till 11111 iiiiii:!iniii«ii"iiiiiii "111 "'"'l^^^ 013 786 526 9 pH8^ THE PUBLIC DEBT A DEMOCRATIC LEGACY, .R395 The First Rebellion a Rally for Slavery. Copy 1 WHAT IT COST THE NATION. A SE PUBLISHED BY THE UNION REPUBLICAN CONGRESSIONAL COMMITTEE, WASHINGTON, D. C. WHO BEGUN THE RERELLION. "/tcitV tell you another fact, which is enough for this time, that as the late war was prodcced BY THE DEFBATED DEMOCRATIC PARTY IN 1800, SO wc shall never have peace till it is restored to povxrr in 1868." Kx-Unitfd states and ex- Confederate Stales Senator Toombs' speech at Atlanta, Oa., July 8, 1868. WHAT THEY BEGUN IT FOR. "l^hc new (Confederate) Constitution ha^ put at rest forever all the agitating questions relating to cur peculiar institutions — African Slavevg — as it exists amongst us, the proper status of the negro in our form of civilization. This was the immediate cause of the late ruptdre and present RF.VOLUTION. » » * Qur new Government is founded up)on exactly the opposite idea — (ihe idea of Mr. JefiFerson that 'the enslavement of the African was in violation of the laws of nature, and wrong in principle, socially, morally, and politically.') Its foundations are laid — its corner stone rests upon the great truth « * * that slavery subordination to the superior race is HIS {the negro's) natural and normal condition !" Confederate Vice-President A. IT. Stephens' speech at Savannah, Ga., March 21, ISGU In 1856, James Buchanan, "a northern man with southern principles," was elected President of the United States. At this time, and during th(i whole of his administration, until after the triumph of the Republican party in 18G0, the country was at peace with all the world, the Government was respected abroad, and the people were prosperous and happy. The annual resources of the national Treasury far exceeded its expenditures ; taxations for the support of the Government had no existence, and the national debt was merely nominal. Upon the elevation of Mr. Buchanan to the Presidency, he surrounded himself with some of the worst men in the nation, and selected to constitute a majority of his cabinet, either avotced secessiojii'sts, like Cobb, Floyd, and Thompson, or the still more infamous Toucey, all of whom were life-long Democrats, and gave their whole personal and official influence to the work of organizing the rebellion while constituting a portion of the Government. For years, the South had been threating a dissolution of the Union, encouraged by the leaders of the Democratic party north. PREPARATIONS FOR THE REBELLION. Very soon after the inauguration of Buchanan, the slave-holding democracy com- menced, more actively than ever, preparations for their long-threatened rebellion. Everywhere throughout' the South the people were organized into military bands and subject to military discipline. In this active preparation for civil war, they were op6nly and efBciently aided by Mr. Buchanan's cabinet. Floyd stole arms from the arsenals North and sent thcpi y Eg no to the Southern States to be used in arming the conspirators. He also sent the whole army into Texas to be surrendered to the rebels the moment the first blow should be struck against the Goverment, while Toucey ordered the navy to distant foreign ports, and Cobb was successfully employed in exhausting the public Treasury and destroying the national credit. By these means tfie Democratic party South, actively assisted hy a Democratic Administration, and openly encouraged by the democratic leaders North, believed they had rendered the Government powerless and put the success of their rebellion beyond all contingency. FEEMONT'S ELECTION TO BE A SIGNAL FOR EEVOLT. Previous to the elections of 1856, it had been arranged that the election of Free- mont should be the signal for secession from the Union then, though they were not fully prepared for the fatal plunge. His defeat enabled them to postpone the blow till the next election, and gave them time to complete their treasonable arrangements. The election of Mr. Douglass, or any other Northern democrat not pledged to the purposes of the secessionists, no less than Mr. Lincoln's, would have been seized upon as the pretext for revolt, just as Mr. Lincoln's was. THE FIRST ACT OF WAR. Immediately upon the success of the Kepublican party being known, though it was not denied that Mr. Lincoln was elected in strict accordance with every legal and constitutional requirement, one Southern State after another seceded from the Union and open war was commenced ; first, by seizing Forts, Arsenals, Ncmy Yards, Mints, Custom Houses, Post Offices; stealing the public money, appropriating all the public property within the limits of the Southern States to their treasonable purposes; then by organizing a?i independent government, and finally by firing upon the Star of THE West, sent on the humane and peaceful mission of relieving the starving, besieged garrison of Port Sumter. Thus the Democratic party South, loith the open and poicerful assistance of a Democratic Administration, and the leaders of the Democratic party North, com- menced A four years civil war — the wickedest, the crudest, the bloodiest the world ever saw, and all to establish a government " lohose corner-stone was to be slavery." NO JUSTIFICATIOK FOR TREASON. At the time the slave-holding and slavery-defending democrary began this terrible civil war, the government of the country was practically in their hands, as it had been for sixty years, with very brief intervals. Though a republican president had been elected, the Supreme Court and both branches of Congress were against him, and the Republican party was, therefore, absolutely powerless. Both the Legislative and Judicial departments of the Government were democratic, for the republicans had not a majority in the House, while the other branch of Congress was overwhelming against them. Mr. Lincoln could not even have secured a cabinet unless with the "consent" of his political opponents. Slavery was as safe as it had been any ti)ne in sixty years. Not a law on that, nor indeed on any other subject, could the Republi- can party have passed if the Democratic senators and members had all stood at their post. But they had been threatening secession for nearly thirty years, had been vigor- ously organizing for civil war for four years, and were all ready to raise the bloody flag of rebellion as soon as the result of the election of 1860 should be declared. They at once plunged madly into the contest for disunion, sovereignty , and slavery. WHAT THIS DEMOCRATIC REBELLION COST. ^ ' '' - And now let us count the cost of this Democratic civil war — a war inaugurated under a democratic administration, encouraged by a democratic president, actively aided by democratic members of his cabinet, begun by the democratic leaders, and carried on by the Democratic party, a war in which every' man who fought against tJie old flag was a democrat, every man v:ho encouraged the rebellion was a democrat, and a war in which every RepidAican in the Union was on the side of the Government. To begin, then, this democratic rebellion cost the nation a four years' war, \ X mare unjust, and cruel, and unnecessary than any in the history of the world, and 'Z^m •which a more brutal, revengeful., and barbarian spirit was exhibited by its authors ^v than by any other people, either savage or civilized. ^,. This four years' democratic war cost us the lives of three hundred thousand as '-.brave, patriotic, noble hearted, intelligent "men as ever died in defence of their ^ jcountry. •^ This four years' democratic war has also made three hundred thousand equally V\ brave, patriotic, noble hearted men cripples, and many of them pensioners for life. This four years' democratic war has made teii hundred thousand widows and orpJians, depriving them of their natural protectors and rendering them dependent upon the liberality of the people through the bounty of the Government. This four years' democratic war has cost the people three thousand millions OF DOLLARS, every cent rendered absolutely necessary to save the nation against this mighty democratic conspiracy, and every cent of which, except what fell into the hands of disloyal democratic speculators, was expended in enabling GcTieral Grant to overthrow this democratic rebellion. This four years' democratic war has left upon the people a national debt of TWENTY-FIVE HUNDRED MILLIONS OF DOLLARS. J^ot one cent of this debt would have existed had not the Democratic party, under a Democratic Administration, headed by Democratic members of the Government, begun the rebellion without any cause, and for no other purpose than to establish a sLAVE-iiOLDiNa confederacy. This four years' democratic war has caused, and is now causing, a yearly tax of two hundred millions of dollars upon the people to pay the interest on this democratic naiiorud debt, the pensions to disabled soldiers, and to the widows and orphans of those who died in defence of their country. This four years' democratic war, in causing an enormous national debt, and in substituting a paper for a specie currency, has so inflated prices, that the people can now buy no more with two dollars than they could with one before the Demo- cratic party brought upon us this enormous democratic debt. This four years' democratic war has fastened a burden of taxation upon the people, that fur forty years loill eat up, directly and indirectly, a tenth part of every man\ earnings. And this tax is the inevitable result of a war begun by the Democratic party without the slightest justification — begun deliberately and wickedly, after counting all the cost and four years' careful, zealous, and systematic preparations. ITS EFFECTS UPON THE SOUTH. But the terrible consequences of this four years' democratic war have not been confined to the loyal States. It has caused the most unutterable woe to the poor people of the South. As many of them xoere sacrificed in this rear for slavery, as many maimed hi battle, and as many widmcs and orphans made as at the North, lohile infinitely more property icas destroyed by the ravages of war. And yet the mass of the southern people had nothing to gain and nothing to hope, even from the success of the rebellion. The war was begun and carried on by the Demo- cratic party for the benefit of the privileged class of slave-holders, against the interest of the vast majority of the people. This four years' democratic war begun and carried on, as the vice jyresident of the rebel government officially declafed, to perpetuate and extend slavery, could have no other result than still further to degrade the poor white man and make him still more dependent upon a slave-holding aristocracy . Tnis was its secondary 0B.1ECT. The census of 1860 shows slave property then to be worth /o!/r thousand millions of dollars, and the land, &c. , held by the slave owners to have been worth as much more. Besides owning all the material property of the South, the slave- holding oligarchy possessed absolutely the whole political power of the old slave States, and for sixty years had substantially controlled the enti-re policy of the general government, partly through the extra members of Congress their slaves gave them, but mainly through the base subserviency of the Northern Democracy to their interest. Eg no In 1860 the slave States contaiueil about twelve millions of people, of whom four millions were slaves, and eight millious whites, only tuukk iiundked and iifty 'iiiovsx'SD uf ichom were slave-hoUIers, o\yiii'Sii all tue puopekty, exercisikg all TUE POWEK, AND CONTKOLUNG TUE DUSTINIES of the white people as ahsulutdij and tijrannicaUy as they did the negroes. iLwas for the sole bcwjit »f this privll'-ged class that three hundred thousand lives of Southern white men \7ere sacrificed, a7id a inillion of widows and orjjhans created. And this oligarchy of slave-holders ifas hut one twentij- fourth part of the Southern white pjopulation, and less than a seventieth part of the white p>opulation of the whole nation. WAGED TO ENSLAVE THE POOR. In TUis DEMOCRATIC WAR, waged to perpetuate, the privileges and power of this mean and cruel oligarchy, to degrade still further the poor wuites, to render labor s!dl more odious, and poverty still harder to be borne, the icorhing masses of the isouth fought four long years, shedding blood like water, and making themselves almost literally a nation of paupers. The oligarchy, though they lost their slaves, still keep their lands. They are now laboring again to '' fire the Southern hexrt,''^ find to incite, with the aid of Seymour and Blair, another democratic, rebellion, through the means of which they hope to regain their loxt power, re-estadlisii SLAVERY, repudiate THE PUBLIC DEBT, and retain the Southern white masses inignor- ance and dcgredation I This is a part of the price the people were compelled to pay, and a part of the burden they are still compelled to bear as a penalty for permitting the Democratic victory of 1856; and these are some of the fearful consequences of the four years' war, which was begun and carried on by the Democratic party, through the aid, I xtendcd to the conspirators by the democratic administration which that victory broiigJd into p>ower, to destroy the Government and perpetuate slavery. democratic fraud and FALSEHOOD. A violent attempt has been made by the baser sort of the copperhead Democracy to hold the Republican party in some way responsible for the crushing weight oj taxation this democratic rebellion has brought vjxm the people. But the charge itself is treason, for it implies that tlie Bepubliean party should have made no effort to jnd down the rebellion and save the Union. If they had made no resistance to their armed attack upon the Government, bat permitted them, peaceably, to destroy the Union and establish a slave-holding confederacy vpon its ruins, there would have been no war, no national debt, no ta.xatio.v ! TREASON TO BE MADE HONORABLE AND LOYALTY ODIOUS. The American people are asked to mahe treason a virtue and loyalty a crime by the election of the rebel candidates for President and Vice-President in prefv;ronce to the General who overthrew the rebellion and saved the Union, and to punish by defeat the Republican party, who furnished Grant the men and means to accomplish that object at the expense of a large national debt, and to reward by victory the Democratic party, whose treason and rebellion rendered that debt necessary. Such a verdict would convert the men who served this nation into traitors and those who fought four years to destny it into patriots! Mr. Seymour's New York "friends," who inaugurated, at his suggestion, the auti- draftriot of July, 1803, and murdered negroes, burnt orphan asylums, and destroyed the property of loyal men, have shown a keener sense of decency and prnpiiety than the advocates of Seymour and Blair have in thus attempting to hold the Repub- lican party responsible for the burdens which their own crimes brought upon the country. They have not been shameless enough to charge upon the National Gov- ernment, or the party which controlled it, the responsibility of the expense rendered necessary to suppress the riot, and to pay for the property they burnt and the lives they sacrificed. The copperhead demand, that the American people shall punish, ns criminals, the Repiiblicau party for the present national debt, and its burden of taxation, could find no litter and more siirnificant illustration than in the conduct of the sou who sought to take from a father the control of his estate, on the ground of incompetency or dishonesty, because he had entailed a debt upon it in extinguishing a fire which that incendiary son had wilfully communicated to it. The Democratic party, in 18G0, applied the incendiary torch of civil war to the fabric jf civil liberty erected by the Fathers of the Republic, and for four long years labored with bloody ferocity to destroy it. They failed in their treasonable designs, and the nation was saved. They now ask the people to hurl from power the party who thwarted their conspiracy and to give them the control of the Government tchich they sacrificed tuhee hundred tuousand lives and compelled the expenditure of TUiiEE TUOUSAND MILLIONS OF DOLLARS in trying to destroy I IS THE UNION WOKTH WHAT IT COST? The question for the American people to decide is — first, whether the Republican party icere guilty of a crime, by armed resistance to the efforts of the Rebel Democracy to overthrow the Government ; and second, if they were not, whether the price paid for jrntting down the rebellion and saving our free Rcp)uhlican Institutions, purged of the only blot upon them, 2vas more than they luere worth. If they believe the Repub- lican party should have permitted the government, founded hy Washington and his associates, to be destroyed without a struggle to save it, or that it is not worth the lives and treasure which that struggle involved, they tvill elect Seymour and Blair, TUE candidates NOMINATED BY THE REBELS. If they think the establishment of Lib- erty, Justice, and Equal Rights on this continent is worth the sacrifices made to secure tbem, tliey will elect Grant and Colfax, the candidates of the loyal men of the nation. DEMOCRATIC CORRUPTION. Whether the war cost more than it ought is not a question for its authors to raise, because in all the frauds committed upon the Government during its existence, they have been the greatest and most numerous criminals, stealing fifty dollars to the Republican's one. Nor does it become the rebel and copperhead Democracy to complain of the burden of taxation for another reason. They not only created the national debt, but it is by THEIR frauds THAT THE GOVERNMENT IS SWINDLED OUT OF THE REVENUE WHICH WOULD so LESSEN THE BURDEN OF TAXATION as to make it Scarcely felt by the peoph. f^inety millions of gallons of whiskey are annually manufactured, subject to a tax of two dollars per gallon, or one hundred and eighty millions in the aggre- gate; but through the influence of the "Whiskey Ring,'' composed exclusively of copperheads and rebels, and sustained by the President and his Democratic supporters, only thirty millions annually (last year less than half that sum) is paid into the Treasury, and the tax payers are tjierefore cheated out of ove hundred and fifty millions of dollars annually, which they must make^ vp in taxes. This theft is committed by democrats, every one of whom is the noisy advocate of Seymour and Blair. REPUBLICAN ECONOMY. A few facts will show how free from prodigality and corruption the Republican party has been since it came into power, and that it has been far more economical than its predecessors in all ordinary expenditures. No comparison, of course, can be made of the cost of the war and many depart- ments of the Government between Mr. Buchanan's administration and the republi- can administration which succeeded it; but there can be between the two adminis- trations in regard to the civil and diplomatic expenses of the government. And this comparison is most favorable to the Republican party. Read the following facts: Civil and Diplomatic expenses of the Government during 1860, the last year of Mr. Buchanan's administration, was $45,7^6,058 First year of Mr. Lincoln's, 1861 $46.14.'!. 059 Founh " " 1864 27,800,400 First year of Johnson's, 1865 40 .346.55.3 Second " " 1866 42,420,8:0 Third " " 1867 52,008,021 Making an aggregate of. $208,808,862 I- c^ Which is an average of about ^41 ,700,000 yearly, or an average of four millions a year less since tht Republicans came into power, and covering the whole period of the war, than during the last year of Mr. Buchanan's administration. This item, it must be remembered, includes the salaries of all officers engaged in the civil service at home — president, members of the cabinet, heads of bureaus, revenue officers, clerks, &c., as well as oixr diplomatic agents. And yet, notwithstanding the enormous increase oi clerks and other civil officers, especially those connected with the internal revenue departiuent, rendered necessary by this great Democratic rebellion, four millions ol dollars annually have been saved to the tax payers of the nation in our civil and diplomatic expenditures alone, for seven years, making an aggregate of twenty-eight millions. The years 18G2 and 1863 have been omitted because the payment on the public debt for those years is included in the statement of civil and diplomatic ex- penses in the Financial Report from which these figures are taken. The expenditure of Mr. Buchanan's administration, the last year of its existence, was, in gold, a little over ^80,000,000, or more than $112,000,000 in greenbacks at the present rate of exchange. This too was when the army was vastly less than it is now, and the navy scarcely half as large. For the ordinary expenses of the Government for the fiscal year, which begun the 1st day of July, 1868, the appropriation by a Republican Congress was one hundred and six millions eight hundred thousand dollars, being more than five millions OF DOLLARS LESS, when reduced to gold, than Mr, Buchanan expended the last year of his rule. These are only fair examples of the economy of a Republican Congress in every department of the public service. They have labored with unceasing zeal and fidelity to lessen the burdens brought upon the people by the Democratic rebel- ion of 1861. ANOTHER CIVIL WAR THREATENED. But the copperhead and rebel democracy are not satisfied with the awful calamity they , brought upon the nation by that wicked and bloody conspiracy, the hundreds of thousands of lives they sacraficed, the millions of widows and orphans they made, the three thousand millions of dollars they expended, the enormous and grinding national debt and its contingent weight of taxation they created.. The taste for blood, and the love for plunder and devastation and ruin, which that four years of carnage and crime begat, instead of being satiated, has only been sharpened by what it fed upon. And they are now inaugurating another civil war. If the democracy elects Seymour and Blair, they declare that the first act of their President will be the commencement of a war to overturn the Southa-n reorganized State governments, to annul all the reconstruction laws of Congress, to take from the colored people of the South the right to vote, and to disperse Congress at the point of the BAYONET, if it shall stand in the way of these great Democratic reforms ! This SECOND DEMOCRATIC CIVIL WAR, which is only to be prevented by their defeat at the polls, will, undoubtedly, be as long and bloody, and destructive and expen- sive as their first revolt, and will cost the nation another three thousand millions OF dollars, three hundred thousand more precious lives, and make another million of widows and orphans ! There is evidence, strong as proofs of holy writ, that the copperhead and rebel democracy are preparing to precipitate the nation into such a second rebellion, if the people, in their madness, or God in Ilis wrath, should permit Horatio Seymour to be elected President and Frank Blair Vice President. This evidence // the solemn declaration of the candidates of that corrupt, utterly unscrupulous, and disloyal party — the platform adopted at their New York National Convention, the avowel of all the Sonthern rebels, delegates to that convention, and others who dictated its policy and are its admitted leaders, such as Howell Cobb, Robert P. Toombs. A. H. Stephens, General Forest, General Wade Hampton, General Preston, Gov. Vance, Gov. Perry, Basil Duke, Barksdale, Beauregard, Vallandigham, &c., the tone of the copper- head rebel press generally, and the whole spirit and temper of the rebel people and their Northern henchmen. THE PROOF OF THEIR INTENDED REBELLION. The treasonable letter of Frank Blair, which procured him the nomination he holds, was indorsed by the New York rebel Convention, and is the key-note of the campaign. It is, therefore, an authentic and official declaration of the purposes of the rebel and copperhead Democracy. It is dated June 30th, and contains this threat of civil war: "If the President elected by the Democracy enforces, or permits others to enforce, these reconstruction acts, the Radicals, by the accession of twenty spurious Senators and fifty Repre- sentatives, will control both branches of Congress, and his administration will be as powerless as the present one of Mr. .Johnson. "There is but one way to restore the Government and the Constitution, and that is for the PRKSIDENT-ELECT TO DECLARE THESE ACT8 NULL AND VOID, COMI'KL THE ARMY TO UNDO ITS USURPA- TIONS AT THE South, disperse the carpet-bag State governments, allow the white people to REORGANIZE THEIR OWN GOVERNMENTS, AND ELECT SENATORS AND RePRESE.NTATIVES. " We must restore the Constitution before we can restore the finances, and to do this we must have a President who will execute the will of the people ry trampling into dust thb DSURPATIONS of CoNGRESS, KNOWN AS THE RECONSTRUCTION ACTS. CLAIR'S TREASONABLE THREAT ENDORSED. The New York copperhead Convention, which did not contain a loyal delegate from tho South, nor one who had not taken an active part against the Government, gave General Hampton, the bitterest rebel of them all, unconditional authority to place any plank in the platform the South might demand; and he placed there this endorsement of Blair's threat of civil war, which the Convention approved by .acclamation : "Resolved, That we regard the reconstruction acts (so called) of Congress as usurpa- tions, AND unconstitutional, REVOLUTIONARY, AND VOID." Here is General Hampton's own construction of the meaning of this resolutioo, delivered at a mass meeting of the copperhead and rebel Democracy before he left New York : " We can have no relief until the Democratic party will come out and pledge itself that the white people of the South shall vote. I want you all to register an oath thai, when they do vote, their votes shall he counted, and if there is a majority of white votes, that you will place Seymour and Blair in the White House in spite of all the bayonets that shall be brought against theii." All but a few of the worst rebels vote now; they cannot vute without "trampling the law3 under foot," as they propose. JOII^'SON TO BEGIN WAR BEFORE THE ELECTION. The President clearly intends to take the lead in the proposed rebellion, by destroying the new State govornments, and nullifying the laws of Congress before the election. This is an improvement on the rebel and copperhead policy, which is to commence the rebellion only in case of Sej'inour's election. But Johnson means the rebel votes shall be counted for him. In his veto of the electoral college bill he thus lays down his way to begin the war. After expressing his opinion that the rebel States wei'e legally "organized and restored " under hia "policy," prior to March 4, ISGY, he says : "The only legitimate authority under which the election for President and Vice-President can be held therein must be derived from the governments instituted before that period. It ckarly follows that the State governments organized in those States, under act of Congress for that purpose, as under militar)/ control, are illegitimate and of no validity whatever; and, in THAT VIEW, the VOTES CAST IN THOSE StATES FOR PRESIDENT AND ViCE-PrESIDENT IN PURSUANCE OF acts PASSED SINCE THE 4tH OF MaRCH, 18G7, AND IN OBEDIENCE TO THE SO-CALLED ACTS OF C0N(;RKSS, CANNOT BE LEGALLY RECEIVED AND COUNTED ; WHILE THE ONLY VOTES IN THOSE STATES THAT CAN BE L>:GALLY cast and counted will be THOSE CAST IN PURSUANCE OF THE LAWS IN FORCE IN THB BEVERAL States prior to the legislation by Congress upon the subject of reconstruction." GOVERNOR PERRY SAYS BLAIR'S LETTER MUST BE CARRIED OUT. At a meeting of rebels, held in Charleston, to ratify their nominations at New York, Gov- ernor Perry, a rebel delegate who had just returned from that conclave of traitors, said : "Hampton was the lion of the Convention. Hami)ton was courted by all parties. North, South, East, and West; and when, as a member of the Committee on Platform, he submitted that section ichich declares the reconstruction acts void and revolutionary, the rest of the committee tald him to make it as strong as he pleased — they would endorse it. He paid the highest encomiums to Seymour and Blair. Alluding to the late act of Congress rcspeuting the electoral college, he {■aid it was the greatest fraud yet attempted, and meant that if the Southern States cast their votes for Grant they would be counted ; if for Seymour they would be excluded. In this case, he said General Blair's letter would have a practical illustration, and the Democrats North and South would rise up and drive the usurpers from the halls of legislation. LIBRftRY OF CONGRESS T8 llllilllllllllill^ 013 786 526 9 "^ HOWELL COBB'S ADVICE TO REBELS. Cobb, who was Secretary of the Treasury under Buchanan, and used his position first to ruin the credit of this Government, and then to overthrow it, is as black-hearted a traitor now as he was tlien. He recently made a speech to the traitors at Atlanta, in which he exhibited this infernal spirit toward the loyal, true men of the State : "You owe it to the living, you owe it to your own children and to their children. Write down in their memories this day and all d.ays, and for all time to come, the feeling and spirit of abhorrence with which you regard and estimate these men. Oh, Heaven ! for some blister^ irig wordii, that I may write infamy upon the foreheads of these men [applause]; that they may travel through earth despised of all men and rejected of Hiaven, scorned by the devil hiimclf. ' They may seek their final congenial resting place under the mudsills of that ancient institution. * * * Upon.them there should be no mercy. They have dishonored (hemtselves and sought to dishonor you. Anathematize them. Drive them from the pale of social and political society. Leave them to wallow in their own mire and filih. Nobody will ever envy thorn ; and if they are never taken out of the gully until I reach forth my hand to take them up, they will die in their natural element." THE LAW TO BE DISREGARDED. The Charleston Mercury gives public notice that the Seymourites of that State will neither obey the laws nor recognize the debts of her present Government. Says this admirer of Frank Blair : " It (Gen. Canby's Government) has forced into assumed supremacy the negro race on the one side, over the white race on the other ; and has left them to settle which race shall rule South Carolina. Of course, from the very nature of things, the white race will not be held re- sponsible for the actings and doings of the negroes. They will redeem no debts they may incur; they will pay no taxes they may lay ; they will kecoonize the validity of no laws thky MAY PASS. ^ They intend to rule themselves, and not to be ruled by negroes ; and any man who shall aid tl'e efforts of the negroes to rule them, by loaning their money under fraudulent use of the name of South Carolina, is much more likely to be treated by them as an enemy than be recognized as a lawful creditor. Let every one, therefore, who is disposed to loan his money to the carpet-baggers and negroes distinctly understand that the people op South Gauolina WILL pay not one FARTHING OF THE DEBT." BALLOTS FIRST-THEN BULLETS. The Mobile Tribune has no doubts about the real issue of the impending contest. Ballots first, to keep up appearances, and then bullets. The Tribune puts the case plainly : " Friends— fellow-citizens of Mobile— comrades of the Queen City of the Gulf! let us make one more effort in behalf of our rights and our liberties. If we are successful in the approach- i.sG contest we shall regain all that wb lost in the ' Lost Cause.' We shall be able to reverse the iron rule which has been imposed upon us, and turning that iron into brands of fire, hurl them back on the heads of the flagitious wretches who have inflicted so many foul flagrant wrongs on our bleeding country. Once more to the breach then — yet once more ! and when the cloud shall have cleared away from the flaming field, our flag — the grand old demo- cratic flag — will be seen in all its glory, streaming like the thunder-cloud against the wind. Let us then rally once more around The Dear Old Flau which we have followed so often to glory and to victory." SENTIMENT OF PROMINENT SOUTHERN REBELS. Mr. Williamson, a prominent Democrat, of Shrevcport, La., made a Seymour and Blair speech in New Orleans recently. He "arraigned the Radicals," and this is one of the counts of his indictment: " We arraign them in the name of our own dearly beloved Confederate dead [cheers] whose bones are strewn all over the north-west ; killed in battle by the atrocious cruelty of the Radical Government. I believe we will carry our candidates as firmly as there is a throne of God. But even if the defeat should fall upon us do not be discouraged; the time will come ■when we shall redeem the country. Let no man leave the State. Let us lay our bones in Louisi- ana, and if these scalawags and carpet-baggers remain, let us- hunt them from the country." Capt. Edward Marshal, a brother of Thomas, made a speech at a recent Democratic ratifica- tion meeting, which is thus sketched in a Kentucky paper : " He was enthusiastic in support of Seymour, and gave his reasons therefor. He said Seymour was nominated as a war democrat for the reason that no other could win. He was called a war democrat, but he had never given any aid or support to the Government in prosecution of the war when it could bb avoided. In 18G3, when the rebel troops were in Pennsylvania, and the Government called on Seymour, wlio was then Governor of New York, to furnish troops to expel them, he answered in the same manner, if not in the same language, as the Governor of Kentucky in 1861, viz : that he would not send them. He did send them, however, roR the rbason that he was unablk to do othbbwisb." Gibson Brothers, Printers, Washington, D. C. ooi: LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 013 786 526 9 pH8J