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LOYALTY TO THE GOVERNMENT. 
 
 SPEECH 
 
 OF 
 
 HON. PETER HITCHCOCK, 
 
 OF GEAUGA, 
 IN THE OHIO SENATE, MARCH 4, 1863, 
 
 ON 
 
 The Loyalty Resolutions of Mr. Welsh. 
 
 Mr. President : — Fearfully is the country agitated with the gigantic struggles of 
 the Government in vindicating and sustaining itself against the combined attacks of 
 open and covert treason. 
 
 War exists. A war, terrible in nature, fearful in extent, desperate in the strug- 
 gles of its contending forces, fierce and desolating in its progress, and appalling in the 
 magnitude of the consequences involved. 
 
 It exists not on account of conflicting jurisdiction with neighboring nations — not by 
 attacks upon the commerce of the country — not by invasion of a foreign foe attempting 
 in the fierce tribunal of arms to settle long disputed questions of international comity, 
 but by the act of traitors, rebels in arms against the Government. They, the prime 
 movers, instigators of this rebellion, and leaders in its efforts, being the representa- 
 tives of the recipients of the richest blessings of the Government, under which this 
 whole people has become so great, and in time past has been so prosperous and happy. 
 Not only so, but these same men, and those associated with them with like views of 
 Governmental policy, have administered the Government of the country almost the 
 entire time for the past forty years. More than this, they were administering it at 
 the time of the breaking out of this rebellion," and more yet, they continued to admin- 
 ister it, or take part in its administration for weeks, yes, months after States to which 
 they themselves belonged had seceded ; and forts, arsenals, dock yards, mints, and 
 other property belonging to the United States had been taken possession of by rebels 
 acting under their advice, and by their direction. 
 
 The Chief Executive of the so-called Confederate States, his Cabinet officers, his 
 foreign emissaries, many of his Generals in the field, and of the members of the Con- 
 federate Congress, were thus acting in the Executive and Legislative Departments of 
 the General Government ; at the same time they were not only aiding and abetting, 
 but counselling and directing treason. One of those Generals, in his capacity of Vice 
 President of the United States, adjourned the Senate on the 4th of March, 1861, 
 took the oath of fealty to the Constitution as a Senator in the new Congress, drew his 
 
2 -h 
 
 1*4 f 1 
 
 pay and mileage, and immediately went out to take his place in the army of rebeldom, 
 and war against the Government he had just sworn to support. 
 
 About two years since, in anticipation of a contingency which might arise, the Gen- 
 eral Assembly of the State of Ohio, by a vote almost or quite unanimous, passed a 
 resolution pledging the entire resources of the State, moral and physical, in aid of the 
 Government in sustaining the Constitution, and crushing out rebellion. The antici- 
 pated contingency happens — war exists — exists as has been before suggested, by the 
 act of rebels in arms. Congress passes a resolution known as the " Crittenden Reso- 
 lution." The Legislature of Ohio affirms, and the Legislatures of other loyal States 
 affirm this resolution. For it, a certain class of Senators profess very high regard, al- 
 though in a State Convention of the party, with which those Senators act, holden in 
 this city on the 4th day of July, 1862, the first clause of that resolution is omitted, 
 and the like omission occurs in a series of resolutions introduced in the House by a 
 member of the same party a few days since. Why? Because the clause omitted, 
 fixes the responsibility on rebels where it belongs. That clause of the resolution says : 
 " That the present deplorable civil war has been forced upon the country by the dis- 
 unionists of the Southern States, now in arms against the Government, and in arms 
 around the Capitol." 
 
 It is under these circumstances the existence of war in the country, a war for the 
 preservation of its government, in the language of the resolution quoted, "forced 
 upon the country by the disumonists of the South," as declared by the solemn act of 
 Congress and of State Legislatures — a war taxing the entire resources of the country 
 for its conduct, and to aid in which Ohio has given her solemn pledge, that we come 
 to the consideration of the resolutions before the Senate. 
 
 They are as follows : 
 
 Whereas, A republican form of government, is believed to rest largely upon the con- 
 sent of the governed, and can only be maintained when war is waged for its destruction 
 by a hearty co-operation of the loyal people of such government. 
 
 ■ Whereas, The Constitution of the United States founded by the -wisdom and patriotism 
 of our fathers, very wisely provided for a government of legislative, judicial and execu- 
 tive departments, with power believed to be ample to defend the rights of the people, 
 maintain the authority of the government and execute the laws of the nation ; and 
 
 Whereas, An unholy warfare is now waged by certain States against the authority of 
 the legally constituted government of the country, and as no provision is made by the 
 Constitution for the suppression of a rebellion, and the enforcement of the laws, except 
 through the legally constituted authorities of the country, and as the execution of the 
 laws, in a republican or democratic form of government, depends largely upon the loyalty 
 and patriotism of the people; therefore, 
 
 Resolved by the General Assembly of the State of Ohio, That we deem it proper as the 
 representatives of the people, to renew our pledges in the name of the people of the State 
 to the General Government, to render it all the aid within our power, both morally and 
 physically, in its laudable efforts to put down the rebellion, preserve the Constitution and 
 restore the Union. 
 
 Resolved, That it is with pain and mortification, that we hear of the propositions of 
 either persons or parties in the North to divide the loyal States with the ultimate design 
 of attaching any portion of those States to the so-called Southern Confederacy; and that 
 we do, in the name of the people of the State of Ohio, most solemnly protest against such 
 a heresy; believing that it not only proposes the destruction of the Constitution and of 
 the Union, but would, if encouraged, result finally in the probable overthrow of our civil 
 liberties. 
 
 Resolved, That any attempt by persons or parties in the North to divide the territory 
 of the Union, while the General Government is waging war for its preservation, is an act 
 of disloyalty — giving aid and comfort to the enemies of the country — and is deserving 
 the severest reprehension and condemnation of all loyal men and good citizens. 
 
 What patriotic heart but beats responsive to the sentiments contained in these reso- 
 lutions ? Does any one oppose them ? It would seem that such opposition must 
 identify the individual or party making it, with the opposers of the Government. 
 They.simply embody a renewal -of the pledge made two years since, and this is done 
 in calm and dignified, but earnest and decided language. They contain no party 
 
 W*st. E,es. HiBfc. Son. 
 
dogma, interfere with none, nor attempt to make any party platform. Divested, as 
 would seem to be the fact, of every thing which might be deemed objectionable, they 
 present simply the question of loyalty or disloyalty to the Government. I cannot see 
 how any man who is disposed to stand by his country in this hour of difficulty and 
 danger, giving to her deliverance his best energies can do other than sustain these reso- 
 lutions. 
 
 But the Senator from Ashland tkinks differently, and proposes to amend by stri- 
 king out of the first resolution the words " both morally and physically," and " laud- 
 able," and inserting "constitutional," so that it would read "in its constitutional 
 efforts to put down the rebellion, preserve the constitution," &c. 
 
 " Constitutional efforts to preserve the constitution," hardly makes good sense, but 
 the purpose of this amendment is easily understood. It is to form the basis of an at- 
 tack upon the Administration in the conduct of the war, and right well have those 
 advocating it improved the opportunity. 
 
 In continuing this discussion I do not stand here as the apologist or defender of the 
 Administration. It needs none such. Nor by this am I understood as endorsing all 
 it has done, for there have been things I would have preferred differently. Yet, con- 
 fiding in the unsullied integrity and devoted patriotism of the President, there is no 
 doubt in my mind that history and an impartial future will do him justice in awarding 
 him the meed of well earned praise. 
 
 Neither is it my purpose to follow the course of other Senators in determining the 
 positions of parties upon the issues which are involved, as shown by declarations made 
 ■ nd resolutions adopted in times past. These have been sufficiently discussed by 
 others. 
 
 While I cannot hope, where so much has been said, to say anything new, what is 
 ?aid shall have reference to the present time and condition of things. With the mo- 
 tives of men I have nothing to do, and shall say nothing. If they be found in un- 
 tenable positions, it is the necessary sequence of their words and acts, and as such only 
 shall they be spoken of. 
 
 Starting with the proposition, which all will admit, that it is the duty of every loyal 
 man in the whole country to give his entire energies, so far as they may be needed, 
 to the support of the Government in this struggle for its existence, and that every re- 
 source of the country should be subsidized to the same end, — another inevitably fol- 
 lows : That there is a dividing line between the supporters and opposers of the Gov- 
 ernment, upon one or the other side of which every man places himself. No matter 
 whether, in taking any position he may, he is aware of the fact or not — it is neverthe- 
 less true. The conclusion cannot be avoided. He is either for or against the Gov- 
 ernment. There is no neutrality in this war. There can be none. All the power 
 of the Government is demanded to carry on this contest. That power rests in the 
 people. The people are the Government. The Executive and Legislative depart- 
 ments of the Government, so termed, are only the agents of that Government, execu- 
 ting its will, and the withholding of the energies of any one man, rightly demanded 
 for its support, cripples, and to that extent opposes, the administration of the Govern- 
 ment in its efforts to sustain itself and maintain its supremacy. 
 
 He who in arms attempts the overthrow of the Government — he who sympathizes 
 with and encourages this attempt — he who attacks the credit of the government, de- 
 nounces its administration, frowns when it succeeds, and laughs at its failures, and he 
 who quietly folds his hands, saying, this is none of my concern ; I am not responsible 
 for, and will take no part in its settlement, is alike guilty of opposition. If there be 
 difference, it is in favor of that one who, believing it right, however false that opinion 
 may be, fights for it, rather than the one who, thinking to avoid responsibility, stands 
 back silently praying for its success, while he waits, with illy concealed hope? therefor. 
 
 Having said thus much, I turn to examine the position taken by Senators in this 
 discussion. The Senator from Perry (Mr. Finck,) tells us that " he is for the sup- 
 port of the Government and continuance of the Union," and " that he will never con- 
 sent to any dismemberment thereof," "that he sustained the Administration in the 
 
conduct of the war up to the time of the issuing; of the President's emancipation proc* 
 lamation, but that he will do so no longer." That act he considers unconstitutional, 
 unwarrantable and impolitic, and therefore his support is withheld. He is " not in 
 favor of withdrawing: the army." and as a member of Congress to which he is elect, 
 "he will vote to feed and clothe it," but farther than this he will do nothing to en- 
 encourage the loyal people of the North to engage in, and prosecute the war for the 
 restoration of the Union. His policy, like that of Governor Seymour of New York, 
 declared a little time since, is one of opposition to the Administration in its efforts to 
 suppress rebellion. Not to indicate any decided policy, but simply to stand in oppo- 
 sition, doing nothing. As before indicated, this is virtually opposition to the Govern- 
 ment, and the object is evidently, if not professedly, to hinder and defer the consum- 
 mation of the war for two years until a change of the Administration can be effected. 
 No one, taking the position he does, proposes to revolutionize and turn out the pres- 
 ent Administration until it can be done through the ballot bos ; and the inevitable re- 
 sult of the course suggested by the Senator is as stated. The country, in the mean- 
 time, is to be held in its present deplorable condition, while the men in our army con- 
 tinue to suffer, sicken and die, the public debt to increase, and all the horrors of war 
 be experienced until such a change can be brought about as will secure the manage- 
 ment of the war in accordance with the Senator's own notions. Is this true loyalty ? 
 The Senator dates his principal objection to the conduct of the war, from the issu- 
 ing of the President's emancipation proclamation. As to the policy or impolicy of 
 that act, its constitutionality or unconstitutionality, they have been so fully discussed, 
 I shall not attempt a repetition of the arguments made, or to adduce new ones. It is 
 sufficient for me to say, I have no doubt of the power of the President to issue that 
 proclamation as a war measure, and have just as little doubt of his duty to do so, 
 whenever, in his opinion, occupying the stand point he does, it was necessary to crip- 
 ple, or would aid in crippling rebellion. To it he was bound by his heaven registered 
 oath, and impelled by the impulse of an honest, patriotic heart. 
 
 It is a little strange, however, and indicates a little remaining; consideration on the 
 part of the Senator, and those who act with him, for the feelings of those with whom 
 they have been politically associated in times past, and of whom we sometimes speak 
 as our " erring brethren," that when you touch rebels where their strength lies, they 
 should all at once have such a holy horror of constitutional violation. The leaders in 
 this rebellion are striving to establish a government whose corner stone is slavery. Iq 
 their efforts, their great element of strength is slavery. While white men in their 
 army fight the battles of Eebeldom, four millions of slaves are at home engaged in 
 caring for the interests of those men, and raising supplies for the support of that army. 
 More than this, they are pressed into service and made to dig trenches, raise fortifica- 
 tions and even hold arms and shoot bullets by which our brothers, sons and friends 
 are wounded and killed. Yet, if you strike at, or in any way interfere with this sys- 
 tem, though it be necessary to save the nation, the Senator is horrified. 
 
 Other acts to which he objects are the suspension of the writ of habeas corpus and 
 arrests made by the order of the President. He tells us " that it was enough to 
 startle any loyal man " when the President ordered arrests of those countenancing re- 
 bellion, discouraging enlistments, opposing drafts, etc. Who ? And why ? No man 
 need be startled unless he had some sentiment in common. Loyal men were in no 
 danger of arrest, and certainly would not object to the confinement of disloyal persons 
 in a time like this. But it was an assumption or abuse of power, and in this was the 
 reason for being startled. An assumption of power for the Government to attempt 
 taking care of itself! Search the Constitution and you will find, if not in words, the 
 idea — " this Government can take care of itself," running through the entire instru- 
 ment. I have yet to learn of the first truly loyal man who has been made to suffer 
 from the suspension of the habeas corpus act. 
 
 The Senator claims that I misstate his position He does not claim that what he 
 said is misstated, and upon this he must allow me to put the construction which the 
 language implies 
 
Mr. Johxston. If public opinion should be clearly against the policy of the Ad- 
 ministration, to the extent that the great body of the people believe it would lead to 
 the destruction of the Government, would you adhere to and support the Administra- 
 tion in such a policy ''. 
 
 Mr. Hitchcock. The question hangs upon a contingency which does not now ex- 
 ist. The Senator seems to refer to the expressions of public opinion in the result of 
 popular elections, when such result may be brought about by party engineering and 
 unwarranted manoeuvering on the part of a few persons having personal and unjustifi- 
 able opposition to the government. Such result being then falsely claimed as a ver- 
 dict against the administration of the Government, when such was not, in any sense, 
 the purpose of a large proportion of those by whose action it was secured. Wait 
 until there is such an expression, based simply upon the naked question, unaided by 
 other issues and influences, and we will be better able to answer. 
 
 The Senator from Ashland (Mr. Kenny,) exhibits his opposition, in an attempt to 
 discourage the people of the country, by disparaging the conduct, and attempting to 
 render odious the necessary results of the war. He read a collection of figures from 
 some of the newspapers of the day, by which he attempted to show that there had 
 been already issued by the Treasury Department notes and bonds to the amount of 
 over $2,000,000,000, and a debt to that amount incurred, while as a matter of fact, 
 not one-fourth of that amount had been issued. This he must have known, if he had 
 paid any attention to the report of the Secretary of the Treasury. He included 
 therein the full amount that Department is authorized to issue in any event, and of 
 this more than 8300,000, 000 is, in his estimate, included twice. In addition to this 
 he gives the impression that the provision made by Congress was only for the payment 
 of expenses already incurred, while, in truth, it is intended to meet every possible 
 contingency until the 1st of July, 1864. 
 
 He will not encourage and sustain the Administration in the prosecution of the war 
 for the Union. " Will not go into the army unless drafted, and it will take a strong 
 draft to hold him." His declaration sounds very much like another read by the Sen- 
 ator from Fayette in the course of his remarks, from the "Marion County Mirror/' 
 in which the editor of that paper says : " For our part we shall oppose the draft. If 
 Old Abe or his minions arrest us for this, we will submit to the arrest, if the people 
 say so, and not without." These, taken in connection with telegraphic signals of ap- 
 proval, passing between Senators upon this floor, as the quotation above referred to 
 was read, irresistably force upon my mind the conclusion that there is a determination 
 on the part of some to resist the Government in its attempt to add to, or fill up its 
 army. I will not ask, is this loyalty '.' 
 
 The Senator after denouncing in the bitterest terms the acts of the Administration 
 in its conduct of the war says, "but notwithstanding all this, you ask us to endorse 
 it." In this he is simply mistaken. 
 
 While we would rejoice that every man should be arrayed on the side of bis coun- 
 try, it is for himself to choose. If by that choice he takes position with the opposi- 
 tion, be, with those with whom he unites his fortunes, must take the consequences. 
 Only let him take position decidedly, so that we may know where to find him. 
 
 The Senator from Clermont (Mr. Johnston) comes to us and pleads that all " strife 
 and bickering may be done away with " in this hour of difficulty and danger. This 
 appeal is truly patriotic, and to it every loyal heart responds approval. "N ho was it 
 that in 1S61 proposed that all party organizations should be abandoned, and the whole 
 people unite in the support of the Government, but the friends of the Administration'.' 
 And who rejected that proposition, but its opponents with whom the Senator acts'.' 
 Having in strong language portrayed the course and policy of the Administration in 
 carrying on the war, and denounced it with fierce invective, he, in language of earnest 
 eloquence,- — I would be glad if my frail powers would equal, — declares " the Repub- 
 lic is rushing madly on to ruin, — fanaticism rules the hour ; " and then calls upon the 
 people " to arise in thqir might, and at the Spring elections rebuke this fanaticism 
 which rules the Administration in the conduct of this war. And yet he wants party 
 
6 
 
 strife done away with. Not one word as to the rebellion and the danger to the Repub- 
 lic from the combined attacks of rebels. No. All the danger in the mind of the 
 Senator is in assumptions of power and constitutional encroachments by the President. 
 
 Mr. Johnston. I have denounced and do denounce the rebellion as an unholy, 
 unjustifiable rebellion, and the actors in it as liable to the severest condemnation. 
 
 Mr. Hitchcock. Yes, the Senator denounces the rebellion, but does he call upon 
 the people to " arise in their might," and crush it out? No, he does not do so. He 
 expressly says he will not. From the time of the adoption of the present policy of 
 the President in the conduct of the war, his support has been withheld, and shall con- 
 tinue to be so until the President comes back to such a conduct of the war as shall 
 suit him. His support, like that of the Senator from Perry, depends upon the adop- 
 tion of a policy such as he would mark out. All Rebeldom would be loyal, allowirg 
 them to fix the terms of their loyalty. He earnestly calls upon the people "to re- 
 buke fanaticism at the Spring elections," and still asks that party strife may be laid 
 aside. 
 
 The Senator tells us that the Crittenden resolution is the " Shorter Catechism of the 
 political church " to which he belongs, but forgot or neglected to say, that the "Shorter 
 Catechism," before being adopted by them as their creed, had been very much abbre- 
 viated by leaving out these words : " That the present deplorable war has been forced 
 upon the country by the disunionists of the South, etc.," being the first clause of that 
 resolution in which a division was demanded when passing Congress, and which is the 
 basis and soul of the whole resolution. 
 
 For what purpose was this done ? Only to admit of their charging the responsi- 
 bility of the war elsewhere than upon those who have taken up arms to overthrow the 
 Constitution and destroy the Union. The Senator to this end quotes from declara- 
 tions of individuals in different parts of the country, made previous to the commence- 
 ment of this contest, and to party action, attempting to show in these declarations and 
 in that action an excuse for this outbreak. What does he mean ? and for what is this 
 showing made ! It can be only that thereby an influence may be created by which 
 partisan success may be gained and ultimate power secured. 
 
 No sword had been unsheathed, no gun fired, and no embattled hosts arrayed 
 against the Government, until it was done by the leaders of this accursed, causeless 
 rebellion. And yet it is sought to fix the responsibility elsewhere than on those 
 leaders. 
 
 The Senator thinks there is no hope of preserving the Union upon the policy of the 
 Administration, and attempts to show, by declarations of individuals made both before 
 and since the commencement of this contest, that, in the carrying on of this war, 
 ulterior purposes, and not the Constitution, were paramount. I deny the charge, and 
 pronounce the proof insufficient. The Senator says these individuals are sustaining 
 the Administration, and asks for my indorsement of their positions. My answer is 
 this : As every Senator in the opposition, who has taken part in this discussion, has 
 declared that he spoke only for himself, so do I for myself, nor do I indorse the 
 position of any other man, except so far as that be mine. If those men are ready, 
 and just so far as they are ready, to sustain the Administration in its Herculean 
 labors, my hand shall be joined to theirs, and no inquiry be raised as to ulterior objects 
 they may have in thus aiding the Government. With all who shall bear up the hands 
 of the Government, and strive for its integrity, my feeble efforts shall be united. 
 
 The Senator professes — would that it was more than profession — fear as to the effect 
 produced in the South by the difference of sentiment manifested in this discussion, and 
 especially by a divided vote upon the resolutions before us. He fears it will " give 
 aid and comfort to the rebels." To prevent this, he asks that the amendment may be 
 agreed to, and thus secure a unanimous vote. He forgets that the resolutions are 
 satisfactory to the majority, and contain just the expression they would like to make. 
 That it is too much to ask a large majority to change, to gratify a small minority. If 
 the proposition be such as that minority cannot support, its rights are secured by voting 
 against it. It is for those constituting that minority to determine for themselves. 
 
Mr. Finck. I desire to ask of the Senator his real objection to the ameudment ? 
 
 Mr. Hitchcock. If changed, the language will be tautological, less expressive, 
 and not so fully convey the intended purpose in the declaration to be made. 
 
 But the Senator from Clermont fears the effect : I tell the Senator that it makes 
 but little difference how he or any of us vote upon this floor, so far as this is con- 
 cerned, provided the position we occupy, as relates to our supporting the Administra- 
 tion, is known. 
 
 The President and his Cabinet officers, constituting the Executive Department, as 
 they execute the laws of Congress, are the legally constituted authorities of the Gov- 
 ernment. There is no other agency, no power on earth by which this Government 
 can be sustained except through those authorities. To them do these armed hosts of 
 traitors look as the representatives of the Government, and at them strike blows aimed 
 for its destruction. 
 
 The administration now represents these authorities. As we bear up its hands and 
 sustain its efforts, rebellion suffers and rebels are discouraged. On the other hand, 
 when we withhold that support and denounce its policy, they are encouraged. The 
 very denunciations of the policy of the President made by the Senator, and more es- 
 pecially his effort to prevent saying in the resolutions that we pledge ourselves to sus- 
 tain " all laudable efforts to crush out this rebellion," necessarily has the very effect 
 he deprecates, to give " aid and comfort" to those seeking to destroy the Union. He 
 cannot avoid it and must abide the consequences. 
 
 To show that this is true, that the rebels are greatly encouraged by any and all 
 opposition to the President's policy in the North, permit me to quote a brief extract 
 from the Richmond Enquirer, published at the Capitol of the so-called Confederate 
 States, under date of Feb. 12, 1863 : 
 
 "Amongst the foreign relations of the Confederacy, none is at this moment more inter- 
 esting than cur relations with the States of Indiana and Illinois. " Democratic'' Yankee 
 Senators in those States bring in strings of resolutions denouncing Lincoln's government 
 and proclamation, and declaring that they are not going to fight any more lor the negro. 
 This is all very well, and highly encouraging to us, as proving distraction and discourage- 
 ment in the enemy's camp." 
 
 The Senator need have no fear of rebels being notified of the fact that there are 
 sympathizers at the North. They seem well posted. 
 
 Mr. Finck. Will the Senator allow me to read further from the same article ? 
 
 Mr. Hitchcock. Certainly, sir. I will be obliged to the Senator if he will read 
 the whole of it. 
 
 Mr. Finck reads : 
 
 "But it is also well for us to understand once for all, that the whole affair means 
 simply, exclusively— that they, the Democrats, ought to have the conduct and profits of 
 the 'War for the Union' — that it is a Democratic finance minister who ought to have the 
 striking off of greenbacks; Democratic contractors who ought to supply army and navy; 
 Democratic Generals who ought to lead; Democratic printers who ought to print, and 
 Democratic thieves who ought to steal,'' &c. 
 
 Mr. Hitchcock. I thank the Senator for the extract. There is but one possible 
 objection to it ; its introduction into my speech of a party name, which was in oppo- 
 sition to my original intention, and has been studiously avoided. The extract read 
 by myself proves conclusively that opposition at the North to the administration "is 
 highly encouraging" to the rebels, while that read by my friend proves as certainly 
 that the impression made on my mind by the position of the Senator, was concurred 
 in by others. That he would hold the country in its present position, continuing, but 
 not prosecuting the war until such time as a Democratic triumph could be secured, 
 and the administration changed. 
 
 The Senator from Monroe (Mr. O'Connor) asks, "What would have been the 
 condition of the country if the Democratic party had done what traitors expected of 
 them ?" In a convention holden in this city just before the breaking out of the re- 
 
8 
 
 bellion, they had resolved " that 200,000 Democrats would stand between the South 
 and coercion." He tells us, "the rebels were surprised when the war first com- 
 menced, at the unanimity with which all parties rushed to the standard of the coun- 
 try." 
 
 From the Senator's manner in asking the above question, and the general tone of 
 his remarks, I was impressed with the idea thereby conveyed, that having so long 
 stood by the country when its administration was in other hands, there could be no 
 complaint if the Democracy should now take the position which it was originally ex- 
 pected to occupy. 
 
 Mr. O'Connor. The Senator states the language used by me correctly, and in 
 addition thereto I stated, " that if the Government should succeed in crushing out 
 this rebellion, very much of the credit would be due to the Democratic party," but I 
 deny the construction put upon my remarks. 
 
 •Mr. Hitchcock. I am glad to afford the Senator the opportunity of explaining. 
 My conclusions may have been unjust, but were such as were forced upon me. As 
 to what he says of credit due the Democratic party, I feel that all, who forgetting self 
 and casting aside party feeling, gave themselves to the noble work of saving the heri- 
 tage handed down to us from our fathers, and have thus continued to labor through 
 all the storms that beat upon them, and all the vicissitudes they have been called upon 
 to pass through, are equally entitled to credit. This, the highest which can be passed 
 upon any, is their enconium : They have done their duty. 
 
 I have confidence that there are yet enough, honest, loyal hearts among the masses 
 of those heretofore acting with that party, to stand by and sustain those who uphold 
 the Constitution and the Union, to secure a speedy and overwhelming triumph. 
 Would that the position of Senators here was such as to aid this result. 
 
 The Senator from Clermont referred to a remark made by the Senator from Cuya- 
 hoga, denouncing it as implying a principle detestable in itself, and an outrage upon 
 all sense of right and justice. What was the declaration which so excited the ire of the 
 gentleman. This, that while he was for the preservation of the Government with 
 slavery, he would thank God more mightily, if possible, that it might be preserved 
 without slavery. The language is simply that, if it might be possible in his fullness 
 of gratitude at the perservation of the nation, though it be with slavery, he would ren- 
 der yet more earnest thanksgiving for its preservation without slavery. 
 
 Understanding him thus, I adopt the sentiment as my own, and would rejoice if 
 able to enforce it in language as eloquent and powerful as that of the Senator himself. 
 If acquainted with my own impulses that desire, which is uppermost in my heart, is 
 that the Government may be vindicated, the Union perpetuated and the country saved, 
 even though slavery, for the time being, remain. The cause of freedom, of free in- 
 stitutions and of human progress demands the salvation of this country. 
 
 While feeling thus, if it be possible for any purpose to lie deeper in my heart, and 
 take a stronger hold of its aspirations, and welling up therefrom to overflow of more 
 abundant thankfulness, it would be that the Government may be continued and the 
 Union preserved without slavery. Yes, it would be a double cause of rejoicing to see 
 our country safe, purified and emancipated from that accursed system which has been 
 the cause of all our difficulties. Attempt to disguise the fact as we may, it is never- 
 theless true, that herein is the cause to be sought. As prophesied by the hero and 
 statesman, Andrew Jackson, if no more than a pretext, it is the pretext for the wick- 
 edest and most causeless rebellion ever transpiring since the secession of the arch-fiend 
 of darkness from the world of light. 
 
 To this choice, that the Union should be preserved without slavery, the Senator from 
 Clermont has taken exception, and I would like to ask him the question, whether ho 
 would prefer the preservation of the Union and the continuance of the Government 
 with or without slavery V and would thank him for a direct answer. 
 
 Mr. Johnston. I would prefer the war should be conducted without reference to 
 slavery. I would prefer that slave property should not be regarded at all in the con- 
 
9 
 
 duct of the war — that slave property should take its fate along with all other prop- 
 erty. 
 
 Mr. Hitchcock. The Senator is aware that he has not answered the question. 
 Mr. Johnston. I have answered it as fully as others have answered we. 
 Mr. Hitchcock. The Senator declines to answer. Very well. So far as his dec- 
 laration goes, we agree. His argument, however, as that of others on his side, is en- 
 tirely at variance with his declaration. The whole drift and scope of it being to show 
 that slave property should be held particularly sacred. 
 
 Had I been conducting this war, my purpose at the commencement would have been 
 as it seems to me was the policy of the President, to carry it on without reference to 
 slavery. When by the force of circumstances slavery was recognized as an element 
 in the war, as I believe the President was convinced it was when he issued his Eman- 
 cipation Proclamation, I would have said, Slavery, stand from under. Where it 
 stands in the way of sustaining the Government, let the Governmental car roll on. My 
 faith in the "patriarchal" institution is not great, and in its " Christianizing" influ- 
 ences far less. On this point let the long list of heathenish barbarities perpetrated by 
 rebels during this contest testify. 
 
 The Senator would have property in slaves take its chances with other property. 
 Exactly. But when in that property is a rebel's strength, take it from him. If you 
 need it, use ic, but mind it is never returned to him again. He has forfeited all claim 
 to it. 
 
 Thank Heaven, slavery is doomed, not because the President issued his Proclama- 
 tion — not because in the conduct of this war he has sought this end, or that his Ad- 
 ministration has been directed to it only as a means of crushing the rebellion • but be- 
 cause an all-wise, overruling Providence has decreed it as the result of this' contest 
 and all the powers of earth and the infernal regions combined cannot prevent it. 
 
 The Senator derives great comfort from the fact that the autnof of these resolutions, 
 the Senator from Belmont, (Mr. Welsh,) as also Gov. Johnson of Tennessee, who 
 addressed the General Assembly a short time since, declared that they would not have 
 issued the Proclamation. The difference between these gentlemen and the Senator is 
 that, while he denounces the Administration and opposes its conduct of the war, refusing 
 to sustain the Government on this account, they yield to it an earnest and untiring sup- 
 port. They do not doubt the constitutionality, only the policy of that act, and with true 
 loyalty regard duty to the Government as above all questions of policy. 
 
 It is the duty, as it should be the pleasure of every loyal person to yield a cheerful 
 and hearty support to the Administration of the Government, and especially so when 
 it is violently attacked and threatened with overthrow. Opposition to the constituted 
 authorities of the Government, is opposition to the Government itself. The conclusion 
 is inevitable. It cannot be avoided. Those authorities determine the course to be 
 pursued, and no individual has the right, because he does not approve of that course 
 to withhold his support or throw his energies in opposition. Let each individual be- 
 come a judge of the policy to be pursued, and govern his actions accordingly, and the 
 sure consequence is interminable confusion and inevitable defeat. We have our own 
 views and the right to express them, we will exercise that right, but this should make 
 no difference with our undivided support of the constituted authorities of the Govern- 
 ment. 
 
 Setting aside preconceived notions and private opinions, loyal men must, they will 
 come to the support of the authorities in this terrific struggle. 
 
 It costs sacrifices. Of opinion ? Yes. What are the sacrifices of opinion in com- 
 parison with such as are made by those who leaving home and comfort, kindred and 
 friends, have gone forth to fill the serried ranks of our armies, there in solid columns 
 and with a long line of fixed bayonets forming a living bulwark, between our Govern- 
 ment and its overthrow. There they stand to suffer and bleed and die, and yet we 
 talk of sacrifice. 
 
10 
 
 n.™ «„„«tnrs can • hundreds of the people of this State 
 I well recollect, perhaps oth er Senate « tta WW P^ ^ , ong 
 
 have vivid ^f^tdanotoofte fields of strife, where has gone ont so mneh 
 At ^ aCher "S, npl tL altar of our country, a sacriflee to propd.ate th,s 
 
 JjSvet K**^ -d energies, our State and its resources, to 
 the struggle for the Un «>°' . unflagging zeal, resolute purpose and 
 
 uXSedtnrrgtrS'o^s flfed upon* the Constitution and the Unron, unrtedly 
 
 declare, the.v mf, **J *** ^T^ee of our cause, and reliance in integrity of 
 With nnwavermg confidence ra the ustrce o Miou , hcar t v support 
 
 S° wc^o'on rnnltfcarlo "s and detained effort to crush out this rebelhon and 
 
 perpetuate the Government ■ . , belicTed the po l ic y „f the President would 
 
 Mr. Johnston. If you eonsc.etm , stm gugtam b]m , 
 
 overthrow the Government and tatny the Un ^ ^ ta 
 
 Mr. Hitchcock. My feere are no. wfeh he altempts l0 save , 
 
 efforts to save ^^^tTll striking It the vitals of the Government 
 My fears are from the attacKs ol ar M answer th j| 
 
 The case he ™PP0« s * M8 "^Cwn end the Union destroyed, which I neither adnnt 
 
 ^£^^^5^27^ assassins she has nourished and 
 
 S ° M f mo"tlo is, " « -*». «* * ~ ^ "^ ' ^ "? OT Wr ° nS ' "* C ° U "" , " 
 for government forever." 
 
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