every pupil of 
 the public schools, and without which no man should be 
 eligible to the office of "Vice-President General" of a so- 
 ciety bearing the name of "Sons of the American Revolu- 
 tion." 
 
 We regret that "Vice-President General" McDowell, 
 by scattering broadcast throughout Pennsylvania his circulars 
 
15 
 
 asking pretty much everybody to come into his Society of 
 the Sons of the American Revolution, should be engaged in 
 counteracting the good influences of the public schools and 
 the school histories wherein the names of Generals Greene 
 and Muhlenberg are properly spelled. Error is a rapid- 
 growing plant even when the most energetic efforts are made 
 to keep it down, and is as hard to uproot as the Canada 
 thistle. In Pennsylvania, where there is a Greene County 
 and where the name of Muhlenberg is very familiar, a 
 society whose chief officials are responsible for scattering the 
 seeds of ignorance is not likely to be looked upon with much 
 favor. On the contrary, it is likely to be visited with public 
 disapprobation for engaging in what resembles a cowboy's 
 assault upon the work of Thaddeus Stevens and Governor 
 Ritner in establishing a free school system in this State. 
 
 If there should be anybody in Pennsylvania who wants to 
 join "Vice-President General" McDowell's society it is 
 apparent that he will be received with open arms, and it 
 seems probable that a society which is so peculiar in its spell- 
 ing of historical names will not put his eligibility to any se- 
 verely critical test. The only thing that the Pennsylvanian 
 needs to be warned against is the mistaking of " Vice-Presi- 
 dent General " McDowell's society for the Pennsylvania 
 Society of the Sons of the Revolution, whose members, es- 
 corted by the City Troop, observed the anniversary of the 
 battle of Lexington yesterday by attending divine services at 
 Christ Church. 
 
LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 
 
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