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 SPEECH 3 (fi 
 
 HON. JOHN B. STEELE, 
 
 OF NEW YORK, 
 
 ON THE QUESTION OF SLAVERY. 
 
 DELIVERED IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, JAN. 20, 1862. 
 
 SX 
 
 The House being in Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union, Mr. 
 STEELE, of New Yorlj, arose and said : 
 
 Mr. Chaikman: It is not my intention to attempt a consti- 
 tutional argument; and yet I had supposed, until the very 
 extraordinary remarks of the gentleman from Ohio, the de 
 -facto chairman of the Judiciary Committee for the time be- 
 ing, that every sane man believed Congress had no constitu- 
 tional right to legislate upon the subject of slavery in loyal 
 States. I was not aware that the constitutional power of the 
 General Government was unlimited. I had heard that in the 
 constitutional convention there were those who favored a 
 strong consolidated government, but I had supposed that the 
 democratic idea, of certain State rights, and a general govern- 
 ment of limited powers, prevailed. I supposed, also, that 
 the Constitution itself had a limiting clause, which provides 
 that — 
 
 "All powers not delegated to the United States by the Constitution, nor 
 prohibited by it to the States, are reserved to the States, respectively, or to 
 the people." 
 
 Tlie last Congress, by unanimous resolution, expressed their 
 opinion on this subject, and I supposed it was pretty gene- 
 rally admitted by this ; but I will leave this constitutional 
 argument to others, and proceed with what I understand to 
 be a plain, common-sense view of this question. 
 
 At the opening of the present session of Congress, when 
 extreme measures on the subject of slavery were inaugurated, 
 and efforts made to secure their adoption with indecent haste, 
 the great heart of the Republic was sad. 
 
 Afterwards, as those resolutions were, by the good sense 
 of a majority of the members present, referred to a regular 
 committee for consideration, the public mind was relieved, 
 and hope revived. The conservative men here and elsewhere 
 
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 breathed more freely, and sanguine anticipations were enter- 
 tained that, whatever should come back from the committee, 
 would be in such form as that all Union-loving men could 
 assent to the report, and that in the meantime all discussions 
 upon this troublesome question might be suspended. Unfor- 
 tunately, however, some gentlemen, unwilling to await the 
 deliberations of a responsible committee, have apparently 
 sought to forestall their action by harrangues of the most 
 objectionable and offensive character; and thus we have 
 been repeatedly compelled to consider this unwholesome sub- 
 ject. 
 
 In times of imminent peril, in moments of desperate emer- 
 gency, men have appeared in all ages of the world adapted to 
 the exigencies of the occasion ; and yet it is greatly to be 
 feared, if that portion of this Government of the people more 
 immediately representative, cannot rise to the dignity and 
 importance of their present position, no men will be found 
 capable of grappling with and overcoming our difficulties. 
 If this mighty democracy, which was to have been the pat- 
 tern of governments, and show the world the road to liberty, 
 has become so tainted with corruption, with passion, or pre- 
 judice, that the direct representatives of the people cannot 
 Ibrget the necessity of tinkering for party advancement or the 
 success of some favorite idea long enough to save our country, 
 what hope have we ? 
 
 Were the forked flames bursting in upon us, would any 
 hesitate or cavil about the cause and probable effect ; would 
 we wrangle over a loaded magazine, while the lighted torch 
 moved slowly on its certain mission, until ourselves, and every- 
 body and thing held sacred and dear were shivered to atoms, 
 because not quite certain whose party or favorite theory would 
 succeed if we avoided destruction? Nothing can be more 
 apparent than that we cannot aid in restoring peace and har- 
 mony to this distracted country by continually stirring up bad 
 blood, and quarrelling with the Executive Departments, mil- 
 itary commanders, and each other. We cannot all take dii*ect 
 control of everything; we are compelled to trust somebody, 
 and undoubtedly we must trust those who are the regularly 
 constituted authorities. 
 
 This Administration is not of my choosing, and yet I know 
 it is the duly elected and lawfully constituted head of the 
 Government of these United States — holding authority under 
 that Constitution which we have all sworn before the world, 
 and in the presence of Almighty God, to support, and as such 
 is entitled to the kind consideration and hearty co-operation of 
 every other department, and of every citizen, in whatever is 
 necessary to re-establish and preserve the integrity of the 
 nation ; and, for one, I intend to give it with no grudging 
 
hand, until this monster rebellion is crnshed; and the mighty 
 moving masses of the people, let me tell you, throughout the 
 .entire extent of our loyal territory, are resolved to do the 
 ■same thing ; and when the war is over, and peace again 
 reigns within our borders, those same people, rest assured, 
 will hold everybody in power, from the highest to the lowest, 
 to strict account for the manner in which they discharge the 
 sacred trust committed to their keeping. 
 
 If such times as these, and the responsibilities which sur- 
 round us, cannot induce representative men to reject every 
 personal and political consideration, and apply themselves 
 unselfishly and resolutely to the salvation of their country, 
 then there is very little hope of the permanent success of a 
 republican government; for I am unwilling to believe we are 
 worse than others who might be thus convened ; and if the 
 circumstances in which we are placed, the distresses which 
 are but too manifest everywhere — the privations, hardships, 
 sufferings, and death, to which our six hundred thousand 
 brave men in arms, and many others, are exposed — are not 
 sufficient to stimulate every needed sacrifice, insomuch that 
 we would consider it a pride and a glory to lay down our 
 lives, if need be, upon the altar of our country, what right 
 have we to expect that other representative bodies will be 
 more patriotic ? 
 
 Mr. Chairman, it is shocking to hear men deliberately 
 argue that certain measures are unconstitutional, and in the 
 next breath urge their adoption, and counsel the overriding 
 of all constitutions and laws^ for the purpose of advancing a 
 favorite theory. If we are to disregard the Constitution, and 
 trample upon the rights guarantied by it to States or individ- 
 uals, what better are we than the rebels we contend against? 
 
 It is not true, sir, that slavery is an outlaw in this Govern- 
 ment, It was guarantied by the Constitution, and was part 
 of the consideration for the original compact, upon which our 
 Government and Constitution were founded. It has always 
 existed with us, and with it we have prospered beyond every 
 other nation of the earth. It now occupies less territory than 
 at any former period of our history ; yet, so long as there is 
 a single State, nay, any part of any State, which is loyal, and 
 entitled to the guarantees of the Constitution in regard to 
 slavery, it is their right ; exactly as much as anj^ of us are 
 entitled to any of our rights of person or property. We have 
 no business to attempt any interference with the guarantees 
 of the Constitution in reference to slavery ; any such effort 
 cannot fail to divide and distract the country, when harmony 
 and concert of action are indispensable to its salvation. 
 
 Gentlemen tell us it is wrong, and, therefore, should not 
 exist. So is impiety wrong, and yet it cannot quite be sup- 
 
pressed by force of law; and the bloody records of the past 
 show that the strong arm of power is impotent for such pur- 
 pose. Such is doubtless the case with numberless moral evils 
 ten times more revolting than slavery, and, besides, men can- 
 not agree about these abstractions of right and wrong ; and 
 the only way for us to sustain our Government is to stand by 
 our Constitution. It was sufficient for our fathers, has been 
 for us ; and unless we would invite anarchy and confusion, 
 accompanied by a reign of terror horrible to contemplate, we 
 must adhere to it now. Of course, we cannot all think alike ; 
 but men united in a terrible struggle, not only lor self-preser- 
 vation, and national existence, but for tights and interests as 
 well, too vast and extended for human calculation, ought to 
 have such respect for each other as not to insist upon meas- 
 ures distasteful to any unless believed to be indispensable ; 
 and if, acting upon such magnanimous principle, where disa- 
 greement is inevitable, we would sincerely and generously 
 endeavor to bring our minds together without regard to pre- 
 conceived opinions, or any consideration whatever inconsist- 
 ent with an honest desire to act together for our country's 
 good, undoubtedly we could agree ; at least so far as to pre- 
 vent any serious embarrassment to the common cause. 
 
 It is sickening to witness the mad ravings of fanaticism at 
 any time, but how infinitely more terrible at such a time as 
 this ; and yet the unaccountable fascinations of a strange in- 
 sanity, even now and here, seem capable of charming men 
 into submission to what appears an impious hallucination to 
 all except those subjected to its influence. 
 
 It certainly seems that some among us have indulged their 
 vivid imaginations in the exaggeration of one dark picture 
 until so completely enveloped in an impenetrably black cloud 
 of their own creation, as to exclude from their disordered in- 
 tellects the sunlight of truth. And, sir, if the direction of 
 affaii's is to be given over to those whose minds are so mad- 
 dened by the contemplation of this hideous object that they 
 can understand no other right or interest except the necessity 
 of its immediate removal, then farewell to the institutions 
 and Government of our fathers. 
 
 No doubt there are those who look upon slavery as a great 
 and crying evil, who can, nevertheless, understand that there 
 are interests of such paramount importance as to demand con- 
 sideration ; and yet there has been but too much reason to 
 fear that their timid resolves in the right direction were likely 
 to be overborne by the resolute and desperate determination 
 of those who are immovably fixed to their one idea and its 
 accomplishment, without regard to means or consequences. 
 
 Sir, it is high time that every member of this House, how- 
 ever humble, should arouse himself to a consciousness of per- 
 
Bonal responsibility, and evince at least as great firmness and 
 determination for the preservation of our Constitution and 
 Government, and the protection of such rights and interests 
 as are unquestionably guarantied to any and every section 
 and portion of our loyal citizens, as any others have, or can 
 exhibit for the advancement of a theoretic philanthropy to 
 the overriding of all constitutions and laws. 
 
 Gentlemen tell us that the irresistible tide of war will sweep 
 from the land this curse of slavery. Be it so. Then why di- 
 vide our councils, distract our country, and demoralize our 
 army, to provide theoretically what can only be accomplished 
 practically by the power of conquering armies, and which, 
 according to the theory of those who would urge us on past 
 the Rubicon of constitutional safety, is so near its fulfill- 
 ment ? 
 
 The history of the world shows that the military power, 
 when in the ascendant, is sufliciently regardless of individual 
 or local rights, whenever they come in contact with its exac- 
 tions; and it is scarcely necessary that the legislative authority 
 should attempt to run in advance of the military, in efi'orts 
 to destroy the rights of loyal people, upon the plea of pro- 
 viding for possible contingencies, which, should they arise, 
 could and would be promptly met by the inevitable necessi- 
 ties of war, and in regard to wdiich gentlemen themselves 
 contend that the military authority is undoubted. 
 
 Sir, there is imminent necessity for legislation by this Con- 
 gress of a legitimate and practical character ; and yet, when 
 the infamous sentiments of that class of men who have openly 
 and solenmly proclaimed to the world over and over again 
 that our glorious Constitution, hallowed by the most cherished 
 memories and hopes of many millions of freemen, and sanc- 
 tified by divine approval, is " a covenant of death, and a 
 league with hell," are continually urged upon the considera- 
 tion of this House, and through its published proceedings 
 scattered broadcast over the land, it almost seems that one 
 cannot sit silently and tamely by without becoming ^iari!ice_^5 
 criininis in such treasonable declarations. 
 
 I am in favor — I hope all of us are — of a vigorous, thorough 
 prosecution of this war to the utter discomfiture and annihi- 
 lation of treason and treasonable sentiments, North and South. 
 But I am not so anxious to see the land drenched in the best 
 blood of our nation, and emancipation, conflagration, and 
 death, moving hand in hand with slaughtering armies, for 
 the mere accomplishment of an insane idea, as to threaten 
 that the work of desolation shall go on, "either through the 
 Administration or over it." Nor am I impatient for the de- 
 struction consequent upon the coming together in battle of 
 mighty armies in hostile array, unless indispensible for the 
 
preservation and perpetuation of our glorious Union; and for 
 that, and its re-establishment, as it was before the reckless 
 folly of traitors and madmen North and South distracted it 
 and divided it, so that it can be handed down to future gene- 
 rations with all the hopes of free government that once sur- 
 rounded it, no needed sacrifice would be too great. 
 
 Do gentlemen of that class whose incendiary teachings of 
 insanity or wickedness have for years alarmed and distracted 
 the people of this otherwise harmonious and united Confede- 
 
 acy, expect that the abominable idea which would deify the 
 miscreant John Brown, can be introduced into this war with- 
 out inaugurating an era of blood, devastation, and death, such 
 as the history of the world has never recorded? Do they 
 expect us to forget or ignore the sacred memories of the past, 
 and quietly subscribe to the detestable suggestion that the 
 immortal Washington and the whole list of slaveholding pa- 
 triots, conspicuous in our armies of the Revolution, were 
 Achans in an unclean camp? The conclusion is irresistible, 
 that some men of genius, if not actually crazy or devilish, 
 have so cramped and contracted their naturally vigorous 
 powers, by perpetually thinking and speaking upon an exag- 
 gerated idea, as to have become pigmies, when they ought to 
 have been giants. 
 
 It may be asked why it is, if I deprecate the discussion of 
 this exciting subject, that I do not remain silent in regard to 
 it? Sir, the conservative men of the country have kept still 
 too long, and allowed the devotees of this one-idea philan- 
 thropy an ex parte hearing, at all conceivable times and places, 
 all over the free JSTortli. For thirty years and more they have 
 been continually instilling their pernicious sentiments into the 
 minds of the people through their pamphlets, periodicals, and 
 books, in common conversation, and the family circle. From 
 the school-room, the lecture-room, and the pulpit, their wild, 
 extravagant, and dangerous assertions and theories have been 
 forced, uncontradicted, upon the attention of everybody. The 
 opposition to them has only been occasional and incidental; 
 hence they have grown to formidable proportions ; and iiere, 
 upon this floor, almost every day, this disagreeable subject 
 is forced upon us, in season and out of season. All the inter- 
 ests of all the white men of the world seem to be forgotten or 
 ignored by some gentlemen in their determination to hold 
 the black man continually in the foreground. If we keep 
 still and allow them to go on, even if we could escape demor- 
 alization here, it goes forth to the world, to the Union-loving 
 men of the North, to our armies in the camps and in the 
 field, and to our loyal brethren in the slaveholding States, 
 that we have an abolition Congress, and distrust and alarm is 
 the consequence. 
 
Do these gentlemen of the one idea expect that they can 
 carry on this war successfully without the aid of the conserv- 
 ative men of the country ? If not, why do tliey continually 
 contrive to insult and irritate us? They may consider it pe- 
 culiarl}' their war ; and perhai)s in some sort it is; but, even 
 then, so long as they ask us, and we are willing to light their 
 battles for them, they ought to treat us decently, at least un- 
 til the war is over ; or have they talked so long and so much 
 about the crack of a certain lash that they wish to app-ly it 
 to the backs of their white allies for the edificati(»n of their 
 black friends ? 
 
 These gentlemen, sir, who grow so ferociously eloquent 
 over their emancipation ideas, do not tell us what they pro- 
 pose to do Math their black brethren when they get them ? 
 Possibly they think their equalizing and humanizing philan- 
 thropy has so far elevated the character and tastes of the 
 white men that they will consider it a privilege to tight side 
 by side with black slaves. Let them try it. No, sir, we will 
 not let them thus degrade and disgrace our brave soldiers ; 
 but, if the}'^ had the power to try it, they would find that hu- 
 man instincts were stronger than all their fine-spun theories. 
 . I have the honor to be a Representative upon this floor 
 from a free State, the great State of New York — a State some- 
 what important in this crisis as regards men and money. The 
 district that honored me by its confidence is one made sa- 
 cred by the scenes of the Revolution ; and no man can boast 
 a more true and loyal constituency. Our people have not 
 been surpassed by any in a prompt and continued response 
 to the call of their country in her time of need ; and we feel 
 that we have a right to urge respect for the memory and in- 
 stitutions of our fathers. I stand not here, sir, as the advocate 
 of slavery : I have no love for, or sympathy with, that insti- 
 tution in the abstract — quite the contrary ; but I remember 
 that it was introduced here by our fathers, and by them in- 
 grafted upon our Constitution ; so that to each State, as an 
 independent sovereignty, was secured the exclusive power 
 and right to retain or abolish the same within its om'u limits. 
 I remember, too, that our brethren of the slaveholding States 
 have it now as it was handed down to them by a justly vene- 
 rated ancestry ; and I wonder not that the loyal men of those 
 States, considering the present condition of our distracted 
 country and the cause, are jealous of their State rights, and 
 sensitive to any external efforts to interfere wath them, when 
 they know, as we do, that there is no lawful power or author- 
 ity for any such assumption ; and if they are satisfied to trust 
 to the inevitable necessities of war such interests as are unde- 
 niably guarantied to them by the organic law of the l^nd, and 
 so obviously periled by the onward march of armies — is it too 
 
8 
 
 mncli for them to ask that the unauthorized theories and ab- 
 stractions of other men should be subjected to the same arbi- 
 trament ? 
 
 If it is supposed that I speak warmly, I have to say that I 
 feel deeply — and the time and the occasion demand it. It is 
 my firm belief that if abolitionism should rule the day, this 
 war would become one of extermination and death all over 
 the country. That "the blackness of darkness" would over- 
 shadow the land, and the sun of liberty go down in blood, 
 thereby extinguishing the hopes of freemen for a republican 
 Government, and obliterating all reasonable grounds for ex- 
 pecting the permanent sovereignty of the people. 
 
 But let us not despair or despond. Let us trust in God and 
 the Administration which is given us for this emergency. "We 
 have a right to suppose it is firm and determined — let us be- 
 lieve it will thus continue ; and resolutely strive to do our 
 duty without assumption or arrogance, and trust to the Ad- 
 ministration theirs. No doubt, if we stand firm in our efi'orts 
 to protect and preserve our Constitution and Government in 
 defiance of the ravings of madmen, or the machinations and 
 treachery of wicked ones, the Administration will help us. I 
 will go further and say, that I believe if we are so facile as to 
 yield to the rushing tide of fanaticism, the Administration 
 will still strive to save the Union in spite of Congress. 
 
 Printed by L. Towers & Co., Washington, D. C. 
 
 LBAg12