I Pass E^gfc Book XT^ \^Ip1 A. X) ID K; E S OP GOVERNOR CONRAD BAKER, DELIVERED AT KNIGHTSTOWN, IND., JULY 4th, 1867, ON THE OCCASION OF LAYING THE CORNER STONE OF THE SOLDIER'S HOME. ^ ADDRESS Fellow Citizens— Ladies and Gentlemen: To the joint action of the Grand Army of the Eepubhc and the Trustees of the Soldiers' Home are we indebted for the happy blending of the two patriotic objects which have assembled sn here to-day It is meet and proper that the commemoration of the laying of the corner stone of the grandest political structure that man ever reared or Prov- idence ever blessed should on this day be asso- ciated with the laying of the corner stone of a Home for those who have been disabled in bat- tling to preserve this grand political structure from destruction. _ It is also fit and proper that these twin ofiFer- ings, both sacred to patriotism, should be made under tbe auspices of an association of citizen soldiers lately composing a part and still bear- ing the name of the Grand Army of the Re- public. ■But while it is true, as already intimated, that the Declaration of Independence was, and is, the corner stone of our national existence, it ought not to be forgotten that this stone was, and is, built upon and supported by broad and deep pre-existing foundations. _ These foundations, to which I now invite your indulgent attention, consist: First— Of that Union which constiUites us one people, and without which independence and national eaistence never could have become re- alities ; and, Secondly-Of those immutable principles of truth and justice, for the support of which the fathers pledged their lives, their fortunes, and thiir sacred honor. The first proposition, then, to which I propose to speak is, that the Union was and is one of the grand foundations upon which our independence and nationality are based. _ What, then, is the nature of the Union? what its origin, and what the causes which brought it into being? Is it a league between sovereign States, independent not only of all the nations of the earth, but independent of each other, oris it a Union of the entire people of one vast coun- try as one undivided nation, all owing allegi- ance to the same Government, of which they themselves are the architects and builders? As a starting point in the consideration of these questions, we hare thirteen distinct and sepa- rate British Colonies, all founded on charters, proprietory grants or royal governmental com- missions, emanating from the British crown and defaning the boundaries of these colonies re- spectively. The colonies although existing separately un- der these charters, grants 8,nd commisKions oc- cupied contiguous territory, had a common origin and for the most part, the colonists spoke the same language. Their situation was such that their welfare if not their very existence ro- quired that there should be some common gov- ernment for the regulation of their external aflairs with the rest of the world, to which all fi?f "ii .? alike subject For many years after tne planting of these colonies, they all had this necessary common government for the regula- tion ot their external concerns, under and as a part ot the British KiDgdom. to whose crown t^tieym thefullea^ manner acknowledged their But whilst these colonies all owed and ac- knowledged thetr allegiance to the British Crown, each of them had. for a long time, en- joyed the blessings of local self government in relation to their domestic affairs and internal regulations^ They acknowledged themselves as part ot the British Empire, to be bound by all treaty stipulations made by it with other na- tions, and also that they were subject to the leg- islation of the British Parliament, so far as re- lated to their commercial intercourse with the world, and all other subjects on which a uni- formity of legislation was necessary or desirable tor all portions of that Empire. They claimed however, that being British subjects, they were entitled to all the rights of Englishmen, promi- nent among which was the right of trial by jury, and the right to be exempt from being taxed save witli the consent of their immediate representa- tives. Ihey submitted for many years to the most unjust restrictions upon their trade and commercial intercourse as between themselves as well as between them and the outside world, without questioning the power of Parliament to inapose these restrictions. When, however Par- liament went one step farther, and attempted to levy internal taxes in the shape of stamp duties embracing within their scope nearly all tbe daily transactions of liie : they remonstrated and bold- ly denied the power of Parliament to impose such burdens. The controversy, which this at- tempt on the part of Parliment to t-tx the Col- onies without their consent, gave rise to the Oontinental Congress of 1765, which may be re- garded as the germ of the American Union. Although each colony bad a local legislature, tbey were separate and distinct political commu- nities, and had, by their organic structure, no power to unite for a^y purpose without the con- sent ot the British Government, and as a con- sequence a unioa of the people of tbe colonies tor the purpose of resioting the aggressions of the parent Government was one step towards revolution. The colonial Legislative Assemblies consisted ot three separate and dis inct branches, the con- currence of all of which was neoefieary in the passage of laws. These branches consisted hrst, of a Governor chosen directly or indirectly by and dependant upon tbe Crown. Second a repreBentativw assemblF choSen by the people- and third, a Council or Upper House SPleoted by the repre^-ientatives of the people with the con- currence or cubject te the negative of the royal Governor. For many years the Colonial Leg- islatures had exercised the exclusive and un- questioned right of levying all the internal taxes which were impojed upon the col- onists, and "f granting or refusing such sup- plies to the King as to the Legislature might seem proper. Witti perhaps a single excep- tion, no reasonable complaint could be made aeainst any of the colonies of a want of liber- ality in responding to the King's requisitions for supplies. The colonists in isted that being i'itish subjects, they were entitled to all the rights of British citizenship, and that as resi- dent citizens of England could not bs taxed except with the consent of their representatives in the Houpe of Commons, and as it was im- practicable that, the co'onics should be repre- sented in Piirliament, it foMowed that the peo- ple of the colonies c«uld only be taxed with the consent of their representatives in the Colonial Legislative Assemblies. Parliament, on t>ie other hand, claimed the unlimited power of legislating for the colonies in all cases what:?o- ever. Here, then, was an issue between ths people of the colonies on the one baud, and the Parlia- ment on the other, which o-iuld only be settled by the yielding of one party to the claims of the other, or by the stern arbitrament of the sword. The history of the times, and the facts setforth in the Declaration of Independence, show how reluctant the Fathers were to resort to extreme measures for redress of grievances. They say in that instrument that a« every stage of the op- pressions ot which they complained they had petitioned for redress in th*- most humble man- ner, but that their petitions had been answered by repeated injury. How calm, considerate and dignified was the conduct of the men of the Revolution when com- pared with the proceedings of those who recently rebelled against the authority of a government in which they were not only fully represented, but over which the* exercised an undue control. In the one case lyery peaceab'e measure was ex hausted for the redress of real grievances, and esistance was only sanctioned as a last resoit In the other, without any real cause of com- plaint, war was invoked as a remedy against apprehended evils Looking a' these two ex- amples ot resistance to constituted authority in the light of tbeir respective results, who can doubt that Go'i is just, or that He governs in the aC'airs of men ? The stiimp act received the rojal assent on the 22d day of March. I'fiS and thereby the power of Parliament to tax the colonies in the absence of r'-p'-o.'ientatiiin was attempted to be exercised to the fullest extent and in the most oppressive mannnr, Ou the 6th day of June, of the same year, in the House of Representatives f>f Massachusetts, James O'is, of Boston, advised "the calling of an American Congress, which should come to- gether wiihoiit (inkiiip the conneiitof Ihc King, and should consist of committees from each of the thirteen colonies, to be appointed respectively /))/ tJie deleoa'fi "./ (/c peoph- iinthout regard to the other branr.htu of the legiHlntum," 1 he supgottion was adapted. Otis and two other members of the MassacbusRtts House of Representatives were appointed delegates to the proposed Congress, and letters were sen' to every legislative aeeembly on the continent "prop'sing that com'.nitteeg of the several assemblies should loeot at New York on the first Tuesday of the following ..(ctober, to consult together and con- sider of a united repre^entation to implore re- lief. ' In puTsunnce of rimilar action on the part of other colonies, the tirst continental Congress mi't in the ci'y of New York, on the 7th dny of October, 17fi5. It coiisistrd ot dclegntes fr' m MiisHacliUKetts. Rhode If'and, Connecticut, Pennsjlvaiiin., Mftryiatid, 8outU Oflroiioa, Dela- ware, New Jersey and New York. New Hamp- i^hire, although unrepresented by delegates, had pledged her people in advance to abide by the result, and Georgia evinced her interest in the matter by sending a messenger a thousand miles bv land to obtain a copy of the proceedings. Virginia and North Carolina were not in any way represented in this first American Congress, although they were both in full sympathy with the people of the other colonies As bearing on the formation and nature of the American Union, it is interesting and important to note the manner in which this first Congress was constituted. Did it represent the local co- lonial governments of the respective colonies, or did it represent the people? To answer this question, it is only necessary to State the man- ner in which the delegates were appointed. In Massachusetts, Rhode Island, Connecticut, Pennsylvania, Maryland and South Carolina, the Governor and Council, both con-'tituent parts of the legislative power, were entirely ig- nored, ani' the appointments were made by the House of Representatives. In Delaware and New Jersey the popular branch of the Legislature did not even act in its organizea capacity, but the delegates from those colonics were named by letters of appnintment, signed by the individual members of the Houses of Representatives of these colonies respective- ly ; and in New York the Legislative Committee of Correspondence, appninted by the popular branch of the Legislature of that colony, consti- tuted its delegates to the Congress. Here, then, we see that in 'he first Continental Congress the delegate^ did not represent the lo- cal governments of their respective colonies, but that they did represent the people of the colo- nies from which thoy were sent. That they were appointed not by the local governments but by the popular branches of the Colonial Assemblies, as the immediate and most convenient organs of the popular will. The Congress thus assembled entered imme- diately on the consideration of the grounds on which they would base their efforts to vindicate American liberty and American rights. Whether they should build on the rights secured by their respective charters or im natural ju.-tice became the question. Some were for relying on their charters and pleading the rights thus secured, but Christopher Gadsden of South Carolina, saw that this was basing American liberty on too nar- row a foundation and would result in division and destruction, as their charters difi'ered and some of the colonies had no charters from the Crown at all. "We should stand." (said this sturdy pa- triot) "upon the broad, conimc.n fround of those natural rights that we all feel and know as men, and as the descendants of Englishmen— I wish the charters may nnt ensnare us at Ijht by draw- ing different colonies to act differently in this great cause. Whenever this is the case, all will be over with the whole. There should be no New England man, no New Yorker on the con- tinent, but all of us Americans." "These views" (says Bancroft) "prevailed, and in the proceedings of the Congress the argument for American liberty from royal gran's was avoided. This ia the first great step towards in- dependence. Dummer has pleaded for colony charters ; Livingston, Gadsdon, and the Congress of 176.') provided f«r American seif-existence and Union by claiming rights that preceded charters, and would survive their ru'D." It is worthy of remark that the question be- tween chartered rights and natural justice hag repeated itself in our subsequent history. Those in after years who have been the peculiar advo- cates of Mate sovereignty are the legitimate de- fccndants of the men who, in our controversy with Great Britair,, were willing to base Ameri- can liberty on no firmer fou'ndatirm than the wi.rds of a King contained in a royal charter, a royal proprietory grant, or a royal governor's vonimiesioo ; while those wh-o have maafally ia- sisted oa the paratriount sovoreignty of tho en- tire Amarican People, have with Gadsden and the ContineDta.1 Congress of 1766 always maia- tained that human rights are older and more tacred than mere chartered rights, and that charters and constitutions are only valuable as they tend to secure natural rights and promote human happiness The Stamp Act, the passage of which gave birth to the Congress of 176&. having been re- pealed in 1766, that Congress never reassembled and had nc successor untill 1774 In the mean- time the controversy went on between the Britifh government and the Colonies, as to the powers of tie former over the latter. The form of tho exactions was changed, but the substance was insisted upon with increased pertinacity. Port duties on the necessaries of life were sub- stituted for stamp taxes, and the legality of their asse.-smeut was denied and their colleo tion resisted with the same sturdy determination tha.t had been previously put forth in relation to the S'nmp Act. Again, Union became the watchword of the people, and "loin or Die" rang out as themotto of those real Sons of Liberty. As early as July, 1773. Dr. Franklin advised the Rssemb'ing of a general Congress of all the Colonies, giving as a rea.'on for this advice, that "the strength of an empire depends not only on the union of its parts, but on their readiness for a united exertion of their common !force." Virginia, although unrepresvt.ted in the Con- tinental Congress of 1765. was the fir-^t to move in the call of that of 1774. The House of Bur- gesses of Virginia met in May, 1774, and so^n after the meeting news was received that the port of Boston was to be closed by an act of Par- liament on the first day of Juno following. They forthwith passed an order designating that day as a day of fastiag. humiliation and piayer, to imp^1re the Divine interposition for averting tne heavy calamity which threatened destrue tion to their civil richts ani the evils of civil war. and to give them "one heart and one mind firmly to oppose, by all just and proper means, every injury to American rights." This action, as mighi have been and doubtless was expected, b'-ought down upon them th»i dis- plen'ure of the royal Governor. w6o immediate- ly dissolved the House. But the members im- mediately rea-ssembled in another p ace, and de- clared that all the Colonies had a j int interest in the la.e proceeding of pariiamint, and ad vised the calling of a general Continental 'Con- gress. In accordance with this recommendation ». convention of the people of Virginia was held, by which seven persons were appointed co rep- resent the people of that colony in a General Congress to be held at Philadelphia in the fol- lowing September. Massachu=ott8 promptly seconded the motion of Virginia for a Congress, and other colonies soon followed their example by appointing dele- ga.tes Here again the deleeates were therepre eentatives of i he ueople and not the representa- tives of the loeql colonial governments. They were appointed either by conventions of the peo- ple or by the por)ular branches of the legislatu?es acting for the people. These delegates met at Philadelphia in Con- gress on the 5th day of September, 1774, and designated themselves in their proceedings as "The Delegate- appointed by the good people of the Colonies." All the Colonies were repre- sented in this Congre'8 except Georgia. Being without « written constitution or com pact of union, and not yet seriously <'ontemplat- ing independence, the Congress of 1774, in imi- tation of that of 176.>. resolved that each colony should have one vote, but to prevent this from being drawn into precedent they declared a a reason for this action that they could not pro- cure reliable data for determiniiig tho import- ance of each Colony. This Congress, aft«r declaring the rights of the people of the Colonies and setting forth the ffri«TaBo«B of irbioh they oompUined, prepared an agreement of non-intercourse with the moth- er country, which was signed by all the members and recommended to the people for their adop- tion until their grievances should b** fully re- dressed. Tbey adjuurned on the 26th day of October, having first recommended that another Congress of all tho Colonies should be held at Philadelphia, on the 10th day of May. 1775, un- less their grievances should bo before that time redressed, and that delegates to the new Con- gress should be appointed without delay. In the mean time, the Colonial Government of Massachusetts was revolutionized. Parliament had aitempted to subvert their charter by chang- ing the mode of selecting the l;ouncil, so as to insure the subserviency of that branch of the Legislature to the Crown and Parliament. Popular indignation was so aroused by this fresh act of aggression, that the new Councillors were compelled to resign. Writs of election had been issued for a new IIousc. of Representatives, but the royal Governor, in consequence of the com- pulsory resignation of the Councilors, counter- manded by proelomation the writs of election. The people, in disregard of the Governor s proclamation, held their elections, and the members elect met pursuant to the precepts. There being no council, and the Governor fail- ing to recognize the members elected to the House of Representatives, of course they had no power under the Charter to legislate. The member." of the House adjourned from Salem to Cambridge, and resolved themselves into a Pro- vincial Congress, and the people of the colony sanctioned this proceeding by generally yielding obedience to their authority. On the 19r,h of April, 1775. the battle of Lex- it aton was fought, and on the lO'h of the suc- ceeding month the Continental Congress met in Philadelphia. The delegates had been chosen partly by conventions of tho people, and partly by the popular branch of such of the Colonial Legislatures as were then in session : but these latter appointments were all subsequently rati- fied by conventions of the people. At tho opening of the session all the colonies were represented except Georgia and Rhode Is- land, snd five days afterwards the delegates of the latter appeared, leaving Georgia alone un- represented. Congres.s continued in eession un- til the first day of August, when they took a recess to the 5th day of September, i^oon after their reassembling, all the colonies inoludinff Georgia, were represented. Civil war had actu- ally commenced, and Conetess at once became the organ of the united resistance of the colonies to the mother countrj. ] t at once assumed tht control of the legislation of tho co ntine nt, and instead of considering itself tbeiMHlH^ of the^ij^ local colonial governments it acted as the repre- sentative of<»mfijesty of a united people, and advised the colonies what tbey should do in the matter of reconstructing their local govern- ments, put the country in a state of defense, and assumed control of the military operations of tho colonies, it devised ways and means for conducting the war, organized a continental or national army by adopting the army raised by the New England Provinces, ana then under the command of General Ward, and bv directing troops to be raised by Pennsylvania, Maryland and Virginia, to join the army near Boston, which was aesignated byCongress as the Anierican Continental Army ; and was ordered to be paid out o( the Continental treasury. On tho loth day of June. 1775, George Washington, one of the delegates from Virginia, was unanim- ously chosen by Congret-s to be the Commander in Chief of the Continental forces. In Waebing- tcn'ii commission, the stylo oi'Hhe United Colon ies" was for the first time adapted, and tho de- ienee o( America 11, liberties was assumed as the great object of the Union. In a letter of instruc- tions which accompanied this commission, the General was enjoined by Congress to make it his special care that the liberties of .dwicrica received no detriment. Here then no have a national CoDgreiB, a ns' ■^ tlonal Army, a national Treasury and a national llaiun, without a single State in the Union. What then becomes of the oft-repeated assump- tion that the States made the Union, and can therefore unmake it at pleasure by withdrawing therefrom? The Continental Congress finding that their cherished idea of a reconciliation with the motlier country on the basis of justice and free- dom was a delusive hope, on the Fourth day of July, 1776, adopted the Declaration of Indepen- dence, the Colonies voting unanimously there- tor, and sent it forth to the world. What evidence does this instrument contain as to the pre-existence of the Union and its na- ture? Let it speak for itself, and judge ye whether its utterances are doubtful either as to the exi.stence of the Union, or the authority up- on which Congress acced in making the declara- tion. Irs first sentence reads as follows : "When, in the course of human events, it be- com'^8 necessary for Oi«K People to dissolve the poli'ical bonds which have connected them with another, and to assume among the powersof the earth, thescpnrate and equ il atntion to which the laws of nature and of nature'-. God entitle them, a decent respect for the opinions of man- kind requires that they should declare the causes which impel them to the s-epara ion." One People I What stronger or more emphatic expression could have been employed to indicate the oneness of our beloved country? The clause ja»t quoted from the Declaration shows that prior to and on the moining of the 4th day of July. 1776, there were political bonds connecting the One People of the thirteen colonies with an- other people, even the people of Great Uritain : thaf this connection prevented this "One Peo- ple" from exercising among the Powers of the eai th that sovereignty to which they were enti- tled, but which they had never possessed; and for the purpose of dissolving this connect!' n and enabling this One People to a.'^sume among the Powers of the earth the separate and equal Station which was rightfully theirs, is the declar ed object of this immortal instrument Our fathers, in declaring their independence, did not usher into the world thirteen independent sov- ereign nations or States ; but tbey did introduce into che family of nations one people, one na tion, composed of the united people of thirteen colioies, bound together in the same bundle of tof Union, and they claimed for this "One Pei - pic" one, and only one. separate and equal place aciiongthe Powers of the earth. Ijet us thank th'! Ruler of the Universe that His Providence made good the declaration of 1776, and through th«t same Providence directing the minds, nerving the arms and encouraging the hearts of the patriotic, bravo and good men of our own generation, we are to-day, after the lapse of ne:'rly a century, still one people, occupying one, and only one, separate and equal station among th>" Powers of the world. But the evidence contained in the declaration in favor of our national unity and the para- mount sovereignty of the people of the entire Union does not stop here Let me quote in your hearing a portion of its concluding santence. It reals thus : "We therefore, the representatives of the Ui'Vcd iS'/ these coloiiieH solmenly publish and declare thnt, these United Colouh^ are, and of right, ouiiht o be free and independent St a tea." ileroisthe title deed ot our nationality made in the name and by the authority of the good people of the United Colonies, acling through their chosen representatives in the Peneral Con- gress. Dues any one of the origiiial thirteen States claim to be sovrei^n and ir^'epoiidont ? if so she is e.itoppcd from dating her overeignty HPd indei endence prior to the Fo..rth day of July, 1776, for in tha doclarain.-i she ac- knowledges her previous colonial condition and her want of equality of station among the powers of the earth. Each of the States was born inde pendent in the Union, but not independent o/ the Union. And the State that would destroy the Union would become the murderer of the mother who bore her. Are we told'that the articles of confederation which preceded the Constitution of the United States, was a compact by its terms between inde- pendent sovereign States? This must be grant- ed, but with the admission should go the fact that these articles of confederation nevtr were ratified and never became efi'ectual until the war of the Revolution had nearly been concluded. The ratification took place and Congress first met under them in 1781 and peace came in 1783. The Union was a verity for six years and more prior to the ratification of these articles, and they being a departure from the grand principle of national unity, announced in the Declaration of Independence, were soon given up for the Constitution of the United States, which again spoke the national will by the authority, not of the States, but of one united people. One other historical incident bearing upon the same point, and I conclude .this branch of the subject. When the Commissioners of France, Great Britain and the United States met in Paris, in August, 1782, to conclude a treaty of peace, the British Commissioner produced a oommisf'ion in the language of a then recent act of Parliament, by which the King was authorized to concluac a a peace with certain colonies therein named, the thirteen colonies being named separately in the act Mr. Jay, one of the American Commis- sioners, objected to the sufficiency of this au- thority and refused to proceed wi*h the negotia- tions until the British Commissioner returned and procured instructions authorizing him to treat with "the Commissioners of the United States of America " and the treaty was then made between France, Great Britian and the United States ; the Commissioners of each repre- senting one sovereign and independent power This historical review clearly shows that Mr. Lincoln was right when he declared in his first mssaye to Congress that "the States have their status in the Union, and they have no other legal status. If they bn ak from this, they can only do so against law »nd by revolution. The Union, and not themselves separately, procured their inde- pendence and their liberty. By conquest or pur- chase the Union gave each of them whatever of independence or liberty it has. The Union is older than any of the States, and in fact it crea- ted them as States Originally some dependent colonies made the Union, and in turn the Union threw ofl" (heir dependence for them, and made them States such as they are. Not one of them overbad a State constitution indepondcnt of the Union." So spoke the "good President to his country- men, and. though being dead, so he atill speaks. May the people over heed his word,«, and remem- ber that the Union has been the source of all our political blessings in the past, and is the founda- tion cf all our hopes for the future. The Declaration of Independence, as we have seen, assumed the previous existence of the Union, and declared the national independence. It did more, it proclaimed the inalienable rights of men, and these rights thus proclaimed, consti tute another of the broad, deep foundations of American institutions and introduces the second topic proposed for your consideration. in the light of the g'and historic transactions of the last six > ears which have so gloiiously vindicated our national unity may we not to-dny repeat with a new emphasis the words of our fathers that "We hold these truths to he self evident ; chat all men are created equal; that they are endowed by their Creator with oortain inalienable rights; that among these are life, liberty and the pnrsuit of happiness." This Rublimo utteraneo was as I have sa;d one of tho broad, deep foundations upon which the fathers of the Republic built the infant nation, and though they and we aa to a portion of our people for a time practically ignored the truths thus uttered, under the alternate smiles and chastenings of the Supreme Judge of the world, to whom they appealed lor the rectitude of their intentions, we have grown and prospered until the Grand Republic has become ttie beacon light as well as the marvel of the world. Although the Constitution of the United States corrected the error which had been com- mitted in the Articles of Confederation, as to the nature of our Union, and the relation of the sev- eral parts to each other, and to the whole, and so farrestored us to the principles of the Decla- ration of Independence it recognized, while ashamed to pronounce or record the name of that monster iniquity, chattle and hereditary slavery. Thus we presented to the world the spectacle of a great republic built on the founda- tion of a perfect equality of rights among men, and yet practically denying to a portion of its people the enjoyment of all their rights. Slavery so blinded the minds and hardened the hearts of the nation that the national government, in all its departments, executive, legislative and judi- cial, bowed down at the shrine of the mon- ster. It claimed protection under the flag of freedom wherever it floated, and denounced as traitors and infidels all who denied its pre- tensions. At last, under the preterce of vindicating the Constitution, it attempted to overthrow the Republic, and build up- on it ruins a political monstrosity, called a confederacy, of which human bondage in- stead of the inalienable rights of man was to be the chief corner stone. Although the national conscience was so debauched as to be no longer able to perceive the horrors of slavery, a vast majority of the people still loved the Union of their fathers, and God in his goodnocs made this love our schoolmaster to bring us back to the love of liberty , not as a mere sentiment, but as a living, energizing universal principle. By showing the nation that either the Union or slavery must die, he educated us up to the point that sanctioned the issuing of the proclamation that rung out freedom to the land and to all the inhabitants thereof: and the people said Amen; and the Grand Army of the Republic said Amen; and slavery died amidst its wor- shippers, the Union was saved, and a regenera- ted Republic shouted Amen. However difficult it may be under certain com- plications to apply in practice the great doctrine of equal rights among m«n, is it not wonderful, notwithstanding all the lessons of experience, that man, whose breath is in his nostrils, should even in our own day arrogate to himself the possession of rights which he denies to his fel- low man. And how contemptible and cowardly does this claim of superior rights become when it is based upon the assumption, true or false, that it exists because the man who mabesthe claim is superior to him as against whom it is made. If one man or one race of men is weaker than, or inferior, to another, is it not an imputation upon the wisdom and justice of the God of Na- ture to assert that the weaker man or weaker race is endowed by nature with inferior rights; that the Supreme Ruler of the universe so leg- islates as not to protect the weak against the strong, but the strong against the weak. That He is the God of the proud the arrogant, and the powerful, but not the God of the weak and the lowly. That he is a respecter of persons, but not a respecter of righteousness. Surely such doctrines find no sanction in the Declara- tion of Independence, or in the teachings of Him who enjoined that "all things whatsoever ye would that men should do to you, do ye even so to them, for this is the law and the prophets." If one man or race of men claims superior rights and greater protection from society and government in the battle of life, because of his or its supposed superiority to another man or another race, prudeiice would eeem to dictate that the claimant should take out a policy against the accident of his being mistaken in the assumption. Fortunately, companies now exist that are willing to insure against accidents of all kind.-^. If the assumed superiority does exist, so much the greater is the reason that the inferior and the weaker should enjoy the protection of equal rights and equal laws. If it does not exist, the claim is based on a falsehood, and must there- fore fall. The Declaration of Independence does not proclaim the absurd doctrine that all men of the same race are created equal, and that as among themselves they are entitled to certain inalien- able rights, but that as to other races they are not equal, and do not possess, or may be despoil- ed of their rights. Again, if a superior race may deny to an inferior race the enjoyment of equal and impartial rights, why may not a superior man deny to an inferior man of the same raco the same thing? I defy mortal man to show why the logic that proves the one proposition will not prove the other.' The result of sucb logic would be that the most superior man in the nation must govern all the rest, and to be con ■ sistent we would all h.ive to bow to some shrewd fellow like Louis Napoleon, and say, "We await your superior pleasure ; your will is the law ; y'U are the Government by divine right of superior- ity." This is not the time nor the place to discuss mere partisan questions, but on a day conse- crated to liberty, and in the presence of so many of its noble and gallant defenders, may we not with entire propriety consider the rights of hu- manity and the practical application of the prin- ciples of the Declaration of Independence to the duties of life? Believing such considerations to be appropri- ate to the occasion, I have no hesitancy in say- ing that the suppression of the rebellion and the consequences which have already flown and which are still to flow therefrom must, at no dis- tant day, place the nation on the broad platform of the Declarntion of Independence, and conse- quently assure to all classes of our citizens, of every race, equal and impartial civil and politi- cal rights thenceforth and forever. In my judgment, the sooner this consummation is reached the better will it be for the country, and the sooner will the Republic be prepared for that high mission among the nations of the earth which we all believe God in his providence de- signs it to accomplish. When and by what particular instrumentali- ties this result is to be attained may not now be certainly determined, but I must be permitted to express theopinion that as to those States which have always been true and loyal to the Union, and none of whose rights have ever been for felted by treason or rebellion, the question must belefttothe voluntary action of the people of the States respectively, and that these loyal States should freely, and without unnecessary delay, concede that which justice and sound pol- icy unite in demanding. By such a course the General Government will assume no questionable powers, our traditional policy as to the proper sphere of State and Fed- eral action will be preserved, a just confidence will be manifested by the national authorities in those States whose people have never heretofore faltered in the hour of trial, and a broad line of demarkation will be drawn between that confi dence which uninterrupted loyalty deserves, aii J that distrust which past rebellion justly inspires That justice will be done, and impartial rights accorded, and that, too, at no distant day. by ali the loyal States, should not be doubted, and if, in the end, it shall be found that one or two semi-loyal States have bound themitelves to thi- dead past, and are determined not to profit by the lessons of experience, with all the other States firmly planted on the immutable princi- ples of right and justice, and with all the pow- er of the General Government on the side of freedom and equal rights, how easy will it not be to bring up these reluctant States to the com- mon level by an amendment of the constitution, without a resort to the exercise of doubtful Con- gressional powers. Gentlemen of the Qrand Army of the Republic, allo^ me, on behalf of myself and the Trustees of the Soldier's Home, to thank ^cu for your presence and for your participation in the laying of the corner stone of this Home for your dis- abled comrades. You have illustrated your de- votion to the Union, and to the great principles upop which our institutions are based, on many a well contested field, and jour State and your country recognize you as the worthy descendants of che noble men who declared and achieved our independence. To perpetuate friendships formed on the march, on the battlefield, and around your camp fires during the war, to keep the fires of liberty ever bright and burning on the altar of your hearts, and to minister to the wants of your brother sol- aiws when trouble or distress overtake them, you have associated yourselves together under the name of the Grand Army of the Republic. We bid your brotherhood God speed, and trust that the blessing of the Father of all. and the benedictions of a grateful people may attend each of you through life. And to you the honored inmates of this Home I desire to say that however much we may re- gret that the provision made for its establish- ment and your comfort, is not as ample as could have been desired, still you may rest assured that the people of Indiana in greatful recogni- tion of your services, toils and sufferings, will in due time supply all that may be lacking to make this institution a Home for those who gave for thoir country all that man can give, life only excepted. That you may lead peaceful and hap- py lives in this institution, and at last through the mediation of the Son, be admitted to the Father's House in which there are many man- sions, is not only the prayer of myself, but the prayer of all present. wm ONGBESS v^ / • V^ ^r^^ ._^ _^V