mm. iliiii iumnii iiilii 1|^^^''^' ii itiil mw': ^ IS f .-^^ ^.' o 0- '. -^^ .-^ '% V- .^-^ -^^^ « -^■^^ ' ^ ^% ■ **v '^ ""^^ v^^ •? , -:. v^^ '■^- ,^^ s"" ^^. 'X"^ iV - ^ ' « .-. '^* "^^ v^ v^^ "^^ %^' J ■3^ %, .V . '■-- I,'. -^^ ■'*. %. ■xX'^'' -V ,\'^^ , « ^ " * 0- '-^y. .-^^ •^V^ O .^■^ "% I FACING THE TWENTIETH CENTURY ®ur Country: Ifts power anb peril The POWER of Our Country, generated by Anglo-Saxon civilization and made effective through the American institutions of State, Church, and School. The PERIL of Our Country, manifest in the claims of Politico-Eccle- siastical Romanism, to universal dominion, and in its relations to political x>arties, politicians, platforms, legislation, schools, charities, labor, and tear. The Republic FACES the tiventieth century ivith the power to avert the peril ivhen both power and peril are recognized. PEUDENS FUTURI qui TACIT CONSENTIT JAMES m:^^ing General Secretary Kational League for the Protection of American Institutions NEW YORK AMERICAN UNION LEAGUE SOCIETY 1899 \<5^ Cjsf^ n^ Copyright, 1899, BY JAMES M, KING. All fights reserved. APR 2 7 1899 ^^ ,A4^ AUTHOR'S PREFACE. The Republic, ^vith the momentum secured in making more than a century of glorious history, is about to move into the twentieth century and work out its manifest destiny in extending civil and religious liberty to the millions which come under its benign rule. Without attempting an elaborate discussion of any one of the themes here considered, I have essayed to give a brief survey of the sources of our civilization, of the institutions which conserve and promote this civilization; of the peril which menaces these institutions, and of the legal, organic, and moral forces Avhich may be depended upon to protect them. I hope to contribute a mite in producing that disposition of mind and poise of judgment among citizens which are indispensable to a people confronted with difficult problems for solution, and who have great responsibilities to meet and priceless liberties to perpetuate. I desire to reach that honest citizen on the farm, in the workshop, in the factory, and in the different departments of industry in city and village, who does his ow^n thinking and voting, and who counts one in the class of citizens who give character to American citizenship and vigor to American patriotism. I seek to inspire that kind of patriotic pride of country, which is based upon an intelligent conception of the cost and character of our institutions, and which is jealously alert against the insidious approaches of any foe that would either compromise or undermine our constitutional liberties. We are living in a seriously interesting and instructive period of both national and international history. The men 3 4 Authors Preface. who created tlie Republic faced their responsibilities effectively and magniliceutly. We shall have both the courage and ability to face our broader responsibilities if we adhere to the pi-inciple that the safe method of procedure is for a nation to act from high-minded and unselfish motives. New York, January, 1899. NOTE. In a word I desire to record my gratitude for all the assistance I have received in flie preparation of this volume. Tliose who have aided me in any measure have one and all requested that no mention be made of their names. Their request is com- plied with, but their help is appreciated. Conscious of tlie imperfect presentation I have made of the information imparted to me from many sources, I am thankful for the valuable and authentic facts, and trust tliat the readers will weigh these facts and bear with the inadequate method of their array. J. M. K. CONTENTS. PART I. The Sources of American Republican Christian Civilization, PAGE The Hollander, 13 The Pilgrim, 19 The Puritan, . 28 Tlie Huguenot, .,......•• 38 The Quaker, 53 The Scotch, 56 The Cavalier, 57 The English Roman Catholic, 59 Other Mention, 60 PART II. American Institutions. The State. Liberty and Law, 62 The State and Its Power, 66 Nationality and Sovereignty, 66 Sources of the Powers of the State, 68 Historic Origin of the Republic, 69 Material Resources and Strength, 72 The Church. The Relations of Civil and Religious Liberty, . . . . '?8 Sphere and Function of Church and State, 79 Limitations of Civil and Religious Liberty, 80 Separation of Church and State, 81 5 6 Contents. PAGE Dangers from the Union of Church and State, .... 82 Historic Statement of the Origin of Religious Liberty in America, 84 America's Contribution to Religious Liberty, .... 90 Religious Resources, 93 The School. Free Common-Scliool System, 96 Higher Education Accessible to All, 100 Education Out of School, 110 The Free Press as an Educator, 112 PART IIL Anglo-Saxon and Latin Civilizations. Spain in History the Representative Latin Type, .... 121 America's Earl^^ Escape from the Grasp of Latin Civilization, . 133 American Populations and Civilization Essentially Anglo-Saxon, . 140 The Spanisli-Ameiican War of Civilizations, . . . , 146 Our New Possessions, 103 PART IV. The Menace to American Institutions from Politico- Ecclesiastical Romanism. Preliminary, ........... 1*75 Clahns. Concerning Universal Dominion in both Spiritual and Temporal Affairs, 187 Concerning the Essential Character of Civil Liberty, . . 208 Concerning Religious Liberty and the Relations of Church and State, . . . . . . . . . . .218 Concerning the Voter as a Responsible Sovereign, . , . 230 Relations. To Party Politics and to Politicians, 250 To Legislation, 287 Contents. t PAGE To Judicial Administration, 308 To Executive Administration, 311 To Education and the Schools, 319 To the Press and Literature, 358 To Charitable, Reformatory, and Penal Institutions, . . . 371 To Labor and other Organizations, 392 To the Boycott and the Boss, 403 To "Rum, Romanism, and Rebellion," 409 To the Government of the Commercial Metropolis of the New World, 418 To the Spanish- American War, 461 Methods. To Make Condescending Concessions to American Institutions, . 477 Concerted Action as Romanists; Promoting Isolation and Soli- darity, and Obstructing Assimilation in Citizenship, . . 481 Decline. Decline in Numbers and in Political Power throughout the World, 501 PART V. Powers to Protect American Institutions. Constitutional Intrenchment of American Principles and Institu- tions in the Organic Laws of the Nation and of the States, . 518 The National League for the Protection of American Institutions, 519 The Free Common Schools. The Free Principle Must Be De- fended. Patriotic Platform for the Defense of the Schools, 544 The Recognition and Nurture of the New Patriotism, Manifested in the Multiplication of Patriotic Organizations. Organiza- tions Based upon Revolutionary Ancestry or Patriotic Heredity, . 549 Organizations Based upon Consciousness of Present Perils from Ecclesiasticism, . . . 561 The Safe and Rational Restriction of Immigration, . . . 567 8 Contents. PAGfi Safeguarding the Ballot, 569 A Perfected Civil Service, . . . . . . . .572 Tlie Sjjoils System and the Merit System, ..... 573 The Principles of Unsectarian Christianity the Basis of Our Civil- ization, and the Guarantee for Its Perpetuity, . . . 579 PART VI. Manifest Destiny, 585 PART VII. Appendix, ^Memorable Events in American Ilistor}^, 1492-1899, . . . 595 Some Ecclesiastical Definitions: Elements of Ecclesiastical Law, 602 Gladstone on the Vatican Decrees, . , . . . .612 Some Clironological Records of the Pope's Relations to the Span- ish-American War, 614 Vatican and Papal Authorities Fi-iendly to Spain and Hostile to the United States during the Spanish-American ^yar, . .619 The Pope's Letter on " Americanism "; the Submission of Arch- bishoj) Ireland and the Paulist Fathers, . . . . . 621 Immigration Statistics from the Foundation of the Government, 625 Qualifications for Voting in each State of the Union, . . . 626 The Flag, 628 Index, 629 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. Alfonso, King of Spain, Duke of Alva, Americus Vespucius, . Augustin, .... Birthplace of the National Flag, Blaine and Burchard, Blanco, .... H. F. Bowers, Captain Boycott, George Ernest Bowman, . J. B. Brondel, John R. Brooke, Schley's Flagship "Brooklyn," William Allen Butler, Camara, .... The Capitol, Washington, John F. Carroll, Caravels of Columbus, Cervera, .... Charles V., Charles IX., R. L. Chapelle, United States Coat of Arms, Columbus, . ' . Congressional Library, Michael A. Corrigan, Country School House, Richard Croker, J. L. M. Curry, Edward S. Deemer, Chauncey M. Depew, George Dewey, Mrs. Mary Lowe Dickinson, Morgan Dix, 10 List of Illustrations. DoRMAN B. Eaton*, Faxelil Haxl, Federal Haxl, Ferdixaxd, UxiTED States Flag, Bexjajiix Feaxklix, . Fraxklix Press, James Caedixal Gibboxs, Willi Aji \V. Goodrich, A Graded School Buildixc Ulysses S. Gbaxt, Frederick Geaxt, Samuel Eberlt Gross, JoHx Gutexibeeg, Edward Hagamax Hall, J. C. Hardexbeegh, Bexjamix Harrison', J. A. Healt, Hexey IV., Patrick Hexet, . Hoe's Press, 1899, Hexey E. Hoaylaxd, . Ixdepex-dexce Hall, JoHx Ieelaxd, Isabella, . • . JoHx Jay (Huguexot), JoHX Jay (Xatioxal League), James M. King, Richard Hexry Lee, Robert E. Lee, Fitzhcgh Lee, Lixares, MoxLMEXT to Luther at Worms, MoxuMEXT to Faith, Macias, Baitleship "Maixe," . Wreck of the " Maixe," Mrs. I. C. Maxchester, Mrs. Daxiel Maxxixg, Sebastian Maetinelli, M 3Iarty, PAGE 520, 528 68 1 136 1 112 112 293, 301 550 104 152 152 550 112 550 564 261 293 121 13 112 >8, 550 68 301 136 13 520 520 13 152 152 160 81 24 160 156 156 559 559 193 293 52f List of Illustrations. 11 Protectiox of States, President McKixley and the War Cabinet, William McKinlet, Hugh McLaughlin, Catherine de Medici, Wesley Merritt, Xelson a. Miles, MoNTOJO, Thomas J. Morgan, Sampson's Flagship, "Nett York," Xeav Roman Catholic Lobby, Officers of the National League for the American Institutions, Old Roman Catholic Lobby, Dewey's Flagship, "Olympia," Papal Apostolic Delegates for the United Pando, William H. Parsons, . Wheeler H. Peckham, W^iLLiAM Penn, Philip IL, Pope Leo XIIL, Pope Pius IV., . Population of Each State and Number of Persons to the Square Mile, .... Possessions of the United States, 1899, Presidents of the L'nited States from 1789 to 1850, Presidents of the United States from 1850 to 1899, Ralph E. Prime, . Queen Regent of Spain, ..... S. Lansing Reeve, ....... Patrick W. Riordan, Roman Catholic Population in Each State and Proportion OF Roman Catholic Members to All Other Denomina TIONS, ..... Rulers of Greater New York, "Rum, Romanism, and Rebellion," Patrick J. Ryan, Sagasta, Prime Minister of Spain, W^illiam T. Sampson, E. W. Samuel, .... Francis Satolli, page 147 1 457 121 160 160 129 261 162 301 . 499 457 . 4U9 293, 301 . 169 . 129 . 564 . 193 12 List of Illustrations. Charles T. Saxton, WiNFiELD S. Schley, , Mks. May Wright Sewall, John Server, AViLLiAM T. Shafter, Charles D. Sigsbee, Charles R. Skinner, Mrs. Le Roy Sunderland Smith, Mrs, Henry Sanger Snow, Spain's Possessions at the Height of Her Power Spain's Possessions in 1899, A State Normal, J. A. Stephan, William Strong, Peter Stuyvesant, Treasury Building, Robert A. Van Wyck, John H. Vincent, Wainwright, George Washington, Washington Monument, William Wayne, Alexander S. Webb, Weyler, Joseph Wheeler, Henry B. Whipple, White House, Stewart L. Woodford, page 544 129 559 564 160 156 544 559 559 472 472 104 301 520 13 73 457 544 156 1 73 550 550 148 160 550 73 550 John VVinthrop ( /'iin'taii). Pctir Stn\-rcsaut KUolLindfr). Patrick Henry (Scotch). William Fenn (Quaker). John Jay ( Iliiftuenot ). Richard Hen ry Lee ( Cavalier). SOME I.KADKKS I\ SIIAPIXr, AMERICAN CIVILISATION. FACING THE TWENTIETH CENTURY. PART L THE SOURCES OF AMERICAN REPUBLICAN CHRISTIAN CIVILIZATION. THE HOLLANDER. The first dim outlines of knowledge concerning the region now called Holland have been set before us in Caesar's accounts of the battles and marches of his conquering legions. A region it might have been called then, yet not a land. The words terra jirma would scarcely apply to a vast expanse of morass and thicket, often all but submerged by the furious waves of the stormy, ever threatening sea. As the child is father to the man, so, in the first faint dawnings of the history of a people may be discerned some characteristics which distinguish that people, as the story of later generations is rounded out and recorded. That quality in a race which held it steadfast while fighting against nature for a home so uncertain in its conditions that it was sometimes land and sometimes water ; which enabled it, though often overpowered and almost swept out of existence by giant physical forces, to slowly but cer- tainly overcome after centuries of combat, has marked that people through all the years of its history. Patiently, slowly, with untiring labor and constant vigilance, they drove back the waves and set a bound to the ocean. But while they were toiling to wrest this Low Land, this Hollow Land from the sea, they were also developing and strengthening within themselves that power which enabled them to convert a marsh 14 Facing the Twentieth Century. into a rich and fruitful garden; to Ijuild within its limits wealthy and powerful cities, where science, art, and music went hand in hand -with progress in material industries, while they swept the broad bosom of their ancient enemy Avith fleets of merchantmen and war vessels. Nor was this power to achieve success in these directions, great as it was, their most prominent characteristic. Motley says : " In the development of the Netherland nation during sixteen centu- ries, we have seen it ever marked by one pi'evailing character- istic, one master passion, the love of liberty, the instinct of self-government. " The succession of Charles V. to the sovereignty of the Netherlands, and the dawn of that religious movement called the Reformation, two events which occurred eai'ly in the six- teenth century, gave the signal for the beginning of a long and terrible struggle. The history of this reign was marked at every stage by rapacity and political oppression. These rich provinces had their treasuries emptied to support the Em- peror's ambitious projects, had their industries hampered and their liberties restricted. Above all, he sought to extinguish their religious freedom. To repressive edicts ^vere added the terrors of the Inquisition, and by the time Charles abdicated, passing the sovereignty into the hands of his son, Philip II,, upward of fifty thousand of the inhabitants of the Nether- lauds had suffered death for their religious opinions. But if the reign of Charles was rigorous and harsh, that of his son Avas marked by relentless cruelt}'. Religious persecution was carried on with redoubled vigor, and the infamous Alva was sent, at tlie head of thousands of Spanish troops, to crush the rebellious provinces. It was inevitable, considering the tem- per of the people, that a rebellion should ripen into a war, \vhich drew the Prince of Orano-e to the front as their leader, and that the Abjuration, the Declaration of Independence of thr Dutch Republic, should ultimately follow. A few years later these people saw their beloved Prince and leader fall by The Sources of Anwrican Civilization. 15 the assassin's hand, but with indomitable energy they marched forward, while others of that princely family arose to perpetu- ate and embellish the name by heroic deeds for a noble cause, until an exhausted enemy held out the flag of truce and was forced to acknowledge the Low Countries free. In this memorable year of 1609, when the Dutch republic took its place among the nations, events were quietly occur- ring in another part of the world which were to be an active factor in founding, at a later era, a greater republic, which, in its turn, would, for liberty and right, meet in the clash of arms the ancient enemy of its Nethei'land prototype. The voyage of the celebrated Half Moon, under the command of her equally celebrated captain, Henry Hudson, has taken its deep significance from later events. It was but a small vessel, manned by a crew of twenty, making her first cruise along an unknown shore, cautiously feeling her way through strait and bay, past wooded islands to the broad surface of a noble river, traversing many miles of its shining waters, and returning with its cargo of furs and its story of adventure, to the home port in Holland. Yet this little boat was the pathfinder for a world's traflic, and on those wooded slopes was to rise a great city where all nations and tongues would congregate. For some years Hudson's discovery was only fruitful in pointing out the way for the beginnings of a profit- able trade in furs with the Indians of the islands and shores which he visited. A fort was built near the site of the pres- ent city of Albany, as a trading post to reach the natives of the interior, a few rude buildings erected at the extremity of Manhattan Island, and the name of New Netherland given the region. However, there was no definite project for colo- nization until after the establishment of the AVest India Com- pany with many rights and privileges, one of which was exclusive trade with America. Under their charter Peter Minuit was appointed the first governor, and he arrived at Manhattan in the spring of 1626, authorized to buy land 16 Facing the Twentieth Century. from the Indians, and construct a fort, wareliouse, and other necessary buildings. On the 6th of May, two days after his arrival, the Governor made that celebrated purchase from tlie natives, whereby ^[anhattan Island came into his possession at the price of twenty-four dollars. The fort, warehouse, and buildings wei-e soon constructed, and an upper story in one of the latter was fitted up for religious worship. They had no minister as yet, but two persons were appointed to read the Bible and lead in devotional exercises every Sabbath morning. Other colonists shortly arrived, and before the end of the year their number was nearly two hundred. With the habits of thrift and diligence in which they had been trained, it is not sur- ])rising to learn that " they had all their grain sowed by the middle of May, and reaped by the middle of August." Two years later we find that " the learned and energetic John Michaelius was employed to officiate at religious meetings and instruct the children." Thus from the first these Dutch colonists built a strong foundation for education and religion. In order to give greater impetus to colonization and extend it throughout the province, an offer was made by the company to any of its members who should found a colony of fifty adults, by which they w^ould receive large grants of land, special privileges, and the title of patroon. In this way set- tlements were planted along the Hudson River and in sections now included in Delaware and New Jersey, though the aris- tocratic and feudal features of the plan were not favorable to the best growth of the province. After a few years Minuit was succeeded by Van Twiller as governor, and wdth him arrived the first minister, named Bogardus, for whom a church was shortly built. Tliis was a plain wooden struc- ture, without architectural beauty, but historically interesting as the first church edifice on Manhattan Island. Under this ad ministration the island village received the name of New Amsterdam. But the path of these Dutch governors was not The Sources of American Civilization. 17 an easy oue, and in 1638 Van Twiller retired to make way for Kieft. He chose as counselor Dr. La Montao^ne, a man of higli breeding and varied learning, a French Huguenot, who had fled from religious persecution and settled at Manhattan the previous year. Thus we may already get a glimpse of the cosmopolitan character of the future metropolis. During Kieft's rule the company adopted a more liberal policy, which had the effect of increasing the number of new settlers, and the greater religious freedom attracted people from New Eng- land, who made settlements on Long Island and in West- chester, while others became inhabitants of the thriviup; village of New Amsterdam. In 1647 arrived the last and the greatest of the Dutch governors, Peter Stuyvesant. He was a man of stern, proud appearance, military bearing, of great energy and decision of character, of severe morality, yet kindly, sympathetic, and large-hearted. He found many discouragements in the condi- tion of affairs in the pi'ovince. Before this time there had been many misunderstandings with the English settlements, owing to conflicting patents and indefinite boundaries. The patroou system, with its special privileges, was a source of perplexity and annoyance. Above all, injudicious treatment of the Indians had been followed by disastrous and shock- ing results. Beside these questions which confronted the Governor, his attention Avas at once drawn to the necessity for improvement in the condition of the town, and under his energetic direction many changes for the better were inaugurated. Though the Dutch were earnest and serious, they did not manifest a sour severity ; and though they evinced a keen commercial spirit, they were not mercenary or miserly. So far as circumstances permitted the people lived generously, and there was much pleasant social intercourse among the settlers. In New Amsterdam the Christmas festi- val was especially observed, as was also the custom of New Year visits. In 1653 New Amsterdam was made a munici- 18 Facinrf the Twentieth Century. pality and suitable officials were appointed. In 1656 its popu- lation had reached one thousand. But events were impending which were to place the control of the province in other hands. In 1664 it was seized by the English. New Amster- dam became New York, and Fort Orange was called Albany. Hut, thou<>-h it was lost forever as a Netherland possession, the Dutch had taken firm root in the soil and made an indelible mark, to be discerned through all the future history of the province. That country, whose rich and flourishing cities were brought low by the hand of tyranny and wasted by fire and siege, was to see them reproduced again, when its children founded the metropolis of the West. The descendants of a people which, with wonderful persistence in the face of repeated defeats, rescued a country from the waves and made it fertile and flourishing, had the happy privilege of founding, in the New World, a great State upon which nature had bestowed every bounty. Throughout its length and breadth the Dutch name is preserved. The important families of New Nether- land have their lines perpetuated by distinguished descend- ants, and the race which Caesar could not conquer is repre- sented in the New World by a long list of brave, steadfast. God-fearing men. These men have ever been active in foster- ing those rights and privileges for which their forefathers fought with such unyielding determination, such unexampled bravery. That right of free and fearless speech, and that high standard of morality, in civil as well as religious matters, which permitted the first Dutch preacher to rebuke from his ])ul})it the Governor in his pew, are still manifest in the life of the State. Iler press, her schools, her laws are all signifi- cant of her origin. The declaration in favor of complete religious toleration, which the Netherlanders incorporated in the Act of Al>juration in 1581, is repeated again when New York, two centuries later, in her first constitution, declares that " the free exercise and enjoyment of religious pro- fession and worship, without discrimination or preference, The Sources of American Givilization. 19 shall forever, hereafter, be allowed within this state to all mankind." Doubtless the fathers of the American nation, confronted by doubts and anxieties, wrought out many problems by the light of Dutch history. The founders of the Plymouth colony dwelt for years in that city of Leyden which, only a generation before their time, had passed, unconquered, through a siege the record of which is a glowing tribute to the amazing fortitude and the undying faith of its inhal)i- tants. May it not well be that the Pilgrims there learned some lessons that helped to bear them bravely through the heavy trials which they encountered in their new home ? Perhaps many lessons which were afterward put in practice by the later New England colonists may have been taught by the Netherlanders, thousands of whom migrated to the eastern counties of England, whence the Puritan exodus to America was largely drawn. As the early history of the American republic is more deeply studied, the more obscure elements in its complex civilization brought to light, the silent, hidden streams of influence which make the nation what it is are uncovered and explored, the more plainly will be seen the country's lasting indebtedness to the people and the institutions of Holland. THE PILGRIM. In the latter part of the reign of the first Stuart king of England there landed upon the shores of one of his colo- nial possessions a small band of men and women, obscure and humble then, but now known all over the world as the Pil- grims of New England, and the day of their landing, Decem- ber 21, 1620, is widely celebrated as Forefathers' Day. The circumstances attending their arrival could hardly have been less auspicious. Setting foot as they did on a bleak and wild coast in the short, chill days of early winter, without sheltering roof or pleasant hearthstone, with no neighbors but o() Facing the Twentieth Century. liowliug wolves and unfriendly savages, tliere was little pros- pect ot^ease, comfort, or security. But these brave men and women knew well the meaning of hardships, trials, and dis- appointments, and the sublimity and strength of their reli- fjious faith gave them a power of endurance and a fixedness of purpose which were to contribute to a new order of civil and i-elii;-ious liberty. In England, their native country, they had suffered nuich for conscience' sake ; for years they had been exiles in a foreign land, and they had come to a new and unknown country that they might find " freedom to Avorship God" without interference or persecution from prelate or kincr. Very early in the century these people had withdrawn from the services of the established church and thus received the name of Separatists. They, with others of like mind, met together for religious Avorship, first at Gainsborough in I/ln- colnshire, but in 1606 they found it convenient to assemble nearer their homes in Nottinghamshire, and held their meet- ings chiefly at Scrooby in the manor house, then the home of William Brewster, who was afterward to be the first preacher and teacher of the little colony in America. Among their number was William Bradford, a young man who lived at Austerfield, a few miles away, and whose name in later years was to 1)6 prominent in all the records of their Avanderings and final establishment in the New World. His '' History of Plymouth Plantation" has preserved much that otherwise must have been Avholly lost and which is invaluable to those Avlio would study the history of these people in its religious and civil aspects. Mr. Kichard Clifton, "a grave and reverend preacher," wns their pastor, and with them also, among others, was John Robinson, who went with them into exile and after- ward became their preacher. Bradford tells us in his quaintly written history that " they ordinarily met at William Brew- ster's house on the Lord's day and with great love he enter- tained tbem when they came, making provision for them to bis great charge." The little village of Scrooby was 146 Tlie Sources of American Civilization. 2l miles nortli of Loudon, and William Brewster was probably boru in the manor house where his father lived and held the office of Post, to which the son succeeded. Here they formed themselves into an organized church, for Bradford says : '^ They shook off the yoke of anti-Christian bondage and as the Lord's free people, joined themselves by a covenant of the Lord into a church estate in the fellowship of the gospel to walk in all his ways made known or to be made known unto them according to their best endeavors, whatsoever it should cost them the Lord assisting them." There were Separatist churches in other parts of England, but the great body of those who sympathized with the free church ideas, the Puritans, had not come to open resistance against the Act of Uniformity promulgated by Elizabeth for the repression of Catholics and Puritans alike. Afterward, under the first Charles, many of the latter, wearied by perse- cution and oppression, were to make common cause with the Pilo^rims in New Endand. It is difficult to trace the begin- nings of this spirit of free inquiry. Certainly the principle of self-government, the seeds of which were brought to British soil by the early English invaders, was not unfavorable to it, Lono; before the times of Wickliffe and his followers men suf- fered for their repudiation of the claims of priestly authority, but not until the first year of the fifteenth century did Eng- lishmen perish at the stake for their religious opinions. But the little congregation at Scrooby were not permitted to worship in their own way without opposition. " They could not long continue in any peaceable condition but were hunted and persecuted on every side, some were taken and clapt up in prisons, others had their houses beset and watched night and day and hardly escaped their hands, and the most were fain to fly and leave their houses and habitations and the means of their livelihood." Thus did persecution, dis- tress, and loss of material possessions mark their lot from the first. But they remained steadfast and refused to conform to 22 Facing the Twentieth Century. wliat they believed anti-Cliristiaii and imworthy of acceptance l)y tlie Lord's people. Their constant reading of the Bible, and their increasing dependence upon it as the rule of life in all things, served to draw them farther away from the require- ments of the Church. There ^vas little prospect of wider toleration in the future. Elizabeth had passed away, James I. had ascended the throne, and the long struggle of the Stuart kings for absolutism and against constitutional privilege and the rights of the people, civil and religious, Avas just beginning. It was no light thing for Englishmen born and bred to turn their faces away from their native country, to leave the smiling valleys and peaceful streams of their home land and seek an asylum in a foreign country under new and hard conditions. But they prized most of all religious freedom, and at last "by joint consent they resolved to go into the Low Countries, where they heard was freedom of religion for all men." But difficult as it was for them to reach this resolution, it was equally difficult for them to carry it out. In fleeing from the cruel authority of the ecclesiastical courts they encoun- tered the opposition of the civil laws, for by statute they were forbidden to emigrate without license. But the suffer- ings they had already passed through gave them fortitude to meet approaching ti-ials, and the \vords of John Kobinsou, written later, were applicable to them even then: "It is not with us as with men whom small things can discourage." After repeated attempts and failures, arrests and imprison- ments, finally, at Amsterdam, in 1609, "they met together again according to their desires with no small rejoicing." Othei- Separatist congregations had gone before them to that city from England, but the people from Scrooby continued to worship Ijy tliemselves, and after about a year they removed to Lcyden, at which time John Kobinson became their pastor and so continued until tlie migration to America. Here they engaged in such employment as they were able to find, and, The Sources of American Civilization. 23 under the direction of their revered and beloved pastor, enjoyed years of peace and a measure of worldly prosperity, adding to their numbers and finding favor with their foreign neighbors. Among those ^vho Joined them at the time were Edward Winslow, John Carver, and Miles Standish, all after- ward to become prominent in the Plymouth Colony. But at the best, the conditions of their life were, in many respects, severe and trying. A new language had to be acquired, a quiet country neighborhood and agricultural occupations were exchanged for the more expensive life of a city and such trades and callings as were open to them. Many that desired to be with them could not endure the great labor and hard fare, and it was thought if a better and easier place of living could be had it would draw many. Besides, the years of truce that followed the long war of five-and-twenty years had nearly passed and Holland might again be subject to the miseries of war. Persecution in England was harsh and bitter enough, but persecution in a foreign country at the hands of Spaniards might bring terrors not yet experienced. And so, with many questionings and much diversity of opinion, they began to turn their thoughts toward America as a desirable place for the new and better home. There they might retain liberty of worship and still be Englishmen on English ground instead of being refugees on a foreign soil. There they might preserve their church in its purity and " propagate the gospel in those remote parts of the world." After lengthy negotiations at London, conducted on their part by Robert Cushman and John Carver, the latter to be their first governor in New England, they secured a grant of land from the London Company. The king refused to pro- tect them by a charter, and they were obliged to content themselves with his promise that " no one should molest them so long as they behaved themselves projDerly." And now they planned to divide their forces, the advance guard to go out under the pastoral care of Elder William Brewster, the 24 Facing the Twentieth Century. rest to reiuaiii beliiud at Leyden under Johu Robinson until a foothold was secured in America. The start was made from Delft Haven late in July, 1620, in the Speedwell, and at Southampton the Mayflower, with friends from London, was to join them. This plan was carried out and the two v^essels set sail. But the Speedwell soon proved uuseaworthy and after repeated delays she was left behind, as were also some of the company who had by this time become discouraged. It was early in September before the Mayflower finally sailed from Plymouth on her long voyage of nine weeks. The vessel was crowded and many discomforts had to be borne. Much severe weather was encountered, but at last land was sighted, which proved to be Cape Cod. This land had been visited as early as 1602 by Gosnold and received its name from him. Apparently he had had some thoughts of making a settlement in that region, but quickly abandoned the idea and returned to England. A few years later another attempt was made to settle on the coast further north, but it quickly resulted in disastrous failure. In 1614 Captain John Smith carefully explored the whole coast from Cape Cod to the Penobscot River, calling the region New England and desig- nating certain places by names which have remained to this day. The Pilgrims found themselves further north than they desired and started southward, but the attempt was accom- panied by so much danger that they gave it up and sought shelter in Cape Cod Bay. But as their grant was from a company which had no rights liere, the leaders among them foi'esaw the necessity of estab- lishing some safeguard against the possibility of disorder. This resulted in a meeting of the adult male members of the c(>iii])aiiy in the cabin of the Mayflower, where the celebrated con I pact was written and signed the substance of which is as f'-ll^ws: "AVe do solemnly and mutually in the presence of (lod and of one another, covenant and combine ourselves I 6 MONUMENT TO FAITH, PLYMOUTH, MASS. The Sources of American Civilization. 25 togetlier iuto a civil body politic, for our better ordering and preservation and furtherance of the glory of God and the honor of our King, to enact, constitute, and frame such just and equal laws, oi-dinances, acts, constitutions and offices, from time to time as shall be thought most meet and con- venient for the general good of the colony, unto which we promise all due submission and obedience." John Carver was probably made governor at that time. It was five weeks before they all finally left the ship. Meantime exploring parties had been seeking the most favorable location and preparing for the final removal from the vessel. Their choice fell upon a place previously named Plymouth by Captain John Smith. It can hardly be doubted that some misgivings assailed even the stoutest hearts as they gathered on that bleak shore, but it was no time to falter now. Warned by fierce storms and biting winds, they made all haste to build the rude homes which were to shelter them for the winter, and they were completed none too soon. The long confinement on the ship, the total lack of generous fare, the constant exposui'e to inclement weather produced their inevitable effects. Sickness broke out among them and the death of loved ones proved the keenest edge of all their sharp afflictions. So great was the suffering that at one time only seven, including Brewster and Staudish, were able to be about. In three months' time half of their number had jDerished. By degrees the sickness abated, and as the spring- days advanced they were able to commence the various industries by which they were to establish themselves more securely and prepare for the exigencies of another winter. It was fortunate that during those first months Indian depreda- tions were not added to their other troubles, and by means of several propitious circumstances, in the spring a treaty of friendship was formed with Massasoit, the chief of tribes who were their western neighbors, a treaty to which the Indians remained faithful for half a century. It is a noble tribute to 26 Facing the Twentieth Century. the gentleness, the courtesy, and the iipriglit conduct of tlie Pilorrims that they secured and maintained a peace with those savages, at a time when tliey were least able to repel their attacks, and it is a sharp commentary on later events in the history of the country. But now the Mayflower^ which had remained in the harbor during the winter, was about to return to England, and with her departure the last link between them and the old home ^vould disappear. But not one of the little band turned back. Those who had survived the first Avinter were resolute to maintain the colony planted under such rigorous conditions and upheld under such heavy misfortunes. A great loss fell upon them at this time in the death of their o-overnor, John Carver. But as regiments in battle fill up the ranks of those who have fallen and go for- ward, so these men, after the first shock of grief, called AVilliam Bradford to the vacant place and went bravely on. The summer was a busy one and at its close, as the autumn days drew on, they found themselves with a reasonably good store of provisions, seven new d\vellings and four buildings for public use. In one of the latter their religious services were held, and the street, on either side of which the build- ings stood, had received the name of their old home, Leyden. In view of their comparatively fortunate condition they decided to hold a season of rejoicing, and thus originated the festival of Thanksgiving Day. To this festival they invited their friend and neighbor Massasoit, who accepted the invitation and came accompanied by ninety of his people. Just a year from the founding of the colony, a vessel flying the English flag appeared in the harbor. This proved to be the Fortune, wliich brought thirty-five new colonists, among them fi-iends and neighbors of those already there. Their arrival was warmly welcomed. Not long afterward the Anne arrived at Pl}inoutli with more who had come to settle in the new country, and ten days later came the Little James. These new ai-rivals, added to those who came in the Mayflotver, 233 The Sources of American Civilization. 2? in al], make up the uuniber of those called Forefathers, in whose memory the annual celebration is held. Of this number there were less than 200 survivors at the end of 1623. About this time the simple legal methods heretofore used for the few occasions when trials were necessary were changed by the substitution of the jury for the general body, and when Bradford was re-elected governor the following spring, he was given five assistants as council. They were not entirely without annoyances in religious matters, for some of the Merchant Adventurers of London with Avhom they had business relations, and who had furnished them with funds for their transportation and settlement in America, were not in sympathy with their free church views. John Robinson writes to his former elder and beloved friend William Brad- ford that, '^he is persuaded that they are unwilling that he, above all others, should be sent over, they having ecclesiasti- cal purposes of another sort for the colony." But these pur- poses Avere not permitted to prevail. From the beginniug, the Pilgrims had cherished an ardent hope that their revered pastor in Leyden might come to minister to them in their new home. The noble qualities of his character, his high intel- lectual attainments, the sweetness and patience of his spirit had claimed their admiration, their reverence, and their warmest affection, and his guidance in their present suri'ound- iuo's Avould be invaluable to them. But this was not to be. He was to remain to the last an exile among a strange people, and their hopes were extinguished by his death in 1625. As years went by they had reason to rejoice in the fact that nothing serious had arisen to interfere with their dearly bought privilege of religious freedom. All efforts against it had come to naught. In 1626 they succeeded in making satisfactory arrangements with the Merchant Adventurers, by which some uncomfortable restrictions were removed and the way was opened for complete and independent possession of lands and property. Thus gradually did the narrow path widen before 28 Facing the Twentieth Century. tlieir advancing footsteps. The tearful sowing was bringing a harvest of rejoicing, and the men who had confessed their willingness " to be as stepping stones to others," in the march toward a lofty ideal, had made an indelible mark upon the history of their time. THE PURITAN". The causes which worked for the establishment of Sepa- ratist churches in England, and which finally made it neces- sary for the most earnest and devoted among them to abandon their native country, still continued in increasing- force after the fuo^itive couo-res-ations had established them- selves in Holland. From the time when Henry VIH. broke loose from Papal authority and, as Maciiulay says, ^' attempted to constitute an Anglican church differing from the Roman Catholic church on the point of the supremacy and on that point alone," down through the short reign of his successor, the boy King Edward, the five rigorous and cruel years of Mary's rule, to the end of the long and brilliant reign of Elizabeth, the last Tudor sovereign, was a period of but seventy years, yet in that time momentous changes were wrought in the civil and religious condition of the people. With Elizabeth's accession the bitter religious persecutions under Mary ceased and peace and social order began to pre- vail. One marked characteristic of the great queen, im- perious though she was, -was her desire for the affection and g«jod will of her subjects. " I have always so behaved myself that, under God, I have placed my chiefest strength and safeguard in the loyal hearts and good will of my subjects," Avere words which sunk deep into the hearts of a people who felt their truth. Though no more self-willed and haughty \voman ever wore a crown or withstood more fearlessly any infringement upon what she considered her prerogative, yet in her dealings with Parliament she knew when to yield, and with gracious tact and sweetness to bend her will when it The Sources of American Civilization, 29 was not wise to try to enforce it. Under sncli conditions the betterment of the people was assured, and there was steady growth in wealth and education. Men who had fled to the Continent during the last reign now returned, many of them deeply imbued with the theology of Geneva. Though these tenets were extremely distasteful to Elizabeth, the political exigencies of the times and the security of her throne made it necessary for her to put many of these Puritan divines in high places in the Church. The religious movement of that period, stirring the minds and hearts of men everywhere, was doing its work on English ground, and, at the close of Elizabeth's reign, England was in fact as well as in name a Protestant nation. AVith the comincr of the Scottish King James I. and the union of the two kind- doms under one crown, many of the perplexities and anxieties of the last reign were swept away. The question of the suc- cession was settled for England. AVith her hereditary king upon the English throne, the position of Scotland was advan- tageous. His accession was peaceful, but time was to show that, as a foreigner, he failed utterly to understand the temper of the English people and that, in trying to uphold absolutism for the crown, he was instituting a fruitless struggle against the liberal tendencies of that time. A deeply religious spirit prevailed and men were weighing all things by the religiou.s standard. Green says : " The Puritan was bound, by his religion, to examine every claim made on his civil and spiritual obedience by the powers that be, and to own or reject the claim as accorded with the highest duty which he owed to God." Hardly had the king reached his new realm when he Avas met by a petition, signed by a large number of the clergy, which, while asking for no change in government or organiza- tion for the Church, sought needed reforms therein. But James, though a Protestant, was not a Presbyterian, and in his own kingdom had only yielded by hard necessity to the triumph of the latter. The fearlessness of a Knox and a 3(1 Facing ilic Twentitth Century. .Mflville was little to his liking. " A Scottish Presbytery," said he, "as well fitteth with mouarchy as God and the Devil." Holding such sentiments, he regarded the Puritan movement with coldness and suspicion as having a tendency to curl) his power in political affairs and to limit his authority in the Church. The petition of the Puritan clergy he met by ixivinir his sanction to increased demands in the matter of ceremonials, and in the second year of his reign three hundred of their number were deprived of their livings for rejecting tliese demands. His purpose was to secure more power for the crown and allow less independence on the part of the people. " It is presumption and a high contempt in a subject to dispute what a king can do," were his words. It was not strange that serious differences should arise between him and the House of Commons almost from the beginning, or that those differences should become more irreconcilable as years went on. Men of dauntless spirit like John Pym, while deeply revei'encing the office of the crown, held that its pre- rogatives should be exercised with due regard to the political and religious opinions of the people. The history of this reign Av^as the history of a long but ineffectual struggle on the part of the king for power which it was impossible for him to secure or maintain against an indomitable people, whose course had long been tending toward constitutional freedom and freedom of conscience as well. But such a struggle could uot exist without spreading a gloomy and depressing influence among the people. Already, in the later years of King James, men's thoughts were turn- ing to lands across the sea where an escape from galling and arbitraiy exactions might be hoped for. Distrust of Prince Charles had become widespread hy the time he ascended the til rone in 1625. Peligious concessions made on his marriage to a Catholic princess of France, in defiance of a pledge !<• tlir House of Commons, gave deep offense. The reverses Nslilch were falling upon Protestantism on the Continent The Sources of American Civilization. 31 increased the watchfulness and the distrust of the English Puritans. Fears of a continuance of the policy of King James were soon confirmed, and by 1628 there were many signs of ap- proaching trouble. Keen eyes could already discern the ris- ing cloud, small as yet, but, to the wise and thoughtful, of threatening portent. Already the story of the Plantation at Plymouth was known and discussed in many a Puritan house- hold. At this date, mainly through the advice and influence of the Rev. John White of Dorchester, a plan to relieve the small remnant of a band of colonists at Naumkeag (\\o\\ Salem), and to establish a strong colony on a sound basis, was put in active preparation. Money was forthcoming to defray expenses and a fitting leader was found in John Endicott, a native of Dorchester and a man " well known to divers per- sons of good note." A patent was obtained and the party reached Salem in September, 1628. Soon after their arrival sickness broke out among them and Endicott appealed for aid to Governor Bradford of Plymouth. The latter sent Samuel Fuller, a deacon and a physician. His coming was helpful to the sick, and this friendly service, together with the clearer understanding he was able to give Endicott concerning the Separatist views in church affairs, brought about a closer agreement in those things. Endicott's good account of the region to which he had come made so favorable an impression that, in the spring of the following year, larger purposes were formed. Affairs in England were constantly growing worse. Excit- insr scenes occurred in the Commons in 1628. In March of the next year the determined stand of the members of the House for religious reforms, and their resistance to the exer- cise of arbitrary power by the crown, resulted in the dissolu- tion of Parliament by the angry king. Perhaps he was willing to be rid of some of the troublesome Puritans. Be that as it may, just at this time a royal charter was granted 32 Fa/'hig tlie Tvwntietli Century. to the compauy under whicli Enclicott's party had gone out, making it a legal coi'poration called the " Governor and Com- pany of the Massachusetts Bay in New England," which pur- chased from those already there their rights obtained by the patent of the previous year. Many Puritans of learning, wealth, and social standing were earnestly considering the possibility of abandoning their native land, and within a few weeks five vessels, including the well-known Mayflower, set forth, bearing a goodly company of emigrants, well supplied with food, clothing, and all desirable equipments for their permanent establishment in the new land. With this party went three clergymen, all graduated from Cambridge, chief of whom was Francis Higginson of Leicester, who had been deprived of his living for his rejection of ecclesiastical require- ments. The charter gave power for the "establishing of all manner of wholesome and reasonable orders, laws, statutes, ordinances, directions, and instructions not contrary to the laws of the realm of England." Careful instructions were given in spiritual as well as in temporal affairs, for they declare " that the propagation of the Gospel is a thing we do profess above all to be our aim in settling this plantation." The people at Salem had already adopted the church prin- ciples of the Plymouth colony, and soon after the arrival of the new immigrants a conference was held, the result of which was the establishment of the first Congregational Church of Mas- sachusetts, with a covenant and confession of faith drawn up by Higginson, During that summer another expedition was planned in England, and several members of the corporation detei'mined to lead the migration, deciding to take their fami- lies and become permanent settlers in the new land, provided the whole government could be legally transferred thither and be in the hands of those who should inhabit the plantation. This was assented to at a formal meeting of the corporation, and on the 20th of October, at a later meeting, John Winthrop was elected Governor for one year from that date. The wis- The Sources of American Cirilization. 33 dom of this choice was confirmed l)y his future services in the colony, and the length of time he Avas adjudged worthy by his fellow colonists to hold the highest office they could give. In March, 1630, Winthrop, Dudley, and their associates sailed from Southampton. Four vessels took them out, and their departure marked a large inci-ease in the west\vard migration, for during that year 17 vessels and more than 1000 passen- gers came to the young colony. In the summer of the pre- vious year Endicott had sent 50 persons to make a settlement at Charlestown, and now the new settlers spread themselves out in various directions, clustering in separate settlements along the bay. Winthrop settled first at Charlestown, and later moved to Boston, which was soon considered the capital. It was not long before eight distinct settlements could be counted, Watertown being the most remote. It w^as soon found, as was the case at Plymouth, that the accounts sent to England had been too highly colored. Winthrop's position had been one of serious responsibility. Dudley's account of the condition of the colony was not cheerful. Over eighty had died during the previous winter, many were sick, and the supply of food very scanty, so that almost immediately the newcomers had to give aid from their o^^'n stores. Sickness and death . entered the ranks of the later settlers also, and some returned to England, but the majority remained stead- fast, like their brethren at Plymouth. Questions 1-elating to the government of the colonies soon arose. When the transfer of the government to New Eng- land was made all authority was placed in the hands of Win- throp and his associates, but it was soon found that this restriction would ci-eate rather than obviate trouble. During the first summer rumors came that the French were planning hostilities against the colony, and it was thought wise to erect fortifications. To defray the expense, each town, early in 1631, was assessed sixty pounds. The men of Watertown objected to its payment on the ground that they could not 34 Faring the Tvmitieth Century. rinlitiullv be taxed without their own consent, and they claimed that the power to make hiws and impose taxes L-^y properly ^vith the whole body of freemen. This protest was soon afterward Avithdraw ii, but the following year changes Avere made by which the Governor, Deputy Governor, and assistants received their offices by a general election, and it was arranged that each town should send two representatives to advise the Govei-nor and assistants on the question of taxa- tion. Two years later, deputies elected by the freemen took part in legislation and the transaction of public business. By this time nearly four thousand people had arrived from Eng- land, and the number of villages had increased to t^venty, while pros[)erity lent its favoring influence to the growing colony. Religious services wei-e conducted by some twenty ministei-s, most of whom had held church livings in England and were graduates of her universities. Besides these clergy- men, many of the leading men concerned in the colony were university men, and their thoughts were soon turned towai'd the establishment of a college. In 1636 the General Court set aside four huudied pounds for that purpose, and this was augmented, two years latei*, on the death of John Harvard, by the bequest from him of his library and one-half of his estate. The college received his name by order of the Court, and Newtown, its location, was renamed Cambridge. Thus earl}^ in the life of the colony a high standard of intellectual develop- ment was set up, the influence of which Avas to manifest itself eveiywhere in the life of the Commonwealth of Massa- chusetts down to the present day. In view of all the Puritans had suffered before their migra- tion to NeAV England, it was not strange that some measures should be enacted that, at the pi'esent day, seem narrow and unjust. In 1631 they adopted a measui-e ^vhich they deemed necessary for self-protection in civil aifairs, by Avhich it was decided that " no man shall be admitted to the freedom of this body [lolitic but such as are mendjers of some of the The So>frces of American Civilization. 35 churcTies Avitliio the limits of the same." This ordiuance, while intended for a good purpose and doubtless expressing the views of most of the colonists, was most unjust to those whom it deprived of all participation in civil affairs, Avhile at the same time they were not relieved from certain civic obli- gations. It was inevitable that this should give rise to dis- content and lead to some bitterness of feeling in the colony afterward. It was very difficult also to satisfy everyone in the management of religious affairs, but when the history of those first years is carefull}^ studied it seems wondeii'ul that so few mistakes were made. With constant accessions of new immigrants to be absorbed into the life of the colony, new questions were coming up Avhich called for much patience and wisdom in their settlement. To add to these difficulties were anxieties concerning an Indian outbreak and possibilities of an interference from the English authorities, for the progress of the colony was, in some directions, hostile to the theories of a king who Avas now trying to reign without the aid of a parlia- ment, whose presence at Westminster, through his own folly and perfidy, had become a threat. But the king's thoughts were soon engaged by the religious struggle in Scotland, and plans on the part of some of the English nobility to disturb the colony proved unsuccessful, so that the new state moved on safely, despite these threatened misfortunes. The differences of opinion on theological and civil matters had the effect of thrusting out new colonies to the north and west, and in this manner came about the settlement of Rhode Island, Connecticut, and New Hampshire. Roger Williams, a learned young AVelsh preacher who came to Plymouth in 1631 and to Salem two years later, held such advanced views on toleration, and the separation of church and state, that by 1636 he found Salem no lono-er a comfortable home. He made -his way westward to Narragansett Bay and began the settlement of Providence. About this time much religious excitement was produced by the teachings of Mrs. Anne 36 Facing the 'Lventiefli Century. Hutchinson. Her views spread rapidly and she had many followers, but eventually the authorities deemed these opin- ions unsafe and politically dangerous. The result was the banishment of herself and her adherents, some making settle- ments at Exeter and Hampton, in a region which afterward was included in New Hampshire. Mrs. Hutchinson herself and others went to Narragansett Bay and started the settle- ments of Newport and Portsmouth, and, when later these coalesced with the settlement at Providence, they formed the beo-innings of Rhode Island. In 1634 a few adventurous men from Plymouth had sailed up the Connecticut River and established themselves at Windsor, and somewhat later an English fort was built at Saybrook. Favorable reports of the Connecticut River valley began to come to the knowledge of the people of the Bay settlements, and in 1636 quite an ex- tensive migration thither took place. Chief among those who went at this time was the Rev. Thomas Hooker, with his congregation, from Newtown, and these were the pioneers of Hartford. From the first Mr. Hooker had opposed the re- striction of suffrage, having had some correspondence with Governor Wiuthrop on the subject, and generally the move- ment toward Connecticut was made by those who preferred a wider toleration on the question of voting. The Dorchester cono-refration soon followed, settling at Windsor, and the Watertown cono-regation established themselves at Wethers- field. Soon as many as eight hundred people were living in that region, and in 1638 the three towns, their municipal independence having already been acknoAvledged, formed themselves into a distinct commonwealth. All who had been admitted as freemen by a majoi-ity of their township, and had taken \\\v oath of fidelity to the commonwealth, had the right of suffrage, without regard to church membership. In the spring of this same year New Haven was settled by a body of I*:nglish emigrants, Guilford and Milford in the same way during the following year, and in 1640 Stamford ^vas settled. The Sources of American Civilization. 3V This date marks the beginning of changes in England which put an end to the Puritan exodus, and for more tlian a century there was little inci'ease in numbers from outside sources. The population of the new settlements, including the Plymouth colony, had now reached twenty-six thousand, and when, in 1643, a league of the different colonies was formed, it was the foreshadowing of a great future. Among the leaders in this great Puritan emigi'ation to a new country a high place must be given to the ministers, for they held, from the necessities of the case, the responsible position of instruct- ors of the people. They were, to a large extent, men of the highest education, and in nobility of chai-acter, courage, and lofty faith had been trained in the school of adversity. Among them, beside the names already mentioned, were John Cotton, Kichard Mather, Peter Bulkeley, John Davenport, and John Eliot, the apostle of the Indians, while among the men at the head of secular affairs were many of Governor AVin- throp's type. If it appears at the present day that some of the measures enacted were illiberal, some of the practices too severe, they must be considered in the light of the harsh in- tolerance and bitter persecution which marked that period. Of the civilization which they established, the country now possesses the rich fruits. To the farthest western limit of the great republic their descendants have carried the freedom, the culture, the enterprise of their forefathers. Their conception of the superintending providence of God in civil affairs and ** in the shaping of human history has perpetuated itself through later generations, and manifested itself in the decision of moral issues in every national contest in the history of the country. Their devotion to the cause of education has raised a standard \vhich calls for every voter to become a reading and a thinking man, and if a history of their descendants could be written, it would largely be the history of the commercial and industrial enterprise of the country, its literary successes, 38 Facing the Twentieth Century. its educational achievements, its pulpit power, and its forensic tiiuiiiphs. THE iriXiUENOT. The origin of the word " Huguenot " is enveloped in some measure of obscurity, and vai'ious theories, some of them ingenious and plausible, have beeu advanced as to its deriva- tion. The \veiglit of historic proof and authority seems to attach itself to the conclusion which conoects " Huguenot " with the German-Swiss Avord " Eidgenossen," meaning oath- bound comrades or confederates ; and claims that it was im- ported to France from Geneva, where it had been put to use as a political nickname. It made its appearance in France during the early years of the sixteenth century, and served as a term of disgrace and reproach, by which the followers of the Church of Rome stio-niatized those citizens of France who announced their adherence to the reformed religion, and especially those who drew their inspiration from the doctrines and teaching of Calvinistic theology. The Huguenot was directly and emphatically the product of that Reformation of which the AValdenses, the Albigenses, the Lollards, and the Hussites, during the three preceding- centuries, represented the advance pulsations, and wliich, under the guidance of Martin Luthei', in the brief space of twenty-eight years, between 1517 and 1545, substantially effected the transition of European history from the mediaeval to the modern and inauizui-ated a new and benion era in the civilization of the human race. The secondary molding force'' was furnished by that steadfast, penetrating, just, and truth- ful, if somewhat stern theologian, John Calvin, of whom it was said that "he never deserted a friend nor took an unfair advantage of an antagonist." Apart from the (piestionsof doctrinal change in the Church, a lifw spiiit (if iiid('|)cii(U.'nc(- was taking possession of men's minds. Towai'd tliis spirit tlie attitude of Rome was stead- The Sources of American Civilization. 39 fastly antagonistic and hostile, and every indication of freedom of thought, written or spoken, met with rigorous repression as heresy. Added to this, the corruption of the Curia or Papal Court, and of the regular and secular clergy, had become notorious, the extortion of papal emissaries in other countries was most flagrant, and the continued reaching out of the Roman Pontiffs for temporal dominion, and their political claims and demands on European rulers, were breeding serious alarm in high places and in lowly. All these causes combined to generate increasing impatience in many countries, on the part of both sov^ereigns and subjects, and a desire to remedy the abuses and secure some measure of liberty of thought and action. The essential record of Huguenot history in France may be separated into three well-defined periods. First, from the active beo-innins; of the Protestant Reformation in 1517 to the promulgation of the Edict of Nantes in 1598 ; second, a period of about eighty-seven years, during which the Edict was nominally in operation, and, third, the period of entire dis- ruption and exile which followed the revocation of the Edict. These periods are definitely distinguishable, not so much by the conspicuous absence at any time of the persecution visited upon these people as by its varying intensity. During the early years of the sixteenth century, the doc- trines of the Reformation, proclaimed by Luther in Germany, had found their Avay across the border line into France, and converts were made with marvelous rapidit}^, not only among the " common people," but in the ranks of the learned, the titled, and in royalty itself. Its influence was even felt in no small degree among the Faculty of the Sorbonne, which, next to the Pope, was the highest ecclesiastial authority in Christendom. Francis I. was King of France from 1515 to 1547, and dur- ing a portion of his reign, partly from motives of state policy and largely through the influence of his sister Margaret, after- 40 Fiuimj Ike Ticentieth Century. ward Qiieeii of Navarre, who liad (Unbraced and was the steadfast I'rieud of the rei'onaed faith, there was some degree of moderation aud tolerance manifested to\vard the Hugue- nots. This period of iinniunlt}' was of brief duration. Before the close of his reign, Francis, Avith a view to conciliating the then Pope Clement VII., became the implacable foe of the Ueformers, aud the profession of the new doctrine was pro- nounced a crime to be punished with death. Executions for heresy became of frequent occui-rence, and in 1545 there was a massacre of the Protestant inhabitants of twenty-t^vo towns and villages in southeastern Fi'ance, aud in Meaux, which was becoming a Protestant center, fourteen members of the newly organized cliurch were burned at the stake. Francis I. was succeeded by his son Henry II., whose wife was that Italian of infinite craft and patient duplicity, Catherine de Medici. The troubles of the Husj-uenots became intensified. Successive edicts abridged their li})erties, pro- vided for their detection and punishment as heretics by the civil courts, excluded them from the right of appeal, imposed penalties on all who should harbor them, confiscated their property, forbade the introduction of heretical books from abroad, and, by a rigid censorship of the press, endeavored to prevent the publication of anything offensive to the Holy See. Despite these persecutions, the numbers of the Huguenots liad continued to gro\v ; neither tortui-e nor fagot, uor threats of the Inquisition, availing to check the increasing desire for civil and religious liberty. They had begun to understand the value of organization, and it became thorough and effect- ive. In 1555 the first Protestant church was constituted in J'aris, and in 1559 the first National Synod of the Keformed Cliurches in France met in the same city. At this time Catherine de Medici is said to have been secretly furnished Avith a list of twenty-five hundred distinct congregations llnougliout France. Beza, the French scholar and author of the time, wIk. liad u'ood means of knowin£i:, estimates the The Sources of American Civilization. 41 number of Huguenot adherents in 1559 at four hundred thou- sand, and they had become, in consequence of their number and character, a political factor of manifest influence and po^ver. From 1559, when Francis IT. — who had married Mary, sub- sequently Queen of the Scots — began his brief reign of less than a year, to 1572, when the tragedy of St. Bartholomew was enacted, the Huguenots were alternately courted and persecuted by Catherine de Medici, whose cuiining statecraft secured her domination during the reigns of her sons Charles IX. and Henry III. In order to curb the Guises, Catherine made concessions to the Huguenots, gave them limited liberty of Avorshi[), and assigned to them some fortified cities as places of safety. Peace and war alternated, but the hatred of the Medici and her ecclesiastical and political accomplices, although at times concealed, was zealously cherished, and at length, on August 22, 1572, came the crowning horror of St. Bartholomew, ruthlessly sacrificing in Paris alone five thousand of the choicest citizens of France, the brave and aged Coligny among the number, and ten times as many throughout the country. This fiendish slaughter, over which the joy of the " Vicar of Christ " at Pome was celebrated by the offering of a solemn "Te Deum " and tlie striking of a commemorative medal, is phenomenal by reason of the perfidious character of the plans laid for it. Like the brave people they were, the Huguenots, instead of being paralyzed by this disaster, were nerved to renewed effort. They continued the heroic struggle under the leader- ship of Henry of Navarre, and were largely instrumental in placing him on the throne of France, as Henry IV. The abjuration of the Protestant faith by Henry, in 1593, cast gloom over the Huguenots, and it was only with the most persistent labor that they succeeded in extorting from him, on April 17, 1598, with the aid of the great statesman and Protestant Sully, th-^ famous Edict of Nantes. 4'i I'aciiuj the Twentieth Ceniury. The Huguenots at this time are said to have numbered more thau a million of the population of France, and for about twenty years under tliis Edict they enjoyed a large measure of peace, and France through them a prosperity greater than it had ever befoi'e known. Henry IV. was assassinated by Ravaillac, a fanatic, in 1610, and, under his son and successor, Louis XHI., evil times again befell the Huguenots. Richelieu, the magnificent Roman cardinal and master of intrigue, was minister of state. His chief aim was to crush the political power of the Huguenots. He circumscribed their rights and they rebelled. AVar began again, which lasted from 1624 to 1629, and resulted in the crushing defeat of the Reformers, La Rochelle, the most important of their fortified places of refuge, withstood a siege of fourteen months, and only surrendered when all but four thousand of its twenty-four thousand inhabitants had perished from starvation. Step by step the rights and privileges of this doomed people disappeared. Louis XIV., surnamed Le Grand, suc- ceeded to the throne of France in 1643. He was "a devout son of tlie Church," and had an equally devout coadjutor in the Protestant-bred Mme. Maintenon, first as mistress, then as Queen. Education of children, except under the care of the priests of Rome, \vas first interfered ^vith — a favorite weapon of oppression then and now. Protestant churches were closed, then came dismissals from the public service, harassment by the tax-gatherer and confiscation of pi-operty, quickly suc- ceeded by massacres and executions. All this preceded the foiiiial revocation of the Edict of Nantes, wliich this "Most CUiristian King " continued Jesuitically to assert he was " resolved to maintain," while engaged in the open violation of every protecting or lenient provision of it which could in any way slielter the "schismatics." Tlien came, on Octol)er 23, 1685, the ofiicial Revocation of The Sources of American Civilization. 43 the Edict. When the personal desires of Louis had been sufficiently fortified by the '^ pious exhortations " of the priestly representatives of the Roman Pontiff, he cast oft' the hypocritical mask and Joined forces with the ecclesiastical authorities — ^vho had also kept up some pretense of liberal- ity — in a supreme effort to " purge France from the taint of heresy.'' Macaulay thus graphically pictures the immediate results : " The Edict of Nantes was revoked, and a crowd of decrees against the sectaries appeared in rapid succession. Boys and girls were torn from their parents and sent to be educated in convents. Old Calvinist ministers were commanded either to abjure their religion or to cpiit their country within a fortnight. The other professors of the reformed faith were forbidden to leave the kingdom; and in order to prevent them from making their escape, the outposts and frontiers were strictly guarded. It was thought that the flocks, thus separated from the evil shepherds, Avould soon return to the true fold. Bat in spite of all the vigilance of the military police, there was a vast emigration. It was calculated that, in a few mouths, fifty thousand families quitted France forever." This infamous act of religious persecution, this stupendously malicious politico-ecclesiastical crime, and the atrocities which followed it, lost to France within three years nearly a million of the choicest of lier population, paralyzed her industries and commerce, tui'ued her fertile fields into wastes, and ruined the best elements of her religious and social life. Wise observers of cause and effect in the affairs of nations and of men believe that France, a hundred years later, reaped some of the bitter fruit of this effort of ecclesiasticism to stem the tide of advancing civilization, in the horrors of what Bulwer well styles "That hideous mockery of human aspirations, the French Revolution. " So effectually wrought was the dispersion of the Huguenots 44 Facing the Twentieth Century. that ir^ even the heroic efforts of Antoine Court, some forty years afterward, could, iu the face of continued oppression in successive I'eigns, bring together more than a mere remnant of former numbers or power. This epitome of the life story of the Huguenots in their native land conveys but an imperfect idea of the extent, vindictiveness, and cruelty of their persecution by the authori- ties civil and ecclesiastical ; borne at times with martyr-like patience, resisted at times with the heroism and courage of Christian patriotism. These people have been called " the children of the Bible," and their religious life justified the designation. Their piety was pronounced, fervent, and true, guiding their lives and shaping their character. In civic affairs they represented all that was best iu France of moral vigor, intellectual culture, and domestic virtue, and through them their country became a center of energy, enterprise, and industrial skill and power. It would be difficult to overestimate the value of their con- tributions to the \velfare and material prosperity of France, or to the cause of civil and religious liberty in Euroj^e. Many ilkistrious names stand to their credit on the Fi'ench roll of honor. In war and statesmanship they have Coligny and the Prince of Conde, Sully and Henry of Navarre; iu theology, literature, and law, Calvin, Farel, Saurin, Bayle, Scaliger, and Godefroy ; iu science and medicine they claim the Cuviers, Duljois, Papin, " the Herald of the Steam-engine," and Pare, "the Father of Surgery"; in art, Palissy and Goujon; and in poetry, Marot and Margaret of Valois. Switzerland, Holland, England, and America each received and benefited by the reception of the expatriated refugees. It is our special province briefly to note the coming and influence of that portion of them which elected to make the iS\'\v World its home. -No l;u-t ill the world's history merits more profound con- sideration (»!• is woitliy of iiioiv gi'ateful recognition than this, Tlie Sources of American Civilization. ' 45 that the dawning of the Great Reformation in Europe, and the discovery of a continent destined to be the refuge of the oppressed, were coincident. Luther was nine years of age when Columbus landed on San Salvador, and when the Great Reformer was making his momentous declaration at Worms, " I can do naught else. Here stand I. God help me. Amen," the shores of North America were beginning to unfold to the explorer's gaze. "As early as 1555 sagacious leaders among the Huguenots, restless under steady persecution, had begun to look toward the newly discovered continent as a place where new homes mio-ht be made and freedom of conscience and manhood be enjoyed in peace." The first attempt at colonization was made in that year, with the aid and influence of Admiral Coligny. The landing place was the bay of Rio de Janeiro in Brazil, but, owing to the duplicity of their leader, Villegagnon, and the presence of other elements of dissension, the effort ended in disaster. Some of the colonists suffered death at the hands of their leader, others were killed by the Portuguese, and a distressed remnant recrossed the ocean. Three fruitless attempts were made, all under the auspices of Admiral Coligny, between the years 1562 and 1565, to establish Huguenot colonies on the newly discovered North American Continent. The first, under Jean Ribault, would be better named a voyage of discovery. Florida was its intended destination, but the harbor of Port Royal in South Carolina was entered and a fort was built. Neglect and jealousies proved its ruin, and nearly all the party returned, disheartened and famishing, to France. The result of the second effort, and of the third, which w^as really an attempt to re-enforce the second, was still more disastrous. A landing was made on the coast of Florida, near St. Augustine, in 1564, and, when strengthened by the arrival of 46 Faring the TtoenUefh Century. the additional company in 1565, gave promise of establishing a permanent settlement. Within a year, however, they were attacked by the Spanish freebooter, Don Pedro Menendez, or Melendez, and nearly all were murdered with extreme bar- barity. The jjodies of many of them were hung on trees, with the inscription over them : " Hanged not as Frenchmen, but as lieretics." The garrison left by Menendez was sub- sequently visited by a company under one De Gourgues, who, although not a Huguenot, hated the Spaniards for their cruelty to his countrymen, and hung them on the same trees, with the inscription : " Hanged not as Spaniards, but as traitors, robbers, and murderers." Based on the explorations of Jacques Cartier during the first half of the sixteenth century, the French claimed a vast territory adjacent to the mouth of the St. Lawrence liiver. To this northern country the Huguenots, in 1 604, turned their weary eyes, seeking a haven of peace and refuge. Led by Du Monts, a Huguenot, who held a patent grant covering an immense territory, an expedition found its way into the harbor of Port Royal, in Acadia (now Nova Scotia), and for a time great hopes were entertained in France for its success. Gi-eat hardships were encountered, and in addition, this company carried with it seeds of discord. It was partly Protestant, partly Catholic, and the Jesuits were congenially employed in fomenting discontent. Du Monts returned to France and fell a prey to the wiles of a Jesuit agent, with the i-esult that " the title to the proprietorship to half a continent passed from the hands of a Huguenot into those of a subser- vient tool of the Society of Jesus." The life of the Huguenot settlers in Nova Scotia was in hu'ge measure a repetition of their fatherland experiences, until the year 1713, when its possession was, for the fifth time and finally, secured by the cro\vn of Great Britain. Many Huguenots found their wa)^ into other portions of the Fi'(^nch possessions in Canada, but the same intolerant The Sources of American Cbnlization. 47 policy and methods which made peace and liberty impossible at home prevented immigration, which would have enriched the new dominion and might possibly have insured a per- manent domain on the American continent to the Gallic race. Meanwhile, the British Colonies in North America were being steadily settled, and the foundations w^ere being laid for a new nation by njen of sturdy purpose and indomitable spirit. To these colonies many Huguenots had come for refuge during the period between the fall of La Rochelle and the Revocation of the Edict of Nantes; but the tide of immigration set in more strongly after the Revocation, and each liberty-loving colony, from Maine to the Carolinas, received accessions of harassed but hopeful Huguenots from France, from Holland, and from England. Earliest among the arrivals were those who came to New Amsterdam (New York) with the AValloons, to whom the Huguenots were closely allied by faith, aspiration, and suffer- ing, and it is recorded that, in 1628, the First Reformed Dutch Church in New York had a sufficient representation of French adherents to justify having services in the French language alternately ^vith the Dutch. New York City and State received from time to time many detachments of these exiles, and in that metropolitan commonwealth we have abundant evidences, down through the years, of the helpful and wholesome presence of these people and their offspring. In the earlier years of the history of New York City the Huguenots formed a large proportion of its citizens. Here their descendants still remain as their names attest, and here was formed, in 1883, the first Huguenot Society in the world. Into the New England Colonies and especially into Massa- chusetts came many of the refugees, not only directly from the Old World, but from the precarious conditions existing in Canada. Boston and its vicinity were usually their place of first resort, and thence they branched out in small detach- ments to many parts of Massachusetts, Connecticut, and Rhode 48 Facivg thr Tirentietli Cenfunj. Island, ^\ ith varyiug success in establishing permanent settle- ments. That even here they were not beyond the pursuit of their relentless foes the Jesuits, may be shown by a single illustration. Oxford, Mass., became the abiding place in 1684 of a promising Huguenot colony, but received its deathblow in 1696, during the war between the New England Colonies and the French and their Indian allies. How the red men were utilized is indicated by this record : " The Governor of Canada and his ' cunning men ' the Jesuits, have no more trusty and eager servant than Toby the Indian." Toby was made use of because he was conspicuous for deceit and cruelty. New Jersey, chiefly on and near the Hackensack River, was also chosen by many Huguenot families as their home, and we are told that their relations ^vith their Dutch neio'hbors were so cordial that in the course of years it became difficult to decide clearly who was Dutch and who French. William Penn, in his efforts to colonize Pennsylvania, eagerly urged the Huguenots to settle on his Plantations on the banks of the Delaware and Susquehanna rivers. A goodly number did so, and both the Quaker and the Hollander found them "pleasant to dwell with." Delaware, Maryland, and Virginia each had its represen- tation of the exiles of France, and in South Carolina there gathered a large and influential contingent, whose descendants became an important factor in the aifairs of that State. Many families and individuals found their way to our English-speaking colonies from various French and Spanish settlements in the West Indies and on the north coast of South America, ^vhere they had failed to find that liberty and freedom from oppression ^vhich they so ardently desired, and which they had been unable to secure in their native land. From casting their lot Avith the Anglo-Saxon founders of our government and institutions resulted that mutual benefit which Avas the natural outcome of mutual hopes and aspirations. Tlic Sources of American Civilizatmi. 49 No adequate estimate of the value or extent of the influence exerted by the Huguenots in shaping the destiny of the American republic can be based upon their numerical strength. They were in numbers the least of the three chief elements entering into that genuine " union by affinity," whose one common cohesive quality 'was the desire for the free exercise and enjoyment of manhood's rights. Dr. Leonard Woolsey Bacon tells us that : " Beyond dispute, the best and most potent elements in the settlement of the seaboard (American) colonies Avere the companies of earnestly religious people who, under severe compulsion for conscience' sake, came forth from the Old World as involun- tary emigrants." To this may be fittingly added a more spe- cific declaration by one of Huguenot ancestry. Dr. Chauncey M. Depew : " Many streams have fertilized the soil of Ameri- can liberty, but the three great sources of our institutions, and of their expansive, receptive, and assimilating power, ^vere the Puritans, the Dutch, and the Huguenots." In several important particulars the Huguenots were unlike any of the other elements representing this power. They were, in the fullest sense of the term, people without a country, the conditions surrounding their expatriation mak- ing their return to France impossible. They were dissimilar in racial peculiarities and in national habits and usages ; and in their adopted abode their allegiance was due to a body politic largely unsympathetic, and in many respects antagonistic to that under Avhose influences they had been trained. They brought with them, however, qualities that exactly fitted the situation. Their natural vivacity, buoyancy, and cheerfulness had a tempering and softening effect on the somewhat too prevalent austerity of many of their neighbors. With religious principles strong and incorruptible, they com- bined moderation of judgment in non-essentials, and social habits, simple, warm, and unrestrained. The love of liberty 50 Facing the Tweuiieth Century. which was theirs iu common ^vith their new associates Avas accompanied by a spirit of toleration which not all of these associates had acquired, as the Huguenots had, in the school of suffering. Tliat learned divine, and influential leader in the upbuild- ing of both state and church in New England, Cotton Mather, said of them : '' They challenge a place iu our best affections." In addition to being " fervent in spirit, serving the Lord," the Huguenots were notably " diligent in business." Inventive genius and commercial enterprise were part of their inheritance, and in their ranks were found men skilled in almost every known field of useful labor: merchants, manufacturers, artisans in every branch of mechanical and artistic industry, and men competent to do manly duty in peace or war, on sea or land. In the manufacture of fine linens, silks, and velvets, as workers in gold and silver, and as dyers, tanners, and hatmakers they were especially expert. Literature, law, medicine, the pulpit, and the forum, each has had its distinguished representatives among the Huguenots and their descendants, and, in whatever direction they bent their versatile faculties, they exhibited energy, elegance, and good taste, a quick wit, and a charitable judgment, combined with wisdom and probity. Our land has benefited in no ordinary degree by tliose religious, moral, intellectual, social, and industrial qualities whicli exerted so marked an influence in Holland and Germany, in Switzerland and in England, and which were so ruthlessly banished and forever lost to France by its mis- guided and priest-i-idden rulers. The purpose and limitations of this narration permit only l>rief reference to a few of those of Huguenot lineage, whose names stand out with special prominence in American history, and that without intimating any claim to superiority of merit by priority of mention. The So urces of A merican Civ ilizat ion. 51 Boston's Faneuil Hall, widely designated "The cradle of Liberty," was the gift to that town of Peter Faneuil, the son of one of the survivors of the heroic defense of La Rochelle ; and Paul Revere, Avhose midnight ride for patriotic alarm- giving Longfellow has made famous for all time, was of direct Huguenot ancestry. The Huguenot name of Baudouin, in its American form Bowdoin, is possessed by the oldest college in the State of Maine; a name given to it in honor of a generous benefactor, James Bowdoin, the son of a LIuofuenot and the father of a Governor of Massachusetts. Audubon, the most skillful and honored naturalist of the first half of the present century, was born in Louis- iana, while it was yet a Spanish colony, but his French Protestant parents settled in Pennsylvania when he was still a youth. Three generations of Bayards of Huguenot origin have, almost continuously, represented the State of Delaware in the United States Senate since the year ISO-l, and branches of the same stock have been honorably known to the political, social, and business life of New York City, from colonial times to the present day. Daniel AVebster once said, " When the spotless ermine of the judicial robe fell on John Jay, it touched nothing less spotless than itself." The man of whom this was said was the direct descendant of a La Rochelle Huguenot; an honored and trusted American patriot and statesman, and the first Chief Justice of the Supreme Court of the United States. His son William Jay and his grandson John Jay were, in their several generations, patriotic citizens of distinction and great usefulness, and both ardent anti-slavery advocates. The last named was United States Minister to Austria from 1869 to 1875, and was one of the chief organizers and the first presi- dent of the Huguenot Society of America, and also the first president of the National League for the Protection of Ameri- 52 Facing the Iwentieth Century. can lustitutions. The name has still worthy representatives in New York City. Huo-uenot blood and spirit had pronounced assertion in Francis Marion, the fearless Kevolutionary patriot of South Carolina, in field of battle and legislative hall. When the Colonial Convention of that State would have passed a law to expel the Tories and confiscate their property, he impetuously called a halt and made effectual protest in these words: " Gentlemen, you can pass no such law. It is not the spirit of American liberty. AVe are going to win this fight and drive the invaders from our soil. AVe will keep this people among us, protect them in their estates and rights, and make them good citizens." The Huccers and the Les^ares of South Carolina and the Dupuys of Virginia fill places of distinction in the history of our land. The Quintards have given a bishop to the Protes- tant Episcopal Church, and the Gallaudets, through their labors in behalf of deaf mutes, have merited and received world-wide and undying fame. The mother of James A. Garfield, twentieth President of the United States, was the daughter of Hosea Ballon, a dis- tinguished American Universalist preacher, whose Huguenot descent was clear and direct. It would not be difiScult to fill a goodly volume with examples kindred to those we have given touching the con- tributions of this noble people to the brain and the brawn of American liberty. The eminent Dr. Richard S. Storrs declared that: "AVhenever the history of those who came hither from La Rochelle and the banks of the Garonne is fully written, the value and the vigor of the force they imparted to American public life Avill need no demonstra- tion "; and over in Okl England, the poet Southey bore testi- mony to their worth when he said, "AVherever the refugees fi'om the Freucli persecutions fled, a blessing followed them," The Sources of Amencan Civilization, 53 We may well permit Mrs. Sigourney, poet, author, aud wife of a worthy American of Huguenot ancestry, to say the closing words : " On all who bear Their iiatne, or lineage, may their mantle rest; That firmness for the truth, that calm content With simple pleasures, that unswerving trust, In toil, adversity, and death, which cast Such healthful leaven 'mid the elements That peopled the New World." THE QUAKER. Among the components of American Christian civilization a conspicuously helpful and honorable place is held by the purely religious society which has been successively known as Children of the Light, Quakers, and Friends. Their origin dates back to the preaching of George Fox in England, beginning in the year 1647, and continued for about twenty years, which from its peculiarities and sweeping objections to the established order of things religious and secular, was designated the "gospel of negations." The zeal aud enthusiasm of the early adherents manifested themselves in frequent extravagances of speech and act, overstepping at times the bounds of propriety and due regard for existing law, and which met with punishment often unjustly proportioned to the offenses. Tlie intolerant spirit of the time was largely accountable for l)oth offenses and punishments, and they were both but the lingering evidences of mediaeval darkness then slowly vanishing before advancing light. Their following rapidly increased ; men of superior attain- ments were attracted to them because of their vigorous pro- tests, not only against the despotic demand for religious con- formity, but against the vassalage of the person and of the intellect. Their organization as a church was effected in 1666, and they were unique among Christian bodies in the absence 54 Facmg the Twentieth Centw-y. from their economy of a creed, a liturgy, a ministry, or a sacra- ment. Their views in reference to civic obligations and social customs were also peculiar. They opposed war even for defense, refused to pay tithes and to take oaths, and they were essentially non-political. The lapse of time has brought modifications in many of their peculiarities. Among the men of character and ability who joined their ranks were Robert Barclay, a Scotsman of education and good family, and William Penn, whose father was an English admiral and whose mother was a native of Holland. It will be a sufficient refutation of the imputations of gen- eral ignorance and fanaticism made against the Quakers to quote the courageous and able declaration drawn by Barclay and Penn in behalf of their society. "We are a free people by the creation of God, by the redemption of Christ, and by the provision of our never-to-be- forgotten honorable ancestors ; so that our claim to these privileges, rising higher than Protestantism, could never justly be invalidated on account of non-conformity to any tenet or fashion it might prescribe. This would be to lose by the Reformation, ^vhich was effected only that we might enjoy property with conscience." In a comparatively few years the Quakers had spi'ead into AVales, Ireland, and Scotland, and small communities of them had been formed in France, Germany, and Norway. Massachusetts in 1656 was the first of the American colo- nies to which the Quakers came, l)ut they received harsh treatment, and sought and found more congenial surround- ings in Rhode Island, where they were strong enough in 1601 to hold an annual meeting. George Fox visited the colonies in 1672-73, and found adherents of his society in all the colo- nies from North Carolina northward. Stronp- communities of them settled in New Jersey, where they founded the towns of Salem and Burlington, and dictated the fundamental laws of West Jersey, published in 1677, giving absolute recognition The Sowces of American Civilization. 55 to the principles of equality of civil rights and freedom of conscience. The chief event in the early relations of the Quakers to America was the " holy experiment of a free colony for all mankind " of William Penn, successfully begun in 1682 by the founding of Philadelphia, under a grant from Charles 11. Penn's ideals were high : equal toleration of all religious beliefs, no resort to military force, kindness and justice to the Indians, and no oaths to be used in the administration of jus- tice. Although never fully realized, much of the spirit which inspired these ideals has been firmly engrafted upon Ameri- can institutions, and the followers of Barclay and Penn have ever been the consistent and persistent advocates of liberty and right, not only for the white man but also for the red man and the black. No legislation for public defense was enacted or required in this colony for the first sixty years. A public school, "open to all," was established in Philadelphia in 1689, maintained, as its charter reads, "at the request,, cost, and charges of the people of God called Quakers." It was free from religious discrimination, and for three-score years was the only public place for instruction in the province. In the Revolutionary days the Quakers' doctrine of " passive resistance " was put to severe test, and Avith many " passive " became " active " for a time. They found effective if unobtrusive means of administer- ing material aid and comfort to the colonial government when most needed, and at least one of their number was among the signers of the Declaration of Independence. Their influence upon and contributions to the prosperity and uplift of American principles and institutions have been most salutary, and many instances could be recorded of conspicuous service rendered to the republic by individual members of the Society of Friends, but their principles and their patriotism have had expression in life and song through one of them- selves, our chief national lyric poet, John Greenleaf AVhittier. 56 Faciiui the Twentieth Century. THE SCOTCH. We now take note of a factor in American nation-buildins;, in whose character the element of passiveness had no place — the Scotch. Under this designation we include the people sometimes called Scotch-Irish, who left Scotland during the I'eign of James I. of England, and put a new population of thrift and courage into tlie province of Ulster in the north of Ireland. There need be no extended reference to the Scotch in the Old World. Their record is a familiar one on the historic page, and the influence they have exerted on the world's advancing civilization has not been surpassed, in its far- reaching and beneficent results, by any people of like numeri- cal strength. John Knox was only voicing one of their national charac- teristics when he said, " If princes exceed their 1 )ounds they nuist be resisted by force." The Scotch founded no colonies in our republic, but the}'^ were absent from none, from the Green Mountains to the Caro- linas. Their uuml^ers were largest in New Yoi'k, Ne^^^ Jersey, Pennsylvania, and the Southern communities, and it has been estimated that shortly prior to the Revolution they constituted about one-third of the entire colonial population. Tliey took a prominent and important part in every event of moment in the formative period of our government and institutions. They were pronounced in their religious convictions and fearless in upholding them, and they and their offspring were the early advocates of iiidi\ idiial sovereignty in the New World. Patrick Henry, Avhose resolutions in the Virginia House of Burgesses in 1765, against the Stamp Act, sounded the keynote of the Revolution, was a Scotsman's son, and Bancroft tells us that one year before the Declaration of Independence, Scotch Presbyterians gathered at Mecklenburg, The Sources of American Civilizatio7i. 5^ N. C, gave the first public expression to the desire for independence in these words: "We hereby absolve our- selves from all allegiance to the British crown ; we hereby declare ourselves a free and independent people." In the Continental Congress, when the " Declaration " lay before the assembled delegates, it was the venerable John Witherspoon of Princeton College, a Scotsman born, who uttered these inspired and inspiring words : " To hesitate at tills moment is to consent to our own slavery. That notable instrument upon your table, which insures immortality to its author, should be subscribed this very morning by every pen in this house. He that will not respond to its accent and strain every nerve to carry into eifect its provisions is un- Avorthy the name of freeman." Thus did those people, whose name is a synonym for caution, exhibit sublime couragje at the critical moment and help to lay strong the foundations upon which the fabric of freedom was reared. They and their descendants have con- tinued to form an influential and elevating element in the American body politic, and have filled a large place in our national life, as is evidenced by the fact that of the twenty- four men who have filled the Presidential chair of our country, eight, or one-third, have sprung from this stock. THE CAVALIEE. The momentous and prolonged struggle in England between King and Commons, which led to the execution of Charles I. in 1649, and reached its culmination when William of Orange ascended the throne and constitutional monarchy was firmly and finally established, gave l^irth to the appellations "Cavalier" and " Roundhead," which tenns were subsequently supplanted by "Tory" and "Whig" respectively. In the American colonies New England became the home 58 Facing the Twentieth Century. of the Roimdhead, while Virginia was chosen by tlie cliival- rons Cavalier as liis new abode. The Cavalier was above all else a royalist, witli strong- convictions as to the " divine riglit " of kings. He was also a stancli cliarchman, religious after a fashion, and a jealous onardian of family pride and aristocratic privilege. He was Avitlud courteous, generous, honorable, and higb-spirited. In Virginia lie was also a royalist, but when the exactions of royalty became unbearable, and the issue was joined between individual sovereignty and royal prerogative, and transplantation to the new soil had modified his hereditary prejudices, he and his children and grand-children were found in the forefront of the struggle for liberty. The contributions of the Cavalier element to American civilization, although distinctive in their character, have been of conspicuous value. It was the descendant of a Cavalier who, in the Virginia Assembly in 1773, originated, and, in the face of much opposition, secured the adoption of a resolu- tion for an " intercolonial Committee of Correspondence," and this same patriot, Kiehard Henry Lee, moved the adoption of the Declaration of Independence. If popular institutions were the i:)eculiar outgrowth of the conditions existing in New England, Virginia, where the population consisted largely of two classes, the landowner and overseer and those dependent upon them, contributed in full measure to the supply of statesmen, parliamentarians, and diplomats. The Virginia Bill of Rights, adopted by the colonial House of Burgesses, June 12, 1776, has been widely used as a model in framing the Constitutions of other States, and in each successive generation from the days of small beginnings, the sons of the Old Dominion, many of them of Cavalier lineage, have made illustrious groups. An historical fact bearing upon the relations of Virginia to the republic at large arrests the attention with more signi- ficant force than as a mere coincidence. On her soil, in 1619, ^fie Sources of American Civilization. 5§ negro slavery got its first foothold, and on her soil in 1865, the final seal was afiixed to the Emancipation Proclamation by the surrender of American to American at Appomattox Court House. THE ENGLISH EOMAN CATHOLIC. Under a charter granted to Lord Baltimore in 1632 by Charles I., Maryland was colonized by English adherents of the Roman Catholic Church. In this charter there was a provision for the toleration of all religious sects. This pro- vision appears to have been partly the result of anxiety on the part of the colonists to be free from religious molestation, and partly, as De Courcey, an eminent Roman Catholic Avriter, intimates, a precaution of the home government for the protec- tion of other sects. Many extravagant claims have been made by Roman Cath- olic writers concerning so-called " religious liberty " guaran- tees in this colony, and also on the question of priority. Arnold says that Roger Williams, in the settlement made at Providence, R. I., in 1636, established "a pure democracy, which for the first time guarded jealously the rights of con- science by ignoring any power in the body politic to interfere with those matters that alone concern man and his Maker." No such conditions existed in the Maryland colony. Setting aside, however, the minor question of precedence, it is un- undoubtedly true that, in 1645, the first legislative assembly held in Maryland declared that " the enforcement of the con- science has been an unlawful and dangerous prerogative"; and Rev. Dr. Francis L. Hawks asserts that "under the enlightened policy of Lord Baltimore the colony steadily advanced in prosperity, increasing both in comfort and in numbers." Cheerful recognition may be made of the fact that the policy of the colony w^as a tolerant one, and that the English Roman Catholics of Maryland enjoyed and accorded to their fellow- (50 Facing ilie Tioentieth Century. colonists a comineiulablo degree of freedom of conscience and of worship. The candid reader, with the light of history for •1-uidnnce, can determine how far this tolerant spirit resulted f I'ora their being Roman Catholics, or how much of it was due to the fact that they were English and had caught the " fire of freedom." Maryland, in common with the other colonies, did not long remain exclusively the abode of the people who first settled it, but it has enjoyed a generous share of influence and impor- tance, both as a colony and a State. It has made valuable contributions to the advancement and prosperity of the coun- try, and its chief city, Baltimore, is one of the most pro- o-ressive in the Union and holds an advanced position in the possession of institutions for higher education. It is also the seat of the only Roman Catholic Cardinalate in the United States. Among the many noted names of Marylanders who could be mentioned are Charles Carroll of Carrollton, who sui-vived by six years all the other ]>atriots who put their autographs to the Declaration of Independence, and that brilliant but most unfortunate figure in American literature, Edgar Allan Poe. OTHER IMENTION. The more prominent roots of the tree of American liberty having been noticed, it remains to mention some added chan- nels through which the sap of freedom found its way into the stately trunk, giving beauty and vitality to branch and leaf, to foliage and fruit. The roots were many, but all were healthy and life-giving. German Lutherans of high intelligence and morality. God- fearing men, came in" considerable niunbers to New York, Peniisyhania, Maryland, Virginia, and the Carolinas. They were then, and they are to-day, a source of strength to the country. The Sources of Ainerican Civilization. 61 Gustavus Adolphus, the illustrious King of Sweden, prior to his death in 1632, had encouraged colonizing in the New World. As a result, vigorous, thrifty, and intelligent Swedes settled in Delaware in 1638, and spread into other colonies, adding to the influx of morality and industry. Danes and Norwegians, Protestant Poles and Piedmontese, aided in swelling: the ranks of the settlers in various colonies. With the exception of the colonists of Maryland they were almost exclusively Protestants, men "of stern and lofty vir- tue, invincible energy, and iron wills, the fitting substratum on which to build great States." The history of man in organized relations affords no ex- ample of a harmonious union of qualities and forces for good equal to that represented by the thirteen North American Colonies, joining in an indissoluble bond, riveted by the unal- terable conviction that all men are equally entitled to the enjoyment of " life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness." PART 11. AMERICAN INSTITUTIONS.— THE STATE. It is uot purposed imder this bead to enter iuto an historic discussion concerning the development and status of the dif- ferent departments of the government under which we live, legislative, judicial, and executive, but to state something of the legitimate character and principles of a government ema- nating from a civilization produced by the work of the repre- sentative characters we have described, comprising the early settlers of our country. LIBERTY AIS'D LAW. Definitions of liberty embody national experiences and national hopes. " Roman lawyers say that liberty is the power [authority] of doing that which is not forbidden by the law, and that Avliatever may please the ruler has the force of law." Tliis simply means that man is not a slave, while our word freeman, used in connection with civil liberty, means the enjoyment of high civil privileges and rights. The French say : " Liberty is equality, equality is liberty." But equality without other elements has no essential connec- tion with liberty. Absolute equality may mean stagnation and death. The Germans say: "Liberty or justice, for where there is justice there is liberty, and liberty is nothing else than jus- tice." This makes equivalents of two things which no defini- tions can reconcile. Individual liberty can only exist wlierever a citizen is sub- ject to law, and this means public opinion crystallized into American Institutions. — The State. 63 public will, which constitutes the sovereignty of law. The action of a free man is controlled by the custom of the people expressed in legislation. Liberty, applied to political man, practically means protec- tion or checks against undue interference from individuals, from masses, or from government. True liberty is a positive force, regulated by law ; false lib- erty is a negative force, a release from restraint. True liberty is the moral power of self-government. Law is briefly defined to be a rule of order or conduct established by authority. Liberty is briefly defined to be the state of a free man. But neither law nor liberty can be thus abstractly defined. The enjoyment of valued rights and privileges is implied in liberty. Liberty is something which cannot be made for the individ- ual ; he must make it for himself. Civil government does not make it for the citizen, but in and by the civil government citizens make it for themselves and formulate its privileges and limitations in what they denominate law. Our government and our civilization are designed to guar- antee impartial civil liberty protected by law. Lawless lib- erty means tyranny. Impartial liberty must be girded about with the restraints of law because our relations are mutual, and personal freedom among associations of men must be both self-governed and heedful of righteous and relative limitations. The measure of our civil liberty as a nation is found in the extent to which our people obey law from choice. Education, morality, and religion have thus far determined the character of our civil liberty and shaped its legislative restrictions and protection, and they must be depended upon to perpetuate it. John Bright said : " There is no permanent greatness to a nation except it be based upon morality. The moral law was not written for men alone in their individual character, but it (U Facing fhe Ttoentieth Century. was wi'itten as well for Dutioiis as great as this of whicli we are citizens." Law is simply tlie formulated statement of the results of the harmonious relationships of moral l)eing8 endowed by their Creator with the iualienal)le rights of " life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness." Man is hedged about by natural laws for his physical ^vell- being, and he must obey them if he will be free and safe. Liberty consists in being unhiudered in obeying the laws which God has made for the protection and development of physical, intellectual, and moral man. The Greek idea of a state wa^ that of a Person substantially deified ; the Roman idea was that of a law of Persons. The Christian idea refers laws and law^-inaking to an absolute Per- son. The Greeks worshiped Wisdom, but did not see the True. The Romans saw abstract truth and created the civil jurisprudence of the succeeding nations. Christianity gave the law of liberty to man as man, and announced the ultimate authority for both the state and the man. Law is the foundation of the Divine government. Liberty is a gift of the Divine will. Law protects man, liberty exalts him. Law represents man acting in his highest capacity. Liberty is the free gift of his Creator, designed to lift him to a dignity of sovereignty which makes his life move on parallel lines with infinite justice and infinite -wisdom. Liberty is thus never a privilege but always a right, while la^v is a serv- ant of right whose province is to intrench liberty and never to restrict it. Law is the result of man's action, liberty is the gift of God. Chateaubriand said that " everyone desires liberty, but it is impossible to say what it is." This is true if he refers to an abstract general definition of civil liberty, but false if he means to state that we cannot say what civil liberty has been in the history of nations. Lieber says : " I mean by civil liberty that liberty ^vhich PK.CSIDEXTS OF Ti,K UXITED STATES. FROxM ,789 TO .850. PRESIDENTS OF THE UNITED STATES, FROM 1850 TO 1899. Amer 10(1)1 Institutions. — TJie State. 65 plainly results from the application of the general idea of freedom to the civil state of man, that is, to his relations as a political being, a being obliged by his nature and des- tined by his Creator to live in society. Civil liberty is the result of man's twofold character, as an individual and social being, so soon as both are equally respected. . . The highest ethical and social protection of which man, with his insep- arable moral, jural, aesthetic, and religious attributes is capable, is the comprehension and minutely organic self-government of a free people ; and a people truly free at home and dealing in fairness and justice with other nations is the greatest, unfor- tunately also the rarest, subject offered in all the breadth and length of histor}^" Paul, the constitutional lawyer of the Ne\v Testament, speaks of those " above law," because they obey the law. Obedience to just laws is regulated harmonious liberty. Vox jyopuU., vox Dei may mean mucli or little. If the people have heard and heeded the voice of God then, and only then, is their voice the voice of God. The Anglo-Saxon race alone has developed and enjoyed law in the fullness of its meaning, and this embraces the entire round of justice, which through the established inde2:)endence of the judiciary has proved a chief support of civil liberty. Common law consists in the customs and usages of the people and possesses its own organic vitality, therefore the character of the law is determined by the character of the civilization. In England and in America, that civiliza- tion is Christian, thus Christianity has come to be historically and by judicial precedent the common law of these nations. Civil law is a dead inheritance from antiquity. Common law is a present, living entity, ahvays developing and improv- ing. Civil law pertains to property; common law protects the personal rights of the individual citizen, maintains the principles of self-government, defends its own supremacy, and proves its own superiority. 6Q Facing the Tiventieth Century. Burke defines it as " beneficence acting by rule," Civil law has never superseded common law, but lias often been assimilated by it. THE STATE AND ITS POWERS. " The state is a power claiming and exercising supreme jurisdiction over a certain portion of the earth. Here it acknowledges no superior, unless it be God. It is the sov- ereign arbiter of life and death. It fixes the civil status ; it regulates the social action ; it determines, either directly or permissively, wholly or partially, according to its sovereign pleasure, the rights, duties, and relations of all human beings within its territorial sway. Men may claim rights as belong- ing to them by nature, but the state assumes to say whether they shall exercise them." Individual liberty is dependent upon the will of the state. Absolute sovereignty and the employment of unlimited force over the person and personal conduct, over the family, over moi'als, over property, over political rights, over corporate existences, over life, are claimed as the prerogatives of tlie state. " It is omnipotent ; there is no earthly power that can touch its hand, or say unto it, \vhat doest thou ? " has been said of the British Parliament representing the British nation, and it is true of every ultimate political organization. And it matters not whether the form of government be imperial or republican. Every state is responsible to its own will, and " that will may be anything it wills to be if there is not some acknowledcred check reo^arded as immu- table." The tyranny and cruelty of the will of a multitude may be as unjust as the corporate will exercised bj^ a despot or by an oligarchy. NATIONALITY AND SOVEREIGNTY. National sovereignty is the source of the right of revolu- tion. If revolution fails, it is rebellion ; if it is a duty, and if American Listitutions.—The State. 67 it succeeds because it is right, it is the legitimate act of the state. Such sovereignty as the state exercises can only be main- tained as it acknowledges some divine rule and some " higher law," to which it is responsible and from which it derives its sovereignty. A godless state, imperial or republican, possess- ing a written or unwritten constitution, is pure despotism, claiming and possessing the power of life and death over existing millions and determining how unborn generations shall commence their earthly existence. The makers of the government of our country did not define the idea of sovereignty. The idea has been wrought out by experience, while the fact existed as the condition and cohesive power of all human government. Revolutions do not destroy sovereignty, but change its center of gravity. It may change its power of manifestation through monarch, parliament, or people, but it is never annihilated. Constitu- tions are instruments for the exercise of sovereignty; they are not sovereign. In the beginning of our republic sovereignty was transferred from crown and parliament to the restricted electorate then existing among the American people. This sovereignty distributed its functions in state and federal constitutions. This republic possessing sovereignty, and, as another has said : " being a nation, can do all that any nation can do. It can conquer territory ; it can buy it ; it can receive it as a gift from its people, they being sovereign. Then it can dispose of territory ; can sell it ; can give it away ; can hold and govern it. The only ciuestion is of the means and agents, and this is a mere detail." The republic has illustrated this conception of sovereignty in all of its his- tory of expansion. The nation has sovereignty. The States have rights. National sovereignty is both secured, recognized, and accepted, and that without interfering with the rights of the States. The nation is sovereign in federal aif airs with limita- 68 Facing the Twentieth Century. tions. The States liave rights which are absolute, aud only as these are uiiiiupaired will national sovereignty be main- tained ill virility and dignity. SOURCES OF THE POWERS OF THE STATE. The Declaration of Independence declared that " we hold these truths to be self-evident: That all men are created equal ; that they are endowed by the Creator with certain unalienable rights ; that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. Tliat, to secure these rights, govern- ments are instituted among men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed." This last statement, from varied motives, is often reiterated in these days. It was not absolutely true wlien written, and is not true now, unless the o-overned by governing self have proved their capacity for a self-o"overnment. Government could not endure but would terminate in tyranny if it depended for its just powers upon the consent of men incapable of governing themselves. In no human government which ever existed have all the powers been derived from the consent of all the governed. Only when the governed acknowledge the supreme sover- eignty of God over their personal lives do they become erpiipped for determining what the "just powers" of a gov- ernment for men ought to be. Our ancestors who wrote the Declaration of Independence, and tried to establish and verify its declared principles, were perhaps by heredity and history so conditioned as to make their statement of the source of the powei's of government as near the truth in reali- zation, and nearer in anticipation, than it ever was before in the history of human governments. They represented largely a God-honoring constituency. Theoretically only does our government or any government derive all of its just powers from the consent of the governed. The right to exist implies the right to defend existence, and this right can demand the life of every subject of a govern- INDEPENDENCE HALL AND THE BIRTHPLACE OF THE NATIONAL FLAG, PHILADELPHIA. FANEUIL HALL, BOSTON. i Amencan Ltstifiifioiis. — The State. 69 meut without his consent, because he is under hiw and is a part of the national life, and derives his right of personal self- defense from the divine authority which ordained national life. In his individual relations man is no more subject to the divine moral government than he is in his relations to civil government. Governments are ordained of God because they meet man's necessities. Man was created witli necessities, capacities, and instincts, and these compelled and created gov- ernments, and the legitimate character of the government corresponds with the condition and character of the governed. Absolute monarchies continue to exist because the state of the mass of the people requires them. Republican govern- ments exist because the condition of the people makes them possible. The moral state of the people is the cause, and the form of government is the effect. Superstition and ignorance in the religion of a people will necessitate stern monarchies. Intelligent religious liberty makes free governments a neces- sity. Hence the legitimate child of the primal civilization created by the characters who were the i>ioneers of this republic was self-government, guaranteeing civil and I'eligious liberty. Because of the high, heroic, and cultured character of the people who established self-govei'nment in our country, they were not compelled to pass through the varied stages of absolute monarchy, aristocracy, and limited monarchy before they attained to fitness for a republic. A great patriot has said : " The republican form of government is the noblest and the best, as it is the latest. It is the latest because it demands the highest conditions for its existence. Self-gov- ernment by the whole people is the teleologic idea. It is to be the final government of the world." HISTORIC ORIGIN OF THE REPUBLIC. The federative American government finds its progenitor in the English commonwealth, which had its progenitor 70 Facing the Tive^itieth dentury. in ScaiiJinaviaii civilization, and both were molded by Cliristiauity. Republican governments are not creations but growths. '• The force of origin and association is supreme in forming the immutable character of civil communities." The civil polity of the American republic consists of the laws Avhich regulate the conduct of the people, and which [)rotect their rights, and prescribe the obligations incident to voluntary human relations. This polity is embodied in what is known as common law, which had its origin in the Saxon commonwealth of England. The Roman law is still predominant in the sections of our country which were peopled and ruled by Latin races at the time they became the property of the United States. Freedom, equality, and liberty, based upon obedience to the laws of God and to the laws of man based upon the laws of God, were the principles which inspired the Scandinavians in laviuo: the foundations of nations. This original Saxon civilization has conquered races and peoples by molding their characters on the plan of assertion of individual rights based upon the recognition of the equal rights of others. It possessed certain fundamental character- istics which are among our priceless inheritances. It selected its own leader from amons; its numbers. It counted the family a divine institution, in which government as a political organization had its genesis. It held the Scriptural doctrine of common interests inseparably connected with common needs, dictating conunon responsibilities. The state was called "The Common-wealth"; its system of jurisprudence, ''The Common-Law"; its general tribunal, ''The Common Pleas"; and long after, in religious succession, comes " The Common Prayer." The Constitution of England is unwritten. The Constitu- tion of the United States is a written document. Neither proclaim but assume the existence of God. The principles American Institutions. — The State. 71 they embody, the maxims they teach, the administration of government they provide for, the common law they recognize, the traditions and historic precedents from which they sprang, all presuppose that the Christian religion is the creative energy which produced them and which must be depended upon to perpetuate and enforce them. The genius, the form, and the design of the government under which we live, in its three departments — legislative, judicial, and executive — are essentially Christian. The freedom and liberty for all taught by the Scriptures created the common law of England. The other features of the Saxon constitution which Norman power with Roman methods was never able to undermine were trial by jury, the village community, writ of habeas corpus, and international law. The American Revolution was simply the assertion of the rights of a Saxon civilization by a people who had inherited them and to whom they had in many features been denied by the very nation from which their inheritance came. The American republic is based upon Anglo-Saxon Chris- tian civilization. The Venetian republic was an oligarchy, and the Athenian republic was an aristocracy. The liberties of the people under those two ancient republican and democratic forms of government were neither larger nor more secure than under liberal monarchies. The character of the civilization of a peo])le determines their fitness for the responsibilities of self-government. Lafayette understood this when, although he had rendered important service in securing American independence, he resisted the demand for a republican form of government for France, when the Bourbon dynasty had been overthrown and Charles X. and the royal family had been expelled from the country, declaring that the people of France were not fitted by character for self-government. The colonial Americans, by heredity and training and experience, for a century and a half were free men civilly and ro Facing the Tiventieth Centvry, religiously, and tlius tlie assei'tiou of national independence ^vas not a sudden transition, })ut simply a natural step in advance. The first Europeans who formed a successful colony, ruled by a local legislature and enjoying the right of trial by jury, settled in Virginia in 1607, under a grant from James I. of England. A colony of nine hundred French Huguenots in 1562, which had established themselves at St. Augustine, Fla., wei-e murdered and literally exterminated by a Roman Catholic expedition led by Menendez, before they had opportunity to put their conceptions of Christian civilization into govern- mental form. Every community of Anglo-Saxon pioneers constituted a little republic of self-reliant men who respected each others' rights. These miniature republics multiplied, and when the cohesive power of common peril and mutual interest drew them together, the resultant was the greatest experiment in the history of popular government. While the American Declaration of Independence recog- nizes "that all men are created equal," and by natural divine endowment possess moral, political, and social rights of equality, capacity for the enjoyment of these rights must determine possession in every case, and in case the individual possesses them he must use them with a regard for the rights of others ; otherwise the safety of the many will require the forcible restraint of the natural iwhts of the few. MATERIAL RESOURCES AISTD STRENGTH. During the 120 years of our national life steam has become man's burden-bearer ; electricity has annihilated distance and made tlie nations neighbors ; steel has become both the vehicle and tlie highway for commerce; the concealed reservoirs of oil in the eartli have illuminated the houses of the world. America by her invention, by her food supplies, AmencciR Institutions. — The State. 7S by her success in self-government, has been the largest factor in making the world of nature a new world in human oppor- tunity, comforts, liberty, enlightenment, and civilization. The financial condition of the United States is impreguable. On December 1, 1898, the total national debt was only four- teen dollars per capita, and was only one-third the amount it was thirty-two years before, and the amount of interest only one-fourth as great. The indebtedness is steadily decreasing, ^vhile the credit is constantly increasing. The national ex- penses are met from customs and internal revenue payments without income or direct taxation. This prosperity we believe is due both to the character of our liberties and to the protective industrial policy of the nation. It has accepted and supported the principle that the citizens of the United States are the proprietors of this land, and that foreigners are not its owners, and that they are not to be consulted as to the methods we adopt for increasing the dignity of American labor and for promoting the pros- perity of all branches of American industry. Foreign nations ought to be satisfied and grateful to us if we furnish remunera- tive employment, with all its incident blessings, to the multi- tudes of their citizens who emio-rate from their hard condi- tions of unrequited toil ; and the toiling millions in foreign lands ought to be grateful that our industrial policy has raised tlie scale of wages in their home countries. These statements mean, of course, that the policy has been, and is, protection to American industries. The greatest free-trade country in the world attained its industrial and commercial ascendancy under a protective tariff. The nations of the earth have not yet reached that ideal condition where each nation ascertains Avhat the other wants, and then proceeds to do it to its own detriment. It is just as vitally important for a nation to defend itself ^4: Facing the Tioentieth Century. ao-aiust a war on its iudiistries as against a war on its terri- torial domain or on its civic policy. Denial to the American Colonies of the right to industrially protect themselves and promote their own prosperity was one of the chief causes of the Revolution which gave birth to the republic. Protection was the first subject that the first Congress dis- cussed. The framers of our Constitution, and the men who brought the republic of law and liberty out of the Revolution against class and oppression, with unanimity sustained the first protective tariff, which extended through the administra- tions of Washington, Adams, Jeiferson, Madison, and Monroe, and was repeatedly approved by these Presidents in both speech and message. AVhile the commercial policy of the United States, under which it has developed its unprecedented growth and strength has been a protective policy, its agricultural resources have put the Old World under its peaceful sv>^ay, because its granaries are indispensable to their comfort. MATERIAL RESOURCES OF THE UNITED STATES, EXCLUSIVE OF THE NEW POSSESSIONS. AREA. Square miles Laiul, 2,970,000 AVater, 55,600 Total, 3,025,600 I'OI'l'I.ATIOX. Official— Census of 1890, 02,022,250 Official— Estimated 1897, 72,807,000 L:stiiuate of experts, 1899, 77,000,000 A\ i:ai.i II, The aggregate true valuation or fair selling price of all real and personal property in the United States in the census year, 1S90, was carefully estimated tobe, . .' 165,037,000,000 American Institutions. — The State. V5 This is an estimated increase of 49 percent, for the ten 3'ears from 1880, The same ratio of increase will make the valuation in 1900 nearly, . . . $160,000,000,000 DE13T. Tlie net indebtedness of the United States on July 1, 1897, was, 992,022,900.03 On November 1, 1898, it was, ..... 1,031,587,733.59 Annual interest charge, ...... 34,387 315.20 Debt per capita of population, ..... 13.63 REVENUE AND EXPEXDITURE. Aggregate receipts for the year ending Julj^ 1, 1898, 405,321,335 Aggregate expenditures for the year ending July 1, 1898 (largely increased by the war with Spain), . 443,388,583 EXPORTS AND IMPORTS. Value of domestic mei-chandise exported during the year ending June 30, 1898, .... 1,210,291,913 Value of specie exported, ...... 70,511,630 Value of merchandise imported during tlie \ ear lunling June 30, 1898, ..-.,.. 616,049,654 Value of specie imported, ...... 150,319,455 BANKS. Tlie aggregate capital of the National Banks of the United States on September 1, 1898, was, . . 629,151,295 SAVINGS BANKS. On July 1, 1897, the number of depositors in Savings Banks in the United States was, . . . 5,400,000 The aggregate amount of deposits was, . . . 2,100,000,000 The average amount to each depositor was about, . 400 CLEARING-HOUSE TRANSACTIONS. For the year ending September 30, 1898, the Clearing- House transactions in the various cities in the United States amounted to, .... 65,924,820,769 Tlie amount of transactions in New York City alone was, 39,853,413,948 76 Facing the Iwentieth Cenkiry. PATENTS. Ill tlie sixty j-ears ending witli 1897, over 1,000,000 applications for patents were filed in the United States Patent Office, and for the single j^ear 1897 the number of applications was about, . . 50,000 KAILEOADS. Tiiere are in the United States over 180,000 miles of surface steam railroads, carrying annually more than 500,000,000 passengers and nearly 800,000,- 000 tons of freight. The amount of capital in- vested is about, $11,000,000,000 TELEGRAPHS. There are about 210,000 miles of telegraph lines (nearly 900,000 miles of wires), exclusive of gov- ernmetit, private, and telephonic. The total re- ceipts from messages in 1897 was, . . . 24,000,000 TELEPHONES. The number of miles of telephone wires in operation in the United States is about, .... 550,000 Tlie net earnings in 1896 Avere .about, . . . 3,500,000 And the invested capital nearly, .... 24,000,000 MANUFACTURES. The number of manufacturing establishments in the United States is about 350,000, and the total value of the annual products of these establishments is over, 9,500,000,000 MINERALS. The value of the mineral products of the United States in 1897 was, 742,000,000 CEREALS. The aggregate annual production of corn, wheat, rye, oats, barley, and buckwheat in tlie United States is over 3,500,000,000 bushels, and its value over, 1,000,000,000 Th<' wheat crop of the TTnited States in 1898 was over one IVmi'th of the total cru]) of the world. American Institutions. — The State. 77 As Ave have seen, our republicaa form of government guar- antees civil and religious liberty, protects persons and prop- erty, provides for the administration of justice, and develops society in civilization. The magniticent extent of our terri- torial domain furnishes an outlet for our multiform energies, Avithout exhausting our vast resources, while our unbounded national prosperity is a wonder to ourselves and to the world, and thus far in our history has only met with occasional local interruption. Our form of government was in its early history the ])rod- uct of the experience and needs of our ancestors who had voluntarily exiled themselves from their native lands, and was based upon the theory of the greatest good to the greatest number. It is a federal and representative government. It possesses elements of permanency just to the extent that the character and purposes of the people continue to recognize the fundamental principles upon which the civic structure rests, and prove their capacity to assimilate the incoming multitudes from other lands and other civilizations who, like our ancestors, are seeking our larger liberties and broader opportunities, but Avho, differing in experience from our ancestors, find a new world conquered and ready for their habitation, and prompt in making returns to thrift and industry. 78 Facing the Twentieth Century. AMERICAN INSTITUTIONS.— THE CHURCH. THE RELATIONS OF CIVIL AND RELIGIOUS LIBERTY. Religious liberty is the most convincing test of free insti- tutions and of the genuine character of civil liberty. Civil liberty has never materially advanced and never lins become satisfactorily secure except as it has been preceded by the recognition of man's right to religious liberty. All genuine religion is voluntary, and therefore cannot exist without liberty. Both civil and religious liberty are instinctive in this republic. Religious liberty, as we understand and enjoy it, is impossi- ble where there is a union of church and state. A state properly organized represents individual man, rep- resents every man as he should be in his normal relations. A state " is an enacted and operative morality." Religious liberty is not made for man by the state, but he makes it for himself in and by the state. In all ages the power that founds states is religion. The basis of all states is the sanctity of the truth. Since the state is created by the moral and religious sense of its people, it therefore cannot create its creator, and hence religious liberty is always a right and never can be a privilege. That a state or nation should be guided by the same gen- eral principles of moral conduct by which an individual is, or ought to be, guided in his private conduct, is a truth which seems involved in the very conception of national being. In the civilized world of modern Europe and America we take theological and j^olitical differences for granted ; but we assume a common morality. But how shall the state be said to possess any moral code except as the consensus of belief among the people determines it ? American Institutions. — The Church. V9 For what does the state exist ? The very idea and origin of our government is to afford opportunity for the develop- ment and protection of man as a moral and social being. Its existence is impossible, as well as uncalled for and criminal, unless it answer these ends. We seek and secure the divorce of the state and formulated religion ; but when the Christian religion and the morality it teaches are taken out of our civil government, nothing remains worth preserving. The state, however, as a symbol and embodiment of morality, is a neces- sity of man's moral nature. The state, under our form of government, has to recognize Christian morality as the basis of its own existence. And therefore, while it exists for secular and civil pur- poses, it finds itself substantially the creature of Christianity ; and whenever it has found itself engaged in a struggle for its defense or existence, it has never issued from the struggle until it has adopted for its war-cry some principle that has had its birth in Christian morality. SPHERE AND FUNCTION OF CHURCH AND STATE. The church and the state are both divine institutions, but they have separate spheres and functions. Both meet on questions of public morals, and both together constitute civilized human society and insure its prosperit}^ Dr. Strong says : " Precisely what is meant by the separa- tion of church and state is not commonly, or indeed often, understood. There does not seem to have been made a clear distinction between function and sphere, for lack of which there has been much confusion, and most people have gained a radically wrong idea of the sphere of the Church, Sphere is the extent or field of activity, while function is the kind or nature of that activity. The sphere of an organ is Avhere it operates, its function is what it does. "As society becomes more highly organized it becomes go Fachuj the Twentieth Ceniinnj. more important to keep tlie fnnctiou of church aud state sep- arate ; but it is as great a mistake to limit the sphere of the Church as it is not to limit its functions. The sphere of the Chui-cli includes that of the state and much more. It is as l)road as the sphere of conscience, which is as far-reaching as all human activity. "Of course, tlie Church has and ought to have authority in the administration of her internal affairs, but she should have no authority whatever over the public or over any individual outside her own institutions. Beyond her own walls let the Church have unbounded influence, but not one iota of authority." LIMITATIONS OF CIVIL AND RELIGIOUS LIBERTY. The law of a freeman is a general rule of action, having grown out of the custom of the people, or having been laid down by the authority empowered by the people to do so, and it must be a rule which does not violate a superior law or civil principle. Religious liberty must have civil limitations, as the law of self-preservation is as vital to the state as to the individual. Individual and public morality, safety, peace, aud welfare must be protected against a religion that would injure them. Chief Justice Waite in rendering the decision of the United States Supreme Court, in the only case in which this govern- ment has undei'takeu to define the limits of religious liberty, where Congress prohibited polygamy in the Territory of Utah, said : " Laws are made for the government of actions, and while they cannot interfere with mere religious belief and opiniims, they may with practices. As a law of the organiza- tion of society under the exclusive dominion of the United States, it is provided that plural marriages shall not be allowed. Can a man exercise his practices to the contrary because of his reli^nous belief ? To permit this ^vould be to make the professed doctrines of religious belief superior to the law of the land, and in effect to permit every citizen to become a American Institutions. — The Cliurch. 81 law unto himself. Government could exist only iu name under such circumstances." Public opinion, which is the creator and interpreter of laws iu a free country, must here determine the limitations of reli- gious liberty. SEPARATION OF CHURCH AND STATE. Historically speaking, tliree theories have prevailed in practice concerning the relations of cliurch and state. First, chui'ch supremacy over civil government. Second, state supremacy over the Church. Third, church and state recipro- cally independent. Separation of church and state is both essentially republi- can and Christian. The author of Christianity distinctly announced for the ages this principle when he said : " Render, therefore, unto Caesar, the things which be Caesar's, and unto God the things which be God's." Church and state coexist in our land, but they ai'e not wedded. They have their individual work to perform. The secular interests are guarded and promoted by the state ; the luoral and religious interests by the Church. And yet so closely are they related to each other that the state depends for its existence upon the character given its citizenship by the Church, and the Church, in turn, receives protection from the state for its property and from interference with its wor- ship and instruction. Our experiment has j^^'o^'^tl that religious liberty is the best friend of genuine Christianity, and that it is also the best foundation for a " government of the people, by the people, and for the people." The union of church and state is a different question from the union of religion and the state. Union iu both of these cases is possible, but separation of religion from the state is impossible. Dr. Schaif says : " Whatever may be the merits of the theory of the American system, it has worked well in practice. It has 82 Faciiuj the Twentieih Century. stood the test of experience. It has the advantages of the union of church and state without its disadvantages. It secures all the rights of the Church without the sacrifice of liberty and independence, which are worth nioi'e than endowments." Freedom in civil affairs, freedom of thought, and freedom of speech are valued possessions, but religious freedom is more sacred than all these, because it is first in the estimation of humanity, and because it is the chief protection and guaran- tee of all other freedom. The present practical relation between church and state in this country is not thoroughly satisfactory because in im- portant particulars the separation is not absolute. The God of our fathers, as we have seen, postponed the peopling of this land until the Scriptures had been disentombed in the Old World and they had created a race of men with the heroism of liberated consciences, and Avith the right char- acter to found a republic. Refugees from civil and religious })ersecution in lands where church and state were united founded this government, Avhere civil liberty and religious liberty are eujo^^ed and perpetuated in just so far as the con- ceded American principle of the separation of church and state is scrupulously maintained. This principle has not been definitely and adequately expressed in the constitutions of many of the States com- prising the Union. A majority of the fort3^-five State constitutions contain pro- vision against the violation of religious liberty and expressly prohibit sectarian appropriations; but it is believed that only a national provision can set these questions at rest. DANGERS FROIM rUK FISriON OF CHUKCII AND STATE. The relation of church and state has been the vexed prob- lem of the civilization of the centuries. The unholy alliance bi'tween church and state has been the princi])al disturl)er of the peace of nations. Any courtship or wedded relation has American Institutions. — The Church. 83 eventually proved the curse of both. AV' lieuever the Chris- tian Church has sought the favor of rulers or governments, it has become a subject and not a sovereign. Whenever rulers or governments have sought the favor of the Church, they have become the abject slaves of ecclesiasticism, the worst bondage ever known to man. History shows that where religious sects have been alloAved to take public lands or public money they have become goi-ged with ^vealth and have forced a union of church and state. It also shows that wherever religion has been wedded to the state, individual conscience has been debauched and a jiiiran- tic, tyrannical political machine has been instituted. The first peril which our fathers thought menaced the republic was this very question. Hence the First Amend- ment to the Constitution of the United States declares that : '^ Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof." This amendment is protective as well as prohibitive, and -was born of respect for and not of contempt for religion and its free exercise. The chief effort in this country to establish and intrench a body ecclesiastic or bodies ecclesiastic is through access to public treasuries. The union of church and state has uniformly found its strongest bond in the partnership in the educational interests of the people. The introduction of sectarian inter- ests in the matter of public support of schools and charities is a constant element of danger. Taxation for the support of sectarian schools is always a peril for both the church and the state. In educational, penal, reformatory, and benevolent work there exists now in this nation and in many of the States a dan- gerous financial bond of union. The legislative exemption of church property from taxation is a vital, dangerous, and ini- quitous form of union of church and state. Macaulay said : " The whole history of the Christian 84 Faciug the. Twentieth Centurn. religion shows that she is in far greater danger of being cor- rupted by the alliance of power than of being crushed by its opposition." Dr. Orestes A. Browuson said : " It may be safely asserted that, except in the United States, the Church is either held l)y the civil powei- in subjection, or treated as an enemy. The rela- tion is not that of union and harmony, but that of autagonisiii, to the grave detriment of both religion and civilization.'" The consensus of intelligent opinion in this country now favors religious liberty so far as separation of church and state is concerned. Grant said : " Leave the matter of religion to the family altar, the Churcli, and the private school, suppoi'ted entirely by 2:)rivate contributions. Keep the state and church forever separate." Garheld said : " The separation of the church and state on everything relating to taxation should be absolute." James Madison said : " Religion flourishes in greater purity without than ^vith the aid of government." HISTORIC STATEMENT OF THE ORIGIN OF RELIGIOUS LIBERTY IN AMERICA. For the first three centuries of Christianity there was no approach toward union of church and state. Christians obeyed the civil laws so far as the higher law of conscience would permit, and faced death rather than disobey its admoni- tions or retract their demand for religious liberty as a right. While inhei'iting many benefits from the Old AVorld, the American theory of the normal relationship of church and state differs both from all European experience and from our own coloiiiid liistory. The system of toleration exists in Germany, in England, and generally in Europe, and even to a degree in Roman Catholic countries, where the government suj)ports an established church or churches and permits, under conditions, other American Institutions. — TJw Ohureh. 85 religious organizations to exist. Religions liberty in America Las not been inherited from either the legislation or the ex- ample found in the history of the mother country. The establishment in England of the equality of all reli- gious denominations before the law (excepting the Established Church, which has special privileges) is of recent date. In 1689 a partial Act of Toleration was enacted. It was ex- tended to Unitarians in 1813 ; to Roman Catholics in 1829 ; to Jews in 1858. The universities of Oxford and Cambridge were not open to students of all religious denominations until 1871. Religious liberty was j^roclaimed in tlie United States nearly a hundred years before this last restriction concerning the English universities was removed. When the thirteen American Colonies adopted State consti- tutions Virginia and New York alone guaranteed I'eligious liberty. The other States made religious discriminations by religious tests for their officials. Virginia chiefly was indebted for its religions liberty to French political and philosopliical free-thinking ideas through Thomas Jefferson. New York's constitutional provisions, whicli have furnished the chief foundation for American religious liljert}^, were generated by freedom of thought, but not by free-thinkers. Ne^v York's " Dutch ancestors taught and practiced religious toleration ; they expanded toleration into liberty, and in this form transmitted to posterity the heritage which Holland had sent across the sea a century and a half before." Enforced conformity to the state religion and the suppres- sion of individual religious opinions not in*accord with the teachings of the Established Church were, up to the sixteenth century, accounted among the Christian nations of Europe as both the province and the duty of civil government. The Church of Rome claimed the risfht to demand that the civil power shouKl enforce its edicts to ]i]'oduce conformity in S^ Facing the Tirentieth Century. nuvtters of religion, and rulers geuemlly acceded to the demand. The Reformation involved no denial of the principle of the state's coercive right, and while its claim of the right of pri- vate judgment and individual responsibility to God eventually led to religious toleration, it was no more distinctly I'ecognized Ijy the Reformers than by the Roman hierarchy. ' The origin of the Reformation in England was more politi- cal than religious. The idea of religions toleration had as little place in the mind of Henry and Elizabeth as in the mind of Mary, and toleration was not the inspiration of the Puritan controversies in England. y The settlers of Plymouth and of the colony of Massachu- setts Bay had no practical conception of either the separation of church and state or of religious liberty. AVinthrop in 1030, on his way to America, wrote on shipboard that he and his companions came " to seek out a place of cohabitation and consortship under a due form of government, both civil and ecclesiastical." They established a civil government intolerant of religious liberty, where freedom of conscience, of opinion, and of wor- ship was not permitted ; but paradoxical as it may appear, they established a form of chnrch government which became a powei-ful agency in bringing religious toleration. Ilallam said thaf'the Congregational scheme leads to tol- eration, as the National Church scheme is adverse to it." Roger Williams was arraigned and banished in 1635 for holding " that the magistrate ought not to punish breaches of the iirst table or to enforce religious opinions or observances by law." While the early settlers in this country from Enrope came seeking freedom for themselves, they too often monopolized it and denied it to others. Tlie Congregational, the Church of England, and the Quaker churches were all intolerant. The opposition to the abolition of religious tests was strongest in American Institutions. — The Church. 87 Massachusetts, where CongregatioDalism was the Established Church. One of the remote causes of the American Ke volution was the intolerance and injustice practiced by state churchmen toward dissenters. Several of the American colonies, follow- ing the example of England, established churches supported by the state. England gave Magna Charta, and America gave the liberty of religion and its free exercise, to Christian civilization. " The United States furnishes the first example in history of a government deliberately depriving itself of all legislative control over religion, which Avas Justly regarded by all older governments as the chief support of public morality, order, peace, and prosperity. But it was an act of wisdom and justice rather than self-denial." ''The Constitution did not create a nation, nor its relioion and institutions. It found them already existing, and was framed for the purpose of pro- tecting them under a republican form of government." As a state, France's contribution to religious liberty has been characteristically vacillating. England has made many heroic and successful efforts in the direction of religious lib- erty, but never has attained complete emancipation either for herself or her colonial dependencies. Keligious liberty, insisted upon by William of Orange, was the corner-stone of the Dutch Republic. The religious toleration of Holland was the one element tliat contributed to its vast increase of both population and wealth. Judge Story said that the charter which Charles 11. granted to Rhode Island in response to the appeal of Roger Williams was " the first royal proclamation of religious liberty for man as man that the world had heard since Christianity had ascended the throne of the Caesars." Religious tests were abolished by Article VI. of the Con- stitution of the United States, adopted in 1787, which declares 88 Facing the Twentieth Century. that all executive, legislative, and judicial officers of the United States and of the several States "shall be bound, by oath or affirmation, to support this constitution ; but no religious test shall ever be required as a qualification to any office or public trust under the United States." This is negative but partially proliibitory, and secures the state from ecclesiastical domination. The First Amendment, adopted in 1791, prohibits Congress from making any law " respecting an establishment of religion or pi'oliibiting the free exercise thereof." Jefferson, the author of the Declaration of Independence, but who did not aid in framing the Constitution, wrote, in reference to the First Amendment : " I contemplate with sov- ereign reverence the act of the whole American people which declares that their legislature should ' make no law respecting an establishment of religion or prohibiting the free exercise thereof,' thus building a wall of separation between church and state." The exclusion of atheists from office in New Jersey, Mar}^- land, Pennsylvania, North Carolina, South Carolina, and Ten- nessee, and the exclusion of clergymen in Delaware, Maryland, and Tennessee, constitute the only religious disabilities now existing in any of the United States. The Baptists were the first body of English Christians that formulated and enforced the doctrine of religious liberty, and a British writer says of the declaration of this body in 1611 : " It is believed that this is the first expression of the absolute principle of liberty of conscience in the public articles of any body of Christians." Bancroft says of Roger Williams that '' he was the first person in modern Christendom to assert in its plenitude the doctrine of the liberty of conscience, the equality of opinions Ijei'ore the law, and in its defense he was the harbinger of Milton, the precursor and superior of Jeremy Taylor," The principle of religious liberty practically applied, most A)nerican InstitiUiotis — The Ohurcli. 89 largely for English-speaking peoples and notably for the American people, had its birth in Holland. While Cromwell ruled in England there was for the first time in English history an approach to religious liberty, but this was exclusive and limited. The constitutions of all the forty-five States contain spe- cific provisions for the free exercise of religious belief and worship. The constitutions of thirty-one States provide specifically against the compulsory support of any church. The constitutions of thirty States provide specifically against the creation of an established church. The constitutions of twenty-eight States declare that no religious test shall be required as a qualification for office. The constitutions of twenty-two States contain specific pro- visions against sectarian appropriations to religious institu- tions, churches, and schools. Professor Bryce says : " Religious freedom has been gener- ally thought of in America in the form of freedom and equality as between different sorts of Christians, or at any rate different sorts of theists; persons opposed to religion altogether have till recently been extremely few everywhere and practically unknown in the South, The neutrality of the state cannot therefore be said to be theoretically complete. " The passion for equality in religious as well as in secular matters is everywhere in America far too strong to be braved, and nothing excites moi'e general disapprobation than any attempt by an ecclesiastical organization to interfere in politics. " Christianity is in fact understood to be, though not the legally established religion, yet the national i-eligion. So far fi'om thinkino; their commonwealth erty can be considered compre- liensive which does not include guai'antees for the free exer- cise of this right. It belongs to American liberty to separate entirely the institution which has for its object the support and diffusion of religion from the political government." David Dudley Field, in bS'J.'i, in a paper on "American Progress in Jurisprudence," said ; " If we had nothing else to American Institutions. — The Church. 9l boast of, we could claim with justice that, first among the nations, we of tliis country made it an article of organic law that the relations between man and his Maker were a private concern into which other men had no right to intrude." Ex-Chief Judge Andrews of the Court of Appeals of New York State wrote : " The American States, for the first time in the history of governments, have made it a part of tlieir fundamental law that the civil power shall neither estab- lish nor maintain any form of religion, and that religious belief shall not be subject to the coercive power of the state. This is a contribution by America to the science of govern- ment." Dr. Schaff said : " This relationship of church and state marks an epoch. It is a new chapter in the history of Chris- tianity, and the most important one which America has so far contributed." The founder of the American republic in his farewell address showed that he was both animated with hope for the new nation and solicitous for its future when he coupled national prosperity with the Christian religion and Christian morality, Daniel Webster deemed the advance of rationality so great in this nation that only the Christian religion could be regarded as meetins; its demands. In respect to morals and religion it is impossible for the state to be either neutral or indifferent. If the prevailing religious sentiment and profession of the people are Christian, that nation is Christian. On tliis ground we assert that the American nation is a Christian nation. While the Christian spirit of justice and humanity pervades it, and while its framers were believers in God and in future re^vards and punishments, the name of God does not appear in the Con- stitution of the United States. An overruling Providence in the affairs of nations is recognized in the Declaration of 92 Faehuj the Twentieth Centurij. Iiidepeudenoe, in most of the State constitutions, and in the colonial charters. The Declaration appeals to the " Supreme Judge of the world," and speaks of " reliance on the pro- tection of divine Providence." Goldwiu Smith says : " Not democracy in America, but free Christianity in America, is the real key to the study of the people and their institutions." Georo-e Bancroft said : '' Vindicatino; the rio;ht of individu- ality even in religion, and in religion above all, the new nation dares to set the example of accepting in its relations to God the principle first divinely ordained in Judea. It left the management of temporal things to the temporal power; 1)ut the American constitution, in harmony with the people of the several states, withheld from the federal government the power to invade the home of reason, the citadel of con- science, the sanctuar}^ of the soul ; and not from indifference, but that the infinite spirit of eternal truth might move in its freedom and purity and power." While by the decisions of the supreme courts of New York and Pennsylvania Christianity is declared to be a part of the common law of these commonwealths, we think it must be conceded that the highest legal authorities in this country asrree that offenses ao'ainst God and his laws cannot be o o jDuuished under our laws unless they are also offenses against society. Sunday laAvs under our constitutional system cannot be sustained because of the religious duty to observe Sunday as a holy day. But the civil Sunday is intrenched in our laws without infringing upon religious liberty. AVe will confine our testimony on this phase of our subject to the recently expressed opinion of Judge Cooley : " It is frequently said that Christianity is a part of tlie law of the land. In a certain sense and for certain purposes this is true. The best features of the common law, and especially those which regard the family and social relations ; which compel Aniencan Institutions. — The Church. 93 the parent to support the child, the husband to support the wife; which make the luarriage-tie permanent and forbid polygamy — if not derived from, have at least been improved and strengthened by the prevailing religion and the teachings of its sacred book. But the law does not attempt to enforce the precepts of Christianity on the ground of their sacred character or divine origin. Some of those precepts, though we may admit their continual and universal obligation, we must nevertheless recognize as being incapable of enforcement by human laws." When the time shall come when, under the inspiration of religious liberty, the individual citizens of this republic and the citizens of all lands shall become free men by a saving and experimental knowledge of the truth, and shall become loyal and loving subjects of the Prince of Peace, then church and state will be united, not by legal enactments which impose unequal burdens and inflict unjust and discriminating penalties, but by the cohesive power of self-sacrificing Chris- tian love, that is above law because it obeys law. Then the organic law of the state will be the expression of the Chris- tian life of the people, themselves the rulers and the ruled, and debates concerning the province of the state and the prov- ince of the church will no longer be heard, because the state will be Christian and Christians will constitute the state. RELIGIOUS RESOURCES. We are indebted to Henry K. Carroll, LL. D., Special Agent for Religious Statistics in the Eleventh Census of the United States, for the following Statistics of the Churches, cor- rected to April 1, 1898. The figures are for the United States only; no missions abroad are included. A number of denominations publish no statistics. For some of them careful estimates, made by the most competent persons, are given: 94 Facing the 2 went let] i Century. DENOMINATIONS MINISTERS CHURCHES COMMUNICANTS Adventists. six bodies 1,041 2,140 81,945 Baptists, tliirteeii bodies, 32,597 48,138 4,232,962 l^retlireii (River), three bodies, 179 111 4,739 P>i-ethi-eii (Plj-mouth), four bodies, 314 6,661 Catholics (Koinaii), .... 10,911 14,675 8,378,128 Catholics (six other bodies), . 54 42 32,464 Catholic Apostolic, .... 95 10 1,491 Chinese Temples, 47 Christadelphians, 63 1,277 Christians, two bodies, .... 1,500 1,495 121,500 Christian Catholics, Dowie. 7 13 5,000 Christian Missionary Association, 10 13 754 Christian Scientists, .... 3,500 343 40,000 Christian Union, 183 294 18,214 Church of God 460 580 38,000 Church Triumphant 12 384 Church of the New .Jerusalem, 139 150 7.674 Connnunistic Societies, six Ixxlics, 30 3,930 Congregationalists, .... 5,465 5,625 630,000 Disciples of Christ, .... 5,780 10,029 1,051,079 Dunkards. four bodies, .... 2,720 1,026 101,194 Evangelical, two bodies. 1,421 2,219 151,770 Friends, four bodies. .... 1,462 1,093 117,474 Friends of the Temple 4 4 340 German Evangelical Protestant, . 45 55 36,500 German Evangelical Synod, 878 1,130 194,618 Jews, two bodies, ..... 301 570 143,000 Latter-Day Saints, two bodies, 2,600 1,200 297,3 Lutherans, twenty-one lK)dieople was tirst enforced there. It was in the colony of New York that teachers were first required to be certified or licensed. New York was the first State in the Union to levy a general tax for the encouragement of elementary schools, as she was also the first to establish a permanent State common school fund, and the supervision of elementary schools. She was the first to especially provide for the education of teachers, and is now doing more for the professional training of teachers than any other. The institute system was first established in New York. She was the first to provide school district libraries, and the first to publish a journal exclusively devoted to the interests of common schools. The first local association of a permanent character in the country among school teachers was in New York City, and the first State Teachers' conven- tion ill the country was held at Utica." Ainerican Institutions. — The School. 99 Since 1865, wlieu the great Civil AVar ended, the Southern States, in the face of great obstacles, have made commendable exertions to establish public schools. Every State in the Union has now a common-school system in varied stages of honest approach to efficiency. In Europe the national gov- ernment controls the schools. In the United States each State passes such laws on this subject as it pleases. The sup- port of common schools in this country is derived from various sources. Once it came from town treasuries and from rate- bills. This last source of revenue is uovv^ abandoned in all the States. Now common schools receive their support from three sources : first, income of permanent funds ; second, taxa- tion ; third, voluntary subscriptions or contributions. The conditions of admission of most of tlie States, since the origi- nal Union was formed, have embodied large landed provisions for the support of conmion schools in these States. Public schools, common schools, or free schools are designations applied to schools established by legislative enactments, sup- ported by funds derived from legislative appropriations for the free elementary education of all the children in a com- munity or State. The extensive common-school systems of large cities are usually chiefly supported by local taxation. The general necessity for every community to promote the diffusion of education among all classes is presupposed in the support of schools either Avholly or in part by the state. Democratic governments have always recognized this princi- ple, but the foes of democracy oppose and seek to overthrow it. The safety and prosperity of Sparta are declared to have been based upon the education of every child of the ruling classes in the communit}', and public schools were furnished also for all the ruling classes of the citizens of Athens ; but the free States of the American republic have attempted to carry out this principle to the fullest extent, providing free education of different grades for all classes, recognizing the principle that all the people are sovereigns, making common L.ofC. 100 Facivg the Ttrentieth Century. schools institutions of dignity, where the children of the nch and poor may meet together on a common footing, and equally share the advantages and blessings of education with- out class distinctions, which are looked upon as foes of democracy. As we have seen, the idea of universal education was developed in the Christian Church, and for centuries popular education was in the hands of the Church. Now in this country it is in the hands of the state, and the religious ques- tion, or the question of the amount of moral and religious training, has reached a very perplexing stage. The relio-ious question in the conduct of common schools is claimino: increased attention in all countries w^here even the pretense of religious liberty exists. It only admits of easy solution by the hasty and thoughtless. Perhaps no single uniform solution will ever be reached. Dr. Schaff says : ''An immense interest like the education of a nation of cosmopolitan and pan-ecclesiastical comj^ositiou cannot be regulated by a logical syllogism. Life is stronger and more elastic than logic. It is impossible to draw the precise line of separation between secular and moral, and between moral and religious education." The dancrer from the religious controversy to the common school has, from time to time, appeared, and has been, in some instances, successfully met. The principal assaults have been, and they have taken on great boldness, in the direction of demands for the division of the school fund on denomina- tional lines. But the demand for the division of the school moneys amoncr the several religious denominations for maintaining separate schools cannot be assented to T\-ithout annihilating the common-school system, and without the destruction of the American principle of the complete separation of church and state. Judge Cooley has said : " Those things which are not law- American Listitutions. — The ScJiool 101 ful under any of the American constitutions may be stated thus : first, any law respecting an establishment of religion ; second, compulsory support by taxation or otherwise of reli- gious instruction ; third, compulsory attendance upon religious worship ; fourth, restraints upon the free exercise of religion, according to the dictates of conscience ; fifth, restraints upon, the expression of religious belief." The relation of religious instruction to the common schools and the demand for the sectarian division of the funds designed for the support of public schools are, as we have realized, perplexing questions. The legal status of the common school in each State, from both the secular and the religious standpoint, is dependent upon that State's constitution and its legislative enactments. There are in these interests certain fundamental principles common to tlie entire country, certain uniform laws bearing upon the common-school system, giving it a kind of autonomy, and so to speak, establishing a non-partisan republic of letters within the body politic. Grant said: "Encourage free schools and resolve that not one dollar in money appropriated to their support, no matter how raised, shall be appropriated to the support of any secta- rian school." Grarfield said : " Whatever helps the nation can justly afford should be generously given to aid the States in sup- porting common schools, but it would be unjust to our people and dangerous to our institutions to apply any portion of the revenues of the nation or of the States to the support of sec- tarian schools." The people dividing as they will into sects and creeds, the individual interests of each sect must be advanced b}^ its own effort and at its own cost. The school system uninterrupted has all the power necessary to the attainment of its legitimate pur- pose, and that is, the well-being of the state through an intel- ligent and moral citizenship. 102 Facing the Ttoentietli Century. It draws from the people the means for'its support. It has responsihility incident to authority, a moral responsibility and. a legal accountal)ilit\ . Supported by all, and IVee to all, there must be nothing about it to which any unprejudiced citizen can rationally object for conscience' sake, and each mast use it so as not to interfere with the rights and duties of others. The governmental power which assesses and collects taxes cannot be employed to promote or repress the interest of any secular or religious section of the citizenship, or for any pur- pose less than the impartial and highest good of all. Reli- gious education belonging primarily to the family and the Church, the state guaranteeing religious liberty, all denomi- nations which desire to do so are permitted to establish church schools, colleges, and seminaries at their own expense. The state cannot oblige the church to teach the rights and needs and duties of citizenship. That duty involves both the rights of the child and of the state, and rests largely upon the j)arents. The state can compel the performance of this duty and can secure these I'ights by the enactment and enforcement of compulsory laws, binding upon parents and guardians, as the condition of the free existence of civil and reli2:ious lil)erty. If the church pretends in its schools to give the education that the state rightfully requires, then the state must know the fact by having supervisory access to these schools. When the limits of church and state authority in matters of education are properly defined, — and they will be, — and when by each their moral and legitimate ^vork is honestly performed, without arrogant attempts at usurpation on either hand, harmony will ensue. The American people will secui-e this result if they ai'e obliged to concjuer a peace between the contending [)arties. From an able and exhaustive report to the govei-nnient of New Zealand uj)()n state education, by C'hevalier Laishley, we may learn some impc^itant lessons. He says: America)} Instifutluns. — Ihe School. 103 '' The following are the main principles lecognized in the United States as relating to education : '' The existence of a republic, unless all its citizens are educated, is an admitted impossibility. " The productive industry of the country is known to have a direct relation to the diffusion of educated iutellig;euce therein. The modern industrial community cannot exist without free popular education carried cut in a system of schools ascending from the primary grade to the university. " By the Constitution of the United States, no powei's are vested in the central government of the nation, unless the same relate immediately to the support and defense of the whole people, to their intercourse with foreign powers, or to the subordination of the several States composing the Union. " The free public education of the children of the United States depends everywhere upon the action taken by the sev- eral States and by the citizens of those States in the several localities. " Very great allowances must be made in view of the colored race element, a result of the abolition of slavery, whereby some additional millions became entitled to claim State i-ights, and of the vast number of immigrants of various nationalities con- tinually pouring in, to whom the system of the majority has to be adapted. These facts color State laws and administra- tions, and explain much that would be otherwise inexplicable. " Primary schools afford gratuitous instruction — it may be termed secular — and attendance is not as a rule compulsory, and even where compulsory, is only so for a limited term. " Sectarian instruction is not given in the public schools. It is quite a common practice to open or close the public schools with Bible reading and prayer. Singing of I'eligious hymns by the entire school is still more common. "The influence of the schools is wliolly on the side of morality and religion. Religious teaching, however, is entirely entrusted to church and family agencies ; but the Com- 104 Fachuj flie Twentieth Cenfnry. missioiier iufonus me that tliese uiaiiitain very full provisiou for the work. " It may be worth remembering, that, in writing upon ' Na- tional Education in America,' the Quarterly Review of April, 1875, states, * In no country, indeed, as yet, has it been found possible to maintain, permanently, a system of unsectarianly Christian common schools against the pleas and persistence of the Roman Catholics.' " In connection with our common-school system, for Avhicli Americans ought to be grateful, and of which they ought to be commendably proud, there are many encouraging facts. Professor Bryce, that philosophical student of our institu- tions, said: " Conunoii education is more prevalent in the United States than in any country in the world." In the United States we have over fourteen and a half million children enrolled in the public schools alone. How to increase this attendance, how to lower absenteeism, how to waste no money, no energy, no time, but to make every effort tell; what methods are best, what studies are essential, what influences ai'e to be stinudated, how to reach the hearts, the minds, the consciences of these childi-en ; a\ hat moi'al and patriotic ideals to put before them — these are mattei's of most profound concern. Our public schools require over 400,000 teachers and cost annually over |187,0()0,000. These figures simply slioAv the mao-nitude of the system and are staofo-eriuof even to the imagination. The future of the re])ublic is largely and safely committed to these 14,652,492 children, and to the hundi'eds of thousands in private and sectarian schools — to these, and not to i\\\y of the political })arties! \\\ sevei'al States of the Union move than fifty ])er cent, of all the tax imposed for State pui'poses is for the support of the common schools. These schools in many localities and States have attained such high excellence that the best private schools have been obliged largely to model after them, and this is the high ideal that constitutes the loyal inspiration of A Country SchooUiouse in Pennsylvania. A State Normal Shoool Building in Ohio. A Graded School Building in Neiv York. REPRESENTATIVE STRUCTURES IN THE AMERICAN FREE COMMON- SCHOOL SYSTEM. I American Institutions. — The School. 105 all lov^ers of the republic. The army of teachers and superin- tendents and trustees, — usually the most cultured and public- spirited persons iu every community, interested in the common schools, — imperfect in cidture and character as they are, constitute largely the power which molds our civilization and determines the character of onr citizenship, SCHOOL STATISTICS — REPORT OF 1896-97. ENROLLMENT. Total enrollment in public schools, ..... 14,652,492 Total enrollment in private schools, .... 1,317,000 Ratio of enrollment in private schools to total enrollment, per cent., ....'.... 8.25 Total enumeration between the ages of 5 and 18, . . 21,082,472 ATTENDANCE. Average daily attendance, 10,089,620 Increase over preceding year, ..... 842,005 Average daily attendance to each 100 enrolled, . . 68.87 TEACHERS. Total male teachers in ))ublic schools (o2,G per cent, of the Avhole), 131,386 Total female teachers in pul)lic schools, .... 271,947 Total, 403,333 SALARIES. Average salary male teachers, per month, . . . $44.62 Average salary female teachers, per month, . . . 38.38 SCEIOOL BUILDINGS. Total number of public school buildings, . . . 246,823 VALUATION AND EXPENDITURE. Estimated cash value of school property, . . . $469,069,086 Amount expended for 1896-97, . ' . . . . 187,320,602 Amount per capita of population, ..... 2.62 SOURCES OF REVENUE. Revenue from State and local taxes, .... 163,023,294 Revenue from permanent funds, . ... . 7,846,648 Revenue from other sources, ...... 17,771,301 Total, $188,641,243 10(5 Facing ihf^ 'Drentiefh Century. The. following .ilities, may, b)' reading attentively every day for less than an hour, be able to know the world unto ^vhich her children are intro- duced through their college training. She and they may talk intelligently together about the same historic characters, the same oreat writers and artists. She also gets insight into the phenomenal side of the sciences, and reads with some degree of thoroughness in the important world of sociology and political economy. By this admirable plan mother and chil- dren are kept together in sympathy and thought, and are able ^vith delight and profit to converse together. It is veiy evi- dent that for such mothers college boys and girls must have the profoundest respect, and thus the horizon in ^vhich all live is substantially the same. The Chautauqua Literary and Scientific Circle makes it possible for men who lack early advantages to make up to some extent the deficiency of the other years. It does another thing : it gives college graduates the opportunity of read i no- in good English, in the world which they have explored during their college lives, but very often in a frag- mentary and superficial manner. The success of the Chautauqua Literary and Scientific Circle is phenomenal. More than two hundred thousand names have been enrolled on its lists, and its graduates num- ]jer many thousands. It would be impossible to compute the beneficent results of this educational movement. THE FREE PRESS AS AN EDUCATOR. The free press is one of the weightiest forces now at work in the enlightenment and education of modern society. Whether one stands in Printing House Square, New York City, surrounded by the shouting newsboys, or sits in the (piiet retirement of the new Congressional Library in Wash- ington, amiukf ../ Aha. Pope pius IV. A (iKori' or TYRANTS AND Fol-S OF CIVIL AND RELIGIOUS LIBERTY. PART III ANGLO-SAXON AND LATIN CIVILIZATIONS. SPAIN IN HISTORY THE EEPRESENTATIVE LATIN TYPE. The Spaniards of early Listory ^^'ere a composite people ; a great variety of stocks mingied iu their blood. Celts, Phoenicians, Greeks, Carthaginians, Romans, Franks, Vandals, Visigoths, and Saracens, by forcible invasion or peace- ful settlement, took part in peopling the Iberian Peninsula. AVhen the Peninsula became by conquest a Roman province it was called Hispania, and Roman customs and laws and the Latin language were introduced. Tlie Roman system of juris- prudence and the Latin language, which forms the substance of the Spanish language, still remain. When Spain's rulers first embraced the Catholic faith her history of intolerance began, by compelling its acceptance by the people, by persecution of the Jews, and by tortures and confiscations. The crowns and kingdoms of Castile and Aragon, on October 19, 1469, were united by the marriage of Isabella and Ferdinand. The ties of consanguinity were so close that this marriage could not be legall}' consummated without papal dispensation, which could not at that time be secured ; but this difficulty was easily surmounted by the Archbishop of Toledo forging a bull of dispensation with the approval of the royal bridegroom, but not with the knowledge of the royal bride, who, upon the discovery of the ecclesiastical forgery, was indignant ; but the matter was adjusted by a succeeding Pope, who gave validity to the fraudulent marriage by issuing an orthodox and authoritative bull. In 1479 Ferdinand sue- 131 |.jo Kirin.i thr T>r,- ninth Century. reetled t.. tlir tlir..ii,. ..t lii-^ lathers, and then the Spanish king- .1..1U al»-.Tl>(*(l Castile and Ai'agon. The united leii^Mi of Ferdinand and Isabella mai'ked an his- t..ric era <>f frnitfuluess in conscienceless intolerance aiit victims to be burned at Seville on a scaffold, "with the •statues of four prophets attached to the corners." The In(|uisition was an ecclesiastical torture machine run with religious zeal and employed for political purposes, to enrich the treasuries of subservient and despotic monarchs, that they in turn micrht be firmly held in bondaoe to the papal iiead of ecelesiasticism. This was pn effective process for sljai)ing S])anish-Latin civilization. From thf first Ferdinand gladly welcomed this revenue- producing machine, but Isabella resisted its introduction into Spain, until h«'r scruples we"e overcome by the spiritual counsels of the inventors. Anglo'Saxon and Latin CiviUzatimis. 123 The Inquisition was styled the Holy Office. The accused, when summoned, paralyzed with fear, appeared without pro- test and without knowledge of charge or testimony, for secret trial, and without counsel with family or friends or knowl- edge of the process of his trial, except as its steps were punctuated with tortures. Appeal to Rome could only be made through the Inquisitor himself. By the power given to the Inquisition by papal order every Roman Catholic was obliged to convey to its authori- ties information in his possession against all, even his nearest kindred. The secret of the diabolical possibilities of the Holy Office was found in the confessional, where the more honest and pious the believer the more valuable the testi- mony he would be liable to give to the unscrupulous priest who stood between his soul and his God ; and, prostituting his sacred office, the priest passed the secrets of the soul and the safety and lives of kindred into the hands of the pitiless Inquisitor. Has dishonor ever exceeded this ? The confessional has for centuries been the chief secret of the power of Roman Catholicism in many directions, over the faith, the morals, the social and political beliefs of its adherents. It is a doubtfully delicate and often a danger- ously exercised power. The Inquisition inflicted as penalties : Confiscation of prop- erty, which was divided between the civil and ecclesiastical authorities; the dungeon, the galley, the lash, the brand of infamy upon the subject and his descendants, and death in various forms — the most popular being the auto-da-fe, where, after a long and ostentatious celebration, the victims were burned as an exhibition. It is asserted by high authorities that the official records show that during the eighteen years of the Inquisitor- generalship of Torquemada, 10,220 victims were burned, 6860 condemned and burned in ^^%y as absent or dead, and 97,321 subjected to penalties less than death. 124 Facing flu Twentieth Century. lutoleranoe liivfutra ilu- Imiuisition. The sanctions of tlie religion bearing the name of the crucified Christ were used hy'^Rome in Si)ain to cover the cruelties of thousands of crucifixions, and tc debase a nation by familiarizing its people, uKiny of wh.mi were both cultured and chivalrous, with ,1 public si>ectacle of the terrible sufferings of those who had violated no just law of God or man. For three hundred years the Inquisition seized and sacrificed its victims in Spain; and while it no longer ventures to face with its tortures the civilization of the century closing, Spain yet has no religious liljerty, and only grudging toleration. When the Saracens and the Moors conquered Granada, they j.roved by their treatment of the Spaniards that their Moham- medanism possessed less bigotry and intolerance than the type of Christianity illustrated by their antagonists. When, under Ferdinand and Isabella, Granada was con- quered, the land was made desolate liy a barbarous system of warfare, which not only confiscated the property of the con- • piered and destroyed tlieir national wealth, but substantially either drove them into exile or consigned them to slavery. The Spanish theory of government which tliat nation has practiced for four centuries grew out of its military prowess in its wonderful war with the Saracens wdien the nation was uni- fied. It is leased upon military might which first conquers and then holds a people in submission without the slightest care as to their matcirial and social well-l>eing, and which is onl}" -'•I iq)ulous about proinjit [)a3^ments of excessive demands for national revenue and uu(juestioning adherence to the religion <»f the state. March .'in, 1 i'.>2, is the date of one of the most cruel and infamous acts in human history, as on this date at Granada the edict was signed foi' the cxjudsion of 160,000 Jews from Spain becuus<' of their thrift and wealth, and because they declined to be forced to the acceptance of Spanish Roman Catholicism. They hud been native Spaniards for fifty generations. They Anglo-Saxon and Latin Civilizations. 125 were allowed only four mouths to effect their permanent depar- ture, and upon property conditions that made them paupers. The penalty for return was death ; the penalty of compulsory departure was banishment from their homes, with destitution and death in many strange lands. A century later, by religious persecutions, political proscrip- tions, and royal edicts, the Moors had all been driven from Spain. In 117 years Spain drove nearly 700,000 of her peo- ple into banishment. The last years of the fifteenth century witnessed Spain's highest prosperity in all her history. The confiscation of the property of the peoples she had exiled, peace among her various provinces, her victory over Italy, the commerce and treasure of newly discovered countries, and astute rulers made her great and powerful. Columbus, an Italian turned Spaniard, his theories rejected by the other European sovereigns, found favor with Isabella, to whose foresight, sagacity, self-sacrifice, and courage credit must be accorded. It looks like a strange providence that monarchs of the history and character of Ferdinand and Isabella, representing a civilization infamous for cruelties, should be permitted to send out the discoverer of this New AVorld. No sooner had the discoverer set up the cross on the island outposts of the New World— not as a sign of liberty for man, but, as the event proved, the sign of discovery, spoliation, and slavery — than Spaniards in Columbus' train gave vent, in their treatment of the inhabitants, to the inherent qualities of their nature by what has been fittingly described as " a visita- tion of hell." They enslaved the natives, and gave as a reason for their course that it would bring them into contact with the Christian religion. At the various stages of Isabella's progress as a sovereign, she seemed to be moved by humane promptings and generous purposes ; but she was ^vith great uniformity overruled in the jof5 Fdciihi tin Tiroiti'^th Century. o\\^ an.l thwartea in the other. Ecclesiastics could persuade or dissuade her concerning almost any course of action. Irviii". in his "Life of Columbus," says: "Twelve years liad not ehipscd since the discovery of the islaud [of His- paniola], and several hundred thousand of its native inhahi- f.'ints had perished, miseiable victims of the white men." Tlie history of the conquests of Mexico and Peru by Cortez and Pizarro, early in the sixteenth century, reads like a record of the sport of fiends or like a tragedy founded upon the prowess of the emissaries of Satan. Cortez and I*izarro and their following exhibited courage and valoi-, cruelty and treachery, boldness and sagacity, avarice and wantonness. They were faithful exponents of the civiliza- tion which made them [)ossible and of a type of religion which it was both blasphemous and infamous to call Chris- tian. Mexico was enslaved by Spain in 1519, and liberated by rebellion in 1824. Peru was crushed by Spain in 1532, and resurrected by revolution in 1820. It is a marvel that these peoples, after three hundred years of ideal and oppres- sive Spanish rule, are making any creditable advance in self- government. The civil oppressor has departed, but the eccle- siastical opi)i'essor remains, and is making an agonizing effort to maintain his intolerant clutch. In the Preface to "The Rise of the Dutch Republic" M'.tley says: "The splendid empire of Charles V. was erected upon the grave of liberty. The ancient streams of national freedom and liuman progress, tlirough many of the fairest regions of the world, were emptied and lost in that enormous ^Milf. It is a consolation to those who have hope in hiimanitv to wateh, under the reiLcn of his successors, the LM-adiial but triumphant resurrection of the spirit over which the sepuleher liad so long been sealed." Tlie relation of Charles to the Netherlands, where he had l»e.Mi b..rii a!id educatey the Atlantic and the Mediterranean and her colonial possessions embracing the ^vealth of the Orient and of the New World. Captain Malian, in his work on '' The Influence of 8ea-Po\ver upon History," says : " Since the battle of Lepanto in 1571, though engaged in many wars, no sea victory of any consequence shines on the pages of Spanish history ; and the decay of her commerce suflGicieutly accounts for the i>ainful and sometimes ludicrous inaptness shown on the decks of her ships of war." The Spanish were alwa} s defeated by the Dutch and English. Their one victory was ovfT the Turks, after forming an alliance 'with the Pope's forces and the fleets of Venice and Genoa. In loST 3<) P^ni^dish ships destroyed the Spanish war-ships and merchant men in the harbor of Cadiz. Ill 1588 "The Invincible Armada," composed of 130 ships, ;UH5 guns, 30,000 men, 300 monks and priests, and the vicar g«MH'i-al of the Inrpiisition, which it was proposed to set up in Knf,dand, entered the English Channel. The English had f»7 .^hips. After days of battle with shot and fire, re-en- forced by storm, thoic returned to the Spanish coast 54 hiiattered vessels of the "Armada" aud about 10,000 demoral- ized and discase-sti'icken men. A higher civilization was afloat on all sinis. In 1039 a Spanish navy composed of about 70 ships was • aptured or destroyed by about 20 Dutch ships. 1 JIR C()MMA\I)lsUS OK THK OPPOSING FLEETS IN THE SPANISH- AMERICAN WAR. Anr/lo-Saxon and Lathi Civilizations. 129 Id 1718 the Spanish navy ^vas destroyed at Cape Passaro. In 1805 at Trafalgar the combined Spanish and French fleets were defeated by the English. On May 1, 1898, the Spaniard again meets the Anglo- Saxon, of the American type, in Manila Bay, and in a few hours his entire Asiatic fleet is desti'oyed. On July 3, 1898, the best ships of the Spanish navy comprising the Atlantic fleet, which was expected to destroy the cities on the Ameri- can coast, were utterly annihilated at Santiago. A higher civilization was afloat on all seas. History repeated itself in many particulars in these last naval contests between the Anoio-Saxou and the Latin Spaniard. In 1588 Howard in the English Channel commanded a ship named Raleigh, and in 1898 in Manila Bay there was a ship named JRaleigh in Dewey's fleet. In 1588 the loss on the English ships was inconsiderable, ^vhile the Spanish lost two-thirds of their entire force of men and most of their ships. In 1898 the loss on the American ships was inconsiderable, while the Spanish lost all of their ships and all of their men by death or as prisoners. In 1588 the Spanish people were told that the Armada had been victorious, and that " the great dog, Sir Francis Drake," had been taken prisoner and put in chains. In 1898, after the naval battles of JManila and Santiago, the Spanish people were told that the'' Yankee pigs" had been beaten and their commanders had been taken prisoners. One of the Spanish traits emphasized by the war was their capacity for lying, uot simply to their enemies, but to their own people. In their reports of engagements on sea and land it would be difficult to find a single instance in which they told the simple truth. They seemed to have an unconquer- able prejudice, amounting to hatred, against veracity. Their souls seemed to feed on deception as a regular diet. A glim-. mer of the sunshine of truth seemed to dazzle their vision. 130 Faciihj the Twentieth Century. For Sp:iin a war with the United States was necessax}-, to cover up tlu- stealings of military, naval, and civil officers at home and al.ioad and to preserve untarnished her Latin sense of lioiior. MiN. .1. Addison Porter reported from the seat of war that Si)anish troops at Santiago fired upon the Ked Cross ainl)ulauces. Lieut.Miant Joseph A. Carr says : " While under the shadow of the lied Cross I was shot again in the hip. The Spanish seemed to direct their most savage fire wherever they saw the Rfd Cross." This is the all Ijut unanimous testimony of the WMiiiid.'d at Santiago, and of those who had them in charge, among the American troops. In the light of history, the following statement by Father Ilt'cker reads strangely: " Tlie discovery of the Western Continent was eminently a i-eligious enterprise. Columbus had in vain sought aid for his great undertaking from his native city Genoa, from Portugal, Kngland, Venice, and the court of Spain ; and it was after these fruitless applications that Juan Perez, the prior of La R:d)ida, took up his cause and pleaded it Avith so much ear- nestness and ability in a letter to Queen Isabella that she at once sent for Columbus and offered to pledge her je^vels to obtain funds for the expedition. The motive which animated Columbus, in common with tlie Franciscan friar and Isabella tlie Catholic, was the burning desire to carry the blessings of the Ciiristian faith to the inhabitants of a new continent, and it was the ins[)iration of this idea which brought a new world to li-lit." riicre is nothing except the bare fact of discovery, in con- nect ion witli the Spanish conquest and occupation for three centuries of the Amcu-icas, that is worthy of any favorable judL'tiK-iit from iiiaiikiiid. The experiment may have been necessaiN to ])i(.\(' tliat (iod would not permit such a civiliza- tion to control the New World. Anglo-Saxon and Latin Civilizations. 131 Two hundred and seventy-five years ago tbe Latin powers had no rival on this continent. One hundred and fifty years ago there were a few Dutch and English colonists on the northern Atlantic coast. Now, without an exception worth noting, the Anglo-Saxon race rules North America with con- stitutional government based upon Christian principles. Under Spanish occupation, native and African slavery was introduced into the islands Columbus discovered, extermi- nating the original inhabitants, and placing the native races of half the continent in the rear of all the Christian peoples in the world at the end of four centuries. An insane hunt for gold, and the mediaeval union of church and state, were the propelling powers of Spanish- American occupation. The Latin nations — the Spanish, French, and Portuguese — settled and practically occupied the ^vestern continent for two centuries. What did they do for their race, and what did they do in making this and the other American republics? The joint governments of Castile and Aragon, under Ferdi- nand and Isabella, represent the initiation of an era of civil and religious despotism and of a destructive industrial policy which in these four centuries has reduced the proudest nation in Europe to a power that the other nations neither fear nor respect. Spain has always been an exterminator among the nations and never a civilizer. She has never assimilated the peoples she has conquered or ruled, but has isolated and exasperated them to hatred and rebellion. Incapable of governing herself, she of necessity cannot govern colonies. In her conquest of nations in the Old World, and in her conquest of nations and planting of colonies in the New World, she made everything contribute to the increase of Avenlth and i)0wer of the home government ; we will not sav the mother government, because she never sustained such a lelation to the people she subdued as to inspire the feeling of filial loyalty. l^.j F^irinrf th> Tu>:uticth Century. The Spaiiiartl is cruel ami ccniscienoeless, but very religious. The copartnership of bnllfiglits aud religious devotions lef^itimately i»nt to the front a Weyler. '^'The reader will now be able to understand the real nature of Spanish civilization. He will see how, under tbe high- soundinir names of loyalty aud religion, lurk the deadly evils which those names have always concealed, but which it is the business of the historian to drag to light aud expose. A blind spirit of reverence, taking the form of au unworthy and igno- minious submission to the crown aud the Church, is the cap- ital and essential vice of the Spanish people. It is their sole national vice, and it has sufficed to ruin them. From it all nations have grievously suffered, aud mauy still suffer. But nowhrrc in Europe has this principle been so loug supreme as in Spain. Therefore, uowhere else in Europe are the con- setpi.-nct's so manifest and so fatal The idea of liberty is extinct, if, indeed, in the true sense of the word, it ever can lie >aid to have existed. "Spain sleei)s on, untroubled, unheeding, impassive, receiv- ing no impressions from the rest of the world, and making no impressions u]>on it. There she lies, at the further extremity of th«^ Continent, a huge and torpid mass, the sole representa- tiv«' now remaining of the feelings and knowledge of the Middle Ages. And, what is the worst symptom of all, she is satisfied with her own condition. Thouo-h she is the most backward counti-y in Europe, she believes herself to be the foremost. She is proud of everything of w^hich she should be a'^haincfl. She is proud of the antiquity of her opinions ; proud of her oi'thodoxy ; pi'oud of the strength of her faith; proiir] (.f hfi- iiiiiiica-urable and childish credulity; proud of li«-r unwillingness to amend either her creed or her customs; jirond of her hatred of heretics; and proud of the undying vii:ilance with which she has baffled their efforts to obtain a fidl and legal establishment on her soil. " .Ml those things, conspiring together, produce, in their Anglo-Saron and Latin Cioillzatiori.^. 133 aggregate, that inelauchuly exliibitiou to wbicli we give the collective name of Spain, The history of that single word is the history of nearly eveiy vicissitude of which the human species is capable." — " History of Civilization,^'' Buckle, vol. ii. pp. 119-122. ajierica's early escape from the grasp of LATIN CIVILIZATIOlSr. No new worlds on the earth are hidden awaiting a dis- cov^erer. The discovery of the New World completed the territorial circuit of the globe. Civilization must ])e perfected where nations now exist, as no vii-gin soil remains for the planting of new seeds, and no new theater can be opened for the trial of experiments. Pi'oblems must be solved, perils must be averted, principles must be intrenched in the midst of conditions caused by conflicting civilizations. The last, and thus far the most successful experiment in civilization in its western course, is found in the Christian, republican, Anglo-Saxon civilization of the American republic, because it lias secured civil and religious liberty, industrial progress, social happiness, educational opportunities, and individual prosperity to more people under one national and jjolitical system than history has ever before been permitted to record. The race, with its best as well as its worst religions and philosophies, was cradled in the East. But as it moved out and away from its cradle, the character of its civilization has improved in strength and sturdiness in its westward march ; its religions becoming tolerant and its philosophies practical. The races which have remained in the lands adjacent to the birthplace of the race, and multiplied into hundreds of mil- lions, are separated from Western civilization b}^ a chasm the width of which is not measured by seas or continents, but by centuries belated by a conservatism that has erected impass- able barriers. The parallel- <•!' l.ititii.l.' wliifli embrace our geogTaphical ami climatic limitations al.so mnrk the birthplace of the great- est leaders of hiimaiiit v, the theater of the greatest events in histi»rv. of the greatest tiitimphs of genius, and of the proces- sion of the mightiest races of men. We have oreater natural, i)olitical, and economic advan- tai^es than any other people, and therefore greater responsi- bilities. We liave great ]n'oblems to solve. "Unst'ttlcd (juestions and pressing problems are the police i»f tlu' woild. always on duty, giving nations no repose, and biddiiiLT humanity move ever on." How these problems are solved must be dictated by the character of our civilization. Thf theoi'v of our civilization certainly is the greatest good of the irfeatest number, and that greatest number certainly hoKl the political power and fortunes of the common^vealth in their hands. Of our civilization Matthew^ Arnold says: "The political an«l social problem does seem to ])e solved there with re- niarkal)le success." Our civilization is Anglo-Saxon, and Anglo-Saxon civiliza- tion is Protestant civilization. Latin civilization is Roman Catholic civilization. We can hardly subscribe to the sentiment uttered by the late Archbishop Hughes that "The jewels of Isabella the ( 'atholic wdulil l)e an appropriate ornament for the sword of Washington." AVliile we ought to be grateful that Columbus, aided by Isabella, disco vcu'eil the outposts of this continent, we ought to be supremely grateful that the civilization they repre- sented neither ornamented nor wielded the sword of Wash- ington. Papal Spain put Colund)Us in chains and disgraced him, therj scattered monuments over its possessions in liis memory. 'lie- Ancrlo-Sa.xoii intellect and conscience have never in- Anglo-Saxon, and Latin Civilizations. 135 dorsed the pretensions or dogmas of the papacy, although they have at times been compelled to submit to its supremacy. Latin civilization at the present time has only one bond in common, and that is the recognition of Romanism as a polit- ico-ecclesiastical religious power used for political purposes. The first devotion of the Latin is given to a person and not to a principle, but the first devotion of an Anglo-Saxon is given to a principle and not to a person. The English language makes no distinction between law and justice as the Latin language does, and this constitutes the vital difference between the English and Latin civilizations. In countries of Anglo-Saxon civilization an accused man is considered innocent until proved guilty, but in countries of Latin civilization an accused man is considered guilty until he is ])roved innocent. The Dreyfus and Picquart cases in so-called republican France illusti-ate even the most liberal and advanced type of Latin civilization's conception of justice to individual man, where the accused were not only assumed to be guilty, but ^vere denied the opportunity of proving their innocence. The spirit and character of the Inquisition have poisoned the blood of the body politic in every nation where Rome yet has ecclesiastical hold upon the people. Surpassed by Venice in the national rivalry for wealth and empire, and excluded from approach to Asia by any overland route, the nations of Western Europe in their quest for an unobstructed entrance to the golden gates turned westward, andwitliout intent revealed to the Old World a new continent and a New World, which were to furnish the human race a new chance for development, freed from despotism, fanati- cism, and pauperism. The discovery of i^merica is referred to by Humboldt as a " wonderful concatenation of ti'ivial circumstances," which undeniably exercised an influence on the cr)urse of the world's destiny. "These circumstances are," Washington Irving has justly observed, " that if Columbus had resisted the counsel I3tj Facliuj fit' 'DrMitietli. Century. of Martin Al-ii/.o Pin/on, and continued to steer westward, he would havi- entered tlie Cxulf Stream, and been borne to Florida, and from llienoe prol)al)ly to Cape Hatteras and Vir- i^Muia— a circumstance of incalculable importance, since it iiiii,dit have been the means of giving the United States of Ntil-th Ainerica a Catholic-Spanish population in the place uf the Protestant-English, one by which those regions were subse(piently colonized. ' It seems to me like an insi)iration,' said Pinzon to the admiral, ' that my heart dictates to me that we ought to steer in a different direction.' It was on the .strength of this circumstance that, in the celebrated lawsuit which Pinzon carried on against the heirs of Columbus between 1513 and 1515, he maintained that the discovery of America was alone due to him. This inspiration, Pinzon owetl, as related by an old sailor, at the same trial, to the flight iif a floch of parrots, which he had observed in the evening flying toward the southwest, in order, as he might well have conjectured, to roost on trees on the land. Never has a flight of hirJs been attended with more important results^ VviwvA Sigel writes : " If the decree of Pope Alexander VI. had prevailed, the American continent would have become a Sj)anish pi'ovince; but fortunately, not only Portugal, but France, England, the Dutch, and the Swedes very soon entered into practical competition ^vith the Spanish conquerors, and wliile the French began their operations in Canada and in the Mississippi Valley, the English, Dutch, Scandinavians, and Germans settled, slowly Ijut securely, upon the Atlantic coast, forming the very germ and nucleus of what is now the United St.nlt'S of America. " \^)' a coincidence of most fortunate circumstances it so hap- j)ened that, while evei'ywhere else on this continent the des- jxjtif and biLTolrd «;i)vcrjinients of France and Spain held unrestricted sway over conquered provinces, here, on the Eastern sluue of thur f;ithers find the elements out of which they oonstrncted the social edifice ? They found them in the Bible. The plan of a repres.;ntative republic, which they devised, will £^o down with the Scriptui'es from which its principles are drawn, lo tjie latest posterity." Under (jod, these men rescued us fi'om the grasp of a Latin civilization, and furnished fountains of life-blood for a noble national life with all its infinite current of blessings. I^itin civilization, with Its union of church and state, in the Central and South American states, in Mexico and Cuba, reveals to us what we liave escaped. P'^erdinand and Kabflla united the crowns of (Jastile and Aragon and became the inv.-ntors of th»; liKjuisitiou, which sent to death, for the Anglo-Sa^ori. and Latin Cwilizations. 139 crime of holding personal religious opinions, ten thousand of their subjects, and deluged Europe with blood. " Spanish policy in America has always been the same ; a policy of suppression and spoliation, of death and desolation, and it has never been relinquished save wlien set aside ])y successive revolts and revolutions." African slavery was our inherit- ance from Spain. Then Spain vras honored and feared by all nations ; now she is honoi'ed and feared by none but despised by all. The discovery of America marked a new departure in the history of the human race, with the best of the past civiliza- tions surrounding its initial movements. One of our scliolars has said : " America is but another name for opportunity," and one of our orators has said: "The ci-oss on Calvary meant hope ; the cross on San Salvador meant opportunity," but (rod required this goodly land to wait for a prepared race of men to enter into opportunity. As we have seen, our civilization sprang from types of character which legitimately should produce an intelligent, full-orbed, and sovereign maidiood. As the resultant of this American Christian civilization from such a marvelous and composite heredity, we enjoy our dis- tinctively American institutions, principles, and privileges, ^vhich Ave ought to appreciate and which Ave are bound to defend. These institutions are in vital pai'ticulars distinctively American and original, and not inherited from the civiliza- tions of nations of longer lineage. Witli such an inheritance and with such privileges ought not our people to be patriotic? Patriotism is an American instinct. It is the vital air of citizenship in the republic. We welcome the representa- tives of all inferior civilizations to enjoy our superior civili- zation, but not to undermine or destroy it. We welcome the refugees from civil and religious bondage and persecu- tion from all climes to the freedom and protection of our 140 Facing ihr Tirfnfieth Ce7}tury. iustitutiour*, l.m tl.tn must uut confound liberty witli license, nor use uur five air to float the banners of anarchy and niinlisni. AMKIM. AN I'OIMLATIONS AND CIVILIZATION ESSENTIALLY ANGLO-SAXON. All tln' facts and approximate estimates concerning the racial coustitntion of the American people go to show that the Anglo- Saxon element strongly preponderates, constituting nearly two- thirds of the wliite population. Our origin, our language, our institutions, our distinctive character are all x\uglo-Saxon, and the contrilnitions from other races to our national progress have been valualde only as they have been molded ]:>y our institu- tions and have not sought to change them. Dr. Edward E. Cornwall, as the result of discriminating study, fuiiiishes the following statement in the New York >S'«/2, September, 1898 : '• (Jf the 3,000,000 white Americans of 1790, five-sixths were Ani^loSaxon ; the remaining sixth were divided among the Continental Teutonic, the Celtic, and the miscellaneous classes, tile Teutonic embracincr the laro:est share. "Dividing, according to these proportions, the 32,500,000 who in 1890 represented the natural inci'ease of the 3,000,000 of 1790, 1 find that the Anglo-Saxons amounted to 27,000,000, the Continental Teutons to 3,500,000, the Celts to 1,500,000, anil the miscellaneous to 500,000. •' .Now, making a fmal summation, I find that the 55,000,000 wliitt' .\mt'ricans of 1890 are racially divided as follows: Ariglo-S.ixoii of (•-.loiiial ancestry, 27,000,000 Aii«,'lo-S:ix<)n of .American, but jKist-colonial ancestry, . 1,000,000 Arii^'lo-Saxnn of lor.-iirti parentage, 2,000,000 Ariiflo-Saxuii (.f funii^n liiitli, 2,000,000 Tulal Anglo Saxon, 32,000,000 Anglo-Saxon and Latin, Civilizations. Continental Teutonic of colonial ancestiy, . Continental Teutonic of American, but post-colonial an cestiy, ........ Continental Teutonic of foreign parentage, Continental Teutonic of foreign birth, Total Continental Teutonic, Celtic of colonial ancestry, ..... Celtic of American, but post-colonial ancestry, . Celtic of foreign parentage, .... Celtic of foreign birth, ..... Total Celtic, Miscellaneous of colonial ancestry. Miscellaneous of American, but post-colonial ancestry Miscellaneous of foreign parentage. Miscellaneous of foreign birth. Total miscellaneous, . , . , 141 3,500,000 500,000 6,000,000 4,000,000 13,000,000 1,500,000 500,000 3,000,000 2,000,000 7,000,000 600,000 500,000 1,000,000 1,000,000 3,000,000 A ROMAN CATHOLIC TRIBUTE TO OUR ANGLO-SAXON CIVILIZATION. "The Anglo-Saxon race in the United States were given the conservative instincts which arose from their thoi-ongh knowl- edge of the laws and institutions which had been in the old country the outcome and expression of their ^vhole social life — a life continued in the new, and there expressed by the same institutions, the same laws, the same forms of government, in so far as tlie altered circumstances of a new existence permitted their doing so. " God gave the Anglo-Saxon race at home, in what, in the fullest comprehensiveness of the word, we may call the British Constitution, this full embodiment of the character, the tend- encies, the needs of the race ; He gave them with that enlight- ened love and a deep attachment to these forms of their social life. li'J F'irithj th^ Twentkih Century. '• III America these forms, with tlie very important excep- tion of the feudal proprietary system imported into England In' the .VormaiH. were planted and cherished by the early British colonists. It Wiis an invasion of the most sacred con- stitutional rights of the people of the colonies by the British Parliament which h'd to the War of Independence in 1775. The war, miscalletl a revolution, was entirely conservative. Americans fought to defend their rights, to preserve from usurpation or infraction the dearest privileges of British free- men and citizens. The war over, and ev^en from their solemn Declaration of Independence, their governmental forms, their laws, the entire framework of their social life, remained what tlifv had been. " How strange, but how striking, that while the French states- men of 178*J were thus blowing up the social edifice reared by their fathers, and inoculating all the Latin nations with the virus of their own political and religious madness, the assem- bled representatives of the American Union should have been laying sinniltaneously the foundations of a system which j)reserved all that was best in the political life of their fore- fathers."— 6''^e/%'.s ''Life of Leo XIIZ;' pp. 444-4G. S.iiiK^ conception of the blighting effects of Latin civilization upon character and race in the country where its central power i«* located may be had by studying the condition of the emi- grants who have for many years been flocking to this country from K-.iii.' a)iliat constitute Latin races, these are ""t thr only ..r the cliicr factors in determining what nations arc wholly or m part the products uf Latin civilization. The Anglo-Saxon and Latin Civilizations. 143 Latin civilization of the mediaeval and modern centuries is the product of the power and teachings not of Imperial Rome, but of Imperial Papal Rome. Latin civilization, which has had the largest opportunities in all history, has proved itself incapable of founding en- during empires, because it has never based them upon jus- tice and the rio^hts of men ; because it has denied the claims of individual conscience and private judgment ; because it has depended solely upon two forces to hold peoples in subjec- tion — the might of irresponsible railitai-y powei- and the slavery of fanatical and conscienceless ecclesiastical terrors, backed up by the awful sanctions of religion. Its very genius breeds disloyalty among aspiring peoples and degrades the lowly. Anglo-Saxon civilization has founded enduring empires, because its purpose has been to promote the prosperity, the thrift, the comfort, and the happiness of the people it has broufyht under its dominion, throuii-h o-uarantees of civil and religious liberty. It possesses a virility of character Avhicli enables it to colonize without losing its identity, and to bring order out of the chaos of an inferior civilization. It has largely absorbed and assimilated the composite peoples it has ruled, raising them to a higher level instead of being degraded by them. Its very genius is uplifting. Contrast the Latin civilization of Spain Avith the Anglo- Saxon civilization of Great Britain in relation to their efforts at colonization in America. With Spain it was the soldier to subdue, and the priest to convert, that ecclesiasticism might enslave. With Britain it was new fields for industry and for homes, with its ministers of religion appealing to conscience. With Spain it was a quest for treasure ; with Britain it was a search for civil and religious liberty. With Spain, nature was compelled to surrender her wealth by the unrequited toil of slaves ; with Britain, nature was conquered by the sweat of the labor of free men. Ecclesiasticism and Puritanism Ill /-'.i.-uKj llir Tir< nfiefh Cenfiirij. j.r.Mliiced colonial results as autitlietic as darkness and light, as bigotry and toleration, as slavery and freedom. The historv of Knglish colonization in the AVesteru Hemi- sphere, while not exempt from dark chapters, has been a record of fruit fulness for the best civilization. It has multi- plied resources, developed ^vealth, inspired invention, created statesmen, and put a premium upon thrift, enterprise, courage, and capacity. American civilization, or the civilization of the United States, is Anglo-Saxon. An eifort of desperation, on the part of those who seek to dampen the ardor of the newly and cxtensivelv manifested friendship between the United States and (ireat Hiitain, is being made to assault the suggested possil)le Anglo-Saxon Alliance on the ground that the Ameri- cans of to-dav cannot accurately be described as Anglo- Saxons. Siii)[)o>e, for purposes of ai-gumeiit only, we admit the con- tention. Snp[)ose that an inconsiderable portion of our popu- lation arc of Anglo-Saxon origin. These admissions, if they were true, would not chano^e the incontestable fact that our ••ivilization is Anglo-Saxon in contradistinction to Latin civili- zation. It is significant that the chief waiters and speakers in opposition to the closer alliance of the peoples whose institu- tions are the product of Anglo Saxon civilization are them- .s«'lvps. ecclesiastically, the products of Latin civilization. I*r-.f."^«.i- Waldstein in the North AmericcDi Reviev) for August, 181)8, gives as the essential elements of Anglo- Ameri- ean uinty : " A common country ; a common nationality ; a eomiMon lanL'ua<_^e ; conunon forms of wvernmeut : common eultiire, including <'ustoms and institutions; a common his- tory; acoiimi,,ii nlioioii, in so far as religion stands for the same husis of iii..rality ; and, finally, conunon interests." 'I'lie two p.-ojilcs are essentially akin in sufficient of these ••niini'Tal.-d e|.-inents to justify and dictate close and perma- n«-nt .nnify for iiiuiumI weal. British and American institu- A nglo-So/xon and Latin Ci v ilizat ions. 145 tions have largely a common origin and historic development, and both when nnited and when separated they have con- tended for self-government and independence, for civil and religious liberty, and they now have a " common foundation of popular and national ethics and religion." Professor Waldstein also says : " Britains and Americans stand in the forefront of civilization ; in political, social, and economical education they stand as high as any nation, and higher than any group of nations that could be massed against them. In furthering our sphere of influence we are neces- sarily spreading the most advanced and highest results of man's collective efforts in the history of his civilization. An English-speaking brotherhood will, after all, only be a step and link in the general alliance of civilized peoples," In the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries Spain and Turkey were the two greatest and most dreaded powers in the Old World. Turkey is now leaving Europe and retreating into her native Asia. Spain has been expelled from Germany, the Netherlands, France, Italy, the Philippines, and the AYestern Hemisphere. The banner of England in the last quarter of the sixteenth century ^vas excluded from Eastern waters, but at the close of the nineteenth century it floats over merchant- men and warships on every sea, and over benignly ruled colonies around the globe. The contest for the control of the world between the Anglo- Saxon and Latin races for the past two centuries is startlingly set forth in the following statistical facts : 1700 1800 1898. Populations under Anglo-Saxon con- trol, 9,000,000 96,000,000 475,000,000 Populations under Latin control, . 41,000,000 65,000,000 255,000,000 Domain in square miles under Anglo- Saxon control, .... 650,000 8,750,000 15,050,000 Domain in square miles under Latin qontrol, 8,050,000 11,450,000 14,950,000 Ijr, Facing Ihe Iwtnticth Ctuiunj. l)iiri!iiC the niueteeutli century the use of the English lan- lrua^'e tlm>u-h()ut the worhl, in comparison with other Euro- pean hmguages, has increased over fifteen per cent., while there has heen a decrease ranging from one to soven per cent, iu the us<' ..f tlie other European languages, excepting the (ierman, wITkIi has remained stationary. THE SPAXISII-AMERICAN WAK OF CIVILIZATIONS. The nineteenth centuiy closes with a war of civilizations in which Latin civilization, as represented by Spain, is banished fn)m the Western Hemisphere. We are citizens of the great republic which was born on July 4, 1776, which has concededly furnished the most suc- cessful experiment in self-government on the grandest scale the world has ever witnessed. AVe are the heirs of history, and we are living in times when history is being made. The l)est of the past civilizations were focused at the initial move- ments which culminated in a governmental structure with civil and religious liberty as the corner stone. The founda- tions of the republic were laid iu prayer by men who had lied from civil and ecclesiastical persecutions. The republic iu its early history had some minor struggles wiiii other powers, while the crowned sovereigns of the older nations were reluctantly adjusting themselves to the arrival in their midst of a nation of sovereigns. As this stalwart youth among the nations has grown in strength and felt the need of a more ample (hjmain for the exercise of its matured powers, it has increased its possessions to meet its needs. {•'r<'m time to time we have, in sympathy with struggling j.eopl,.^, foiciMy suggested to Old World tyrannical powers fliif thr W'c-trni Hemisphere was not an appropriate field for •■xploitiiig any discarded civilization. And the suggestions lri\e been favoi'abjy acted u[)on with conunendable prompt- II"- . W '• Ii.ive engaged in a teri'ific civil strife and have estal)lislied the integrity of the Union. For thirty-three Aiiglo-Sa.Tjyn and Latin Civilizations. 147 years we had been at peace witli ourselves aiul Avitli the world. We have had growth in numbers and in wealth without a parallel in human history. While enjoying our great privi- leges in perfect security, and furnishing refuge and opportu- nity for millions of the people of the Old World, who had iled to us from hard conditions, we "were compelled to recog- nize the fact that for years a tragedy of horrors was being enacted on the fairest island of the seas and within the very shadow of our Southern domain. Less than one hundred miles from our Southern coast Spain had held Cuba by fire and sword and murder for four cen- turies. It enslaved and virtually exterminated the native pop- ulations, and introduced African slavery. It had never rec- ognized the civil rights of natives even if they were of pure Spanish blood. Its governors general had been appointed that they might become rich by robbing the people and return to Spain to extend their fortunes. When the people of Cuba rebelled, Spain pi-etended to make some liberal con- cessions, and sent over armies to " pacify" by subjugation, and more surely forge the chains of bondage. War after Avar was waged for liberty by the Cubans, one revolt extending through ten years. Their last Avar for free- dom began in 1895, and continued for three years. During that time Spain sought to suppress the insurrection l)y a military force composed of 150,000 imported troops and 75,000 volunteers. The unspeakably infamous General Weyler commanded these forces and ruled the island. He enforced the reconcentrado system. By it over 500,000 non- combatants, largely Avomen and children and aged people, were corraled in the towns, hedged in by bayonets, until over 400,- 000 were starved to death. The crimes of Alva must take second rank with those of Weyler. The following table of statistics was published on the IGtli of February, 1898, in the Christian Herald, whose editor, Br. Klopsch, raised large sums of money for the relief of 148 Facing the Twentieth Century. the reconcentrados, aii.l Miperiuteuded the distribution of supplies. These statistics of Ciibas hunger plagues were furnished by Mr. Sylvester Scovel, then in Cuba, and were drawn from ollieial and other sources. They are believed to be entirely reliable : Normal population of Cuba, .... 1,600,000 Cubans living out of Cuba (lurinj,alie war, . 100,000 fubau insurgent's and llioirfainiiics in tic'ld, . 270,000 370,000 Nunibcr of " concentrados"' in fortitied towns, 1,230,000 Reconcentrados brought into towns (now dead), 380,000 T.owor classes of townspeople (dead), . . 100,000 K-iiiiiited number dead of starvation, .... 480,000 Alive in tlie towns of Cuba to-day, .... 750,000 Tiiese figures are wholly outside of losses sustained by the ;var. Captain (jeueral AVeyler, in an interview published in the Loudon Daily Telegraph, said, when asked if he Lad been cruel : •• 1 don't know. I don't trouble to consider. I am a military man and do not live for myself, but for my country. I was sent to make war upon the rebels, and I did tliis, and neither more nor less than tliis. •• I a;ii old-fashioned enough to think myself merciful. I was rig(jrous, just, and resolute. I had a problem to solve by the ruh's (»f military science. I have earned the hatred and provoked the curses of the sworn enemies of Spain; but it will never cause me a bad night's sleep."" The r nit I'd States by armed force contested Spain's right to rule and i-uin (hiba. President .McKinley, in his Message to Congress, April 11, 18'J8, said : CAPTAIN-GENERAL WEYLER. THE ALVA OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY. Anglo-Saxon and Latin CwUizations. 149 "The only hope of relief and repose from a condition which can no longer be endured, is the enforced pacification of Cuba. In the name of humanity, in the name of civilization, in behalf of endangered American interests whicli give us the right and the duty to speak and to act, the war in Cuba must stop." April 18, 1898, both houses of Congress passed the following- resolutions : " First. That the people of the Island of Cuba are and of right ought to be free and independent. " Second. That it is the duty of the United States to demand, and the Government of the LTnited States does hereby demand, that the Grovernmeut of Spain at once relin- quish its authority and government in the Island of Cuba and withdraw its land and naval forces from Cuba and Cuban waters. "Third. That the President of the United States be, and he hereby is, directed and empowered to use the entire land and naval forces of the United States, and to call into the actual service of the United States the militia of the several States, to such extent as may be necessary to carry these resolutions into effect." As President of the Republic, William McKinley has affixed his signature to two documents that will lend immortality to his fame as a ruler, and will place his name above that of whole processions of hereditary monarchs. The signing of the joint resolutions of Congress for the ex- pulsion of Spain from Cuba by President McKinley at about noon on April 20, 1898, was the Emancipation Proclamation of the Western Hemisphere from the last bondage clutch of a Latin civilization, terminating four hundred years of in- tolerance, rapacity, and cruelty. It was one of the pivotal points in the history of the race. The Proclamation was signed by the firm hand of a ruler in whose veins courses the blood of an ancestry which helped secure for us our civil and religious liberties, and by the hand that wielded a sword i:,0 h\uin>j thfi Tweniieili Century. whirh 1m'1ihh1 ti) mak.' Lincolir.s Kiiiancipation Proclamation flTective in Ijreakiiig tlie chains of millions of loiulsmeu. On June 7. IS'JS, the same hand signed the enactment doing awav with all the disa))ilities incident to the Civil War. \\\ historii- origin and i)re('edent, by ])rinciples of legisla- tive action. I»\- tiie character of our fundamental institutions, I»y judicial more unselfishly Christian to rescue others from peril and redi-ess theii' wrongs than to defend ourselves ; and no one who has the right to live among men would deny the C'hristian right of self-defense. Perjietuation of wrong does not make it right. Tyranny, hoary with years, is tyranny still, and has established no rights whieh Christian men or nations can concede. I*rinci}>l(! anellinle. Some would seek such an alliance, all v^ould recoo-- nizc its onuiipotence. 'I'lie war in which we engaged was initiated upon a high moi:il plane of national responsibility. The adjustment of its results must be kept there. No unworthy partisan politi- cal puiposj' must divert us. The (iod of Nations revealed himself in our international struggle. Let men Avho count themselves statesmen be care- ful how th(w attempt to steady the Ark of God and beware «'f the fate of Uzzah. Let us, as a nation divinely favored in all our history, earnestly and reverently seek his guidance, legislate as he wills, and be careful not to legislate with a purpose to direct the Almighty. Anglo-Sa.con and Latin Civilizations. 155 III an emergency never pr')pbesied or dreanied, a free people's war for humanity and the rights of man caused on May 1, 1898, the starry ensign of the republic, with all it means, to tloat over fertile islands on the other side of the globe, inhabited by eight millions of oppressed, plundered, and misruled people. Thus suddenly the Stars and Stripes took on new beauty for friendly eyes and new terror for the foes of liberty. The sun of heaven now greets the stars of liope in liberty's banner during every hour of ever}^ revolution of the i-ound earth. A blow from the strono- rioht hand of this nation, designed to break the grasp of a cruel oppressor in an islaud just off our coast, first paralyzed the same oppressor's hand, deprived her of her richest colonies, and liberated millions of her victims on the other side of the world. Kinship in suffer- ing and in hopes makes all the race neighbors. We purpose here to give some arguments, facts, incidents and authorities to corroborate the claim that the war was one of civilizations. On April 5, 1898, the writer prepared and pi-esented a report to a Conference, of which he was a member, of some hundreds of ministers of the Gospel, on the state of the country in its relations to Spain. The report was adopted with unanimity and enthusiasm. The action met with severe criticism from various sources. We sul>mit that in the light of history the indictment against Spain reads well to-day. W^e repeat it : " We believe that the following facts constitute an indict- ment demanding the expulsion of Spanish rule from Cuba : " 1. Its destruction of commercial interests of the United States, already making an invoice of millions of treasure. " 2. Its insolence in searching our merchantmen on the high seas, and repudiation of claims for i-estitution. " 3. Its cowardly insult to our honored President, by its representative at our nation's capital. l-,(5 Fiu^ing tJir T'rtntlefh Century. •• \. \u trivial trt'atiiiciit of interuational diplomatic rela- tions, *' 5. Its requiring tlie United States in obedience to bumili- atint*- treaty oljli^Mtious to police the seas, to prevent the extension of assistance to struggling patriots seeking aid. •' G. Its criminally permissive, if not ordered, destruction of the United States battleship Maine, with the loss of the lives of L*»)(j American defendei'S, •' 7. Its barbarity and inhumanity in the methods of warfare, with its treacherous murder of men, its herding and starving of a"-ed men and women and children to the extent of over 4U0,0U0 in number, its ingenious and exterminating tortures of a people it has neither the courage nor the vigor to conquer. *' 8. Its sacrilegious pretext of claiming to be a Christian nation. '' ^. Its prostitution of the moral sense of our citizens by oi^liging them for years to look upon and become familiar with fiendish barbarism so near us that we can almost hear the cries of its victims. *' 10. Its paralyzing power upon the Christian civilization of the century, by holding in darkness, denser than that of the Middle Ages, the inhabitants of the fairest island of the sea. " Humanity, honesty, virtue, reason, liberty, civilization, and Christianity demand the expulsion of this last consum- mate specimen of the frightful cruelties of a Latin civiliza- tion from the island whose shores are touched by the same tides that wash the coasts of this republic. " We want no overtui'es from our government nor to our government for settlement of the burning questions confront- ing us as a nation, based upon propositions emanating from Koine. Let efforts emanating from that source exhaust them- selves in humanizing and civilizing Spain. American institu- tions will guaid their own honor." On Apiil 15, 1898, almost every one of these ten points of t SIGSBEE AND WAINWRIGHT, AND THE "MAINE" AS IT WAS AND AS IT IS. Anglo-Saxon and Latin Oivilizations. 157 indictment, in an elaborated form, was mentioned in tlie report of the Committee on Foreign Affairs of the United States Senate, and upon which the Committee asked the Senate to vote to expel Spain from Cuba by instructing the Presi- dent to use the army and navy for the purpose. When the United States entered upon the war with Spain the President's proclamation explicitly announced the highest principles of civilized warfare, which not only measured up to all the requirements of international law, but took in the domain of courtesy, morality, and humanity. These principles embodied abstinence from privateering, despite the fact that our government was not a party to the international declara- tion prohibiting privateering by the signatory powers, having refused to sign the declaration because the other nations would not agree that all private property on both sea and land should be exempt from seizure, unless it was contraband of ^var. The principles announced substantially carried out our humane propositions which had been rejected by the other nations. The proclamation guaranteed a month's exemption from seizure to all of the enemy's merchantmen loading in or sailing from American ports, and permitted all Spanish vessels which had sailed for an American port previous to the date of the declaration of war to enter that port, discharge their cargoes and resail unmolested. All this leniency was not only beyond the requirements of existing international law, but put war on a more exalted and moi-e humane level than the world had before witnessed, and was in marked contrast Avith the historic methods of warfare of the nation ^vhose corrupt civilization our country was called upon to expel from Cuba. President McKinley, at the Peace Jubilee in Chicago, Octo- ber 18, 1898, said : " It is gratifying to all of us to know that this never ceased to be a war of humanity. The last ship that went out of the harbor of Havana before war was declared was an American i:)^ F<(riini the Tuhulicih Cmtn.ry. ,i.. Nvhiol. Iwul taken to the suffering people of Cuba the ppli.. funilshecl l.y American charity. And the first ship I., sail into the harl)or of Santiago was another American ship Leariui; food supplies to the suffering Cubans, and I am sure ,t i. th" universal prayer of American citizens that justice and Iniiiiiiuity and civilization shall characterize the final settlement of pt-ace'as they have distinguished the progress of the war/' Whenever in naval w.irfare the Anglo-Saxon has been back of the guns wliich have faced the Spaniard he has, with unva- ryinir "unir..rniity, not only defeated him, but destroyed the ships which carried Spain's ensign of mediaeval civilization. Commodore Philip of the warship Texas, ^vllen asked on September 10, 1898, " How about the personnel of the American crews to-day in the matter of birth?" "A large majority;' replied the C'ommodore, "come of Anglo-Saxon and Scandinavian blood. This includes men of direct Ameri- can, English, and Irish pedigree, and the sons of the old Norsemen, and, bunch them all together, they are the best sea-faring and sea-lighting stock on earth. All lend them- selves easily to American citizenship, including the Germans, of whom we have a fair proportion. Of the French and other Latin races we have miglity fe^v." The late Ca])tain Charles V. Gridley of the Olympia wrote from Manila Bay, May o, 1898 : " We are busy now burying their | Spanish | dead and caring for their wouuentative of naval power in this Western Hemisphere should not only bear the name of the discoverer of America, but should l.c sunk near the spot where four centuries ago he planted the Spanish flag, having discovered the outposts of :i new world, and neai- the city where his ashes were believed to repose. San Salvador, one of the Bahamas, where Columbus landed October 12, 1492, is now owned by Great Britain; and Cuba, one of the Antilles, is in the possession of the United States. Thei'e is not an instance recorded in history wliere Spain has given evidence that the welfare of a colony had prece- dence in her thought and purpose. Her standard of colonial government has remained mediaeval, while the world's standard has moved up and a^vay, carrying her possessions with it, until she now stands a pitiable member of the family of nations, stripped of her once extended colonial domain, in the isolation of pride, ignorance, and unrepentant intolerance. l''our elements were always present in Spain's theory and practice of colonial control: heartless tyranny, conscienceless cliiicalisin, mercenary misgovernment, and haughty race dis- t UM'tions. In oui- war with Spain, while it would from a standpoint of lil. T.d principles l)e natural to expect that the South Ameri- can republics would sympathize with the United States, they were not oidy outspoken in their attitude of unfriendliness to- DEWEY'S FLAGSHIP "OLYMPIA." SAMPSON'S FLAGSHIP " NEW YORK. ^^^\ r /- 1... IllA wtm lir'. UbuyM SCHLEY'S FLAGSHIP "BROOKLYN." Amjlo-Saxon and Latin Civilizations. 163 ward lis, but gave many indications of their sympatby with Spain. Their people are of the Latin race and their civiliza- tion is yet dominated by the ecclesiasticism of a Latin civili- zation. Their antagonism to Anglo-Saxon civilization was stronger than their love for the institutions based upon that civilization, although it made even the partial civil and re- ligious liberty they enjoy possible. AVhile the cruelties and crimes of Spain in history, it would be natural to suppose, would touch the character and the des- tinies of our nation more closely if they were committed in the Western Hemisphere than if they were committed in the Old World, the fact remains that the Spanish Inquisi- tion in the Netherlands, and the political and ecclesiastical iniquities of the same origin in France during the sixteenth century, developed forces that, entering into the character of American pioneers, gave our nation much of the moral virility and uncompromising courage which enabled it in its youth, and which has thus far enabled it successfully, to resist the encroachments of a Latin civilization. CUE NEW POSSESSIONS. Consult a map of the world, and as you view the Eastern and AVestern hemispheres, with the Atlantic and Pacific oceans, a fact of geographic interest ^vill present itself. The new possessions of the United States — all of them — lie in al- most a direct line drawn around the globe, Cuba, Port Rico, the Philippines, and Hawaii lie within the same belt of latitude. As islands of the sea, they closely resemble each other in their history, government, religion, and the richness of their material resources. A concise compilation and a clear comparison of the lead- ing facts in the historic record and natural resources of these islands will better enable us to understand the situation, 164 Faciiuj the Twtntleth Century. CUBA. The island of Cuba— the largest among the group kuown JUS the Greater Antilles— lies 90 miles soiitli of the coast of Floriila. It is in latitude 20° N. to 23' N. It occupies 11 degrees of longitude, and is 760 miles iu . length. Its least breadth is from 30 to 36 miles. It is bounded on the north and east by the Atlantic Ocean and the Gulf of Me.vico. and on the south and west by tbe Caribbean Sea. It has six territorial divisions — Pinar Del Rio, Havana, Matanzas, Santa Clara, Puerto Principe, and Santiago de Cuba. Its geographic area is 45,883 square miles. Eno-land has but 5000 more. The State of Penn- sylvania has but 600 less. Cuba was discovered by Colum- bus in 1492 on his first voyage, while sailing westward over the Atlantic with a crew of 90 men. To him it was " the goodliest land that eye ever saw." Geologically, there is evidence that Cuba was, in ages gone by, an extremity of North America. Its climate, while tropical, is mild. Two seasons only are recognized — the dry and the rainy. The dry season is especially delightful. The annual rainfall is estimated to be 40 inches. The atmosphere is singularly transparent. The skies, with their glowing sunsets, are of noticeable beauty. The sea is described as "a deep green with shifting coppery lights, like liquid opal." Cuba, for vegetation, is a terrestrial paradise. It is exuber- ant with ti-opioal luxuriance. It is so fertile that two crops of some cereals may be obtained, at times, in the same year. Sugar, tobacco, and coffee are the principal agricultural prod- ucts. Sea-island cotton of a fine quality is readily raised on the low Jainls of the coast. Besides Indian corn, yams, and sweet potatoes, the pineapple, orange, banana, fig, and pome- granate grow freely. Cocoa, honey, and wax are among the e.x'ports. It is estimated that there are njore than 10,000,000 acres of dense, uncleared forests, rich in hard and valuable Anglo-Saxon and Latin Civilizations. 165 woods like cedar, ebony, and maliogauy. The island is moun- tainous. The copper mines of Santiago de Cuba are rich in useful ores. The cataracts and caves of Cuba, "The Pearl of the Antilles," are a wonder to the traveler. The habitable area of Cuba is but little more than 32,000 square miles, with a population estimated to be 1,631,000. The aborigines were long since practically exterminated. Spaniards, Cubans of Spanish ancestry, Africans, mulattoes, and a few Asiatics constitute in part the racial distinctions. They are divided largely into so-called " Peninsulars " and " Insulars," into whites and negroes. The negro element to-day is represented by scarcely more thau a quarter of the entire population. African slavery existed for many years. It was abolished as recently as in 1886. Industry, euterpi-ise, and thrift Lave not had encourage- ment in the Island of Cuba, during all these centuries of Span- ish misgovernment. Under Spanish dominion, with its lust of wealth and power, Cuba, though rich in its latent resources, beautiful in its landscape, and fertile in its loamy soil, has been permitted to remain practically uncultivated and unde- veloped. Armed occupation on the part of its Spanish con- querers and owners has been ceaseless — with only brief intermissions — for four hundred years. A Spanish governor general has from time to time been appointed by the authori- ties in Madrid. Even Spaniards themselves, not native to the soil of Spain, have been excluded from holding office in Cuba, whether civil or military. " Creoles " — that is, people of Spanish blood born on Cuban soil — have had no place in the official or governing class. The proud Spanish grandees and hidalgos have held in contempt a people whose annual reve- nues, amounting to many millions, while collected in Cuba, have been spent or treasured in Spain. "The Roman Catholic is the only religion tolerated in Cuba." This statement, made by a traveler in 1896, will never again be truthfully uttered. 106 Farinn the Twentieth Ceoitury, PORTO RICO. This is among the smallest of our recent conquests, yet, perhaps, the most attractive and interesting. It is one of the West India Islands, southeast of Cuba. It lies 70 miles east of Hayti ; it is 108 miles long, and a little less than 40 l.road.' Its area is estimated to be 3668 square miles. A backbone of hills, running east and west, finds its loftiest elevation at the northeast, in a peak 3600 feet high. These liills are influential, as they intercept the trade winds and ait'ect meteorologic conditions. Well- watered, the hilltops covered with fruits, the island presents a l)eautiful appearance. It was discovered by Columbus in Novend^er, 1493. In 1511 the city of San Juan was founded })v Ponce de Leon. The aboriginal inhabitants were piomptly subdued and speedily disappeared. The pres- ent population of the island is estimated at a little more than 800,000. Spaniards, Germans, Swedes, Danes, Kussians, and other people of European origin, occupy Porto Rico, Avith natives of the Canary Islands and a few Chinese. Sugar and coffee are the two staples. Tobacco, cotton, rice, and maize, with the fruits belonging to the tropics, are successfully culti- vated. With a soil extremely fertile, the exports of Porto Rico are comparatively large and remunerative. Exports and imports more than doubled in value between the years 1850 and iss.".. Only salt mines are worked, though gold, iion, copitei", and coal may be foiuid. San Juan, the i-apital, lies on the north coast. A palace, a cathedral, t.)\vii hall, and theater are there. Ponce, Mayaguez, and Xagnabo ai-e the other principal towns. The people are ordinarily intelligent, their religion, as might be expected, is the state religion of Si)ain. The degree of their civilization is what Spanish subjection and priestly domination have allowed. Ill l.^•_'ll ili(' Poi'to llicans attempted to throw oil:' tin- Spanish yoke, but in \ain. Tntil the United States came Avgh-Saxoii and Latin Civilizations. 167 into possession of this island, in 1898, the Spanish government was supreme. This island is the only one of the entire num- ber of islands wrested from Spain as the result of the late war over which the United States claims ownership and permanent sovereignty. THE PHILIPPIlSrE ISLAIS^DS. The Philippine Islands constitute an arcliipelago in them- selves. They nnml)er, islands and islets, b}^ various estimates from 600 to 1 200. The principal islands are Luzon, Mindanao, Samar, Panay, Negros, Palawan, Cebu, and Mindoro. Tlie area of the entire group is estimated to be 114,000 square miles. Luzon and Mindanao exceed in area all the others put to- gether. They are of volcanic origin. Two of the volcanoes are active. They have been destructive. The Albay volcano towers, a perfect cone, to the height of over 8000 feet. Eartli- quake shocks are not infrequent. In view of this fact, the islanders generally ])uild tlieir homes of light material, with grass or palm-leaf roofs. Tlie climate is essentially tropical, and is described as a continual summer, tlie temperature vary- ing but little from 80^ F. As might be expected, the Philip- pine Islands are rich in agricultural products, though the land is largely undeveloped. The population, a mixture of races, is estimated at between 7,000,000 and 8,000,000. In view of their tropical environment, the ]_)eople are naturally of an indo- lent disposition. They are said, however, to be ingenious. Their devices for manufacture are as yet crude. Still, they manufacture and export large quantities of manila hemp. Kice, sugar, and coffee, with tobacco, are among the products of their fertile soil. The islands are abundant also in vegeta- ble and fruit products. From the cocoanut's meat and milk the inhabitants prepare various drinks, foods, spirits, and medicines. The Philippine Islands were discovered March 16, ir321, by Hernando Magellan, a Portuguese noble, who had renounced 1,;(^ Fari„(i tht Tirtutleih Cerdnry. his alK'i, Mau^ellan sailed the Pacific Ocean for months before he leached the Lad rone Islands. Subsequently, coasting along tlie island of Mindanao, he landed, upraised the Spanish flag, and took formal possession in the name of Charles I. The population is decidedly mongrel. Spaniards, Chinese, and an English-speaking contingent coustitute a large pro- portion of the foreign element, which is represented mostly in Manila anssessioiis, and destroyed the Spanish fleet under Admiral Montojo. On Octol)er 31 the United States Peace Commis- sion presented the demand of this nation for the Philippines ; and on December 10 the Treaty of Peace was signed at Paris. Hy this Spain yielded her possessions in the Pacific archi- pelago to the government of this nation. THE LADEONE ISLANDS. The Ladrone Islands constitute fifteen links in a seeming chain of islands. They ai'e found in the Pacific Ocean, north .jf the Cai-olines. Their latitude is U° and 21^ North, their longitude 144*^ and 146*^ East. They were discovered by ^[agellan March (3, 1521. They are variously named " Los Ladi-(»nes" or "Las Marianas.'' The lai'gest island is Guahan or Guam. It is the most southern of the entire group. Like the Philippines, these islands are mountainous ; the northern group is especially so. Their estimated area is 200 square miles. Agriculture has been greatly neglected : yetarecaand cocoanut palms, rice, maize, sugar, tobacco, indigo, fruits, and castor oil are named among the products. The cliiuate and soil artj most favorable to their better cultivation. Swine and oxen are permitted to run wild. The population of these inlands is aljout 8000. It is made up of the descendants of the al)(^rigines, of settlei'S from the Philippines, and of others < »f a mixed race. Excepting a colony from the Caroline Islands, the majoi-ity of the population ai'e lacking in energy. '^J'he natives themselves are indolent and even laz}^ They have been oppressed and dispirited. Their numbers have been ie.ii fully \\;i-t(d l,y Spanish conquest. AVithin two centuries llw original i-laiideis suft'ered losses which i'e(luced their Anglo-Saxon and Latin Civilizations. 171 population from an estimated 50,000 to less tlian 2000. During one year a large proportion of the population died from an epidemic. With such a history and such discourage- ments, it can scarcely be matter of wonder that, apart from the influence of climate, these people should be inactive, poor, and of doubtful moral character. With but few schools and little encouragement oy opportunity for the development of their intellectual, social, and spiritual life, these people all speak Spanish and have thus far been under the Spanish form of government and the Spanish form of faith. On the 25th of May, 1898, the first Manila expedition started from San Francisco; and on June 21 the Ladrone Islands ^vel•e captured, and Guam is now the possession of the United States by the Treaty of Paris. THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. The Hawaiian Islands — long known as the Sandwich Islands — are found in the Noi'th Pacific Ocean. They lie between 18^ 54' and 22° 2' N. hit., in long. 155° and UV ^Y. These islands are twelve in number, four being as yet prac- tically uninhabited. The island of Hawaii is the largest of the group. Their total area is estimated as 6740 square miles. They were discovered by Captain Cook in 1778, and were named by him in honor of the Earl of Sandwich, first lord of the Admiralty at that time in England. The Span- iards claim a previous discovery. The native population represents the Malayo-Polynesian race, their complexion being of a reddish brown. Their number, originally 200,000, is to-day less than 31,000. Half-castes, Japanese, Chinese, Portuguese, and an English-speaking people, with German, French, Norwegians, and others complete the population of 109,000. Sugar, coffee, tropical fruits, and rice are the main products. The large exportation of sugar in 1895 was nearly doubled in 1897. In the matter of imports, American products have had marked preference. The islands are 171? Fanng ilie Twentieth Century. inountainoiH and volcanic. The mineral products are said to W scanty. The native Hawaiians physically are tall and mus- cular. Tliey are more industrious and enduring than other island. MS of the Pacific living in a climate less salubrious. In moral character and intelligence, they are what might be expci'ted a ])eople would be so recently recovered from can- niljalism and subsequently the victims of European vices. Intemperance and licentiousness have done much to threaten the actual extinction of the race. In 1820— about thirty V»'ars after the discovery of these islands — they were visited ijy American missionaries. They succeeded in reducing the native lanofuaire to writing. The advancement of the Hawai- ians in civilization was very marked. Their ancient idola- trous religion was lonfr since abandoned. The inhabitants of the islands have formally accepted the Christian faith. At one time in their early histor}^ an attempt was made by force of arms to establish the Roman Catholic religion among the Ilawaiians; but an appeal from the native sovereign to the liritish government, to France, and the United States secured the independence of their islands in 1844, under King Kame- haiiirha III., and precluded the possibility of the repetition of this and kindred outrages. The form of government be- came that of a coustitutional monarchy, with a legislature appointed in part by the king, and in part elected by the people. Each of the larger islands had a governor appointed by tilt' king, while diplomatic and consular agents were received iVoni and sent to foreign powers, Honolulu, the capital, stands on the S. W. coast of the island Oahu. It is 2100 miles fi'om San Francisco. With a good harbor, the capital I'f Hawaii is connected by mail steamers with the great eiitnpots of Great Britain, Australia, the United States, and the European continent. In .lamiary, 1898, Queen Liliuokalani and her cabinet ^v^'l•e in (lisaL^reement about a new constitution. A committee of safety took possession of the government. Liliuokalani Anglo-Saxon and Latin Civilizations. 173 was deposed and then imprisoned. The people, chiefly American residents, established a provisional government. Mr. Stevens, the United States Minister, sustained them in their action, to guard American interests. A republic was proclaimed on the 4th of July, 1894. After a constitution liad been adopted, the cpiestion of annexation to the United States was agitated. Sanford B. Dole was chosen president of the Hawaiian Republic, his term to expire in the year 1900. On June 16, 1897, a treaty was signed by the plenipoten- tiaries of the United States and of the Republic of Hawaii, providing for the annexation of the islands. July 17 the offered cession was adopted by the United States Congress. The transfer of sovereignty was accomyjlished August 12, 1898. On the presentation of a certified copy of the resolu- tion of Congress by Rear Admii'al Miller to President Dole at Honolulu, the sovereignty and public property of the Hawaiian Islands were yielded to our representative. The oath of allegiance to the United States ^vas taken by the Hawaiian authorities, and the administration of the Hawaiian government proceeded subject to the future enactments of the United States Congress. The Hawaiian Commission appointed by President McKin- ley, under provision of Congress, consisted of Sanford B. Dole, President of Hawaii ; Judge Frear of the Supreme Court of Hawaii ; United States Senators Morgan and CuUom, and Mr. Hitt, Chairman of the Committee on Foreign Affairs in the House of Representatives. On December 6, 1898, the i-eport of the Commission was presented to Congi'ess, providing for a territorial government of our new possessions. In his Annual Message subsequently. President McKinley said con- cerning the work of this Commission : " It is believed that their recommendations will have the earnest consideration due to the magnitude of the i-esponsibility resting upon you to give such shape to the relationship of these mid-Pacific 174 Fariiuj the IwentM Century. lands to our hoine Union as will benefit both in the highest .U'^'ree; realizing the aspiration of the community that has .art its lot with us and elected to share our x^olitical heritage, whiU' at the same time justifying the foresight of those who for tliree-(iuarters of a century have k)oked to the assimila- tion of Hawaii as a natural and inevitable consunmiation, iu harmony with our needs and in fulfillment of our cherished traditions." PART IV. THE MENACE TO AMERICAN INSTITUTIONS FROM POLITICO-ECCLESIASTICAL ROMANISM. PRELIMINARY. We have given some accouut of the sources of our civiliza- tion and of the institutions which are the product of that civilization, and also some account of the type of civilization whose grasp under the providence of God we escaped in the early history of our country, when the fiber of our body politic was being formed, and whose last colonial tyrannical rule has been banished from the Western Hemisphere, as the result of a short but decisive contest on sea and land between the forces of our Anglo-Saxon civilization and the mediaeval Latin civilization of Spain. We now propose to consider the claims, relations, and methods in our Republic, of the prime factor which produces a Latin civilization and which constitutes its one abiding characteristic and cohesive power throughout the world, which bears the name of politico-ecclesiastical Romaniism. We look upon this power as an active, persistent, and omnipresent menace to American institutions. Politico-ecclesiastical Romanism presents claims concerning universal dominion in both spiritual and temporal affairs; concerning the essential character of civil liberty; con- cerning religious liberty and the union of church and state ; and concerning the voter as a citizen and responsible sovereign, in direct antagonism to the genius and guarantees of American institutions. It sustains relations to party 175 17t; Fiunnij the Ticentittli Century. politics and ix.liticiaus ; to legislutive, executive, and judicial adininistratioii; to educatiou and the schools; to the press nud literature ; to charitable, reformatory, aud penal institu- tions ; to labor and other organizations and to corporations ; to the boycott and the boss; to "Rnm, Romanism, and Rebellion "; to the government of the commercial metropolis of the New AVorld ; and to the Spanish- American war, which prove it a constant corruptor of political life and a persistent disturber of the equal and peaceful relations of citizens in public and in social life. It practices methods in assuming to make condescending concessions to American institutions; in preserving voting solidarity by promoting isolation and preventing assimilation iu citizenship ; in insisting upon all Romanists entering civic associations as Romanists and not as Americans; which are humiliatino- to national self-respect, detrimental to the best interests of its own people, and which put a premium upon corrupt political bargains. AVe propose to conclude this department of our discussion with proofs showing the decline in both numbers and politi- cal power of Romanism throughout the world ; and to furnish, in the Appendix to this volume, a carefully sum- marized statement of ecclesiastical and canon law from Reople want to know the authenticated facts about the insidious encroacluuents by political Romanism upon our republican institutions, and the methods resorted to by its apologists to conceal the purposes of encroachment. In the course of this discussion it will be found necessary to (piote largely from the utterances of the opponents of our institutions, "our enemies themselves being judges." Other- wise the wily and astutely unscrupulous Roman critic will say that the statements are false and have no foundation in fact ; the common method of aro-umeut with him beinir to call his antagonist a liar and persecutor, and then to act as though he thought that simple rude denial annihilated facts. Xot a quotation is made in these pages that cannot be authenticated. Large opportunity is afforded here, in the discussi«jn of the various relations of Romanism to our insti- tutions, to li.T highest authorities and representatives to ^|n'ak tlifii- miutls freely and prove our contention against her. We are aware that books and pamphlets by the thousand have been written upon the relation of political and religious IJ"iii;iiiiviii to oui- iiistitulioiis, until many people have become wcaiird because of the irresjionsible chai'acter of much of this Politico- Ecclesiastical Roman ism . 179 literature. But the purpose of tliis discussion is, dispassion- ately and without exaggeration, to place the menace of polit- ico-ecclesiastical Romanism in the midst of a discussion of the institutions which it is in honor bound loyally to maintain and not seek to pervert or destroy. One of the results of this discussion of the menacing rela- tions of Romanism to our civil institutions will be that politicians among clergymen, office-holders, office-seekers, and other public men, will rush into print and speech to declare that they know many men among their Roman Catholic constituents and acquaintances who are just as loyal and patriotic as any other citizens, and from this particular premise will vociferously assert that Romanism as a system is not hostile to our institutions, but is liberal in this coiuitry and is adapting itself to the character and genius of American republicanism. There can be now, and there have been for years, but two reasons for this kind of unintelligent talk: gar- rulous ignorance and political selfishness. Every ecclesiastical, secular, and political organization must be held responsible for the- official announcements of its highest authorities ; and the responsibility is neither modified nor annulled because some members of these organizations, in spite of their politi- cal or other creed, are, because of the slack hold the organi- zation of which they are a part has upon them, Just so much better than their creed. The virtue of a higher loyalty to civil institutions, at the expense of lower loyalty to an accepted eeclesiastical system, must be measured by each man's con- ception of moral obligation. But where evident antagonism of principle exists there can be no debate and no compromise, with honest men. " No man can serve two masters." The safe American programme must be absolute civil and religious equality before the law, for all of whatever faith, including Roman Catholics, as citizens but not as Romanists, and with no special privileges for any, and with prompt and stern resistance to any aggressions upon our institutions in the 180 F(h'ing the Tirentieth Century. interests of sectarian propagation at public expense. A lamentable lack of courage in tliese vital matters now exists among our countrymen. Virile and fearless leaders are in demand vvlio will refuse to consult expediency or selfishness, an.l w lio believe that the battle of justice promptly fought is both more surely won and more beneficent in its permanent results. P^verv iutellif^ent citizen knows that the essential principles of Romanism are antagonistic to free institutions in the abstract, but the concrete consideration is here proposed. In our study of abstract principles in securing legislative and constitutional changes in the nation and in the States for the protection of the common schools and for the prohibi- ti(^n of sectarian appropriations, we have found that politico- ecclesiastical Romanism is not only the chief obstacle in the path of such legislation, but that it tries in every possible way to circumvent where it cannot defeat. We are therefore forced to study the concrete. It is high time that these questions "were thus considered. In response to abstract assertions and negations of Roman functionaries and their apologists among political, commer- cial, cowardly, and self-interested Protestants, one individual instance of the practical illustration of a theory is more convincing than volumes of abstractions. This power has the most minute ramifications in municipal, State, national, and international affairs. It is an impertinent and dangerous meddler in all civic concerns. ■] How is it that the secuhir papers will discuss and criticise the theology and internal economy of Presln^terianism, Meth- odism, Episcopal ianism, and other Protestant Churches and uiiifuiiiily deal so gently with Romanism? The reader knows \\ Iiv. Why is it that when vigorous and truthful thim^s are said about the aggressions of Rome, by assemblies of public men \'\\iv a Methodist or a Baptist Conference, some Protestant Politico- Ecdesiastical Romanism. 181 preachers and laymen begin to protest and apologize, indi- cating that their tender feelings Lave been hurt ? Nothing of this kind ever occurs on the part of Koman priests when Protestants are assaulted from any source. This state of facts disgusts men in normal condition. Komanists claim and exercise the right in this country, while enjoying tlie liberties so dearly bought for them, to criticise and undermine our fundamental institutions, but chafe and protest against any criticism of their methods and eiforts. We make no apology for plain speaking concerning this interference with our civil affairs and institutions, but propose to get out of the prisoner's box and put the aggress- ive enemy on the defensive. "When Hercules turned the purifying river into King Augeus's stables, I have no doubt the confusion that resulted was considerable, all around ; but I think it was not Her- cules's blame ; it was some other's blame " (Carlyle). Knowing perfectly well the value of cunning accompanied by fair pretenses, the Church of Rome carefully conceals her methods, and in a measure disclaims any movement against our institutions. But this only serves to increase the danger. Under any circumstances the Roman Catholic Church would be the natural enemy of the principles which underlie our theory of government. But when we properly understand her methods it is easy to see that the danger is lai-gely increased, because the appearances are so strongly calculated to mislead. Assuming honesty on the part of conspicuous Roman Catholics, they are forced into the most humiliating incon- sistencies in attempting to be loyal to the politico-ecclesiasti- cal features of Romanism, and at the same time loyal to fundamental American principles and institutions. The knowledge of the facts we state does not in any way detract from our confidence in and admiration for many Romanists, whom we personally know, and in whose charac- J go luiriiKj the Twentieth Century. wx un.l patiic.tisni ^ve liave faith. It is tlie system we con- aemu ill its political workiugs. Tht'iv are some hopeful indications that honest and mtelli- .reiit Koiiiau Catholics are bi-eakiug away from the bondage of politico-ecclesiastical power. They are asserting independ- tMice as voters in increasingly hirge numbers. They are patronizing the public schools, thus defying ecclesiastical dic- tation in these matters, and thus acting like Americans in their intercourse with their fellow-citizens. Some of the most conspicuous members of the Koman Catho- lic faith in public life, who are genuine xlmericans, resent the persistent pushing of politico-ecclesiasticism into public affairs. Many priests tell us so. But they fear to state their senti- ments publicly, as it would involve ecclesiastical penalties and would probably end their priestly and religious work. Such men are especially helpless. We kno\v many priests and Roman Catholic laymen Avho despise the political machinations of the hierarchy, but they dare not speak out, for they would be punished and degraded, as many have been, for trying to think and act for themselves. Di". McGlyun told some wholesome truths once, but was soon crushed by punishment ; called down from his old throne of power in New York, and, having returned to subserviency, was l^anished to obscurity. He was graciously permitted, in ISOT, to come to town and pronounce a eulogy over the dead }>ody of his friend Henry George, and then he obediently returned to exile. Many of these Roman Catholic priests and laymen agree with us in the attitude taken in this volume concerning the menace to our institutions from politico-ecclesiastical Roman- ism. Some of tliem have furnished us with many of the facts used in this discussion. These men ought to be liberated from the bondage which is a constant humiliation. One j)urpose of this plain discussion of the relation of polit- ico-ecclesiastical Romanism to American institutions is not to Politico- Ecclesiastical Roman ism. 183 deprive American citizeus who adhere to the Roman Catholic religion of any of their rights, but to convince them, if it may be, that they put themselves under suspicion when they act in civic matters, first as Komanists, then as American citizens ; and also to warn American citizens that they must watch Romanists when they enter politics as Romanists and try to set up an i'mi)ermm iti imperio^ and resist them because they then constitute a peril. Because many writers, convinced of the iniquity of Roman- ism as a religion, make assaults upon the religious character of popes, cardinals, archbishops, bishops, priests, and laymen, many people look upon anything said about politico-ecclesi- astical Romanism as a part of the same crusade. We have here only to do with the corrupting political power of ecclesi- astical Romanism. Let citizens take note of this and not allow themselves to be blinded by the attempt to sound the false alarm of religious persecution. We purpose in this presentation to warn politico-ecclesias- tical Romanism and professional politicians, and inform the American people concerning the illicit ^partnership existino- between these self-constituted masters, and seek to lead reli- gious men and organizations to be patriotic in their own right and not dupes and slaves to the will of any foreign or domestic tyrant. Everything in the relation of sects to public or private asso- ciations, organizations, or individuals, that is not evideutlv and axiomatically religious and altruistic in its purpose, must be classed as political or ecclesiastical. Honest, unselfish citizens not only want to know facts and act in the light of them, but the}" do not understand why other honest citizens should seek either to conceal facts, or refuse to face them in a manly way, when they are brought to light. No moral principle and no civil or religious right of man were ever promoted by secrecy or concealment. Indirec- tion in methods and trickery in purpose can only thus pros- Is I F,tring the Tirfinfiptli Oenturij. per. .K'suit coclesiastieisiu is aii historical synonym for un- M-rupulous iudireotion and carnally cuniiing trickery. All these pnrposes are alien to republican institutions. They are the progenitors of all tricksters in politics and the debauchers ..f the i)olitical conscience. I^-ofessor S. F. B. Morse says that Lafayette, who was a i:..iiianist by birth and edacation, said to him, and again and a-ain rejjeated th- warning: "If the liberties of the American people are ever destroyed, they will fall by the hands of the liuuiish clergy." The iLcnorance of American history and of the sources of onr civilization, indifference to the underlying principles of our .Government and of our liberties, the pusillanimity of many citizens inspired by ignorance and sloth, constitute elements of strength to Romanism and of peril to our institutions. And this class of people call themselves liberal and wisli to be counted smart and conservative. It is the conservatism of persistent ignorance and the smartness of unreasoning egotism. Political party leaders must be made to understand that thev have to reckon with the overwhelming majority of our citizens as well as with the minority solidarity under politico- ecclesiastical conti'ol. Tlie (piestion of ecclesiastical interference in American p clitics has been raised as a vital issue before the people, and has been persistently and openly pushed by the Koman ('ath.)rK-;, and the American people must pronounce their verdict upon it. The issue cannot be side-tracked, the (pies- tion cannot be laughed out of court. 'I'hat wise and experienced and. venerable statesman, the Hon. K. W. Thompson, in his work on "The Papacy and. the Civil Power," makes the following comments on the relations of th'i l^ipacy to the organic law of the land (pp. 209--11) : *" The (Constitution of the United States repudiates the idea of an established religion, yet the Pope tells us that this is ill violation of dod's law, and that, by that law, the Roman Polifi<'o-Ecdesta-'^fic(d Romanian. 185 Catliolic religion should be made exclusive, and tliat tbe Roman Catliolic Churcli, acting alone tli rough him, should have sovereign authority, 'not only over individuals, but nations, peoples, and sovereigns,' so that the whole w^orld may be brought under its dominion, and be made to obey all the laws that he and his hierarchy shall choose to promulgate ! And that this same church shall have power also to inflict ^vhatever yjenalties he shall prescribe upon all those who dare to violate any of these laws ! Tlie Constitution guarantees liberty of speech and of the press ; yet the Pope says this is ' tlie liberty of perdition,' and should not be tolerated. The Constitution requires that all the people, and all the churches, shall obey the lav/s of the United States; yet the Pope anathematizes this provision, because it requires the Roman Catliolic Church to pay the same measure of obedience to law that is paid by the Protestant churches ; and claims that the government shall obey him in all religious affairs, and in all secular affairs which pertain to religion and the church, so that his ivill, in all these matters, shall hecoiiie the hno of the land. The Constitution subordinates all churches to the civil power except in matters of faith and discipline; yet the Pope declares this to be heresy, because God has commanded that the Government of the United States, and all other govern- ments, shall be subordinate to the Roman Catholic Church. The Constitution repudiates all ' royal power,' yet the Pope con- demns this, and proclaims that the ^vorld must be governed by 'royal power,' in order that it may protect the Roman Catholic Church to the exclusion of all other churches ! The Constitution allows tlie free circulation of the Bible and the right of private judgment in interpreting it; yet the Pope de- nounces this, and says that the Roman Catholic Church is the only ' living authoi'ity ' which has the right to interpret it, and that its interpretation should be the only one allovved, and "hould be protected by law, while all others should be con- demned and disallowed. In all these respects, and upon each Ig6 Flood. We hope to be able to show that des})ite the multiform evi- dences of the active presence and persistent threats of this niciKK'f to civil and I'eligious liberty which has become hoary witli ai^e, by extended study and increased watchfulness the inheriti';il possession. "The Pope has the right to give countries and nations POPE LEO XIII. Politico- Ecclesiastical Romanism. 189 which are non-Catholic to Catholic regents, who can reduce them to slavery. " The Pope can make slaves of those Christian subjects whose prince or ruling power is interdicted by the Pope. " The Pope has the right to annul State laws, treaties, con- stitutions, etc. ; to absolve from obedience thereto, as soon as they seem detrimental to the rights of the Church, or those of the clergy. " The Pope possesses the right of admonishing, and, if needs be, of punishing the temporal rulers, emperors, and kings, as well as of drawing before the spiritual foi'um any case in which a mortal sin occurs. " AVithout the consent of the Pope no tax or rate of any kind can be levied upon a clergyman, or upon any church whatsoever. " The Pope has the right to absolve from oaths, and obedience to the persons and laws of the princes whom he excommunicates." Cardinal Manning says : " There is a divine obligation binding: the Church to enter into the most intricate relations Avith the natural society or commonwealth of men, or, in other words, ^vith peoples, states, and civil powers. " The Church has in every age striven to direct, not the life of individual men only, but the collective life of na- tions in their organized forms of republics, monarchies, and empires. " As soon as the society of the empire became Christian, the Church penetrated all its legislative and executive action. The temporal power of the Pontiffs is the providential con- dition under which the Church has fulfilled its mission to human society. "The Church never withdraws from the state as such, which would be to abandon the natural society of man to its own maladies and mortality. " While it permits tlie sons of heretics to frequent its own 1;hi F(tr'ntse of the Founder of Christianity was universal empire, by the extension of his reign of love over the hearts of men. The purjmse of politico-ecclesiastical Romanism is universal empire, but by diflVient methods than those used by the Founder. If Roman Catholicism had adhered to the methods (,f the Founder of Christianity, and politico-ecclesias- Politico- Ecdesictsticcd Roma nism. 191 ticism had not come to be supreme, Catholicism would to-day have auiversal empire, with no rival in the affections and loj'alty of men. The evolution which has turned the religion of primitive Christianity into Romanism has had its germ and propelling power in p'olitico-ecclesiasticism. The universal rule of the known world by Augustus has been the type of the ambition of all the Popes. The avowed purpose of universal spiritual and temporal empire, on the part of Roman Catholicism, differentiates it l)oth in the scope and character of its claims fi'om all other Christian organizations. Milton said: "Popery is a double thing to deal with, and claims a two-fold power, ecclesiastical and political, both usurped, and the one supporting the other." The claims of Romanism, when properly understood, admit of no limitation whatever. They are simply absolute, and amenable to no human law. According to Cardinal Man- ning, " The Church itself is the divine witness, teacher, judge of the revelation intrusted to it. There exists no other. There is no tribunal to which appeal from the Church can lie. There is no co-ordinate witness, teacher, or judge who can revise or criticise or test the teaching of the Church. It is sole and alone in the world. . . It belongs to the Church alone to determine the limits of its own infallibility." The attempt on the part of the Popes to establish some official relation with the United States as the initial step toward more extended dominion, furnishes an interesting chapter in our national history. "The illustrious Pope Pius IX. showed his interest in America also by sending a Nuncio to the United States. Our Government some years previously had sent an Ambassa- dor to Rome, apparently without any knowledge of the long established system of diplomatic intercourse between the Popes and foreign powers. No intimation was given to the li:,._) Fariug the Twentieth Century. ll.,,N >c,- of any wish on tlie part of the American Govern- ment to derogate fi'oin tlie custom of centuries. The Sov- erei«-^n Pontiff did ii(»t at once send a Nuncio to this country, })ut in 1S52 lie dispatched Mgr. Cajetan Bedini, Archbishop of Tiiebes, a prelate of great ability, learning, and mildness, as Nuncio to 15i'azil, and intrusted him with a letter to the Pi-esident of the United States, so as gradually to open oflicial intercourse. '*At this moment an anti-Catholic excitement had again arisen in the United States. An organization known as the Order of United Americans had spread over the country, the object of \vhich was to exclude Catholics from office, busi- ness, and as far as possible from all civil rights. The party of which this society was the nucleus was popularly called Know-Nothings. "The arrival of Mgr. Bedini gave fresh impulse to the in- tolerant spirit, and the great German infidel element in the country, with similar refugees from other pjirts of Europe, whose great object was the overthrow of the Papal power of Rome, orave all their aid. Mo-r. Bedini had been Governor of Bologna when that city was occupied by the Austrians, who arrested and shot several revolutionists, including a j)i"iest named Bassi. All these executions w^ere now ascribed to Mgr. Bedini as his work, although he was utterly po"\verless and had taken no part in the affair. A plot was formed to assassinate the Nuncio, and though he escaped by a timely warning, his informant \vas poniarded in the sti'eets of New ^^|^k, and the authorities dared not investigate the affair. As th<' Xuiicio visited other cities he ^vas mobbed, especially at Pittsbui'gh and Cincinnati. At Washington the question of liis reception led to most pitiable equivocation, and they finally took the ground that under our Constitution a Nuncio could not 1)6 received, but that a simple ambassador would be, alth'.ii^d) from the outset they knew that the Popes nevei' sent any. I o 13 . O cc ^ a. (/) -->■ <; 7} ■J a < ^ «^ ^ «: <: a: hJ ir* 1-1 tL, o < H- c« < 2» < a o 13 O -Jl M E-t 9 < hJ Q < w ^^ !3 cij ^ 1-6 Polif iro- Ecclesidst leal Romcmimi. 193 " All this fed the anti-Catholic excitement, whicli soon cul- minated in acts of violence. As usual the cry was raised that Catholics wished to drive the Bible out of the common schools, and meanwhile they forced Catholic pupils in the schools to take part in the reading of the Protestant Bible and the offer- ing of Protestant prayers." — Bminger and Shears " History of the Oath. Church^' pp. 395-96. O'Reilly, in his ''Life of Leo XIIL," p. 34, in speaking of the condition of the Papacy in its relations to the governments of the world at the close of the reign of Pius IX., says of the United States: "The Republican Congress of the United States had, after our war, and forgetful of the thousands of Catholics who had died for the Union, suppressed the Ameri- can Legation at the Vatican. It was an ungenerous and im- politic act, which another Congress and President will not fail to undo in the near future." The primary object of Mgr. Satolli, the Papal " Apostolic Delegate " to this country, in taking up his residence in Wash- ington, was that the American people might become familiar with the Pope's representative, and when the temporal power was restored he would be near at hand foi- reco2:nition as Minis- ter Plenopitentiary, accredited from His Holiness' sectarian and secular government. The secondary object of his mission Avas contained in his commission from Leo XHL, to conciliate the opponents of the papal school programme, which had caused rebellion in the ranks of the American Roman Catholics who were patronizing the public schools. The time of his coming was in the midst of a heated Presidential political campaign. The Chairmen of the National Committee of both the Repub- lican and Democratic parties Avere Roman Catholics. A threat was sent by one of these chairmen to the Propa- ganda at Rome, that \nile8S the Roman Catholic assault upon the public schools should l)e more moderate and less severe and audacious, a strong plank would be put in the party platform defending the schools. Satolli came, and both 1 1(4 Fdcing the Twentieth Century. |)arties put in their platforms planks on the school question couched in such language that they could by no possibility wound the delicate sensibilities of the most vindictive enemy (.f the schools. This historic incident is one of the most liuniiliating in American political annals. The Republican party was deservedly defeated for its compromising cowardice, and the Democratic party, which equally deserved defeat, benefited by this political abasement of both parties. The Pope's commission to Satolli reads : " AVe grant you all and singular powers necessary and expedient for the carrying on of such delef^atiou. . . We conunaud all whom it concerns to recoo-nize in you as apostolic delegate the supreme power of the delegating pontiff. We command that they give you aid, concurrence, and obedience in all things ; that they receive with reverence your salutary admonitions and orders. What- ever sentence or penalty you shall declare or inflict duly against those who oppose your authority, we will ratify, and with the authority given us by the Lord, will cause to be observed inviolably until condign satisfaction is made, not- withstanding constitutions and apostolic ordinances or any otlu'r to the contrary." SatoUi's efforts for the settlement of the school contro- versy and the work of his successor will be considered else- wliere. One of the methods used by political Romanism for promoting universal domination has been securing from igno- rant and superstitious people, by fraudulent and intimidating methods, accumulations of almost unlimited wealth. One of the principal sources of its revenue has been the treasuries of governments ^vhi<'ll hold the moneys of the people, which it has forced open by preying on the fears and by inspiring the cowardice of politicifins. To this end it has threatened and cajoled legislatures and debauched courts and executives. 8elf-j)reservation has often compelled civilized governments to paraly/.ti this power by confiscation. The apparently normal Politico- Ecclesiastical Romcmism. 195 relation of things in pronouncedly Roman Catholic countries has come to be that the richer the church the poorer the peo- ple; the more absolute the domination of political Romanism the lower the people in the scale of a civilization based upon civil and religious liberty. The experience of Pius IX. in trying to be a liberal republican Pope is one of the monumental jokes of papal history, while under him the claims of the papal system culminated in the dogma of infallibility with its blasphemous preteuse. Leo XIII. succeeds to the throne with so-called liberal notions and with an ambition to be known in history as the statesman Pope of the century. He makes haste to accept and ratify the bold, brazeu, and exclusive prerogatives of his predecessor, and in the details of administration exceeds him in ofl'ensive- ness, pa}ing little attention to the rhetorical explanations by his prelates in this and in other countries of the i-epulsive rigors of Canon La^v, luitil their utteran(;es begin to be taken too seriously by the people, a\ hen his iron hand does its woilv. One of the most demoralizing features of the ^vorld-^vide ambition of ecclesiastical Romanism is that it not only permits but compels its representatives to make excuses for, and ex- planations of, its unreasonable and audacious claims, which they know are false and deceptive. Leo XIII., at the age of eight, was put for molding into the hands of the Jesuits. They did their work well and never have permitted their subject to escape from their grasp. His administration has been a Jesuit administration, and his views concerning the relation of the temporal to the spiritual power have been in harmony with Jesuit views. The conclave which elected him in 1878 was Jesuitical in the character and dictation of all its transactions. To establish the fact clearly that the- Jesuits were the edu- cators of Leo XIII., and that he in turn made them rich requi- tal for their services, we quote from the biography of the Pope, which has been approved by him : |,H', Fxring flu: T'rrnfirfh Cmtury, ''The Je^^uits liad opened a college at Viterbo, which was ..0,1 tilknl xvith the sons of the best families of Rome and all I rah. Tliither, in the autumn of 1818, Joseph and Joachim N'inc-eutPecci were sent to begin their long and careful educa- , ion f,.r pul)lic life."-6>'7?^/%'6- '' Life of Leo XLII.r p. 52-5S. •' Jnst as he had completed his twelfth year a college festi- \:il was got up to welcome the Provincial of the Jesuits, 1-ath.T Vbicent Pavani. This gave to Vincent Pecci the first r.'corded opportunity of showing his proficiency in Latin verse, .•!•< well as his admiration for the character of the venerable man who honored the name of Vincent." — Lh., p. 55. '' His masters— the very best classic scholars whom the Society of Jesus had in the Peninsula— knowing what pre- cious material they had in Vincent Pecci, took especial pains to form and perfect his taste." — Ih., p. 59. "Leo XII., in the year 1824, restored the famous Collegio liMiiiaiio to the Jesuits. Few, indeed, as were the men who lia. 75. Now let us concisely consider Mhat this Jesuit power is, that PoUtico-EccliHiastical Homanisrn . 197 we ma}^ as Americaus understand our relations to the claims of this foreio-n ruler to universal dominion. The Order of Jesuits was first recognized by the papal power in 1540. It is the most ghastly institution in human liis- tory. It is unique. It has been courted and feared, and hated and banished by almost every nation in the world whei-e it has gained a footing. It has done great pioneer, educational, and charitable work. It has made and controlled Popes and been suppressed by them. It has been expelled from the territory of European govei-uments over seventy times. It has exem- plified the most abject poverty and reveled in fabulous wealth. It has espoused the cause of nations and ruined them. It has planned conspiracies, plotted against sovereigns, overthrown cabinets, kindled insurrections, incited wars, promoted perse- cutions, and procured assassinations. The daikest deeds of rascality which have cursed the history of civilization for four centuries have revealed the figure of a Jesuit in the back- ground. The absolute surrender of the will of the Jesuit novice to his superior has deprived the order of great leaders of independent mind, and left it in control of men of tyranni- cal will and conscienceless character. Whei-ever its power has been dominant there has been intellectual sterility. Where its representatives have succeeded in benefiting a race of peo- ple by missionary effort, it has been the result of a departure from the conspicuous practical principles of the order, and an accommodation to environment by some leader in distant iso- lation and separated from the authority of his superior. Com- pared with the entirety of their work, these exceptions are so rare as to be notable, although, despite the system which de- stroys individuality, some of them have become heroes, saints, and martyrs. The principal efforts of the order in late years have been concentrated upon preparing and securing the Vat- ican decree of papal infallibility and in maintaining the claim and seeking the restoration of the temporal power of the Popes. The promulgation of this decree and the assertion ]9S Fiirni.j the Tiri-niiefli Century. .f this claim .leteniiiiir tli^ place of Pins IX. and Leo XIII. u history. Pope C'leiiient XIV., at cost of his life, abolished the Order of Jesuits. Ill 1886 Leo XIIL abrogated the work of Clem- , lit. hi^ infallible predecessor, and restored the Jesuits to a i)osition (tf power superior to any other order in the Roman ( 'hnrch. Call vie savs : " For some two centuries the genius of man- kind has been dominated by the gospel of Ignatius Loyola, the poison-fountain from which these rivers of bittei-uess that now submerge the world have flowed. Long now have the Lu^dish peo])le understood that Jesuits proper are servants to the Prince of Darkness." Talk of the liberality exercised in this country by the papal power as we may, the fact remains that, whenever since 1870 it has expressed itself officially, its claims have been as bold, l»razen, and blasphemous as those of Boniface YIIL, when he -aid : " Moreover, we declare, say, define, and pronounce, that everv human being should be subject to the Iloman Pontiff, To be an article of necessary faith." Liberal, indeed ! If his- torv establishes beyond controversy any single fact, it is that Home never changes in her purpose of universal, spiritual, and temporal dominion. Lack of opportunity may change her methods, but nothing can change her purpose, Jesuitism in history has been the leader and political aggressoi- — and still is — but politico-ecclesiastical Romanism litis often found it convenient to use it as a scapegoat for its ^in-^ in order to divert the attention of men and nations from its i had a perfect understanding with Jesuitism, and when -toim^^ of indignation pass by, the copartnership is again oj)enl\' confessed. Rome never changes. Let it be remembered that the infal- liltility dogma was pronudgated in 1870 — the very year when the leujporal power of the Pope \vas overthrown — and what Politico- Ecdeaiastical Romanism. 199 a persistent appeal is made for the restoration of that power — Avhile the Pope enacts the farce of pretending to be a prisoner in the Vatican ! In his sermon at the Centenary of the Establishment of the Koman Catholic Hierarchy in the United States in 1889, Archbishop Ireland said that the work ^vhich Roman Catho- lics in the coming century were called to do in the United States was : " To make America Catholic, and to solve for the Church Universal the all-absorbing problem with which the ao"e confronts her. Our work is to make x\merica Catholic. . . Our cry shall be, 'God wills it,' and our hearts shall leap with Crusader enthusiasm. We know the Church is the sole owner of the truths and s^races of salvation. . . The Catholic Church will confirm and preserve as no human power or human church caUjthe liberties of the republic. . . The Church trium- phant in America, Catholic truth w^ill travel on the wings of American influence, and with it enrich the universe. . . The burden of the strife falls to the lot of Catholics in America. The movements of the modern world have their highest ten- sion in the United States." Continuing, he says : " As a religious system Protestantism is in hopeless dissolution [in the United States], utterly value- less as a doctrinal or moral power, and no longer to be con- sidered a foe with which we must count. . . The American peo- ple made Catholics, no^vhere shall we find a higher order of Christian civilization. It can be shown to the American peo- ple that they need the Church for the preservation and com- plete development of their national character and their social order. The Catholic Church is the sole living and enduring Christian authority. She has the power to speak ; she has an organization by which her laws may be enforced." America is to be made Catholic in order to possess a '' hio-her order of Christian civilization." Let the reader sup- press laughter and remember that this sentiment was uttered in a sermon and not in an after-dinner speech. This "higher ooo Faring the TiCtididli Century. order of Christian civilization" experiment tried by Roman- ists ou scores of peo[)les all over the world lias not been such a notable and triumphant success as to cause a nation, founded by rcfuLi'ecs from governments controlled by papal intoler- ance, cruelty, and persecution, to impatiently clamor for its repetition in America. Yes, xVrclibishop : ''She [the Roman Catholic Church] has an organization by which her laws may be enforced "; and it is this " organization " which has strangled individuality and enslaved conscience and im^^eriled free institutions wherever it has been permitted to get foothold ; and you, as a citizen supposed to be patriotic beyond your fellows, propose to pass this '' last experiment " in " government of the people, by the people, and for the people," into the control of this "organization by which her laws may be enforced." Your ** organization " needs to expend its energies in Mexico, South and Central America, and Cuba, more successfully by way of civilizing before it makes audacious overtures to our part of the Western Hemisj^here. The Archbishop further says: "The Church of America nuist be of course as Catholic as ever in Jerusalem or Rome ; but so far as her garments assume color from the local atmos- phere she nuist be American." Of the chameleon the lexi- cographer says : " Its color changes more or less with the color of the objects about it, or with its temper when dis- turbed," but the nature of the chameleon does not change wlien it assumes " color from the local atmosphere." Arclibishop Ireland's rigid adlierence to papal doctrine and autliority on official occasions proves his accommodating and genial utterances on social and patriotic occasions to be of the chameleon order, assuming " color from the local atmos- j)]iere." The ])relate from St. Paul may extract some comfort from one of the f<.]lo\viiig expressions of judgment : The Catholic Worhl, September 1, 1871, says: " Protestan- f Politico-Ecehsiastical Mornanisni. 20 1 tisra, like the heathen Ijarbarism which Catholicity subdued, lacks the elements of order, because it rejects authority, and is necessarily incompetent to maintain real liberty or civilized society. Hence it is ^ve so often say that if the Amei'ican i-epublic is to be sustained and preserved at all, it must be by the rejection of the principle of the Reformation and the acceptance of the Catholic principle by the American people." Mr. Froude says : " So much only can be foretold with cer- tainty, that if the Catholic Church anywhere recovers her ascendancy, she will iigain exhibit the detestable features which have invariably attended her supremacy. Her rule will be once more found incompatible either with justice or with intellectual growth, and our children will be forced to recover by some fresh struggle the ground which our fore- fathers conquered for us, and \vhich we by our pusillanimity surrendered." In this claim to universal rule America is the special field for conquest. Dr. Brownson, speaking for Romanism, says: "Undoubt- edly it is the intention of the Pope to possess this country. In this intention he is aided by the Jesuits and all the Catho- lic prelates and priests." As we shall have occasion hereafter to cite Dr. Brownson's authority on questions under discussion, we give a brief state- ment concerning him, from a Roman Catholic source : " Orestes A. Brownson was born in 1803 in Vermont, a State noted for the vigor of her sons. His mind ^^'as too clear to rest loDg cramped by New England theology, and in the narrow circle of local dissent he sought a religious system that he could respect. But Universalism and Unitarianisin, though he embraced them and advocated their doctrines as a minister, proved hollow and unsul)stantial. They were not the Church, and during the year 1844: grace enlightened his mind so that he saw in Catholicity what his heart had o,|0 Fai'lnfj the Tweniieth Oenfvry. j-earneil f'>i-. He ;tt once soiigbt instruction with all the ilocility uf a chiKl, and was received into tlie Church. To tlie day of liis deatli, April 17, 1876, he was constant in all lii» C'iirisiian duties, having found true peace in the unity of Catliolicirv." — Badnger and Shea's '^ Hist, of Cath. Church^' The conquest of America is but a j^art of the compre- lii'ii^ive phm, proved by history and current events, to bring lilt' iiati<«ns into subjection to politico-ecclesiastical Romanism. This power, wliich has surrendered none of its claims or ]tretensions, has during a majoi'ity of the centuries of the Cliristian era dis[)0sed of crowns and thrones, sanctioned ilisloyalty toward legitimate sovereigns by absolving citizens from allegiance, forced people to endure the bondage of tyrants, and granted indulgence for all forms of treason. It has disturbed the peace of nations, in the Old World and in the New World, and its trail has usually been marked with blood. It has undertaken the task of grappling for supremacy with the " Giant Republic of the West." Its imperialism dreams of nothing short of universality, and Jesuitism plans and executes its purposes. If it has modified or changed its claims, so far as our Republic is concei-ned, it has never notified the world of the fact, and it must therefore stand upon and be judged by its lecurd. Popes may die, but the l*apacy never dies. It is not what the individual Pope may do or say; it is the system that speaks, and the system that abides. Popes once made the system, hut now the system established makes the Popes. No single Pope can break the machine or run it on a new ti.i.k, and if he attempts it he will find hunself either broken or sjdetracked. Popes and minor ecclesiastics have seemed occasionally to be trying to recognize that they lived in times when the woild insists upon civil and religious liberty, but ill. y have s(^on been mu/.xled bv niedi;evalism. PoUtkv-EcdesiastUxd Romanism. 20B Enforced efforts at adaptation to existing institutions, in the face of compelling conditions, are not proofs of changed purposes or claims, but of exj)ediency or cowardice. Com- pliance with law under compulsion is no pi'oof of penitence or reformation in the offender. While faithful to the justice and liberty which are the supporting pillars of our Constitution, let us not forget that in dealing with Romanism we must meet a disciplined and subtle enemy, who understands the forces at his command and knows how to use them ; and while we are bound to extend to him justice, liberty, and equality, we are bound also to challenge and resist his insidious methods of attack. An astute observer has truthfully said : "■ Grossly deceiv- ing ourselves as to the influence which Roman Catholicism is capable of exerting on our national life, we have shut our eyes to the facts, and for a healthy liberality have substituted supineness and a false sense of superiority.'' Dr. McGlynn said : '' One of the most unpardonable, and, in some views, amusing aspects of the subject, is that the greatest sticklers for this temporal power, tliis kingship of the Pope, for what they call the spiritual and temporal sov- ereignty of the Vicar of Christ, are men converted from Eni^lish or American Protestantism." As between lazy liberality and truckling servility there is little room for choice among honest men. Since the declaration of papal infallibility no Roman Catholic divines or scholars, liberal or conservative, have a right to claim to represent Rome in politics oi' religion. The question is, what does the head of the Church say, and not what does some Roman doctor think. Such men as Cardinal Gibbons, Bishop Keaue, and Arch- bishop Ireland are permitted to give vent to lil)eral, patriotic, and tolerant utterances for consumption by the easily deceived among Americans ; but they are not speaking by authority, but schooling the pul^ic mind for new encroachments, and o,,4 r,iri,i(i tJiP Tirenticfh Cenfiirif. ih.y are easilv liali.d when they give too loose reiu to tlieir u.uuaies or peiis. liut lliere is one l)eiieliciiil result from these ..ceasioiial outbursts of liberality ai](l tolerance, tliat many lionest Uemauists of the rank and tile are stirred by what thfv believe to be emancipation proclamations from bond- a^'-e, and tliey never can be forced into imprisonment again, akliough their leaders, like McGlynu and Burtsell, are lashed into silence and exile. The Po[)e lost his temporal power when the bayonets of Napoleon III. no longer supported his throne. He wants ttMn[>oral power restored that he may have the right to representation at the political capitals of the nations for })olitical purposes and power. In this purpose of universal empire time is uo element, centuries ai'e not a factor. Temporal power, however small in its beginning of restoration, must be secured as the initial, as the open door to the conquest of nations. if pditico-ecclesiastical Romanism is not the persistent meddler in the affairs of nations, why is it that in all national and international complications it everlastingly projects its presence and its poAver ; always in an attitude to recognize the \ ictorioiis side, and then, if the victoi- is not subservient, beginning promptly to plot for his overthrow 'I The religious feature of politico-ecclesiastical liomanism always retires in the presence of the political. Persecution and torture, the favorite instriuueuts of politico- ecclesiastical Romanism for suppressing knowledge and stran- gling liberty, are now from stress of circumstances in this land exchanged for stratagem, indirection, assiduity, and sidjtlely; bur while the instruments are changed, the same hand w idds them with an unchanged and unchanging purpose. i*<>liti('<».(;cclesiastical Romanism seems to be either unwill- ing or unable to yield anything of its traditions, apparently fearing that it may be destroyed. Its flexibility is only seem- Politico- Ecclesiastical Romanism. 205 iiig, and even this is a temporary expedient to dispose of a present obstacle. Its attitude says : " We are ready to adopt the most con- ciliatory courses if it be only a question of turning certain difficulties and weighing expressions in order to facilitate argument." Leo XIII. is considered by many as an ideal Pope, worthy of the ambitious title he craves of statesman pontiff. He cer- tainly has been the consistent defender of the sacredness of dogma, and the politician who has shown his astuteness by temporary concessions and conciliations. He has reconstructed and indorsed the philosophy of St. Thomas Aquinas, thus linking the Middle Ages to the outgoing nineteenth century. He has been an opportunist in international and world-wide politics. He restores harmony between Germany and the Papacy, he appeases Switzerland, coui-ts Great Britain, Rus- sia, and China, and sets the seal of legitimacy upon the republican government of France, and tolerates with becom- ing grace the American republic. Grant him honesty of purpose if you choose. It is an hon- esty based upon conceptions of duty born in an age of the long history of cruelty and from a cherished hope of restora- tion of temporal power. Is it not true that apparent personal sincerity and honesty on the one hand, and pronounced adherence to a system which, wearing a triple crown of tyranny, enforces disgusting arrogance, blasphemous claims, refined pei'fidy, compelled io-norance, and assassinated individuality, are all the more dauo-erous because of the honest semblance ? We have seen what manner of man this Pope is who per- sistently injects his personality into American affairs, both in time of peace and in time of war. His interference as an attempted mediator in our war with Spain was in entire har- mony with the papal assumption of temporal power and right to rule over the rulers of nations. 206 Faerng the Twentieth Century. Every niovo of politifo-eoclesiastical Roman power to get rontrolof eiiii: <»ui- civilization after the Latin type. We owe a duty to the subjects of such a power coming to n.s from tlieir foreiirn bondage to furnish them opportunities for lib- eration and assimilation, and to protect our civil institutions from corruption and bondage. The dogma of infallibility is thus defined by the Vatican Council of 1870, p. 48 of " The Decrees '' : " We teach and define that it is a dogma divinely revealed, tliat the Roman Pontiff, when he speaks ex cathedra, when in (liscliar<>-e of the office of pastor and doctor of all Christians, bv virtue of his supreme apostolic authority, he defines a doc- trine reo-ardino- faith and morals to be held by the universal church, by the definite assistance promised to him in blessed Peter, is possessed of that infallibility with which the divine Redeemer willed that his church should be endowed, for otenrate, state or sovereignty of ^\•hicll he was, before, a citi- /.■n or subject." The organic law of the United States says: "Tliis Constitution and the laws of the United States which shall Im' ni;t(|e in pursuance tlxM'eof . . . shall be the supreme law of tlif land."' In a -ciiiion pivadied in the Pro-Cathedral at Keusiuirton, ( )ctober !». JSiU. Cai'dinal Manning, speaking as for the Pope, J'ut into his mouth the follow inu': "I acknowledixe no civil Politico- Eccledastical Roinanimi. 209 power ; I am the subject of uo prince ; and I claim more than this — I claim to be the supreme judge and director of the consciences of men — of the peasant that tills the field, and of the prince that sits upon tlie throne ; of the household that lives in the shade of privacy, and the legislator that makes laws for kingdoms ; I am the sole, last supreme judge of what is right and wrong." In his encyclical issued in the second year of his pontifi- cate, Leo XIII. says : " As prince and master, Thomas Aqui- nas far outshines every one of the scholastic doctors. There is no part of philosophy that he has not handled fully and thoroughly. . . His treatises on the modern s^^stem of lib- erty, which, in our time, is tending to license, on the divine origin of authority, on the laws and their binding force, on the fatherly, just government of sovereign princes, on obedience to the higher powers, etc., and other sul)jects of a like nature treated of by him, have a great and invincible influence in rooting out the new principles of right, which are recognized as dangerous to order, peace, and public safety." Thomas Aquinas says : " Human government is derived from divine and should imitate it. . . For the temporal power is subject to the spiritual as the body to the soul, therefore it is not a usurpation of jurisdiction if a spiritual prelate intrudes himself into temporal affairs. . . And such laws (which are opposed to divine law) should in no way be observed." The civil liberty of the individual sovereign in a republic made up of sovereigns and controlled by popular sovei-eignty is nullified when some alien and ecclesiastical power claims and secures his first allegiance. In the Syllabus of Errors, the infallible Pope Pius IX. said : " It is an error to hold that, in the case of conflicting laws between the two powers, the civil law ought to prevail." The revolt among people seeking civil liberty in Italy and in France has made agnostics of them so far as religion is concerned, because they have seen the utter inconsistency 210 Fih^ing the Tiventuth Century. between the clnims of Komanism aud the rational enjoyment of fivil lilxMty. Leo XIII. in hi^ encyclical of 1890 says: "Itiswrong. . . under pretense of civil rights to transgress the laws of the Church. . . But if the laws of the State are openly at vari- ance with the laws of God— if they inflict injury upon the Churcli . . . or set at naught the authority of Jesus Christ which is vested in the Supreme Pontiff, then indeed it be- comes a duty to resist tliem, a sin to render obedience." This clearly recpiires the Roman Catholic American citizen to obey first the papal [)ower, although it may require him to disobey and resist the civil power w^hich he has sworn to obey as the condition of admission to the rights and privileges of citizenship. Mr. Gladstone in his work on the Vatican Decrees mentions among the many subjects which might come under " the domain and competency of the state, but also un- deniably affecting the government of the church," the fol- lowino; : '' marriage, burial, education, prison discipline, blasphemy, poor relief, incorporation, mortmain, religious endowments, vows of celibacy, and obedience." On some phase of most of these subjects the Church of Rome has been in conflict with the civil libert}^ of the citizen as defined by the civil law in this countr}^ In many States it has used its political power to secure special legislation to intrench itself in its defiance of tlie sovereignty of the citizen. This has been notably true in the securing of charters for institutions which in their manaQ-ement violated both civil rights and religious liberty. Vicar General Preston on January 1, 1888, preached a re- markable sermon, throwing an ecclesiastical light upon civil liberty and personal sovereignty. He said: "Every word that Leo speaks from his high chair is the voice of the Holy Ghost and must be obeyed. . . You must not think as you clioose, you must think as Catholics." The Pilot, a devoted Roman Catliolic paper, puts it that the Roman Catholic, Politico- Ecclesiastical Romanism. 211 according to Leo XIIL, must render as " perfect submission and obedience of will to the Church and the sovereio-n Pontiff, as to God Himself." Edmund Burke cannot be referring to responsibility to the Pope in the following passage : " All persons possessing any portion of power ought to ])e strongly and awfully impressed with an idea that they act in trust, and that they are to account for their conduct in that trust to the one gj'eat Master, Author, and Founder of Society." Is it any wonder that multitudes of candid and intelligent citizens believe that no orthodox Roman Catholic can be a loyal American citizen ? If he is intelligently honest in his church belief, he owes his first loyalty and obedience in all things to the infallible head of his Church, the Sovereign Pontiff. If he is intelligently honest in his relation to the oath he has taken as a citizen, he owes his first loyalty in civil affairs to the government which protects him in both his religious and secular rights and privileges. But his loyalty to the head of his Church covers in its requirements his reason and his conscience. His volitions are subject to the will of another. He has no liberty of choice, but is to submit obediently without debate to the will of a foreign ruler, who claims to possess the power to nullify the laws of civil governments and to absolve citizens from obligations of loyalty and obedience to those laws. We submit that this is " a mild putting of the case, in the face of the admitted claims of Romanism. We know that when the facts are presented, and the legitimate inferences are drawn from them, it is the habit of certain Roman Catholic priests and editors, and their zealous Protestant apologists, to rush into print with heated assertions of loj^alt}^ on the part of Romanists, giving notable illustrations, and crying bigotry and persecution. The ugly fact remains that an intelligent, conscientious, and loyal Romanist who means to be an intelligent, conscientious, and ojo Filling the Twtntktli Century. loyal citizen "f tlie r('{iii]>lic has a problem in ethics to solve that will reiinirt' pk'uaiy imliilgence and expertness in moral «rymnastii'<. iLrnorance, or indifference to the unreasonable claims of his ohiiivh, iVe(itu-ntly results in liis increased loyalty to his count rv, but this is a lamentable alternative. Ill 18S4 there appeared in the Fortnightly Revieiv an article l)v ^I. Paul Bert, ex-Minister of Public Instruction ;ui-l \\'H!>hIi) in France, on the relations of Rome to I'eligious ami political affairs in France, from \vhich we cpiote the following: " She has opposed the progress, not only of liberty of thought — that is within her role — but also of popular edu- cation, of which she seems to fear the consequences above evervthing. She has become aristocratic and royalist, iden- tifying her cause with that of the ancient regime. "She has a2:ain and aojain threatened the existence of the Republic ; and has taken part in the elections against all candidates who represent liberal and democratic ideas. The charges of her bishops and the sermons of her cures have too often been filled with protestations against the state of society that has sprung from the French Revolution, with attacks upon the Government which France has freely chosen, and with insults against the representatives of the country. And, monMjver, in aid of its bellicose propensities, the church em- ])loys not only the powerful influence which it wields over the souls of its believers, but also that which the civil power lias given, eith(.'i' by the Concordat or subsequent laws, or by its weakness and concessions in practice. "Such a state of things cannot last. If, as many en- lighten('(I minds think, there is an absolute antagonism l)etvveen the tendencies of the church — ivliich has not ahan- tlnni'l, (It lea.st in France, its dreams of universal domination -ami the Republic, which means to be master in its own house, ami whose fundamental ]>iinci])le, liberty of conscience, Polifl CO- Ecclesiastical Rom am ism . 213 lias been formally condemned by the two last Popes, Low can we admit that civil society should continue to augment the power of its would-be ruler ? " The essential character of civil liberty demands, for its highest rational enjoyment in the individual and for its highest development in the state, freedom of conscience and freedom of will, unfettered intelligence and undaunted courage, individual sovereignty and personal responsibility. Eomanism either fetters or destroys every one of these qualities. Liberal prelates, as they are styled, because they at one time protested against the dogma of papal infallibility, have all submitted, and formally published it to theii' following and sworn obedience to the infallible Pope, despite the fact that they had denounced it as giving the lie to history and as stultifying reason. The Vatican Council defined this blas- phemous and insolent dogma, Pius IX. and Leo XIIL inter- 23reted its scope, and no honest Romanist, from Pope to peasant, dare disobey it in any particular, and is bound to submit his conceptions of civil liberty as absolutely to the known will and judgment of the Pope as the most devout Christian would to the known will of God. We have seen w^hat the papal claims are on the subject of civil liberty. How can a man who honestly accepts these claims be a loyal subject of a government which is founded upon popular sovereignty, and claims to " derive its just powers from the consent of the govei'ned" ? Rev. Michael Muller, evidently the same priest who wrote the disreputable volume on Public School Education which was indorsed by Archbishop Ireland, says, in his " Familiar Explanation of Catholic Doctrine " : '^ To be separated from the divine authority of the Pope is to be separated from God, and to have no place in the kingdom of Christ. . . Mark well, Pius IX. uttered these solemn words against 'certain men ' whom he calls the enemies of the Catholic faith — he •214 F((r!,„/ the TtrrntirS Caiifvnj. iihMUs lilK'r;il-iiiiii'1«'«] ( ".it holies as is evident from liis words, which, on Jnly 28, 1 87a, he addressed to the members of the Catholic Society, Quimi)er, 'tell the mendiers of the Catholic SueietN- that, on the numerous occasions on wliich we have censured those who held liberal opinions, we did not mean tlios,' who hate the Church, whom it would have been useless to reprove, hnt those CatliolicH who have adopted so-called lih- eiul opinions, who 2^reserve and foster the liidden poison of liheral prificijyies.'' " The idea that Archbishop Ireland, in his so-called liberal utterances, dangerous because oratorically plausible and at- tractive, and which seem to exert a soporific and hypnotic inHuence over Republican financiers and politicians, repre- sents the purpose of Rome in America, is simply ludicrously absurd, in the light of liis absolute submission to Rome's extreme demands contained in these very utterances and not concealed by rhetoi-ic from observant eyes, and in the light of liis inconsistent and double utterances on vital features of civil lil^erty, some of whicli are designed for American political consumption and others to assure Rome of uncon- ditional loyalty. The Plenary Council and the Apostolic Delegate and the unruiii|(niiiiisiiig Archbishop Corrigan type of pi'elate speak for Rome in America, and when they speak debate must end, and none know this fact better than the small class of prelates who attempt temporary and plausible explanations of claims w hi<'h, in their nakedness, would shock the American con- ceptions of civil liberty. Thoughtful Roman Catholics themselves look upon the SD-calh'd liberal Cai'dinal (Tibl)ous as an unsuspecting, good- iiaturt'd, forceless, and harmless gentleman, who makes a good ap[»('aranc(* on dress parade in a procession, and who has photogra[)h<-d himself in his tame and colorless book entitled, " Our Cliristiau Heritage " ; and who has ve])en.ted\y uttered, but never in action illustrated, liberal American sentiments. Politico- Ecclesiastical Romanism. 215 For Protestants to praise and pet the liberality of Roman Catholics who assert their loyalty as citizens and who still submit to the claims of Canon Law, and Syllabus, and Encyc- licals, is to put a premium on broken vows and disloyalty to convictions. The only honest and praiseworthy course which any Romanist in this Republic can pursue is open repudi- ation of the extreme ecclesiastical claims upon him as a mem- ber of the body politic, while at the same time he accepts the religious claims of his church in so far as those claims pertain to his personal character and liis personal relations to Christ. Leo XIIL, in his encyclical of November 7, 1885, said : " Every Catholic should rigidly adhere to the teachings of the Roman Pontiff, especially in the matter of modern liberty, which, already, under the semblance of honesty of purpose, leads to destruction. AVe exhort all Catholics to devote care- ful attention to public matters, and take part in all municipal affairs and elections, and all public services, meetings, and gatherings. All Catholics must make themselves felt as active elements in daily political life in countries where they live. All Catholics should exert their potvep to cause the Consti- tutions of States to he modeled on the lyrinciples of the true Churchr No genuine republican form of government has ever been established in any country on anything like a permanent foundation until politico-ecclesiastical Romanism has been either crushed or put under bonds. Tlie enthronement of Romanism ahvays means the de- thronement of liberty. The supremacy of ecclesiasticism always means the starvation of reason and the suppression of man's noblest faculties. We do well to keep in mind the words of Gambetta, " Always remember that our enemy is clericalism," and let us also remember that with us, as with the French Republic, there exists a radical and necessary antagonism between the 216 Facing th>^ Dreitfletli Cenku'ij. imperious pretensions of political Romanism and the freedom and self-relianoe essential to a republican form of government. AVith Papal Rome as with Pagan Rome, its all-embracing claim ..f universal sovereignty forbids the recognition of any- tliiiiLT like half measures. As Pagan Rome followed a dream of glory, " Scorning the base degrees By \vl)ich it did ascend," 80 Papal Rome exhibits that spirit of pride and ambition which places the temporal above the spii'itual, admits no equals, and looks on all forms of liberty as enemies to be resisted and crushed. " When Rome has spoken, that is the end of the matter," said Augustine ; and so says every believer in and supporter of papal authority today. In March, 1897, Mgr. Schroeder, Professor of Dogmatic Theology in the Roman Catholic University in AYashington, published over his own signature the following estimate of liberal Catholicism : " It is a duty to keep up this fight against this powerful enemy, this so-called liberal Catholicism or Catholic liberal- ism, luxuriating in the garden of the Church as tares sown by Satan." In another place he compares liberalism in the Church to the Russian thistle. There is no such thing as a good or a bad tiiistle, all being bad alike ; so he says there is only one liberal thistle, and that is good for nothing. "It is the great hei'esy of the nineteenth century — the nega- tion of the supremacy of Christ and his Church over State and society in general. A Catholic liberalism is just as impossible as a Catholic Arianism or Protestantism." He asserts that for the last fifty years the Popes have branded liberalism as a heresy, as a dangerous enemy, as hid- den poison and fallacious error. lie sums up by declaring that : Politiro- Ecclesiastical Romanism. 21 T "We are justified in drawing tbe conclusion that a liberal Catholic cannot be a good Catholic/' And yet there are men avIio tell us that the teachings of Romanism in this country are in the direction of adaptation to the liberal institutions of the republic, and to a broader conception of the essential character of civil liberty and to the rights of private judgment. On the great conflict between Americanism and foreignism, Lyman Beech er says : " Must Catholics have all the liberties — their own and ours too? I protest against that unlimited abuse with which it is thouglit quite proper to round off declamatoiy periods against the religion of those who fought the battles of the Reforma- tion and the battles of the Revolution ; and that sensitiveness and liberality which would shield from animadversion and spread the mantle of charity over a religion which never prospered but in alliance with despotic governments, has always been, and still is, the inflexible enemy of liberty, of conscience and free inquiry, and at this moment is the main- stay of the battle against republican institutions, A despotic government and despotic religion may not be able to endure free inquiry, but a republic and religious liberty cannot exist without it," Dr. Philip Schaff's translation of the Syllabus Errorum (Pius IX,, 1864) and other acts of the Popes, gives the following affirmative claims in the interests of civil liberty which have received Papal condemnation ; declaring them to be erroneous : " To maintain the liberty of the press," " To claim liberty of speech," " To contend that Papal judgment and decrees may with- out sin be disobeyed or differed from, unless they treat of faith and morals," "To hold that the Roman Pontiff's ecumenical councils have transgressed the limits of their power and usurped the rights of princes," 018 Viii-hiliticians who seek preferment as the result of the electorate. Maryland was the only one of the original thirteen States settled by Roman Catholics, and they constantly reiterate the fact, seeking to blind the eyes of the present generation to the facts of their constant assaults upon religious liberty, that the Maiyland colony declared for religious toleration, while tlie truth is that they conceded religious toleration because in their relation to all the colonies they constituted but a small minority, and had they held a majority in twelve of the thirteen colonies instead of one, is there any historic reason for supposing that toleration would have been conceded ? Politico- Ecclesiastical Roman ism. 221 The Roman Cburcli lias recently proved that there is no change in its spirit or purpose, despite tbe libei-al uttei'ances of irresponsible ecclesiastics, who speak by permission Jesuit- cally to deceive Americans, by serving notice upon the world that civil and religious liberty are not the rightful and God-given inheritances of man as man ; but that the See of Rome lias the infallible power to dictate in these things. When will America stop consenting to be trifled with by this power ? While the American principle of the separation of church and state is from necessity recognized by the Roman Catholic Church authorities, it is repudiated by the supreme teaching of the Church and deplored by the present Pope in his en- cyclical addressed, on January 6, 1895, to the Hierarchy in America. After commenting on the equity of the laws and the impartiality of the tribunals so that the church " is free to live and act without hindrance," he says : " Yet, though all this is true, it would be very erroneous to draw the conclusion that in America is to be sought the type of the most desirable status of the Church, or that it would be universally lawful or expedient for state and church to be, as in America, dissevered and divoi'ced. The fact that Catho- licity with you is in good condition, nay, is even enjoying a prosperous growth, is by all means to be attributed to the fecundity with which God has endowed his church, in vir- tue of which, unless men or circumstances interfere, she spon- taneously expands and propagates herself. But she ivould bring forth more abundant fruits if, in addition to liberty , she enjoyed the favor of the laws and the patronage of the public authority. ''"' The Syllabus of Pius IX., issued December 8, 1 864, and subsequently by the Decree of Infallibility confirmed as truth eternal and equal in authority with the Decalogue, says : " The state has not the right to leave every man free to pro- fess and embrace whatever religion he shall deem true. .>.-)o Facinrf the Twentieth Century. • It has uot the right to euact that the ecclesiastical power >ha]l retjuire the permission of the civil power in order to the exercise of its authority.'' Then in the same Syllabus the rights and powers of Ihe Church are aihrnied thus, viz. : " She has the right to require the state uot to leave every man free to profess his own religion. " She has the right to exercise her power without the per- mission or consent of the state. " She has the right of perpetuating the uuiou of church and state. "She has the right to require that the Catholic religion shall be the only religion of the state, to the exclusion of all others. " She has the right to prevent the state from granting the public exercise of their own worship to persons immigrating into it. " She has the power of recpiiring the state not to permit free expression of opinion." The present Pontiff, Leo XIII., in a letter to the Bishop of Perigueux, July 27, 1884, explicitly confirms the foregoing thus: " Tlie teaching given by the Apostolic See, Avhether contained in the Syllabus and other acts of our illustrious predecessor, or in our own Encyclical Letters, has given clear fuidauce to the faithful as to what should be their thousrhts and their conduct in the midst of the difficulties of times and events. There they will find a rule for the direction of their minds and their works," Thf formal union of church and state always restricts reli- gious liberty, placing all who are not members of the estab- lished cliurch under a ban where the most they can expect is toleration and not liberty. The fjuestion of taxation for the support and propagation of ;i f.irm of religious faith and worship ^vhi('h the taxpayer does not voluntarily accept is a dangerous infringement on the Politico- Ecclesiasiical Homanimn. 223 religious liberty of tlie individual, and a severe bloAv at the principle of the separation of church and state. This occurs where the money of the people is used under the guise of educational and charitable institutions for sectarian propaga- tion, or when grants of real estate are made by municipal, State, or national governments for the erection of such institu- tions. Roman Catholicism is especially expert at these points. The union of church and state began in the financial and political necessities of Romanism forcing it to an alliance with wealth and power ; an alliance which has morally dwarfed the rich and socially cursed the poor, while the spirit of Chris- tianity has been perpetually crucified, and the normal state of civil government has been deprived of its virility. The political papacy was thus enabled to grow, while religious Catholicism was dwarfed. The former sought universal dom- ination over civil powers and held in subjection the fears of men by the assumption of power over the eternal destiny of their souls. The religion of fear was used as a political power by a mighty ecclesiastical system, unchanging in its purpose. The origin and peril of the temporal power of the Pope and of the union of church and state have been most graphically set forth in words of warning to the American people by Dr. McGlynu : ^ " The bishops of the Church everywhere for a thousand years were elected by the clergy and the people, and they conquered the world — with the spirit of Christ, and not Avith the sword of Peter. " After three centuries it unfortunately became good policy, as much as it was a matter of Christian conversion for the saving of his soul, or, as it was said, the result of a miraculous cross in the heavens, for Constantine the Emperor to become a Christian. And we, better than the Christians of the cen- turies that followed the time of Constantine, can see what n, pitiable and unfortunate thing it was that the Church of 224 FtKniij ihi Tirniiicth Outurii. Cliii^t wa>; l.(>frion(KHl, protected, enriched, uot merely with ucaltli, l>iit with temporal power, by Constautiiie and his suc- cessors, 'riieiicc dates tlie beginning of the degeneration of the Christian Church. The purple that symbolized, not the blood with which Christ empurpled his cross, but the power that Constantine gave to the Church, is the imperial purple. The privilege of wearing it comes from Constantine and his successors. *'Let us, taught by the bitter example of a thousand years of shameful history, do what we can, by voice and pen and labor, to prevent the repetition of the blunder, that will not be merely a blunder, but a crime, if it be repeated at all in this new viro-in continent, of that union of church and state which means the injury and the corruption of both. " It seemed good, it seemed wise, an admirable thing, that there should be such an excellent understanding between the spiritual and the temporal power. But the clear, cold light of history makes plain that it was a horrible blunder. And for us to repeat the blunder ^vould be the most unpardonable of crimes." Romanists constantly seek to confuse the minds of the people on the questions of religious liberty and equality by magnifying sectarianism. They count everything sectarian that is either Protestant or not Catholic. We count as sectarian everything denomina- tional. The lexicographer defines sect to be : " A body of persons wlio have separated from othei's in virtue of some special doc- tiine; a school or denomination ; especially a religious denom- ination ; a denomination which dissents from an established church." vSectarianism is ii of (.'hureb aud state, with the subjection of the state to ccclfsiastical power, it always becomes infidel ; jn-oviiig that the political powder of Romanism drives out both religion and morality and breeds infidelity. AVhen France, more than a centuiy since, threw off the yoke of Romanism, she [)rochiimed herself infidel, and despite the presence and power of Romanism \vithin the domain of France, she yet remains substantially infidel. Her literature, where it is not entirely antagonistic to religion, is divorced from it, while skepticism and materialism prevail. This condition of things is the legitimate reaction from Rome's debasing superstitions aud cruel tyrannies. Where religious liberty is denied super- stition prevails, and superstition breeds skepticism, while skep- ticism annihilates superstition. Protestantism in the republic has often sustained a guilty relation to the union of church and state in the matter of sec- tarian appropriations for education and for charities. Its representatives have invariably acknowledged the peril of the practice of receiving money for sectarian propagation from the public treasury, while at the same time they have given the puerile excuse for their practice that Romanism would get the money anyway, and instead of allowing Romanism to secure all the public funds. Protestantism ought to take its part so long as the practice \vas allowed ; thus absolutely ignoring the great principle involved and illustrating the fact that wlierever this practice prevails it debauches the con- sciences of all who indulge in it. An effort was made in the State of Maine a few years since to engraft upon the Constitution of that State an amendment, Avhich had Ijeen formulated by The National League for the Protection of American Institutions, to protect the school funds and prohibit sectarian appropriations. One of the first citizens to subscribe to the principles embodied in this amend- ment was the pi'esident of a college in the State of Maine, a man (»f national reputation. Yet when the serious effort Politico- Ecclesiastical Romanism. 227 was made to carry this amendment into practical effect in the State of Maine, this conspicuous citizen appeared before a committee of the legislature in opposition. The amendment would cut off the denominational college of which he ^vas president fi-om access to the State treasury. He believed in the principle involved in the prohibition of sectarian appro- priations, but was opposed to its enforcement. Religious liberty in a Christian nation requires an open Bible accessible to all the people. To this Romanism is abso- lutely antagonistic. At the dedication of a public-school building in the City of New York some years since, an open Bible, from which a chapter had been read at the opening of the school, lay upon the desk, when an eminent Jewish rabbi was called upon to speak. He said he had been asked if, being, a Je^7, he ^ras in favor of having a chapter from a Bible containing both the Old and New Testament read at the open- ing of the school, and his response was " Yes ; for wherever in any country there have been a free church and an open Bible tLe Jews have never been persecuted." The brazen manner in which Romanists assault our institu- tions and assault Protestantism and inveigh against what they style the Protestant Bible is known to all, but when we return the assault we are counted as persecutors and enemies of religious liberty. Despite this let the truth be told, both for the benefit of their own people who are k(!pt in enforced darkness and to inspire the self-respect of the people at large. For the most part the masses of the population of Roman Catholic countries are so degraded that they are considered the most needy and legitimate subjects for Chi'istian mission- ary effort, they beiug ignorant of fundamental Christian moral- ity, while tenaciously adhering to the Church and resting their hope of salvation on its offices. American Christian missionaries declare that the Christian Armenians and Christian missionaries were more in peril, in life and property, from a United States State Department 228 FaHng the Twentieth Century. uu.l.-r rv.niaii Catliolic control than from the Sultan's barbar- ism. 'Hiis political Roman Catholic business is all-pervasive aiihii)ners woidd listen to these ravening wolves, and Politico-Ecclesiastical Romanism. 237 separate tliemselves from their clergy, terrible chastisements were in reserve for their country ; that ' liberalism ' had caused the French Revolution and had been the cause of the sacrilegious murder of priests ; that it had also caused de- structive ravages in Germany, and would cause the same things to happen here ; that the liberal party was dangerous, opposed to the interests of religion, and was condemned by the bishops ; that it was not permitted in conscience to be a liberal Catholic as the bishops had condemned this liberalism ; that to vote was a duty of the greatest importance, and that at their death they would reproach themselves if they had contributed to the election of men who wanted to separate the church from the state, and who were endeavoring to de- stroy the confidence of the people in their priests; lastly that they were obliged to vote following their conscience enlightened by the pastorals of their bishops." Rev. Father Lauglois said : " That there were some hot- heads in the parish \vho were raising discord ; that the faithful should obey their ecclesiastical superiors who had the right to enlighten their conscience; that liberalism had been condemned by the Pontiff ; that the liberals were cheats, and that nobody must vote for a liberal." Rev. Father Mars said : " That in reading from the altar the pastoral letters of the bishops he had added some com- mentaries to define Catholic liberalism, to show that it was condemned by the bishops." Another parish priest said : " That among other things he had said from the altar that Catholic liberalism was an error, condemned by the Church, and were he to vote for a liberal Catholic he would commit a sin." In the recent contest in Canada in the interests of prohibi- tion of the liquor trafhc the priests in the Province of Quebec not only counseled, but openly and threateningly commanded their people to vote against prohibition ; and the Canadian bishops gave instructions that the sacraments should be re- 238 Facing the Twf.ntieth Centunj. fused to all Catholics who either voted for or accepted the settlement of the school question adopted by the Canadian (Tovernmeut, and, in addition, made threats of excommunica- tiou against those of their following who should not heed and obey the ecclesiastical restrictions upon their rights as voters and citizens. In Jnlv, 1897, a four-page circular was issued anonymously in New York City, under the title of " Civic Interrogations." The circular contained a series of questions in which all loyal citizens ought to be interested, pertaining to the relations of politico-ecclesiasticism to civil institutions, and closed with this statement : " Politico-ecclesiasticism, with its sweeping claims over the morals of men, reaching every rational or intentional act, includingr the act of votino- and which in foreisfu countries constitutes the basis for a di\iitmci jJoUfical 2)ai'ty, must not he allowed to undermine the Great Republic, ^vho3e perpetuity depends upon individual sovereignty." These interrogations were the outcome of a conference of citizens, whose experience in official, business, and political life had painfully convinced them of the scandals and perils of the ramifications of Roman ecclesiasticism in all departments of official and political affairs, and in many departments of business. One of these circulars reached Archbishop Corrlgan, the result of which is recorded in the following historic state- ments and documents contained in the second issue of " Civic Interrogations." The perusal will prove both instructive and {From the " Catholic Review,'' October 17, 1897.) ARriliMSHOP CORRIGAX UESPOXDS TO LIXK XO. ONE OF " CIVIC INTER- ROGATIONS," AFTER roNFRREXCE WITH THE BISHOPS OF THE PROVINCE OF NEW YORK. — HISHOPS OF THE PROVINCE OF NEW YORK CONVENE. Tlio annual meeting of the Catliolic bisliops of the Province of New York was lield Wodnesday in the arcliiepiscopal residence in Madison Politico- Ecdesiastkal Rom a n isia. 239 Avenue and Fiftieth Street. All of the bishops of the province were present, as follows: Bishop McDonnell of Brooklyn, Bishop Burke of Albany, Bishop Wigger of Newark, Bishop Quigley of Buffalo, Bishop Gabriels of Ogdensburg, Bishop Ludden of Syracuse, Bishop McQuaid of Rochester, Bishop McFaul of Trenton, and Bishop Farley of this city. Archbishop Corrigan called the meeting to order at eleven o'clock. Reports on the condition of the various dioceses were read bj' the bishops, and the business of the Church was discussed in a general way. Arcli- bishop Flood of Trinidad, West Indies, was at the meeting, and was the guest of honor at a luncheon which was served in the refectory late in the afternoon. There was another meeting at the archiepiscopal residence Thursday. {From the " Svnday Democrat," October 17, 1897.) MEETING OF THE BISHOPS. The meeting was a business one, purely and simply, and there tvere no religious ceremonies connected loith it. It was strictly private, too, and nothing concerning the deliberations was given out. {From the ''Sun,'' October 17, 1897.) THE POPE AND AMERICA.— ARCHBISHOP CORRIGAN RE- PLIES TO CERTAIN CIRCULARS. A LETTER FROM HIM TO PASTORS, "WHICH WILL BE READ FROM ALL THE ROMAN CATHOLIC PULPITS OF THE ARCHDIOCESE TO-DAY. — DENIES ANY INCLINATION OF THE PONTIFF OR THE ROMAN CATHOLIC CHURCH TO DICTATE OR INTERFERE IN MATTERS POLITICAL, — POPE's FUNCTIONS DEFINED. Archbishop Corrigan has sent the appended letter to every Catholic pastor in the cit}', and this morning it will be read from the pulpits of all the Catholic chui'ches in the archdiocese. The letter is regarded as the most significant document that has emanated from the archiepiscopal residence in some time. It is written in connection with the regular annual notification of the " Peter's Pence " collection, which is taken up on the last Sunday of the present month. The Archbishop's utterances, as he explains in tl:e letter, were inspired by circulars which have been distributed during the present campaign, and which intimate that the Catholic Church has interfered in politics to an extent that has made it a danger to the republic. It was impossible to learn yesterday what party or individual caused the circulars referred to to be printed and distrib- •240 hiiciiK/ the Twentieth Century, utL-a. Father Connolly, tl.e Archbishop's secretary, would not discuss the matter. Following is the Archbishop's letter: " ARcnmsHOp's House, " New York, October 15, 1897. "Rev. Dear Sir: According to the Second and Third Plenary Coun- cils of Baltimore, a collection is to be taken up annually in all the dio- ceses of the United States for the support of the Holy Father, and the statutes of this diocese in particular specify that this collection is to be made during the month of October. In compliance with this rule, I hereby designate the last Sunday of October as the date for collecting the Peter-pence this year in all the churches. " The reasons for this appeal have been so often explained that it is unnecessary to state them anew, but I avail myself of this occasion to allude to some misapprehensions or misrepresentations regarding the office of the Sovereign Pontiff, which are continually repeated to our discredit in periods of passing excitement or on the eve of popular elec- tions. In this way circulars have been insidiously distributed containing wild statements, such as the following: ' Politico-ecclesiasticism, with its sweeping claims over the morals of men, reaching every rational or intentional act, including the act of voting * * * must not he allowed to undermine the great republic ; whose perpetuity depends upon individual sovereignty.'' "This modest sentence contains the three following propositions: "First. — The Catholic Church, as focused in its infallible head, ex- tends its sweeping claims over every human act, including the act of voting. " Second.— The Catholic Church is a danger to the republic. " Third. — The perpetuity of our free institutions depends on individual sovereignty. "In view of the first proposition it will not be without interest to recall what the Church really teaches regarding papal infallibility. Noth- ing can be clearer than the definition of the Vatican Council. The Roman Pontiff, when he speaks ex cathedra, that is to say, when in the exercise of his office as pastor iind teacher of all Christians, he, in virtue of his supreme authority, defines that a doctrine on faith and morals is to be held by the whole Church, l)y the assistance of God, promised to him in the person of blessed Peter, has that infallibility M'ith which it was the will of our divine Redeemer that His Church should be furnished iji (Utining .'i doctrine on faith and morals, and that, therefore, these defini- tions of the Roman Pontiff of themselves, and not through the consent of the Church, are irreformable. Politico- Ecclesiastical Romanism. 241 " According to this decree the Pope is infallible when he speaks ex cathedra, that is, when he exercises his office of universal teacher defin- ing some point of faitli or morals to be held by the whole Church. The privilege of infallibility is restricted, therefore, to an act of teaching; it does not extend to an act of government, nor even to an act of teach- ing if performed by the Pontiff as a private teacher. Should he order Catholics to vote a particular ballot, his action, by its very nature, as a mere act of authority, would not be shielded by the mantle of infalli- bility. Again, should he, by any possibility, direct Catholics to support, for instance, one or the other of the several candidates now in the field for the Mayoralty of the Greater New York, his action evidently would not be an act of teaching regarding 'faith and morals,' much less an act tending to bind the universal Church. Faith and morals are the object of the Church's teaching office, not science, nor history, nor politics. The Church, it is true, and the Roman Pontiff, as successor to St. Peter, have received from our Lord power to decide questions of faith and to offer sure and unerring guidance in the field of morals. For in giving Peter the command to feed His entire flock, Christ necessarily imposed on the flock the burden of ohedience. Both duties are correlative and mutually imply each other. If the flock be bound to hear and obey the Shepherd's voice, he in turn must necessarily be safeguarded from error; must be able consequently to distinguish good from unwholesome pas- tures; otherwise the Lord Himself, tlie supreme Shepherd, would be responsible for the loss of his sheep by making them subject to a hire- ling who might expose them to the fury of the wolves or lure them on to destruction. If the Church cannot fail, because the Lord has made it * the pillar and the ground-work of truth,' neither can Peter fail, for he is the cornei'-stone on which the immovable super-structure rests. ' Thou art Peter, and on this rock I will build my Church.' If other teachers might perhaps falter in the faith, yet Peter may not, for the Eternal Truth and Omnipotence itself has said, ' I have prayed for thee that thy faith fail not, and thou, being converted, confirm thy brethren.' But while the Church and the Pope are supreme judges of faith and morals, the light of conscience is our guide in individual acts. The gift of infalli- bility is vouchsafed for the good of the Church at large. " The Catholic hierarchy has now been established in this country over a hundred years. In all that period can a single syllable be adduced emanating from the Roman Pontiff for the purpose of directing our bal- lots ? In these hundred years has a single Pontifical utterance ex cathe- dra been made bearing in the remotest degree on the question of our politics ? If such a fact has never existed during our entire history, is it not a little silly to * fear where there is no fear'? Is there anything •2V2 Facing the Tiventieth Century. more supremely ridiculous than Die bugaboo that tlie Pope or (he Church is reaching out to control ' every rational or intentional act, including the o.istini; of a ballot ' ? " 'liie second fallacy in the reni'irkable doeuinent before us is the state- nunt that the Catholic Cliurch is a danger to the republic. "Tliere is nothing surely in the form of our government which the Church reprobates. Her infallible head, in his cnc^^clical on civil power, expressly teaches that no form of rule is open to the Church's disap- j.roval provided it be just and for the common good. The oldest repub- lics in the world were established under Catholic auspices. The blood of Catholics reddened every battlefield iu the struggle for American independence, as it flowed freely in every subsequent national conflict. Should another war break out (which may God avert!) Catholics will be found to march to their country's defense at the first blast of the bugle. It is at least a century too late to question our patriotism or our civil allegiance. " Danger to the republic can never come from the Catholics while the}^ remain faithful to their religion, which, in the language of St. Paul, teaches obedience to constituent authorities, and in the words of St. Augustine, inculcates 'Charity toward all and malice to none' (' De .^loribus Ecclesise,' lib. i. c. 30). The signs of the times show danger signals in the fast rising flood of socialism and anarch}^ and thinking men the world over find the greatest bulwark against these dangers in the conservative principles and doctrines of the Catholic Church. All her past history shows what she has done for the people — mitigating their sorrows, alleviating their hard fate in cases of plague, famine, or oppression, pleading their cause at the bar of justice and humanity; while she has aided civil governments, in turn, by protecting their just rights, and enforcing due obedience to their authority; endeavoring always, in one word, to make both rulers and people realize that all are children of one Father who is in heaven, all destined to enjoy together the same blessed immortality. The Church is allied to no form of gov- ernment; she flourishes under every form in which justice and right pre- vail; her supreme guide of conduct and her chief solicitude consisting in the great maxim, 'Seek ye first the kingdom of God, and all things else shall be added unto you.' " Lastly, it is said the perpetuity of our free institutions depends on individual sovereignty. '' If this |)ro])Osition ])e intended to imply that a good Catholic cannot l»f a good citizen, stubborn facts are against it. If merely a truism, it need not occu])y our attention. " With the indignation born of logic and history, we repel the odious Politico- JEcclesiastical Romanism. 243 charge that the Church of Christ cannot live in liannony with tlie Amer- ican republic. Only by distorting and perverting the plain language of the Vatican decree can it be made to seem that the Vicar of Christ inter- feres with the exercise of individual liberty. Fortunately, in the case of the reigning Pontiff the charge is made against one whom the civilized world has learned to admire and revere as the friend of the laboring classes; as the champion of the down-trodden slave in darkest Africa; as the patron and lover of history, of arts and letters; as the pacificator of nations; as *a light from heaven,' Let us strengthen his hands by offering him material means to carry on the beneficent work of the Church; let us aid him by our prayers, and let us console his paternal heart by putting in practice the beautiful lessons he has so often and so eloquently taught of meekness, of charity, of earnestness and persever- ence in prayer, of fervor in the pursuit of every Christian virtue, " Have the kindness, reverend dear sir, to read this letter to your flock, that they may be on the alert to defend our holy mother, the Church, against the spread of calumnies, which, like weeds, need constant care and healthy, energetic treatment. " I am, reverend dear sir, very faithfully yours, "Michael Augustine, " Archbishop of New York." Come, Michael Augustine, be honest ! When you quote from an opponent, quote literally, and do not deceive your followers by directing to be read, from the altars where you control the teachings, distorted passages, intentionally omit- ting an important statement of historical fact. This is the entire passage, from which you quote : " Politico-ecclesiasticism with its sweeping claims over the morals of men, reaching every rational or intentional act, including the act of voting, and Avhich in foreign countries constitutes the basis for a Ai^imci 2)olitical party, must not he allowed to undermine the Great Republic, whose perpetuity depends upon individual sovereignty." Why keep from the ears of your people this statement of fact : '' and which in f oreisfn countries constitutes the basis for a distinct political party " ? Why put three little innocent stars in the place of this statement of great historic im;port f 24 i Foidng the Iwentieth Century. The Archbishop's "l)uir' virtually admits that an assault on politieo-eccUsiastleism is an assault upon the Roman Catholic Church. This eliminates from the discussion the necessity <^f submitting the abundant proof at hand. There- fore, let it be understood tliat the Romanism of the Greater New York, under the leadership of Archbishop Corrigaii speaking ev cathedra, is a politico-ecclesiastical organization. The Archljishop, after making a garbled qiiotation from ** Civic luterrogations," as before stated, then says : " This modest sentence contains the three following propo- sitions: '' Fii-st. — The Catholic Church, as focused in its infallible Head, extends its sweeping claims over every human act, inehiding the act of voting. "Second. — The Catholic Churcli is a danger to the re- public. " Third. — The perpetuity of our free institutions depends on iii(livi, with the absolute power of removal and promotion in his hands, recommends to his priests to instrvct their people how to vote on a most important constitutional amendment. This is the 2AS Faclnff ilie Tweniiieili Century. power which Aivlil)i.shop Corrigau uses, as he claims, at the ijchest of Italian cardinals. " The true story of how this letter of Archbishop Cor- iiij;airs M^A into print has never been publicly told, although it has been laughed over many a time in the private gather- ings of Catliolic clergy, when they felt secure from archiepis- copal eavesdropping. Many of the priests of the Newark diocese felt humiliated and outraged by Bishop Corrigan's interference in politics then, Just as many of the priests of this diocese feel humiliated and outraged by Archbishop Corrigan's interference in politics now ; but being absolutely under his thumb, none of them dared to say a word. There was, however, in the diocese, a German priest, whose knowledge of English was so extremely limited that he interpreted the word ' confidential,' written across the bishop's letter, to mean ' confide all ' — that is to say, ' tell everybody,' '■ publish this broadcast,' and finding privately that this was his notion of ' confidential,' some American priests took means to quietly intimate to a Newark Advertiser reporter that he had better go to see the German priest and ask for a copy of the bishop's letter, as a matter of course. The reporter went ; the German priest instantly complied, glad to get the opportunity to obey what he thought was the injunction of his bishop, the Newark Advertiser published the letter, and the waggish priests had a laugh which comes back yet whenever the incident is recalled." — The Standard, January 29, 1887. Sometimes the Roman priests resort to very cruel methods for influencing the voter. They play upon the sorrows of the heart and upon the religious desire for burial in conse- crated ground for the purpose of political intimidation. We have fr()ni tlie lips of witnesses of veracity their personal experience in tliis direction, during the single-tax contro- versy and at the time Henry George and Dr. McGlynn were in political alliance. Tlie following is one of the numerous illustrations which Politico- Ecclesiastical Romanism. S4y we could fiimisli : A devout Roman Catholic living on Long Island, within the New York City limits, went to his priest for confession. The priest asked him if he was connected with the United Labor Party. When the man responded in the affirmative, the priest told him that unless he promised that he would not vote for the United Labor Party he could not o:ive him absolution ; thus in the confessional intimida- tion was used. After the man came from the confessional he told another priest the facts of the case, and this priest told him to cross the river and go to a New York priest, whom he named, and make his confession, and then he would be ready for communion the following Sunday. We have in our possession the statement of the experience of several honest Roman Catholics identical with the above. If we can contribute in the least to the awakening of honest Roman Catholic voters to the fact that their first loyalty as citizens is due to the government under which they live, and that this loyalty need not aifect their loyalty to their religious faith as Catholics, but rather make it more rational, uplifting, and self-respecting, we shall have rendered a genuine service to these our fellow-citizens, and to their and our country. Is it not time that the American people intelligently recog- nized the situation as it is, and while granting equal rights with all others to Roman Catholicism as a religion, insist on its non-interference as a political organization with the sovereignty of the citizen ? We must have no imperium in imperio in this republic. Will not politico-ecclesiastical Romanism consent to retire without compulsion from this field, and let religious Roman- ism have a chance to prove its right to the title of Holy Catholic by its good works and by its molding of the char- acters of men into the image of Christ, without asserting a power over their civic action which Christ never claimed ? The American people will soon reach a condition of polit- ical conviction that will demand, first, supreme and absolute •_).-,0 Facina thf" Twentieth Century. K.valty to the re[)u])lic as a eoiidition for office-liolclmg and citizenship. They will not permit our institutions to be either ccniproiuist'd, surrendered, or apologized for. The republic was f(»uii ^ ^ S « Ci O w n: S '-^ S ^: Q < o ^? < tc C O O O! ^< w ? ^ r' 5 < M ^. > t" B :« oO ■^ fa PolUieo- Ecclesiastical Homanism. 261 dren educated in Government schools, thus indorsing Morgan's policy in this respect, and he denied our request to withdraw the nominations of Messrs. Morgan and Dorchester, thus showing his preference for these two men to the Hierarchy and Catholics of the country. . . Faithfully yours, (Signed) J. A, Stephan, Director. Rt. Rev. M. Maety, President Board of Catholic Indian Missions. It will be observed tliat Steplian's seci-et purpose was treas- ured up three j^ears aud was not released to do its work until after President Harrison's renoniiuation in 1892. The liierarcliy cared not what financial questions were in- volved, or whether distress would result to the millions. Pres- ident Harrison had " crossed" them ; he must pay the penalty, so that his successors would better serve their demands. The Catholic Betylew, February 15, 1896, said : '' Mr. Ben- jamin Harrison has written a letter to decline to be a candidate for the Republican nomination for President. . . " Mr. Harrison could not get the nomination without a contest and is not sure that he could get it even after the jiardest kind of a struggle. He must know that the proba- ])ilities are ao;ainst him. He shrinks from the mortification of defeat and gracefully hauls down his lightning-rod. He made a respectable President, having against him only his anti- Catholic Indian policy, and his co-operation Avith the Pi'otes- tant missionary faction in Hawaii to rob that country of self- government and annex it to the United States." And now we have one secret of the defeat of Benjamin Harrison from the lips of politico-ecclesiastical conspirators who claim never to enter politics. The New York Press, the day after the Presidential elec- tion, 1892, said: " The reason why Connecticut went so strongly for Cleveland is explained by a lying circular, almost as gross a forgery as the Morey letter. It represented President Harrison as having said to Indian Connnissioner Morgan that a Catholic school in •>^\'2 Facing the Tweniietli Century. Colorado must he Presbyteriauizecl. This circular was sent to all the French Catholics in Connecticut, secretly. It was a lie out of whole cloth, but it served its purpose." Roniaiii-iu is persistently interfering in tlie making of political pai-ty platforms, and constantly on the watch to ex- clude from them any expression of purpose to nurture and i)rotect principles and institutions distinctively American. In 1892 overtures ^vere made to both of the dominant political j>arties to take at least as creditable a stand on the common- school question, and on the proposed Sixteenth Amendment to the Constitution of the United States prohibiting sectarian appropriation by the several States, as they did in 1876. But ecclesiastical terrors were so influential that the following deliverances were the measures of the then political party l)atriotism and courage. The Republican platform says : " The ultimate reliance of free popular government is the intelligence of the people and the maintenance of freedom anionir men. AVe therefore declare anew our devotion to liberty of thought and conscience, of speech and press, and approve all agencies and instruments which contribute to the education of the children of the land ; but while insisting upon the fullest measure of religious lil)erty, we are opposed to any union of church and state." The Democratic platform says : " Popular education being the only safe basis of popular suffi-age, we recommend to the several States most liberal ap- ]n-opriations for the public schools. Free public schools are tiie nursery of good govei'nment, and they have always re- ceixed the fostering care of the Democratic Party, Avhieli favors every means of increasing intelligence. Freedom of education being an essential of civil and religious liberty, as well as a necessity for the development of intelligence, must not be iulfrCrred with under niiy pi-etexi whatever. We are opposed t<-> state interference with piiicnlal I'ights and rights of con- Polhko-Ecdmaatiixd lio7nanimn. 263 science Id the education of children, as an infringement of the fundamental Democratic doctrine that the largest indi- vidual in^erty consistent with the rights of others insures the highest type of American citizenship and the best gov^ern- ment." Let it be remembered that prominent leaders of the plat- form committees of both conventions, in 1892, gave the most earnest assurances in advance that a strong deliverance on the schools and sectarian appropriations should 1)e made in their respective platforms. Let it also be remembered that both National Committees had a Roman Catholic chairman in Carter of Montana and Harrity of Pennsylvania, whose first allegiance was dne to the power which consents to "tolerate'' under compulsion the American free conunon-school S3'stem of education. The compulsory platform upon which these two Roman Catholi(! chairmen stood contained the following plank, of which Leo XIIL is the author : "Furthermore, in politics, which are inseparably bound up with the laws of morality and I'eligious duties, men ought always, and in i\\e Jirst ])lc(ce to serve, ix^ far as 2^ossihle, the interests of Catliolicism. As soon as they are seen to be in danger, all differences should cease between Catholics." A ROMAN prelate's AUDACIOUS ACT WHICH ROBBED PATRIOTIC crnzENs OF their rights. If the American people had been consulted, it is undoubt- edly true that in 189G an overwhelming majority of them Avould have been glad by vote to have emphasized their con- viction that the public schools should be protected by con- stitutional safeguards, and that public moneys should not be used for sectarian propaganda. In connection w^ith an effort to meet this desire of the people, Ave have to record one of the most shameful chapters in American political party 204 Facing the Twentietli Century. liistoi-v, tlie facts never Laving lieretofore been authentically and olirondlogicall}' .stated. Ill May, 1896, the writer ^vas requested, by very high aiithoritv in the Republican party, to consult with able and l)atriotic men with wliom he had been associated in securing constitutional changes in State Constitutions to protect the schools and prohibit sectarian appropriations, and " to formu- late an appropriate statement for the Republican party plat- form concerning the school question." The consultation was lield. (And here let it be noted that pot a man consulted was a member of the American Protective Association. This fact has an important bearing u2'>on a document soon to appear in this narration.) The citizens consulted determined to recommend the reaffirmation of the declaration of the platform of 187G as follows : " We reaffirm the declaration of the platform of 1876 : " The public-school system of the United States is the bul- wark of the American Republic, and, with a view to its security and permanence, we reconuiiend an amendment to the Constitution of the United States, forbidding the appli- cation of any public funds or property for the benefit of any schools or institutions under sectarian control." This was accompanied by a letter containing the following : "The reasons for proposing this form of action are as follows : " 1 . It is simply a reaffirmation of the attitude of the party taken in the centennial year 1876. " 2. It commits the party to nothing new and therefore fur- nishes no basis for antagonism. " .''>. It is a dignified, self-respecting, and concise putting of the jtiiiiciples involved. '' \. Wliile, on the one hand, it will give satisfaction to the ia|)idly Lirowing patriotic sentiment of the country, it will fuiiiisli 11(1 new basis of attack IVoiii any class of citizens. Politico- Ecclesiastical Romanism. 265 " 5. Since the declaration in question was put in the plat- form of 1876 nineteen States have either adopted new con- stitutions or amended old constitutions in accord with the principles here enunciated, until it has come to pass that forty-two of the forty-five States have rigid constitutional provisions protecting the common-school funds, and twenty- seven of the States prohibit sectari;ui appropriations; and both Houses of the present Congress have made declaration that hereafter the policy of tlie National Government must accord with these principles. "6. The best sentiment of the citizenship of the country is undoubtedly arrayed in an uiisectarian and non-partisan way on the side of the free common-school system and in favor of the absolute separation of church and state on all matters pertaining to taxation. " 7. The Democratic Party will also be appealed to, to put in its platform a declaration on this same line of principles." The letter and the prepared ])lank were sent as directed on June 2, 1896, to the prominent men suggested. The con- vention assembled at St. Louis on June 10, 1896. The news- papers throughout the country giving a digest of the platform before its adoption contained a plank embodying the princi- ples suggested in the above plank, and mendjers of the plat- form committee declared that the committee had taken favorable action upon it. On June 24 the daily press con- tained tlie following fi'om St. Louis : " The following telegram was received 1)}^ Chairman Carter of the Republican National Committee from Archbishop Ireland : " ' St. Paul, Minn., June 1 7. " To Thomas H. Carter, National Committeernan^St. Louis, Mo. "'The clause in the proposed platform opposing the use of public money for sectarian purposes and union of chui'ch and state is unnecessary and uncalled for. It is urged by the A. P. A. Its adoption will be taken as a concession to them, 06(5 Faring the Twentieth Century. will awaken reliuioiis animosities in the country, aud will do nuich barm. The Republican party should not lower itself to recognize directly or indi.vetly the A. P. A. I hope the clause, or anvtliing like it, will not be adopted. " ' Joiix Ireland.' " A <^Mitleman was told by a prominent member of the oonunitTee that the paragraph declaring against appropria- tions from the United States Treasury for sectarian purposes woul.l be incorporated, and that the committee had taken favorable action upon it. Later in the day [Wednesday] he was surprised to learn from a member of the committee that its action had been reconsidered and that there would l)e nothing in the platform in that regard. This change is now attributed to the telegram from the Archbishop. The dis- ])atch was referred by Chairman Carter [R. C] to Edward Lauterljach [Jew] of New York, and he, with National Com- mitteeman R. C. Kerens [R. C] of this city [St: Louis], went before the committee and succeeded in knocking out all reference to the Church." At the dictation of a Roman Catholic prelate who takes his orders from Rome, and who has proven himself to be the worst, because the most specious aud deceptive foe of the l»ublic schools and of the public treasuries, tw^o Roman Catholic Republicans and one Jew^ "knocked out all reference to the Church " and suppressed " the clause in the proposed platform opposing the use of public money for sectarian purposes and union of church and state." The action confesses that a movement for the protection of our institutions is a bhnv at the " Church," which here interferes for lilt* protection of its practice of looting public treasuries. The CatlioJie Review of July 4, 189G, conunenting on the St. Louis political scandal, charging every movement to the A. P. A., as it is accustomed to do, which has for its purpose ilic piotcction of our [)ublic schools and other institutions aLi'aiii^l ilic assaults of [)olilical Poinaiilsni, had this to say: Politico- Ecclesiastical JRomanism. ^6? *' The A. P. A. was beaten at St, Louis. Senator Loda-e, it is true, got the x^arty to adopt a j^lank demanding an educa- tional test from immigrants, but the other principles of the conspiratoi's were I'ejected. On June 17, Archbishop Ireland sent this telegi'am to Senator Carter : 'The clause in the pro- posed platform opposing the use of public money *for sectarian pui'j)oses and union of church and state is unnecessary and uncalled for. It is urged by the A. P. A. Its adoption will be taken as a concession to them, will awaken religious ani- mosity in the country and do much harm. The Republican Party should not lower itself to recognize directly or in- directly tlie A, P. A. I hope the clause or anything like it, Avill not be adopted.' Senator Gear worked hard to secure the two declarations desired by the A. P. A., but Senator Carter, Mr. Lauterbach, Mr. Kerens, and Mr. Brady persuaded the Committee on Resolutions that the great Rejiublican party should not be controlled b}^ a band of political bush- ^vliackers. Mr. Mark Hanna ag-reed with them." When Ireland, Carter, Kerens, Lauterbach &, Co. changed the school plank in the St. Louis platform, why did they not change the Cuban plank in the intei'ests of Roman Catholic Spain ? Both the inspiration of purpose and the end to be sought w^ould have been entirely harmonious ^vith the sup- pression of the school plank, and the ecclesiastical member of the unholy and unpatriotic cabal would have been saved from the weariness and expensiveness of many after-Journeys to Washington, first to seek to prevent war with Spain, and then, after Spain was conquered, to secure tlie appointment of a Romanist on the Peace Commission to protect the Pope's investments in Spanish bonds, \vhich he had purchased to aid Spain in crushing Cuba. This performance under the leadership of Archbishop Ireland at St. Louis emphasizes two facts : first, the shameless audacit}^ of a Roman ecclesiastic, representing a corporal's guard of men who vote with tlie Republican party, in dai'ing oO« Faeing ilie Twenikdli Century. to pro^'ibit, tliroiigh dictation over members of a platform committee, a majority of patriotic ADiericau people from expressing tlieir opinion in favor of constitutional protection for tht'ir scliools and tlieir public treasuries. Second, the cowardly and fawning surrender of principle, at tbe demand of tbe oidy enemy of our public schools, on tlie part of men delegated to formulate a platform wliicli should embody the consensus of tbe best American sentiment. If tbe facts of tbis disgraceful incident at tbe St. Louis Convention bad been extensively known, despite tbe impor- tance of tbe financial issue in tbe campaign, it is very doubtful wbetber tlie nojuinees of tbe convention could bave been elected, as multitudes of candid citizens would bave reasoned tbat tbe disbonesty at St. Louis, audaciously and deliberately practiced upon tbe people, was fully as dangerous in its permanently baleful results as tbe adoption of any experi- mental financial fad upon \\\\\ii, and every citizen in the land. "There is a movement on foot, not yet crystallized into a policy to be condemned or advocated by its opponents or friends, but sufficiently defined in its object to excite in the minds of our citizens apprehension, if not alarm. We refer to that alliance of church and l)arty, whicli in certain localities is so marked as to leave no doubt of its purpose. This alliance is the surest evidence that Ultramontanism, which has cursed Europe for centuries, is seeking a foothold upon our soil. Our Catholic clergy have a perfect right to labor and vote for the Democratic party, but they have no right to use the discipline of their Church to force those who believe in their faith, but not in their politics, to unite with them at the ballot box. " Yet the coercive policy is the one now adopted. The dis- cipline of the Church is to be brought to bear upon its follow- ers, and the Romish Church, inspired by Jesuitical teachings, is to make common cause with Democracy, in its endeavor to overthrow the Republican party, and \vith it the free-school system whicli it sustains. " The legislation of Ohio and New York, especially their city legislation, affords strong proof of the design of the Papal Hierarchy to use the Democratic party as the political lever to overthrow the free-school system of the land. This accom- plished, the door is oj^en for the control of other institutions in the future, and through a national triumph of the party to which the Church is allied, to a radical change of our form of ffovernment. Politico-Ecclesiadical Iio))uinism. 271 " These jiossibilities sLoulcl arouse intelligeut citizens of all creeds, whether of native or foreign birth, to the danger that threatens our country if the Ultramontane element of the Church, through the success of Democracy, should obtain control of our national affairs." Since the above sentiments were published for the eidight- enment of the people, the attitude of Ultramontanism toward political parties has materially changed. While the mass of its voters still profitably adhere to the Democratic party, it has sent enough of its leaders into the Republican party to intimidate or bribe its managers by threats or pi'omises of votes to be delivered in the mass. Thus the triumph of either party it claims as its triumph, and demands its reward in offices and appropriations, ^vhile the rank and file of the American citizens, constituting the following of the two parties, are help- less for either protest against the dangerous alliance of Roman- ism with politicians, or for expression of conviction by ballot concerning the protection of our distinctively American insti- tutions from foreign papal aggressions. The South since the \var has been Democratic in politics, in order to defeat the possibility of negro domination, although by history and conviction opposed to the political power of Romanism, Hugh McLaughlin, styled the veteran leader of the Democ- racy of the Borough of Brooklyn, New York City, because he is the Roman Catholic boss of the Roman Catholic voters, is commendably frank in his comments on the attitude of Roman- ists in the mayoralty contest in 1897. In an interview in the Brooklyn Eagle of November 3, 1897, this political pi-ince of the Church says : " It is the most wonderful thing in the history of politics — Low's vote is. It cannot be analyzed l>y any living being except those who are interested in bringing about that result. Look back to 1854, 1855, and 1856, and then make compari- son between the vote then and the vote for Low this year. o-j Facing the Twentieth Century. Do you f^et the idea ? The same spirit which prevailed in those past times prevailed in the Low party yesterday. Sore ! It was the Know-Nothiug system of those years. It was the American Protective Association yesterday, supplemented by the support of so-called high-toned Roman Catholics, such men here as the Keileys, and the McMahous and the Kellys. There is a passage of Scripture which says : ' Lord, forgive tliem ; they know not what they do.' You get the idea, don't you ? The same spirit prevailed yesterday as that which was manifested in 1854, 1855, and 1856. There isn't tlie slightest doubt of it. There was no sound reason why the Kepublican party should go against Tracy or any man like him. '' I venture to say that no man is more surprised by the vote than Low himself. I can understand it, and as I said, I attrib- ute it to the so-called ' better element ' of the Catholic Church. AVord was passed around to support Seth Low. They are men \\\\o represent Catholicism in their minds, hut they don't go to confession very often, I guess. I could say a lot of things more. I feel like saying them." These utterances of McLaughlin stirred up some resentment among two classes. A Roman Catholic who claims to be a Republican, but who is afraid to sign his name to his conunu- nication, ^vrites the Eagle thus : " His evident attempt to question the freedom of Catholics in political affairs is certainly astounding, and if he is trying to sliom a direct alliance between Catholicism and Democracy he reveals a condition heretofore unhnown. It has presumably been the supposition of every intelligent American that sec- tarian considerations should not influence the political action of the citizen, and this theory is supposed to hold good at this day. What will Protestants think of Mr. McLaughlin's action ? They can but regard it as an indication that he believes the Democratic party to be an annex of the Catholic Church. Under such circumstances they w'o\dd naturally feel out of place. The occasion demands iliat an effective denial be given PoUilco- Ecclesiastical Romanism. 273 to his utterances, and that any wrong impression be removed. Tlie Catholic Church holds aloof from all political matters and not only allows, but guarantees to all its members the widest latitude in civil affairs. No political party has any claim on her, and Mr. McLaughlin's attempt to make it appear otherwise should be considered as an irresponsible declaration." Mr. J. Seton, claiming to be a Protestant and a Democrat, writes in the Eagle thus : " Mr. McLaughlin's bigotry finds parallel only in the six- teenth century. His interview reads like a page from the history of the Covenanters. It may be observed that he was most careful in making his statement after election. Does McLaughlin think it is impossible to be a Republican and at the same time a good Catholic like himself and Dick Croker ? A t a time when he ought to be generous to his defeated oppo- nents it seems a lamentable mistake to heap abuse upon the better element, as he terms them, of Catholics who supported the movement for honest city government. This will be a useful interview for future reference, Mr. McLanghlin, for as a Protestant and a Democrat I cannot bind myself to a party which you assert is composed mainly of the lower class of Catholics. And there are others." The Sunday Democrat (R. C.) of November 7, 1897, con- tains the following : " Since the election Mr. Hugh McLaughlin, leader of the Brooklyn Democracy, has given his opinion, and he traces the opposition to Tracy to the revival of Know-Nothingism. We print on our first page Mr. McLaughlin's analysis of the Mayoral contest, and it fully justifies the w^arning spoken by Mr. Farrell. " It is safe to say tliat no more than a dozen Catholics voted for Mr. Seth Low, and Mr. McLaughlin tells us the kind of Cath- olics they are. Catholics individually take an active interest and often play an important part in American politics, but they never drag religion into politics unless when they are 274 Fach\(j ilie TweiUietJt Century. forced to act on the defensive and protect tlie rights of their Church af>-ainst Know-Nothingisni, as in the case of Mr. Seth Low. '' So far from combining as Catholics to accomplish a p.oliti- cal puipose, they object most strenuously to any attempt Ijeini;- nrade to stir up any feeling in the community on ac- count of religion, and feel that the sound sense of the people will not approve the conduct of those ^vho have undertaken to do it, even though they affect to do it in the interest of the toilino- masses. "In every case the religious question was introduced, not by Catliolics, and it is shameful that the Lowites were the Urst to introduce it. Mr. McLaughlin has taken their meas- ure, and we thank him for it." On January 1, 1898, the victorious Roman Catholic forces entlu-oned their Dictator Richard in the New York City Hall ; but for convenience' sake, as Richai-d ^vas liable to be out of the country during the English racing period, put the cro\vn on the head and the scepter in the hand of one Robert, a Hol- lander in the line of William of Orange. On January 2(3, 1898, there appeared in the Eagle a letter from one of Rich- ard's worshipers and namesakes, bearing date January 15, and signed James M. Richards. After some moralizing on religion and tlie Irish, Mr. Richards says : " There are enougli good, trusty, honest Catholic Irishmen in New York to fill every municipal office therein. I see no cause to bhime Vlw Croker for the appointment of Irish Catli- olics to officp. They form the most numerous body of voters in the Democratic camp. They never holt tlie regular tichct. He can rely on them in all emergencies. Their discipline and obedience are certain. Can he say as much of any other na- tionality ? The American Democrat asks what there is for him. What's he crying about ? How many of him are tliere ? Wliat does liis little company amount to? Perhaps he thinks his brains are of use to the party I His brains ! ! ! Politico- Ecclesiastical Homanisvi. 275 Why, any disinterested observer \v\\\ tell biiii, as I would, Le is the inferior of the Irishman in every respect — mentally, morally, and physicall}^ Get him to call the roll of his native American Democrats in New York city. Native American bosh! Go to, thou Native American Protestant Democrat! Take a back seat or stand up. Can't you learn sense from the German Democrat ? Do you hear him sniveling ? No, sir ; he's earning an honest living, and a glass or two of beer beside. Or if you can't be patient, take your skeleton com- pany into the Eepublican camp and swell (oh, what a swell !) their vote on next election day. Shall we notice the in- creased count ? Seriously, the action of Mr. Croker is as wise as it is natural. The new city government is to be manned by Irish Roman Catholics because the battle tvas tvon by them. To the victors belong the sjmls. All that anyone has a right to ask is that they take Father Malone's words to heart and conform their official and private lives to the teaching of our Master as interpreted by that branch of His Church to which they belong." The three Roman Catholic political leaders — Richard Croker, Edward Murphy, and Hugh McLaughlin — are the absolute masters of the Democratic party in the city and State of New York, dictating its nominations for and appoint- ments to office, and they are ambitiously planning to control the party and government in the nation. Is there any ques- tion that the sole power of these men in politics consists in the fact of their being personally Romanists, and in their politi- cal alliance with ecclesiasticism which enables them to mass the Roman Catholic vote at the polls? These men on the basis of character, culture, attainments, or patriotic service, would not be designated as leaders and guardians of the public weal by any considerable number of loyal and honest citizens. In fact, if leadership was conditioned upon the possession of these qualities, this triumvirate would be com- pelled to earn an honest living by honest toil. But with the 276 Facing the Twentieth Century. political power of Rome back of them and others of their ilk, they dictate terms to decent men, and dispense political patronage as though it were their personal property, as it is their personal possession ; usually selling the nominations and offices, like indulgences, at a fixed price called an assessment, while the most of these and their fellow dictators and conspirators, like their histoi'ical ecclesiastical predecessors, crrow rich in mysterious ways, while they impudently flaunt their wealth before the eyes of honest people, who are help- less in the grip of an ignorant and superstitious voting power, upon which their alien masters are enthroned. If a citizen ventures to speak the truth al)out the source of the power of these rulers of a large domain who even aspire to control the nation, he is told by the sycophants whom this power has created that he is injecting religion into politics and threatening religious liberty. It is blasphemy to associate the holy name of religion with Roman political power and intrigues in this republic of ours. Venality of politicians and political leaders is the weakness and wickedness to which Romanism makes its appeals when it desires to bolster up its pretensions and demands and strike a blow at tlie foundations of our republican institutions. Yielding to this tempter has clouded the fame and termi- nated the usefulness of many conspicuous names in American history. The rivalry of Roman Catholic prelates in party political manipulations presents some amazing incidents. Archbishop Ireland writes letters, and furnishes interviews in condenma- tion of the A. P. A., which are believed to have placated his Roman Catholic following in the intei'ests of the Republican party, and poses as an illustration to prove that the Roman vote can be divided and partly won away from the Demo- cratic party, and as a reward by the grateful Republicans, some of their number assemble at the offices of a Trust Company in New York, aud gladden the heart of the political prelate Politico- Ecclesiastical JRomanism. 277 by relieving his financial straits. The redoubtable Bishop McQuaid of Rochester rebukes Ireland, and this arouses Dr. Walsh, editor of the Sunday Democrat, to vent himself thus : " AVhen Bishop McQuaid inveighs against Archbishop Ire- land for interfering in the affairs of New York, he forgets that he himself lives in a very big glass house. He seems to forget that he himself cannot be absolved of guilt in this matter. It is notorious that most of the unfortunate steps taken by New York church authorities have been either ini- tiated or suggested or approved by ' My Lord of Rochester.' " Dr. Walsh's article concludes with the remark that "Arch- bishop Ireland holds a sort of brevet commission from the Holy See to do Just such work as that for which Bishop McQuaid so severely reproves him." May 8, 1897, there appeared in the New York World the following : "Washington, May 7. Mgr. Martinelli, the Apostolic Delegate, has rendered a decision in the case of the Rev. Peter Rosen against Archbishop Ireland that bids fair to cause more excitement in ecclesiastical circles than anything since the famous Corrigan-McGlynn episode. " Father Rosen is charged with the authorship of an an- onymous pamphlet attacking Archbishop Ireland, which appeared in AVashington simultaneously with Father Rosen's arrival about ten days ago. It was sent to several Senators and Representatives, known to be friends of the St. Paul prelate, and to many of his clerical admirers. The pamphlet accuses the prelate of political corruption and gives what is called the inside history of his connection with Senator Davis, former Governor Merriam, and other Minnesota politicians. The history of the Archbishop's speculation in land is also given with elaborate detail. It charges that, while himself engaged in political intrigue, he was very hard on those of his priests who merely exercised the rights of an American citizen and voted according to their political creed. 278 Fcvcing the Twentieth Century. " A letter addressed to a priest during the campaign telling him not to meddle in national questions is quoted in full without name, to substantiate the author's statements. The pamphlet is entitled ' Archbishop Ireland as He Is.' A copy was sent to Mot. Martinelli, and it is known that the Delegate stroncdv condemned the publication, and took immediate steps to stop its circulation. " The news that Mgr. Martinelli has promised to espouse the cause of the refractory priest is considered astonishing, and the Delegate will soon be asked to explain publicly his attitude in the controversy. "Bishop Marty was much discouraged at Father Rosen's financial troubles, and advised him to try to get a chaplaincy in the army. The Bishop used his influence, and it is claimed by Father Rosen's friends that he would have been success- ful had not Archbishop Ireland interfered in favor of another man. " Father Rosen has the unanimous support of the German Hierarchy in his fight against the Metropolitan of St. Paul." Although we are presenting to the vision of the American people '^ Archbishop Ireland as He Is " in many important and interesting relations, we have tried in vain to get a copy of Father Rosen's pam[)hlet on the subject. Like many other interesting revelations of the inwardness of political Romanism which tell too much truth, this dangerous document has been suppressed but not answered. Archbishop Ireland injects his political personality into the alfairs of the Repuljlican party, to which he claims to belong; l>ut when appropriations for Roman Catholic charities are at stake, he, with great facility, throws the weight of his polit- ical influence first with one party and then with the other. On Noveml)er 25, 1894, Bishop McQuaid of Rochester read a sermon from " manuscri|)t because he did not wish to lea\e any doubt in anyone's mind of his position." Tlie place of this deliverance was St. Patrick's Cathedral. The reader Politico- Ecclesiastical Romanism. 279 needs to bear several things in mind as he peruses the parts of the prelate's sermon which we here quote. Archbishop Ireland was supposed at that time to represent what was called the " liberal " party in the Roman Catholic Church in this country, and Corrigan and McQuaid repre- sented the Bourbon party. They are all Bourbons now in subserviency. Archbishop Ireland had offensively and persistently re- mained in his Fifth Avenue Hotel headcpiarters in New York during the progress of the New York political contest of 1894, issuing political encyclicals and bulls of excommunica- tion ao-ainst members of the American Protective Association, and all other citizens who were opposed to the politico- ecclesiastical aggressions of Romanism. If Bishop McQuaid had waited a little, he would have found his Tammany indignation mollified against the Arch- bishop of St. Paul, by ascertaining that he had in him an ardent ally in the New York Constitutional Convention in blocking the desire of the people for the protection of their public schools and for the prohibition of sectarian appropria- tions. Bishop McQuaid, by his own avowal a violent enemy of the public-school S3'stem, with characteristic modesty was a candi- date for Regent of the University of the State of New York, a body having the educational interests of the State in charge. Archbishop Ireland, accustomed to think and act as though the entire country were in his politico-ecclesiastical diocese, whenever offices are to be dispensed to Roman Catholics, had favored a Republican priest -by the name of Malone for the office of Regent. Tammany's iniquities had been exposed, the wrath of the people had been aroused, and it was important that there should be no wavering in the ranks of the Roman legions in case they were then defeated and ever expected to rally for a future victory. 280 Facing the Iwentietli Century, GEMS FKOM BISHOP MCQUAId's SERMOK "Now tliat tlie election, with its excitement, turmoil, and passions, has passed away, I Judge it my duty to refer in this public manner to some incidents and scandals connected there- with. " Every Catholic having respect for his bishops and priests, and the honor and good name of his Church, must have been pained and mortified when he learned, during the late politi- cal campaign, that one of our bishops, the Archbishop of St. Paul, cast to one side the traditions of the past and entered the political arena like any layman. "I contend that this coming to New York of the Arch- bishop of St. Paid to take part in a political contest ^vas undignified, disgraceful to his episcopal office, and a scandal in the eyes of all right-minded Catholics of both parties. It was furthermore a piece of meddlesome interference on his part to come from his State to another to break down all discipline among our priests and justify the charge of those inimical to us that priests are partisans and use their office and opportu- nities for political work. " New York is a])undantly able to take care of itself with- out extraneous help, as the last election showed. And if the newspapers report correctly, the Legislature of Minnesota is itself sadly in need of purification, and His Grace might have found full scope there for his political scheming. " But it is well known to many that it ^vas from no love for good government that Archbishop Ireland spent so many weeks in New York City, and so far from his diocese, where the law of residence o})liged him to be. It was to pay a debt to the Kepublican party that his services were rendered. " During the last session of the New York Legislature, Archbishop Ireland of far-off Minnesota busied himself writ- ing letters to leading Kepublican members in favor of the can- didacy of Rev. Mr. Malone for the position of Kegent of the Politico- Ecclesiastical Roiiianism. 281 University. It was none of the Archbishop's business to meddle ^vith what did not legitimately concern him. But then he knew the Archbishop of New York and his suffragans desired the election of a candidate able and willing to protect the best interests of Catholic schools and academies coming under the control of the Regents." For this somewhat free expression of opinion Bishop Mc- Quai-d was rebuked by Rome and required to apologize. This power over party politics and politicians has corrupted the Jews by making combinations which appeal to greed for appropriations. This has often occurred in constitutional conventions, in legislatures, and in boards of management of institutions. We know of two illustrations in the organiza- tion of a board of education, where in one case the man who was elected president agreed as the condition of his election to constitute all committees with a majority of Romanists and Jews, and he carried out his contract. In the other case the candi- date agreed to appoint Romanists as chairmen of all commit- tees with which any patronage was connected vrith a chance to make money, and he carried out his contract. It is but just to say that most Israelites are patriotic Amer- icans, but some of their conspicuous representatives have yielded to the voice of the siren. What an anomaly is pre- sented ^vhen these two facts of current history are placed in juxtaposition : Romanists in France persecuting Dreyfus and all Jews; Romanists and Jews in America combining for political power and plunder. Peter and Pilate kissing each other ! Mr. George W. Aldridge, late Commissioner of Public Works in the State of New^York, eagerly sought in 189G and supposed that he had secured a sufficient number of delegates to make sure for himself the Republican nomination for Gov- ernor in that State. It was claimed for him that he could secure by his canal patronage enough Roman Catholic votes through the influence of Corrigau and McQuaid and othei's to 282 Facing the Twe)iiieth Cerifxry. more than make up for the loss of the respectable Republican vote which would certainly bolt the ticket in case he was nominated. He was defeated for nomination by the pro- nounced American sentiment in the State expressing itself tlirough different patriotic organizations. In the light of the exposure of canal affaii's of the State, what do his Roman Catholic and subservient Republican constituents think now? It doesn't answer to pay court to Romanism as a political machine. Contracts and political appointments to office are made and money paid by political party managers for the delivery of Roman Catholic votes, and then the same course is pursued with some of the men who claim to represent anti-Romanist secret societies, for the purpose we must conclude of overcom- ing their deep-seated and patriotic anti-Romanist convictions and securing their votes on the same side with the purchased Romanists. These facts are capable of demonstration in so far as the}^ are applicable to more than one National election and to many State elections. It seems to be inevitable that wherever political Romanism touches men or institutions, it paralyzes the moral sense. Men aml)itious for preferment in political and professional lines, especially lawyers, who legitimately desire judicial ])osi- tions in New York and in every great center of population, are obliged to abase themselves before representatives of pol itico-ecclesiasticism. Political appointments and places are notoriously sought and secured for sectarian reasons. Commissioners and heads of departments are appointed avowedly to represent the Roman Catholic Church, and the head of the hierarchy in New York and in other large cities is virtually dictator in making many subordinate appointments — and this under a representative form of government. Since 1870, when Victor Eimnanuel became the ruler of United Italy and the temjioi-al powei' of Pius IX. was de- PoJiiico-JEcdesiastical liomani.wi. 28ci stroyed, lie and his successor, Leo XIIL, have declared them- selves prisoners in the Vatican city, for the purpose of making a persistent and an abiding advertisement to the nations of tlie earth that temporal political power must be restored, and for the purpose of furnishing ground for appeal by the members of the hierarchy in different parts of the world for Peter's- peuce collections, to relieve the Pope from his impecunious condition while in imprisonment. The presentation of this appeal is taken advantage of by the Pope's representatives in different lands to assault the Italian government. Archbishop Corrigan in his last appeal, Octol)ei-, 1898, addressed to his clergy, made a most violent assault upon tlie Italian govern- ment, because of its relations to the Pope ; thus abusing his I'ights as an American citizen by inveighing against a foreign power with which the American republic sustains friendly relations. AVhy do United States and State Senators vie with each other in unseemly eagerness to give an affirmative vote for the confirmation of Eoman Catholic nominations for office ? Why should statesmen find it necessary to avow their adherence to the American principle of absolute religious liberty when a representative of Romanism is thrust upon their horizon? What is there in this question which, whenever it comes to the front, causes lawmakers to apologize or hysterically launch into a patriotic disquisition concerning their own liber- ality and impartiality ? They can answer, and we can answei', these questions. This ever present and mysterious power causes flunkyism in so-called statesmanship and citizenship. We have heard United States Senators sa}^, when called upon to vote for measures wliich they conceded to be right and just, and which were designed to resist the aggressions of ecclesiasticisra, " I will vote for the measure if you don't insist upon a roll-call." Father McGlynn forgot for a time that he was a slave, and walked and talked like a free man ; but liis clanking chains 284 Fachuj tlie Tioentieth Century. soon reniiDcled liim tliat lie must return to Lis cell, where lie has since been secluded from the public gaze, and Rome, in the person of Archbishop Corrigau, has kept the key of his cell bound to his girdle. AVhile he was out of prison and breathing free and pure air, he talked like a healthy man : '' ' The beneficence of the Pope's influence in politics ? ' It has been the curse of nearly every nation. It has been the curse of Italy, France, Spain, Germany, England, Ireland, (rod forbid, God forbid that the hated thing should have an iU-omened revival ! " It is one of the signs of the degeneracy of the Church and churchmen that, while criminally neglecting their own busi- ness of preaching the Gospel and administering the sacra- ments to the poor, they seek to control education and politics, of which you have examples lying loose all around you in this very city and all over this countrj^ " And it is clearly true that you can be good Catholics, and I pray that you shall all be better Catholics, for refusing, in the name of religion, to take your politics from Rome ; for the more of your politics you take fi'oni Rome the less religion you will have, and the more you refuse to take your politics from Rome the more likely you are to preserve your religion in its purity and to win for your religion the respect and the friendship, and even perhaps the fellowship, of j^our fellow- countrymen. The Catholic religion is best to-day Avhere it has Ijeen remotest for generations from the intrigue and the politics of the court of Rome. The Catholic religion has been purest, it has the most perfect allegiance of all those who call themselves Catholics in all those countries where the (Jliurch is shorn of temporal power, where it has no voice in ])()litics. ''Let the Pope mind his oavii business. Insist upon it, clamor for it, petition, deinaiid, threaten to I'ebel, refuse sup- plies, tighten your purse strings, compel that ecclesiastical Politico- Ecclesiastical Romani.'atriotic men, and is destined to be rebuked when American sentiment, slow to be awakened, is finally aroused. In an- otlier direction equally disgraceful, in imitation of the Roman method, in the last Presidential campiagn, large sums of money were paid to the claimants of so-called patriotic orders for votes which were never delivered, but the funds were Politico-I'Jcdesla stical Hoiiian ism. 291 pocketed by sharpers who trade upon their claimed patrit)tic iDfliieuce, just as politico-ecclesiastical Romanists trade upon their asserted power to deliver Roman Catholic votes. Patri- otic votes, whether Roman Catholic or anti-Roman Catholic, can neither be purchased nor delivered by party boss or leader, but the purpose formed, and the effort put forth, are both corrupting. A notable case of Roman Catholic opposition to safe national legislation at a pivotal point in American history, in 1876, will be found in the record of the congressional contest over the Blaine iVmendment to the United States Constitu- tion, which had been prepared by President Grant and was designed to protect the public-school funds. This amendment passed the House of Representatives by one hundred and eighty afiirmative votes to seven negative votes. In the Senate, after a debate extending at intervals through some days, and after many changes had been pro- posed, which did not, however, change the primary purpose of the Amendment, it was defeated under the leadership of Francis Keruan, a Roman Catholic United States Senator from New York State, the vote standing at twenty-eight in the affirmative and sixteen in the negative. A two-thirds vote being required for the passage of the Amendment, Roman Catholic power succeeded in compassing its defeat by con- trolling the two votes necessary. If this Amendment in 18T6 had become a part of the organic law of the land, the treasuries of the nation, the States, and the subdivisions of States ^vould have been saved millions of dollars, and the sec- tarian issue concerning the public schools, which has been, and continues to be, a disturber of the peace, would have been banished from political issues. The only church or ecclesiastical institution, except Mor- monism, in the United States which has ever in the past maintained, or which now maintains, a regularly organized and legally incorporated lobby in Washington is the Roman 202 Facing the Twentieth Century. Catholic Cburcli. The facts concerning the origin and con- stitution of tliis h)bby are taken from Roman Catholic sources of information. The methods of work of this lobby, through Director Stephan, have been audacious and insulting toward public officials, — including a President of the United States, — intimidating toward lawmakers, and mandatory toward politicians. We are in possession of documents, letters, and circulars of Director Stephan, addressed to the prelates of the Roman Catholic Church, in one of which he says, " I am constrained to request that yon will keep this report from the eye of the public "; the report in question con- taininjx an account of his elfoi'ts to defeat the confirmation by the United States Senate of General Morgan for Com- missioner of Indian AfPairs and of Dr. Dorchester for Superintendent of Indian Schools. This report, and other documents issuino; from the same source, have contained such vile assaults upon the President and other executive officers of the National Government that the author and all of his backers ought in national self-respect to have been banished from every department in Washington. While the primary official purpose of this Roman lobby is announced to be "the procurement from the Government of funds for their support," referring to Indian schools, they watch every movement of legislation by Congress and report any lack of subserviency to their sectarian demands on the l^art of any individual congressman to the Roman Catholic authorities within the bounds of his constituency. Archbishop Ireland and other prelates have often served as solicitors and advocates of this lobby. We have a number of their speeches while serving in this capacity, taken steno- gi7q)hicany, ''The Bureau of Catholic Indian Missions was established in 1874 ])y the Most Rev. Archbishop of Baltimore, upon the recommendation, and for and in behalf of, the Catholic j^rel- ates having Indian missions within the limits of their dio- I M. Marty. Patrick IV. Riordan. James Cardinal Gihbons. A'. L. Chap file. r. A. Mealy. Patrick J. Ryan. J. B. Prondel. THE ROMAN CATHOLIC LOBBY IN WASHINGTON, STYLED "THE BUREAU OP CATHOLIC INDIAN MISSIONS." ESTABLISHED IN 1874; RECOGNIZED "BY DECREE OF THE THIRD PLENARY COUNCIL OF BALTIMORE" AND "AP- PROVED I'.V ROME," Politico- Ecclesiastical Homanism. 293 ceses, for the purpose of representing before the Government the interests and wants of the said prelates in all matters pertaining to Indian affairs. It ^vas, by decree of the Third Plenary Council of Baltimore, which was approved by Rome, recognized as an institution of the Church, and was by that council placed under the charge of a committee of seven prel- ates, consisting of His Eminence James Cardinal Gibbons ; Most Rev. P. J. Ryan, Archbishop of Philadelphia; Most Rev. P. J. Riordan, Archbishop of San Francisco ; Most Rev. P. L. Chapel] e, Archbishop of Santa Fe ; Rt. Rev. James A. Healy, Bishop of Portland ; Rt. Rev. John B. Brondel, Bishop of Helena, and Rt. Rev. M. Marty, Bishop of St. Cloud. In 1894 this committee was dissolved, and the bureau as then constituted was sujjerseded by a new corpoi-a- tiou chartered by an Act of the Assembly of the State of Maryland — the incorporators being His Eminence James Cardinal Gibbous, Archbishop of Baltimore ; Most Rev. P. J. Ryan, Archbishop of Philadelphia, and Most Rev. M. A. Corrigan, Archbishop of New York, and its corporate name being tlie Bureau of Catholic Indian Missions. The new organization succeeded to all the I'ights and powers of, and all the property held by, the old corporation ; has adopted laws for the government and guidance of the bureau, and has selected as its officers the following: His Eminence James Cardinal Gibbons, President; Rt. Rev. Monsignor J. A. Stephau, Director ; Rev. E. R. Dyer, SS., D. D., Treas- urer ; Charles S. Lusk, Secretary. '' The principal work of the bureau is the establishment of boarding and day schools among the Indian tribes, and the procurement from the government of funds for their support and maintenance." — Hoffmami's " Catholic Directory,^' 1898, p. 530. The Indian schools under the direction of this bureau, for the support of which appropriations are annually made by Congress, are thirty-three in number, having 1792 pupils. 294 Fcicing the 2\uentieth Century. The Indian schools nnder tbe same direction, wliicli are supported entirely by private charity, are ten in uiimbei", and have 595 pupils. This legalized lobby has, in the Indian School department alone of its work, aduiinistered at its discretion, since the year 1S82, $4,000,000 oi' the funds of the American people. General Thomas J. Morgan was appointed Commissioner of Indian Affairs by President Harrison, July 1, 1889, and was confirmed by the Senate in February, 1890. J. A. Stephan, Director of the Bureau of Catholic Indian Missions, as we have seen, oj^posed his confirmation with malignant spirit and unscrupulous methods. The Commissioner found that the Bureau of Catholic Indian Missions had before it the work of securing; from the United States Government the largest possible amount of money and of also securing, to the utmost extent, any power which might come from the appointment to public place in the Indian serv- ice of those devoted to the interests of Homanism. lie also ascertained that the organization was compact, vigilant, aggressive, and absolutely unscrupulous. It had its agents and spies everywhere in the Indian service who kept it informed of any changes, actual or prospective, in the serv- ice, and who also kept it advised of anything that might be necessaiy to the prosecution of its work. It sustained close and intimate relations ^vith jMembers of Cono-ress, with mem- l)ers of the administration, and with newspapers, and had other means of influencing legislation, administration, and pub- lic sentiment. The chief of the Educational Division in the Indian Office, his first assistant clerk, and another of the clerks were Roman Catholics, and the chief ^vaa wholly obedient to the Bureau of Catholic Indian Missions, recognizing, apparently, his alle- giance to that body fii'st and to the Indian Ofrlce next. It came to the Commissioner's knowledge afterward that Mr. Stephan, the Director of the Catholic Biu'eau, was in the habit uf com- Politico-Ecclesimilcal llomanism. 295 iug to the Indian Office, entering without special authority into the Educational Division, seating himself at the desk of the chief, and conferring with him day by day ad libitum re- garding Indian educational matters, and through him securing practically everything that was available as much as though Stephau had been actually Commissioner of Indian Affairs. There had also grown up dui'ing years preceding a system of contract schools, by which increasing annual amounts of money w^ere devoted to various religious denominations, the bulk of it going to the Roman Catholics. It also came to his knov.dedge subsequently that in making- appointments to educational positions in the Indian service there had been apparently two controlling principles. One ^vas to satisfy the })oliticians by appointing anybody that they desired to have appointed, and second, to put the largest possible number of Roman Catholics into the service ^vithout regard to htness. Commissioner Morgan was obliged to'ask the Secretary of the Interior to dismiss from the service Mr. Gorman, the chief of the Educational Division, a Roman Catholic, for intemperance, incapacity, meddling with other departments than his own, and persistent discourtesy and impertinence. After Mr. Gorman's dismissal he pursued the Commissioner with vindictive and slanderous assaults in Roman Catholic and other papers. Despite these and other assaults upon him, Commissioner Morgan treated the Roman Catholics in the employ of his department both in Washington and in the field with the ut- most fairness, and never discharged an employee because he was a Roman Catholic. But the Commissioner during his entire term was obliged not only to contend with Roman Catholic bigotry and trickery, but with the ignoi-auce and treachery of Congressmen, Senators, and Representatives upon w^hom Rome had a uiortgage. Let it here be recorded that President Harrison in all this 290 Faeing the Twentieth Century. couti'oversy sustained the attitude of tLe Commissioner. By tliis ^\•e mean tliat the President pursued an impartial, a manly, and an American course. This was counted a crime in the eyes of the mei'cenary Koman Catholic lobbyists. The eifort of politicians, Senators, Representatives, and others to control appointinents in the Indian schools service was well- nigh constant and sometimes very disagreeable. On the Com- missioner's recommendation, the President placed the school superintendents, matrons, teachers, and physicians under the operation of the civil service rules. While Commissioner Morgan's name was before the Senate for confirmation he was offered the aid of the Roman Catholics to secure his confirmation, but the price to be paid was the signing of a contract for the benefit of a Roman Catholic whereby an Indian tribe was to be mercilessly cheated. Of course the Commissioner spurned the overtures, and he was confirmed by the Senate by a large majority composed of both Democrats and Republicans. Some Republican Senators who voted against confirmation were defeated in the near future by their independent, patriotic constituencies, and one prom- inent Senator who stoutly stood in favor of the confirmation was defeated for both Senatorship and Governorship in his State, and he was told by a Roman Catholic priest that the Catholics were opposing him on this ground. The Roman Catholic Washington lobby thus makes its connections with the constituencies of our 2>nblic men who have convictions of duty and act upon them. This lobby, in 1891, became so imperious that it forced a crisis in its relations to the National Government. For- tunately for American honor and civilization the right man was found on guard in the right place. That man was General Thomas J. Morgan, Commissioner of Indian Affairs, who \vas sustained by the commander-in-chief who had assigned him t<» duty. The crisis to which we refer \vas the dissolution of partner- Politico- Eccledastical Momanism. 297 ship between tlie United States Government and the Roman Catholic lobby styled the Bureau of Catholic Indian Mis- sions, a dangerous partnership which never ought to have been consummated. The action of General Morgan in severing official relations between the Indian Office and the Bureau of Catholic Indian Missions was one of great significance, was wortliy of careful study, and ought to have received the cordial indoi'sement of every American citizen. While it Avas true that the imme- diate occasion of the action was the unstinted abuse Avhioh had been heaped upon him by the bureau and its attaches, we are quite sure that the commissioner would never have resorted to so serious a measure simply for the sake of admin- istering a well-deserved punishment. We desire to call attention to what we regard as the real significance of this actiou. In the first place, it was a very proper assertion of the official dignity of the head of a great government bureau. The Commissioner of Indian Affairs is charged with the res23onsibility of administering one of the most difficult offices of the GovernuDent. His duties are vari- ous, complex, delicate, and continuous. Unfortunately the bureau over which he presided had been for many years regarded as corrupt, and it was very difficult, under the most favorable circumstances, for any commissioner, hoAvever hon- est or able, to administer it satisfactorily. During his admin- istration Commissioner Morgan proved himself honest, able, and fearless, and won for himself the" strong support of those best acquainted with his services. When, notwithstanding this, he was persistently vilified and slandered by a bureau that was in almost daily official relations with his office, he had a right to say to fhat bureau, as he did, that instead of dealing with it he would deal directly with the schools that it represented. In liis official position he represented the people of America, and was under the highest obligation to uphold by all proper means L>98 Facing the Twentieth Century. the essential dignity wliich, for the time, in liis sphere, he represented. In the second place, the action was significant as an asser- tion of the right of the Government, which represents the whole people, to transact public business with a view to public ends, aud not at the dictation of an organized lobby representing only a small minority. The Bui-eau of Catholic Indian Missions had been prosecuting its ^vork by its own peculiar methods for more than twenty years, and had suc- ceeded not only in diverting to its own treasury millions of dolhirs of public funds, but had grown insolent and dicta- torial, and had attempted to control the Government in both its administrative and legislative functions. It was notorious that foi' many years the Indian Office had been in its educa- tional work largely controlled by the Catholic Bureau, and Commissioner Morgan, refusing to submit any longer to its dictation, was simply performing a most obvious duty devolv- ing upon him as a public serv^ant. That feature of the situation which was, perhaps, most obnoxious to the American people was that the Catholic Bureau was a sti'ictly sectarian institution, an ecclesiastical organization, an oi-ganized political lobby, representing a church, — one of the many churches which enjoy the fi'eedom of America, — ^vhich, contrary to the whole spii'it of our Amer- ican institutions, insisted arrogantly and offensively in assert- ing its right as an ecclesiastical body to control Government action. Its presence at the capital was and is a menace to Protestantism, and awakens widespread unrest and threatens serious religious controversies. The action in tliis crisis called the attention of the Ameri- can people very strongly to a most glaring misappropriation (»f ])ublic funds. Tlie appropriation of public money for the maintenance of parochial schools among the Indians is vio- lently antagonistic to the spirit of our ('onstitutiou, at variance with the genius of oui' institutioiw, and clearly opposed to Politico-Ecclesiasticcd ItomanUin. 209 public policy. AVliile the action of tlie Commissioner in sev- ering relations with the bureau did not strike directly at sectarian appropriations, it indirectly forced that question to the front. It has since been fully considered by the Americau people and they have utterly condemned such misuse oi' public money, whenever politicians and ecclesiastics have afforded them opportunity to express their convictions. Commissioner Morgan was obliged to continue provision for church schools after the rupture with the bureau, while at the same time he extended largely the public-school system amoup' the Indians, While it is officially declared that " the priucipal work of the bureau is the establishment of boarding and day schools among the Indian tribes, and the procurement from the Gov- ernmeut of funds for their support and maintenance," it is true that the money seeiu'ed by intimidating legislative lob- bying for these Roman Catholic schools is an unpardonable use of the people's money, even conceding the worthiness of the purpose. The work of the schools under the control of the Catholic Bureau is very defective. The industrial training, particu- larly of boys, is almost wholly neglected, inferior teachers are employed, and tlie one essential work of training Indian pupils in the use of the English language is largel}" over- looked. Too much stress is laid upon the inculcation of sectarian dogmas, and too little upon the j^reparation of the Indian pupils for useful citizenship. The superiority of the Government scliools, in almost every respect for the ends for which such schools are organized, is clearly apparent to eveiy- one acquainted with the facts. But the action of the Commissioner had an important bear- ing upon the w^elfare of the public-school system of America. Since 1876 the Government has been engaged in the work of developing a system of Government industrial schools for the Indians, and while the woi'k is still in its infancy, some of 300 Facing tlie Twentieth Century. these scliools Lave been ))roiiglit to a bigli degree of efficiency. Durino; Commissioner Morsfan's administration this work re- ceived a great impulse, and more was accomplished for it than ever before in the same length of time. The one great purpose of these Government institutions is, ]jy a system of moi'al, intellectual, and industrial training, carried on by persons specially cliosen because of tlieir iitness for the work, and in accordance with the most approved mod- ern methods, entirely free from partisan or sectarian control, to fit the rising generation of American Indians for the respon- sibilities and privileges of freedom. The parochial schools, represented by the Catholic Bureau, administered solely in the interests of the Church, making the Catholic catechism the substance of its instruction, have of necessity for their chief purpose the propagation of Catholicism. Not only are these two theories radically repugnant to each other, but they have l)een tlie source of much friction in the practical work of Indian education. Those representing the parochial schools and favoring their extension are jealous of the Government institutions, do all they dare to do to prevent or limit their success, and by threats and ecclesiastical penalties keep away from them Indian children over whom they have any control. It' there is one matter which is dear to the American heart it is the success of the public-school system, and the course of Commissioner Moro-an in assertins; the rifi;ht of the Govern- ment to establish and maintain for the Indians an efficient system of public schools, unsectariau and without partisan ])ias, was ^vorthy of all pi-aise. The thoughtful and patriotic sentiment of our citizenship sustained the President and the Secretary of the Interior, and they sustained their manly and trusted representative — the Commissioner of Indian Affairs. General Morgan rendered distinguished service for his coun- tiy on the battlefield of civil warfare, but his victory over the shameless assaults of the foreign foe, as represented by the M. A. Corri^an. John Jreliind. J. A. Stfphan Javu's Cardinal Gibbons. Patrick J. I\\an. I TIIK Xi:\V ROMAN CATHOLIC LOBBY I\ WASH 1X( ;i'o\. "C'lLARTERED BY AN ACT OF THE ASSEMBLY OF THE STATE OF iLVKVLAXU" L\ ]8!M, AND ITS IMRECTOR AXIJ OX1-; OI' ITS SOLICri'oRS. Politico- Ecclesiastical JRomanism. 301 Roman Catholic lobby styled the Bureau of Catholic Indian Missions, at the nation's capital, is recognized by all ri^ht- thinking Americans as a more distinguished service than could be rendered by any martial triumphs. For some reason, unexplained to the credulous public, in 1894 the old lobby was dissolved, and the record says: ^' The Bureau as then constituted was superseded by a new corpora- tion chartered by an Act of the Assembly of the State of Maryland, the incorporators being His Eminence James Car- dinal Gibbons, Archbishop of Baltimore; Most Rev. P. J. Ryan, Archbishop of Philadelphia; and Most Rev. M. A. Corrigan, Archbishop of New York." This new corporation has evidently not destroyed the identity of the lobby, as the audacious Rt. Rev. Monsignor J. A. Stephan still stands out in bold relief as Director. Such has been the consciousness of power of the Roman Catholic Washington lobby that, whenever Director Stephan found himself in his illegal aggressions confronted by a faith- fid executive ofhcer, he coolly said : " We had to return to Congress once more to perfect the ^vork begun. . . Mr. Mor- gan should have been promptly answered that we did not care what his policy was, nor what his specific orders from the President were ; a higher power than either, namely the Congress of the United States," existed, to which he believed he could with confidence appeal. On December 9, 1898, the press informed the public that: " Cardinal Gibbons, in behalf of himself and the arch- bishops of the Catholic Church in America, has submitted a petition to Congress asking that the question of the con- tract-school system be reopened and that Congress again go over the ^vhole subject of Indian education. "The petition sets forth at length the history of the Indian school question and the legislation applying to it, up to the recent provisions in appropriation bills looking to the gradual discontinuance of government aid to sectarian schools. The 302 Facing the Twentieth Century. petition asks that a cougressional inquiry be made in place of the departmental inquiries, in order that the merits and defects of contract schools and government schools may be shown and ^ not kept as a secret of state concealed in the files of any department or office.' " The petition was presented in the House of Representatives by Representative Mclntire of Baltimore, and in the Senate by Senator Gorman of Maryland, both gentlemen hailing from the State which chartered the reconstructed Roman Catholic lobby in Washington. The meaning of this last effort to open the Indian sectarian school question is transparent, after all denominations exce^^t the Roman Catholic have withdra^vn from a dano-erous O financial copartnership with the Government, and after the United States Congress had declared in its last three appro- priation bills that the future policy of the Government was to be a total prohibition against the sectarian appropriations for education, in language as follows : " And it is hereby declared to be the settled policy of the Government to here- after make no appropriation whatever for education in any sectarian school." The doors of the United States Treasury once open again to the greed of sectarianism, and funds being again appropri- ated for sectarian education among the Indians as the wards of the nation, consistency would demand that the church or churches willing to do sectarian educational work among the millions of our new wards in our new insular possessions should be furnished with the funds they might demand. What a golden opportunity this would prove for politico- ecclesiastical Romanism in the Philippines and the other new- possessions where its form of civilization has cursed the popu- lations and made them the most needy subjects for missionary work in the simplest elements of morality! And then, inci- dentally, the United States Government would, by liberal appropriations for the A\oi'k of Roman propagandists, afford Polifico-Ecdesia&tical Romanism. 303 financial relief to the Pope, whose Spanish l)onds are not now at a premium, and to the poor monks' and friars in the Phil- ippines, whose revenues will be largely decreased under a government where civil and religious liberty is guaranteed. Those members of Congress even whose principles are impris- oned in the ballot-boxes within the districts they represent ought to be able to understand the peril embraced in this new- proposition of the Roman Catholic lobby in Washington. Under cover of the absorl)ed attention of the people in w^ar- time these political plotters put through Congress the West Point Roman Catholic Chapel Bill of devious history. Mean- while loyal people must keep still at such times, while ene- mies, posing as patriots, undermine our institutions. The devices resoi'ted to in securing a Sectarian Chapel on the West Point Military Meservation, may be seen from the following narration : In the month of October, 1896, the officers of The National League for the Protection of American Institutions received intimation that a movement was on foot, under the leadership of Father O'Keefe, the parish priest at Highland Falls, N. Y., to secure government permission for the erection of a Roman Catholic Chapel within the limits of the West Point Military Reservation. A permit for this purpose was granted by Sec- retaiy of War Lamont, provided that the parish priest w^ould raise not less than twenty thousand dollars to cover the cost of the building. To show that this exclusive privilege was entirely unneces- sary, we quote from an authoritative statement of the then existing conditions : '' There are already two government chapels at West Point. They are designated the ' Soldiers ' and ' Cadet ' Chapels. In the ' Soldiers ' Chapel, worship the Catholic officers, enlisted men, and civilians, together with their families, also the Cath- olic Cadets, few in number, about ten per cent, of the entire corps, and usually numbering about thirty men, for whom 3r»4 Facing the Tiuenficth Century. Father O'Keefe or his assistant conducts two masses each Sabbath nioiuiug. This service is followed by a Sunday School for the Catholic children. " For one hour each Sunday afternoon, Chaplain HerVjert Shipman, an Episcopalian, holds services in this chapel for the nt)n-Catliolics with the exception of officers and cadets. " What is known as the 'Cadet' Chapel is for the use of those officers and cadets who are not Catholics. The services are conducted by Chaplain Shipman at 10.30 a. :\i. each Sab- bath. About ninety per cent, of the corps of cadets attend these services. " It will be noticed that the religious ^velfare of the officers, cadets, and enlisted men in the United States Military Acad- emy has been duly considered, and the Government has pro- vided two chapels for their use, and while the Catholics outnumber the Protestants among the enlisted men, they also have the use of the ' Soldiers' Chapel the entire time, except- ing one hour each week. " AYhy these people ^vho worship in the ' Soldiers ' Chapel should be solicited to contribute from their small income toward the building of another chapel, to be exclusively a Catholic chapel, is not understood by other than Father O'Keefe, and those back of the undertaking. " There is no doubt but that Father O'Keefe is supported b}' powerful social and political influence." The National League was appealed to for advice and direc- tion in this matter by influential citizens of various religious de- nominations. To demonstrate the embarrassing possibilities of this proposed sectarian grant. The League advised the prepara- tion and mailing to the Secretary of AVar of separate denomina- tional petitions demanding similar grants of land for their respective denominations, within the AVest Point Reservation. The result of this action was that Secretary Lamont revoked the permit to the Roman Catholics. We have good authority for stating that a bill had at this Politico- Ecclesiastical Romanism. 305 time been prepared, with a view to securing Congressional action authorizing the grant, but it was deemed expedient by high ecclesiastical authority to suppress it. The pressure upon Secretary Lamont to renew the permit was greater than he could resist, and he announced on Febru- ary 8, 1897, that, "unless Congress shall order to the con- trary" — which was of course clearly impossible when that Congress had only four weeks more of official life — he should renew the permit ; and before leaving office on March 4, he did renew it. Shortly after the inauguration of President McKinley, Gen- eral Alger, the new Secretary of War, announced his intention to confirm the grant and to treat all other denominations with what he styled like liberality. So widespread and numerous, however, were the protests against this procedure that the Secretary of War evidently hesitated to assume the responsi- bility, and the matter was referred to President McKinley, and by him was turned over to Attorney Genei'al McKenna for an opinion as to the power of the Secretary of AVar in the premises. The opinion of the Attorney General was rendered to the Secretary of War on May 20, 1897, and, coming as it did from one of their own religious faith, gave the friends of sec- tarian chapel-building at West Point a decided shock. The opinion is lengthy, and we quote only a part of it. After referring to the act of July 22, 1892, relative to leas- ing unused Government property, he says in part : " It is very clear that the Secretary of War has no power to accept a donation of property for the Government — certainly not to accept it with the limitation proposed — its use in per- petuity to Roman Catholics. " The action of Mr. Secretary Lamont did not respond to the offer — maybe excludes it. Nevertheless, there are serious objections to it. It gives, not a lease having a specified dura- tion, but a license without limitation of time. 306 Facing the Tiventieth Century. "That these licenses transceiid the statute is plain. The statute provides for a definite term with a power of even revoking that. The license provides for no term and really commits the Government to a practical perpetuity. It would be idle to deny this — idle to deny that you do not expect to exercise the power of revocation except in emergency. In- deed, a contention not without some authority could be raised that you could not. At any rate the Government would find itself embarrassed either to endure a perpetuity of right in the license or exercise an individual power. '^ The license should, therefore, be revoked and the peti- tioner remitted to Congress." There can be no C[uestion as to the disappointment of Attor- ney General McKenna's coreligionists over this opinion, for we find Hon. Fredei'ic R. Coudert giving voice to his vexation, in the New York Journal of May 22, in language which is not very far removed from a threat of political boycott similar to that which contributed to the defeat of President Harrison for re-election. He says : " If this decision is considered just by the President, if the interpretation of Mr. McKenna is sustained, it will drive from the Republican party many of its representative men. " It is unjust to deny to Catholics a privilege of this kind ; and I am certain that any political party which sustains such a proceeding will surely meets its just fate at the hands of an intelligent public." Undaunted by their defeat along this line of attack, these persistent and usually successful plotters for securing govern- mental assistance in their sectarian propaganda i-e-formed their ranks, and turned their attention upon Congress, first making an effort to induce the National Board of Visitors at AVest Point to indorse their scheme, which the board very properly declined to do. Apparently taking their cue from the complaisant Secretary of War, a bill was prepared, the broad liberality of which, it Politico- JEcclesiastical Momanism. 307 was thoiiglit, would overcome all scruples as to its fuucla- iiieutal soundness or its ulterior purpose. It was worded as follows : "That the Secretary of War, in his discretion, may author- ize the erection of a building for religious worship by any denomination, sect, or religion, on any military reservation of the United States. Provided, That the erection of such building will not interfere with the uses of said military reservation for military purposes. Said building shall Ije erected without any expense whatever to the Government of the United States, and shall be removed whenever, in the opinion of the Secretary of War, military necessity shall require it." With that " non-partisan " astuteness which contributes so greatly to the success of their schemes, they selected from the great political party in whose ranks they figure least numer- ously a Senator and a Representative, both from the State of New York, to present this bill in either House, which was done on January 5, 1898. This bill, in the shape in which it \vas drawn, did not progress farther than the House Committee on Military Affairs, where it w^as killed by a vote of 10 to 3. This evidently disconcerted them for the time being, for one of their champions in the House, also a New York Republican and a n*ember of the Committee on Military Affairs, at once introduced a bill "to remove (dl religious edifices from military reservations," which also met its fate in the House Committee on Military Affairs. They still had another expedient in reserve among their almost exhaustless resources. The Spanish-American War was engrossing the entire attention of Congress and of the American people. The wording of the West Point Bill was again adroitly manipulated, limiting its scope, it will be noticed, to West Point alone, 308 Facing the Twentieth Century, " Be it enctcted, etc., That the Secretary of War, in bis dis- cretion, may authorize the erection of a building for religious worship by any denomination, sect, or religion on the West Point Military Reservation : Provided, That the erection of such building will not interfere with the nses of said reserva- tion for military purposes. Said building shall be erected Avithout any expense whatever to the government of the United States, and shall be removed from the reservation, or its location changed by the denomination, sect, or religious body erecting the same whenever, in the opinion of the Secre- tary of War, public or military necessity shall require it, and without compensation for such building or any other expense whatever to the Government." In this shape, during the closing days of this exciting and historic session of Congress, the bill passed both Houses with little opposition, many legislators Avho were opposed to it on principle, laying, if they gave any thought to it at all, " the flatterinc: unction to their souls " that they w^ere, as the advo- cates of the bill asserted, " treating all alike." TO JUDICIAL ADMINISTRATION. The dubious relations of politico-ecclesiastical Romanism to the judicial departments of civil government have caused serious alarm on the part of many thoughtful citizens and candid students of the principles of civil liberty. The bar- gains between party politicians and Roman Catholic bosses for the delivery of votes to be paid for l)y legislative nomina- tions, positions, and appropriations, possess elements of peril, but when these bargains extend to nominations for the judiciaiy they sap the very foundations of justice. This very thing is done in multitudes of instances in all parts of the laud, in judicial nominations from the modest civil justice of the peace *to the judges of the highest courts of appeal. Often, in case these judges, thus nominated and elected, try to Politico- Ecclesiast ica I Bom an ism . 309 be honest wlieu holdiug tlie balances of justice, their creators and masters refuse them the honor of a renomination. The annals of American courts of justice record case after case where the appellate courts have divided and rendered decisions, not only on political party lines, but on sectarian lines, and where it has been assumed in advance, as a matter of course, that the decisions would be on these lines. And all this is the legitimate result of the political and sectarian contracts in question. As in a recent appeal case where sectarian appropriations were involved in the District of Columbia, eveiywhere it was taken for granted that, coming before Roman 'Catholic judges, they would decide in the financial interests of their church, and the prejudgment was not then and seldom is disappointed. The District of Columbia being a part of the national domain as distinguished from the domain of any State, all of the people of the United States are interested in its judiciary. In 1894 the Court of Appeals, consisting of three judges, was constituted by the appointment of t^vo Roman Catholic judges, and the third was of Roman Catholic heredity and education. It was this sectarian court which overruled the decision of District Judge Hagner in the matter of a grant by Congress for a building for contagious diseases, which grant was passed over by the District Commissioners to a Roman Catholic Hospital. This Court of Appeals did what it was expected to do by the powers which dictated its personnel and determined its sectarian character. A prominent and cultured American Roman Catholic priest recently made to us some startling revelations concerning the interference of ecclesiastics in prohibiting the promulgation of the verdict and indictment of a Grand Jury, which ought to have brous^ht about the criminal indictment of both the ecclesiastics and of the members of the Grand Jury. Shortly after the present Pontiff's recovery from his illness in 1886, after re-establishing all the privileges and immuni- 310 Facing the Txuentieth Century. ties of tlie Jesuits, lie issued a papal decree iu wliieli occurs the seuteuce : "The judicial functionaries must refuse obedience to the State and to the laws of the country which are iu contradic- tion with Roman Catholic precepts." Tiie New York Tahlet of April 8, 1871, said: "The State has not supi-eme legislative authority, and civil courts which contravene the law of God do not Ijind the con- science ; and whether they do or do not contravene the law, the Church, not the State or its courts, is the supreme judge." Koman Catholic political power in New York City and else- where has used its subservient courts not only to fill by com- mitments its institutions in order to make higher demands for the people's money for their support, but it has used these courts for the purpose of bringing its own refractory politi- cians into subserviency. In New Orleans, in March, 1898, Romanism wrote an inter- esting chapter of history concerning its relations to the judiciary. For many years in this city large amounts of money have been appropriated by the City Council for various private and sectarian institutions, although such appropriations are a direct violation of the laws of the State, and are especially forbidden by the Constitution. Certain citizens protested against these violations and proceeded legally against the Comptroller and the City Treasui'er. In the attempt to prove that the institu- tions in cpiestion were private and sectarian it became neces- sary to bring into court as witnesses the officers and authorities of those institutions. Among the number of such officers was the Mother Prioress of an order of cloistei-ed nuns who \vere barefooted Carmelites. This Mother Prioress had signed the receij^ts for money given by the City Treasurer to the nun- nery. The witness refused to appear, and her legal defense stated that " this nun was cloistered and could no more appear in court than a citizen of the moon could ; that her vows were Politico- Ecdesiastical Romanism. 311 sucli tliat she could not leave the nunnery under any circum- stauces "; and counsel read a section from the statutes showing that the Ursuline nuns were exempt from such process of law, and said the same exemption should cover the Carmelite nuns. The attorney for the plaintiffs argued that if this nun was not too cloistered to appear at the City Hall and sign the pay i-olls on the receipt of money, she was not too cloistered to appear in court when her evidence was required ; and ashed the judge (N. H. Righter) to issue an attachment compelling the witness to appear. The judge said he would not issue the attachment. "AYhy not, your Honor? It is the law," said the attorney for the plaintiffs. "Because I won't," said the judge. " If it were twenty times the law I would refuse to bring a cloistered nun out of the nunnery into my court. I refuse the attachment." Thus it would appear from the Roman Catholic stand- point of judgment as to the relation of the judiciary to the rights of the people, that the members of religious orders can thrust tlieir hands into the treasury of the people's money, take out what may be necessary to propagate their sectarian work and teachings, and then, when the people desire to find out whether the laws and the constitution of a conmionwealth are being violated, these greedy sectarians and criminals before the law can shelter, themselves from justice by seclusion in the cloisters of a Roman nunnery or monastery. TO EXECUTIVE ADMINISTKATION^. The political claims of Romanists, based upon the fact that they are Romanists, are not exhausted when legislative and judicial limits have been passed. They seek to hold or con- trol the executive departments of government, from the highest to the lo^vest positions. About ten millions is the outside rational limit claim for the numbers of Roman Catholics in our population of over seventy millions, yet under the general government, and under 312 Facing the TioentietJi Century. local governments where they control the balance of power at the polls, they hold a number of offices more nearly repre- sentative of the ratio due to sixty millions than to ten millions. They have not more than one-seventh of the population, nor more than one-tenth of the voters, while they have the largest proportion of illiteracy, and these facts would in justice give them a very limited number of civil office positions. Still they preponderate in an offensive way in Washington and at the centers of population. Dr. Hershey, over his own signature, in 1894 made the following statement concerning executive departments in AVashington : " In this article I want to confine myself to a statement of facts which have fallen quite ^vithin my knowledge in this city. There is a great deal being said just now about the unpatriotic work of Romanism in the departments of the general government. . . What I say herein must carry with it whatever weight attaches to my testimony bearing upon facts coming under my personal knowledge. "The custom of nuns going at regular intervals through the departments, and coercing money, is an infamous political iniquity. In the Pension Bureau this semi-monthy visitation is an arrant outrage. The Commissioner, First Assistant, and the Chairman of the House Committee on Pensions are Roman Catholics, and the whole management of the bureau is under the direction of these three. The Roman Church worked to accomplish this. Such combinations are not accidental. A friend of mine, a little while ago, stood quietly by and wit- nessed the semi-monthly pay of the clerks. The procession of clerks, after receiving their pay, had to pass between two nuns, each holding a box, and nearly all paid the price neces- sary to keep them in office. It took two hours and a half for the more than two thousand clerks to pass these agents of the priesthood and pay over their money. And this in a great government building ! Are we free, or are we the slaves of Politwo-Ecelesiastieal Romanism. Si 3 a lustful, medla3val ecclesiastical institution ? Upon demands whicli were made, one of the Cabinet has stopped this collec- tion of a tax levied on the government clerks by the Romish Church. It made him quite mad, and he said all sorts of iigly things, but he knew the evil he had countenanced was an outrage, and he issued the order. This demand slionld be made upon every department. '' In a certain room in the printing office are eleven clerks at one table, and eight of them are Catholics. In this bureau tickets for Catholic fairs are sold from once to twice a week during; o-overnment hours. The Roman Catholics are com- pelled to buy, and say they would lose their place if thej^ did not. In a room in one of the departments, six clerks were reduced in one day. Strange to relate, they were all members of the same Protestant church. Six others w^ere promoted to take their places, and five of them were Roman Catholics. One day last fall twenty-four promotions were made in the Bureau of Engravings, and nineteen were Roman Catholics. Such things do not occur by any rule of mere ficcident. I could continue such citations over many pages." Dr. Hershey refers simply to two Washington departments, but Romanists in immense numbers are intrenched in every department, and not only make it uncomfortable for their Protestant associates, but in many instances make their posi- tions absolutely untenable. The supremacy of Romanists in the official force of the Pension Department is especially aggravating to loyal Americans, when they recall how fe^v Romanists, relatively speaking, saw actual service in the Union Army, how many deserted, and hoAV many now are pensioners. In the Agricultural Department, when one divi- sion was some time since abolished, seventy-eight per cent, of the clerks were found to be Roman Catholics, who were largely provided for elsewhere, but not so with the twenty- two per cent, of Protestants. The Land Office, the Bureau of Engraving and Piinting, 314 FaciiKj the Twentieth Century. and the Treasury Department reveal a kindred state of facts. The Indian Bureau has been considered, with a single inter- ruption, as the special reservation of the official lobby of Romanism in Washington styled the Bureau of Catholic Indian Missions. It has been crowded with Romanist employees controlled by this lobb}^ and this fact has done more to scandalize this department both in Washington and in its active operations in the field than all other causes together. A few years since the following incident w^as recorded : " In the Indian reservation in the State of Minnesota, under the ecclesiastical jurisdiction of Archbishop Ireland, was a priest who was creating much disturbance, and was conse- (juently objectionable to the government. The Indian Com- missioner urged that the priest be removed, and Ireland promised it should be done. Not long afterward the Arch- bishop wanted a favor of the Commissioner, and General Mor- gan telegraphed to the Indian agent: ^ Is Father So-and-So on the reservation ? ' desiring to know whether Archbishop Ireland had kept his word. Naturally you would have sup- posed that the agent would have telegraphed an answer to his official superior, but the Commissioner heard not a word until Thomas H. Carter, chairman of the National Republican Com- mittee, telegraphed Genei'al Morgan to this eft'ect : that it was better not to make any fuss al)out that pi'iest while the elec- tion was pending. " This meant that the Indian agent had reported, directly or indirectly, to Archbishop Ireland, and that Ireland, who poses as a Re^iublican, had laid his hand upon the Roman Catholic Avho was lunning the Republican campaign, and he, in turn, ])nt his hand U[)on the Indian Commissioner, and advised him to leave the unworthy priest in his place." A prominent citizen remonstrating with a superintendent of sch(ju]s of national reputation in a large city, against his subserviency to Roman Catholic priests who dictated appoint- Politico- Ecclesiastical Momanism. 315 ments of teachers in the public schools regardless of their qualifications and in violation of law, but on sectarian grounds, humiliatingly responded : '' I know it is all wrong, but the living of myself and family is at stake." This same superin- tendent was afterward re-elected to his position, on the express stipulation of subserviency to the ecclesiastical power which seeks to control and fetter the public schools which it has been unable to destroy, despite its repeated declaration of purpose. An experienced teacher who was an applicant for a position as a teacher in the New York City public schools was asked if he would take the Cjuestions in advance for examination in case he could secure them. The applicant asked if he could get them, and was told by his informant that they had been secured and could be again. ^' How will you get them ? " he asked of his informant. After enjoining secrecy his informant said, " They will come to me directly from a physician, who will secui-e them from a Catholic priest." At the time of this incident the typewriters and stenographers in the office of the Supei'intendent of the New York schools were Roman Catholics, and in their hands the examination papers were placed in advance for copying. Upon inquiry it was ascer- tained that other Roman Catholics in official school positions had access to the examination papers. Where did this priest get these examination papers ? When the teacher in question visited the headquarters of the Department of Education in New York City he discovered that Romanists were on ^vatch at the doors of the office of the Superintendent of Schools. We have official authority for the statement that recently in New York City, the examinations of Roman Catholic applicants for positions as teachers, who were attendants upon the lectures of priests, said lectures being given to those preparing for examinations, were of such a uniform character of accuracy that there could be but one conclusion 316 Facing tlu Tioentietii Cemtnvy. eouceniing tlieiii, aiul that was that the priestly instructors must liave known the contents of tlie examination papers. This conclusion is emphasized by the fact that candidates having had large experience in teaching, and possessed of the highest attainments, were unable to cope in excellence of their examinations with the uniform excellence of those of less ex- perience and narrower attainments among the Roman Cath- olic competitors. In this same board, by the exercise of the usual devices in which they are so expert, Roman Catholic members of the board managed to get control of the com- mittee which has in charge the preparation of examination papers and the ranking of teachers. It is also ti'ue that almost all of the employees of this same board are Roman Catholics, and the rare exceptions find themselves most uncomfortably placed. Rome thus seeks to run the public schools as an annex to the parochial schools, so far as the executive machinery is concerned. In January, 1894, President Cleveland nominated for Justice of the United States Supreme Court Wheeler H. Peckham of Ne\v York, an eminent jurist, a cultured gen- tleman, a public-spirited citizen, and a patriotic American. Senator David B. Hill, apparently having a constitutional aversion to these qualities in a judge, violently opposed the confirmation of Mr. Peckham and secured a dissfraceful victory in defeating the confirmation. But this defeat was not rendered certain until the sectarian Roman reserves were ordered out. Mr. Peckham was a member of the Law Committee of the National League for the Protection of American Institutions, having as his associates Wm. Allen Butler, Dorman B. Eaton, Cephas Brainerd, and Henry E, Howland. The objects of the League are : " To secure constitutional and legislative safeguards for the protection of the common-school system and other Ameri- can institutions, and to promote public instruction in har- Politico- Ecclesiastical Romanism. 317 mony with such institutions, and to prevent all sectarian or denominational appropriations of public funds." No man having the right to live under the protection of American institutions ought to be offended by the propaf>-a- tion of these principles. A document of The National League, in which Mr. Peckham's name was printed as a member of the Law Committee, was sent to United States Senators, which was supposed to furnish a Roman Catholic reason why Mr. Peckham's nomination should not be con- firmed. Again political Romanism projected itself into the executive affairs of government in an excuseless, offensive, and disloyal manner. When Mr. Peckham was interviewed he responded in a characteristically manly way. He said : " I fail to see any connection with an anti-Catholic movement in the objects of the association, I believe there are a good many members of the Catholic Church in the National League for the Protection of American Institutions. I am in favor of spending the public funds for the purposes for which they are voted, and I am opposed to all sectarian and denomi- national appropriations of these funds in the matter of educa- tion. I am not a Catholic, but I have no antipathy against that Church or its members." But it is a crime in the judg- ment of Romanism for a citizen to belong to any organization which proposes " the protection of the common-school system and other American institutions " and the prohibition of " all sectarian or denominational appropriations of public funds." Of course it would never do to have a man elevated to the bench of the United States Supreme Court who does not take his theory of civil government from the Sovereign Pontiff' and his theory of political ethics from David B. Hill. And now let us behold the sequel. A great and iucoi-- ruptible jurist was defeated by the unholy combination. Mr. White, a Roman Catholic Senator, was nominated, and he was promptly and unanimously confirmed by the joint forces of '' Senatorial courtesy " and Roman urgency. Mr. White 318 Facing the Twentieth Century. was not a member of a la\v committee of a patriotic orgaui- zatioD, but hu was a member of an organization which in its official utterances and acts has been the persistent and wicked foe of " the common-school system and other American institutions," and which never loses an opportunity to seize the " public funds '' for sectarian propagation. Thus another disgraceful chapter of American executive history has been written by Home. Investigation proves that important official secrets of exec- utive departments in AVashington, and information concern- ing vacancies to be filled or how to create vacancies, have again and again reached their ecclesiastical destination through Roman Catholic private secretaries, stenographers, and typewriters. One of the persistent, skillful, astute, and successful plans of political Komanism is to place its repre- sentatives in confidential secretarial relations with tlie heads of departments and the possessors of executive and official secrets. Through this medium examination papers in educa- tional and civil service departments have found their vray into the hands of candidates for examination, and in some instances have by their sale proved a source of revenue to ecclesiastical brokers. Through these secret confidential agents, officials about to ])e removed from office because of their incompetency have been notified, and they have had ample time to bring priestly and political pressure to bear to retain them in places they could not fill, but where they continued anchored to the public treasury. These facts are simply instances in connection with multitudes of offices, but the chiefs in most instances dare not face the facts because they knoAV that they would be crushed by the politicians who are the obsequious slaves of political ecclesiasticism claiming to control votes. According to Dr. Dollinger, "The infallibility dogma im- poses upon those who accept it the solemn obligation to violate civil law, to set themselves in opposition to the ordinances of Politico- Ecclesiastical Mom anism . 319 goveruDieut whenever the Pope shall proDounce his infallible judgment against any one of those ordinances upon moral or religions grounds." TO EDUCATION AND THE SCHOOLS. The education of the people under any form of government ought to be the foundation of the civic structure. In a re- public where every citizen is a sovereign, the education of the people is not only vital but indispensable to its peace and perpetuation. Ignorant masses are the dupes of a despot whether he be a monarch with an hereditary title, a political, an ecclesiastical, or a politico-ecclesiastical boss. The only power which can destroy superstition in religion or politics is knowledge. Therefore, when any institution founded upon superstition resists the education of the people, it is simply heeding the first \si\v of nature for self- preservation. This accounts for the opposition of Romanism in every land to the uniform common education of the people, as well as for the ignorance of the people in Roman Catholic countries and the decadence of Romanism in countries where the common people are educated. The masses educated are the loyal subjects alone of a patri- otic conscience. Every power seeking to bring a people or a government into subjection to a tyrannical will aims first to enthrall the human mind with ignorance. Politico-ecclesias- tical Romanism only thrives Avhere ignorance is ]-»revalent, and whenever it grapples with a nation its first step is to seek to control the common education of the people, reducing it to a minimum of secular instruction with a maximum of ecclesiastical instruction. These facts are patent in every country where Rome has had absolute sway. In Amenca we are especially interested in the history of the relation of Romanism to that country which furnishes us a large propor- tion of our ofiice-holders in the centers of the population, and the would-be rulers of the republic. 320 Facing the Twentieth Century. In the century succeeding the beneficent work of St. Patrick in Ireland, the Irish were the best-educated peoj)le in the AVest of Europe. The hirger portion of the island for ages has been given over by the Roman Catholic clergy to the most degrading ignoi'ance, despite the facts that the British Parliament has furnished ample means for the conmion edu- cation of the people, and the j)eople themselves liave been hungry for education, and when opportunity is presented, have eagerly grasped it, and sho^vn a readiness for learning charactei'istic of the naturally noble race to which they be- long. The contrast in educational matters between the north and the south of Ireland needs only to be mentioned ; the causes for the contrast are patent to the most superficial observer. Kome, the seat of the world-wide papal power, presents in its common people of the Roman Catholic population a condi- tion of ignorance so disci-editing to the Roman Church as to be appalling to the citizens of this land, where the same church is seeking to control the education of the people. No wonder Rome cherishes an uncompromising hostility to schools that are not completely under her care. She Avould make the second article of the Concordat ratified between Spain and the Holy See, in 1851, the educational rule for every laud which she can control. It reads thus : " All in- struction in universities, colleges, seminaries, and public and private schools, shall he confoniiahle to Catholic doctrine, and no impediment shall be put in the way of the bishops, etc., whose duty it is to watch over the purity of doctrine and of manners, and over the religious education of youth, even in the public schools^ In every English-speaking nation the people to-day are engaged in a controversy with Romanism over the question of public-school education. Victor Hugo has this to say about Rome as an educator : " Ah, we know you ! We know the clerical party ; it is Politico- Ecclesiastical Roivan ism. 321 an old party. This it is wliicli lias fouud for the truth those two raarvelous supporters, iguorauce and error. This it is wliich forbids to science and genius the going beyond the missal, and which wishes to cloister thought in dogmas. Every ste]) which the intelligence of Europe has taken has been in spite of it. Its liistor}^ is written in the history of human progress, but it is written on the back of the leaf. It is opposed to all. This it is Avhich caused Prinelli to be scourged for having said that the stars ^vould not fall. This it is which put Campanella seven times to torture for saying that the number of Avorlds was infinite, and for having caught a glimpse at the secret of creation. This it is which per- secuted Harvey for having proved the circulation of the blood. In the name of Jesus it shut up Galileo. In the name of St. Paul it imprisoned Christopher Columbus. " There is a book — a book which is from one end to the other an emanation from above ; a book which contains all human wisdom illuminated by all divine wisdom — a book which the veneration of the people call the Book — the Bible ! Well, your censure has reached even that — unheard-of thing ! Popes have proscribed the Bible. How astonishing to wise spirits ; how overpowering to simple hearts to see the finger of Rome placed upon the Book of God ! Now, you claim the liberty of teaching. Stop; let us see your pupils. Let us see those you have produced. What have you done for Italy ? For Spain ? The one in ashes, the other in ruins." This morsel of history from the Roman Catholic standpoint will fit any part of the history of the school controversy : " Throughout the Northern States there had been general progress, but the close of the war was a signal for the revival of the old bitterness against the Church. An attemx)t was made to make the school cpiestion not a State but a national matter. General Grant, elected President in 1869, showed a disposition to unite with the old Know-Nothing party, and on several occasions alluded to the school question, taking 322 Fari)if/ the Twentieth Cuitury. ground, however, in favor of absolutely godless schools. The (|uestion of the riglit of bigoted Protestants to force their erroneous and mutilated translation into schools as being; the Bible, came before the coui'ts in Ohio ; but the judiciary there, as in Massachusetts, New York, and Pennsylvania, listened to prejudice, and, when Catholic cases came up, sought to warp the law so as to annoy the Church. " These signs induced new and greater exertion to expand our system of parochial schools, so as to avoid any necessity for Catholics to send their children to the public schools, which it was evident must soon be either absolutely Protestant or utterly infidel. New schools were established in many parts, notably in New England, where the parochial system had made little progress. The teaching orders already in the country spread, and were aided by others from abroad, like the Pres- entation Nuns, the Sisters of the Holy Child Jesus, the Sis- ters of Christian Charity. The preparation of suitable school books received greater care, and not only readers, but series of geogi'aphies and school histories were prepared equal to any published for use in the public schools. Some of these were mere modifications of Protestant works, but others were intrinsically Catholic." — Basinger and Shea's ^^ Hist, of the Cath. Church,'' p2^' -^08-4-09. Under the requirements and dictation of the Roman hier- arch}^, the Board of National Education of Ireland issued a re- vised edition of a reading book to be used in the schools. From this new reading book the articles on '' The British Constitu- tion,'' and on " Political Economy," by the late Archbisho[) Whately were expunged, and in their place were five articles by Cardinal Wiseman, Mgr. Molloy, and othei' Catholic writers. The articles by such authors as Humboldt, Shakespeare, Can- ning, Gray, and Shelley Avere replaced by poetry from Irish writers, and articles by Cardinal Wiseman, Pev. Dr. Healey, and other Romanists; and Scri[)tural articles were also excluded. The articles in these reconstructed text-books on political FolUivo-Ecdesiastkal Romanum. 323 economy, money and exchange, value and labor, wages, security of property, capital, taxes, rent, etc., were all changed, and inferior articles of instruction upon these varied subjects A\'ere substituted for them. Efforts at expurgating editions of histoiy and other school books in the interests of a narrow and one-sided Roman Cath- olic instruction have been made in schools in many of the States in America. Before the constitutions of certain States were changed to prohibit the division of the school fund on sectarian lines, many of the school books used in the parochial schools, which were paid for by the State, were perversions of American his- tory and assaults upon Protestantism. Reputable publisliers of standard cyclopedias have per- mitted new editions of their works to be rewritten by Roman Catholic authors, wherever historic articles had any bearing on the Roman Church. The Roman Catholic Messenger of the Sacred Hearty in its protest against the attendance of Catholic students upon Prot- estant institutions, says : '' Experience shows also that history has never been understood nor taught, and cannot be taught by Protestants, as a class. Some individuals have risen above the prejudices of Protestantism ; but these individuals ai'e few, indeed, and far between. Thus Catholic students in Protestant institutions, in the best case, are deprived of the best elements in education, whether religious or secular." Di". Philip Schaif's translation of the " Syllabus Errorum " (Pius IX., 1864) and other acts of the Popes, gives the follow- inof affirmative claims concernino; education, which have re- ceived papal condemnation as errors : " To hold that any method of instruction of youth, purely secular, may be approved. " To hold that knowledge of things Philosophical and Civil may and should decline to be guided by Divine and Ecclesi- astical authority." 324 Facing the Tiventieth Century. Devare's translation of Propositions XLV. and XLVII. of the same Syllabus, condemning secular public schools, is as fol- lows, denying that : " Tbe entire direction of the public schools in which the youth of any Christian country is taught, can and must be assigned to the civil authorities, and even so assigned that under no circumstances to any authority should the right be granted to mix itself in the discipline of the schools, in the direction of the studies, in tbe conferring of degrees, in the selection or approbation of teacLers. "The best interest of civil society demands that popular schools which are open to all children of any class of the peo- ple, also public institutions as a whole that are destined to furnish to the youth the higher branches of discipline and education, should be removed from all authority of the Church be it of moderative, virtual, or obtrusive, and that they should be subject to the undisputed judgment of civil and political authority for the approval and meeting the level of the pre- vailing and more common opinions of the age." Father Hecker writes : " Catholics say that it is no necessary part of the function of the State to teach and educate children. The education of children is rather a parental than a political duty. Besides, to ascribe all this function to the State is anti- American. ''It is clear that the chief aim of the advocates of the pres- ent public-school system in the United States is less the desire for general diffusion of knowledge than the advancement of a pet theory of education ; and they insist upon its exclusive adoption because they imagine that its spirit and tendency are against the spread and progress of the Catholic faitli. Thus they subordinate education to a sectarian prejudice." — " llie Catliolic Churcli in the United States,'''' p. IG. As American citizens, regardless of religious or political faiths, it becomes us to examine the attitude of any and all, real or seeming, foes of the American free public-school system of P(>litl<'o- Ecclesiastical jRommiimi. 82o education. In the discussions of late years the Roman Catlio- lie Churcli has come into great prominence on this question. Let us dispassionately look into the history of this relation. Let us look at the attitude of this Church, speaking through its highest authorities. Cardinal Gibbons in 1890, in his book, " Our Christian Heritage," insists upon religious instruc- tion in the day schools, and, recognizing the difficulties, pi'o- poses the following remedy : " The remedy for these defects would be supplied if the denominational system, sucli as now obtains in Canada, were applied in our public schools." This is a division of the school funds on denominational lines, or the destruction of the system. In 1882 the Rev. Thomas J. Jenkins of the diocese of Louis- ville, Ky., issued a pamphlet of over one hundred pages, ad- dressed to Catholic parents, entitled " The Judges of Faith and Godless Schools : A compilation of evidence against secular schools the world over, especially against common State schools in the United States of America, wherever entirely withdrawn from the influence of the authority of the Catholic Church." In the preface appears the following : " It may be worthy of noting that these pages contain the couciliar or single rulings of no less than 250 judges of the faith versus Godless schools; among which, seventeen plenary and provincial councils; two or three diocesan synods; Uwo or three Popes (if Pius VII. be counted); two sacred con- gregations of some twenty cardinals and pontifical officials; seven single cardinals; who, with thirty-three archbishops, make forty primates and metropolitans ; about seventy single bishops and archbishops, deceased or living, in the United States." The pages which follow authenticate this statement. From the decrees of the Third Plenary Council of Baltimore in 1889 we have the official statement of the Roman Catholic Church in America on the subject of education : " We direct and decree : 820 facing tlie Twentietli Century. "First. — That near every cliurcli wliere no school uow ex- ists a parocliial scliool shall be erected Avithiii two years after the promulgatiou of the decrees of this coniicil, and perpetn- ally sustained, unless the bishop, on account of special grave difficulty, shall decide that a delay may be allowed. " Second. — Any priest, who by his own blameworthy neg- lect shall hinder the erection or support of such a school, or after repeated admonition by tlie l^ishop shall not carry out this law, deserves to be removed from liis church. "Third. — Any mission or parish wliich so fails to aid its priest in the erection and support of the school, that on ac- count of its supine neglect a school cannot exist, must be reproved by the bishop, and by whatever more efficacious and prudent methods are needed, must be induced to provide the necessary aid. "Fourth. — All Catholic parents are bound to send their children to parochial schools, unless they provide at home or in other Catholic schools sufficiently and evidently for the Christian education of theii* children ; or for any sufficient cause which is approved by the bishop, and with suital)le safeguards and protection, they may send tliem to other schools ; but it is the province of the bishop to decide what is a Catholic school." On November 16, 1892, Archbishop Satolli delivered an address to the archbishops of the Koman Catholic Church as- sembled in New York City, in which he discussed the school question as follows: "The adoption of one of three plans is reconunended ; the choice to be made according to local circumstances in the dif- fei'ent States and various personal relations. " The first exists in an agreement between the bishop and the members of the school board, ^vhereby they, in a s])irit of fairness and good \vill, allow the Catholic children to be as- sem])led during free time and taught the Catechism; it would also be of the greatest advantage if this plan were not con- Politico- EGclesiastical Momanmn. 327 fined to primary schools, but were extended likewise to the high schools and colleges in the form of a free lecture. The second, to have the Catechism class outside the public-school building, and also classes of higher Christian doctrine, wliere, at fixed times, the Catholic children would assemble Avith dili- gence and pleasure ; induced thereto by the authority of their parents, the persuasion of their pastors, and the hope of praise and rewards. The third plan does not seem at first sight so suitable, but is bound up more intimately with the duty of parents and pastors. Pastors should unceasingly urge the duty imposed, by both natural and divine law, of bringing u[) their children in sound moi"ality and Catholic faith. Besides, the instruction of children appertains to the very essence of the pastoral charge. Let the pastor of souls say to them with the apostle, ' My little children, of whom I am in labor again until Christ be formed in you' (Gal. iv. 19). Let him have classes of children in the parish schools, as have l)een estab- lished in Rome and many other places, and even in churches in this country, with \ery happy results. " Nor let him, with little prudence, show less love for the children that attend the public schools than for those \vho at- tend the parochials; on the contrary, stronger marks of loving- solicitude are to be shown to them; the Sunday-school and the hour for catechism should be devoted to them in a special manner. And to cultivate this field, let the pastor call to his aid other priests and even suitable members of the laity, in order that what is supremely necessary be wanting to no child," At this same meeting of the archbishops at which SatoUi delivered his address as the representative of the Pope the following action was taken : " First. — Kesolved, To promote the erection of Catholic schools, so that there may be accommodation in them for more, and, if possible, for all our Catholic children, accord- ing to the decree of the Third Plenary Council of Baltimore and the decisions of the Holy See. AO! Facing tlie Tioeniieth Century. "Second. — Kesolved, Tliat as to cliiklren ^vho at present do not attend Catholic schools, ^ve direct, in addition, tliat provision be made for them ]jy Sunday-schools, and also by instruction on some other day or days of the week, and by urging parents to teach their children the Christian doctrine in their homes. These Sunday and ^veek-day schools should be under the direct supervision of the clergy, aided by intelli- gent lay teachers, and, when possible, members of religious teachino- orders." The Pope, recognizing the fact that there was lack of con- sistency between the deliverances on the school question of the Plenary Council and Satolli's address to the archbishops, and halted by the action of the archbishops, on June 1, 1893, sent a letter to the American prelates, in which he said of Satolli : " But his legation had this also for its purpose : That our presence should be made, as it w^ere, perpetual among you by the permanent estahlishment of an apostolic delegation at WashingUmJ^ And of S.'itolli's school proposition he said : " For the principal propositions offered by him were drawn fi'om the decrees of the Third Plenary Council of Baltimore, and especially declare that Catholic schools are to be most sedulously promoted, and that it is to be left to i\\Q Judgment and conscience of the ordinaiy to decide, according to the cir- cumstances, when it is lawful and when unlawful to attend the public schools." In Februarj^, 1893, at the instigation of several priests, under the leadership of the late Father Corrigan of Iloboken, a bill styled "A Parochial Free School Bill," was introduced into the legislature of the State of New Jersey. It was a Ijold and explicit demand for the division of the public-school funds on sectarian lines. The bill was not pressed for pass- age, because the Attorney Genei-al pronounced an advance judgment that, as worded, it was unconstitutional Politico- Ecclesiastical liomamsm. ^29 Father Corrigan asserted that lie had the apj^roval of Arch- bishop Satolli iu this movement. In October, 1891, Father Corcoran, priest of St. Joseph's Roman Catholic Church at Stillwater, Minn., accompanied by some of his principal laymen, appeared before the School Board and presented a written proposition to lease to said board the St. Joseph's parochial school building for the school year, for the nominal sum of on.e dollar. This constituted the substance of the written pro]x»sition ; but accompanying it was an oral request that the Sisters be retained as teachers, provided they should pass the required examinations. The written proposition was accepted, and the oral request com- plied with. Some Sisters were brought from St. Paul who passed the examinations well. Thus the business was con- summated, and the school, designated by the board the " Hill School," was ostensibly placed under its control, although the issue pi'oved that this was a sectarian school supported by public money. The school district boundaries were totally disregarded. Roman Catholic scholars were taken from all parts of the city and put into the Hill School, which, as before, had Sisters for teachers, dressed in the garb of their order. Prayers, catechism, and other religious services and instructions were oifered and given before and after the regu- lar school hours. The situation at Stillwater presented some features not encountered at Faribaidt. In Faribault there were more divisions, and the children of Roman Catholic parents were permitted to go to the same school from all parts of the city without violating any of the regulations of the board. In Stillwater there were ward boundaries and gi'aded schools, and teachers and children were subject to transfer fi'om one school to another. That involved transferring teachers dressed iu the uniform of a Roman Catholic ordei- to the public schools, and the transfer of children of Protestant parents to the school where the teachers were a constant object-lesson for the benefit 330 Facing the Tkventieth Century. of their Chui'cli. As we have seen, this system cannot be made to work satisfactorily, and this attempt to get the State to support a sectarian parochial school has signally and legiti- mately failed. Tlie Faribault phiu was the device of Ai'chbishop Ireland, who submitted it to tlie Pope, and by so doing raised a violent controversy among the high dignitaries of the Roman Catholic Church. The plan was not entirely satisfactory to either zeal- ous Catholics or to good Americans ; but the Vatican decided that it might be '' tolerated " under exceptional circumstances. Americans are tolerating, but not approving it. It was com- promising for peace's sake on a matter of principle in excep- tional cases then, and therefore can never become satisfactory to either Americans or Catholics, The so-called '' Faribault plan," in the city of that name in Minnesota, was brought as an issue to the polls in the election of a school board. The candidates favorins; the American fi'ee conuuon-school system and opposed to the compromise J3lan of partial sui'render to sectarian demands were elected by 200 majority in a total vote of 1000. Jn making his plea to the Pope for "toleration" for his compi-omise school plan at Faribault and Stillwater, in Minne- sota, Archljishop Ireland says : " I say that the transaction of Faribault does not form a })art of any system w^hatever, but that it constitutes simply an honest attempt on my part to obtain, with the aid of the State, a Catholic education for our children in the two above men- tioned places, in which, without such aid, that education was impossible. Furthei'more, I make the observation that the objection is in full contradiction to the oi'ganization of the cimrch as well as of the Republic, because no one diocese, no one State, has the power to m^ke laws and systems for other dioceses or other States. " Finding it impossible to maintain a suitable parochial scliool in this parisli with the contributions of tlie })oor faith- Politico- Ecclesiastical Romanism. 831 ful, I have made a compromise by wLicb, tlirough an ao-ree- raent entered into with tlie School Commissioner, I obtained the aid of tlie State for our school. " Temporary toleration was granted, but it was toleration for a dangerous compromise, so far as the public schools are con- cerned, and not a recognition of, or tribute to, the value and cliaracter of the schools for the training of citizenship. On Sunday, November 19, 1893, in the Sunday Democrat, a weekly family journal devoted to Irish Home Rule, litera- ture, politics, etc., published in New York City, there appeared the text of a proposed law to be introduced into the legishi- ture of the State of Ne^^^ York, which had for its undiso-uised purpose the division of the public-school funds on sectarian lines. In November, 1892 and 1893, a circular on the school ques- tion was issued by the Roman Catholics in Baltimore, the purpose of ^vhich was to create sentiment in favor of the apportionment of State school funds by different State legis- latures to Catholic schools. Tlie circular advocated ^'the system of education in England, Ireland and in the Canadas, Avhich combines State and denominational schools supported by the public purse." While certain high functionaries of the one church which seeks a division of the public-school funds on sectarian lines have denied personal responsibility, none have repudiated the pi'inciples and pui-poses embodied in the proposed legislation. Dr. Michael Walsh, editor Sunday Democrat, in which paper the proposed school bill for New York State was first published, said : " I may say that the bill has been approved at Rome ; where my ideas on the subject have been aj^proved by the cardinals and clergy ; by the leading bishops in England, Ireland, and all English-speaking countries, as well as by some of the most noted prelates of France and Germany. It has also been submitted to and practically approved by the 332 Pacing the Tiventieth Century, leading clergy and the most prominent men in the Catholic Chui'ch in this country." On December 13, 1893, the daily papers contained the followino^ : '' Baltimore, December 12. — The Catholics in this diocese ^Yill not pi-ess the demand for a share in the public-school funds. A meeting of the clergy was held at the residence of the Vicar-General to-day, at which Cardinal Gibbous presided, " While all the priests, including the Cardinal, were favor- ably inclined to the proposition, it was thought l^est, owing to the decided opposition on the part of the laymen and Prot- estants generally, not to ask for the passage of the bill by the next legislature. So the matter rests for the present." On November 30, 1893, at a time when the American people were aroused as never before in reference to the hostile attitude of Roman Catholic authorities toward the ])ublic schools. Archbishop Satolli delivered an educational address in Washington, in which lie avoided any reference to the public schools, but did say : " I will sa}^ that whoever seriously meditates on the prin- ci])les of the American Constitution, whoever is acquainted with the present conditions of the American Republic, should be persuaded and agree with us that the action of the Cath- olic faith and morality is favorable in every way to the direc- tion ill ^vhich the Constitution turns. ¥oy the more public opinion and the Government favor the Catholic schools, the more and moi-e will the welfare of the commonwealth be ad- vanced. The Catholic education is the surest safeguard of the permanence throughout tlie centuries of the Constitution, and the best guide of the Republic in civil ]_>rogress. From this source the Constitution will gather on that assimilation so necessary for the perfect organization of that great progressive body which is the American Republic." h\ June, 1894, the following letter was sent out to Roman Politico- Ecclesiastical Monianism. 333 Catholic arcb bishops and bisliops by the editor of The Inde- pendent, of New York, to whicli about thirty responses were received and published : " Dear Sir : In view of the interest taken by the public just now in reports that the representatives of the Catholic Church propose to ask for a division of the public-school funds in various States, will you be kind enough to inform me whether it is the policy of your church to obtain such a division, and whether you would give your countenance to a movement in your diocese with such an object in view." Eeferring to this tlie Pilot, a Roman Catholic paper published in Boston, says : ''These archbishops and bishops represent numerically more than one-third of the episcopate of the United States, territoi-ially almost every one of the fifteen provinces." In their replies not a single eminent functionary, represent- ing the most influential and densely populated " provinces," speaks a word in commendation of the public schools as they are, or repudiates the principle embodied in the explicit and repeated demand for a division of the school fund on sec- tarian lines. The American people understand the English language measurably well. Why not stop this trifling, and give us a few plain sentences in English, repudiating any present or future purpose of tampering with the public schools ? We are sure that American patriotism would make vevy short work of any of the Protestant denominations which should dare to practice duplicity in reference to loyalty to any of our cherished American institutions. Wherever the public-school funds in any of the States are divided on sectarian lines, or attempts are made at fusion of public and parochial schools, the Roman Catholics are found to be the chief aggressors and beneficiaries. In 1892 a pamphlet was published by the Rev. Thomas Bouquillon, D. D., Professor of Moral Theology in the Roman 334 Facing the Twentieth Q-ntnrif. Catholic Uiiivei'sity in AN'asliiiigtoii, on the subject, "Educa- tion: To whom does it l)elong?" He says he " lias written this pamphlet at the request of ecclesiastical superiors. They deemed that a clear exposition of the principles underlying the school question would be l^oth useful and opportune at this hour, when the practical difficulties in which it is involved have become national concerns." The Professor claims to discuss the subject from the Catholic standpoint, and the literature of the assaults upon his attitude would make volumes, and the sources of most of these assaults in the United States, Canada, and Europe are Jesuit Fathers. The Professor writes : " We reduce the subject-matter of our paper to the follow- ing four questions : right to educate, mission to educate, authority over education, liberty of education. . . "We will examine these four questions from the point of view of the individual, the family, the state, the chui'ch. . . " As to principles, Me acknowledge that they are to be found best exposed in the more recent publicists, rather than in the older writers, who lived before the modern era of the separation of church and state." Under the head of the Right of the State to Educate, on the point which most concerns us, he says : " These considerations being premised to obviate all equiv- ocation, ^ve affirm unhesitatingl}^, and in accord, as A\e think, \vith the pi'inciples of sound theology and pliilosophy, and with the testimony of the tradition of the Church, that it must be admitted, as the larger number of theologians do admit, that the state has the riij^ht to educate. "Civil authority has the right to use all legitimate temporal means it judges necessary for the attainment of the tenq)oral coininon welfare, ^vhich is the end of civil society. Now, among tlie most necessary means for the attainment of the Politico- JtLcclesiastical lionuDi i^tu. 335 temporal welfare of tlie conuiiouwealth is the diffiisiou of human knowledge. Therefore, civil authority has the right to use the means necessary for the diffusion of such knowl- edge, that is to say, to teach it, or rather to have it taught by capable agents. . . " If you would have a people instructed, you must look to its instruction, and, if need be, establish and direct it. We look upon this conclusion as impregnable. . . " After studying the documents we have cited — and many more of a like tenor might be added — no one need wonder that the best and most serious publicists of our day explicitly acknowledge the right of the state to educate. . . "At times we have heard serious men deny to the state the right to educate under the pretext that the state might abuse that right. This is bad reasoning. The abuse that authority may make of a right cannot destroy the right, "You would not deny to the state the right of making laws, of declaring wars, because it may make bad laws, or lead the nation into unjust Avars. . . '' The opinion we are criticising will never prevent civi- lized nations from having public or governmental schools ; but it will furnish the evil-minded a pretext for affirming that the church is hostile to the prei'Ogatives of the state ; it "will prevent Catholics, when in power, from using a means that would be in their hands a powerful agent for good. . . " It is plain that the right of the state in education is not an unlimited right. The state, just as individuals or the family, cannot teach error and vice, cannot set up schools that are atheistic or agnostic. Neither is this right an exclusive one ; it cannot destroy the rights of individuals and of par- ents, it supplements these; all these rights co-exist and should be exercised harmoniously. Our conclusion, then, is this : the state has been endowed by God with the right of founding the schools that contribute to its welfare. " The state has authority to see to it that parents fulfill ^36 Facing the Twentieth Century. their duty of educating tlieir children, to compel them, if need be, and to substitute itself for them in the fuliillment of this duty in certain cases. In the use of this authority the state does but lend a hand to the execution of the natural law. It forces the parents to fulfill a duty that binds them most strictly, it protects the child and safeguards his future, it removes from society most serious perils." The pamphlet had the approval of Cardinal Gibbons. It was designed to be a liberal departure for American Roman Catholics. The Pope was disposed to favor this view of a concession to republican institutions, but the Jesuits pro- tested, and the whole policy was reversed, the principles enumerated in the f)amphlet condemned, and Leo XIII. was scared into taking part in a new crusade against the public- school system of national education, as evinced by his pro- nuuciamento on the Canadian school question and by the attitude of the Paulist Fathers' Child-Study Congress. The Baltimore Council was radical against the public schools. Satolli tried to utter contrary and liberal views. The Pope who commissioned Satolli has deserted and checked, the so-called Liberals and is now in the hands of the Jesuits, who have been his masters since his school days, and politicians continue to ask patriotic American citizens to dance attend- ance on this alien power in our politics. At the hearing on June 20, 1894, given to the opponents of the proposed amendment to the New York State Consti- tution to protect the public-school funds and to prohibit sectarian appropriations, before the committees of the Consti- tutional Convention, Mr. Frederic P. Coudert, representing the Poman Catholic Church, in the following language made the official surrendei" and Avithdrew the opposition of that Church to that part of the amendment which protected the public schools : " Now, I allude to the attempt by this amendment to make it impossiljle, for years to come, that school moneys should be Politico-Ecclesiastical Romanism. 337 diverted from the commou-scliool system, as we all understand that expression, to aid denominational schools. '' My friends on the other side unanimously speak of the common-school system as the palladium of our liberties, as the corner-stone of our institutions, etc. This language is very fine, and I am quite willing to indorse it, and I shall not to-day say one word in opposition to this plan of amendment so far as it relates to the common schools. Let it be under- stood that the system shall remain intact — that it shall jje unsectarian — that public opinion will not tolerate a diversion of any public moneys from their lawful object, to encourage denominational education. Put it, if you are so inclined, into our Constitution. " The Catholic Church of New York will continue to labor under a burden the magnitude of which those outside of her her limits have no conception of ; yet she is willing to incur the cost, to sustain the burden, and to meet the exigencies of the situation at the expense of her o^vn flock. The tax is a heavy one ; it would be intolerable for any body of men whose hearts were not in the work. But it is an idle effort to resist public opinion, and public opinion, our common mas- ter, will not favor any such distribution as has been asked for by Catholics. " Whether the second thought of the people will, in the lapse of years, reach the conclusion that the Catholics were right in principle, and that the injection of religion into education was a sound piece of statesmanship, as well as of religious faith, is a question that none of us may decide. " All that I have to say on the subject is that neither my associate [Colonel George Bliss] nor myself is instructed to oppose this amendment, so far as it relates to the common schools, and that the arguments of our learned friends on the other side will not be answered by us. I do not wish to be understood as intimating in the slightest degree that what the Catholics of New York considered just and fair thirty 338 Facing tlie Ttoentietli CentJinj. years ago has ceased to be fair and j isl to-day, but justice must sometimes wait." The Committee on Education of the Constitutional Con- vention of New York State decided to report the following form of amendment bearing on the school question, which was adopted by tlie Convention and ratified by the people at the polls, November, 1894 : " Neither the State nor any subdivision thereof shall use its property, or credit, or any public money, or authorize or permit either to be used, directly or indirectly, in aid or maintenance, other than for examination or inspection, of any school or institution of learning, ^vholly or in part under the control or direction of any ]-eligious denomination, or in which any denominational tenet or doctrine is taught." lion. William T. Harris, United States Commissioner of Education, in " Morality in the Schools," says : " Anotlier important discrimination relates to the definition of the province of the school as compared with other educa- tional instrumentalities; namely, the family, the church, the State, and civil society. It is tacitly assumed by some of the advocates of religious instruction in the public schools that the scliool is the only educative institution. " It cannot, however, take the place of the family, or the state, or the Church, and do their work for them, no matter how important that work is, nor how sadly it is neglected by them. The responsibility must be placed ^vhere it belongs. If there is irreligion, [)ractical atheism in the conununity, the Church is not as efhcient as it ought to be, and the family is also derelict. If the school secures good behavior and a knowledge of letters and science, it has contributed its share. " The separation of church and state involves the separa- tion of the church and the public school. "The classification of [)upils in accordance with their reli^nous belief has a positively immoral effect. Great stress FoUtico- Ecclesiastical Homanism. 339 is laid on tbe i-eligious differeuces in the religious instruction given in sepai'ate scliools in order to justify sucli separation, and to guard the youth against the contamination of other bodies of believers. " As a plan of settling this question, one may remark that the complete secularization of the school is the truly feasible one. " The spirit of our civilization is to separate the Chui-cli from secular institutions wider and wider. But such separa- tion does not make them godless nor the Church less power- ful, but quite the contrary." Ill Decend^er, 1897, a Child-Study .Congress was held under the auspices of the Paulist Fathers in New York City. The entire trend of discussion ^vas to establish the neces- sity for Roman Catholic religious instruction in our primary schools where the character of childhood is being shaped. The work of the Congress was substantially the opening of a ne^v crusade, based upon scientific principles, against the public schools. A few earnest protests against the assaults upon the public schools and the defense of church schools were made by loyal American Roman Catholic teachers in the discussion, but the opposition was soon suppressed, and the Congress moved on with steady tread to^vard the con- summation it had in view. With appropriate logical and chronological relations to the Child-Study Congress there came, in January, 1898, the Encyclical of Pope Leo XIII. on the Manitoba school lavr. The Pope says : " By this latter law a grave injury was inflicted, for it is not lawful for our citizens to seek the benefits of education in schools in which the Catholic religion is ignored or actively combated ; all, schools of this kind have been condemned by the Church because there can be nothing more pernicious or more fitted to injure the integrity of faith and turn away the tender minds of youth from the truth." In the Encyclical the Pope enlarges upon the necessity of 340 Facing the Twentieth Century. religious teaching and tlie inherent right of parents to decide who shall teach their children morality and when they shall be taught. He urges unity of political action to bring abont the ovei'throw of the scliool law, and until that can be effected hea d vises Roman Catholics not to refuse, but to accept any partial concession to their claim within their reach, and also exhorts them to increased liberality for the support of their schools. Precisely the same principle is involved in the Manitoba school question as in the public-school question of the United States, and yet we are told that the Roman Church, of which Leo XIII. is the Sovereign Pontiff, is not opposed to* the public-school system of t*he United States. In his address before the National Educational Association at Minneapolis, Minn., in 1890, Archbishop Ireland said : " I am the friend and advocate of tlie state school," and again : '' I protest with all the energy of my soul against the charge that the schools of the nation have their enemies among the Catholics." The value of this Rev. Archbishop's combined advocacy and protestation may be estimated from the subjoined statement of facts : Just two years prior to his Grace's declaration of fealty to the American public school, quoted above, a new and revised edition of a book, originally published some years earlier, en- titled, " Public School Education," by Rev. Michael Muller, C. SS. R., was issued and copyrighted, bearing within its covers the following indorsement, addressed to the author, over the signature of " John Ireland, Pastor of Cathedral," St. Paul, Minn. : " Your book is so well-timed, its doctrines so cori'ect and ])recise, the arguments you employ so cogent, that I am confi- dent it will, under God's Providence, do a great deal of good. Ma}^ your book be found especially in the hands of every priest in the land," Politico- Ecclesiastical Romanism. 341 So foul, violent, and scnrriloiis, in its abuse and denuncia- tion of the American public schools, is the book thus indorsed that portions of it are unfit for these pages. The followino- quotations will sufliciently indicate its character : (1) " Were you given to see a devil and the soul of an infi- del at the same time, you would find the sight of the devil more bearable than that of the infidel. For St. James the Apostle tells us that ' the devil believes and trembles ' (chap, ii. 19.) Now, the Public School System was invented and in- troduced into this country to turn the rising generation into men of tlie above description. (2) " We may, then, confidently assert that the defenders and upholders of Puhlic Schools without religion seek in America, as well as in Europe, to tm-n the people into refined Pagans. (3) "The object, then, of these godless irreligious Public Schools is to spread among the people the worst of religions, the no religion, the religion which pleases most hardened adulterers and criminals — the I'eligion of irrational animals. (4) " The moral character of the Public Schools in many of our cities has sunk so low, that even courtesans have dis- guised themselves as school girls in oixler the more surely to ply their foul vocation." Is the man who, at any time or under any circumstances, could give indorsement to such flagrant and filthy libeling, as being " well-timed," " correct," " precise," and " cogent," fit to pose as the champion of the American free public school? That we may do no injustice to the sincerity of his guileless Grace of St. Paul, let us look a little further into his attitude as a defender of the public schools. Three years after proclaiming himself, at Minneapolis, the friend and advocate of the Public Schools, lie wrote a letter to the Pope (New York Herald, February 26, 1893), explaining and defending his futile effort at Faribault and Stilhvater, to Romanize the public schools. Referring in this letter to his 342 Facing tlie Twentieth Century. Mhmeapolis address of 1890, lie lets us into the secret cause of Lis professions of loyalty to tlie public schools in the follow- ing significant sentence : " My adversaries [in bis o\vn Church] have tried to put in a bad light this discourse, as though I had wished to put en- tirely on one side the parochial schools. Anybody who will read it will see at once that such an idea is not tenable." Then he turns the light on : '^ I spoke to an audience composed almost entirely of Prot- estants, about six thousand in number, ardent advocates of the state schools which are actually organized." Why, of course, his Holiness could not expect his wise and wily Archbishop to antagonize to their faces '' six thousand . . . ardent advocates of the state schools." A little farther on in the same letter to the Pope, he, with great candor, states his purpose in this Faribault plan, viz.: "to save our parochial schools by means of a satisfactory arrangement with the State," and "given the existing laws against denominational instruction, to procure a part of the public money for the Catholic pai-ochial school." His Grace then with great blandness reveals to his Holiness his peculiar methods in overcoming such trifling difficulties as legal and constitutional provisions in the way of his scheme. The quotation is so rich that \ve give it in full : " They say the concessions made to the Church are illegal, contrary to the provisions of law, and they were granted for personal reasons. What I have said shows clearly that the concessions granted by the school committee to the Church are very important, but why blame me for this ? I admit that the concessions may have been granted for personal reasons, and that the contract may be revoked at the end of the year, but I do not see any harm in this, on the contrary there is an advantage — it leaves me always free to control the situation. " Mr. Kiehle, superintendent of the public schools of Min- nesota, has said that the State cannot be bound by law to take Politico- Ecclesiastical Bomanism. 34^ account of religious ideas iu selecting the teacliers or in the distribution of the classes. Certainl}^ it cannot do so officially. I^ut Mr. Kiehle is a friend of mine and many things are done and in practice are allowed iu my favor, through one kind of influence and another, which, though they cannot he said to be lawful in the exact meaning of the word, are at the same time and according to all appearances within the letter of the law. If the school commission could lawfully take into considera- tion religious opinions, it would be obliged to recognize the religion of the majority, that is, Protestantism. All the gen- tlemen with whom I have dealt are my personal friends. " When Archbishop Katzer, at the meeting of Ai'chbishops in St. Louis, raised the objection provoked by Mr. Kiehle's words. Archbishop Williams answered : " ^ Monsiguor, can you not read between the lines ? It is not a I'ight, it is politics.' " Bishop Purcell of Cincinnati, some years ago, took the same deceptive attitude on the school question which Archbishop Ireland has more recently taken. To the people of Cincin- nati he claimed to be a zealous friend of the public schools, while at the same time he denounced them to Rome as dan- gerous and pernicious. Archbishop Corrigau, when celebrating in 1898 the twenty- fifth anniversary of his consecration as bishop, emphasizes his preference for parochial schools and his hostility to the public schools with a great demonstration in the Cathedral in the in- terests of the children. Only children of the parochial schools were invited or permitted to be present on that occasion, al- though they represented only a comparatively small fraction of the children of Roman Catholic parents in the city. The public-school children were not only not invited, but in the services and addresses the only reference made to the public schools, even by inference, Avas contained in the following sen- tence from the Archbishop's address : *' We wish not only to imbue your minds with :i certain amount of knowledge, ?/'/«! /r*/f 34-4 Facw(j the Tioeniietli Century. . yon migJit obtain elsev)liere, ijiit what wq have in mind is the saving of your iiniiioiial souls.'' 01" parochial schools the eminent Roman Catholic scholar, Dr. Brownson, says : "These schools must be taught chiefly by foreigners, or, if not by foreigners, at least by those whose sympathies and connections, tastes and habits ai-e un-x\merican ; because what is wanted by their founders and supporters is not simply the preservation of orthodoxy, hut the ])ei"pet nation of the foreign - ism hitherto associated with it. Schools whicli should asso- ciate real Americans v/itli orthodoxy would be hardly less offensive or more acceptable than the public schools them- selves. . . It is only by breaking the old associations and form- ing the ne^v in good faith, as we are, in fact, required to do by orthodoxy itself, that Catholics can cease to be in this country an isolated foreign colon}^, or a band of emigrants encamped for the night and ready to strike their tents and take up their line of march on the morrow for some other place. "These are some of the reasons which have led many of our most intelligent, most earnest and devout. Catholics to form their unfavorable judgment of Catholic schools and Catholic education, as they now are and for some time are likely to be ill the United States." The solid arguments so forcibly presented by Brownson against the narl■o^v, un-American, and anti-American policy ; against the stunted education of an age that happily has passed away, unfitting the pupils for American life ; against its corruption of American politics, and its malign influence in lowering the standard of our civilization, have been I'e-en- forced by earnest warnings from those whose knowledge y this note, which is entir(!^ly private .iiid not to be published, I wish to call your attention to the fact that tlie third plenary council of Baltimore, following the leadership oC Pope Leo XIII., lias pointed out the duties of the Catholic press, and denounced the abuses of which journals styling themselves Catholic are sometimes guilly. * That paper alone,' says the council (decree No. 228), ' is to be regarded as Catholic that is prepared to submit in all tilings to ecclesiastical au- thority.' Later on it warns all Catholic writers against presuming to attack publicly the manner in which a bishop rules his diocese, affirming that those who so presume, as well as their approvers and abettois, ai-e not only guilty of very grievous scandals, but deserve moreover, to be dealt with by canonical censures. " For some time past tlie utterances of the Catholic Herald have been shockingly scandalous. As this newspaper is published in this diocese, I hereby w^arn you that if you continue in this course of conduct it will be at your peril. I am, gentlemen, yours truly, " M. A, CORRIGAN, " Arclibishop of New York." The Westeim Watchiian is a representative Roman Catho- lic weekly journal, pulJished in St. Louis, Mo., and was estab- lished in 1865. Rev. D. S. Phelan, Pastor of tbe Church of Our Lady of Mount Carmel, in the Archdiocese and city of St. Louis, is the editor of this paper and claims to l^e its owner. With a temerity refreshing because of its rarity in the ranks of the faithful, this paper has from time to time com- mented with great freedom upon the attitude and methods of the high authorities of the cliurch it represents, in reference to the public-school question and to the use of public funds for sectarian purposes. Two quotations will sufficiently indi- cate the efforts of this " hereditary bondsman " to be free. Li December, 1893, when the entii-e country was agitated on the school question, Father Phelan says : " There is to be a new aligment on the school question. The Faribault plan is no longer under discussion. Tlie rally- .368 Fadur/ fhiR'iits of tlie bill the sage and statesman- like utterance : " You liave robbed the bill of all its ^vorst features, and now T will sign it to please the boys." So it will be seen that the serious and bi'oad-niinded statesmen are not all dead. Fi'eedom of \vorsliip, according to the American idea, is that the state protects its citizens in the right of public asseml)lage for religious worship, and protects them from any loss of civil rights and privileges on account of their religious faith. The individual rights of citizens, liowever, in many respects, are restricted and qualified when, by virtue of their own crime, tliey are committed to any of the penal institutions of the State — they lose the right to vote, the right of liberty of person, and the right of free and unrestricted correspondence. When children of the poor and thriftless, no longer receiving the protection and support of their natural guardians, are taken charge of by benevolent and charitable institutions, the manao;ers of these institutions assume for the time beinoj tlie position and responsibilities of parents and guardians, and should be left free to exercise it without interference by the State, the attitude of which should be strictly impartial, and with reo;ard to the contendino" forms of relio-ious belief should exercise its functions " \vithout discrimination or preference." Unless we have a state reli^'ion, the fact that the state contributes in some measure toward the support of such in- stitutions, partly relieving them from the total charge of sup- porting these waifs, gives the state no right 'whatsoever to interfere with the religious teaching w^hich nuiy be provided or authorized by the managers of such institutions. The other idea of freedom of worship which is adopted by the advocates of such measures is found in the Syllabus of Pope Pius IX. as follows: No. 77. It is an error to believe tliat "in the present day it is no longer expedient that the [Roman] Catholic religion shall be held as the only religion of the state, to the exclusion of all other modes of worship." Folitico- Ecclesiastical Romanism. 375 No. 24. It is au error to believe that " tlie Chiirclj lias not the power of availing herself of force, or any direct or indirect temporal power." Pope Leo XIII., in a recent encylical lettei", says as follows : " To treat in the same way different forms of religion is un- lawful for individuals, unlawful for states." The intent and aim of these so-called Freedom of Wor- ship bills has been, through political organization and threats, to compel the state to turn aside from the impartiality with which in the past it has treated the various religious bodies, and cause it to show a decided preference for the Church to which the advocates of such measures belong. They put the machinery of the Supreme Court (which heretofore has ignored questions of dogma, except so far as they were in- cidentally considei'ed in deciding questions of rights of prop- erty) in operation in deciding what forms of religious service must be provided in institutions within the State which receive any allowance from public money toward their sup- port, and in enforcing their decisions. The so-called Freedom of Worship Bill contest, involv- ing in many States so many features of the principle of reli- gious toleration and liberty as understood and advocated by Romanists, demands careful study and ample discussion. At the various hearings before legislative committees in New York and other States, the Romanists revealed their estimate of the importance of the issue by employing their ablest lawyers to make arguments, and by ci-owding the rooms where the hear- ings were held with their priests and prominent laymen. The intolerant conduct and unmanly behavior of these Roman legions on more than one occasion elicited stern rebuke from the officer presiding at the hearings. One eminent counsel eloquently declared that Romanism was always tolerant. His assertion was received by most of his auditors as a piece of humor, although he protested his seriousness. There is no intelligent man so ignorant of history that he 376 Faeinri ilie Tioentieth Century. does not know tliat religious toleration is unknown where Roman Catholicism Las absolute power. Pope Leo XIIL, addressing his cardinals, sent the follo^ving toleration Christmas present in 1884 to the Christian world: " It is with deep regret and profound anguish that we behold the impiety with which Protestants propagate fi'eely, and witli impunity, their heretical doctrines, attacking the most august and the most sacred dogmas of our very holy religion, even here at Rome, the center of the faith and the seat of the universal and infallible teacher of the church ; here, where the integrity of the faith should l)e protected, and the honor of the only true religion should be secui-ed by the most efficient means. " It is with sorrow of heart that I see the temples of hetero- doxy multiplying under protection of the laws, and liberty given in Rome to destroy the most beautiful and most pre- cious unity of the Italians, their religious unity, by the mad efforts of those who arrogate to themselves the impious mis- sion of establishing a new church in Ital}^ not based on the stone placed by Jesus Christ as the indestructible foundation of his heavenly edifice." These so-called freedom of woi'ship bills always provide for a sectai'ian classification of the inmates of the institutions in question, who are mostly juvenile delinquents of tender years and immature judgment, according to the denominations Avhich they prefer, or to which they have belonged, and for the admission of clergymen of various denominations or churches, who are to bring their " spiritual advice and minis- trations" to the said classified inmates. The legislatures ])eyond question have no constitutional right to divide the inmates of the said institutions into religious or sectarian classes, or to delegate such power of classification, or to establish I'ules for the relimous teachino; of the sectarian classes thus provided for ; and the rule laid down by these acts for the denominational classification of the inmates bv the Politico- Ecdesiastical liomanism. 377 managers is in disregard of the plain meaning and intent of constitutional provisions securing freedom of profession and woisliip ; tbey subject the inmates, during their temporary confinement by the authority of the state, to the visitation and "private ministrations" of religious sectarians, prose- lytists, and propagandists, thus exposing tliem to insidious attacks and open assaults upon their religious liberty ; per- mitting, encouraging, and intensifying the dangers from which they should be most carefully guarded by the state dui'ing i\\Q period of their duress. The proposed assumption by the state of the power to arrange the juvenile pau]:)ers or offenders who may be con- fined by its authority into classes of religionists, to be in- structed and disciplined by sectarian teachers, who ai-e to be admitted by the State into its institutions, would not only he, a departure from the ancient principles so sacredly cher- ished by our fathers, of an entire separation of church and state, but a fundamental and revolutionary change in our institutions. The pretexts offered to justify the state in distributing the children in sectarian classes and subjecting them to denominational teachings, ceremonies, and ministrations, add strength and clearness to the view that the scheme is foreign and Jesuitical, subversive of religious liberty, absolutely un- American, and utterly unconstitutional. They treat all inmates of these institutions as if they were adults who were fitted to decide for themselves which Church or denomination they would prefer, or who already belonged to some Church or denomination; and who, as selecting a denomination, or as having belonged to a denomination, should be allowed "spiritual advice and ministi'ation from some recognized clergyman of such denomination or Church," whereas it is, as a matter of fact, true that a large proportion of these inmates are children, who are not yet come to years of discretion, and who, from their immature judgment as well 378 Facing the Iwentieth Century. as Itoiu lack of mental and moral trainiuo^, and of intelligent study and reflection upon so grave a question, are incapable of exercising the freedom of profession and worship secured to them l)y the Constitution ; and who have not, prior to their commitment to such institutions, belonged to any Churcli, in a sense that entitles the state to allot them to a religious class or to subject them to sectarian advice or ministration. The claim that the wishes of the guardians or parents should l)e considered is dis[)osed of by the rule of law and of justice and of common sense, that the state is bound to give the children, during their temporary detention, such Christian teaching as it may deem })roper, under the established princi- ])le, declared by Kent and Webster and our higliest judicial trilninals, that Christianity is a part of the law of the land. How the Christian morals revealed in the Bible and rec- ognized by all Christians shall be taught in the state institu- tions rests in the supreme discretion of the state, under the constitutional restriction that the right of all to freedom of woi'ship, which all wnll be entitled to enjoy without restric- tion on being released by the state, shall not be impaired by subjecting them to sectarian teaching while in confinement. But on no point of religious teaching is the state bound to consult the wishes of the parents or guardians, for the rea- son that " b}^ the conviction and imprisonment of the cliildren tlie parents and guardians have lost the right of control." ^[ost of these bills provide for the division of the inmates of these institutions into religious classes, subject- ing each inmate to the jmblic and private spiritual ministra- tion of some recognized clergyman of " the denomination or Cluircli wliich said inmates may respectively prefer, or to which they may have behmged prior to their being confined in such institutions." The tender age of tlie inmates unfits them for a decision on the point as to wliich Church they would adopt, and to meet Politico- Ecclesiastical Homanism. ,'! 70 tLis fact tlie Koiuaii Catliolic promoters of* these Lills have made these two points : 1. '' That the iiifaut having been baptized is Catholic. 2. " That his rights should be determined by the Church of which he is a member." The bearing of the first point upon the destiny of the infant inmates of an institution who have been baptized, and its bear- ing also on the question how far the distribution of the chil- dren, in accordance w^ith this proposition, among the various Churches or denominations, will contribute to their harmony and good w^ill are worth considering, M'hen the welbkuowu rule of the Roman Catholic Church in regard to baptism is recalled. The rule of the Fourth Canon of the Council of Trent, in the sixteenth century, and alluded to by the late Pope Pius IX., when he wrote from the Vatican, August 7, 1873, to the Emperor of Germany, that everyone who had been baptized belonged to the Pope, provides that baptism administered by heretics or Protestants is true baptism. The Eighth Canon affirms that baptized persons are bound by all precepts of the Church of Rome, and that the}^ are oblio-ed to observe them whether willino; or unwillinc:, and the Fourteentli Canon affirms that, when they grow to matu- rity, they are not to be left to their own choice, but are to be con.ipelled to lead a Christian life b}' pnnislimevt. The Con- stitution of Benedict XIV. declares, " that he who receives baptism from a heretic becomes a member of the Catliolic Church," and adds that "if they come to that age in which they can of themselves distinguish good from evil, but adhere to the errors of their baptizer, they are to be repelled from the unity of the Churcli, hut tliey are not to he freed from its aiitliorit'ij or its lay)s.^'' While no other denomination can claim, perhaps, as the promoters of these bills have done, for their denomination, that more than half the inmates of the institutions affected by these bills belong to them,— a claim which, if correct, confirms -S80 Farinrj iho Twentieth Ccuttiry. the rale establisliecl by tlie statistics of our own country and of Europe, that the Jesuit teaching produces a very large and undue proj^ortion of ignorance and pauperism, vagrancy, and crime, — a new significance is added to the point of baptism l)y the further assumption that, the baptized infant being Catholic, his rights may be determined by the Church of which lie is a member. This proposition invites the attention of legislators to the question, how far the rights of American citizens, and espe- cially their riglits to religious liberty, freedom of conscience, and freedom of worship, which are guaranteed by the Consti- tutions of most of the States and of the nation, are recognized and protected by the Church and Court of Komo. The highest authorities of the Roman Catholic Church deny that the r?'^A?; of freedom oi \yoy^}\\^ can exist ; nevertheless, to deceive the people of a republican state by appealing to their sense of fairness, the Jesuits now come to the front as the pretended champions of freedom of worship. This atti- tude, though specious, will not deceive any but thoughtless citizens and innocent politicians. They are so zealous for freedom of Avorship that they have threatened from time to time " the political damnation of any man or party " that should refuse to vote for measures they approve, and boast that "we have already marred the political future of more than one bigot, and w^e advise all others to note the fact." No State in this republican nation ought to intrust the training of its infant wards to any sect or church, with their "services, rules, and discipline," and in this era of civilization take the initiative in pronouncing the banns of the " union of church and state." It would be a dano-erous marriao;e that not even law could make sacred. We are learning in this country the lesson, long since learned in the Old World, to distinguish between Jesuitism or political Roman- ism and relisfious Roman Catholicism. We wage no ^var on the equal rights of Roman Catholics with all other denomiua- Politico- Ecclesiastical lioinaninin. 381 tioDs to freedom of worship and religious liberty, nor deny tlieir rights, but rather would vigorously defend these rif>'hts, while we protect our own, to the " free exercise and enjoy- ment of religious profession and worship." But we will war against any attempt to invade with sectarian teachings our absolutely unsectarian beneficiary institutions, whether they be the public schools or the penal and reformatory institutions. All bills in every State and in the nation of the specious character of so-called Freedom of Worship Bills, ought to be defeated : Because they are deceptive in their purpose, and would be destructive of the interests they pretend to desire to promote in their enactment and enforcement. Because they attempt to accomplish by a single enactment a change in State or national policy of so fundamental a char- acter that it amounts to a constitutional amendment. Because it is impossible to classify into sects juvenile crim- inals and delinquents, the children of criminal or neglectful parents. Because no other denomination except the Koman Catholic asks for the legal privilege of proselyting. Because, if their provisions should be literally carried out, it would open, for the admission of Jesuits, Protestant asylums chiefly supported by private beneficence, and threaten every private charitable institution with a similar outrage. Because they are not designed to secure freedom of worship, but to siqjpress it. Such bills are favored by the Jesuits or political Eomanists and their adherents alone, and assented to by other Roman Catholics, who in many instances do not appreciate their origin or understand their import. They are opposed by the boards of management of the insti- tutions liable to be affected by their provisions, by the entire Protestant community, and by a large number of thoughtful 382 ■ Facimj the Tioentieth Centurfj. Roman Catliolics, who do not forget that tliey are American citizens. The New York Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Children imder its present management has, by legislation, so thoroughly intrenched itself that it possesses autocratic and all but omnipotent power. Its history for years has shown it to be certainly in collusion and apparently in copartiiershi[) with the Iloman Catholic Church. It seems to be the con- stant feeder of the reformatories under the control of Romanism. It never uses its power to place children in the care of the Children's Aid Society, which, in its noble woi'k, has placed thousands of neglected children in homes of com- fort. The New York State Commissioners of Charities and the corresponding Commissioners in other States furnish many evidences of being under the domination of Romanism, even going to the extent of seeking legislation to prohibit the plac- ing out in homes in the country neglected children, by the Children's Aid and other kindred societies, unless these chil- dren can be placed in families of the faith of their parents ; as though parents who ha\'e neglected and cast off their children, and thus proved their unfitness to rear them, had any rioht to dictate concerning the future and education of the children thus nei^lected. Romanism alone demands such leo-islation. Tlie Superintendent of the Poor of Westchester County, N. Y., in 1898, placed fifty Protestant children in the West- chester County Roman Catholic Protectory, expecting that the^ would reniain there temporarily, and that he Avould be able to provide for them elsewhere. He finally tried to place these cliildren in the hands of the Childi-en's Aid Society that they might be located in comfortable homes, but the authorities of the Protectory refused to give up the children, knowing tliat they were Protestant. Suj^pose this condition of things had l)een reversed, Avhat howls of rage would have emanated fi'om the New York Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Cliildren and all the other allies of Romanism in Manhattan ! Politico-Ecclesiastical liomanism. 383 The relations of Koinan Catholic charitable iustitutions to the governments from which they receive appropriations from the taxes of the people for their support, find an in- teresting and instructive illustration for the American people to study in the report of 1898 of Herbert W. Lewis, Super- intendent of Charities, District of Columbia, to the Commis- sioners of the District of Columbia. Let it be remembered that the government of the District of Columbia is under the direct control of Congress, that the residents of the disti'ict are substantially disfranchised, and are without responsibility for the affairs of the district, and that therefore all the people of the United States are partners in the government of the District of Columbia, and are responsible for it. Superin- tendent Lewis' report reveals a condition of affairs in AVash- ington which ^ve do not believe the American people can look upon without being aroused to disgust and loyal indignation. In reference to the Roman Catholic institutions which receive public funds, he gives an account of inefficiency, of sectarian bigotry in teaching, of dishonest financial dealing with the Government, and of defiance of Government authorities, al- most incredible. The entire report of Mr. Lewis is Avorthy of study, but we can here only give two sentences of his conclusions : "The support of private and religious institutions from public funds while the public has neither voice in their con- trol nor power to select their beneficiaries, the policy of giv- ing such institutions legal agency for the performance of a public duty without requiring in them any legal respon- sil^ility, is one which has received the strongest disajjproval, and has never been seriously defended except upon grounds of temporary expediency. " The appropriations for their support are held to be com- pensation for service, but when one asks what sei'vice, and how much and at what rate, one is met by a bewildeiiug maze of sentimentality, conflicting notions, statements of facts 384 Facing the Tioentietli Coitunj. of uo consequeuce, diversity of method, and, in some iustauces, a dis[)Ositioii to cousider auy inquiry an impertinence." It is a fact of great historic import that the last session of the Fifty-fifth Congress made no appropriations for the sec- tarian institutions in the District of Cohunbia, and announced the future policy of the National Government to be: No more appropriations for either charities or education under sec- tarian control. The Catholic Club of the City of New York conducted the contest for the Roman Catholic Church in the Constitutional Convention of 1894 against the majority of the [)eople of the State of New York, who sought amendments to the Constitu- tion to protect the public schools and j^rohibit appropriations for sectarian charities. The Homauists were defeated in their assaults upon the schools, but they ^vere largely successful in retaining and tightening their gi'asp on the funds of the State and of the municipalities for the support of their '' charitable " institutions. The history of this victory over the numerical majority of the citizens and over the overwhelming majority of those who pay the bills of the State, by a numerical minority of those who pay the taxes, but \vho furnish a majority of the paupers and criminals, is one of the most instructive and humiliatino- chapters of the defeat of the best majority sentiment among the people in the annals of a republican form of government. By autograph and organic expression of opinion an actual majority of the voters of the State made their appeal to the convention for the passage of these amendments. A very large proportion of the most influential members of the Con- vention had committed themselves to the amendments pre- vious to the assembling. Hearings Avere had before the Joint Committee composed of the several committees having the various phases of the amendments in charge. The hired rep- resentatives of the Ko]nan Catholic Club, one eTew, who mis- represented the general Je^visll sentiment, and the President Politico-Ecclesiasticcd Momanism. 385 and counsel of the Society which constitutes the coDuectiuo- link Ijetweeu the committing courts and the Roman Catholic institutions in New York City appeared in argument before the Joint Committee on the one hand, and the representa- tives of the people through the National League for the Pro- tection of American Institutions on the other. Members of the committee made a junketing tour among the institutions in question and superficially inspected them while on dress parade, and accepted of their hospitality and entertainment, and were thus of course in condition to pass critical judgment upon the State's duty to its wards and to^vard these institu- tions and the tax-payers. This performance Avould have been counted ludicrous, if the people had ventured to call any action ludicrous in Avhich statesmen elected to make a consti- tution took part. In the presentation of statistics and figures and so-called facts, veracity was more economically displayed than the funds of tlie State in the support of these Roman Catholic " charities." The minds of so-called statesmen in the Convention ^vere supposed to be coniused over the question of what consti- tuted "sectarian" control; at least their conduct indicated confusion and their conclusions produced confusion, which pained the friends of righteousness and gladdened the heart of ecclesiastical greed. The proposed amendment, prohibiting sectarian appropria- tions in its application to certain charities, was defeated in the Convention by the following powers : (1) The solid front audaciously presented by politico- ecclesiastical Romanism with its threat of political death to any member of the Convention who dared favor the amend- ment. (2) The plausibly specious arguments presented by one astute Roman Catholic Democratic lawyer. (3) The political plea made by the lawyer of the Arch- bishop of New York, a new convert to Romanism, who stayed 386 Facing tht Twentieth G nfnr;/. ill the Republicaii party that bis church might keep its grip on the party to wliicli it gives few votes. (4) The eloquent aucl pathetic plea of the factotum of the Society for the Preveutiuu of Cruelty to Childreu. (5) The combiuatiou for revenue of the Koman Catholics with a section of the Jews. (6) The political ambitions of some of tLe conspicuous members of the Convention, Avho thought to conciliate the Roman Catholic vote in its solidarity. (7) The spiritless and unintelligent character of the patri- otic convictions of the rank and file of the members of the Convention. The following are some of the i-esults of the defeat of the amendment : (1) Colonel George Bliss spends the ensuing weeks in an expensive villa in Rome, where he is lionized by Pope and Propaganda. (2) The Pope confers upon him the distinction of Com- mander of the Order of St. Gregory as a reward for his services in defeating the will of the people in New York, one of the sovereign States of his " beloved America," and in fastening the hold of Roman Catholic charitable. institutions on the treasury of the State. (3) Colonel Bliss and Mr. Coudert are presented with a " loving cup " by the Catholic Club, in addition to their stipulated fee for legal services, in recognition of their great services to the financial interests of politico-ecclesiastical Romanism in Ne^v York and in the country at large. (•1) The doors of State and municipal ti^easuries in New York are thro^vll open, with no feasible chance to close them by constitutional bolts and bars for twenty years to come. An issue of the New York Siui^ in March, 1896, contained an interesting account of a meeting of the New York Roman Catholic Club. It said : " The Catholic Club gave a reception last night to Colonel Politivo-Ecdesiaxikal Roman km 3S7 George Bliss and Frederic R Coiidert, and incidentally the Committee on Catholic Interests presented to each of them a silver loving cup, in recognition, as the inscription stated, ' of valued and efficient services in the cause of the Catholic charities of the archdiocese of New York as counsel before the Constitutional Convention of the State of New York held in Albany in 1894; " Judge Joseph F. Daly presided, and in his address he sounded the praises of Colonel Bliss and Mr. Coudert for the service they rendered on behalf of the religious charities of the State. ' The result of these services,' said the speaker, ' was the passage of enactments which, it is hoped, will for- ever remove the ignorance and prevent the misrepresentation concerning these charities which were so conspicuous when these gentlemen began their labors. " * Their task was to enlighten an ignorance as profound as it was widespread, and to refute calumnies as adroit as they were labored.' " In presenting the cups on behalf of the Committee on Catholic Interests, Judge Morgan J. O'Brien said : " ' You will recall that for months preceding the Constitu- tional Convention the air was rife with rumors of the forma- tion of Avhat were regarded as the two most formidable organizations hostile to Catholicity which have appeared since the era of Know-Nothingism. Of these the most blatant, the most bigoted, and the most extreme, Avas the organization known as the " A. P. A." which was avowedly anti-Catholic and was engaged in the attempt not only to destroy Catholic churches and religion, but to deprive Catholic citizens of their rights to vote or to participate in any way in political life. " ' The other organization, known as The National League for the Protection of American Institutions, ^vhose promoters were more circums^^ect and judicious, and who proceeded to accomplish their objects without any flourish of trumpets, succeeded in enlisting not only those who from pure prejudice 388 Facing the TioeiitietJi Cenhtry. were opposed to Catholicity, but obtained the support of many intelligent and well-meaning men, who, without going beneath the surface, were engaged to follow and to lend their names and influence to an organization whose ostensible object was the protection of American interests.' "At the end of Judge O'Brien's speech Colonel Bliss advanced to the stage and received the loving cups. About his neck he wore the red ril)bon and medallion of the Order of St. Gregory which was recently conferred upon him by the Pope. " ' I think you are doing me too much honor, and I will prove it to you before I get through,' he said. Colonel Bliss then went on to state that all the figures and data with which he demolished the Rev. James M. King and AVilliam Allen Butler, in the argument before the Committee on the Con- stitutional Convention, were prepared for him by the mem- bers of the Catholic Club, and instead of being work his part of the affair was fun." Juggling with figures by the paid agents of politico- ecclesiastical Romanism to deceive or coerce politicians and unlock the treasuries containing the moneys of the tax-payers it appears is considered " fun " by a new convert to Romanism, and it is also considered as a meritorious act by Leo XIII. worthy of reward ; for Colonel Bliss on the occasion above referred to '' about his neck wore the red ribbon and medal- lion of the Order of St. Gregory which was recently conferred upon him by the Pope." Concerning the relation of the Roman Catholic Church to the Charities Amendment defeated in the New York State Constitutional Convention, and over which the Romanists were so jul^ilant, the New York Times of June 3, 1894 said : " The plea in regard to these charitable institutions is not logically different from that in regard to tlie instruction of children in schools. Ti'aditions of the Roman Catholic Church liave come down from the time when it claimed the Politico- Ecclesiastical Romanism. 389 right to control secular government in all its brandies and to be supported by public revenues. The claim was based upon the plea that this was for the tempoi-al and spiritual well-being of the people. It is still the plea that charitable institutions and schools should be under ecclesiastical control in order that the inmates and pupils should be subject to sound religious nurture for the good of their souls. Any church or religious sect is entitled to maintain charitable institutions and schools for that reason, but in this country the state can- not do it or pay for doing it. The Eoman Catholic doctrine of the past is at war with the American doctrine on this entire subject, and there is no question as to which must prevail. " It would be much better for the Roman Catholic Church and its adherents in this country to cast aside their traditions and accept the American doctrine, which is fundamental in our institutions and ineradically planted in the convictions of our people. It is a doctrine which permeates our whole system of government and contributes to its strength. Church and state must be kept apart, religion and politics must be kept separate, if our institutions are to live, and to this end there must be no mingling of public and ecclesiastical functions, interests, or expenses. The resistance of Roman Catholic authorities to the American doctrine is the source of the prejudice and passion whicli bigots seek to inflame. Let them once accept that doctrine and give over all effort to obtain public funds for religious purposes, and they will soon be regarded Avith the same tolerance and liberality that are shown toward Protestant sects." That the tendency of unnecessary appropriations in the name of charity is to encourage pauperism, and to inci-ease the burden of tax-payers, has been shown here as in England by the effect of injudicious legislation, in increasing the evils which it was intended to correct. Official statistics confirm the conviction, repeatedly ex- .'}vH) Facing the Iwentieth Century. pressed by experts, that our system of public charities has offered temptations and facilities for abuse on an enormous scale. The most of this baleful legislation and the most of the abuses practiced, have been the price paid by politicians for the solid Roman Catholic vote which has placed them in power. The Koman Catholic Foundling Asylum in New York and the Catholic Protectory received from the city funds in the years 1884 to 1893 inclusive $5,103,498. Many of the so- called " orplians " have both parents living, and the church is maintaining them at the expense of the tax-payers and mak- ing an enormous profit, the appropriations being many times in excess of the requirements of their support. The House of Refuge on Randall's Island, New York City, as the result of the passage of the so-called Freedom of Worship Bill under Roman Catholic political dictation has become substantially a sectarian institution, and is now far removed from the original unsectarian methods of its founders. Romanists require constant watching on account of their persistent raids in legislatures and Congress on the treasuries which hold the people's taxes. Every political device by legislation and otherwise to escape taxation is resorted to, and exemption from taxation means more taxes on othei"s, and all in the name of charity. Politico-ecclesiastical Romanism, by its assaults upon mu- nicipal. State, and national treasuries, has corrupted Protes- tantism by putting it on the defensive in behalf of its own educational and charitable institutions, and, be it said to its discredit in many instances, it has tlii'ough its varied branches engaged in money-grabbing fi'oni the people's treasuries, giv- ing as its excuse tliat if Roman Catholic institutions are to be supported from ]»ii1)li(' moneys, it proposes to get its share, thus absolutely ignoi'ing the 2)rinciple involved. Poliflco-Ecde.vasfical Romav i.wi. 391 Whenever tlie great body of Protestantism, incliuliiig Judaism, has been brought to see the situation and tlie danger, it has promptly withdrawn from the copartnership ^vith the state at the treasury point. A single instance of Protestant interference or iniquity in [)olitical or personal ways in any charitable institution, public or private, of the kind which is both normal and continuous with Romanism, notably in New York, would arouse the press of city and country to a condition of excited indigna- tion that w^ould amount to editorial hysterics, and would fit many an editor for entertainment at the Roman Tanunany liotel on Randall's Island, styled the Hospital for Incurables. A competent observer has said : '^ Go where you will, to prison, penitentiary, insane asylum, orphanage, hospital, you find a very large disproportion of the money which the country is spending for the indigent and criminal classes is spent for people first who have been made poor by the Roman Catholic Chui'ch in other countries or in this country, and second, for people who are now kept poor in its com- munion." Politico-ecclesiastical Romanism vaunts itself upon the care of the poor. Admit the claim, and then consider the fact that the poor it cares for are chiefly the children of its own faith, and that in our land they mostly come in their wretch- edness and poverty from lands where Romanism has been in control and lias shaped the conditions under which the [>eople live. Why has Romanism across the seas made so many danger- ous elements of our population as are represented in our pauper, dependent, and criminal classes in this country ? And why does Romanism claim it to be a virtue to take care of them here in their " charitable " institutions largely supported by funds taken from the taxes of the people ? Romanism failed in making these people, before they came here, fit in character for citizenship in the republic. Why should it 1)e 392 Facinfj the Twentieth, Century . permitted to coutinue its work on tliis side ? AVliy should not the GoverDHient umlertake this work of neutralizing peril and of shaping character for safety ? The experience of States which have undertaken their own charitable and reformatory work adequately vindicates the wisdom of such a course, and has promoted the interests of both religious liberty and civic safet3^ Romanism is willing to admit the fact that the pauper and criminal classes are chiefly members of its faith if it can thereby secure mone}^ from the taxes of the people for their care. Out of these grants for chaiity it often has a surplus to be devoted to such sectarian propaganda as it may elect. TO LABOR AND OTHER ORGANIZATIONS. While no fair-minded citizen will deny the right of any per- son to secure honest employment by lionest means, regardless of sectarian relations, all fair-minded citizens will deny the right and equity of movements and combinations designed to secure employment for the members of a given sect to the detriment and exclusion of those of other relio-ious affiliations. It is notoriously true that political Romanism has systema- tized the labor question to an extent that works great wrong- to laborers Avho are not Romanists. Some of its brotherhoods and sisterhoods are recognized by corporations and politicians as the authoritative agents of Romanism for the placing of employees. For years a letter bearing the seal and cross of one of the religious orders has been the condition of securing employment in a great munici2-)al department. We have re- peatedly had brought to our attention the persistent and often audacious demands upon politicians, regardless of party affiliations, by high Roman Catholic functionaries for even the humblest places of toil for their following, and the reason as- signed was that they were Romanists, This control of labor by Romanism, and then forming it into organizations officered and managed l)y Romanists, adjusts Politico- Ecclesiastical Romanism. S93 affairs in such coiivenieut style for presenting an iniposino- oi'ganized array of voters to politicians, that the demand for places, power, and appropriations on the delivery of votes presents a persuasive and tempting argument which the virtue of the political leader finds itself unable to resist. AVith rare exceptions, the multiform labor organizations which constitute the chief avenues to toil in the varied de- partments of human industry in this land to-day are in the control of Romanists, who either openly boycott or secretly plot against the equal rights to remunei'ative occupation of their fellow-citizens of the Protestant faith. Almost any pay roll of the administrative departments of the National Government, and of the varied departments of many of the State governments, and of most large municipali- ties and great corpoi'ations, will verify the statement that vastly in excess of their rightful ratio based upon their entire numbers I'elative to the entire population, Romanists hold positions, while it is increasingly difficult for Protestants or those of other faiths to secure positions. It has come to be true that most labor legislation is enacted because the lal)or leaders, being Romanists, make demands as Romanists upon the party leaders, and thus intrench them- selves in power, evidently caring little for the rank and file of the laboring men whom they claim to repi-esent. These agi- tators, v,dio are petty tyrants and who hold the offices and live on the toil of others, are chiefly responsible for the antago- nisms betv^^een capital and labor. Their stock in trade is fomenting discord and breeding discontent. These Romanist labor leaders and walking delegates have been the chief instigators of riots and causeless strikes. Just laws, designed to protect the rights of all classes without erecting Ixarriers between men, would dethrone these tyrants and make each honest man in every rank a self-respecting and thrifty citizen. The relations of capital and labor are difficult to adjust, •^^4 Pacing the Ttrenfleih Cciifin-;/. l)ecaiise frecjiientl}- wlieii the laboi-er passes from the Roman- ized labor organizations into tlie capitalist class he is more tyrannical than the capitalist who inherits his capital. Neither class legislation nor political liomauism can cure these con- flicts. Genuine, religious Christianity crystallized in law and incarnatey an indissoluble bond. Being desirous of becojning an associate member of the Order of tlie Knights of Coluinbus, a body corporate, oi-ganized and existing by Politico- Ecclesiastical Romanism. 31)7 special Act of tlie Legislature of the State, througli Council, No. a Subordinate Council of said Order, do declare and say: That'I am 2, practical Roman. Catholic. That I will remain and continue to he a practical Roman Catholic, or upon failure so to remain and continue, forfeit my membership in said Order, and all advantages accruing from membership of said Order. That I agree to ipso facto forfeiture of membership, if licreafter I engage in the manufacture or sale of intoxicating liquors as a beverage, except as may he provided hy lani. That I will conform to and abide by the Constitution, By-Laws, Rules and Regulations, of said Order, and of any Council thereof, of which I may at any time be a member, which may now be in force, or whicli may at any time hereafter be adopted by the proper authorities, or sub- mit to the penalty now or hereafter provided for the breach or violation of such Constitution, By-Laws, Rules or Regulations. That I will abide by the decision of the Board of Directors of said Order, or their successors, in all matters of difference or dispute between said Order, or any Council thereof and myself, relative to membership or the obligations thereof. And I hereby tcaive and surrender any right vihich I may or might othericise have, to bring, institvte and prosecute any suit against said Order or any Council thereof, in any Court, of Lair, or Equity, in this or any other IState in the, United States. The papal power is violently opposed to sncli seei-et socie- ties as it cannot control, but has always employed secret organizations and conclaves as its mightiest cohesive power and as its instrument for offense and defense. The following is in part the text of the Encyclical against , the Freemasons, sent out by the Pope in December, 1892. It was printed in all the Roman Catholic papers in this country. AVe have been accustomed to look upon Masons in America as a highly respectable and patriotic class of citizens. But what a wicked and pestilential institution Masonry must be ! And yet, such is the perversity of human nature tliat the ' organization persists in living despite the papal anatlienia. " Permit us then, in addressing you, to point to Masonry as an enemy at once of God, the Church, and our country. Once for all, recognize it practically as such and guard yourselves against such a formidable enemy with all the arms that reason, 80S Fachr/ the Twentieth Century. conscience, and faitli place in your bands. Let no one be de- ceived by its fair appearance, enticed by its promises, seduced l>y its flatteries, or alai'med by its menaces. Remember that Freemasonry and Clii'istianity are essentially irreconcilable, so that to join one is to be entirely separated from the other. The incompatibility between the creed of a Catholic and that of a Mason, you cannot, dear childi'eu, be ignorant of. Our }>redecessors openly warned you of it, and in the same way, AVe em[)hatically repeat the warning to you. " Let those, then, who to their great misfortune h;ive given their names to any of these societies of perdition, know that they are strictly bound to separate themselves from it if they do not wish to remain cut off from the Christian communion and to lose their souls in time and eternity. Let parents also, and teachers, and employers, and all those who have charge of the interests of others, understand that a rigorous obligation binds them to do all that is possible to prevent those ^vlio depend on them from joining this wicked sect, and from re- maining in it if they have actually joined it. " Let not women readily join philanthropic societies of Avhich they do not quite know the nature and the object Avithout first consulting prudent and experienced persons, because this mountebank philanthropy, so pompously contrasted with Chris- tian charity, often serves as a passport to Masonic intercourse, [.et everyone avoid having ties of friendship and familiarity with people suspected of belonging to Freemasonry or with the societies aiiiliated to it ; recognize them by their fruits and eschew them. "Since we are dealing with a sect which has spread itself everywhere, it is not enough to be on the defensive towards it, but we must go courageously into the arena and meet it, as you will do, dear childi'en, by opposing press to press, school to school, association to association, congress to congress, ac- tion to action." When the trial of Sheriff Martin and his deputies for sup- Pohf ICO- Ecclesiastical IiONun/isnt. 300 l~>ressiiig violeDt rioters, some of whom were killed at Latti- meriu Peunsylvauia, was in progress, the combination between priests and labor demagogues appeared as usual. Ex-Attorney General Henry ^V. Palmer, in Lis eloquent defense of the heroic men who risked their lives to preserve the lives and protect the property of others, said : " In all my practice I have never before heard of a prose- cuting committee. Its presence in court is a great injustice to eighty-four men under indictment for murder. It has no standing in court. It is composed of two priests, a Avhisky- seller, and a worn-out politician. It is the business of a priest to send souls to heaven ; of a whisky-seller to send souls to hell, and of such a politician to lie and deceive." He then alluded to Gompers and Fahey, who organized the Miners' unions, as vultures who were feeding upon the quar- ters which had been paid in dues by the dead men, Avhile the bullets were flying at Lattimer. " God help the American Federation of Labor," he exclaimed, " ii it depends upon the counsels of such birds of prey." On December 12, 1807, iu St. Patrick's Cathedral in New York, Rev. Daniel C. Cunnion, president, preached a sermon before the New York Union of Catholic Young Men's Socie- ties. Amono' other things he said : "He can only win in the sti'uggle of life who learns his re- sponsibility as ^vell as his ca[)abilit_y. We must recognize the triple relation of family, state, and church. Only by building themselves on the Church's foundation can nations save them- selves from final ruin. If we see men sitting on high in Catli- olic countries who are not of our Church, to what must we ascribe it if not to the lack of organization among the young men of those countries ? " It is strange that millions of Catholics can be governed by men who hate the name of Catholic. It almost seems as if the struggles of past centuries had })een in vain. In this country, where democracy is on trial, we must not lose sight of the fact 400 Facing tlie Twentieth Century. that history may repeat itself. Organization is the order of tlie day. We aim in our national union to keep young men in a novitiate, whence they can be graduated into those move- ments which are fast becoming the strong i-ight arm of Mother Church. There should be a society in every parish. It is thus that Mother Church hopes to make these United States entirely Catholic." If political Romanism ^vill cease using the laborer for polit- ical ends ; and if party politicians will stop contracting with political Romanism for the degradation of men ]jy the delivery of votes ; and if Romanism and Protestantism as religious powers will unite in raising the individual laborer and the individual capitalist into a higher, responsible, and sovereign manhood ; the relations of employer and employee ^vill soon adjust themselves normall}^, as this part of the world, the Xew World, is moving irresistibly toward the general recognition of the common fatherhood of God and the brotherhood of man. This in fact is the very genius of republican insti- tutions, and self-go\ernment finds its inspiration in the state- ment of high authority that " God is uo respecter of persons." Righteous men respect this principle because it is righteous, and unrighteous men accept it, in part at least, because they are obliged to. Let us rememl)er that capital has no rights, but the capital- ist has ; labor has no rights, but the laborer has. What is an ecpiitable adjustment of advantages between the employer and the employee, between the capitalist and the laborer? The exalted idea of man that went out from the land of Judea changed the institutions of men, reconstructed society, and in.'uigurated a new epoch in the history of humanity. Love of wealth was the teaching of Paganism, but the love of man is the teaching of Christianity. Cicero said : " All who live by mercenary labor do a degrading business; no noble sentiment can come from a worksho[)." The sentiment that came forth from the workshop of the Carpenter of Nazareth gave a new CAPTAIN BOYCOTT. Politico-Ecclesiastical liomanisut. 401 couception of man. It taught humanity tli;it it was possible to endure poverty without despair, and that riches might be accumulated and used without sensuality and pride. It ban- ished the selfishness which would isolate itself and divide the race artificially and imperiously into classes, and dictated the model prayer ^vhich binds the race together in a common brotherhood, based upon the facts of a common origin and common dependence. It promises no blessings to individual man, only as they are asked of '' Our Father," recognizing '' our debts " while seeking '' our daily bread." Christianity gives the spirit but not the science of a solution of the problem of the equitable distribution of wealth. Its relation is the same to other problems. It respects and de- fends every man's rights because he is a man. It unmistak- ably teaches that the right of property is simply the right of a steward to discharge his trust without interference. Moral- ity and legislation give different definitions to crime. Moral- ity never changes its definition, l)ut in legislation the crime of yesterday may be the virtue of to-moiTow. Human enact- ments vaiy with the sentiment of the time ; the law of God is never repealed or amended. Talk about adjustment by arbitration of differences between classes as we may ; after all, the relationship ^^hich men sus- tain to each other, in the last analysis, is a moral and individ- ual relationship of man to man, and out of that relationship arises duty which no man ^vith a title to manhood can either evade or will seek to evade. The acceptance of this immu- table truth gives dignity to personality and erects a fortress of safety for individual right, and permits no man to lose his identity or responsibility in a crowd or in a corporation. TO THE BOYCOTT AND THE BOSS. Captain Boycott, a factor and farmer of Mayo, Ii'eland, has gone into history, his name embalmed in a ne-w word now used in the languages of many lands, both in the Old AVoi-ld 402 Faj:in(j the Twentieth Century. aud ill the New. Boycotting is defiDed to be : " tbe system of combining to liold no relations, social or commercial, with a neighboi', in order to punish him for differences in political o[)inion ; a kind of social excommunication." Mr. Parnell, the Irish parliamentary leade]', has the credit of inventing and formulating the methods of torture of this modern Inquisi- tion. The date and place of this invention were September 19, 1880, at Ennis, Ireland. The first celebrated victim was Captain Boycott. The persecution was conducted by Eoman Catholics in the supposed interests of Roman Catholics, Victim after victim was made to suffer inhuman treatment until tlie British Parliament laid its heavy hand on the social, business, and political iniquity by enacting the Crimes Act of 1887. The boycott was begotten by the same spirit which in- vented the Inquisition. In fact, it is the Inquisition operat- ing under the enforced restraints of our modern civilization, and it only lacks opportunity for an exhibition of cruelty iu enforcing its edicts by the penalty of death to the person of its victim as well as to his property or business pursuit. The same spirit and the same purpose ^vhich devised and put in practice the boycott in Ireland, brought it across the ocean, and promptly began putting it in operation in this republic. The boycott everywhere is essentially a Roman Catholic institution. It is extensively employed l)y politico-ecclesiastical Roman- ism in this country against merchants and others who dare advertise in papers \vhich fearlessly discuss facts concerning its aggressions. Several newspaper enterprises have thus been killed off in late years. Merchants will contribute to causes for ^vhich they have contempt because of their fear of losing customers, or because of tlieir desire to secure a given class of customers. Politicians, of course, notoriously do the same thing, thus corrupting the wliole public moral sense of tlie [)e()ple with cringing cowardice. Folitico-Jicclesiastical Momanism. 49,'^ Protestants refuse to contribute, or if they do contribute to the support of patriotic publications or movements, desire to have it kept quiet for fear of the boycott in business. The average citizen as a rule stands in fear of the boycott. The political boss was begotten from the necessity forced upon political leaders by Koman Catholic politicians holding the Roman Catholic vote as a solidaiity capable of delivery and thus beyond the power of argument. This accounts for the political pre-election bargains made by the bosses of both parties to appoint factory inspectors and members of labor bureaus who are Roman Catholic because of their claim to control the labor vote in the varied labor oro;aniatizons which are chiefly manipulated by Roman Catholics. A boss is important only as he represents a constituency which he can control and upon which he can barter to secure money from corporations and appropriations from legislatures and fees for the security of crime against prosecution. Tliere is no city or State in the United States where Romanism liolds the control or the balance of power in the electorate where these three sources of revenues are not drawn upon. Political Romanism has thus created the boss and the boss has in turn intrenched its creator in power. An editorial in 1894 appeared in the Glasgow (Scotland) Evening News, which in^he light of the facts then existing and in the light of the experience of a restored Roman Catholic Tammany rule in the commercial metropolis may be interesting to American readers : " Although the word ' boss ' is so familiar as to have se- cured the respectful recognition of the latest lexicographers, it does not figure even in the slang dictionaries of ten years a^o. It has come to us from the Americans, who got it from the Dutch — (haas, a master). " The ' Boss ' (for he is considered worthy of a capital B^ now in the States) has become one of the most extraordiiiary features, if not the most extraordinary feature, of American 404 Facing the Tiventidh Ceniunj. miinicii)al life, and ' Bossiug ' is a disease whicli is eating into the vitals of American citizenship. The Boss of the United States, from New York to San Francisco, is Irish. " Bred in the odor of tlie saloons and the gambling halls, he graduated in time to the domination of other ' patriotic exiles,' and practically owns the polling booths of the mnuici- pal wards. An Irishman has no sooner landed off the shi[) and set foot on Castle Garden, than the Boss has him under his thumb by bribery, by threat, or by the old inalienable claim of clanship, so strong a factor in bringing the Celtic races to the front. There landed in America from Ireland during the last half century, no less than 3,250,000 Irish people, and the sons of this great multitude, native born, have shown a marvelous hereditary aptitude for securing offices, such as those of aldermen, councilmen, policemen, bureau chiefs, and mayors. " As lono^ ao^o as 1886 more than a seventh of the entire population of the City of New York was of Irish birth. New York is under the heel of the Irish Boss. It is a fact apparent in the press of the State. " If New York was well governed, there would not be the same ground for alarm at this universal rule of the Irish minority ; but it is not well governed. " What has been said of New York City is true of all the principal cities of America, and a writer in the April number of the Forum describes the Irish bossing as ' a national ulcei-,' to be thrown off sooner or later if American independence is ever to be anytliing more than a mere name. It is difficult for the Britisher, ^vith his ^vell-balauced munici[)al representa- tion, to realize the full misfortune of all this. The Trade Union Boss we know in George Square, in a mild, and, as yet, harmless form, but we are lucky as citizens, inasmuch as the common sense of the electorate and good counsel have pre- vented any particular race, class, or interest from getting the upper hand of our civic affairs — although the attempt to Politico- Ecclesiastical Momanism. 405 establish the Boss is growing every year more determined. Let us be warned by the experience of America." Theodore Roosevelt, in " American Ideals," says : '' The organization of a X3arty in our city is really much like that of an army. There is one great central loss, assisted ])y trusted and able lieutenants; these communicate witli tlie different district bosses, whom they altei'nately bully and assist. The district boss in turn has a number of half-sub- ordinates, half-allies, under him; these latter choose the captains of the election districts, etc., and come into con- tact with the common heelers. The more stupid and ignorant the common heelers are, and the more implicitly they obey orders, the greater becomes the effectiveness of the machine. An ideal machine has for its officers men of marked force, cunning and unscrupulous, and for its common soldiers men who may be either corrupt or moderately honest, but who must be of low intelligence. This is the reason why such a large proportion of the members of every political machine are recruited from the lower gi-ades of the foreign poj^ulatiou." The eloquent Bourke Cocki-an, himself a Roman Catholic, in a remarkable speech made in New York City on October 21, 1898, in tlie interests of the candidacy of Judge Daly, a Roman Catholic, whom Richard Croker, a Roman Catholic, had refused to renominate because he had as judge declined to obey the boss in the matter of political patronage in his court, said : " When I use the words boss and boss-ship I am not moved by a desire to indulge in personalities or in abusive epithets. The boss-ship is too real, too strong a force in our municij)al existence to be disposed of by sneer or reproach. I use the term because no other will convey an adequate idea of the power with wliich the citizen must grapple if he is to vindi- cate his liberties in this crisis. All the power, legislative and executive, of this municipality is to-day in the hands of the individual who rules the destinies of the Democratic party, or. 406 Facing tlie Twentieth Century. in other words, in the Ii;inds of the boss, aud there it will re- main, whatev^er may be the outcome of this canvass." Mr. Cockrau knew that the all but omnipotent power of this boss consisted absolutely and solely in the fact that he was the commander under ecclesiastical sanction and support of substantially the solid Roman Catholic vote. Judge Daly was a Roman Catholic, but the election returns demonstrated that the solidarity that made Boss Croker possible Avas un- broken. Politico-ecclesiasticism could not afford to permit discretionary choice on the part of its following. The prece- dent might be dangerous. A taste of liberty might cause men to think they were free. Our great cities are now mostly under the control of un- scrupulous bosses who rule through political rings, whose power is lodged in a solid Roman Catholic vote led by a political priesthood. The perfection of this false system finds its illustration in Ne^v Yoi'k City. Bossism never entered American politics until politico-eccle- siastical Romanism showed it how to move and set its pace. The inventors of the Inquisition were the inventors of bossism as well as of the boycott, and the same principle is involved in both institutions. Finding that a large vote of Roman Catholics could be and toas massed, political leaders or bosses have claimed that they were compelled to offset this solidarity by similar massing, until the massing has extended to the casting of the votes of delegates in the nominating conventions of both of the domi- nant political parties. Nominations are predetermined by the bosses and then conventions are permitted to seem to act de- liberately. All this had its origin in the practice of politico- ecclesiastical Romanism in its control over the sovereignty of the citizen. A popular fad among all political and social reformers in these late years is to condemn and rail against party meas- ures and bosses and bossism. But is it ignorance, cowardice, Politico- Ecclesiastical Roman ism . 4f )7 or hypocrisy tliat iiifiueuces tbem to scrupulously avoid fiiiy assault upon the one dangerous political niacliiue in America wbicli makes other machines and bosses possible ? W]iate\-er the cause of this avoidance may be, the fact makes honest citizens almost have respect for avowed courageous and sys- tematic political wickedness. In legislation the boss can be dealt with l)y corporations with greater safety and greater economy than by the ancitiit methods resorted to by corporations to effect legislation by buying up large numbers of law-makers. Now, the ])oss owns the legislators, who were nominated by his power and elected by his forces, and it is " nominated in the bond " that they ai-e to enact his will. We have heard prominent and reputable representatives of great corporations justify their financial dealings with political bosses, on the grounds that all legislative privileges and legis- lative protection cost mone}^, and that the new method -was safei', less corrupting, and more economical for the corporate interests they represented than the old. The boss system in politics has entered into partnership with the moneyed power, making a " combine " irresistible and omnipotent. And the worst feature of the entire business is, that where great principles and interests are at stake in an election, municipal. State, or njitional, honest men are com- pelled to recognize the boss by placing in his hand fabidous sums of money for conducting a campaign. And all this corruption and iniquity had its origin in tlie solid vote subject to the command of a politico-ecclesiastical power. For the protection of their citizens against this imported tyranny many of the States have felt themselves compelled to enact anti-boycotting and anti-blacklisting laws. Tiiese two iniquitous immigrants are congenial brothei's. The States having laws prohibiting boycotting in terms are Colorado, Illinois, and Wisconsin. 408 Facing the Twentieth Century. The States having laws proliibitiug blacklisting in terms are Alabama, Colorado, Couuecticiit, Florida, Georgia, Illinois, Indiana, Iowa, Minnesota, Missouri, Montana, Nevada, North Dakota, Utah, Virginia, and Wisconsin. Tlie following States have laws which may be fairly con- strued as prohibiting boycotting : Alabama, Connecticut, Florida, Georgia, Maine, Massachusetts, Michigan, Minnesota, Mississippi, Missouri, New Hampshire, Ne^v York, North Dakota, Oregon, South Dakota, Texas, Utah, Vermont, and Wisconsin. The following States have laws which may be fairly con- strued as prohibiting blacklisting : Michigan, New Hampshire, New York, Oregon, Rhode Island, and South Dakota. In the following States it is unlawful for any employer to exact an agreement, either written or verbal, fi'om an em- ployee not to join or become a member of any labor organi- zation as a condition of employment : California, Coloi-ado, Idaho, Indiana, Massachusetts, Minnesota, Missouri, New Jer- sey, New York, Ohio, and Pennsylvania. The ramifications of the system of bossism in politics reveal a supervision equal to the most rigid military discipline, extending down from the chief to the most thorough possible surveillance and responsibility for the bringing into line the individual voter. Tlie district boss, or leader, is held ]-epon- sible for what may be represented by a regiment of soldiers, the regiment being subdivided so thoroughly that the little bosses are only responsible for a limited number of voters, and are therefore excuseless, if they do not give a rigid account of their subjects. All these under-bosses re2">ort to their superiors, and their superiors in the genei'al council or committee report to the chief boss, from whom they receive their instructions and ordei's. When an election is carried and the time for the distribution of spoils has arrived the division is supposed to be based upon mathematical calcula- tions, the chief factor in the prol^lem l^eing the number of s Politico- Ecclesiastical lloonan ixm . 400 voters. This system lias readied its perfection in practice in Tammany Hall, in tlie City of New York, which controls in its ecclesiastical co-partnership snbstantially a solid Roman Catholic vote. It is easy to see under this system how it is not only possible for one boss to become all lint omnipotent, but how bosses representing ostensibly opposing political parties can dicker and trade the offices supposed to be elective to suit their own selfish and unscrnpnlous purposes. The only possible method of breaking this corrupting poAver in American politics will be by the inculcation of an intelligeut patriotism as a basis of self-respecting assertion of personal in- dependence. When every vote expi-esses the conscientious conviction of the voter who casts it, and when the voter gives allegiance to only one governmental power, and that the government under which he lives and which grants and pro- tects his rights civil and religious, then will bossism receive its death blo^v and depart from our history. TO "rum, ROMANISM, AND REBELLION." Perhaps no single incident in the history of American political Presidential campaigns has been more dilated upon and moralized about, or is more pregnant with instruction, than the " Rum, Romanism, and Rebellion" incident of 1884. The facts connected with the incident have never in any sin- gle narration been placed in their proper relation. On the morning of October 29, 1884, about a thousand clergymen of New York and vicinity assembled at the Fifth Avenue Hotel in the City of New York to meet James G. Blaine, the Republican candidate for the Presidency. When the list of names of those present is perused it must be admitted that they were not only representative, but that an overwhelming majority of the Protestant ministers of the great center of population were present. They had been invited by a printed, unsigned card sent out by a clergyman, Rev. Dr. McMurdy, who vfas serving the Republican National 410 Pacing the Twentieth Century. Committee in some capacity. Two or tliree days previous to the meeting Dr. Spear and Dr. Armitage requested the writer to prepare some resolutions to be presented to tlie meeting for its action. He did as they requested. When the clergymen were assembled in the parlors of the hotel, Rev. Dr. S. D. Burcliard, being the pastor of the longest consecutive service in the city, was chosen Chairman, and Rev. Dr. Mac Arthur was chosen Secretary. The resolutions which had been pre- pared were presented and their author moved their adoption. They were seconded in a speech made by Dr. Spear and then adopted. The writei*, known to be well acquainted with Mr. Blaine, was appointed to wait upon him in his I'ooms and request his presence, which he did, presenting him to the chairman and to the assembled ministers. Then Dr. Bur- chard made the address to Mr. Blaine in which he used the phrase, " Rum, Romanism, and Rebellion." Short addresses were made by Di". Spear of The Independent^ Dr. Mac- Arthur of Calvary Baptist Church, Rabbi Browne of the Temple Gates of Hope, Dr. Roberts of the Congrega- tioual Church, Rev. S. B. Halliday of Pljanouth Church, Rev. Mr. Price of the African Church, and Mr. Lawrence of the Friends. Then Mr. Blaine made his address, which in intellectual grasp was perhaps the most remarkable of all his scores of speeches delivered during the campaign. After Di*. Biirchard had made his speech, and two or three other brief addresses had been made, Mr. Blaine turned to the writer and said : " That ' Rum, Romanism, and Rebellion ' remark of Dr. Burchard is exceedingly unfortunate. I wish you would see Mr. [who was editor of a prominent New York daily] and with him get the press reporters to suppress the remark." It was thus kept out of many of the papers. But some of the papers printed the alliteration and emphasized it editorially. The following Sunday circulars giving the famous phrase, and ap])ealing to sectarian prejudice and hate, were extensively distributed at the doors of Roman Catholic Politico-Ecclesiastical Tloinaii ism. 4 1 ] chnrclies, and, as a result, it is claimed tliat tlie solid Roman Catholic vote was massed against Blaine. If this is true then a vote that conld be thus, and for that reason, suddenly and without opportunity for argument, alienated from oiu; candidate and massed for another is a peril to the ]-epublic. Dr. Burchard, grand and true man that he Avas, was crushed under the consciousness of having been, as the papers declared and as he believed, the instrument of injuring the man whom he admii-ed. The writer called upon Dr. Burchard, and tried to get him to write and sign for the papers a letter in sub- stance as follows : " Mr. Editor : In addressing Mr. Blaine on October 29, 1 used the phrase ' Rum, Romanism, and Rebellion ' in charac- terizing some of our political opponents. I now desire sim- ply to say, that perhaps the remark was inopportune and under the circumstances, it would have been more politic not to have made it. But I also desire to say that while the utterance might have been in timeliness inexpedient, it em- bodied historical and painful truth, and as an individual citizen I assume the responsibility for its accuracy." Dr. Burchard was so depressed in feeling at the defeat of Mr. Blaine that he declined thus to place himself on record as believing the truth of what he uttered, but he un- doubtedly did believe it. Mr. Blaine, because of his family connections, was supposed to have a large Roman Catholic following. His magnetic per- sonality and leadership and his broad and genial catholicity had also won to his support some fervid Irish Roman Catho- lics. The contest in New York State was extremely close, tlie plurality in the State revealing the fact that a change of six hundred votes would have chancred the results of the entii-e national election, and the vote of that State in the electoral college being necessary to determine the election of President, the issues possessed great import. There wei-e several inci- dents during the campaign which changed more than 412 Facing the Tvjentietli Century. eiiouo'b votes to neutralize many times Mr. ClevelaDcTs small plurality margin. The dinner on the evening of October 29, 1884, whicli one of the daily papers illustrated as Belshazzar's feast with most telling effect, at which Mi'. Blaine sat do^vn to the feast Avith many ricli men and millionaires, who were expected to contribute the sinews of war for the political contest in the electoral campaign just closing, produced repel- ling and disgusting results upon laboring men ; the change of votes in a sin2:le manufacturino; establishment in New York City, the proprietor ascertained, was sufficient to have caused defeat. Many Third Party Prohibitionists, wlio up to this time were favorably disi)osed toward Mr. Blaine, were alienated b}^ the ostentatious publication of the wine and liquor features of the dinner in question, des])ite the fact that the guest turned down his glass and did not taste wine. Mr. Blaine expressed to the writer great apprehension in the aftei'noon before the dinner, and great solicitude afterward, as to its effect upon the minds of the laboring men. He said he had been invited by telegraph to meet some gentle- men at dinner on the date in question, but he had no thought of a largely attended banquet which would make the event conspicuous by the wealth of the guests. Then there ^vas the defection of thousands of votei-s, as the election returns ])roved, in the western part of New York State, who acknowl- edged the leadership of Koscoe Conkling to the extent of being willing to aid him by their suffrage in punishing the man against Avhom he cherished uncompromising hostility and resentment. Then no one doubts that Beecher's capti- vating oratory, political change of base, and personal feeling against Mr. Blaine decided more than the six hundred votes necessary to change the issue of the contest. All these his- toric facts have been incidentally and occasionally referred to, bill tlie famous alliteration keeps haunting editors and poli- ticians and will not down. There must be some reason for the persistent reappearance of this politico-ecclesiastical ghost. PoUtico-Ecdesiastical MomanUm. 413 It seems that it can neitlier be appeased uor banished, but stalks forth from the viewless into the visible on the slightest provocation. While we would give all praise and credit to a Father Matthew for his attempts to lead his people in paths of sobriety, and to the occasional priests who honestly attempt to stem the awful tide of intemperance about them, they notoriously constitute such rare exceptions among their people as tOvUiake them conspicuous. Rum and Romanism sustain very vital relations, and neither party to the alliance ought to attempt publicly to repudiate the legitimacy of those relations. Where both parties to a close alliance receive mutual benefits neither party ought to make a show of indignation when someone in public speech couples their names. It is neither candid nor chivalrous. Take out of the treasuries of the Roman Catholic Church the amounts contributed by rumsellers and appropriated from excise funds, and from other taxes of the people, and you can easily see the bottom of the barrel. Nuns and sisters have systematically collected revenues from the rumsellers, itinerating from saloon to saloon for the purpose. It is notoriously in evidence that the great majority of the liquor saloons are run by Romanists, and no one would ques- tion the fact that they extensively patronize these pauperizing and criminal-breeding institutions, and that while their church conventions and congresses pass " temperance resolutions," the men who compose them are not notorious total abstainers. Dr. Orestes A. Brownsou, eighteen years after his conver- sion to Romanism, wrote a paper entitled "Protestantism and Infidelity," in wdiich he said : '' The worst-governed cities in the Union are precisely those in which Catholics are the most influential in elections and have the most to do with municipal affairs. We furnish more than our share of the rowdies, the drunkards, and the vicious 414 Fachuj the Twentieth Century. population of our large cities. The majority of grog-sellers in the city of New York are Catholics, and the portions of the city where grog-selling, drunkenness, and filth most abound are those chiefly inhabited by Catholics ; and we scarcely see the slightest effort made for a reformation." The nominations, for office and the elections in most of our large cities are con- trolled to-day by Roman Catholic saloon keepers. Father Elliott, in the Catholic World (September, 1890), made this honest confession : " The horrible truth is, that in many cities, big and little, we have something like a mo- nopoly of selling liquor, and in not a few something equiva- lent to a monopoly of getting drunk. I hate to acknowledge it, yet from Catholic domiciles — miscalled homes — in those cities and towns three-fourths of the public paupers creep annually to the almshouse, and more than half the criminals snatched away b}^ police to prison are, by baptism and train- ing, members of our church. Can anyone deny this, or can anyone deny that the identity of nominal Catholics and pau- perism existing in our chief centers of population is owing to the drunkenness of Roman Catholics ? For twenty years the clergy of this parish have had a hard and uneven %ht to keep saloons from the very church doors, because the neigh- borhood of the Roman Catholic Church is a good stand for the saloon business ; and this equally so in nearly every city in America. AVho has not burned with shame to run the gauntlet of the saloons lining the way to the Roman Catholic cemetery ? " Yet this same Father Elliott, speaking of his recent tour among the non-Catholics of the West, declared : '' America Avill be converted and made a Catholic country." Father M. F. Foley, of DeLand, Cal., writes in Cardinal Gibbons' own organ {Catholic Mirror) lately, this plaintive ^vail : " Go into our prisons, our reformatories, our almshouses ; go into our gi'eat asylums Avhere numbers of children are being reared, in what must necessarily be hot-liouse atmos- PoUtico-Eceles lad leal Itomco) ism. 415 phere, to face the storms of life. Go iuto the crowded teue- meuts of our cities, into tlieir lowest dens aud dives ; see the misery, squalor, reiguiug there ; see the men aud \vomen, low aud besotted; see the little ones dying as flies in the fetid air, or worse, living to poison the nation's atmosphere; in a word, see degradation in its most repulsive form. In these abodes of crime, of poverty, of miserj', you ^vill find thou- sands of Catholics. Ask what has brought to prison and almshouse, to reformatory aud orphanage, to dive and brothel, so many children of the church. Trumpet-toned comes back the answer : ' Drink, drink.' " The relations of Rum to Romanism, in the face of Roman Catholic testimony, none but the most brazen and unscrupu- lous will deny. But how about Rebellion ? The assumption is often heard that Romanists ^vere a most important factor, if not the most impoi-taut factor, in bringing to a successful issue the Civil War for the preservation of the Union. Dr. William Butler said in 1892: "The attitude of the papacy during our civil war was a source of anxiety to our government and to thoughtful men. Individual exceptions there were undoubtedly, but the general trend of the Roman Church was unfriendly. As if by a subtle instinct, the loAvest member discerned that he could have no interest in preventing the power of this nation from being crippled, or its prestige as the gi-eat Protestant Republic destroyed. Their vote was generally thrown against the ^\•ar, as the enemies of our country at home and abroad desired. For a contrast, look at the various Protestant sects of our land, aud see how loyally they rallied to the help of our govermuent to the last hour of the conflict. There is a reason for this marked distinction ; our downfall would have been the fail- ure of Protestantism at its culminating point." We have in our possession a facsimile of the letter of Pius IX. to Jefferson Davis, "given at Rome, at the seat of St. 416 Facing the Ttoentieth Century. Peter, the od day of December, 1860, of Our Pontilicate the eighteenth year." The letter begins : '' Illustrious and Hon- orable Sir, Greeting: With all the good will which was fit- ting, we have recently \velconied the men sent by your Honor to bring to us letters dated the !23d of the month of Septem- ber last." The Pope then refers to letters he has sent to the Archbishops of Ne\v Orleans and of New York, and continues : '^ And it was very pleasing to us to know that thou, Illustri- ous and Plonorable Sir, and those peoples are animated \\\i\\ the same sentiments of peace and tranquillity ^^■hich we have inculcated in the above mentioned letters so earnestly ad- dressed to the aforesaid venerable Brothers. . . And from the same most clement Lord of compassions we entreat that He will illuminate your Honor with the light of His Divine grace, and join you to iis in perfect charity." Eomanism's relation to the Civil War Avas not that of either an open foe or a pronounced friend, and fe^v of its following were among the Confederate forces and its numbers ^vere lim- ited in the Southern States at the time of the war. But it gave a divided loyalty and an emasculated service except in notable instances. A fe^v passages from an approved Roman Catholic history will be pertinent at this point : "In 1861 the great mass of the population lay in the Northern and Western States, those south of Maryland on the east and of the Ohio River on the west, containing only four hundred and sixty-three out of the two thousand two hundred and thirty-five priests. "A terrible civil war Ijroke out at this time. A fanatical spii-it at the North, which from time to time excited hostility to the Church on other occasions, sought the abolition, or at least the restriction of slavery in the South. Numbers of Protestant clergymen took an active part in stirring up a bit- ter sectional feeling ; and w^hen troubles began in regard to the extension of slavery in Kansas, the Protestant pulpits of the East rang with appeals to their flocks. In this matter the Polit ico-Ecdes last ical Rom anism. 417 Catholics stood caloof. When the war came no one could accuse them of having done aught to precipitate it. Yet as we have seen, they were chiefly in the Northern States which invited immigration, while the South discouraged it, and ignorant prejudices against the Church prevailed, as much at the South as at the ^ovih:'—Bitsinger and Shea's ''Hut. of the Cath. Church,'' pp. 402-403. The assassination conspiracy which resulted in the death of Lincoln and purposed the death of Seward and Grant, in its inception, in its personnel, and in its issues was the work of Jesuitical Romanism. General Baker, who had charge of the prisoners connected with the Lincoln assassination conspiracy, said in his report: '' I mention as an exceptional and remarkable fact, that every conspirator in custody, is, by education, a Catholic." When John H. Surratt, pursued by Justice, fled from the United States, being criminally concealed by priests and bishops in this country and in Canada, the law finally found him, congenially and naturally sheltered under the banner of the Pope as a soldier in the ninth company of Papal Zouaves. Father Walter, a Washington priest, who heard Mrs. Sur- ratt's last confession, sustained an active and criminally dis- reputable relation to the assassination conspirators, as was proven by the records of the trial and by his own contri- butions to the press. The attitude of Koman Catholic soldiers and others during the war of 1861-65 was not due to any conviction on their part that the Confederates were contending for a jjriuciple, but because the Sovereign Pius IX., to whom they owed their first and supreme allegiance, had committed himself and his subjects to Jeifersou Davis. There was no principle concern- ing State Rights or Nationality involved, with them. The coupling of the Rebellion with Rum and Romanism in 1884 may have had some ground of justification, although the South generally has never had any sympathy with the specious 418 facing the Twentieth (jentury. claims of politico-ecclesiastical Komaiiism or with the alliance of the Northern Democracy with the saloon or with Rome. The question of negro domination in the South has forced the Southern States into alliances for expediency which have com- mitted them to political doctrines against which they would otherwise revolt. " Rum, Romanism, and Rebellion " is a meaningless phrase under the new conditions of nationality. Manila and Santiago have changed the conditions and liter- ally blotted out the alliterative triumvirate. Suppose Dr. Burchard had said Rum, Presbyteriauism, and Rebellion, or had made the middle word Methodist, Baptist, or Episcopal, would a commotion have been created ? No. Why ? Because there would have been no truth in any such trinitarian adjustment of words. It was the truth contained in Burchard's statement that made it potent. Why, we again ask, is this one factor entering into the defeat of Blaine always editorially magnified ? It is an unconsciously humiliating plea of guilty to the indictment of Rome as a political power. Admit, as is claimed, that the " Rum, Romanism, and Rebellion " incident turned by Roman Catholic solidarity enousjh votes to determine the New York State, and, conse- quently, the national election in 1884; then our contention is established, that there is peril to the republic in such a vote which can be thus solidly and suddenly cast, without debate and without reason. Certainly the country entered upon a period in its history as the result of that election that was filled with suffering and national disaster. TO THE GOVERNMENT OF THE COMMERCIAL METROPOLIS OF THE NEW WORLD. POLITICO-ECCLESIASTICAL TAMMANY ROMANISM. Anna Ella Carroll, in her book '' The Great American Bat- tle," gives the story of the origin and objects of the Tammany PoUtico-Ecclesiastical Momanism. 419 Society, and by what means it was gradually perverted to the purposes of a foreign hierarchy : " The St. Tammany Society, or Columbian Order, was so called from Tammanard, a renowned Delaware chief. It originated immediately after the formation of our present Constitution in 1786, and hence was the fii-st American order in these United States. The cardinal doctrine of its creed was the exclusion of foreigners from all political interference whatever with the affairs of our country, as in manifest con- flict with our republican liberty and the American policy. The Sons of the Revolution were the founders of this order, and it was under the teachings of Washington, the leader of those armies which, under God, conducted our nation to vic- tory and glorious freedom, added to their o^vn experience and observation, that the}^ saw the necessit}^ at that early period for a purely national organization to uphold the true princi- ples of American faith and practice, and, in the language of our country's 'Father,' to prevent the evil of the foreign action of * these men who had no attachment to the country further than interest binds them.' And here, Americans, be- fore the eyes of Washington and under the light of his coun- tenance, this national society had the zealous co-operation of the heroes of the Revolution, his companions in battle, and flourished under its stringent restrictions for ten years pre- vious to his death. " The sublime idea of deliverance from foreign influence was thus for years advantageously cherished by them. But money- loving, soul-devouring, oflice-seeking politicians began to join them, and the day of dispensation was at hand. They so multiplied that they actually held the balance of power and compelled the majority to yield to their commands, or would threaten to go over to the minority. They first required one member of the Legislature, which was granted ; then two ; they were yielded. And then, whatever they wished, and as they pleased. In a meeting of this society the Loco Foco 420 Facing the TiDentieih Century. party had its <»iigin. The foreigners liad become so powerful and domineering that the Americans resisted and l^lew out tlie lights ! The foreigners relighted them by Loco Foco matclies, and carried the measure by their votes. This was the fatal moment ^vhen Americans went over to Romanism. Subsequent to the formation of the Tammany Society, but of the same epoch in our national history, ^vas the Order of Cin- cinnati, another strong political society, which made ineligible to membership any American who was not a native-born son of the soil. Washington himself was president-general of that order to the close of his life, as Andrew Jackson had been the leader of the Tammany before the degenerate days." In 1834 Professor Samuel F. B. Morse, whose invention of the telegraph was perhaps the greatest single contribution to civilization in recent centuries, ran for Mayor of New York City, receiving nine thousand votes. The platform upon ^vhich Professor Morse stood in the canvass recognized the dangers of foreign, and especially' papal influence upon our republican institutions, and set forth the necessity for the radical amendment of our naturalization laws. The appeal to the citizens of New York exhibited the increased burden of taxation for the maintenance of foreign paupers who make the city their refuge, and exposed " the ambitious arrogance of foreigners in their efforts to control the municipal affairs of the city." Were Professor Morse living to-day he Avould not be con- sidered an elio'ible candidate for Commissioner of Charities in the city of New York. William M. Tweed came into power January 1, 1869, and went out September 16, 1871. During these nearly three years the Roman Catholic Church received of public moneys $1,395,000, for over one hundred institutions, the most of Avhich had no existence in fact, and which, after Tweed, their partner in theft, was retired from business, disappeared from PoUHco- Ecclesiastical Momanism, 4^\ the list of "cliarities." Since that the number of siicli insti- tutions presenting claims has been smallei-, but their demands have been greater. After the rascalities of Tweed had Ijeeu exposed, such was the gratitude of his Koman Catholic con- stituents for their share in the spoils of his plunder that thev elected him to the State Senate by a tremendous majority. From 1871 to 1875 the records of the raids of this Tam- many Romanism on the municipal treasury have been con- cealed. When in 1875 the records are again accessible, we tiud only sixteen Roman Catholic institutions mentioned in the list of claimants on the city treasury. Thus the confes- sion is made that dishonestly, fraudulently, and in partnership with the monumental thief of the century, the authorities of the Roman Catholic Church, under the holy name of chai'itv, lied in presenting the claims upon the people's money of one hundred institutions having no existence, and stole hundreds of thousands of dollars, to be used in promoting the interests of a politico-ecclesiastical machine capable of such rascality. And yet, when a few years have elapsed, we are asked to forget, and practically do foiget, inside of a generation of time, the conduct of these precious rascals, and trust their successors in power honestly to administer the affairs of the Greater NeAV York with its greater opportunities for rascality. These sixteen institutions, from 1875 to 1886, took from the treasury of the city, in addition to eighty per cent, of the excise fund, the sum of $8,052,000. Since this last date it has been practicall}' impossible to secure any extended and detailed data from the books of the treasury department. The catalogue of the churches and institutions which were partners witli William M. Tweed, and which from necessity now in smaller numbers continue in partnership \Y\ih Tam- many and Tweed's successor, is worth perusal and preserva- tion. We possess it as one of our historic treasures. While the Romanists thus succeeded in getting immense suras of money out of the city treasury under Tweed, and 422 Faxiing tlie Twentieth Century. although, after his downfall, they did not venture to put in their claims for the scores of boo;us institutions which shared in Tweed's stealings, they had established a precedent for the large sums given to the institutions having an existence, and they have pressed on from this vantage ground, constantly making higher demands for " sweet charity." They have finally become so thoroughly intrenched, and their forces are so strategically encamped about the vaults holding, in State and municipalit}", the moneys of the people, that politicians and legislators, members of constitutional conventions and boards of apportionment, boards of charities and office-holders, civil justices and political reformers stand and deliver when the Roman legions wheel into line and demand the keys and the combinations of the public safe. The eagerly anticipated but painfully disappointing encycli- cal of Leo XIII. in 1895 compelled an honest and cultured Roman Catholic layman to make an able and indignant pro- test against its illiberality, which he claimed had nullified the previously uttered loyal sentiments from prominent American Roman Catholics, and which had compelled them to stultify themselves. Among other expressions of conviction the writer says : " The falsity and erroneous fatuity of the position taken by Leo XIII., however, is pretty clearly demonstrated by recent political events in Ne\\^ York City, events in which the Catholic Church is supposed to have been largely interested. I refer to the exposnres made of Tammany corruption by the Lexow Investigating Commission and the subsequent over- whelming defeat at the polls, of the Democratic candidates. It is a well-known fact that the Catholic authorities of New York City have been charged with being in sympathy, if not in league, with the Tammany organization. In fact the situation was such that Tammany and Catholicism were supposed to be identical, and the odium and obloquy attaching to the former wei'e necessarily reflected upon the latter. The dis- Politico-Ecclesiastical Romanism. 403 credit and disliouorof the association, of the alleged affiliation were recognized and bitterly deplored by some who believed in a fearless, progressive, and honest policy, and these l)y word and act sought to demonstrate to the public that to be a Catholic it was not necessary to approve political dishonesty. It is to be hoped that in the future Catholicism will not be con- founded with Tammanyism or any other political ism ; but the action of the people of New York City and State in their vigorous condemnation of Tammany should suffice to make known to Leo XIII., not only that it would be impolitic to seek a union of church and state or church and political party, but that any attempt at such a union would be bit- terly resented and fiercely antagonized by the American people." Yet Tammany was restored to power in 1898 as the result of its union with the church and of the egotism and Phari- saism of party politicians and professional reformers. Tammany Hall's influence as a factor in New York and national politics was jjresented in the North American Hevieiv for February, 1892 ; Richard Croker, then and now its chief, being responsible for the article. " A Avell-organized j^olitical club," says Mr. Croker, " is made for the purpose of aggressive warfare. It must move, and it must always move forward against its enemies. If it makes mistakes, it leaves them behind and goes ahead. If it is encumbered by useless baggage or half-hearted or traitorous camp followers, it cuts them olf and goes ahead. AVhile it does not claim to be exempt from error, it does claim to be always aiming at success by proper and lawful methods, and to have the good of the general community always in view as its end of effort. Such an organization has no time or place for apolo- gies or excuses, and to indulge in them would hazard its exist- ence and certainly destroy its usefulness." The methods of the Tammany organization he presented as follows : 424 Facing the Twentieth Century. '^ As one of the members of this organization, I simply do what all its members are ready to do as occasion offers, and that is, to stand by its principles and affirm its record. We assert, to begin with, that its system is admirable in theory and works excellently well in practice. There are now twenty-four Assembly districts in the county, which are repre- sented in an Executive Committee by one member from each district, whose duty it is to oversee all political movements in his district from the sessions of the primaries down to the final counting of the ballots after the election polls are closed. This member of the Executive Committee is a citizen of re- pute, always a man of ability and good executive training. If he were not, he could not be permitted to take or hold the place. If he goes to sleep or commits overt acts that shock public morality, he is comj^elled to resign. Such casualties rarely occur, because they are not the natural growth of the system of selection which the organization practices ; but when Tammany discovers a diseased growth in her organism, it is a matter of record that she does not hesitate at its extirpation. " Coincident with the plan that all the Assembly districts shall be thoroughly looked after by experienced leaders who are in close touch with the central committees is the develop- ment of the doctrine that the laborer is worthy of his hire ; in other words, that good woi'k is worth paying for, and in order that it may be good must be paid for. The affairs of a vast community are to be administered. Skillful men must administer them. These men must be compensated. The prin- ciple is precisely the same as that which governs the workings of a railway or a bank, or a factory ; and it is an illustration of the operation of sophistries and unsound moralities, so much in vogue among our closet reformers, that any persons who have outgrown the kindergarten should shut their eyes to this obvi- ous truth. Now, since there must be officials, and since these officials must be paid, and well paid, in order to insure able and constant service, "why should they not be selected from «SL Politico-Ecdedaatical Bomanism. 42o the membership of the society that organizes tlie victories of the dominant party ? " Race and religion unfortunately draw party lines very closely in New York, the Tammany Democratic force being the Irish Roman Catholic vote cast, almost as a unit. This gives dangerous strength to the political and ecclesiastical or the politico-ecclesiastical boss. P^ick said, after the reform victory in 1894, "That tlie church as a church, was active against the reform movement is beyond any question whatever"; and charged that the head of the hierarchy had " made a disgraceful exhibition of pernicious activity in local politics. The most encouraging and hopeful view of the present situation is that the hand of the church has been pretty clearly shown in a way that ought to arouse the indignant Americanism of every citizen who would see our public-school system kept free from the taint of Romish control." And yet under the reform government Tammany Romanism was coddled and kept in place and power to an extent that, when the next municipal battle came, it had enough of its forces on the inside of the breastworks to make the work of the storming party easy and successful in the face of divided opposition. RESPONSIBILITY FOR THE TAMMANY MUNICIPAL ADMINISTRATION CLAIMED FROM THE CATHEDRAL PULPIT. On Sunday, March 6, 1898, Father Sheedy of Altoona, Pa., delivered a lecture in the Cathedral in New York. The Tribune and other papers reported him as saying : " The Catholic Church in this country has put its seal of dis- approval on the liquor traffic." He especially condemned the Sunday opening of saloons. He said : " Do not be scared by tlie chimera of a Puritan Sunday. There is no danger of you ever getting back to that. Cosmopolitan New York never had and never can hare any odious blue laws. Give the working- man what he is entitled to — the Lord's Day, a day of rest ; 426 Facing the Tioentieth Century. make it a day of joy aud gladness. Throw open for Lim the art galleries, the museums, the i^ublic libraries, if you will — aud you do well to do so — but keep the door of the saloon tightly shut." lie then claimed that : " The administration of this proud city of New York has been bit rusted to a party largely composed of Catholic citizens. W/iat ivill the record he? Will it help to make this city truly greater in moral and civic virtues ? Greater in art, in litera- ture, in patriotism, and in religious observance ? Let it prove to the people and to the countiy at large that the hopes of the coming century are safely centered in the conservative and healing influences of the Catholic Church." Father Doyle of the Church of the Paulist Fathers, in speak- ing of Father Sheedy's lecture, said it was the official statement from the diocese made from tlie Cathedral pidpit against Sun- day opening. AVhat relation does this " official statement from the diocese made from the Cathedral pulpit against Sunday opening " bear to the other statement made from the same " Cathedral pulpit " by the same mouth, that " the administration of this proud city of New York lias been intrusted to a party largely composed of Catholic citizens. What tvill the record hef'' It is perti- nent in the light of history, and not impertinent, to ask : What has the record been f One of the papers closes its account of the meeting with this record : " At the close of the lecture the benediction of the Blessed Sacrament was given by Arclibisliop Corrigan." A priest's comment on the Archbishop's part in this temperance meeting was: ''His Grace must have been greatly embarrassed when he thought of the sources of his own revenues." Roman Catholicism thus justly claims to rule New York Cit3^ AYe shall see what kind and character of rule she gives when she has full sway. Fatlier Malone, made a Regent of the University of the Politico- Ecclesiastical Jiomanmu. 427 State of New York by a Republican Legislature, aud sun- posed to be auti-Tammauy iu political sympathy, recotniized in the triumph of Tammany the benefit to Romanism, when, in addressing the younger members of his flock, on December 26, 1897, he said : " Now that so many of the Tammany Hall leaders who will rule the city are members of the Catholic Church, they should be wise and seek to do good for the public, and not merely to attain their own end. Good service rendered to the public is of more value to the Catholic Church, when accomplished by one of its adherents, than any other moral action which can be presented." Suppose it were true that the boss, the .chief of police, the heads of departments, the keepers of saloons and brothels were, any considerable number of them, Episcopalians, Pres- byterians, Methodists, Baptists, etc., would not the denomina- tions be held responsible by the public? Would they not deserve to be ? Roman Catholicism must be held responsible. We indict politico-ecclesiastical Romanism for the crimes of Tammany, for Tammany's power under Cj'oker, as under Tweed, is and was only possible because of the solid Roman Catholic vote, and the Church benefits by the returns from this vice aud crime in appropriations for her institutions and in contributions for her churches. We indict her because she benefits by the price of vice and could largely stop it if she would. Tlie authorities of the Church claim that the govern- ment is Roman Catholic. They claim the power and they must meet the responsibility. Archbishop Corrigan's jubilee in May, 1898, which rendered unnecessary a Tammany jubilee and which occurred at the same time for which the Tammany municipal jubilee was projected, but for personal reasons postponed, was attended and addressed by men who had been engaged in advocating municipal reform movements which had been rendered im- possible by the solid Roman Catholic vote cast for Tammany 428 luiclng iJie Iweniietli Centwy. and coutrolled by Croker and Cori'igan. This was diverting to the public as a monumental joke, and how the sides of the ecclesiastics and politicians must have ached with glee. Cro- ker's reception at the Democratic Club presented similar felicities of juxtaposition. The names of Tammany leaders, liquor-dealers, office-hold- ers, and contractors, and the names of the bulk of the contrib- iitors to the Corrigan Jubilee Fund could be given iii a sin- gle list without the necessity of duplicates. Croker's fete at the Democratic Club and Corrigan's Jubilee might have joined forces and saved expense. An experienced politician on the Press recently wrote: "The Roman Catholic is generally a successful politician. If I had an ambition to go to Congress from any district in this city, the first move in that direction would be to join the Catholic Church, get 6'??. ra'pport with Romanism, and then learn Irish." AVhen the Roman Catholic Church enters politics it must be Iield responsible for the results of its voting solidarity, and cannot sej)arate its political from its religious responsibility without abdicating its claims to being a religious organization. Ricliard Croker is the Roman Emperor of New York, be- cause in the battle at the polls solid Roman legions won a victory under his lead and made his coronation possible. He literally controls Manhattan, because he owns the men who grant the franchises to corporations, and who levy and collect the taxes, and who make the appropriations and spend the people's money. He makes the nominations for elective ofl[ices, including judges, and dictates the appointments of an immense army of office-holders, and all because he is backed by the solid Roman Catliolic vote. Croker said in response to the charges that Ne^v York was in October, 1898, " wide open" : ''If these men know of any violation of the law it is their duty to bring the matter to the attention of the District Attorney, and I am sure vigorous Politico- Ecclesiastical Romanism. 429 prosecution will follow." The District Attoruey to whom Croker referred citizens for redress \vas Asa Bird Gardiner, who ^vas elected to office on his own platform consisting of the single plank: " To hell with reform." That Mr. Croker is considered by his brethren and sisters in the faith as a religious political leader, and that Roman Catholicism and Tammany Hall are considered as religious partners will receive some authentication from the following correspondence which appeared in the Sunday Union^ Decem- ber 26, 1897. Mr. Croker was then at Lakewood surrounded by his court, where he was engaged in making the appoint- ments for Mayor-elect Van Wyck, who Avas soon to take office. This touching correspondence appeared in the Sunday Union directly under the pictures of Richard Croker of Tam- many Hall and Rev, M. J. Lavelle of the Cathedral : SISTER MARY DAVID'S LETTER TO MR. CROKER. " St. Joseph's Hospital, Twelfth Street, " Long Island City, November 28. " Hon. Richard Croker : " Dear Sir : I hope you will pardon my intrusion in coming to you at your time of rest, yet I wish to let you know that we prayed most fervently to our Dear Lord and His Blessed Mother for your success; also for your restoration to health, when we heard you were ill. Now as a thanksgiving I wish to ask a little charity towards the erection of our new hospital which is in Greater New York. I enclose my poor wallet which will tell its own ' tale of woe.' " We are sure you are chosen by our Dear Lord Himself. The day of election was dark and gloomy, but as soon as the victory was won, did notour Dear Lord send His sun to shine? Just at the time Mr. Van Wyck was proclaimed chief of Greater New York, the sun came out in all its splendor to prove that the Lord was with you in this contest and that you liad His benediction. " Thanking you in advance and with the assurance of our prayers and the prayers of our patients, I am, " Yours most gratefully, "Sister Mary David, " Superintendent." 430 Facing the Twentieth Century. MR. CROKER'S RESPONSE.— CHRISTIAN CHARITY. " Lakkwood, N. J,, December 19, 1897. " Dear Sister Mary David : " I found the enclosed wallet here in Lakewood. Evidently it belongs to you and so 1 return it. When it came into my possession it was empty, but with it there was a kind letter full of the most beautiful senti- ments and fervent wishes. It, therefore, would not be just to restore the wallet in the impoverished condition in which it reached me, and so I have endeavored to show in some degree my appreciation of its com- panion letter by accompanying it on its return journey with a green check instead of the green-back requested. " If you and the good Sisters with you, and your patients, will remem- ber me in j^our prayers I will be forever grateful that the 'thin slim wal- let ' fell into my hands and was restored to you. " With great respect, " Yours very truly, "Richard Croker." The editor of the Union closes his account of Mr. Croker's " fervent Catholic faith " and '' charity '' as follows : " About the first act of Mr. Croker, after his return from the South after restoration to health, was to go to Tammany Hall, and move that $20,000 be given for the relief of the suffering poor. And much good is being done by this pious and generous act of charity." It would be an interesting study, ])oth in ethics and mathe- matics, to trace this $20,000, which was so ostentatiously voted b}" Tammany as a " pious and generous act of charity," to the sources from which it came. New York is said to be the richest Roman Catholic diocese in the world, and large sums of money are sent from it to the Pope and the Pi'opaganda in Rome. Tammany and the polit- ical power of the diocese being partners, the people of the metropolis of all political and religious faiths thus have normal and ready relations ^vith the universal temporal and spii'itual Sovereign Pontiff. PolitiGo-Ecdemistical Romanism. 431 Tetzel sold indulgences, Croker sells patronage. Oh, for some patriotic political Lutber among the honest Homan Catholics with conviction and courage to nail the bulls of this political Pope on the doors of the Cathedral and on the doors of the hall of Tammany. As at the corner-stone laying of a Roman Catholic Church in this city in the spring of 1898, the Pope's flag was placed above the Stars and Stripes, so this relation of the two ensigns Avould have been entirely appropriate at the inauguration of the Mayor of New York on January 1, 1898. If the Pope lived in New York to-day, he would not count himself a prisoner confined within the narrow limits of his papal palace, for he would possess, under the present munici- pal government, temporal power, all but absolute, with a restricted spiritual power. Daring many years one heroic priest, Rev. Thomas J. Ducey, Rector of St. Leo's Church, has contended against the iniquities of Tammany, and "protested without ceasing against the efforts of Tammany Hall and its leaders to prosti- tute the foreign-born citizen and the Catholic name." He has also been a most self-sacrificing fi-iend of the poor regardless of their sectarian relations, until his once ample private pos- sessions have been thoroughly depleted. These facts Avere both distasteful and reproving to the Archbishop, Tammany's best friend in New York. His Grace's tender susceptil)ilities were so wounded when he saw his friends on the rack of the Lexow investigation, that he could not endure the spectacle of that one priest being present at the investigation, whose polit- ical independence was a menace to evil doers and a reproof to him and his politico-ecclesiastical following. The Arch- bishop wrote a letter to Father Ducey, and i-eceived a re- sponse which it is to be presumed he keeps among his archives, if he does not count it among his treasures. Archbishop Corrigan's letter was dated from the " Arch- bishop's House, No, 452 Madison Avenue, New Yoik, 432 Faciiitj the Twentieth Century. November 14, 1894." It addressed the rector iu the usual way as " Rev. Dear Sir," and opened with a passage substan- tially, if not literally, worded as follows : ''I have noticed \vith pain your repeated attendance at the sessions of the Lexow investigating coniniittee. "An honest Catholic layman would blush to go to such an assemblage as the Lexow investigating committee of his own free will. " That you, a priest, should have attended such sit- tings daily, and seemed to glory in so doing, was most dis- edifying." Succeeding the last passage came a paragraph to this effect : " It has been rumored that you attended the sessions of the Lexow committee .as a representative of the Holy See. The Cardinal Secretary of State has written to me that there is no truth in this, and has also forwarded to my address a copy of the Osservatore Romano^ in which he caused it to be officially denied that the Rev. Thomas Ducey or anybody else has received such a commission." The Archbishop then adds: " I would not have allowed any other priest of the diocese to exhibit such conduct. " Now that the elections are over I think it my duty to vindicate the sanctity of the priesthood. " I hereby give you canonical admonition to abstain in future from going to the sessions of the Lexow committee Avithout permission in writing from me. " I trust you will be obedient." His Grace's message (^vhich the writer has seen and read) was signed, " Very faithfully yours, " M. A. ICORRIGAN, Abp." Ill answer to this interesting document Father Ducey sent the Archbishop the following letter : Politico-Ecclesiastical Roman ism. 433 "St. Leo's Eeotory, No. 18 East Twenty-ninth Street, "New York, November 17, 1894. ^' Most Reverend M. A. Corrigan, Archbishoj) of Hew York " Your Excellency : I have received a very strange letter which you deemed it necessary to send registered, in order, I presume, that your Excellency might have ray receipt for same. I am glad you have my receipt. "I regret to have received this evidence of your Excel- lency's want of appreciation of my persistent devotion and sacrifice in the intei-ests of truth, morality, and religion. Eor years I have felt that you should be, next to the Holy Father now reigning, the greatest factor for good in the whole Catholic world. Unfortunately I am forced to say that here in New York, the greatest po^ver in the world for good and humanity, and the Catholic Church, has been thrown to the winds, and ^ve are now reaping the whirlwind. I am not the only man who believes and thinks that the greatest oppor- tunity Heaven has thus far given to the Catholic Church since the days of our Lord and his apostles for good, has been sacrificed in the city of New York. Had the Church, through churchmen, openly acted with courage in opposing the cor- ruption and corrupters of this great city, the Catholic Church would have glory throughout the ^vorld. Now, Dr. Parkhurst has won ! " Thank God, I am able to say that for more than twenty- five years I have, as a Catholic priest, protested without ceas- ing against the efforts of Tammany Hall and its leaders to prostitute the foreign-born citizen and the Catholic name. Dr. Parkhurst has had many elements to encourage and sup- port him. I, unfortunately, have had no pei'soual help or organized society to encourage me, but I have had the con- sciousness that I was meriting the blessing of God and Catholic truth and morality. I have been the one voice cry- ing in the Avilderness of corruption to make straight the ways of the Lord. I rejoice that -Catholic truth has triumphed. If 434 Facing the Tiventieth Century. all tbe churches aud chiirclimcii of every denomiiiatiou had known their duty, aud cried out against the conditious over- turned on November 6, God's will would have long since been done on the earth of New York City. " Now, let me say to your Excellency. I deem it the duty of every good citizen to assist the Lexow committee and its counsel in the effort to purify the city by removing the cess- pool of crime and corruption created aud fostered by the corrupt managers of Tammany Hall. The defeat of this corrupt power in the city of New York proves the truth of my view. I am pleased to know that I have been a humble factor in bringing about the result of November 6. "There is nothing in my course ' now that the elections are over,' as you say, that calls for a ' vindication of the sanctity of the priesthood ' by you, so far as my conduct is concerned. I certainly have, by my course, up to the day of the election, exerted every power to have honor reflected upon the priest- hood. The City and the State of New York and the wdiole country recognize that I have not failed. " I do not know in what way I have exposed myself to re- ceive ' canonical admonition,' and I cannot see why I should * be commanded to abstain in future from going to the sessions of the Lexovs^ Committee without permission in writing 'from Your Excellency. I have given my word that I would attend the sessions of this committee to its close, when not prevented by my duties. I know full well that I in no wa}^ transcend my rights as a priest by my interest in the Lexow investigation, and the best people of our city think and say that most certamly I am doing good work as a citizen by exerting every power to help the Lexow Committee to give us good government and secure and safeguard public as well as private moi-ality. " You say that you would not allow ' any other priest of the diocese to exhibit such conduct.' If my conduct is a bad ex- hil)it I regret that you made me an exception. "I think it is well known to the Apostolic Delegate and to Politico- Ecdesiastical Roman Urn. 435 the Holy Father that I would be the last person in Your Ex- cellency's diocese to place the Holy See in a compromising position. I trust you will be pleased to learn that I have most carefully safeguarded the Holy See in the archdiocese of New York and throughout the country, and I knoAV Your Excellency will be pained to learn that I have in my keeping manuscript evidence from the very highest authority recog- nizing that here in the city of New York we have had the very front and citadel of organized opposition to the action and wishes of the Holy See. " I shall be greatly pleased if Your Excellency will inform me under what canonical rules you forbid my presence at any further sessions of the Lexow Committee. " Very truly yours, "Father Ducey." If priests and laymen would follow the example of Father Ducey and assert their independence and sovereignty as citi- zens, Roman Catholicism would speedily be divorced from politico-ecclesiasticism, and its religious work would command the universal gratitude and commendation of mankind. When it was first announced that Croker would not allow Judge Joseph F. Daly to be renominated for the Supreme Court the New York Herald^ owned and edited by a Roman Catholic, said : " Judge Daly is one of the most prominent and powerful Roman Catholic laymen in the city. He is a warm personal friend of Archbishop Corrigan, and he took a prominent part in the Archbishop's Jubilee, as he is accustomed to do in all church affairs. He is president of the Catholic Club and has the support and backing of a majority of the wealthy and in- fluential Catholics in New York City. " These elements are deejDly incensed at the suggestion of his retirement, and are said to be ready to fight for him. " In other words, there is a threat of a contest at the polls between the Church influence and the organization. In Tam- 436 Facing the Twentieth Century. iiiauy Hall such a contest would almost certainly rend the machine from top to bottom. " Judge Daly's partisans are saying that Mr. Croker cannot safely ignore the influence of the Church of which he is a member, and that if he persists in retiring Judge Daly the consequences will be disastrous to him." Here it is again ! The strength of Judge Daly's candidacy did not consist in his abilities and impartiality as a judge, but in the facts that he was a '' prominent and powerful Roman Catholic," and that he would have " the Church influence." Prominent Koman Catholic priests and laymen have stated to us that the hierarchy took a most decided attitude in the election against Judge Daly and in favor of Croker's Tam- many candidates. Not only \v'as Daly's opponent a Romanist, but the ecclesiastical authorities could not afford to divide their vote and court defeat. The returns proved that the Roman Catholic vote was not divided. One hundred and thirty-five thousand Tammany votes in November, 1896, meant simply the necessity, under instruc- tion, of solidarity as a discipline for the coming successful contest for the control of the money and machinery of the Western Metropolis. Tammany Hall has no power, unless by either ecclesiastical command or consent it can mass on sectarian grounds substan- tially the entire Roman Catholic vote. Newspaper estimates of the political forces working with Tammany Hall take into account Bryanism and Crokerism, and bossism and combinations with the so-called machine poli- ticians of different parties and factions, but steer clear of naming the one force which can mass a sectarian vote, which readily can draw to its conquering legions a host of men who realize that profit and preferment come with majorities, and that the party which enters the canvass ^vith over one hun- dred thousand votes whicli cannot be diverted by any argu- ment, is more liable to \\\u than the party in which the slo\y PoUfico-EcdesiaAficcd Bomanism . 437 2:»rocess of convincing and counting every individual sovereio-n must obtain. On this ground alone many who mean to be candid, but who have a natui'al ambition for preferment in different departments of human endeavor, enter Tammany Ilall as their only hope for public advancement. This enforced solidarity pays but a moiety of the taxes, Ijut determines the policy which levies the taxes upon others. Croker, in his relations to disobedient or refractory Tam- many men, treats them as the hierarchy treats its recalci- trants—sends them into retreat for a period of humiliation and repentance. The experiences of Senator Grady and Sen- ator Cantor and ex-Lieutenant Governor William F. Sheehan and his brother John C. Sheehan, whom Croker left for a little time in charge of his minions while he went to England to look after his horses, furnish illustrations as subjects of politico-ecclesiastical penalties. The system of terrorism practiced by Tammany Romanism is something almost beyond belief. It makes cowards of otherwise respectable men. Many persons connected with different departments of the municipal government, who have thought it to be their duty to state to us facts concerning iniquities which have been forced upon their attention, have afterward been so intimidated that they have come to us with the most humiliating pleas that the incriminating facts which they have placed in our possession should not be published, because they and their families would be punished and be made to suffer. Honest citizens cannot render honest service for their fellow-citizens without suppressing their convictions, or without hecomiug 2:)artice2}s criminis by ignoring or concealing dishonesty and crimes. In the Tammany Roman Catholic rule, if an office-holdei- of their own faith ever asserts his own independence of charac- ter and declines to accept the dictation of the boss in making the appointments at his disposal, the screws of the political inquisition are put upon him, and, if he holds an elective 438 Facing the Tiventietli Century. office, when the time comes for a renomiuation for his office, lie is mercilessly dropped, uo matter what his merits. A notable illustration of this Spanish boss method in Tammany Komanism is found in the case of Justice Joseph F. Daly of the Supreme Court in New York. Judge Daly was one of the most satisfactory judges in the State, trusted and honored by all honest members of the bar. He was president of the Roman Catholic Club of New York. But he had, when last elected, declined to submit to Croker's dictation in making certain court appointments, and the boss issued the edict of political damnation. When the reform administration came into office the patron- age of the Department of Charities and Corrections as it existed on January 1, 1898 — this department having super- vision of all criminals, prisoners, workhouses, insane asylums, hospitals, and almshouses — was under the control of the Roman Catholic Church authorities, and the great majority of the employees of these departments were Ii'ish Catholics. In one division of the department where there were in the year 1895 about 90 employees, 2 only were non-Catholic, while two years later in the same division, in 1898, there Avere about 126 employees, 6 or 7 of whom only were non- Catholic. This condition Avas made possible by the constant supervision of the departments ; so that the authorities of the Chui'ch were promptly notified of possible vacancies, and they immediately presented a candidate for the vacant position. In the almshouse during this period, according to the records of the nativity and creed of inmates, there were about 72 per cent, of foreign birth, al^out OOf per cent. Roman Catholic, and about 56 per cent. Irish-born Roman Catholics. Because of the honest performance of his duties as he under- stood them, irrespective of politics or creed, one of the officials of the department under Mayor Strong's administration was subjected to much ;il)use by anonymous letters and threatening language. Certain statements, letters, and other documents Politico-Ecclesiastical Romanism. 439 were placed in tLe hands of one of the Commissioners charg- ing the official with harshness toward the Roman Catholic employees of his division, the charges being made by one Father Murray, who was in close official relations with Arch- bishop Corrigan, and prominently identified with the Lengne of the Sacred Heart. The Commissioner and the official thus charged visited the priest at his apartments adjoining the Cathedral, where the matter was discussed. The documents and statements were repudiated by the official, who succeeded in convincing both the priest and the Commissioner that tlie statements and charges therein contained were untrue. Thus the reform administration had to account for its conduct to the ecclesiastical Tammany head. But Mayor Strong had repeatedly said he appointed Com- missioner O'Bierne to represent the Roman Catholics in the Board of Charities, and the Commissioner loyally repoi'ted to his master on Madison Avenue, and not at the City Hall. The Convent of Mercy at East Eighty-first Street supplies most of the rrtteudants, nurses, and helpers to the institutions on Randall's Island. The recommendations of the Mother Superior of this institution are the basis upon which most of these appointments are made. These recommendations usually have a cross at the top marked with a pen thus, X, and this is meant to signify that the bearer is a Roman Catholic and that the appointment is greatly desired. Recommendations not having such mark are not thought to be worthy of serious consideration. Among the inmates of the Almshouse and Hospital for the Incurable supported by the city were found many well-to-do persons, who were members of Roman Catholic families, and some of them were parents or relatives of influential Tammany office-holders; others boasted of their membership in Tammany Hall committees, while one had formerly been the official architect for the department. Another boasted that he was a member of the Divver Club, and as he was most migratory in 440 Facing iJie Ticentieth Century. his habits, having been admitted and readmitted a great num- ber of times during the past nineteen years in the Almshouse, it was evident that he was there to arrange the matter of secur- ing lodging places for the inmates outside about election time, so that they could be voted for Tammany. The newspaper and other reports show that great numbers of this class of inmates were discharojed and readmission re- fused them during the reform administration, thus effecting considerable saving to the city. One inmate claimed to be the wife of a prominent citv offi- cial high in the councils of Tammany. Under the previous Tammany administration the first ques- tion put to an applicant for position was : " Are vou a Roman Catholic ? " It was repeatedly stated by one of the officers connected with the workhouse that anyone who was not a Roman Catholic, or anyone who voted for Strong, ^^ as a traitor and should have no place on the Islands. "Wlien Tammany was restored to power in 1898 John AV. Keller was appointed Commissioner of Charities by Croker, despite the fact that Thomas J. Mulry, connected with the Roman Catholic Protectory, with many Catholic Chari- ties, and "^-ith the St. Vincent de Paul Society, was a promi- nent candidate for appointment to that position, indorsed by the Church authoiities. When Croker declined to appoint Mulry then the Church authorities made a great effort to secure his appointment on the State Board of Charities. Xot able to secure this ap- pointment of a Roman Catholic Democrat by a Republican Governor, a feast was held in the City of Ne^\' York, at which a Roman Catholic Republican was discovered and his appointment was secured. When Tammany came into power in 1898 it found a com- pany of self-sacrificing Protestant women, giving time and money and kindly unsectarian Christian ministrations foi- the Politieo-Ecchsuistifcil Bomanism. 441 benefit of the unfortunate prisoners in the Tombs City Prison. The new Tammany Roman Catholic warden imme- diately excluded these women from the women's ward of the prison, requiring them to hold all their communications and intercourse with these poor creatui-es through the bars of the prison doors. The warden, however, always admitted to the women's ward all women visitors dressed in the garb of the Sisters of Charity. We are informed by an official that Mr. McCartney, the Commissioner of Street Cleaning, issued a verbal order that on pay day in his department, Sisters of Charity only are to be permitted to be present to collect money from the men when the}' are paid off. Just before elections — municipal. State, and national — are to take place the tramps and worthless wretches are o-athered in from the benches of City Hall Park and ^ladisou and Washington Squares, and from the almshouses and other Tam- many hotels, and given lodgings at cheap places until after election, and then they return to their country-seats, with the noble consciousness of havins: done their duty as sovereigns in placing the property of the taxpayers in the hands of Tammany. Romanists use the courts to keep their institutions of charity and correction filled and then make their demands upon State and municipal treasuries for the money to sup- port them, and they have uniformly secured it under the l)olitical control of both parties, because of the fear of their solid voting power. Preceding the State election in Xew York State in the autumn of 189S men were appointed as workmen and placed on the pay-roll between August 1 and October 16, who were pensioners on the Department of Charities in the City of New York and who were inmates of the almshouses and other institutions in this department. The salary of these men was fixed at sixty dollars a year and upward, and 442 Facing the Tioentieth Century. they wei'e registered as voters, jjut coiitiuiiecl to be inmates of the institutions. The law prescribes that an inmate of these institutions supported either wholly or in part by the State neither gains nor loses a residence. These men by law were obliged to work if they were able, while they were supported l)y the State, but then, if the law was complied with, they could not vote. Forty-two men registered from the Municipal Lodging House, where men can only lodge at most for three nights, when they are sent to some charitable or penal institution. Ninety men illegally registered from Bellevue Hospital. Many of the city magistrates, appointed under a reform administration, were afraid in this election of 1898 to per- form their duties and help enforce the election laws when illegally registered men were brought before them, because they feared Tammany might carry the State, and in that case they would be legislated out of office. While Tammany papei's and j^oliticians assault monopolies and combinations of capital for the purpose of breeding dis- content among their following, expecting that this discontent will prove a cohesive powei* to hold them together, the leaders profit from street-railroad, gas, and contract monopo- lies. Many Tammau}'^ office-holders, taking advance informa- tion from their chiefs, invested their money, supposedly se- cured by the sweatof tlieir brows in the service of the city, in Manhattan and Metropolitan Railway stocks in 1898, when the war scare of Fel^ruary 24 annihilated their invest- ments. Like other speculators and investors they would liave commanded public S3^mpathy, but for the fact that the city treasury was still accessible. The New York Journal, January 21, 1899, says: "The Tammany Hall clique embraces Richard Croker, John F. Carroll, 'Ed' Kearue}", John D. Crimmins, John Scannell, 'Tim' Sullivan, 'Tom' Dunn, and 'Jimmy' Martin. These men ai'e known to have made in the aggre- Politico- JEcclesiastical Romanism. 44^ gate over five million dollars out of their operations in Man- hattan, Metropolitan, tlie lighting companies, the Brooklyn trolleys, and compressed air — all the stocks affected by munic- ipal action." The Evening Telegram in July, 1898, fairly stated the facts concerning the importance and control of the Police Depart- ment : "The Board is still firmly in the grasp of Tammany, while the appointment of Devery as Chief puts the force under Tammany control as completely as it was in the halc3"on days of the Wigwam. " Could anything signalize more conspicuously the return of the braves to their old hunting grounds than the evolution of the new Chief from the captain pursued by Parkhurst, prosecuted by the Society for the Prevention of Vice, hunted by the Lexow detectives, denounced by the Roosevelt reformers, widely charged with police dereliction, and after all rewarded for his 103-alty to Tamrnan)^ and devotion to Croker by elevation to the very head of the force ? " In no other branch of the municipal service does control mean so much. On it depends whether the police force shall be corrupt and inefficient or honest and efficient, whether servility to politicians or loyalty to the public shall pi'evail, whether crime shall be protected or punished — in short, whether New York shall be an orderly, well-policed metrop- olis or a city in which fall license is given to the Avorst elements." In the police department under Tammany decent and true men, and there are hundreds of them, are humiliatingly used to suit the political vagaries and necessities of their masters. They must be blind to law-breaking as a rule, and then, when protected vice gets so unblushing as to become a public scandal, or an election places a Governor and Legislature in power that may curb, expose, and punish iniquit}^, they are compelled to violently suppress practices which they 444 Facing the Ttoentieth Century. have before protected, aiul drag to prison characters who su|)posed themselves privileged as the constituents of a boss whom they had helped enthrone in power. Tammany makes the police force a political machine. While Colonel AVaring put *' a man instead of a voter behind every broom," Tam- many aims to put a voter instead of a man behind every policeman's club and street-cleaner's broom. The Tammany boss and district leaders control the police department both in its discipline and appoiutments, and is therefore respon- sible for its derelictions and demoralization. Tammany, on return to power, was not content until every Roman Catholic Tammany police officer smirched by the Lexow investigation had been returned to place and promo- tion. Proven rascality in office seemed to be a sure title to reward. She also punished the officers who under oath had told the truth about her iniquities. As late as January 16, 1899, Hon. Frank Moss, former President of the Police Board and a man \^'hose ability and fairness decent citizens respect, in a letter to Governor Roose- velt, said : ^''Respected Sir: It is generally known that the police de- partment of our city is in a deplorable situation, and that the city itself is in an outrageous condition of immorality. Some of those who are powei-ful in tlie affairs of the department are openly and conspicuously interested in law-breaking enter- prises, the morale and discipline of the force are steadily retro- grading, and those members of it who have been conspicuous for decency are discriminated against most severely. " The notorious officers now controlling it do not conceal the fact that they are making it serve the purposes of the Tammany organization. In my judgment the condition grows worse steadily." A party without a single moi'al or political principle is em- bodied in Tammany. It is simply and unblushingly a conspir- acy for plunder and office, and its solidarity is maintained by Politico- Ecclesiastical Itomanism. 445 the cohesive power of ecclesiastical domination over faith morals, and political affiliations. It demoralizes men of otherwise high character in the legal and other professions who have honorable ambitions for pro- motion, by obliging them to be affiliated with the lowest and most disreputable political elements and submit to the arbi- trary despotism of an imperious boss as the price of their promotion. In October, 1898, after Tammany had been in power about ten months, and just preceding a State election, there appeared in Harper'' s Weekly an article by Franklin Matthews, entitled ''Wide-ojmi New Yorh. What renewed Croker government means, and what is to be expected^ The facts stated by the writer were so patent, and the people throughout the State so thoroughly believed them, that they had a very important, if not a decisive effect in defeating the Croker State ticket, despite the fact that he held his forces together in the city with marvelous solidarity — a solidarity only possible when ecclesiastical and political power are in alliance. The indict- ment drawn up by Mr. Matthews was simply terrific, not only against Tammanyism as an institution, but against individual offenders against law and decency. The chief individual offenders named were Roman Catholics. The article closes thus : " This is what Tammany has done in ten months. Around and throusrh and over and under its administration runs a branching trail of vice, corruption, filth, and extortion. The trail leads straight up to Tammany Hall, as straight and as unerringly as the magnetic needle points toward the pole. There is no other place for it to go. Along its course the money-chariot, bearing tribute, rolls. It leaves in its wake a debauched police force, and hundreds, yes, thousands of young lives — men and women — the ' come-ons ' in vice, the fresh sup- ply without which the system of plunder could not exist. What cares Tammany for police discipline, what cares Tarn- 446 Facing the Tiventieth Century. mauy for the lives that are being ruined and the tlioUsands that are yet to be ruined, so long as blood-money and tribute roll in for distribution in political \York or for personal en- richment ? '' Tammany has set its eyes on the plunder of the State cap- ital. There are saloons all over the State. State gambling privileges sliould be worth something. Votes are to be con- trolled by contracts, and money is to be gathered in by scores of ways." On January 18, 1899, Father Doyle of the Paulist Fathers, in a temperance sermon to men, said : " There is not a doubt that the saloon as it exists here and now in this city is responsible in a great measure for the de- struction of civic honor as well as for the debasement of home and virtue. Whatever the reason may be, I know that never has such a viciousness grouped itself about the saloons before as now surrounds them in this city. '' The vilest places are flourishing right under the eyes of the police, and if they do not know of them it is because they are so derelict in their dut}^ as to overlook Avhat ordinary citi- zens see without half trying. Not a hundred miles from where I stand there are criminal violations of the laws and debaucheries which I dare not name in this sacred place, ^vhich a vigilant official might easily suppress." The dives are under perfect control — that is, they pay their regular tribute for protection and thus become a systematic part of the Koman Catholic government. The Church authorities never repudiate receipts from these disreputable sources, but gladly absorb them and grant par- don and indulgence to the wretches who contribute of their ill-gotten gains. The Tribune of December 19, 1898, speaking of the Board of Aldermen under the present Tammany Roman combina- tion government, says : " There are a good many amusing things about the govern- PoUtico-Ecclesiastical Romanism. 447 ment of the city of New York, but they are ouly amusing if one can forget the side of them that is exasperatiuo-. The taxpayer is the mau least likely to a]3preciate the humor of the municipal administration. " The Board of Aldermen has always been an interesting body for a variety of reasons, but it has seldom been so amus- ing as it is at present. The very large proportion of Tam- many members is responsible for this circumstance. Tammany office-holders do not intend to be amusing, and therefore they are. They are amusing, in the first place, in appearance. Most of them are Irish. A good many of them are German. Here are some of their names: Byrne, Geagan, Dooley, Keegaii, McGrath, Dunn, Hennessy, Geiser, Roddy, Keahon, Schneider, Cronin, Gaffney, McEneaney, Flinn, McKeever. These be the rulers of the American metropolis. If the vis- itor to the City Hall could forget where he was he might easily ])e induced to believe that he was attending a brewers' convention or a meeting of the Universal Barkeepers' Associ- ation. There is a profusion of eighteen-iuch necks, five-foot waists, Bowery mustaches, and crimson noses. There is, how- ever, such a conglomeration of various sorts of English as can rarely be heard in any one place. " Parliamentary procedure in the Board of Aldermen is a thino; to roar at one moment and shed tears over the next. Tammany rides roughshod over anything that's anti-Tam- many. ' To hell with reform ! ' was Tammany's campaign slogan, and now that the victors are in the full enjoyment of the spoils, the reformers are consigned along with reform." Again, on February 2, 1899, in an article on the Tammany New York City administration, the New York Tribune says : " In every department of the city government places have been made for Tammany adherents who are entirely unfit for public office and have been appointed to places with lai-ge salaries solely for political reasons. The number of employees 448 Facing the Tiuentietli Cenixiry. Las been increased for no other purpose than to create salaries for loafei's who are useful in carrying Tammany primaries and keeping the district leaders in power. The increased l)urden to the city by such appointments and by wholly unnecessary increases of salaries will amount this year to about one million dollars." After the heads of departments in the New York City gov- ernment had been appointed and the Board of Estimate and Apportionment held its meetings to provide for the expendi- tures in the different departments, so thoroughly were these men aware that they were the creatures of a boss that they permitted themselves to be insulted and abused by the boss- owned Mayor, who scolded like a virago at almost every meeting of the Board, and pronounced judgment before votes Avere taken, and no slave ventured to make a protest because he knew that the slave-driver's tongue wao-o-ed at the will of the master who created and controlled him. Tammany's attack on the schools is a part of the politico- ecclesiastical Romanist programme to discredit them and thus give excuse for the extension and support at the public ex- pense of parochial schools. Mayors Grace and Gilroy at- tempted to place, and largely succeeded in placing, the public schools under Roman Catholic control for sectarian and politi- cal purposes. One of Mayor Van Wyck's chief inspirations for the exhibition of his irritable and unmanly temper has been the improved condition of the public schools under his predecessor, and his inability to secure Albany legislation to enable him to Romanize them. His first opportunities for ap- pointment of School Commissioners have been used to phice men over the schools who are subservient to Rome, and \vho are reactionary in their views and methods. Public sentiment goaded the Mayor until he hysterically made a great show of friendliness for the public schools, and even posed as an expert in their management, not, ho^vever, until the time arrived when he was able under the la^v to Politico- Ecclesiastical Romauisin. 449 change the composition and character of the Board of School Commissioners. An eminent citizen of the borough of Brooklyn, New York City, on January 27, 1899, wrote as follows: " About June 1 Mayor Van Wyck \vill name fifteen mem- bers of the Board of Education for Brooklyn. Of the fifteen named last June eleven were Romanists. He turned out lono- experienced and able members in order to make place for the eleven Romanists. There was a howl of indignation, but of course it amounted to nothing, as his appointments were made. He may be planning for the same end in his next appointments. Can anything be done to avert this calamity? Our teachers are being appointed largely from the Romish Church, and the aggression of that church is unceasing." On December 30, 1898, School Commissioner Jacob AV. Mack wixri reported in the daily papers as saying, concern- ing the reappointment of two former Roman Catholic Commissioners : " The destiny of the schools in a vital measure depends on the new members who are to come in. If they are such men as ]Mr. O'Brien and Mr. Moriarty I ^vould not care to make a prediction as to the future. These two members have proved most offensive, even in the short time they have been con- nected with the Board since their appointment. They Avere put in onl}^ for political purposes and ends, and they are doing that for which they \vere appointed." When interviewed concerning the indignant response of Commissioners O'Brien and Moriarty to his strictures, Mr. Mack replied : '' I meant all I said. I think the fate of the schools is very dubious if such ignorant, illiterate men as Mr. Moriarty are to have the conduct of them. There Avas one error in the way I was quoted. I said that these men ^vho had been reappointed by the Mayor had, ^vhen in the Board before;^ 450 Facing the Ttoentieth Century. been its iiKost offensive element, not that they had proved offensive now, as they had not yet had time. " The ^[ayor has shown what he wants. He has announced publicly, privately, and in the press that what he would choose to do is to take all the Board members and throw them out. Then he -would give a system of the three 'R's.' These he has given us already in Moriarty and O'Brien, whose names contain tlie traditional Hhree R's.' That is enough for the Mayor, as it is as much as he knows." The reference of Mr. Mack to the classical Roman allitera- tion of " R. R. R." would indicate that his experience in the Board of Education had convinced him that the classics of tlie present New York school system were dictated by modern and not ancient Rome. That some cultured and candid Roman Catholics are humili- ated by the dominance of Crokerism, while they seem to be unwilling to recognize the sole source of its power, is proven by the fact that Mr. John Brisbeu Walker, editor and propri- etor of the Cosmopolitan, himself a Roman Catholic, on No- vember 19, 1898, issued through the press of New York City an appeal summoning "Democrats" to rise and overthrow Richard Croker. The appeal says : "Notwithstanding the protest by the votes of dissatisfied Democrats at the late election, there is no sign of weakening in the power of Richard Croker. The immense sums which are being extracted from the community on various pretenses give him an unlimited corruption fund and enable him to grasp the levers of his political machinery with a hold from which no power within the organization can remove him. " I have liesitated long before being ^villing to enter person- ally upon the arduous struggle which a conflict with Croker- ism involves. But there must be a beginning. Someone must initiate opposition to usurpation. " To enter upon the task of pulling down Crokerism means a lonf fio-ht. Success will not come in a day or a month. Politico- Ecclesiastical Romanism. 451 The work will be resolutely carried on until, in the opportune moment, Democracy will be rescued from its worst foes. " Given over absolutely to Crokerism, the City and State of New York will eventually be bankrupted. Reputable business men are to-day being forced to suh77iit to levies,^\Ye(ii or indirect, in order to carry on their affairs, without ohnoxious interference. The poor, through the medium of rents and injury to the business under which they are now receiving em- ployment, will equally become the victims of such a system. " Men who have at heart the good of their communities ; who seek to protect themselves and their fellow-citizens against aggression ; who desire the advancement of the cause of labor ; who w^ould have the courts elevated beyond the dangers of prostitution, must pause now and consider in what direction Crokerism is carrying them. If they believe with the ideas here advanced, they owe it to themselves to give active suj^port to this movement for a return to the true ideals of Democracy." No man has ever ventured to suggest that Mayor Van Wyck had anything to say about the men he was to appoint to the large number of lucrative offices within the gift of the Mayor of Greater New York. Soon after the municipal election of 1897 Mr. Croker made his headquarters at Lake- wood, N. J. Office-seekers by the hundred made their pil- grimage to this politico-ecclesiastical-Roman-Catholic-Tammany Mecca, and the Mayor-elect presented himself at Croker's hotel; his Honor being apparently delighted at this sub- servient humiliation in the presence of that conclave of patriots. Whenever Croker spent a Sunday at Lakewood the papers advertised the fact that he and the men whom he afterward appointed to office attended the Roman Catholic Church, while the Mayor-elect Van Wyck, in the interests of religious toleration, attended the Episcopal Church, and thus proved the unsectarian character of an absolutely Roman Catholic administration about to be inaugurated, 452 Fachig the Twentieth Century. Here Croker ou week-days and Sundays tyrannically doled out the offices at his own sweet will, and the press never so much as hinted at Van Wyck having anything to say con- cerning the distribution of political spoils. We are informed that he ^vas not even permitted to re^vard ex-Mayor Grant, who conducted his campaign, by appointing a single man to an office of his nomination. For the confidential office of private secretary to the Mayor, Croker selected a man trained in the school of the Jesuits. Usually when Croker has appointed a man to office who is not a Romanist, and this number is very small, he has placed by his side a Jesuit sentinel in the person of a secretary or assistant. AVhen Tammany had been installed a few months in power, on April 23, 1898, Croker went back to England, but he con- siderately left tlie Mayor and the officers of the metropolis in charo'e of a Roman Catholic triumvirate consistinir of John F. Carroll, Daniel F. McMahon, and John Whalen. While Mr. Croker was in England his representatives in New York declined to say anything on political matters. When he returned to New York ou July 29, 1898, he was met as usual at the steamship landing by his faithful satraps. He went to the Savoy Hotel, where Mayor Van AVyck and the other creatures of his power Avere awaiting his arrival, that they might report the condition of the different departments of his undisputed domain and take his orders. No dictator in any land or in any period of history has ever wielded more absolute power over his subjects than this man wields over liis Roman Catholic following and the men who for place and political ends have surrendered their destinies to his sovereignt}^, while most of the intelligent and respectable tax-paying part of the citizenship are the victims of his papal temporal rule. Croker and his Roman follo^ving prating about reform in State and national affairs and seeking to control them in the Politico- Ecclesiastical Romanism. 458 interests of reform, with tlie iniquitous administration of municipal affairs in New York City— wliicli are absolutely under their control— '^ wide open " to the inspection of the world, presents an audacious spectacle amounting to the sublime. In the report of an interview with Croker which appeared in the papers of October 15, 1898, he said : " Tammany Hall never asks the religion of a man it considers fitted for office. Every attempt in this country to put religion into politics has failed. Judge Daly will find that in his case there ^vill be another failure." The public knew that Croker was both a bruiser and a theologian, but this utterance will establish his reputation as a humorist. In October, 1898, Croker issued the following proclamation : " I wish to announce now, once and forever, that as long as I am alive I shall not retire from the leadei'ship of Tammany Hall. Please announce this for me in the words that I have used. The fact that Mr. Can-oil has resigned his court clerk- ship means that he is to aid me very materially in conducting the affairs of Tammany Hall." What a relief this proclamation brought to the citizens of this proud metropolis of the Western World ! The government of New York Cit}^ being coucededly Tam- many and Roman Catholic, and the political strength of each being the political strength of the other, the political and ecclesiastical chiefs being respectively the heads of these two institutions, the combination must legitimately be counted as representing the most perfect specimen of politico-ecclesiasti- cal Romanism which the United States has exhibited to the world. Little Tammanys and similar combinations can be found at many centers of population, but New York is the proud possessor of the richest monopoly and trust resulting from a politico-ecclesiastical combination which the world can show since the Middle Ages. 454 Facing the Tiuentietli Century. Politico-ecclesiastical Tammany Romanism in New York City has an ecclesiastical head, a political head, and a figure- head. The ecclesiastical head and the figurehead, to secure unity in action from trinity of persons, speak ex catliedra through the will of the political head. The political head is Richard Croker. The important facts in this conspicuous and powerful man's career are stated as follows : Born in County Cork, Ireland, fifty-fiv^e years ago. Came to America when three years of age. His education was secured by three years' attendance upon the public schools. His youth was spent among the disreputable and dangerous classes, of which by physical prowess he became a recog- nized leader. When twenty-one years of age he began his political career, like his illustrious predecessor Tweed, by joining the Volunteer Fire Department. He held a position of court officer under Judge Barnard. When twenty-five years of age he became an alderman. Mr. Croker's early political activity is referred to in the New York Tnhime of October 13, 1868: "Ne\v York City was fast emptied of many of her roughs yesterday. Sunday evening and yesterday their ugly countenances were seen congregating around the Camden and Amboy Railroad depot, all bound for Philadelphia. These roughs and bullies are the repeaters vrlio intend to swell the Democratic vote in Philadelphia to-da}^, provid- ing they are not apprehended. They have been recruited in almost every ward in the city, and each delegation is lieaded by a prominent ' striker,' ^vho is to receive the lion's share of the funds. . . Among them were members of the ' Pudding Gang from the Swamps ' in the Fourth AVard ; the 'Dead Rabbits Crowd,' from the Five Points and Mulberry Street, in the Sixth Ward ; the ' Old AVhite Ghost Runners,' from the Tenth Waixl ; the ' Old Rock Rangers ' vacated the Fourteenth Ward, and a large number of ' Mack- erelites,' ' Ilookites,' ' Fungtown and Bungtown Rangers,' and Politico- Ecclesiastical Romanism. 455 a number of other organized bands of roughs left this classic locality, and last, but not least, were one hundred and fifty Metropolitan Bandits, under the notorious Dick Croker, all well armed and spoiling for a fight. They hail from the Twenty-first Ward. Fully five thousand of the most hardened desperadoes of this city are now in Philadelphia." Editorially the Tribune said on the same date : " The ' roughs' of this city and Baltimore have swarmed to Phila- delphia by thousands." This contest was a preliminary skirmish to defeat the election of General Grant on the en- suing November 3. Mr. Croker held for a time the office of superintendent of markets. The New York Times of September 8, 1871, contains the following historic statement : " On last Tuesday, September 5, about 8.45 p. m., ex- Alder- man Richard Croker, of the Twenty -first Ward, ^vho is the leader of the St. Patrick's Alliance (Dick Connolly's secret organization in that ward), Avith the assistance of another individual, who can be identified by parties Avho were present, assaulted a man named James Moore with a slung-shot, knocking him down and then kicking him, at the corner of Third Avenue and Thirty-first Street. The ex- alderman is now holding a sinecure position under Dick Connolly, and is occasionally appointed as a commissioner on street openings. He is also the individual who put in a bid for Washington Market (it is supposed) as a blind for ' Slip- pery Dick.' " His closest political preceptors when he was being schooled for leadership were Richard B. Connolly and Henry W. Genet. He was baptized and received into the Roman Catholic Church by Father Edward McGlynn. He was in succcession coroner, marshal, fire commissioner, and city chamberlain. A dispatch received at the Police Head- quarters on the morning of November 4, 1874, stated : 456 Facing the Twentieth Century. " At 7.40 A. :\r. an .'iltercation took place at Second Avenue and Thirty-foiirtli Street between Richard Croker, John Sheridan, Henry Ilickey, James O'Brien, and John McKenna. iVfcKenna was shot in rioht side of head ; fatal wonnd ; taken to Bellevue." The Coroner's inquest was a sham. McKenna died, Croker was tried for murder, when the jury disagreed and was dis- charo-ed. John Kelly as Tw'eed's successor sustained a relation to Croker, who has become his successor, in Croker's connection with the McKenna murder, which was utterly in defiance of all the forms and processes of justice, as the newspaper and court records of the time shoAV. The New York Times, November 17, 1874, said : "Anything move outrageous than the w\ay in which this notorious ruffian, Croker, has been taken in hand and pro- tected by Kelly it would be difficult to imagine." At forty-three years of age he was constituted boss of Tanunany Hall. He has become rich since he has been in the political business. He has become a cele])rated turfman in the Old World and the New. He is pi-incely in the prod- igality of his expensive living. He has become the greatest single political power in the Empire State, if not in the nation. He can compel the obedience of Tammany's Congressmen, State Senators, and iVssemblymen in the performance of their legislative duties. He orders an assault upon corporate inter- ests in New York City, and Mayor, heads of departments, and Municipal Assembly all obediently fall into line in what he religiously styles a " holy war," and what the people believe to be a crusade " for revenue only." Statesmen do him reverence and obey his behests, and office-seekers and politicians are his slaves. Decent men who have political ambitions despise his personality and hate themselves while they fawn at the foot of his throne. AMiat constitutes the power of this man with such a tiaiiiiug and such a history? Robert A. Win Wycl;. h'icliard Ciof.-cr. M it had Aux^uslhw Corrigan . John /•". Car roll. Ihii;h Ml l.iiHshlin. TlIK Kn.ICKS OF (iKKA'I'Hk Ni:\V VoKK. Politico- Ecdesiasti col Mo7navlwi. 457 All intelligent men know, bnt few are willing to state what they know. Rob this nnci-owned despot of his solid Roman Catholic following, and he wonld fall to his pi'oper level of obscurity. At the dawn of the year of our Lord, 1899, we indict the politico-ecclesiastical Romanism' of New York for the crimes of Tammany, because Tammany was put in power by its solid vote, is held in power by its support, and it profits with- out protest fi'om Tammany's rascalities and ill-gotten gains. We make the following points in our indictment: (1) The aljsolute and unquestioned ruler of Tammany Hall, Richard Croker, is an honored and trusted Roman Catholic, a true son of the Church, who is praised for his liberal and religious character by the press of his Church and publicly assured that he is prayed for at the altars ^vhere he worships. (2) Mr. Croker's trusted lieutenants— the general com- mitteemen, district leaders, and immense following — are chiefly Roman Catholics, the exceptions constituting only a small fi'action, (o) The city of New York is now ruled by a Tammany Administration with its municipal council and its executive departments almost absolutely in the hands of Roman Catholics nominated or appointed by Mr. Croker; the few office-holders Avho are not Roman Catholics being subservient in their responsibility to their creator. (4) The Tammany President of Police Commissioners is a Roman Catholic, and he has restored to place and powei' the Roman Catholic officers who were disgraced by the exposure of their crimes by the Lexow investigation, wljich exposui'e Archbishop Corrigan attempted to prohibit Father Ducey — an honest and open priestly enemy of Tammany — from witnessing. (5) The Chief of Police is a Roman Catholic. He has been restoi-ed to power by Mr. Croker ''to repeat the in- 458 Facing the Twentieth Century. famous practices wliicli liad tarnislied liis previous career," as the Grovernor of the State said in a message to the legislature. Considering his official position and incident I'esponsibilities, only one of two conclusions can be drawn concerning the status of this Chief of Police : he is either an imbecile and personally irresponsible while his sponsors are solely responsible, or he and his sponsors are partners in the most amazing catalogue of iniquities which ever disgraced a civilized municipality. Romanism through the manipulations of its monastic orders in Manila never excelled in the com- pleteness of its degrading work the Roman Catholic Police Department of New York City, in the rapidity v^^ith which it has degraded the metropolis of this civilized nation. (6) The chief offenders against the laws which Roman Catholic officials not only decline to enforce, but, on the contrary, extend protection to their violators, are themselves Roman Catholics. (7) The reform administration made great progress in put- ting the public-school system on a creditable basis, but re- stored Rome-ruled Tammany arrested the work of tlie schools by stopping the erection of necessary buildings, and refused sufficient money even for heating and ventilating. And when the first opportunity to turn out efficient School Commis- sioners came, the most disreputable and inefficient Roman Catholic Commissioners under a former Tammany rule were reappointed, to begin the work of restoring tlie school system condeiuned by the hierarchy to the control of sectarians, who insist upon ruling the system where they cannot ruin it. (8) The politico-ecclesiastical authorities of the Roman Catholic Church in New York City know these facts and have it in their power to change the wicked and criminal con- ditions or to discipline the leaders, but that would alienate their Roman Catholic political following, which constitutes their chief strensfth. The politico-ecclesiastical authorities of the Roman Cath- Politico- Ecclesiastical Romanism. 459 olic Churcli in New York City, decliuing to stop these iniquities permitted and committed by their members, must stand both indicted and convicted before the bar of decent public opinion of participation in gambling, drunkard-mak- ing, sale of virtue, debauching children, brazen prostitution, violation of official oaths, protection of crimes, and sappint^ the foundations of civil society. The population of the city of New York, which is now under the absolute rule of politico-ecclesiastical Tammany Romanism, is 3,350,000. This is larger than the population of the thirteen original colonies at the time of the beginning of the republic. It is larger than any one of the forty-five States except Pennsylvania, Illinois, and Ohio. It is three- fourths as large as the present population of Ireland. It is more than two-thirds as large as the entire number of people in Spain who can read and write. While Croker was making the appointments for Mayor Van Wyck, preceding and at the time of the inauguration of the restored Tammany regime, the wholesale character of his work seemed to stupefy the public sense into silence, but when early in 1899 on account of the death of Mr. Peters, President of the Borough of Manhattan, a single important office was to be filled^ the public anxiety was somewhat aroused as to the successorship, and many names were can- vassed for the place. On January 5 the members of the Council assembled with Mayor Van Wyck in the chair. Croker's representative arose and nominated James J. Coogan and he was unanimously elected. But for the charter re- quirements, there was no occasion for the assembling of tlie Council. One year after Tammany was restored to power on January 11, 1899, the New York Tribune said : "The evolution of our city government makes progress. The Municipal Assembly no longer pretends to be responsible to the people. Mr. Croker openly tells the Tammany district 460 Facing the Ttventieth Cenkiry. bosses to tell their Councilinen and Aldermen what to do. They do not attend meetings because tliey are public officers, but because Mr. Croker tells them to attend, and when they fail to attend he lectures them like school children. Mr. Van Wyck is ]\[ayor, but Mr. Croker is the government." Such absolute power as is here recorded is a menace to re- publican government and an affront to decency among citi- zens. Archbishop Corrigan could call a halt on this tyrant by a single edict, but he does not propose to dissolve the politico- ecclesiastical partnershijx Again we repeat, Croker's abso- lutism rests alone upon his control of the solid Roman Catholic vote. How long will the citizens of the goodly city submit to this tyrannical personal rule? Yet in the face of all this New Yorkers are proud of New York, but not proud of the facts. The legislation of the State Capitol in Alban}^, while often bad, has nevertheless hedged about property, the courts, and the schools in tlie nietro23olis with such safeguards that there is a limit to the power of its imported Roman rulers and masters for spoliation. These subjects of a foreign monarch are constantly crying out for larger " home-rule " for the city, Init the citizens of charac- ter have reason to be thankful that the " ha^^seed " or suburban mend^ers of the law-making body of the State are still in the majority, and that most of these are of American origin and instincts, or are thorough Americans by choice and adoption. Inspired with civic pride, why do not the thinking and patriotic people of New York control its administrative, finan- cial, educational, and civic interests ? Because they are not willing to be informed of the perils and are not organized for results, and all reform movements heretofore have, from stub- bornness or from co^vardice, refused to recognize the one insuperable barrier to reform. AVhile we speak plain things concerning political Romanism because we believe its power over the individual citizen is Politico- Ecclesiastical Romanism. 46 1 baleful, and its power over the State is perilous, ^ve make uo assault upon the religious faith of the Komau Catholic. We appeal to him as a man and citizen to assert in political action his freedom of conscience, and not surrender it to the political dictation of another under the guise of religion. It is not re- ligion, for religion is the relation which responsible man sus- tains to his God. The man capable of exercising judgment must be anchored by faith to a principle which commends itself to his enlightened and unfettered conscience. We beo- of him to become a free man by asserting his personal political independence and thus prove his right politically to be counted a free man. TO THE SPANISH-AMERICAN ^VAR. The honor has been reserved by Providence for the great republic to put an end to politico-ecclesiastical Romanism in its perfected form as represented by Spain on the Western Hemisphere. This power must now be told to keep its hands off the institutions that have made us strong enough to do this work for humanity. Future historians who will write upon the Spanish-Ameri- can War of 1898 will depend largely for their data upon the records preserved in State papers. Congressional debates, and in accounts published in the daily press and other periodicals of that period. It is now too early, and we are too near the enactment of the events, to expect a standard authentic and philosophical history soon to appear. But it will prove inter- esting, instructive, and profitable to pass in review in chrono- logical order the recorded events while one chapter of this wonderful American history was being enacted. We made history so rapidly in 1898 that we are liable to appreciate in- adequately some of its most pregnant chapters. The chrono- logical record of the Spanish-American War needs to be read in the light of the facts of our origin as a nation, in the light of what our American institutions are and what they cost. 462 Facing the Tioentietli Century. The relation of politico-ecclesiastical Romanism to tlie Spanish- American War as a war of civilizations has especial interest for the American citizen, becanse of the claims of the Papacy over the faith, morals, and political action of all its subjects in all lands. Many of those subjects being American citizens and many others being Spanish citizens, the American people were interested to know what the attitude of the Sov- ereign Pontiff would be in a controversy in which his subjects were found on both sides. The American people -were inter- ested to know if the Pope would recognize the conditions of absolute separation of church and state in a nation which would not permit interference on the part of any domestic or foreign politico-ecclesiastical power in either its national or in- ternational affairs, or if ke, in the assertion of his temporal and spiritual power, Avould seek to obtrude his advice or inject his personality into our national concerns. The chronological record of the war shows both the attempt and the measure of success of the Pope's efforts to write a chapter in the history of a republic whose origin and progress have been the marvel and admiration of the world because it has stood for everything in both civil and religious liberty which the Papacy has condemned. The historic fact cannot be concealed that the Spanish- American war was a war between Rome and Washington ; betvv^een the papal power and republican po^^'er ; between ec- clesiasticism and liberty; between the bondage of superstition and the freedom of truth. It Avas the severest blow to the arrogant pretensions of political ecclesiasticism whick has been struck in a century of time. It took a heavy burden from the shoulders of Christian civilization as it crosses the line into the twentietk century. The Vatican was true to its unbroken historic record of ad- vertising itself whenever an international crisis arises. At- tempts of tlie Pope at mediation were especially impertinent because of the character of the civilization which confronted Politico- Ecclesiastical Romanism. 433 us, for Avliicli Romanism was responsible. Not only were tlie American people averse to receiving any more politics from Rome than they had on hand, but the Pope's overtures were illogical, for he is either a temporal sovereign or he is not. If he is, he would, like any other foreign ruler, be excluded from meddling in our affairs by the Monroe Doctrine, concerning which we are so tenacious. If he is not, he has no more right to propose to the President to act as the arbiter of differences between this and any other nation than has the head of the Church of England or of the Greek Church, or a conspicuous Israelite. Here is an historical sandwich not adapted to all appetites. On April 13, 1898, the House of Representatives in Washing- ton passed Cuban intervention resolutions. "LojfDO^, April 15,1898. A dispatch from the Central News from Madrid says that Cardinal Rampolla has advised Prime Minister Sagasta to abandon Cuba on condition of the estab- lishment there of a Roman Catholic republic." On April 16, 1898, joint resolutions were passed by Con- gress authorizing the President to continue using the army and navy of the United States to force the withdrawal of the Spaniards from Cuba. As a last resort it is stated by Harold Frederic (New York Times, April 24, 1898), "on what I believe to be quite ac- curate authority," that "in order to save that wretched point of 'honor,' about which Spaniards haggle so much, they should be induced to hand over Cuba to the Father of Catholic Christendom." In what relation would this have placed the United States toward the one remaining prop of Spanish civilization? In the interest of the permanent settlement of the republic's relation to politico-ecclesiastical Romanism it is almost to be regretted that Spain did not hand over Cuba to Leo XIII. Frederic R. Coudert, an eminent Roman Catholic lawyer, according to newspaper reports, thinks we ought to have done 464 Facing the Tiventieth Century. what damage we could at Manila aud then have left the Philippines to their fate, which simply meant to re-enforce the cruel domination of ecclesiasticism. Father Walworth and other loyal American priests disap- proved of the Pope's attempted interference between the United States and Spain, but their loyalty was not extensively advertised by the press. During the anxious days preceding the declaration of ^var, the movements and acts of Archbishop Ireland, Cardinal Gib- bons, Legate Martinelli, and the Pope were constantly recorded by the press. The news of the declaration of an armistice by Spainini'esponse to the Pope's intervention came first to these papal representatives and not to the Spanish Minister. Noth- iuo; was said about the movements of the chief men of other denominations. The intelligently patriotic action of a body of Protestant clergymen, enunciating the principles involved in the controversy, was immediately branded by the Roman Catholic papers and their defenders as injecting the sectarian question into the controversy. And the discussions in these papers and the headings of the articles were, almost without exception, glaring falsehoods. On May 10, 1898, there appeared in the papers the letter from the Archbishops of the Roman Catholic Church of the United States to the clergy and laity of the country. Let it be noted that while the public was discussing the attitude of the Roman Church on the war with Spain, and was having serious grounds for asserting that its sympathy was with Spain, and while public attention was being called to isolated cases of asserted loyalty, and while Martinelli and Ireland as the Pope's representatives were seeking to inject him as an arbitrator into the controversy, and ^vhile the Latin nations of the Old World were expressing their unconcealed sympathy ^vith Spain, and threats of intervention were being made, no word comes from the authorities of the Roman Church in America defining her position. But when Commodore Dewey Politico- Ecdedastical Bomanism. 465 had crushed the Spanish fleet at Manila, silenced the forts and had the city and the island at America's feet, and when the Roman Catholic priests and nuns at Cavite had exhibited a treachery unsurpassed in history by even Spanish character, and when the attention of the ^vhole M^orld was drawn to the fact that the representatives of the Church of Rome were taking active part with Spain, then came this tardy manifesto accommodating itself to the painful necessities of the case, instead of putting the Roman Church on record as loyally sus- taining the government in the initial stages of the controversy with Spain, when it would have possessed some virtue and some force. The address recognized no principle involved in the war. It opens with the statement that : " The events that have suc- ceeded the blowing up of the battleship 31aine and the sacrifice of 266 innocent victims, the patriotic seamen of the United States, have culminated in a war between Spain and our own beloved country." It then proceeds to state that in vie^v of the fact that war has been declared : " We, the members of the Catholic Church, are true Americans, and as such are loyal to our country and our flag and obedient to the highest decrees and the supreme authority of the nation." Loyalty to country and flag is inane unless that country and that flag stand for something in every contest. It is to be regretted that there was not one American among those prelates, who could have suggested that religious leaders, in addressing millions of their adherents concerning their duty as citizens in time of war, ought to say something abcJut the principles involved which demanded their loyalty. The address never referred to the fact that the war with Spain was caused by the cruelty and misgovernment of Spain in Cuba, and that the United States ^vas engaged in the work of breaking the clutch of Spain upon the people it had plundered and enslaved for centuries. The Philippine Islands became Spanish colonies in 1569, -166 Facing the TivsntietJi Century. having been discovered by Magellan in 1521. Characteristic cruelty was exercised in reducing to subjection the native populations. The people have purposely been kept in ignorance and in poverty that they might be the more easily controlled by their masters. They have been taxed to an extent that has ren- dered thrift impossible, and the penalties for delinquency have been so cruel that manhood has been crushed and Avomauhood has been degraded. Here, as everywhere, the religious ordei'S of Romanism have done the dastardly, diabolical work of Spain for over three hundred years. In an interview on September 18, 1898, Archbishop Noza- leda de Villa, of the Philippine Islands, said : " I earnestly hope the islands will not remain Spanish, be- cause the rebels are now so strong that such a course "would inevitably cause appalling l^loodshed. The reconquest of the uatives is impossible until after years of the most cruel war- fare." He also expressed the hope that the islands would not become absolutely independent, because it was certain that dissensions would occur which would result in incessant strife, and a lapse into barbarism and the natural indolence of a tropical race. The only hope, the Archbishop declared, was that a strong Western Power would intervene now. De- lay was dangerous, because the people are intoxicated, vain- glorious, and restless. He said it was undeniable that the religious orders must go, because the whole people had de- termined to abolish them no\v that they were able to render their retention impossible. He laid the chief blame upon the Dominicans, Augustines, and Franciscan Ivecoletaus, the richest orders, and next upon the Benedictines and Capuchins, which are of less im]3ortauce. The Jesuits, the Archbishop says, are comparatively blameless. He added that the rival orders quarrel among themselves, intrigue, act unworthily and slander their opponents, thus inci-easing their general disfavor. PolitiGO-EcdedastiGal Romanism. 407 The oppressions resulting from the union of church and state, in the Philippines and in Cuba and Porto Rico, con- stitute the chief grievance of the oppressed people against Spain. Monastic orders in the Philippines hold a very larfe proportion of the most valuable lands, which are exempt fi-oni taxation and are the source of enormous revenue. The un- righteous conditions have never been surpassed in countries which have been compelled for the safety of the nation to expel these orders and confiscate their property. Spain and Rome have made pleas for the protection of the lives and property of these precious scoundrels. No authorities repre- senting the United States would dare, unless they courted the contempt of the American people, which would mean their political annihilation, to support an ecclesiasticism which has been the source of all the woe of our new wards and forced this nation to go to war. Absolute separation of church and state with impartial and just treatment of all the citizens of the new lands we rule, with guarantees for civil and religious liberty, are the fundamental conditions of peace if peace is to be permanent, and if this nation is to be justified before God and man in breaking the power of Spain over her colonies. The intensely religious character of the solicitude for peace on the part of the Vatican is revealed in its anxiety about its investments in Spanish bonds and in property in the Spanish colonies ! The love of peace and good will among men, so ardently advocated by the Pope's patriotic representatives in Washington during the early stages of the Cuban controversy, is now seen to have had a financial basis. Leo XIIL, "Prisoner of the Vatican," wanted peace of course. He loved America and American institutions. When he looked upon his dear people in Cuba, and saw that their shackles, forged by his most loyal children of Spain, M^ere about to be broken by the republic he loved so well, and real- ized that this republic would not pay the bills contracted by Spain in forging those shackles, his emotions were mixed ; and 468 Facing the Twentieth Century, from his lonely imprisonment he could comfort them with the words of St. Paul : '' Would to God, that not only thou, but also all that hear me this day, Avere both almost, and alto- gether such as I am, except these bonds." Paul also sent a message to the Philippians which is now appropriate for the Pope to send to the religious orders of the Church in those islands : " Inasmuch as both in my bonds, and in the defense and confirmation of the gospel, ye are all par- takers of my grace." In the close of Paul's Epistle to the Colossiaus, written from Rome by Tychicus and Onesimus, he says : " Remember my bonds." Leo XIII. in the summer of 1^98 had his Tychicus in Washing'ton to whom he must have sent from Rome a dis- patch in Paul's language, which seems to have been inter- preted literally. The landed estates of the religious orders in our new pos- sessions must pay taxes, like other property-holders. The United States can no more guarantee the investments of the Vatican in Spanish bonds than it can guarantee its investments in stocks and bonds in the Metropolitan Traction Company in New York City. However mucli well-meaning people may deprecate the very prevalent idea that tlie war was a religious war, certainly many Romanist prelates held that idea-^among them the Pope himself. Here is a dispatch showing how the Archbishop of Manila regarded it : " Paris, May 18, 1898.—^^ Oomercio of Madrid publishes a long pastoral letter by the Archbishop of Manila, addressed to the faithful of his diocese. In substance it says: " ' Dark days broke when the North American squadron entered swiftly our brilliant bay, and despite the heroism of our sailors destroyed the Spanish ships and succeeded in hoisting the flag of the enemy on the blessed soil of our country. " ' Do not forget that in their auger they intend to crush our Politico- Ecclesiastical Romanism. 469 rights ; tliat the stranger tries to subject us to the yoke of the heretic; tries to hreah doiun our religion and drag us from the holy family of the Catholic Church. '^ '■ He is an insatiable merchant who tries to make a for- tune from the ruin of Spain. Her possessions are tied with fraternal ties. Sous of the metropolis and colonies, very soon you will see an insuperable wall between you and your mas- ters. For you there will be no more public offices or employ- ment by the Government. The administration of this country will not be such as under Spain. '• ' You will soon be joined in a sort of civil republic on the low level of pariahs, to be exploited like miserable colonists reduced to a condition of slavery, beasts and machines, and miserably fed. They soon will become the masters of the fruits and treasures of your estates. '' ' But that will not be the worst. Your temples Avill soon be in ruins ; your cliapels converted into Protestant Cliarclies, where will not be the throne of God, the God of the Euchar- ist, not the holy image of the Virgin Mary. Your faithful ministers will disappear. '' ' What will become of your delicate sons and daughters after their parents are gone and their lot is cast in a Protes- tant nation ? There will be strange customs of culture and education, and a propaganda full of vices and errors. " ' Poor Filipinos, unfortunate in this life and in the life eternal ! "'Fortunately, the roar of the enemy's cannon cries the alarm which has awakened you to a sense of present danger as one man. I know you are preparing to defend your coun- try. You must all have recourse to arms and prayers ; arms, because the Spanish population, though attenuated and wounded, shows its patriotism when defending its religion ; prayer, because victory always is given by God to those who \i2iYe justice on their side. God will send his angels and saints to be with us, and to fight on our side. 470 Fctcing the Twentietli Century. " ' To us the bol}^ inspii'ntion comes to dedicate tlie Philip- pine Archipelago to the holy heart of Jesus. When free of this trouble you ^vill celebrate annually the 7th of June as a festival. " ' The Governor General, who is a firm Christian and a pru- dent patriot and military chief, Joins my prayers to invoke the intercession of the patron saints!' " Leo XIII. was sorry he had not died before, when he heard of Dewey's victory over the Spanish at Manila, The report was that four hundred were killed and wounded. We heard nothing of his consuming desire to die while his dear Spanish children were killing and starving two hundred and fifty thousand innocent people, mostly Roman Catholics, in Cuba, where women and children, and old men and women, were the victims. A desperate effort has been made by the Romanists in this and in other lands to shift the blame for the cruel and tyi-an- nical condition of affairs in the Philippines to the shoulders of the religious orders. This cannot be allowed, as the papal powers have absolute control over the orders, and benefiting by the successes of these orders these powers cannot evade the responsibility for conduct which furnishes specimens of ingenious wickedness beyond the capacity of common secular sinners. We indict politico-ecclesiastical Romanism as the criminal responsible for the condition of things in Cuba which brought on the war, and as the greedy ingrate which sought through Archbishop Ireland and the Pope to profit by the results of the war in Cuba, Porto Rico, and the Philipphies, by making the United States Government a partner with the Papacy in holding the properties of the Church secured by cruelty and theft ; and all under the guise of religious liberty. While Great Britain has been showing such friendliness to the United States in the time when her friendship is vital in its import, and for the first time in human history the con- Politico- Ecclesiastical Bomanism. 4^1 qiiering Anglo-Saxon civilization of the world has presented an undivided front to the coAvering and retreatino- remnant of Latin civilization, the only discordant note has sounded from the lips of members of that section of our Irish citizens who, while they are under the dominion of Rome, so largely rule us in the interests of Rome. Romanists oppose any Anglo-American alliance on the ground that the present generation of English-speakino- people is not pure Anglo-Saxon. Admit it, but we insist upon recognizing the fact that Anglo-Saxon civilization is the bond that holds the English-speaking peoples together, while politico-ecclesiastical Romanism is the bond that holds Latin civilization together, although there is little of the pure Latin race left in the world. Another blow at the papal power resulting from the Spanish-American war is found in the fact that the govern- ment and people of the United States are ignoring the power of the Lish Roman Catholic protest against an alliance in sympathy and in purpose if not in a written treaty with Great Britain. The attitude of Irish Roman Catholic orators and editors in opposition to the growing friendly feeling between England and America has been hystericall}^ violent. In accord with historical precedents, the perplexing ques- tion which nations have to meet in adjusting the conditions of peace between nations which have been at war on account of conflicting civilizations is the relation of politico-ecclesi- astical Romanism to the causes which have produced the war and to the conditions which exist aftervv'ard. The brazen audacity with which this power, under conditions which ought to make it a suppliant penitent, makes its demands for protection, seems to stupefy the sense of justice and right in rulers and statesmen, and frequently forces them into partnership with conscienceless tyranny and cruelty. This American republic is based upon a very simple and equitable theory of the relation of church and state, of entire separation 472 Facing the Twentietli Century. of cLurcli and state, of absolute equality of all religious organizations before the law, with special privileges for none. And yet in the face of this conceded American principle, when, as the result of war, new colonies come under American rule, this persistent papal power comes to the front and makes the demand that its cruel machinery shall have special protection. The only claim the Pope had to act as meditator between the United States and Spain was that he represented Spain's type of civilization. He has had some recent experience in the arbitration business. In 1885 Leo XIII. undertook the arbitration of the differ- ences between Spain and Germany concerning the occupation of the Caroline Islands in the Pacific Ocean. The result is thus recorded in Dr. O'Pteilly's "Life of Leo XIII." : " In less than a month, on October 22, Cardinal Jacobini sent to the cabinets of Madrid and Berlin the Pope's decision, which consisted in four points on which both governments were to agree, the fact of Spain's ancient discovery of the Carolines and of their occupation by her being laid down as one ground for conciliation, and the li])erty of Germans in the Archipelago to occupy laud, develop agriculture, cultivate industry and commerce on a footing of equality with Spanish subjects being also guaranteed, together with a naval station for Germany, and perfect freedom of navigation throughout the Archipelago. " Thus Sj^anish sovereignty and German interests were safe- guarded by the terms proposed from the Vatican. It was an admirable decision ; it gave satisfaction in both countries to governments and peoples, and all danger of war was averted." This historic incident may throw some light on what might have resulted had the same Pope's overtures to arbitrate in our Spanish-American differences been accepted. In the relations of the republic to the peoples of the islands which have recently come either under our control or pro- , w 1 z r? ,w o 1 fS 0) t " 05 K Q. l*J — U SH TE SHAO 7!? 1 Z £L 1 li7J Politico- JEcclesiastical Romanism. 4^3 tectioii, if we are to benefit tbem or preserve our own national character, they must adjust and accommodate themselves to our institutions, but we must not adjust our institutions to any features of their medieevalism, however thoroughly they may be intrenched, or however they may be wrenched or even uprooted by the readjustment. It is not our mission to travel back through the centuries and meet an inferior civili- zation and by concessions induce it to learn a ncAV lesson, but to flood it with our better light, and when its iniquities are thus revealed, compel them to be promptly forsaken by entering upon the better way. Sending a Roman priest of the Paulist order with General Merritt to the Philippines, as the reports say: " To reassure tlie islanders that their religion will not be interfered with by the Americans," must be looked upon by the decent opinion of the civilized world as a disgusting piece of truckling to polit- ical Romanism on the part of some public functionary. Tlie priests, monks, and nuns have been the chief, cruel, tyrannical, and treacherous offenders in the Philippines, and are mainly responsible for the festering rottenness in the civil govern- ment. Admiral Dewey and General Merritt were the men to teach the Pauline doctrines to these miscreants. At the time this Paulist priest was shipped to Manila representatives of the missionary societies of the principal Protestant denomi- nations in the United States had conferred and determined to send some missionaries to the Philippines to represent the Christian civilization which has made the Stars and Stripes and Dewey what they stand for. Why should not our government promptly furnish free transportation for some of these men, who will tell the poor victims of superstition and cruelty what the Cross of Christ means in Amei'ica ? The Jesuits are alwaj^s a peril, in whatever capacity they serve the state. Every one of their number admitted as chaplain, oflficer, or priest in army and navy is, from the very character of his vows to his order, liable to be guilty of 474 Facing the Tiventieth Century. treachery against the government whenever opportunity pre- sents. It is to be assumed that they seek these places to promote their own ends, and not the good of free government or the liberties of man, as they do not believe in either. Universal history ought to have taught our government to decline in both war and peace the services of these foes to human liberty. It has been an interesting study in the science of politico-ecclesiastical Romanism for the American people to watch its conspicuous representatives during the pre- liminaries to the controversy between the United States and Spain. HoAV they have been embarrassed by the changing conditions ! A blow at Spain was a blow at politico-ecclesi- asticism in American politics, hence the anxiety of the Pope and his representatives here. Such is its universal solidarit}^ that a blow struck anywhere vibrates through the whole system. The nations where the Pope has influence either criticised us or j)reserved a self-interested neutrality toward us during our controversy with Spain. Still when Spain appealed for aid to Mexico and the South American republics, Austria, France, and Italy, they all rejected the appeal. It was the last and most desperate struggle of politico-ecclesiastical Itomanism to maintain its hold on its remnant of civil govern- ment in the Western Hemisphere ; but not one of the South American states took the part of their mother country (Spain), in her controversy with the United States. IIow significant ! The mother had been so cruel that her children, despite the bond of a common religion, despised her ^vhen the day of her punishment arrived. Despite mutterings of Roman Catholic sympathy with Spain, when tlie President needed fifty million dollars as a peace measure to provide for war, if necessary, and the House of Representatives by a unanimous vote placed it at his dis- cretionary use, Representative Fitzgerald of Massachusetts, in the debate on this measure, found it necessary to assert the Politico-Ecclesiastical Romanism. 4^5 loj^alty of Roman Catholics. No representative of any other denomination felt bound to take the oath of allegiance for his people. When the appointment of the Peace Commission was under consideration, on August 18, 1898, the following news item appeared in the daily papers : " As the Roman Catholic Church is interested in the future of the PMlipinne Islands, as well as Cuba, many distinguislied members of the. Church have been in Washington to see whether a member of tlie Church would be appointed on the Commission. Archbishop Ireland has been here for several days, and has had interviews with the Cabinet officers, as A veil as prominent Senators." Here was this persistent papal lobbyist again at his work with a Republican administration, in the interests of that notoriously vilest type of Romanism intrenched in the Philip- pines and in Cuba. Why should a Roman Catholic, as such, have been placed on the Peace Commission, unless it was to try and perpetuate under American rule the barbarism which Romanism had practiced under Spanish rule ? The propo- sition was an insult to the sense of fairness of the average American, who would naturally be appointed, and an auda- cious intrigue in the interests of the papal power. Many of the American people now understand, and it is time politicians understood, that this Prelate Ireland is one of the most dangerous, if not the most dangerous, of the repre- sentatives of the papal power in this coiintiy, liecause many public men, politicians, and other citizens accept his ardent utterances concerning his loyalty to American institutions as honest and unreserved. But we have seen that on the rela- tions of Romanism to Protestantism, to the future of the re- public, to the schools, to party politics and party platforms, to sectarian appropriations, to international affairs and to legislation, his attitude is one of abject loyalty first to Rome. His fluency of speech, his courtly personality, and his chame- 476 Facing the Twentieth Century. leou power of adaptation make Lim dangerous. It is time tliat politicians and American citizens generally made a study of tins unique, instructive, and persistently conspicuous per- sonality now permitted by Rome to be its representative in shaping the policy of the party in American politics with which it casts few votes, but from which it secures many offices. A news item from Washington, August 20, 1898, says: " Archbishop Ireland was at the White House to-day, his sec- ond visit this week. Subsequently he saw Secretary Gage at the Treasury Department. He said that his call was a purely personal one, to pay his respects to the President. As he re- mained some time, however, gossip had it that his visit had some relation to the selection of members of the Peace Com- mission. His interest in it, aside from that of any citizen, is as a representative of the Catholic Church, which is deeply con- cerned over the settlement of the war, not only as it relates to the religious orders that are so prominent in the Philippines, but as a holder of sixty million dollars of the bonds of Spain, secured by the Cuban revenue. These bonds, it is said, were given to the Vatican in exchange for church lands in Cuba and the Philippines, and some provision for the payment of these bonds would be a great relief to the Church. It is not believed by anyone here, however, that Congress would ap- prove a proposition that the United States should pa}^ the debt, or any part of it, incurred by Spain in prosecuting the war to prevent Cuba from securing her independence." This Government has no duty call to protect the interests of the Pope in bonds issued to help Spain to perpetuate her diabolical rule in Cuba and the Philippines. It will not avail to say that the pmpose of Romanism in America is different from its purpose in other parts of the world, because it is not true. It has one all-comprehensive purpose concerning all nations and peoples. Therefore, as a system, it must be held responsible for the fruits of its seed- Politico-EcdemistiGal Romanism. 477 sowing in the Philippines and in Cuba as thoroughly as for the claimed moderation of its enforced comparatively civilized tilling of republican American soil. But even here the Roman tares are so troublesome that the scanty wheat sown is neither fruitful nor nourishing. Let it surrender its absurd claims to universality of dominion and adapt itself to any civilized and democratic environment, and we will then consider its merits concretely. Loyalty to our institutions in time of peace is as important as proffered military service in time of war. The main issue, even in war, cannot be oljscured by citing individual or col- lective instances of loyalty. Tardily avowed neutrality did not atone for repeated acts and assurances of sympathy for Spain as against the United States. The war was the hardest blow ever struck at polit- ico-ecclesiastical Romanism, and with it the light dawned and a better day appeared for humanity. All credit is accorded to the men in army, navy, and civil life who patriotically give their first loyalty to this country and to their fellow-citizens. May their number multiply ! It is the system we assail which, in its political operations, humili- ates these noble men by causing them to be singled out for their loyalty and independence, instead of taking theij- loyalty and independence for granted. METHODS : TO MAKE CONDESCENDING CONCESSIONS TO AMERICAN INSTITUTIONS. Roman Catholic authorities, in accommodating their mediae- val civilization to American institutions, always take the atti- tude of making concessions as though they were conferring a favor, instead of loyally adapting themselves to the institu- tions which constitute our essential character and make our country attractive to the oppressed of all nations, by guaran- teeing civil and religious liberty and equal rights to all, and special privileges to none. We are not asking toleration from 478 Facing the Twentieth Century. any effete civilization, but ungrudging loyalty from those wlio seek the benefits of our Anglo-Saxon civilization. We are not apologizing to Konie for giving her adherents refuge from her own bondage, poverty, and persecution beyond the seas. They are antagonistic to American institutions unless these institutions are accommodated to tlieir ecclesiastical concep- tions of sectarian loyalty. It is claimed that there are Lib- erals and Bourbons among the American Romanists; some being called Liberals because they profess loyalty to our insti- tutions. This is claimed as a virtue for which they expect praise. What does this imply ? That such is their general attitude that loyalty constitutes the exception. Our institu- tions must be accommodated to their mediaev^al conceptions if they are to avoid conflicting with Latin civilization. Why not the reverse ? This enforced hypocrisy ought to stop, both in the interests of American self-respect and in the interests of Romanists who would be Americans without apology if they were left to pur- sue the bent of their own honest natures. Zola says of his hero priest : " He had beheld the real Rome, the ancient city of pride and domination, where the papacy can never be complete without the temporal power. It was only in appearance that she could make concessions, and the time would even arrive ^vhen her concessions would cease, in the presence of the impossibility of going any further without committing suicide." The following quotations are from a sermon on " The Church and the Age," delivered by Archbishop Ireland, at Baltimore, October 18, 1893, at the Jubilee of Cardinal (libbons : " The Church created by Christ for all ages lives in every age and puts on the dress of everj^one. We find, conse- quently, in her outward belongings, the variable and the contingent. The Church, at one time imperialistic in her political alliances, was at another feudalistic, but she never Politico- Ecdesiastical Romanian. 479 committed herself in principle to imperialism or feudalism. She spoke Greek in Athens, and Latin in Rome, and her sons wore the chlamys or the toga, but she was never an institu- tion confined to Greece or Italy. Her scientific knowledge at dift'ereut epochs was scant as that of those epochs ; her social legislation and customs, as theirs, were rude and tentative. Two or three centuries ago slie was courtly and aristocratic under the temporal sway of the Fifth Charles of Spain, or the Fourteenth Louis of France, but this again was a passing phase in her existence, and she may be at other times as democratic in her bearings as the most earnest democracy would expect. Her canon law, which is the expression of her adaptability to circumstances, received the impress at one time of the Justinian code, at another that of the capitularies of Charlemagne, at another that of the Hapsburg or Bourbon edicts, but she was never mummified in Justinian or Bourbon molds, and her canon law may be as American as it was E-oinan, and as much the reflection of the twentieth century as it ever was of the Middle Ages." It is no title to nobility in America that a man consents to give evidences of loyalty to our institutions. If he makes any qualification or mental reservation concerning his loyalty, if he can only give a partial or conditional allegiance, he ought to be required to emigrate and retui'n to the service of the sovereign to whom he is loyal. Personal honesty and the safety of the Republic both require this. If not chai-geable with offenses against American institu- tions, why so prompt to give individual instances of loyalty ? The citations prove that they are exceptions, otherwise they would not be named. Where all are concededly loyal, dis- criminating individual citations are not only absurd, but in- sulting to the unnamed. Here is a startling illustration of the fact that exceptions prove the rule. Political Romanism is always obliged to assert its loyalty to civil institutions because its history is such as to put it 480 Facing tlie Twentieth Century. under the ban of suspicion, and this assertion is in the nature of a concession to its environment which it would change were it within its power. It seems to be necessar}^ to swear frequently to its conde- scending loyalty lest the people might doubt its existence. A loyalty which requires frequent assertion and oaths of allegiance is alwaj^s open to suspicion as to its genuineness. Genuine loyalty proves its genuineness by acts and not by asseverations. Genuine loyalty is taken for granted among 2:euuine Americans. The prelates of Romanism try to accommodate themselves on school and other questions sufficiently to disarm public wrath and retain their power over politicians and party leaders, but, as we have seen, they do not in any essential particulars change in either principle or purpose. We are obliged, as ^ve have elsewhere seen, to have expur- gated editions of school books, histories, encyclopedias, and of the Bible and Constitution of the United States to accom- modate our institutions to Romanism. The Archbishop of New York in his condescending refer- ence to the flag at his jubilee on May 5, 1898, gave no state- ment as to its meaning, but he told us what it must not mean when he supported the Bishop of Brooklyn in banishing the flag from his church. An eminent writer on historic subjects says : *' Up to a recent time nothing was heard about the love of the Roman Catholic priesthood for American principles and institutions. There was not a word of approval for our laws and liberties. There was instead, however, an unremitting stream of abuse, vilification, and opposition, most unjustifiable and unpatriotic. In the light of Papal history let the meaning of all this be read. Rome has done the same thing before in France. When she tells us she most loves us, we have most reason to stand guard." The period in our history has arrived when we must, with- Politico- Ecclesiastical Roman ism. 481 out apology, iincoiupromisiiigly insist that politico-ecclesiasti- cal Eomanism, if it coutiiiiies to exist under the protection oi our laws, must accommodate itself to our institutions and not persist in warping them to fit its deformed civilization and repudiated claims. CONCERTED ACTION AS ROMANISTS I PR03I0TING ISOLATION AND SOLIDARITY, AND OBSTRUCTING ASSIMILATION IN CITIZENSHIl'. We will appropriately open the discussion of the methods of politico-ecclesiastical Romanism in enjoining and requirino- its followers — in their civic and other associations with their fellow-citizens — to think and act as Romanists, by summoning three witnesses : first, the Sovereign Roman Pontiff ; second, an honest Roman Catholic thinker; and, third, an honest American patriot. Leo XIIL, in his Encyclical of 1895, puts a premium on the isolation of his peo^^le as Romanists. He says : '* Uuless forced by necessity to do otherwise. Catholics ought to prefer to associate with Catholics, a course which will be very conducive to the safeguarding of their faith. As presidents of societies thus formed among themselves, it ^vould be well to appoint either priests or upright laymen of weight and character, guided by whose counsel they should endeavor peacefully to adopt and carry into effect such meas- ures as may seem most advantageous to their interests." Dr. Brownson (Roman Catholic), in his Review, said : "The Church has here a foreign aspect, and has no root in the life of the nation. The Church brings here foi-eign manners, tastes, habits, a foreign civilization, and a faith and worship, with foreign believers and woi'shi^^ers, and whatever we may say, or ^vhatever may be the case here- after, the Catholic people in this country are as distinct from the American people, in all except their political and social rights, as the people of France, Italy, S[)ain, England, Ger- many, or Ireland. As yet it is idle to pretend that both are 482 Facing the Tioentieth Century. one people, living one common national life. It is no such thing. When the priest refers his people to their ancestors, he refers not to our American ancestors, but to an ancestry of some foreign nationality, and Catholics themselves distin- guish non Catholics as Americans, as in Ireland they call themselves Irish, and Protestants Sassenagh or Saxons. The}- intrinsically feel that they are not Americans in the sense non- Catholics are. The fact, disofuise it as we will, is that, thouo-h for the most part American citizens. Catholics in this country, speaking in general terms, are a foreign people, think, feel, speak, and act as a foreign population." Theodore Roosevelt, in his book, " American Ideals and other Essays," says: " The third sense in which the word ' Americanism ' may be employed is with reference to the Americanizing of the ne^v- comers to our shores. We must Americanize them in every way — in speech, in political ideas and principles, and in their way of looking at tlie relation between church and state. AVe welcome the German or the Irishman who becomes an American. AVe have no use for the German or the Irishman ivho remains such. AVe do not wish German-Americans and Irish-Americans who figure as such in our social and political life. AA^e want only Americans, and, provided they are such, we do not care whether they are of native or of Irish or of German ancestry. AVe have no room in any healthy Ameri- can community for a German-American vote or an Irish- American vote, and it is contemptible demagogy to put planks into any party platform with the purpose of catch- ing such a vote." AVhen Theodore Roosevelt was a member of the New York State Legislature, he tells us in his published essays that: " I sat for an entire session beside a very intelligent member from Northern New York before I discovered that he ^vas an Irishman. All his views of legislation, even upon such sub- jects as free schools and the impropriety of making appro- PoUtico-Ecdesiastical Bomatiism. 483 priations from the treasury for the support of sectarian institutions, \vere practically similar to those of his Protes- tant-American neighbors, though he was himself a Catholic. Now a German or an Irishman from one of the great cities would have retained most of his national peculiarities." While Mr. Koosevelt's honest attitude is undoubtedly in harmony with American thought and purpose, one of the in- consistent infelicities of political expediency, enforced by political Romanism, appeared in his gubernational campaign, of which the papers on October 10, 1898, made the following record : " About forty prominent Irishmen, including many of the Roman Catholic clei-g}^, met at the Hoffman House on Mon- day night and formed the Irish-American Union to help the Republican party. Patrick Egan, ex-Minister to Chili, pre- sided, and Daniel J. Naughton of Manhattan, and M. J. Hogan of Brooklyn acted as secretaries. Yesterday the new organi- zation secured rooms in the Sturtevant House. The Union intends to make a thorough canvass of Irish societies through- out the State, and there will be at least one great meeting at which Colonel Roosevelt, John T. McDonough, and other leaders w'lW speak. ' I think,' said Mr. Egan yesterday, ' that Colonel Roosevelt will receive more Irish votes in New York than any candidate since James G. Blaine. He is a thorough iVmerican, like Blaine.' " Why cannot Roman Catholic priests when they act as chap- lains in the army or navy, or in charitable, reformatory, or penal institutions, being Christians, so conduct their general services as to be acceptable to all the persons to whom they minister who believe in Christianity ? Wh}^ persistently put to the front the Roman instead of the religious features of their Christianity ? AVhy not exalt the fundamental teachings of the Scriptures which all Christians accept instead of magnify- ing the man-made parts of religious ceremonials ? The introduction of Roman Catholic speakers, whenever 484 Facing the Twentieth Gentninj. they conseut to appear with their fellow-citizens on humani- tarian or reionti phitfonns, is generally j^erformed in a truckliuf" manner l)y Pi'otestant presiding officers, making sycophants of men otherwise gentlemen, and thus putting a premium on the fact of isolation. During Archbishop Corrigau's Jubilee in 1898, between five and six thousand parochial school children presented an address to the Archbishop. This was intended to accentuate the attempt of politico-ecclesiastical Komanism to isolate the ris- ing generation of youth and separate them as Romanists from the rising generation of Americans of which they ought to be a homogeneous part. Where were the scores of thousands of Roman Catholic public-school children of the city of New Yoi'k on this occasion ? The Cathedral could not have held them. They were preparing for the race of life with equal opportunities with other American youth, and becoming a part of our homogeneous citizenship. Thanks to the Archbishop for accentuating this religious discrimination against boys and girls whose parents desire to make Americans of them ! The ostentatious exhibition which Chaplain Chid^vick of the Maine has made of himself, advertising his church con- nections on all occasions, giving brass crosses to the families of the dead sailors, his picture being sold at the laying of the corner stone of a Roman Catholic Church in New York labeled " the hero of the Maine^''' his frequent visits to New York with the advertisement that he was to celebrate mass at such an hour, were all in strikinii; contrast with the conduct of the efficient but commendably modest chaplains of most of the other warships of the United States Nav}-. How^ever creditable this priest's sei'vices as chaplain may have been, the historic relations of Romanism to the entire Cuban business of which the destruc- tion of the Maine was an incident, were such that the modest perf(jrmance of his duties would have been more becoming than the persistent advertising of his personality. We were told that we must not speak the truth about Politico- Ecclesiastical Roynanism. 485 Roman Catholic political interference with our civil institu- tions in the midst of war because nothing must be done to alienate Romanist citizens from the support of our national cause. Is their loyalty of this stamp? We must not say tliat it was a war between Latin and Anglo-Saxon civilizations, although it is historic truth, because expediency recjuires tlie suppression of the truth in order to nurture a sensitive loyalty. If a Roman Catholic becomes conspicuous for service to this country in the army or navy or in civil life it is trumpeted through the press and elsewhere that he is a Roman Catholic, and capital is sought to be made out of it, although frequently distasteful to the subject of it. Every Roman Catholic who enters the army as an American patriot deserves credit, aids his country and his church as a religious institution, and strikes a telling blow at politico- ecclesiasticism. As a soldier loses his identity as a part of any other oro-anization when he becomes an American soldier, so a citizen ought to lose his identity as a niend)er of any other governmental organization when he becomes a member of the army of American citizens. Romanism has had phenomenal success in securing public money and political offices. It is the most persistent lobb^nst in American political histor}^ It has been audacious and intimidating in its demands. The opportunities afforded by popular government have stimulated its rapacity. It is understood that when it asks or demands political favors it has votes to Sfive or withhold in return for concessions or refusals. This is in harmony with the accepted Romanist doctrine. Its adherents are first Romanists, and afterwai-d, citizens. The Roman Catholics are the only class of our citizens who, when any of their number are elected or appointed to office, consider the office a personal possession to be used in the interest of their church and its members, making profession of their faith the basis of appointment to positions under them. 486 Facing the Twentieth Century. Tliey have a perfect I'iglit to their ratio of representation in all public offices, if they can secure it because of fituess and loyal Americanism. In making up a i)arty ticket at a political convention the rule is that wlien a liomanist is nominated he is nominated because he is a Romanist. The presence of Roman Catholics in educational, delibera- tive, legislative, and patriotic or other bodies is alwaj^s a restraint upon the patriotic sentiment based upon the recogni- tion of the origin and sources of our liberties and civilization, because these were born in contest and protest against the cruelties and oppression of politico-ecclesiastical Romanism. Always isolating themselves from their fellow-citizens on matters pertaining to the public weal, they become the dis- turbers of harmony. If there is a school controversy in any community they are at the bottom of it. They are not allowed to fuse, as that would lead to individual tliinkino^ and that would destroy solidarity and promote individual patriot- ism. Tliis must not be allowed. They must first ])e recog- nized, not as citizens and patriots, but as Romanists. During the Spanish- American war, when many Roman Catholic organizations were assuring the President of their loyalty, and were dilating upon tlie virtue of patriotism, it was not only a good omen, but a good time to detach themselves permanently from the ]:»ower of politico-ecclesiasticism and with loyalty to their country and to their religion become loyal American citizens, and many of them have given proof that they did thus detach themselves. Otherwise, their previous politico-ecclesiastical masters will use their patriot- ism the more thoroughly to assei't their power over political ])ai'ties and leaders. Whenever a prominent Roman Catholic takes an attitude in harmony with the generally accepted views concerning the character, the purpose, and the protection of American institu- tions he is immediately assaulted by Roman Catholic editors Polifico-Ecclesiasfieal Eomawism. 48V and speakers ax^pareutl}^ for the only reason tliat he has not acted as a Roman Catholic in the performance of his public duties or in the expression of liis opinion. When the ven- erated ex-Chief Judge Charles P. Daly in New York City expressed publicly his conviction that the State Constitution ought to be amended so that it would provide for and thor- oughly jirotect the XDublic-school system, and that it ought also so to be amended as to prohibit sectarian appropriations, he was assaulted in arguments before Committees of the Con- stitutional Convention by paid Romanist lawyers represent- ing the interests of Romanism, as being not only not a representative Roman Catholic but as presenting views un- worthy of consideration, because he was in his dotage ; and these assaults were made by men who, so far as personal character was concerned, were not worthy to unloose the latchet of his shoes. When Judge Joseph McKeuna as Attorney General of the United States decided that the Secretary of War had no power to grant permission for the erection of a Roman Catholic chapel at West Point without legislative action, although legal authoi-ities with perfect unanimity approved the decision of the Attorney General, because the decision interfered with the purposes of Romanism in the matter in question, Roman Catholic editors, priests, and lawyers assaulted the Judge on no other ground than that he had not rendered a decision, despite the legal features of the case, as a Roman Catholic. Just in proportion as a Roman Catholic is detached from the political claims of the ecclesiasticism of his church does he become a patriot and more firmly attached to the religious claims of his church. Bishop Gilmour of Cleveland, O., wrote in 1873: "Nation- alities must be subordinate to religion, and we must learn that we are Catholics first, and citizens next. God is above man, and the church above the state." 488 Facing the Twentieth Century. To kee^:) up tlieir isolatiou aud separation tliey insist that everything is sectarian that is not Roman Catholic. When their neglected and criminal classes enter State and undenominational institutions they insist upon isolation as Romanists and demand their o'w^n chaplains. Henry J. Raymond wrote in a pungent editorial forty years ago in the New York Times, sentiments which would illumi- nate with truth the editorial columns of any modern daily paper: "Their duty is to become Americans, to study the institutions of the country, to fit themselves for the discharge of the duties whicli American citizenship imposes. If they liad done this more generally ; if they had acted here more uniformly as Americans and not as Irishmen ; if they had been less clannish, less anxious to perpetuate here their foreign habits and feelings, and more ready to adapt their conduct to their new relations, they would have given no occasion for the political movements which are now so rife and so strong against them." Protestants often contribute to patriotic movements if the fact is not to be published, but great pains are taken by Roman Catholics to publish the names of Protestant subscrib- ers to their funds. AVhen from religious or political consid- erations a person of prominence joins the Roman Catholic Church it is extensively advertised. Father Young, in his " Catholic and Protestant Countries Compared," gives a mus- ter roll of prominent Protestant political and other sinners who have in late years become Roman Catholic saints. It is an impressive list for St. Peter. Romanism attempts to prohibit the parades of Orangemen and other celebrations that recall the oppression and persecu- tion by Romanism on the other side of the ocean, l)ut insists upon its right to parade the streets of our cities and flaunt its foreign banners in the faces of our people, and even demands that Roman flags shall fly from governmental buildings on days whicli celebrate historic incidents in which American Politico-Kcdesimtical liomanism. 48!) citizens not only have no interest, but which recall facts that tell of obstacles placed in the way of securing the civil and religious liberties which we now enjoy. They might witli as good reason protest against the celebration of the victories of Manila and Santiago ! AVe hail with delight the many evidences that individual Roman Catholics are assertinoj their manhood and are actiuo- in political matters as responsible men and individual Ameri- can citizens, and are declining to be counted among the num- ber whose political volitions and judgments are subject to the mandate and delivery of another. Our protest is not against any man's religion, which ought to constitute his relations to liis God and thus determine his relations to his neig'hbor, but against any religious leader or leaders using ecclesiastical power to dictate a man's civnc and political action, and putting him to disadvantage in his relations to his fellow-citizens by offensively pushing to the front the fact that he is acting first as a Roman Catholic and then as an American citizen. AVhile the breaking away from the mass of Irish Roman Catholic voters of any consideraljle number of voters to act independently and assert their individual sovereignty is a liopeful omen and ought to be encouraged, it is a misfortune to have them do it as Romanists and to continue the solidarity based on race and religion in their new political relations, Avhich has made the condition from which they are trying to emancipate themselves a social menace and a political j^eril. Politicians and office-seekers must not only treat Irish Romanists as Americans, bat they must treat American Amei-icans as Americans. Let political pattings on the head be gently approving in both cases and not a pat for the Irish- American and a blow for the native American. Let all be treated as Americans. The American i-epuldic has a right to expect that, sharing equal privileges and responsibilities under our institutions with all others, Roman Catholics will stop this unreasonable 40O Facing the Twentietli Century. and disloyal isolation and become assimilated as Americans like other nationalities, sectarians, and religionists. The policy of concentrating the Koman Catholics in cities and also in definite localities of sparsely populated States and Territories was openly announced a few years since. Rome always works on a well-devised plan for political conquest. In no State and in but one Territory are the Romanist popu- lations in an actual majority, but in several, by intrigue and solidarity, they hold the balance of power. For enhancing political powei' they resort to every device and put forth every effort to keep their people from assimilat- ing with their fello^v^-citizens. If this course is necessary to preserve their people for their church, what a lamentable con- fession it is that Romanism and repul:)licanism are necessarily antagonistic, and that loyalty to the one must mean disloyalt}" to the other. So long as party lines in the United States are sharply drawn between tjie Republicans and Democrats, the solid Roman Catholic vote of about 121 per cent, of the entire vote of 1 3,000,000 holds the balance of power and can determine a national election by judiciously transferring even one-fourth of its strength solidly to either political party. The independent vote in the country is estimated at two per cent, of the entire vote, which just about represents the amount of the average popular majority in a national election. Does not this state of facts demonstrate the peril of the possible transfer without argument of even a small fraction of the aggregate \'ote from one side to another at the dictation of a single will i In a political campaign we hear about the boss massing the German vote, and the Irish vote, and the Italian vote. The only massing of the representatives of these diffei'eut nationali- ties which can ahva3^s be made effective is that based u])onthe cohesive power of politico-ecclesiastical Romanism. What a criminal farce the sacred and responsible privilege of suffrage becomes in the liands of these legions, which ai'e Politico- Ecclesiastical Romanism. 491 subject to the dictation of a political priest and can be deliv- ered in the mass by a politico-ecclesiastical boss ! The spec- tacle is humiliating and its eit'ects are staggering to hopes for the perpetuity of free institutions, while this aspect of affairs is not transformed. The political necessities of subjection and solidarity in vot- ing force compel strenuous and persisten|; efforts to keep their force in isolation, and this logically requii'es every effort to keep them av\^ay from companionships not dominated by the machine. This means separation fi-om their fellow-citi- zens, lest they should learn to think and act for themselves. All this is antagonistic to the American theory and hostile to homogeneity of citizenship. How regrettable it is that while there are such shining ex- amples of patriotism among Koman Catholic American citizens, the common pride of the nation, in the military, naval, and civil service, and while there are thousands of the rank and fde equally patriotic, politico-ecclesiastical Romanism seeks to pervert these very names and persons to its political uses, by rating them in the common solidarity which it seeks by its system to control in molding our institutions ac- cording to its pattern. In his letter to the Pope published in the ^ O a CJ a- 03 Is a- assao;e of measures of this kind through many years. The character and result of the contest will be found recorded elsewhere in this volume. During the summer of 1891 the League conducted an ex- tensive correspondence with a view to securing local secreta- ries in leading cities in all the States, with very satisfactoiy I'esults. United States Senators and Representatives were also com- municated with and documents furnished them, preparatory to the introduction of the proposed Sixteenth Amendment. Blank forms of memorial and petition to the LTnited States Senate and House of Representatives, for the passage of the Sixteenth Amendment, were prepared and scores of thousands of them, with letters of instruction and return postal cards, ^vere mailed to the local secretaries, adherents of the League, and clergymen thi'oughout the entire country. A compilation was made of the constitutional provisions of the various States concerning sectarian ap2:)ropriations and the public-schools funds, which was published, with other val- uable information. During the year 1891, as a direct result of correspondence and suggestions fi'om the office of the National League, the principles advocated by the League were incorporated in the new Constitution of the State of Kentucky and the Con- Poivers to Protect American, Inst itiit ions. 525 stitution of the proposed new State of Arizona. Strong pro- hibitions against sectarian appropriations, and against an\ diversion of the school funds, were also inserted in the new- Constitution of Mississippi and in the Constitution of tlie recently admitted States of Montana, North and South Dakota, Idaho, Wyoming, and Washington. At the annual meeting of the League plans were adopted for the presentation of the proposed Sixteenth Amendment to the Fifty-second Congress. On January 10, 1892, the New York Independent published a valuable symposium on the proposed Sixteenth Amendment, consisting of articles contributed, in response to requests from the General Secretary, by a number of able and influential adherents of the League. This symposium elicited extended notice from the religious and secular press. It was the expressed desire and purpose of the Board of Managers that the introduction of the proposed Sixteenth Amendment into Congress should be effected in such a man- ner as should hold it free from part}^ bias and disai'm all partisan prejudices. On Monday, January 18, 1892, the Amendment was pre- sented in the House of Representatives by Mr. Springei', was twice read, and referred to the Committee on the Judiciary. On the same day Senator O. H. Piatt presented the Amend- ment in the United States Senate, where it was read, ordered to be printed as a document, and referred to the Committee on the Judiciary. April 12, 1892, was the date fixed upon for the hearings on the Amendment, and on that day, the General Secretary of the League and Hon. Wm. Allen Butler, chairman of the Law Committee, accompanied by several members of the Wash- ing Branch League, appeared before the House Committee on the Judiciary, nine of the fifteen members of the Committee being present. The arguments presented for the Amendment were list- 526 Facing the TivenUeth Cent ur if. eued to with great courtesy and attention. Many questions were asked by various members of the Committee, and at the close of the hearing tlie chairman informed the representatives of the League that lie would have the arguments printed for tlie use of the Committee. On the same day the sub-com- mittee of the Senate Committee on the Judiciary gave audience to the League's representatives, and in the course of an extended conversation gratifying interest was shown. Early in the spring of 1892 the League took measures for securing action from the national conferences and assemblies of the various religious denominations, concerning the pro- posed Sixteenth Amendment and the granting of sectarian appropriations by the National Government for Indian edu- cation. Memorials substantially uniform in tenor were prepared and presented to each of these legislative bodies, and the highly gratifying results which were obtained are here given in chronological order. At the General Conference of the Methodist Episcopal Church, held in Omaha, Neb., on May 9, 1892, favorable and unanimous action was taken. Harmonious action with the foregoing was taken by the General Board of Managers of the Woman's Home Missionary Society of the Methodist Episcopal Church, having the Indian Mission work in charge, at their annual meeting in Grand liapids, Mich., on October 28, 1892. The General Assembly of the Presbyterian Church in the United States of America in Annual Session at Portland, Ore., on May 23, 24, unanimously adopted a special commit- tee report condemning sectarian appropriations of public money and approving the League's proposed Amendment to the United States Constitution with an important addition, making it apply to Congress as well as to the States, in the words : " Neither Congress nor any State shall pass any law respecting an establishment of religion," etc. Powers to Protect American Institutions. 527 The League has accepted this change as a wise oue. On May 26, 1892, the General Conference of the Methodist Protestant Church, in quadrennial session at Westminster, Md., adopted the Amendment and appealed to Congress for its passage. The Annual Meeting of the American Baptist Home Mission Society held in Philadelphia, Pa., on May 27, 1892, adopted a memorial to Congress in favor of the Amendment. On May 30, 1892, the American Baptist Publication Society, in session in Philadelphia, Pa., took similar unanimous action. On May 31, 1892, the General Assembly of the United Presbyterian Church of North America, convened at Alle- gheny, Pa., unanimously adopted the Amendment and made its appeal to Congress for its passage. The National Council of the Congregational Churches of the United States in triennial session at Minneapolis, Minn., on October 17, 1892, adopted the Amendment and entered its protest against sectarian appropriations for Indian education. The American Missionary Association, at its Annual Meet- ing in Hartford, Conn., on October 27, 1892, supplemented the action of the National Council. The General Convention of the Protestant Episcopal Church in the United States of America, sitting in triennial session, as the Board of Missions, at Baltimore, Md., on October 19, 1892, indorsed the Amendment. In accordance ^vith this action the Board of Managers of the Domestic and Foreign Mission- ary Society of the Protestant Episcopal Church, meeting in New York City, on December 13, 1892, withdrew from the receipt of national money for its work among the Indians. It may be instructive here to note that the seven great Protestant denominations included in the foregoing enumera- tion, and which have, by the action of their highest executive councils, indorsed the principles advocated and the work undertaken by the National League, constitute a representa- 528 Facing the Tioentieth Century. tioD, by adhereuce, of not less than oue-tliird of tlie entire population of the United States. A large number of organizations, patriotic, religious, and secular, representing varied constituencies, took similar ap- proving action. The Kepublicau National Convention was lield in JMinneapolis, Minn., June 7, 1892, and a memorial was presented and copies were placed in the hands of each delegate. The action secured was not as satisfactory as was hoped for, owing to the injection into the discussions of the Com- mittee of the vexed school question in the State of Wisconsin. The Democratic National Convention met at Chicago, 111., on June 21, 1892. A memorial similar in tenor to that pre- sented to the Republican Convention was presented to the Democratic National Committee, and to each delegate. The declaration of the Democratic platform was as little satis- factory in definiteness as the Republican platform. At the Annual Session of the Grand Orauw Lodo-e of the United States, held in Allegheny, Pa., on June 1-1-16, 1892, the principles and [)urposes of the League ^vere indorsed. During the summer of 1892 exhaustive inquiries were made for the purpose of ascertaining all the facts concerning the experiments at Faribault and Stilhvater, Minn., looking to a partnership between the public and parochial schools. The results were embodied in a document which was largely circulated. On December 14, 1892, in Portland, Me., the Maine League for the Protection of American Institutions perfected its oi'ganization by the election of a Board of Managers, and at once entered upon an active campaign for securing such an amendment to the State Constitution (which is entirely Avithout safeguard of that nature) as \vould in the future prevent apj^ropriations for sectarian purposes. The result of this contest Avill be noted in its appropriate place, later on. IVaiiam Allen Butler. Donnan B. Eaton. Wheeler H. Peckliam. Henry E. Ho7i4, 1S5;G, by a vote of 93 ayes to 64 noes, of the following amendment to the Indian Appropriation Bill: "And it is hereby declared that it is the intention of this act that no money herein appropriated shall be paid for edu- cation in sectarian schools ; and the Secretary of the Interior is hereby charged with the dut}^ of so using and administer- ing said appropriations as to carry out said object ; and he is hereby authorized and required to make all needful rules and regulations necessary to ])revent the use of any part of said fund for education in sectarian schools." Still more emphatic evidence was given in the House, of its attitude on these questions, by its action on Api'il 9, 1896, on the District of Columbia Appropriation Bill. By a vote of 134 ayes to 21 noes the bill was passed, leav- ing out many specific appropriations for sectarian charities ; placing a sum of $94,700 in the hands of the Dictrict Com- missioners for distribution for the relief and care of the poor and destitute ; making provision that no contract provided for in the clause relating to charities should extend beyond the 30th day of June, 1897 : " Provided further that no part of the money herein appropriated shall be paid for the purpose of maintain- ing or aiding by payment for services or expenses, or other- wise, any church or religious denomination, or any institu- tion or society which is under sectarian or ecclesiastical control." AVhen these two measures reached the Senate active opposi- tion developed, and after extended debate and many confer- 538 Facing the Twentietli Oenkiv'y. ences between couiinittees of both Houses, the following results were reached in each case : On the Indian Appropriation Bill, the House receded from its action of February 24, and agreed to a substitute origi- natins: in Conference Committee, as follows : " And it is hereby declared to be the settled policy of the Government to hereafter make no appropriations whatever for education in any sectarian school; Provided that the Secretary of the Interior may make contracts with contract schools, apportioning as near as may be, the amount so con- tracted for among schools of various denominations, for the education of Indian pupils during the fiscal year 1897, but shall only make such contracts at places where non-sectarian schools cannot be pi'ovided for such Indian children, and to an amount not exceeding fifty per cent, of the amount so used for the fiscal year 1895." On the District of Columbia Appropriation Bill, the final action may be summarized as follows : Specific appropriations to various charities, stricken out in the House, were replaced in the bill, and a joint committee was appointed, consisting of Senators Harris of Tennessee, Faulkner of West Virginia, and McMillan of Michigan, with Representatives Pitney of New Jersey, Blue of Kansas, and Dockery of Missouri, to investi- gate the various charitable and reformatory institutions in the District and report at the next session : " Whether it is practicable for the Commissioners or other authority in the District to make contracts for such care of the poor and destitute with any of such institutions, and if so, wliich of them and to what extent, within the limits of the policy hereinbefore declared, and if not, the probable expense of providing and maintaining public institutions for such purpose." In addition to this the following was embodied in the bill: " And it is hereby declared to be the policy of the Govern- ment of the United States to make no appropriation of money Poioers to Protect American Institutions. 539 or property for the purpose of foundiDg, maiutainiug or aid- ing, by payment for services, expenses or otherwise, any church or religious denomination, or any institution or society which is under sectarian or ecclesiastical control : And it is hereby enacted that from and after the 30th day of June, 1897, no money appropriated for charitable purposes in the District of Columbia shall be paid to any church or religious denomination, or to any institution or society which is under sectarian or ecclesiastical control." While it Avas evident from the remarks of various Senators, in the discussion immediately preceding the final passage of the District of Columbia Appropriation Bill, notably Senators Vest, Teller, Sherman, and Hill, that the action above recorded was not considered by them as setting the question at rest except temporaril)^^ it is still true that the possibility of secur- ing such action indicated increased regard for public senti- ment on these questions on the part of the people's servants in legislative halls. Those best entitled to judge concede that to the educational work done and the data furnished by the National League the chief credit is due for these im^^ortant results. The League appealed this year, as it had done in 1892, to the National Conventions of the Republican and Democratic parties, for declarations in their respective platforms in har- mony with the principles embodied in the proposed Sixteenth Amendment. The results of the appeals were unsatisfactory to the League and discreditable to the dominant political parties. The League was mainly instrumental during this year in checking another attempted sectarian aggression. Informa- tion came to the office of the League, during the summer of 1896, that a plot of land had been granted by the Secretary of War within the Government Reservation at AVest Point, N. Y., for the erection of a Roman Catholic chapel whicli was to cost for the building alone not less than $20,000. 540 Facing the Twentieth Century. Amplo accommodation already existed for coudncting religious services by all tlie denominations, and the League was appealed to for advice in tlie matter. It at once advised that separate petitions be prepared and extensively signed by members and adlierents of the various other denominations, demanding from the Secretary of War similar grants of laud for their respective denominations, within the Reservation. The completed and unpatriotic history of this movement for a sectarian chapel on the grounds of the United States Military Academy at West Point appears in another con- nection in this volume. Prior to 1875, only eleven State Constitutions contained restrictions of any sort against sectarian appropriations of public funds. In the fourteen years from 1875 to 1889, when The National League ^vas incorporated, seven additional States were added to the list, and since 1889, fourteen new or revised State Constitutions (including that prepared for Arizona, awaiting statehood) have been adopted, containing provisions asserting the principle of the separation of church and state, by prohibiting sectarian appropriations and protect- ing the j)ublic-school funds. The work which the League inaugurated in 1890, by appealing to all the religious bodies receiving money from the National Government for Indian education, has had gratifj'iug results. All these bodies, with one exception, have with- drawn from this partnership with the Government. Congress has in two successive Appropriation Bills enacted as follows : " And it is hereby declared to be the settled policy of the Government to hereafter make no appropriation whatever for education in any sectarian seliool." The appropriations for such schools, in consequence of the withdrawal of religious bodies, and by the action of Congress, have been reduced from $611,570 in 1892 to $212,954 in 1898, and the (Jhairman of the House Committee on Indian Affairs Poivers to Protect American Imtitutions. 541 in presenting the Appropriation Bill for tlie current yeai- which makes a further reduction in the appropriations for contract schools, said : '' If the policy which has been declared to be the settled policy of the Government is followed in the next session of Congress, there will be no provision for mak- ing contracts; there will be no appropriation in the bill for sectarian schools." Closely related to the foregoing, and emphasizing the progress made in the acceptance and assertion of the prin- ciples and policy advocated by the National League, is the action of Congress on the appropriations for charities in the District of Columbia. The joint select committee has made an exhaustive examination into their administration and methods of working, and in an elaborate report made many recommendations for improvement in their control and supervision. In two successive District of Columbia Appro- priation Bills the following declaration has been incorporated : " And it is hereby declared to be the policy of the Govern- ment of the United States to make no appropriation of money or property for the purposes of founding, maintaining, or aid- ing, by payment for services, expenses, or otherwise, any church or religious denomination, or any institution or society which is under sectarian or ecclesiastical control ; and it is hereby enacted that from and after the 30th day of June, 1898, no money appropriated for charitable purposes in the District of Columbia shall be paid to any church or religious denomination, or to any institution or society which is under sectarian or ecclesiastical control." These great results during the past ten years are concededly due to the movement of which the National League is the acknowledged leader, and largely the outcome of the League's active work in Confess and in the individual States. The League has been watchfully active in the interests of safe legislation and in opposition to baleful legislation in Washington, in Albany, and in other State legislatures 542 Facing the Twentieth Century. wherever the public-schools funds, uusectarian charities, and religious liberty are involved. The League has come to be considered throughout the States as a Court of Appeals on matters where legal and constitutional interpretations are required concerning the principles it promotes. The future purposes of the League are : L Show the necessity for the Sixteenth Amendment, and press it on the attention of Congress and of the American people. 2. Form State leagues in all the States as rapidly as ojiportunity aifords, and seek the amendment of State Consti- tutions wherever they are defective in their provisions for protecting religious liberty and the schools. 3. Use every legitimate means within its power to protect and perfect the American Free Common-School system. 4. Gather and jDublish statistics concerning sectarian approj^riations by the National and State Governments, and expose the peril of such action. 5. Strenuously resist every effort to consummate the union of church and state on educational or any other lines. 6. Keep the public apprised of the sources of our peril, and organize the patriotic sentiment of the country among native-born and naturalized citizens for the defense of our distinctively American Institutions. THE FREE COMMOX SCHOOLS. THE FREE PEINCIPLE MUST BE DEFENDED. Jefferson declared nearly a hundred years ago that free schools were an essential part — one of the columns, as he expressed it — of the republican edifice, and that, without in- struction free to all, the sacred flame of liberty could not be kept burning in the hearts of Americans. In defense of the free system of common education for the childhood and youth of a nation, Talleyrand said : " The chief Powers to Protect Amencaii Institutions. 543 object of the state is to teacli cliildren to become one day its citizens. It initiates them, in a manner, into the social order,, by showing them the laws by which it is governed and giving them the first of their means of existence. Is it not, then, just that all should learn gratuitously what ought to be re- garded as a necessary condition of the association of which they are to become members? This elementary instruction seems to be a debt which society owes to all, and which it must pay without the slightest deduction." The establish- ment of free public schools by the state is not only an act of justice, but it is highly expedient as a public policy. It is said that England pays for pauperism and crime five times as much as for education, while Switzerland pays seven times as much for education as for pauperism and crime. On the other hand it is argued that universal education unfits the members of a community for the more laborious pursuits of life; that it reduces the ranks of the mechanic and the day laborer, and unduly increases the ranks of the professions and of commercial life, thus diminishing the number of producers and increasing the number of non-producers. But the re- sponse to this line of argument is, first, the education of the masses will, under all circumstances, not extend beyond elementary instruction which will be beneficial in the hum- blest pursuits ; second, those who from lowly stations rise to positions of eminence by means of free education must do so by the use of talents which, exercised, are beneficial to the community ; third, many of those who are called non-pro- ducers are often the inventors and discoverers, who multijily the producing power of labor often a hundred-fold. Horace Mann, that John the Baptist in the cause of popu- lar education in America, has well said that " legislators and rulers are responsible. In our country and in our times, no man is worthy the honored name of a statesman, who does not include the highest practicable education of the people in all his plans of administration. 544 Facinci the Twentieth Century. " He may have eloquence, Le may have a knowledge of all history, diplomacy, jurisj^rudence, and by thee^e he may claim, in other countries, the elevated rank of a statesman ; but unless lie speaks, plans, labors, at all times and in all places, for the culture and edification of the whole people, he is not, he cannot be, an American statesman." Dr. Curry, the Secretary of the Peabody Fund, addressing a legislative body recently, expressed the following sentiments : '' Ignorance of the voter is an abridgment of the liberty of others. His ballot determines more or less our government. Monarchical governments are careful to have the heir to the throne well educated. History and common sense teach that a government by the people requires more education, more self-restraint, than any other, and that the despotism and cruelty of an untutored mob may be more odious and oppres- sive than the despotism of any one man. Tlie school should go l:>efore the ballot; othei'wise, an uninstructed democracy will become the facile tool of the demagogue and the villain. " The first duty of government is self-preservation, and the noblest function of statehood is to develop and use to the maximum degree the brain-power of the country." PATEIOTIC PLATFOKM FOR THE DEFENSE OF THE FREE PUBLIC SCHOOLS. There is certainly no justification for entire self-com- placency and satisfaction about the public schools. There never can be. Perfection -svill never be attained. The ideal will never be fully realized. Our public-school system is yet, we must confess, in a comparatively ci'ude state. It must be greatly improved and strengthened in the coming years. The j^eople will gradually come to appreciate it and make it a matter of personal study, and literally of personal supervision. The following embodies substantially wliat in our judgment ouglit to be the patriotic American programme for the free common schools: JOHN H. VINCENT, The Founder of Chautauqua. J. L. M. CURRY, Secretary of the Peabody Fund. CHARLES T. SAXTON, Promoter of Ballot Reform. CHARLES R. SKIXXER, Defender of the Public Schools. J Powers to Protect American Institutions. 545 1. A knowledge of the exact situation by all intelligent citizens, all genuine Americans in every community, resolvino- themselves into a committee of the whole, loyally to watch and jealously to guard these nurseries of our citizenship. 2. An honest recognition of the commendable features of our school system. 3. An equally honest recognition of the defects, with will- ingness to learn from any and all other systems, which, in any of their features, may suggest to us improvement. 4. A readiness to face the patent defects, and not attempt to cover them but courageously to conquer them. 5. The best and most thorough instruction in every depart- ment — moral, mental, industrial, physical ; thus placing the system by its pre-eminence out of the field of competition. 6. Insist upon the absolute necessity of the precedence and mastery of the national language. 7. Require the careful training of all the children and youth in the fundamental political doctrines, and moral axioms and principles on which the free American govern- ment rests, as the only means of teaching those lessons — readily received in youth, but hard to acquire when char- acter has been shaped and determined — of a respect for the opinions and circumstances of others which issue from that distinctively American principle that all men are created equal before the law. Garfield said, " If it were in ray power, I would make a law that every man and woman in the United States should study American history through the period of their minority." 8. Let the people see to it that the practice of economy for political purposes does not commence in any community with the scliools, but provide ^vithout prodigality, and with liber- ality, for both school buildings and school support. 9. Let no political or ecclesiastical outcry from whatever source, ao-ainst relicrious instruction in the schools, be the means of banishing a high morality from the character of the 54-6 Facing the Twentieth Century. teaching or from tLe qualifications of tlie teacher. The American idea is that the school shall be a civil educator to make good citizens, and good citizens must possess moral character. The schools will inevitably be a reflex of the noble, cultured, moral characters of the men and women in them as instructors. 10. Banish absolutely all sectarianism from the manage- ment and teaching of these public schools, and all evidence in the structures used, or in the garb of the teachers, that would suggest denominational relationship, or hint at the remotest connection of church and state. 11. Let national, state, county, and municipal treasuries be Jealously guarded against all attempts for the sectarian divi- sion of the sacred funds which they hold for the support of common schools. 12. Let all partisan political control be banished from the management of the schools. 13. Let a solemn, if unrecorded, oath of allegiance to our institutions by every loyal citizen embrace the defense of the American system of free common schools — a defense con- ducted without malice, without bigotry, without fear, without compromise. 14. Let compulsory education law's be speedily perfected and judiciously enforced. 15. Let all schools, public and private, where citizens are being trained for the performance of their duties as sover- eigns in the republic, come under the intelligent super\ision of the governmental authorities as a rightful measure of safet}^, and as the only method of approximating that practi- cal uniformity of results essential to popular education in a republic. One of the principal functions of the common school is to Americanize the children of foreign birth or parentage, and by its processes of digestion and assimilation make them a healthful part of the body politic. Governor William H. Seward, in his annual message in Potoers to Protect American Institutions. 547 1840, said, "since we have opened our country aud all its fullness to the oppressed of every nation, we should eviuce wisdom equal to such generosity by qualifying their children for the high responsibilities of citizenship." 16. When the United States Senate and House of Eepre- sentatives are in session, the national flag floats over the Cap- itol buildings. Over the forts and ships of the nation the flag also floats. The American flag ought to float over every public-school building in the republic while the schools are in session, as an object lesson in patriotism for childhood and youth, and as a symbol to the world that we consider these buildings the fortresses of our strength, from which go forth the forces which are the best protectors of our free institu- tions. Professor Bryce says, in his "American Commonwealth," "The institutions of the United States are deemed by the inhabitants, and admitted by strangers, to be a matter of more general interest than those of the not less famous nations of the Old World. They represent an experiment in the rule of the multitude, tried on a scale unprecedentedly vast and the result of which everyone is concerned to watch. And yet they are something more than an experiment, for they are believed to disclose and display the type of the institutions toward which, as by law fitted, the rest of civilized mankind are forced to move, some with swifter, others with slower, but all with unresting feet." The war for the defense of these institutions is upon us, and one of the principal points of attack continues to be upon the integrity of our free common-school sj-stem. There can be no neutrals in this protective war, and when the people are once aroused, there can be no doubt as to the issue. Our public schools, as one of the principal bulwarks of our fi'ee institutions, will be maintained. Every American child will be given the opportunity to secure the rudiments of an 548 Facinrj the Ttventieth Century. education in the language of the country. Forces are at Avork against botli tbe methods of conducting the schools and against the principles that gave them birth. Every year they are becoming more aggressive, but, we believe, hopelessly. It becomes every citizen ^vho has faith in our school system, and who believes in its importance for the w^eal of our com- mon country, to know the enemies by sight and study their tactics. In this laud all great questions of principle come to the ballot-box for settlement. The maintenance of the com- mon schools Avill coutinue to be brouo-ht there. And when- O ever it is and the people possess an honestly guarded and secret ballot, they will settle forever a debate which never ought to have been opened ; will paralyze sacrilegious hands Avhich have assumed to steady the ark of the covenant of our libei'ties ; and will put into the national Constitution a flam- ing sword of defense against offenders, who forfeit their rights by touching with sacrilegious hands the national tree of knowledge. No princij^le is better understood and more firmly estab- lished in the Judgment of our intelligent countrymen than the true relation between the education of American children and the future of the American republic. If GUI' children, whether of American or foreign birth, are instructed side by side on terms of brotherhood in our public schools, if they are grounded in Christian morals and Ameri- can principles, and trained by proper teachers who are them- selves endowed with an appreciation of the coming duties of citizenship ; with the exercise of an independent judgment, ^vith a due reverence for the supremacy of law, and a pa- triotic devotion to countr}^ with its no])le principles and inspiring traditions, we may look to the future with hope. It is a most hopeful omen for the future of our American institutions that the generation of 3'outh that will lead the columns across the line into the dawning of the Twentieth Century will be a generation schooled in patriotism in insti- Powers to ProUci American Institations. 549 tutions of learniug of all grades. American yontliH all over the land are banding themselves together for mutual self-help and for lifting other youths to higher planes of character and opportunity. If a single generation of youths could be, witli- out one exception, ti'ained for righteousness and patriotism, the future of the republic would not only be secure, but the higher law would constitute the organic law of the land. THE RECOGNITION AND NUETURE OF THE NEW PATRIOTISM MANIFESTED IN THE MULTIPLICATION OF PATRIOTIC ORGAN- IZATIONS. ORGANIZATIONS BASED UPON REVOLUTIONARY AN- CESTRY OR PATRIOTIC HEREDITY. The " renaissance of patriotism," as Garfield called it, has found expression in the foimation of a great number of patriotic, historical, genealogical, and hereditary societies, the principal objects of Avhich are to commemorate the deeds and study the motives of the forefathers, and to cherish the insti- tutions of American freedom. This outburst of the new patriotism, beginning in 1875 and 1876, was due to sevei-al causes, one of the most potent being the influence of tlie association of ideas with the centennial anniversaiies '\^•hich then begau to occur. During the first hundred years of our national existence, our growth had been so rapid, and the various phases and incidents of the working out of our governmental system had followed each other ^vitli such startling and distracting ra- pidity, that there was little time or popular disposition to look ])ack and study philosophically the events of a hundred or two hundred years before. The year 1875 saw us removed l)ut ten years from the greatest civil war in historv, the wounds of which still retained their bitter and dangei'ous sting. Sud- denly, the magic of anniversary influence began to operate. People's thoughts were carried back a century ; back across, the bloody chasm of 1861-65 ; back to the little village green in Massachusetts where "the embattled farmer stood and 550 Facing the Iwentieth Century. fired the shot heard 'round the world." The men of Balti- more wlio, in 1861, had fired on Massachusetts troops pass- ing through their streets, betliought themselves of tiie time wlien Virginia sent to Massacliusetts the Commander in Chief of the American Army, and quickly followed him with Daniel Morgan and his Virginian sharpshooters, who took their stand beside Stark and Green and Knox, and other New Eng- landers, on Cambridge Common. Then came 1876, arousing memories of the immortal document which had borne side by side the signatures of John Hancock and Thomas Jefferson, Roger Sherman and Benjamin Harrison, Benjamin Franklin ajid Edward Rutledge, and other great patriots of the North and South. Then ensued a series of anniversaries, each one commemorating some struggle in the field, some achievement in the halls of legislation, some triumpli in the chambers of diplomacy, in which the participants from the lower and upper Colonies had vied Avith each other in their loyal zeal for a common cause. Mason and Dixon's line was forgotten in the contemplation of the sage and sober v\^ords of Wash- ington's Farewell Address to the American People, in which, among other things, he admonished them that " the Unity of Government which constitutes you one people is the main pillar in the edifice of your real independence," and urged them to ''indignantly frown upon the first dawning of every attempt to alienate any portion of our country from the rest." They began to comprehend as never before the significance of that pregnant sentence: "The name of American, which belongs to you in your national capacity, must always exalt the just pride of Patriotism more than any appellation de- rived from local discriminations." Suddenly, they awoke to a new realization of their national brotherhood. They saw what a vast body of traditions they had in common, and the old inspirations began to flame anew in their breasts. The poignancy of recent divisions was materially assuaged, and they began to organize societies based on their common Mor^uiii Dix. Edward Hagatnan Hall. Ralph E. Prime. William Wayne. Samuel Eberly Gross. William W. Goodrich. A GROUP OF PROMINENT REPRESENTATIVES OF I'ATRIOTIC ORGANIZATIONS BASED UPON HEREDITY OR MILITARY SERVICE. Stewart L. Woodford. ^^^'"'J' ^- Howtand. George Ernest Bowman . ^^enry B. H hippie. Chaimcey M. Depew. Alexander S. U ebb. A GROUP OF PROMINENT REPRESENTATIVES OF PATRIOTIC ORGANIZATIONS BASED UPON HEREDITY OR MILITARY SERVICE. I Poivers to Protect American Institutions. 551 heritage of precious memories, in wliicli, forgetting geographi- cal boundaries, they might associate as brethren in tlie mutual enjoyment of their common birthright. There was at this time but one patriotic hereditary society which had had a continuous existence for any length of time namely the Society of the Cincinnati. This venerable organi- zation had been formed May 13, 1783, at the headcpiarters of Baron Steuben, near Newburgh, N. Y., as the result of the suggestion of General Knox that some means be devised by which, after the American officers had separated, their friend- ships might be cherished, and the remembi-ance of the experi- ences which bound them together might be perpetuated. Its Constitution thus states the origin of its name and its principles : "The officers of the American Army, having generally been taken from the citizens of America, possess high venera- tion for the chai'acter of that illusti-ious Roman, Lucius Quintiis Cincinnat'iis, and being resolved to follow his exam- ple, by returning to their citizenship, they think they may with propriety denominate themselves the SOCIETY OF THE CUSTCINNATI. "The foHowing principles shall be immutable and form the basis of the Society of the Cincinnati : " An incessant attention to preserve inviolate those exalted rights and liberties of human nature for which they have fought and bled, and without which the high rank of a rational being is a curse instead of a blessing, " An unalterable determination to promote and cherish, be- tween the respective States, that unison and national ]ionor so essentially necessary to their happiness and the future dignity of the American empire. " To render permanent the cordial all'ectiou subsisting among the officers : This spirit will dictate brotherly kindness in all things, and particularly extend to the most substantial acts of 552 Facing the Twentieth Century. beneficence, according to tlie ability of tlie Society, toward those officers and their families who unfortunately may be under the necessity of receiving it." The Constitution, elaborate in details of administration and drawn in the haste and excitement incident to the disband- ment of the army, while lofty in its sentiments and noble in much of its phraseology, proved defective as a plan of gov- ernment, and was subsequently modified in form, but not in spirit. An analysis of the instrument shows the essential features of the Society to be as follows : Objects : Commemorative, patriotic, social, and benevolent. Membership : Originally, limited military ; subsequently, limited hereditary. T]ie hostility toward the Society of the Cincinnati on account of its hereditary feature made a deep impression at the time, and Washington, who was its president from the time of its organization until his death, was persuaded to retain the office only by promises (never fulfilled) that it would be abolished. It was due not a little to the formation of the Society of the Cincinnati that there came into existence soon afterward an organization which eventually became one of the most powerful and perverted political influences of the country. In 1789, the year of Washington's inauguration as first President of the United States, the Tammany Society was organized on a distinctly anti-aristocratic and anti-Feder- alist basis, to counteract the supposed evil propensities of the Cincinnati. So conspicuously did these two Societies represent the o[)posite political and social tendencies of the post-bellum period, that a \vell-knowu historian represents them as the two burdens between which, " the new government, like Issachar, was beginning to couch." Partly on account of the popular hostility to the Society of the Cincinnati, partly on account of the weakening of its membership by deatli, partl}^ on account of the distractions of Powers to Protect American Institutions. 553 the times, and partly on account of the inherent weakness of its form of organization, this patriotic institution kuiguislied for many years, and in some States fell into a condition of complete desuetude ; but it has shared in the patriotic renais- sance of later years, and is now one of the nu)st dignified and respected, as it is the most venerable, of the large number of orders and institutions of which it was the prototype. Its membership numbers about six hundred. When the Centennial period of 1875 and 1876 arrived, and the citizens began to consider with renewed interest the events of the Revolutionary period, the community of interest which was found to exist naturally excited a desire among the patriotically inclined to become associated in some organic form for the better execution of their purposes. The exclu- sive eligibility requirements of the Cincinnati, however, barred out f]'om membership the vast body of citizens who were equally the inheritors of the precious traditions of tlie republic, and the formation of new societies was the inevi- table outcome of the situation. The first of these modern patriotic hereditary societies in order of formation are those called Sons of the Revolution and Sons of the American Revolution. Their common origin may be traced back to a meeting of lineal descendants of heroes of the War for Inde- pendence, which was held curiously enough, as far as possible away from the scene of the beginning of the war, in San Francisco, Cal., October 22, 1875. At this meeting was insti- tuted the Society first called the Sons of Revolutionary Sires, forty of the eighty members of which on the Fourth of July following marched in a public procession commemorating the one hundredth anniversary of the Declaration of Independence. Copies of their constitution were sent to patriotic citizens throughout the United States and led to the formation in other parts of the country of similar societies called Sons of the Revolution. On April 30, 1889, the one hundredth anni- versary of the inauguration of Washington as first President 554 Facing the Tioentieth Century. of the Uuited Sates, a 2:eneral convention of tliese various societies was beld in the historic Fraunce's Tavern in New York City, for the purpose of uniting into a national organiza- tion. Those societies which joined this movement took the distinctive title of Sous of the American Revolution, while those who stayed out retained the title of Sons of the Revolu- tion. At the time of the organization of the National Society of Sons of the American Revolution, it differed in imjDortant respects from the Sons of the Revolution, both in conditions of eligibility and form of government; but during the past ten years, the latter have so nearly conformed to the standards of the former that there may be said to be practically no differ- ence between them at present. Indeed, so strong has been the desire in both societies for a union under a common name, that formal propositions looking to that end have been under consideration for the past six years. The salient features of these societies, whose joint membership reaches nearly twenty thousand, are as follo^vs : Objects : Commemorative, patriotic, social. Membership : Hereditary, being based on lineal descent from an ancestor wlio, in the military, naval, or civil service of the country during the Revolutionary War, assisted in establishing the independence of the United States. It will be noticed that the benevolent feature of the origi- nal constitution of the Cincinnati does not appear in the objects of tliese societies. There are two reasons for this. That provision in the constitution of the Cincinnati was due to local conditions. The Revolutionary AVar had left not only the army but the country impoverished, and there was little prospect that the Government would take care of destitute officers or their wido^vs. No such need exists to-day. Furthermore, there is such a multiplicity of modern be- nevolent societies that there is really no need for such a provision in the constitution of the patriotic societies. Some of the patriotic organizations founded on the Civil Powers to Protect American Institutions. 555 War, however, do i^erform a large amount of benevolent woi'k. These societies evidently touched a popular chord in the American heart, for they not only rapidly multiplied hi num- bers, but they were quickly followed by others, based on parallel ideas and touching almost every phase of our national history. The picturesque military idea naturally appealed strongly to the imagination and v/as fruitful of many organiza- tions. The Mexican Wai" had l>een represented since 1847 by the Aztec Club, composed of military and naval officers who participated in that Avar, and their blood relatives (now num- bering about 250 members), but, with that exception, none of the wars before the Civil War was represented by any active organization except the Revolutionary War. In 1892 some enterprising members of the younger genera- tion discovered that there were still living a few veterans of the second war with Great Britain, and foi-thwith they were made the nucleus about which was formed the Society of the War of 1812, which, in its various branches, and including members admitted by descent from other participants in that war, now has a meml^ership of about 2000. In the same year the Society of Colonial Wars was formed, based on descent from participants in the battles and wars fought under Colonial authority between the settlement of James- town, 1607, and the ])eginuing of the War for Independ- ence, 1775. This Society now includes 2600 lineal descend- ants of those who faced the terrors of the tomahawk and scalping knife in the hands of the aborigines, and the fire- lock and sword in the hands of the French, to plant the Anglo-Saxon civilization in the West. The subjects for military societies had not yet been exhausted, the little war with Tripoli having been overlooked thus far, but in 1894 the Military Order of Foreign Wars stepped into existence to cover that hiatus in America's military histoiy. The original desio-n of the oro^anization was to commemorate the 556 Facing the Twentieth Century. four foreign w^urs of tlie United States up to that date, but it has recently been expanded to include also the AVar with Spain. Prior to the AVar of 1898; it liad a nieiubership of 808 original participants or lineal descendants of pai'ticipants in the War of the K;3 volution, the War with Tripoli, the War of 1812, and the War with Mexico. There now seemed to remain but one possible opportunity for another militar}^ society, and that was for one which should include all wars, and in 1897 it was improved by the formation of the Society of American Wars. Membership in this Society is dependent upon service performed, eithei' in propria persona or in the person of a lineal ancestor, in any of the wars for the estab- lishment and preservation of the original colonies or of the United States. In 1890 the militar}^ idea was specialized by the formation of a distinctively naval order under the title of the Naval Order of the United States, embracing officers of the Navy or Marine Corps of the United States who had par- ticipated in any war or battle, or their descendants, and in 1896 still another variation was afforded by the organization of a uniformed society called the Old Guard, composed of descendants of participants in the Colonial wars and both wars with Great Britain. The importance and dignity of such military orders as these were recognized by Congress in 1890, by the passage of a joint resolution taking official cognizance of them as " militar}^ societies." hi this country the military societies ai'e not the sole custo- dians of our most prized traditions; a large number of non- military societies devote themselves to the fostering of the most exalted sentiments of patriotism. The transition to the latter is through a set of organizations ^vhich partake of the nature of both. The Order of Washington, for instance, formed in 1895, has a membership based on descent from civil as well as military or naval officers ^vh() were in the American Colonial service between 1750 and 1770. Like- Powers to Protect American Listitutions. 557 wise the Order of the Founders and Patriots of America, incorporated in 1896, is composed of men who have de- scended in the direct male line of either the father or mother, from an ancestor who resided in the Colonies between 1607 and 1657 (and who may have been either a private citizen or a militaiy or civil officer), and wliose intermediate ancestors during the War for Independence adhered as patriots to the American cause. This Order has a membership of about 500. In 1897, a similar society was formed under the name of America's Founders and Defenders. Passing now to the more purely uou-military societies, one is impressed at once with a new set of ideas, reminding him more particularly of the moral forces which brought our ancestors hither and impelled and sustained them in their tremendous struggles in the formative years of the Nation's existence. The first to deserve mention in this connection is the New England Society, which dates back to 1805. It is not generally classified as a patriotic society, but, composed of natives or descendants of natives of New England, and devoting itself to the commemoration of New England his- tory and the cherishing of New England principles, it is, in effect, one of the most influential of the patriotic societies of the country. It also has a benevolent feature in its constitu- tion which is suo-o'estive of the old Cincinnati constitution. Its membership is about 1500. While the New England Society serves to keep alive the memory of the Puritans in general, a more exclusive idea is represented by the Society of Mayflower Descendants, organized in 1894, composed, as its title indicates, of the descendants of those who came over in the Mayflower on her first trip in 1620. Tliese and similar societies have recently directed the attention of scholars and students to the character of the Puritan in a way which has given them a new insight into his animating principles and a new realization of his inestimable contribution to the civi- lization of the West. 558 Facing the Tiventieth Century. lu like manner the Hollander is represented b)^ sucli societies as the St. Nicholas Society of Ne\\' York, organized in 1841 for benevolent purposes and for the preservation of the early history of the City of New York. JMembership therein is confined to descendants of residents of New York City and State prior to 1785. AVashington Irving, whose apocryphal history of the world in general and of New York in particular once roused the ire of sensitive Dutchmen, was first Secretary of the Society. The St. Nicholas Club of New York was formed in 1875, also for the purpose of pre- serving the early traditions of the City and State. It has a membership limited to 500, based on descent from a resident of any of the Colonies prior to November 30, 1783. The Holland Society of New York, however, formed in 1885, is perhaps the organization devoted the most singly to the memory of the Hollander. Its membership, now about 900, is confined to descendants in the male line from Dutch- men, either native or resident in any of the Colonies of America prior to 1675, or from those who found refuge in Holland or possessed the right of Dutch citizenship within Dutch settlements prior to 1675. The Huguenot influence in American life finds its repre- sentative in the Huguenot Society of America, formed in 1883, and now possessing a membership of about 350. It is composed of descendants of Huguenots wlio emigrated to America, or who left France for other countries prior to the the Edict of Toleration, November 28, 1687. The Cavalier is represented in several of the military and semi-military societies, and in such general societies as the Colonial Ordei', formed in 1894, composed of descendants from residents of the Colonies prior to 1776 ; the Colonial Society, formed in 1895, of descendants of settlers prior to 1700 ; and the Order of Descendants of Colonial Governors, formed in 1896. It is not surprising that in America, where womankind .Ui-s. Mciv IVri.nrht Seu 1 5 to grant an armistice, and it is understood tlie President expressed willingness tliat the Pope should do anything in his power. " ' What happened was that the Spanish Ambassador at the Vatican was approached by Cardinal RampoUa, the Papal Secretary of State, who told liira the President of the United States had allowed it to be understood that papal intervention would be acceptable. The Spanish Ambassador telegraphed here to that ellect, and thereupon we indicated that, tliough we had sent a categorical reply to President i\I(Kiidey, the terms having previously been conceded to the last point consistent with Si)ain's honor, we were certain the Pope would respect the rights and honor of Spain, and agree to his intervention'" {New York Tribune, April 5, 1898). " London, April 4. — Count de Rascon, the Spanish Ambassador to Great Britain, made the following statement in an interview to-day: ' I am able to assure you that the mediation of the Pope was proposed to His Holiness by the American Govern- ment. The Pope agreed to undertake it, and the offer was telegraphed to Spain.' " " Rome, April 4. — It is believed in Vatican circles that the acceptance of the Pope's mediation by the United States is assured. Mgr. O'Connell, ex-rector of the Ameri- can College in Rome, had a conversation on the subject this morning with Cardinal Rampolla, Papal Secretary of State, and United States Ambassador Draper, and an answer from Washington is expected to-day. "Paris, April 4.— The current version, both from Rome and Madrid, of the Pope's projected intervention is that he proposes, at President JIcKinley's invitation, to intercede between Spain and the Cuban insurgents, stipulating the immediate ces.«a- tion of hostilities in Cuba as a condition of his intervention. This proposal is under- stood to have been accepted in Spain" {Nero York Sun, April 5, 1898). " If there is to be mediation by the Pope it will undoubtedly be between Spain and the Cubans fighting for their independence. Obviously, the Pope could not be a mediator between the United States and Spain or in any international question. So far as his relations to us are concerned he is a spiritual sovereign only, and not in any respect a temporal sovereign " {New York Sun, Editorial, April 5, 1898). " Most of the reconcentrados, now dead and sleeping in unmarked graves, were of the Catholic faith, but the Pope did not ofTer to stand between them and Spain, to ■which the United States would have urged no objection. " Spain must now deal with the United States. Intermediaries should be warned o^" {Evening Su7i,'£ditOY'm\, Apiil 5, lS9o). "There can be no such thing as papal mediation between Spain and the I nited States. The authority of the Pope is spiritual and is not recognized by the United States. . , c. • 1 «i " As a mediator in the literal sense, the Pope can deal only with Spam and the Cuban insurgents. If he can bring them to agreement on terms of peace, on ybat- ever authority, spiritual or secular, he will render large service to civilization {Mw York Commercial Adrertiser, Editorial, April 5, 1898). " Unwarranted and sensational ' news' has done some harm again in connection with the proposed mediation of tlie Pope between Spain and Cuba. The statement has been put forth that President McKinley asked the Pope to "^«l>'f /"' Z^"-;^ "^^^" between the United States and Spain. There was never any ground for that state- ment, and every thoughtful man must have known it from the b^g'"";"S^ .' It is not supposable that the Pope would undertake such a task. ^^ ' "^^^ " J^ United States Government would never ask him to do so, nor agree to haMug his per- formance of it imposed upon this country. 616 Appendix. " The arbitrator between two nations must be their peer. It must be a power equal to themselves in independent sovereignty. And such this Government does not recognize the Pope to be. Spain does " {New York Tribune, Editorial, April 6, 1898). •' London, April 5.— A special dispatch from Rome, published here this afternoon, says a telegram received at the Vatican from the United States has announced the failure of tlie Pope's intervention. It says that President McKinley showed himself extremely sensible of the initiative taken by the Pontiff, but it was impossible for him to overcome the prejudice, even though it may be unjust, entertained by a majority of the American people against the Vatican's intervention in political affairs. " AVashington, April 5.— Archbishop Ireland came to the State Department at 12.30 p. M. to-day. He had evidently arranged for the call beforehand and was expected, for he was shown at once into Assistant Secretary Day's room. To reporters who asked his mission Archbishop Ireland was evasive and said he came simply to pay his respects " {Neio York Journal, April 6, 1898). "London, April 7.— The Rome correspondent of the Daily Neics, describing the origin of the statement that America sought the Pope's mediation, says : ' This " lie from Madrid," as they openly call it in the Vatican, has upset the calculations of the Pope, and may cause thee ntire ruin of the good offices of the Pontiff, because of the dislike among Americans of intervention by the Pope, not only as the head of the Catholics, but as a European Prince, as he wishes to be considered, his action thus being opposed to the Monroe Doctrine.' " The Italia says that Mgr. Martinelli, the Apostolic Delegate at Washington, has cabled to the Vatican that President McKinley expresses his best wishes for the suc- cess of the Pope in obtaining an armistice in Cuba, but that the President considers the question one between Spain and Cuba, while there is a question between Spain and the United States, and the two have nothing to do with each other. " The Rome correspondent of the Daily Chronicle says : ' Archbisliop Ireland has cabled the Pope that mediation is almost impossible in consequence of public opinion. His Holiness is much grieved by this check to his good intentions ' " {New York Tribune, April 7, 1898). " Such activity as is now prevailing at the Vatican has not occurred since the last Papal Conclave. It might be thought that the whole Spanish-American difficulty was being solved there. The courtyard of San Damaso, from which a staircase leads to the apartments of the Pope and Cardinal Rampolla, the Papal Secretary of State, was to-day thronged with the carriages of diplomats, cardinals, and prelates " {New York Sun, April 7, 1898). A correspondent of the Roman Catholic Freeman's Journal writes from Rome on March 22, 1898, illumiuatively concerning the infallible Pope's relation to Spanish and Cuban affairs. He says : " The Pontifical Nuncio at Madrid was present recently at tlie departure of Spanish troops for Cuba and solemnly blessed them and their arms, but if there are any chaplains among the Cuban forces they, too, have doubt- less offered up prayers and called down blessings on the insurgents, and in neither case is Pope Leo involved. " What, however, is certain, is this: 1st.— Pope Leo takes the kindliest interest in the Queen Regent of Spain, who is a pious Catholic, a devoted motlier, and a good queen. A few years ago he conferred on her the Golden Rose for her maternal virtues; and 2d, the official attitude of the Vatican is necessarily one of recognition of tiie legitimacy of tlie war undertaken by Spain in Cuba. " Rumors having been circulated that the failure of the Pope's efforts was owing Appendix. 617 to the attitude of the United States, the Nuuciature here has issued the follow!.,.^ note: 'The Nunciature has to-day higher hopes than ever of tl.e successor ..apul intervention. It is not true that President McKiuley has rejected tl.e Pope's inter- vention in favor of peace. Such impoHleness would be tlie more impolitic not only because it would display a barbarous intolerance, but because, however nmch any person might be the Pope's enemy, it would be impossible to misinterpret the voice of the venerable old man who recommends the preservation of peace. On tlie other hand the Catholics of North America would never pardon such a disregard of the Vicar General of their Church.' "Washington, April 9.— Word that the armistice had been granted by Spain spread rapidly through all official and diplomatic quarters, and aroused great interest antl activity throughout the evening. The first word as to Spain's concession came to Monsignor Martinelli, the papal Delegate, at 6.30 p. m., and announced from the Vatican that the papal Nuncio at Madrid had been advised that an armistice was granted. Monsignor Martinelli sent for Archbishop Ireland, and shortly after the message from the Vatican was repeated by telephone to the White House. Aljout the same time the dispatch from Minister Woodford was received " {Xeic York Tiib- line, April 9, 1898). The official Red Book of the Spanish Government, giving its diplomatic history for many months preceding the declaration of war, contains some interesting history. The following digest is worth perusing: Under the date of April 3, 1898, appears a message from Spain's Minister at the Vatican, stating that he had conferred with Cardinal Rampolla. The President was declared to be very desirous of having the help of the Pope, and His Holiness was desirous of lending his aid, but wanted to know if the intervention of His Holiness would preserve the national honor, and if this intervention was agreeable to Spain. Senor Polo on April 4 reported that he had received a call from Archbishop Ireland, who stated that he saw President McKiuley, and that the President was de- sirous of peace, but that there was little doubt that Congress would vote intervention or war if Spain did not assist the President and the friends of peace. He insisted that Spain should accede to the proposition of the United States. Senor Polo stated that he informed him that Spain had done all in her power to maintain peace. In acknowledging the receipt of the message from Madrid, notifying him of the suspension of hostilities in Cuba, Senor Polo reports on April 10 that he had con- ferred with an influential Senator, whose name he does not give, and thiit the Senator had gone to the President, and after an interview had succeeded in inducing the President materially to modify his message to Congress. " London, April 25.— The Rome correspondent of the Standard says: ' The Queen Regent asked the blessing of the Pope upon Spanish arms. His Holiness replied that he sent it from his heart, and hoped to see a vindication of Spain's rights, which had been trampled upon.' "London, April 30.— The Rome correspondent of The Daily Chronicle says: 'Archbishop Martinelli, Papal Delegate to the Roman Catholic Church in the United States, has cabled the Vatican to abstain from all demonstrations of sympathy with Spain which would incite the Protestant sentiment of the United States against the Roman Catholics ' " (Neic York Tribune). " The only unanswered question is, why the Pope had not intervened on belialf of his suffering subjects in Cuba. 618 A^ypendix. "Then came the Pope's urgent request that we should at least abstain from armed intervention until we had allowed a certain nimibor of days to elapse in which the Vatican, with the co-operation of certain European governments, should bring moral pressure upon Spain to see what concessions might be secured at IVIadrid in the interests of peace. It was this effort of the Pope, undoubtedly, that led to the post- ponement of President ]McKiuley's message from Wednesday to Monday. "It is simply to be remarked here that it would have been safe enough to have allowed the country to know the facts. It was a mistake to countenance the news reports that the message was withheld on account of some possible danger that its delivery to Congress might inflict upon Americans in Cuba " {Revieio of Retieics, May, 1898). " London. — The Madrid correspondent of the Standard says: ' The Church and the Catholics are very anxious as to the fall of the Philippines, on account of these religious orders, which, they consider, have been the best auxiliaries of Spani.sh rule since the discovery of the islands by Magellan. The Spaniards resent the idea of Protestant powers like the United States, Germany, or England harboring designs against their archipelagoes ' " {New York Herald, May 17, 1898). " London. — The Rome correspondent of the Standard says: ' Owing to the serious news from the Philippines, the Pope wired the Queen Regent of Spain, placing his services at her dispo.sal if she considered that the time had arrived for the interven- tion of the Powers in favor of Spain. The Queen Regent in reply telegraphed her thanks, saying that at an opportune moment she would feel the Pope's offer to be very precious ' " (New York Herald, June 13, 1898). "It was through the Pope even more than through her royal relations that the Queen of Spain labored to avert war without yielding to the just demands of the United States. None can have forgotten the earnest efforts made at Vv^ashington by Catholic clergymen of high authorit3\ nor the incessant endeavors of the Pope to bring about influential action by other European Powers. ]\Ien who cannot conceive of action that lias no selfish motive saw that all the colonies of Spain were intensely Catliolic, that they contributed enormously to the revenues of the Church, and that through contracts and grants from the colonial authorities the Catholic institutions and clergy received advantages almost incalculable. War with a nation not Catholic and the possible conquest of any of these colonies by such a nation would inevitably affect the material resources of the Church and all its institutions and organizations" {Neio York Tribune, Editorial, August 3, 1898). " Rome, August 10. — The Tribvna says that the Vatican is in constant communi- cation with Archbishop Ireland, Monsignor Martinelli, Apostolic Delegate in the United States, and Duke Almodovar de Rio, the Spanish Minister of Foreign Affairs, endeavoring to secure clauses in the treaty of peace that will safeguard the religious interests of Catholic residents in countries to be ceded hy Spain to the United States " {Neio York Tribune, Augu.st 11, 1898). "Justice White's familiarity with the historical and legal facts of the Louisiana purchase, his knowledge of the legal customs growing out of the practice of the Napoleonic code in Louisiana, his acquaintance with the Frei.cli language, and the fact that he is the candidate whose appointment has been urged by Archbishop Ireland, representing the C-atholic Church, were facts that had weight with the President in deciding to apppoint him " (The San, August 30, 1898). " AVashington, November 19. — The immense interests of the Roman Catholic Church in the Philippines and Porto Rico will likely prove one of the most difficult Appendix. (ill) problems which this Government will have to face when the treaty of peace w itii Spain is signed. " Rome, November 30.— It is stated here that the Pope intends to estal>lisli a I'ai)al Nuncio in the Philippines and has summoned Archbishop Ireland to Rome to offer him the office " {Evening Sun, November 30, 1868). VATICAN AND PAPAL AUTHORITIES FRIENDLY TO SPAIN AND HOSTILE TO THE UNITED STATES DUR- ING THE SPANISH- AMERICAN WAR. If there has been a lingering doubt in the mind of any thoughtful American as to the sympathies of the Vatican and the Papal authorities with Spain, and of their hos- tility to the United States in the late Spauish-Americau war and in its result'^, that doubt must be dissipated by the following quotations from the Roman Catholic and clerical press of Rome, Milan, and Naples, translated and furnished by an eminent scholar residing in Rome. These are only specimens of an unbroken succession in the same spirit. There has been no discordant friendly note sounded for this republic in the inspired Roman Catholic press at the seat of the Papal power to mar the harmony of hatred for the United States. From La Voce della Verita, Rome : "April 5, 1898.— A telegram afSrms that Spain and the United States have accepted the mediation of the Pope. The Nunzio at Madrid assured the Queen Regent that the Pope was seeking to influence President McKinley, to avoid the con- flict, through Archbishop Ireland." "April 6, 1898.— We are assured from Washington that the Government is not opposed to the intervention of the Pope. We are assured too that not Spain but President McKinley took the first official step for the intervention of the Pope." " April 15, 1898.— There is nothing more to hope. If the haughty President should be compelled to state the reasons which induced him to satisfy his ambition and his mad desire to inflict ruin and misery on his neighbor, certainly it would not be so easy to explain his Injustice and violence. The President of the Republic has appealed to his convictions of having done all in his power to maintain the peace. We are curious to know some of those strong motives which convinced him to act to the contrary. The signing of the Ultimatum has rendered America odious, while Spain has the sympathy of all." From La Vera Roma : "July 17, 1898.— For several days we have been witnessing a very sad spectacle because of the inertia, or better, the malevolence of old Europe. A haughty nation, greedy of conquest, assaults, without any motive in the world, another nation which legally, by right of discovery, of well-doing, and of civilization, possesses a most fertile Island. The European Powers permit at Cuba that justice be strangled by brutal force and they assist impassible, at the sad tragedy, without moving a finger. without offering a syllable for the Latin Sister thus vilely assailed and oppressed. To-day these foreigners devour a part of the patrimony of Europe, the Spanish Colonies; to-morrow they will want to devour those of other European nations. Meanwhile we are as ever the inflexible defenders of the right and admirers of the heroism of a nation truly Catholic. _ . "After the violent aggression of the United States against poor bpam, which 650 Appendix. possessed Cuba and Porto Rico b}" indisputable rights and the occupation of those two fiourishiog islands, conies the aggression against the Philippines, also Si:)auish possessions. But the insatiable hunger of the Americans would devour also these Islands, thus haughtily dispossessing Spain not only in American waters but even in the extreme Orient. In order to render the pill less bitter for the Spaniards they say that the Government at Washington may offer forty millions of dollars. But the honor of Spain is of too much consequence to accept such terms, and the Powers of Europe will not be so indulgent as to allow these American dogs to take this bone." From La Voce della Verita, Rome : "November 7, 1898.— It is hoped that the elections in the United States, on November 8, may be a victory for the Democrats and go against the Republican Party, which dominates under the presidency of McKinley. Then, too, there is some opposition in the Republican Party itself against ]\IcKinley." [Then it cites the speech of Senator Hoar delivered at Worcester.] From La Lega Lombarodia et Milano : " December 4, 1898. — It was necessary that America should triumph completely against her weak rival, and that she should succeed by the insolence of force to trample under foot again the rights which Spain had over the colonial empire left her by Charles V. ; and the ver^^ novel attitude of the United States as conqueror was also necessary in order that Europe might open its eyes to the importance of the victory gained over the exhausted Power while the other Powers did nothing but stand and look out of their windows. One of these Powers not only did not help Spain, but became the open friend of the United States in her insolent success." From La Liherta CattoUka, Naples: "December 6, 1898. — The treaty of peace calls for serious consideration by all lovers of right and justice. It is too true that title to property, even the most certain, becomes of no account when interest dominates and when selfishness is the rule in human affairs. We cannot fail to observe the evolution that has taken place in the Americans since the war began. Ambition has been confounded with duty, and interest has become the rule of right. At first the Americans declared that they simply desired to free Cuba and they have ended with taking as booty all the Spanish Colonies." From L' Ossenatore CattoUka di Milano : " December 13, 1898. — As the intervention of the Pope before the Spanish-Ameri- can war was not without its beneficial effect for Spain, so his intervention among the Peace Commissioners at Paris, in the person of Mons. Chapelle, Archbishop of New Orleans, has obtained great advantages for the Church in the newly acquired American Possessions, that is, the religious orders and Catholic Institutions are to be free and are to retain possession of all the property which they now have. These rights have been recognized by a clause in the treaty of peace so that the United States will guarantee them even in case of a revolution. This great advantage has been the result of the intervention of the Pope through his representative, ilons. Chapelle." From Ossercatore Romano : "December 15, 1898. — Of the treaty of peace between Spain and the United States at Paris last Saturday, the general terms are well known since the signing of the preliminaries at Washington, except the lionlike interpretation, or better, the monstrous sophistication, of the third article of the Protocol on the basis of which Appendix. 621 America has had the courage to tear with violence from Spain the entire avchipclaKO of the PhiHppines. " December 18, 1898.-What peace is that just signed in Paris? 'Die stripping of Spain by tlie same method that was adopted by Piedmont in reference to the Stales of the Clmrch in Italy. After having fomented and supplied with arms and money, under the auspices of the Spanish-American Masonry, the insurrection in ihe Spanisli colonies, the Government at Washington, protesting its false motives of Jnimaiiity. claimed the independence of Cuba and then turned its humanitarian thought toward Porto Rico, the Philippines, etc. Now we hear of an Anglo-Sa.xon Alliance, a new triple Alliance, England, United States, and Germany, a triple Protestant Alliance which threatens Latin Catholicism." THE POPE'S LETTER ON "AMERICANISM"; THE SUB- MISSION OF ARCHBISHOP IRELAND AND THE PAULIST FATHERS. No American citizen of ordinary intelligence and candor can doubt after reading the letter of Pope Leo XIIL to Cardinal Gibbons, bearing date of January 22, 1899, that Rome never changes; that there is no such thing as liberal Roman Cathol- icism; that any liberal and patriotic sentiments uttered in this country by prelates and priests have been absolutely without authority; that Father Hecker of the Paulist Fathers, a convert from Protestantism, misrepresented the spirit of Rome when he claimed that Romanism was in sympathy with American institutions; that the pres- ent Pope is absolutely under the domination of the Jesuits, who have owned him since they took his education in charge when he was eight years of age; that politico- ecclesiastical Romanism is the abiding peril to civil and religious liberty in this and in all lands. Extracts from the letter of Leo XIIL: " It is known to you, beloved son, that the life of Isaac Thomas Hecker, especially as interpreted and translated in a foreign language, has excited not a little contro- versy, because therein have been voiced certain opinions concerning the way of lead- ing a Christian life." The Pope then says that " the underlying principle of these new opinions is that the Church should regard the spirit of the age, and relax some of her ancient severity, and make some concessions to new opinions." These ideas he condemns and quotes the Constitution: " For the doctrine of faith which God has revealed has not been proposed, like a philosophical invention, to be perfected by human ingenuity, but has been delivered as a divine deposit to the Spouse of Christ, to be faithfully kept and infallibly de- clared. Hence that meaning of the sacred dogmas is perpetually to be retained which our Holy mother, the Church, has once declared, nor is that meaning ever to be departed from under the pretense or pretext of a deeper comprehension of them." — Constitutio de Fide Catholica, chapter iv. He says that he and his predecessors have continued, and all his successors must, " in one and the same doctrine, one and the same sense, and one and the same judg- ment." The Pope then says: "From the foregoing it is manifest, beloved son, that we are not able to give approval to those views which, in their collective sense, are called 622 Appendix. by some ' Americanism.' For it would give rise to the suspicion tliat there are among you some who conceive and icouli have the Church in Ainerica to be different from ichat it is ill the rest of the world. "But the true Church is one, as by unit}' of doctrine, so by unity of government, and she is Catholic also. Since God has placed the center and foundation of unity in the chair of blessed Peter, she is rightly called the Roman Church, for ' where Peter is, there is the Church.' Wherefore, if anybody wishes to be considered a real Catholic, he ought to be able to say from his heart the self -same words which Jerome addressed to Pope Damasus: ' I, acknowledging no other leader than Clirist, am bound in fellowship with your holiness; that is, with the chair of Peter. I know that the Church was built upon him as its rock, and that whosover gathercth not with you, scattereth.' " And Americans are expected to believe that the translation of the biography of Father Ilecker so absolutely changed the character of his teachings tiiat they merited elaborate papal condemnation. The following notices appeared in the daily press of Rome, Italy, F'ebruary 2, 1899: "MONS. IRELAND AND THE VATICAX. "Specific orders have been given by Cardinal Rampolhx to the Catholic press of Rome and of Italy that there be no discussion of American Catholicism such as might disturb the favorable disposition of the mind of Mons. John Ireland, who has come to Rome already prepared, so it would seem, to declare himself fully submissive to the will of the Jesuits and hence to the policy of the Vatican. " He will condemn in skillfully worded diplomatic language those American ideas which are contrary to papal authorlt}' and to the union of Catholicism which the Hecker party, protected by Ireland, threatens. " Mons. Keane is charged with the duty of removing all the difficulties in the way of the Archbishop of St. Paul in order that he may fully accept the will of the Pope." The Osservatore Romano of Rome on February 24, 1899, publislud the letter from Archbishop Ireland to the Pope regarding the Pontiff's letter to Cardinal Gibbons on " Americanism," from which we make the following extracts : " With all the energy of my soul I repudiate all the opinions the Apostolic letter repudiates and condemns— those false and dangerous opinions — whereto, as His Holiness, in brief, says certain i^eople give the name of Americanism. "-Most Holy F'ather, they are enemies of the Church in America and false inter- preters of the faith who imagine there exists, or who desire to establish in the United States, a church ditTering a single iota from the Holy Universal Church, recognized by other nations as the only Church Rome itself recognizes or can recognize as the infallible guardian of the revelation of Jesus Christ." Archbishop Ireland concludes with begging the Pope to accept his assurances of love and devotion, and to give him the Apostolic blessing. There can be no doubt that Archbishop Ireland has negatived all his liberal uttei'ances in America while at Rome, and that the Pope in In's letter to Cardinal Gibbons has designed to crush liberality among American Romanists in his condem- nation of " Americanism," and has designedly couched the hotter in such rhetorical verbosit}' that while prelates and priests will understand its repressive meaning. Archbishop Ireland and the Paulist Fathers can still go on claiming to the Americnn people that Ameiican Romanism is liberal. The Pope's letter indorses and intrenches Jesuitism, Corriganisni, and Bourbouism, and condemns and destroys the so-called Appendix. ^23 liberalism of Father Hecker, Cardinal Gibbons, Archbishop Ireland, and tli.'ir follow- ing. Rome never changes. A letter of the infallible Pontiff, pronouncing upon the merits of a healed con- troversy where both parties claim a victory, forces infallibility into llic posilion of Mohammed's coffin. The New York Tribune oi February 26, 1899, said of the Pope's letter : " The truth probably is that the sharp and sometimes bitter controversy which for some years has rent the American Catholic Church made it necessary for the Pope to say something. "He took the erroneous views embodied in the translation of Father Ilecker's ' Life,' and out of them constructed a beautiful and symmetrical man of straw, whicli he then proceeded to demolish. By thus doing he will probably satisfy l)oth parlies and allay the controversy. For the conservatives will say: 'there, you see; llie Holy Father has condemned the false Catholics who deny the "faith." ' Wliile liie liberals will say : ' yes ; and so do we. Where are the impious " wretches " ? ' And in the common hunt for t!ie mythical straw man old differences nuiy be forgotten and new bonds of unity and sympathy created." And this is the iufallible Pope, the Vicegerent of God on the earth. For one moment imagine Jesus Christ writing such a letter for such purposes. The Paulist Fathers have promptly repudiated Father Hecker, whose writings and character gave them standing before the world. The daily press of ^larch 10, 1899, gives the following official statement as to the action of the Paulist Fathers ou the publication of the recent letter of the Pope on Americanism, which touched on the teachings of the late Father Isaac T. Hecker, the founder of the Congregation of Missionary Priests of St. Paul the Apostle: "It makes a detailed statement of the absolute obedience of the Paulist Fathers to the letter and spirit of the Pope's teachings, (pioting their rule as to the thorough spirit of obedience and loyalty to Rome prescribed for the Fathers. " When a new edition of the ' Life of Father Hecker ' is prepared, it will emphasize the Pope's teaching and conform to his judgment in every respect." "THE TRUE AMERICAN CATHOLIC. "Organ of the Roman Committee for the Anti-American Campaign." Dated, Rome, February 4, 1899. " OUR AIM. " The object we have in view in commencing the publication of The True Ameri- can GatJiolic, is to protect the true Catholic faith from the infernal machinations of a sect; which under the name of Americanism attacks and attempts to destroy the real foundations of Christianity. But the attacks of the above sect, made to forward the interests of the enemies of Christ and of His Catholic Church; namely Jew.s, Masons, and International Protestants, will be thoroughly frustrated by our daily constant intervention. " These new American Catholics have raised the banner of rebellion and treason, and in the name of Christ and Paul, with the protection of the millionaire bishop without conscience and without religion, attack the true Church of Jesus Clu-ist and the Papacy. "We tell you at once, oh Monsignor Ireland, that your sacerdotal garb of Archbishop of the Holy Roman Catholic Church will never allow you to become unfiiithful to that pure faith which shines brilliant on tlie brow of the shepherds intrusted by God with the mission of leading the flock of Jesus Christ. 624 Ajyjy&iidix. " The miter that you wear renders you incompatible with the place of combat yoU liave taken against the whole organization of the Church of Rome. " Put the mask aside, oh Monsignor Ireland! For, acting as you do is utterly un- becoming of a gentleman and a priest. " In any case let us remind you that here in Rome, Apostolic seat of Peter and Paul; on this soil rendered sacred and venerated by the blood spilled by the first Christian martyrs, you would bring in vain the sacrilegious echo of an American schism. Here in Rome where Christ himself is Roman, where the old and the new world centers, rises sublime and makes itself felt the only true holy spirit of the man of Nazareth. And the mighty voice of this sublime spirit enjoins to you, through the medium of liis poor and humble followers, in the name of the Almighty God and of the Arch- angel JMichacl to bow down before the Vicar of Jesus Christ and deny the blasphe- mous theories of the heretical sect styled with the name of American Catholicism, which is embodied by you. " Trying to reconcile the American Catholicism to the aspiration of Protestantism, as is dreamed by the Archbishop of St. Paul of Minnesota and by the followers of tlie dictates of the Paulists, of Father Hecker, would mean the destruction of the true Catholic faith in America and its substitution by Protestantism. " This is the true, and only meaning of the great question which is now agitated in the United States. " It is a real war, much more terrible and disastrous than that recently fought with Spain. For that war was waged for worldly ends and material interests, and this is carried on for the conquest of souls in the name of religious beliefs ; in a word it is naught else but a religious war. " It is well known that following the theories of the party of Father Hecker and the Paulists, as well as those of Monsignors Ireland and Klein ; the American or Na- tional Catholic should, instead of the orders and counsels of the bishops, in matters of religion, follow his own personal inspiration. He, the National Catholic, should follow only his inner impulse which he, good or bad, believes in, and says he feels within himself, as if he could dispose in a permanent way at his pleasure of the Divine inspiration of the Holy Ghost. " While Monsignor Ireland, Archbishop of St. Paul, Minn., proclaims with great daring, the so-called principles of liberty and independence of the American Church from the Church of Rome, what is the Cardinal Secretary of State to the Holy See doing ? Wliich arc the measures taken by Cardinal Rampolla in order to put a stop to the spread of the ambitious ideas of the apostate of St. Paul ? " The Jesuits, the only ones who have upheld the interests of the Holy See in this question of the National Catholicism in America, are looked upon by the Secretary of State with dididence, and everything is done in order to lessen their influence with the Pope. " Cardinal Rampolla, who is the only one responsible for this sad state of affairs cannot and probably will never say to the Archbishop of St. Paul, you lie ! And Ireland becomes daily more proud and daring, casting right and left the dollars of which he is the fortunate possessor, and tlie corrupted crowd which is represented by Cardinal Rampolla and his satellites, blinded by this shower of gold, prefer to the glory of God and the real interests of the Papacy the sound of the American yellow precious metal." Archbishop Ireland abjectly sulmiitted to the Pope's condemnation of " American- ism," and the paper from which we have quoted was satisfied and proceeded to die. Appendix. 625 STATISTICS OF IMMIGRATION. From Dorchester's " Christia7tity in the United States." [By permission of Eaton & Mains.] Arrivals, by Nationalities and by Decades, of Alien Passengers and Im.mi- GRANTS [Alien Passengers from October i. 1820, to Decemher 31, 1867 and Immigrants from January i, 186S, to June 30. 1892]. (See footnote.)' Countries Whence Arrived. 1821 to 1830. 1831 to 1840. 1841 to 1850. 1851 to Dec. 31, i860. Jan. I, 1 861, to June 30, 1870. Fiscal years 187 1 to 1880. Fiscal years 1881 to 189a Fiscal years i8qi and 1893. Total. Austria-Hungary. 7,800 6,734 17,094 35,984 787,468 11,728 9,102 72,069 7,221 31,771 72,206 718,182 55,759 16,541 353,719 20,177 88,132 50,464 1,452.970 307,309 53,701 568,362 265,088 6,535 81,988 657,488 149,869 151,178 7.340 21,252 I3,»9i 244 .3 '2 138,191 12,466 107.157 192,615 5,657 14,219 104,575 24,077 11I1I73 Belgium Denmark 27 169 8,497 6,761 408 1,078 91 91 2,622 3,226 22 1,063 45,575 152,454 2,253 1,412 1,201 646 2,954 4,821 5,074 539 77,262 434,626 1,870 8,251 13,903 656 2,759 4,644 4,738 3,749 76,358 951,667 9,231 10,789 20,931 1,621 10,353 25,011 585.666 51,333 163.76!) 379,637 Italy 4,748.440 Netherlands Norway and Swe- 526.749 113.340 Kussia and Poland Spain and Pcrt'gal Switzerland 4,536; 52,254 8,493 9,893 23,286 28,293 1.032. 188 517,507 49.266 185.488 United Kingdom: England a Scotland Ireland; 22,167 2,912 50,724 73,143 2,667 207,381 263,332 3,712 780,719 385,643 38,331 914,119 568,128 38,768 43S778 460,479 87,564 2,534.955 347,900 3,592,247 1 Total United Kingdom. . . 75.803 283,191 1,047,763 1,338,093 1,042,674 984,914 1,462,839 239,825 6.475.102 All other countries of Europe 43 96 155 116 210 656 10,318 4,954 16.548 Total Europe. British N. Ameri- can Possessions. 98,816 2,277 4,817 105 531 3,834 495,688 13,624 6,599 44 856 12,301 1,597,502 41,723 3,271 368 3,579 13,528 2,452,657 59,309 3,078 449 1,224 10,660 2,064,407 153,871 2,191 96 1,396 9,043 2,261,904 383,269 5,362 210 928 13,957 4,721,602 392,802 1,913 462 2,304 29,042 *i. 152,457 iO 576 1,344 5,673 14,845,033 1,046,87s Central America. . South America . . . West Indies 2.310 12.162 98.038 Total America 11,564 33,424 62,469 74,720 166,597 403,726 426,523 7.593 1,186,616 Isl'softheAtlantic 352 103 337 3,°90 3,446 10,056 15,798 61,711 fififin 2,484! 35,666 China 2 8 8 40 35 47 41,397 61 64,301 308 123,201 622 5,564 10,826 296,219 18.581 All other countries Total Asia... 10 48 82 41,458 64,609 123,823 68,380 16,390 314.800 16 52 55 210 312 229 437 382 1.693 Isl's of the Pacific. All other countries and islands 2 32,679 9 69,801 29 52,777 158 25,921 221 15,232 10,913 1,54° 12,574 1,299 3,862 235 27.768 199.484 Aggregate.... 143,439 599,125 1,713,251 2,598,214 2,314,824 2,812,191 5,246,613 1,183,403 16,611,060 a Includes Wales and Great Britain not specified. b Includes 777 from Azores and 5 from Greenland. £■ Immigrants from British North American Possessions and Me.xico are not included since July i, i38s. Note. — The immigrants for years 1820-1892 have been reported at 16,611,060 The immigrants for year ending June 30, 1893, have been reported at. 497,936 The immigrants for year ending June 30, 1894, have been reported at. 311,404 17,420,400 Total 1790 to 1820 234.000 Aggregate 1790 to June 30, 1894 ' '7,654,400 626 Appendix. QUALIFICATIONS FOR VOTING IN EACH STATE OP THE UNION. (Coramunicatocl to the " World Almanac " and corrected to date by the Attorneys General of the respective States.) In all the State."! except Colorado, Idaho, Utah, and Wyoming: the right to vote at general elections is restricted to males of 21 vtars of ape and upward. Women are entitled to vote at school elections in several States. They are entitled bv law to full suffrage in the States of Colorado, Idaho, Utah, and Wyoming. Requirements as to Citizenship, Previous Residence Required. States. Persons Excluded from Suffrage. In In In In Pre- htate. lyr. County. Town. cinct. Alabama.* Citizen of United States or alien 3 mo. 30 dys. 30 dys. Convicted of treason or other who has declared intention. felonies, idiots, or insane. Arizona Tr. Citizen of United Stiitrs la) lyr. 90 dys. 10 dys. 10 dys. Indians ami chiiiaiiien. Arkansas. •• Citizen of United States or alien who has declared iuttiition. 1 yr. 6 nio. 30 dys. 30 dys. Idiots, insane, convicted of fel- ony, until pardoned, failure to pay poll-tax. California* Citizen by nativity, naturaliza- tion (90 days prior to election), or treaty of Queretaro. 1 yr. 90 dys. 30 dys. Chinese, idiots, insane, embez- zlers of jmblic moneys, con- victed of infamous crime, t Coloraao.» Citizen or alien, male or femaU', who has declared inti-utiou 4 months prior to eloc'tion. Citiz»'n of United States who can mo. 90 dys. 30 dys. 10 dys. Convicted of crime, bribery in pubUc office. Conn.* 1 yr. 6 mo. Convicted of heinous crime, un- read I'^nti-lish lan^'uasrc. less pardoned. Delaware.* Citizen who sliall have paid a 1 yr. 3 mo. 30 dys. Insane i>i rsous and paupers or persons ctinvicted of felony. retfi-stratiou fee of %\, and who is duly registered as a qualified voter. Dis. of Col. See foot note on following- pag-e. Florida." . Citizen of the United States. 1 yr. 6 mo. Idiots, duelists, convicted of fel- ony or any infamous crime. Georgria. * Citizen of the U. S. who has paid all his taxes since 1877. 1 yr. C mo. Convicted of felony, unless par- doned, idiots, and insane. Idaho.* Citizen of the United States, male or female. 6 mo. 30 dys. 3 mo. 10 dys. Idiots, insane, convicted of fel- ony or treason. Illinois.* Citizen of the United States. lyr. 90 dys. 30 dys. 30 dys. Coinicted iif felony or bribery in elections, u.nless restored to citizenship, idiots, lunatics. United States soldiers, sailors. Indiana.* Citizen or alien who has declared 6 mo. 60 dys. 60 dys. 30 dys. intention and resided one year and marines, and persons con- in United States. victed of infamous crime. Iowa.* Citizen of the United States. 6 mo. fiO dys. (el (e) Idiots, insane, convicted of in- famous i-riine. Felons, insane, rebels not re- Kansas. * Citizen of United States or alien 6 mo 30 dys. 30 dys. 30 dys. who has declared intention. stoi'ed to citizenship (d). Kentucky.* Citizen of the United States. 1 yr. 6 mo. ft) dys. 60 dys. Convicted of felony, idiots, and insane. Idiots, insane, convicted of fel- Louisiana.* Citizen of United States (f) 2 yrs. 1 yr. 6 mo. ony or treason, unless par- doned, with express restoration of franchise. Maine.* . Citizen of the United States. 3 mo. 3 mo. 3 mo. 3 mo. Paupers and Indians not taxed. Mai-yland.* Citizen of the United States. 1 yr. 6 mo. Convicted of felony, unless par- doned, lunatics, persons " nou compos mentis." Mass.* Citizen who can read and write (b). 1 yr. 6 mo. 6 mo. 6 mo. Paupers ;ind persons under Kuardiaiiship. Michig'an.* Citizen or alien who declared in- tention to become a citizen prior to May 8, 1S92 (b) Citizen of United States who has 6 mo. 20 dys. 20 dys. 20 dys. Indians with tribal relations, dueUsts, and accessories. Minnesota.* 6 mo. 30 dys. Convicted of treason or felony. been such for 3 months preced- unless pardoned, under g^uai- intf election. dianship, insane, Indians ini- taxed. Insane, idiots, Indians not taxed. Mississippi.* Citizen of the United States who 2 yrs. lyr. lyr. 1 yr. (c) can read or understand Consti- felons, persons who have not tution. paid taxes. Missouri.* Citizen of United States or alien who has declared intention not less than 1 year or more than 5 before election. 1 yr. 60 dys. 60 dys. 60 dys. Persons in poorhouses or asy- lums at public exjiense, those in prison or who have been convicted of infamous crimes. Montana.* Citizen of the United States (b) 1 yr. 30 dys. 30 dys. 30 dys. Convicted of felony, unless par- doned, idiots, insane, U. S. soldiers, seamen, and marines, Indians. Nebraska.* Citizen of United States or alien wlio has dei'lared intention thirty dayw before election. 6 mo. 40 dys. 10 dys. 10 dys. Convicted of felony, unless re- stored to civil riKhts, persons "non comiKis mentis." Nevada.* Citizen of the United States. 6 mo. 30 dys. 30 dys. 30 dys. Idiots, insane, unpardoned con- victs, Indians, Chinese. N. Hauip.* Citizen of the United States (b) 6 mo. 6 Jiio. 61110. 6 mo. Insane or paujiers. • Australian ballot law or a modiOcation of it in force, t Or a person unable to read the Constitution in English and to write his name, (a) Or citizens of Jlexico who shall have elected to become citizens under the treaties of 1S4.S and IS.il. (hi Women ran vnte in s^honl elections, (c) riercvmen are (lUnlitieil after six montlis" residence in iirecinct. (d) Also those under guardiarisliiii, ipiiblic enibcz/lers, k'uilty of bribery, or ciislioiicir.ibly disch.'irK-eil from tlie I'lnled St.il.s serviee. (e Only aetnal resid-rn'.- r.-.|Uir.Ml. .f. If unable to re.ad and write .-is |.rovi,ieil by the ( 'oust it\iti(iii, tlieii lie sli.ill be entitled to r'ncister and yiite if b.- sbnll iit t he time he olTcrs to n-^'ister, b- I li ■ b.iiirv lid. • own, r of |.r..pcrly .-i-s, smmI (.. him 111 tie State at a valuation of not le:.s than S.iiK) on th- assessment roll of the current year in which he offers to register, or on the roll of the preceding year, if the roll of the current year shall not then have been completed and filed, and on which, U puch property be personal only, all taxes due shall Lave been paid, Appendix. QUALIFICATIONS FOR VOTING- Con«»iMed. 627 Requirements as to Citizenship. N. Jersey.* Citizen of the United States. N. M. Ter. Citizen of the United States. N. York.* Citizen who shall have been a citizen for ninety days prior to election. N. Carolina. Citizen of the United States. Citizen of the United States, alien who has declared inten- tion one year and not more than six years prior to election, „, . and civilized Indian.t (a) 9W"-^, Citizen of United States, (a) Okla. 1. (a) Citizen of United States or alien who has declared intention. Wliite male citizen of United States or alien who has declared intention, (a) Citizen of the United States at least one month, and if 22 years old or more must have paid tax Tju ^ T » within two years. Rhode I.* Citizen of the United States. S. Carohna. Citizen of the United States. Ce) S. Dakota.* i Citizen of the United States or alien who has declared inten j tion. (a) Tenn.* [Citizen of the U. S. who has paid poll-tax of preceding- year. Texas • .Citizen of the U. S. or alien who has declared intention six months prior to election. Utah.* Citizen ot the United States, male or female, who has been a citizen ninet.v days. Vermont.* Citizen of the United States. Virg-inia.* Citizen of the United States. AVash'n.* Citizen of the United States. West Va.* Citizen of the State. Wisconsin.* Citizen of United States or alien who has declared intention. Wyoming-.* Citizen of the United States, male or female. Previous Residence Rkquiked. In 'tate. 1 yr. 6 mo lyr. 1 yr. 1 yr. 1 yr. 6 mo. 1 yr. 2 yr .(b) 2 yr. (c) 6 rao.§ 1 yr. 1 yr. lyr. 1 yr. 1 yr. lyr. 1 yr. 1 yr. lyr. In County. 5 mo. 3 mo. 4 mo. 90 dys. 30 dys. 60 dys. 30 dy.- 1 jr. 30 dy.' 6 mo. C mo. 3 mo. 90 dys. 60 dys. 1 yr. 60 dys. In Town. In Pre- cinct. ) dys. 30 dys. 60dyr!. 30 dys. 10 dys 30 dys. 30 dys. 30 dys. 20 dys. 30 dys. 4 mo. 10 dys. 3 mo. 30 dys. 10 dys. Cd) 60 dys. 30 dys. 30 dj-s.' (d) 10 dys. Persons Excludod fioiii Sulli. Idiots, pauiiem, innane, oou- victed of crliiip. iihIokh par- doned or resloi ,.<) l,y law Convicted of felony, unk-Ks f.»r. donrd Unit.-il stnl.-.^ w.l.hcr orcanii>foll a btate prison cr iHnit.-ntiary lor f.lony or mht-r InfiinioiiH crime: persons wlio liave re- C(-ived or ofl'.ri-d to recard of Estimate and Apportionment, meetings of, described, 448 Bogardus. first minister, 16 Bologne, Austriaus at, 192 Boniface VIII., 198 Boss and boss-ship, Bourke Cockran on, 405 ; de- rivation of, 403 ; description of, 408 ; disquisition on, 403-405 Boston, 33 Boston (cruiser), 153 Boniface VIII., I'num Sanctam, bull of, 606 A Bouquillon, Rev. Thomas, discusses source of authority to educate, 334 Bowdoin, James, 51 Boycott, Captain, 401 Boycott, the date and place of invention of, 402 ; derivation of, 401 ; definition of, 402 ; menace of, S87 ; States prohibiting, 407 ; States virtually prohibiting, 408 Bradford, William, 20 ; elected Governor of Plym- outh colony, 26; his "History of Plymouth Plantations," 20 ; re-elected Governor, 27 ; Salem colonists aided by, 31 Brainerd, Cephas. 316, 519 Brazil, Archbishop Bedini, Nimcio to, 192; ex- pulsion of Jesuits from, 504 Brewster, Willi«m, 20 ; Post at Scrooby, 21 Bright, John, quoted, 63 Brooklyn (cruiser), 153 Brooklyn. Bi>hoi) McDonnell of, 839; Eagle, Hugh McLaugiilin in, 271 Brondell, Bishop John B., 293 Browne, Rabbi, 40 Brownson, Dr. Orestes A., claims Catholic Church brings foreignism to this country, and its adhe- rents remain foreigners, 481 ; declares parochial schools perpetuate foreignism, .344 ; on relations of church and state, 84 ; quoted on " Protestant- ism and Infldelitv," 413 ; sketch of life of, 201 Bryce, Professor, 104 ; on American institutions, 547; on religious freedom, 89 Buckle, quoted, 133 Buffalo, Bishop Quigley of, 239 Bulkeley, Peter, 37 Bull Unmn Sanctam. 606 A Bulletin de la Fresse, i«, 364 Burchaid, Rev. Dr., S. D., exact facts as to "Rum, Romanism, and Rebellion" speech of, 410; re- fusal of, to publicly retract or explain, 411 Bureau of Catholic Indian Missions. 522 ; General Morgan's victory over, 301 ; relations between, and Indian office severed, 297 ; Report of, 201 ; sketch of, 292 ; strictures on, 294, 295 ; work of schools under, 299 Bureau of Engravings, promotions in, 313 Burke(quote(l), 66, 211 Burlington CN. J.), 54 Businger and Shea, quoted, 191, 202; on Catholic relations to Civil War, 417; on Godless schools, 321 "Business of the Books, Censures and Index, The," 358 Butler. Rev. Dr. William, on Jesuitism, 255 ; on the attitude of the pai)ncy in our Civil War, 415; Wra. Allen, 316; argues in favor of Sixteenth Amemlment in Congress, 525 Byron, Thomas F., claims Catholic laymen do not want parochial schools, 345 Cadiz. Drake's work at, allasion to, 159; English naval victory at, 128 Caisar, 13 California, effect of acquisition of, 586 Calvin, 44 ; characterization of, 38 Cambon, M., instructed by M. Hanotaux to jircvent w:ir wi;h Spiiiii, 614 A Canada, clerical intiinulalion in, 236, 2'j7 Canon Law, defined, C02 A ; Eight sources of, and ultimate source of, 602 A ; why so named, 602 A ; Von Schuhe's digest of, 188 Canonical admonition of Father Ducey, 432 Cantor, Senator, punished by Croker fnr disobe- dience, 437 Cape Cod, Pilgrims arrive at, 24 Cai)ital and labor, relations between, how compli- cated, 393 Carlisle, attack on Indian School at, 349 Carlyle quoted, 181, 198 Carroll, Anna Ella, gives history and perversion of Tammany, 418 ; Charles, of Carrollton, 60 ; Henry K., LL. D., 93 ; John F.,442 ; Croker's lieutenant in his absence, 452 Carmelites, barefooted, 320 C^aroline Islands, Pope's arbitration between Spain and Germany, 472 Carr, Lieut. J. A., quoted, 130 Carter, Thomas H., National Committeeman, 314 ; Archbishop Ireland's letter to, 265 Cartier, Jacques, 46 Carver, John, joins Pilgrims at Leyden, 23 ; made Governor of Pilgrim colony, 25; death of, 26; secures grant for Pilgrims, 23 Castile and Aragon, union of, 121 Catherine de Medici, duplicity of, 40, 41 "Catholic and Protestant Countries Compared," 488 " Catholic Church in the United States, The," 324, 512 Catholic, Church, State within a State, 287 ; Club, fight of, against anti-sectarian amendment to Con- stitution, 384; Congress, Columbian Exposition, Miss Elder at, quoted, 508; liberalism, condemna- tion of. 236. 237; majority in America, Froude on, 257; organization. Rev. D. C. Cunnion on, 401, 402 ; press, when deserving of canonical censure, 307 ; Protectory, 390 ; teachers, political duty of. 501 Catholic Citizen, opinion of, on the public schools, 345 " Catholic Directory " (Hoffmann's), quoted, 293 Catho'ic Herald, 366. 367 Catholic Mirror, on drink and Catholicism. 414 Catholic Fevietv. quoted, 2S8, 261. 363; on Arch- bishop Ireland's defeat of Constitutional amend- ment in 1896, 207 Catholic Times, quoted. 507 Catholic World, quoted, 200, 414 ; on duty of Catho- lics in politics, 493 Cavalier, the characterization of, 58 ; part of, in settling America, 57 Cavite, treachery at, 465 Cebu, 167 Censorship of the Press, 114 Centenary, of R. C. Hierarchy in U. S., 199; ser- mon of Archbishop Ireland quoted, 199 Central News disjiatch, 403 Century Maaazine, Captain Sigsbee in, on Maine funeral. 497 Cession of Cuba to Pope, 463 Chameleon, description of, 200 Chapelle, Archbishop P. L., 293; useful to Rome, amongst numbers of Peace Ooraniission. C20 A Chaplaincy, Father Rosen's fight for, 278 Charles I., 21 Charles II 55 87 Charles V.,' 14; empire of, Motley on, 120 Charles X., 71 Charles, Prince, distrust of, 30 Charlestown, 33 Charlevoix, County, election, 236 Chateaubriand (quoted), 64 "Chautauqua, Movement," 111; Lit. and Set. Circle, object of. Ill, 112 Chester, Justice, upholds Supt. Skinner in Water- vliet school appeal, 348 Chicago, Archbishop Feehan of, 259 ; Peace Jubilee in, 157 Chidwick, Chaplain, ostentatiously advertises his church connections, 484 Chief Justice of U. S., first, 51 Children of the American Revolution, 5.59 ; of the Light (Quakers, Friends^ .5.3, .54; religious pro- visions for " iu)ii-parochial," 328 "Children of the Bible," Huguenots, 44 Children's Aid Society, 382 Index. G31 Child-Study Congress of Pnnlist Fathers, 339 Christian Advocate, allusion to, 303 Christian Herald, services of, 147- statistics Dub- lished by, 148 ' "Christianity in the United States," quoted, 512 Christianity, part of law of the laud, sra • the national religion (Bryce), 89 ' Christmas, a festival with Dutch, 17 Church and state. State Constitutions on, 89 • sepa- ration of, Leo XIII. on, 221 ; dangers from' union of, 82 ; separation of, 81 ; sphere and function of 79 ; theories as to, 61 Church, a Sovereign State, 603 A, 610 A ; can inflict temporal, physical, and spiritual puninhmenis 611 A; in U. S., 603 A; judicial powers of, 608 A ; legislatise and executive power of, 004 A; Prot- estant errors as to status of, 608 A ; property reason for remission of taxes, 96 ' "Church, The, and The Age," Archbishop Ireland's sermon on, quoted, 478, 479 Churches, R. C. and Evangelical, comparative sta- tistics of, 513 Cincinnati, Bishop Purcell of, attitude as to public schools, 343 ; History of the Society of, 551 • Order of, 420 Circular letter, Archbishop Kain prepares, 370 " (.'ivic Interrogations," 238 ; Archbii-hop Corrlgan's comments on, 240-243; strictures on Archbishop Corrigan's answer to, 244, 245 Ci^il, and Common law, 65; and ecclesiastical poiver; which to prevail, 209; and Religious Liberty, relations of, 78 ; liberty, claims of, con- demned, 217 ; liberty, essential character of, 208 ; Service, 572 ef. seq.; Service Reform Law and its effects, 577-579 ; War, attitude of Papacy during, 415; reason for its hostility, 415 ; War, disabilities of, abolished, 150 ; War, R. C. Church deprecated, 417 Civilita Cattolica, 228 Civilizations, Anglo-Saxon and Latin, 121 ; English and Latin, vital difference between, 135 ; Latin and Anglo-Saxon contrasted, 143 Clement V. (Pope), enacts church law of summary judicial proceeding in matrimonial causes, 609 A Clement VII., a foe to Reformers, 40 Clement XIV., abolishes Jesuits, 198 Clerical, intimidation in Canada, 236, 237, 496 ; vote in Rome, 507 Clergymen, exclusion of, from oflice, 88 Cleveland, President, 316 Clifton, Mr. Richard, clergyman, 20 Cloistered nuns, privileges of, as superior to the law, 310 Cockran, Bourke, on the political " boss," 405 Coligny, 44; aids Huguenots in colonizing Brazil and North America, 45 Collegio Romano, restoration of, to Jesuits, 198 Collum, Senator, 173 Colonial, Dames of America, 559 ; Daughters of the Seventeenth Century, 559 ; Order, 558 ; Society, 558 Colonization, Dutch, aristocratic features of, 16 Columbia, District of, composition of Court of Ap- peal, 309 " Columbian Orations " of Mr. Depew, quoted, 567 Columbian Order, 395 Columbus, 45; discovers Cuba, 104; discovers Porto Rico, 100 ; heirs of, lawsuit against, 130 ; statue of, stoned at Granada, 103 "Columbus, Knights of," 395; object of. 390; membership, how increased, 396 Commercial Advertiser, on papal mediation, 615 A Commission to Satolli, Pope's, language of, 194 Commissioner, McCartney, verbal order of, 441 ; Morgan, suggested price for confirmation of, 290; of Indian Affairs, General Morgan, 200 ; of Indian Affairs, General Morgan, attempt to defeat con- firmation of, 292 "Committee of Correspondence, Inter-colonial," 58 Committee on Foreign Affairs, report of, 157 Compact of Pilgrims, 24 Compulsory school attendance laws. Archbishop Spalding on, 505 Common and civil law, 65 Common schools, assaults on, 100 ; Dr. McGlynn on, 344 ; free, necessity for defense of, 542, el seq. ; origin of, 97 ; religionn qiiention In oondiict of, 100 ; sources of suj-port of, 99 ; syuti'm, Wl Concord, 153 Concordat, second article of, between Spain and Holy See, 320 Conde, Prince of, 44 Confessional, abuse of, 123 Congregatioriiil Cluircli of Massiuhusi'lln, nr*t, 32 Congress, resolntionx of, nlating to Cuba, U8 Conkling. Roscoe, 412 Connecticut, I'kvi'luud's nuccess in (1892) ex- plained, 201 ; settlement of, 35 Connolly, Richard B., preceptor of C'roker, 455 " Consent of the governed," comment on, OH "Constitutio de Fide Catliolicii," quolf.l, Ox'l A Constitution, ami-sectarian ameudnunl lo, how defeated, 385 ; re.xult of defeat, 380 ; Knglish, un- written, 70 ; of U. S., written, 70 ; of I'. S.. Kirm Amendment to, 83 ; Spanish, of 1870, quoUd, 219 Coustitutional, anienihncnt of 1890, altenipled. reasons for, 20J, 205 ; defeat of, through Arch bishop Ireland, 200; Convention, Mr. ("oudert before, 330; amendment suggested by C'oniuiilteu on Education, 338 Contract-school system, question of, to be re- opened, 302 Convent of Mercy, remarks on, 439 Coogan, James J!, 459 Cook, Captain, discovery of Hawaiian Islands by, 171 ; Joseph, on American journalism, 119 Cooley, Judge, quoted, 90; on law and religion, 100 ; opinion of, on relation of civil law to Christianity, 92 Corcoran, Father, succeeds in establishing sec- tarian public school at Stillwater, Minn., 329 Corning, assault on school fund at, W8 Cornwall, Dr. Edward E., in N. Y. Sun, quoted, 140 Correspondence between Arclibishop Corrigan and Father Ducey, 432-435 Corrigan, Archbishop, 177, 293, 301, 343, 426; abuses Italian Government, 283; Jubilee of, 428; parochial school children at, 484; leltt seq. Itatia. cables Vatican of President McKiuley's friendly attitude, 616 A Italian-American press, criticisms of papacy in, contrasted, 365 Jackson, Andrew, President, leader of Tammany, 420 James I. (England), 72; ascends throne, 23, 29; failure of, to understand English spirit, 29 Jay, John, 519 : William, 51 Jefferson, I'resident, 74, 75 ; declares free schools essential totheri-pubiic, 542 ; quoted on separation of church and state, 88 Jenkins, Rev. Thomas J., pamphlet of, on Godless schools, 335 Jerusalem, Beth Jacob Synagogue in, 160 Jesuit allies of Indians, 48 ; priest, letter of, against Education Bill, 290 Jesuitism, progress of, 505 Jesuits, abolition of, by Clement XIV., 198 ; Carlyle's characterization of, 198; Dr. William Butler on. 255; instrumental in securing decree of papal iufallibiliiy, 197; Leo XIII. pupil of, 195 ; Leo XIII. restorer of, to power, 108 : Order of, sketch of, 197 ; remarks on, 473, 474 Jewish liberality, 227 Jews, expulsion of, from Spain, 124 Jouinal, New York, interview with Leo XIII. in, 514 ; on Pope's interest in Spain, 614 A ; on "Tammany Hall clique." 443 Jonrnalof Commerce, on " imperialism," 591, 593 Judwo-Rbman combinations, 281 "Judges of Faith and Godless Schools, The," 325 Jiiuior Order American ^Mechanics, 564 Jury trial established among Pilgrims, 27 Jns canonicum, and equivalent terms, 602 A Jus commune, C03 A Jus Rationale, 603 A Kaiser, William, obtains support of Centrists by ])rotecting Catholic interests, 254 Kainehanuha III., 173 Katzer, Archbishop, 343 Kearney, "Ed.," 443 Keller, John \V., Charities Commissioner, 440 Kelly, John, relations of, with Richard Croker. 456 K(Misington, Cardinal Manning's sermon at, 208 Kerens, R. C, kills Republican plank against sectarian appropriations, 266 Kernan, Fiancis, defeats school legislation in U. S. Senate, 291 King, James M., 519 Klopsch, Dr., 147 Knights of Columbus, 396, 397 ; of Malta, 565 Knox, John, 56, 97 Know-Nothingism, in Low vote, 272, 273 Know-Nothings, 193 ; General Grant classed with, 331 Kiihle, School Siii)irintcndent, relations of, with Archbishop Ireland, 342 Labor organizations, Leo XIII. on, 894 ; relations of Romanism to, 392 Ladrone Islands, 168 ; description of, 170 Index. 0:3.) Lafayette, Marquis de, 71 ; on American libertiop, Laishley, Clievalier, report of, oa American educa- tional system. 103 Lakewood, Crolier at, 429, 451 La Lega LonibarocUa et Milano, on triuuinli of America, CO A La Liberia Callolica (Naples), on American " evo- lution " during war, 620 A Lament, Secretary of War, grants permit to erect R. C. chapel on West Pointgrounds, 303 ; revokes it, 304 ; on political pressure, again grants it, 305 La Montagne, Dr., 17 Langevin, Hon. Mr., elected to Canadian Parliament by clerical intimidation, 236 Langlois, Rev. Father, on liberalism in Canada, 237 La Rabida, Juan Perez, prior of, 130 La Rochelle, siege of, 42 "Las Marianas," 170 Lathrop, George Parsons, on "Religious Tolera- tion," 228 Latin and Anglo-Saxon Civilizations, 121 Latin civilization, reason for failure of, 143; Powers, decadence of, 131 Lattimer(Pa.), prosecuting committee, composition of, 399 ; riots at, 399 Laurier, Sir Wilfrid, memorializes the Pope against ecclesiastical interference in Canadian politics, 496 Lauterbach, Edward, kills Republican plank against sectarian appropriations, 266 Lavelle, Rev. M. J., 439 La Vera Roma, on aggression of the United States, 620 A La Voce delta Verita (Rome), on Papal mediation, 619 A ; hopes for Democratic success, 620 A Law, civil and common, 65 Lawrence, Rev. Mr., 410 League of the Red, White, and Blue, 559 Lecky, Walter, on political power of priests in Ire- land, 256 ; quoted on relations of Catholic Church to the state, 287 Lee, General FitzHugb, 153, 498 ; Richard Henry, 53 Leicester, Francis Higginson of, 33 Le Lievre, A., on numerical strength of Romanism, 506 Loo XIL restores Collegio Romano to the Jesuits, 196 Leo XriL, accnsed by catholic layman of illiberality, 422 ; advises Catholics to exert political power in United States, 215 ; advises isolation of Catholics, 481 ; anxiety of, to arbitrate in Spanish-American War, 462; arbitrates between Spain and Germany, 472; declares himself prisoner of the Vatican, 283 ; deplores American principle of separation of church and state, 221, 222 ; educated by Jesuits, 196 ; encyclical of, against Freemasonry, 397 ; encyclical of 1895, opinion of Catholic on, 422 ; encyclical of, in labor organizations, 394 ; en- cyclical of, on Manitoba school law, 339 ; his opinion of Thomas Aquinas, 209 ; instructs Catholics in their political duties, 2.")3 ; intimate knowledge of obscure politicians of , 285 ; letter of submission of American Catholic editors to, 361 ; many-sided political ability of, 205 ; on duty of Catholics in politics, 263 ; on religions freedom, 375 ; on Spanish-American War, 514; political ambition of, 195 ; regrets Protestant move- ment in Italy, 376; restores Jesuits to power, 193; teaches resistance to civil law, when it con- flicts with laws of Church, 210 Lepanto, battle of, 128 Lessons from our history, 583, 584 Letter of Pius IX., facsimile of, to Jefferson Davis, 415; of Roman Catholic Archbishops at outbreak of Spanish War, 465 Lewis, Charities Superintendent Herbert W.. report of, on inefficient government-supported Catholic charities, 383 Lexow Investigating Commission, 432, 431,433,434 Leyden, Pilgrims remove to, 22 Liberal, Catholicism, Schroeder on, 216 ; Catholics, Pius IX. condemns, 214 . . Liberty, and Law, definitions of, 61-65 ; civil, and religious limitations, of , 80 ; modern, Leo XUi. on 215; of the press, date of, in European countrieg, 115 ; religious, In America, hintory of, 84 " Liberty of |)crditioii," 1,^'5 "Liberty of I'nlicenKed Printing," 1:5 Lieber, quoted, 64, 1K7 " Life of ColinniiMs," 126 " Life of Leo XIII.," quoted, 1-12, 193, 190 472 Liliuokalani, (^ueen, 172 Lima, assault on school fund nt, 31S LitHe James, Pilgrim ship, arrival of, ut Plymruth, 26 Lobby, R. C.,293; incorporators of recouetnicled, 302; peril from, outlined, 303 Loco Foco party, origin of, 420 Lodge, Senator, 267 Lollards, 38 London Company, 23 " Los Ladrones," I'O Louis XIV., oppression of Huguenots hy, 42 Louisiana purchase, eHect of, 087 Low Land (Hollow Lund), 13 Low, Seth, defeat of, exi)lained bv Hugh McLnugli- lin, 271 ; vote, the, Hugh .McLailghliu oti, 271 Lowell, James Russell, quoted on iimiiiirratlon, 508 Loyal, Orange Instiiutioa of the L'niied StaieH of America, 564 ; Women of American Llberiy, 5C4 Loyalty to church or state, conflict as to, 211 ; to church before state, Hishop Gllmour prescribes, 4S7 " Loyalty to Church and State," extract from, 170 Lusk, Charles S., 293 Luther. Martin, 38, 45, 122 Luzon. 167 MacArthur, Rev. Dr. R. S., 410 !Macaulay, on church and state, 83 ; on polity of Church of Rome, 187 ; quoted, 2S. 43, 114 Mack, Commissioner Jacob W., on Mayor Van Wyck's school-board appointments, 449 Madison, President, 74 ; on religion and govern- ment, 84 Magellan, Hernando, discovers Ladrone Islands, 170 ; Philippines, 167 ; reaches Straits of Magellan, 168 Mahan, Captain, quoted, 128 Maine (battleship), chaplain of, 484 ; destrnction of, 156 ; Father Phelan on, 371 ; funeral of vic- tims ; experiences of Bishop Fitz (ieraUl and Cap- tain Sigsbee in conned ion therewith, 490. 497 Maine, attempted amciulinent to Constitution of, 226 ; chief sectarian aggressors in, Protestants, 530 ; fate of amendment, o'iO ; theory and prac- tice of a certnin college president in, 227 iMaintenon, Mme. de, 42 Mainz, 113 Malone, Father Sylvester, 279 ; address of, on Tam- many's opportunities for good, 427 Manhattan Island, 15; first American public school on. 98; price of, 16 Manifest destiny, 585 Manila, 170; Bay, 129 Manitoba school law. Encyclical of Leo XIII. oo, 339 Manning, Cardinal, on relations of tlie Churcli to society and the state, 189 ; quoted on infallibdity, 191 ; on the claims of the I'ojie, 2C8 Manning's (Rev. Dr. H. E.) " The Present Crisis of thelloly See,"612 A Jlargaret of Valois, 44 „ . „ ,• JIarion, Francis, protest of, to South Carolina Colonial Convention, 52 Marot, 44 . Marriage and ecclesiastical power, C09 A Mars, Rev. Father, opposes Catholic liberalism in Canada, 237 ^ . • ~./i Marsh, George P., on Index Espurgatorius, 360 Martin, "Jimmy," 442 _ Martinelli. Mgr.. Delegate, decision of in re Father Rosen, 277; important dispatch to \atican, 617 A • news as to Spanish armistice reaches him first, 617 A ; on President McKinley'sgood wishes for success of papal mediation, 616 A Marty, Bishop M., 278, 293 Mary, Qnecn of Scots, 41 „ ^ , . Maryland, religious toleration iu, 2-30 ; R. C. coloni- zation of, 59 ijse Index. Massachusetts, school law (1647), 107 ; first Ameri- can college in, 108 " .Mas-sachiisetts Bay in New England, Ooveixir and Comj)auy of the," 32 Jlassasoit, Indian chief, 25 ^Intanzas, 164 Material resources and strength of U. S., 72 Mather. Cotton, quoted, 50; Richard, .'jr Matrimonial causes, summary judicial proceediuge in, 60y A Matthews, Franklin, scores Tammany in Harper's Weekly for its corruption, 445 Maximilian, 501 Mayaguez, ItJt) Mai/Jloivei; 557; first Pilgrim ship, leaves Plymouth, ^4; retarus to England, 30; second expedition of, 32 ' 1- . Mayflower compact, 24, 55 Mayor of New York, S. F. B. Morse's candidacy, for. 420 McCarren, Senator Patrick H., as a link between Rome and the press, 363 McCartney, Commissioner, allows Sisters of Charity only to collect monev in his Department, 441 McDonnell, Bishop, orders removal ot U. S. flail power. 923; on Pope's influence in politics, S.'8i; on temporal power of the Popes, 2u3; supports ballot reform, 570 Mclntire, Congressman, presents Cardinal Gibbons' petition in House of Representatives, 302 JIcKenna, Attorney General, abused by his core- ligionists for his decision in West Point Catholic chapel ca?e, 487; opinion of, on West Point Catho- lic chapel grant, 305; disappointment of corelig- lonis-ts of, over, 306; John, killed in altercation in which Croker was engaged, 456 McKinley, President, declares American policy, 589; Message of, to Congress on the Cuban War, 148, 149; on Hawaiian assimilation, 173; refers Lamont's West Point grant to Catholics to At- torney General, 305; speech of, at Chicago Peace Jubilee, 157; sp-ech of, concerning work of Hawaiian Commission, quoted, 173 McLaughlin, Hugh, admits Catholic interference in Brooklyn politics, 271; master of Democratic party, 275; thanked by Sunday Democrat, 272 McLellan, John, 519 McMahon, Daniel F., 452 McMillan, Senator, 538 McMurdy, Rev. Dr., 409 McQuaid, Bishop, a candidate for Regent, 279; criticism of, by Sunday Demooat, 277; preaches ajrarnst Archbishop Ireland, 280; rebuked therefor by Rome, 281 Meaux, 40 Mecklenburg (N. C). declaration of, 57 Medieval to modern history, transition from, 38 Medici de, Catherine, duplicity of 40, 41 Memorable events in American history, 595 A Menendez rMelendez), 72; murders Huguenot settlers, 40 Mennonite Mission Board, 530 Merchant Adventurers, 27 Merriam, Governor, 277 " Messenger of the Press," 114 Messenr/er of the Sacred Heart, 323 Methodist Book Concern, .363 Methodist 'J'imes, quoted, 507 Mexico, conquest of. 126; liberation of, 126; Dr. William Butler on, 255 "Mexico in Transition from the Power of Political Romuninm to Civil and Religious Liberty," 255 MichaeliiiB, John, 16 Military Order of Foreign M'ars, .555 Millj^Jolin Stuart, on American popular intelligence. Miller, Rear Admiral, at Hawaii, 17?, Milton, John, 114, 115; on Popery, 191 Mindanao, 167; discovered by Magellan. 168 Mindoro, 107 Jlinisters, conference of, on Spanish crisis, 155 Jlinnesota, refractory priest in, episode of, 314 :M1nturn, Lawyer, quoted, 177 Minuit, Peter, first governor, 15 Misgovernnent of cities, Dr. Orestes A. Brownson on, 413 Mission of Mgr. Satolii, objects of, 193 Missionary enterprise, 95 Moderis, civilization, genesis of, 595 A; history three chapters in, 502; society, Cardinal Man- ning's delliiition of, 190 Monroe, doctrine, 589, 587; James, 74 "Monks and their Decline," extract from, 515; pro- scribed by Sacred Congregation, 515 Moors, expulsion of, from Spain, 125 " Morality in the Schools," quoted, 338 Morey letter, 261 Morgan, Indian Commissioner Thomas J., confir- mation of, opposed by R. C. Indian lobby, 294; efficiency of, .-.00; R. C. interference with, 314; severs ofiicial relat!'>::8 with Bureau of Catholic Indian Missions, 297: Senator, 173; Wil- liam Fellowes, 519 Moriarty, School Commissioner, 449 Mormonii-m, defense of school funds by, 289 Morse, Professor Samuel F. B., 184; as a native candidate for Mayor, 420 Morton, Governor, approves ballot reform bill, 571 Moss, Hon. Frank, letter of, to Governor Roosevelt on demoralized police force, 444 Motley, quoted, 14 Muller, Rev. Mich.icl, bock of, abusing public schools. 341; on the Pope's Divine authority, 213 Mnlry, Thomas J., interest of Church authorities in a])po:ntnientof, 440 Municipal enii)loyment, indorsement of religious order in connection with, 392 Murphy, Edward, Jr., master of Democratic party, Murray, Father, relation of, to city administration, 439 Myers voting machine, unconstitutionality of, 236 Naguabo, 106 Napoleon III., 501 Naragansett Bay, 35, 36 National, debt, amount of, 73; Educational Asso- ciation, Archbishop Ireland's address before, 340- his explanation thereof, 341; League for Pro- tection of American Institutions, 52, 289, 303 847, 385, 387; address R. C. Archbishops and Legate Satolii, 529; future purposes of, 542; incorpora- tors and officers of, 5]9; Law Committee of, .'^lO, objects of, 310, 520; pronoses amendment to U. S. Constitution, 520; work of, 51Set fieg. "National ulcer," what it is, 404 Nationality and sovereignty, 66 Naughton, Daniel J., 483 Naumkeag (Salem), 31 Naval Order of the U. S., 550 Nica?a, Council of, 115 Negritos, 168 Negro domination in South, effect of fear of 418 Negros, 167 Netherland nation. Motley's characterization of, 14- state of, under Alva, 127 New Amsterdam, 16, 17 Newark, Bishop Corrigan of, on taxation of clerical property, 247; Bishop Wigger of, 239 Newburgh, birihplace of the Society of the Cincin- nati, 551 New England Society. 5.57 New Hampshire, settlement of. S5 New Mexico, English languages for schools defeated, 288; reason for non-admission of, into Union, 504 New Netherland, 15 New patriotism, disquisition on, 549 et sea.; the, 152 Newtown renamed Cambridge, .34 New Year visits, among Dutch, 17 New York, Archbishop Corrigan of, 203- Bishop Farley of, 239; City oublic schools, state of affairs in, 315; first licensed teachers in, 98; "gangs " in the Sixties, nomenclature of, 454; services of, to education, 98; State Revised Constitution Index. 0.-^7 adopted, 534; Union of Catholic Young Men's Societies, eermon before, 309; Herald, on politi- cal Romanism, 35'J; JouriKil. 30G; Fress, ^Gl; Tablet, opinion of, as to conflict between civil and ecclesiastical courts, 310; Times, on defeat of Charities Amendment, 38iS; on important epoch in the life of Jlr. Croker, 455 Kew Zealand report oa State education, extract from, 102 Korlh American Review, Professor Waldsteln in, 144; Richard Croker in, 423 "Notes on Second Plenary Council of Baltimore," quoted, 610 A Nozaleda de Villa, Archbishop, hopes some strung Western Power will hold Philippines, 406 "Numerical Strength of Romanism," article on, 508, 507 Oahu, 172 Oaths, administering of, to officials and witnesses in matrimonial causes, 609 A O'Bierne, Commissioner, avowedly appointed by Mayor Strong to represent Catholic interests, 439 O'Brien, Judge Morgan J., 3S7; School Commis- sioner, 449 Ogdensburg, Bishop Gabriels, of 239 O'Keefe, father, applies for permission to erect R. C. chapel on Vv'est Point grounds, 303 Old books, rarity of, explained, 380 Old Guard, 553 OUjiiipia, cruiser, 153, 188 Orange, Prince of, 14 Order of Descendants of Colonial Governors, 558; Founders and Patriots of America, 557; Golden Rose, 616 A ; Washington, 556 Oregon, battleship, 153 O'Reilly, on arbitration by Leo XIII., 472; on rela- tions of the Papacy to governments, 193; quoted, 142 Organizations for defense against politico-ecclesi- licism, 561 elseg.; common plaiform of, 562 Oeservatoi-e Romano, 432; Archbishop Ireland's letter in, 622 A; on Papal intervention, 630 A; on the treaty of peace, 621 A "Our Christian Heritage," 214, 325 Oxford (Mass.), 48 Palawan, 167 Palissy, 44 Palmer, Ex- Attorney General, 399 Palmerston, Lord, on Roman intolerance, 218 Panay, 167 Papacy, attitude of, to French Republic, 213; un- dying nature of, 202 " Papacy, and the Civil Power, The," 184 Papal authorities friendly to Spain in the War, 619-620; election, interest of Germany in, 3.54; of Austria, of France and America, 255; envoys, powers of, 607 A; infallibility, belief in, neces- sary to salvation, 613 A; Nuncio in the Philip- pines, 619 A ; supremacy, rights of, 605 A; Zouaves, allusion to, 417 . Papers. R. C, small support of, 363; warned against criticism of bishops, 362 Parents and guardians, right of control, now lost, 378 Paris, First National Svnod of Reformed Churches in France, 40; first Protestant Church in, 40; jour- nals, statistics of, 364; press, result of Roman attempt to control, 364 Parncll, Charles S., invents the boycott, 402 " Parochial Free School Bill " (1893), 328 Parochial schools, American Catholics hostile to, 345- schools. Archbishop Corrigan's demonstra- tion in favor of 313; schools. Dr. Brownson on, 344; schools, regulations as to, .326 Parties in city management, absurdity of, .575 Party organization in city, Roosevelt on, 405 Passaro Cape, destruction of Spanish navy at, 129 Patriotic, Daughters of America, 559 ; League of the Revolution, 559 ; Order Sons of America, 564; orders, harmony between, sugirested, 566 ; Or- ganizations of U. S., National Council of, 532; societies, utility of, 560 Patroon, system, 17 ; title of, 16 Paul, "constitutional lawyer of N. T., 65 Paulist Fathers, Child-study Congress of, 339 ; one of, quoted, 234 ; siibniisBion of, 621 A ; nimdinto Father Ilecker, 623 A Piivani, Fiither Vinceiil, 136 Peace Jubilee, in Chicago, 157 ; protocol, debnto on, 161 Peckham, Wheeler H.. 520; denieg auln-onii-in lo Catholic Chun h, 317; elect Ion to U. K. Supremo Court defeated by R. C. inllueiicc, 317 Penal institutions, U. C., conlributions lo, 414 " Peninsulars," 165 Penn, William, colonizing of I'cnnHylvnnin by. 48 ; founding of Philadelphia by, 55 ; Ouuker declara- tion of , 54 Pension Bureau, reli8 ' Spam and Turkey, p»lillcul decay of, 145; con- cordat between, and Holy See, ;i;!0; indictment against lo5; military depot for Charlew V . r.T- procet'dings of, in Cuba, 147; numbers of force of, in Cuba, 148 Spalding. ArclibLshop, on the renuKu to Rome of separation of churcli and stute in the U. S WW Spanish, -American War of civillziition, 146- colonhd control, four cleincnis of, 162; Kmpire, I'mrlilion- ing of, 1;)9; mendacity, 129; nation, coiicliluiul elemeiitsof, 121; theory of government, 124 ibpeeaiveU, urst Pilgrim sliii), proven unseaworthy. Spoils and merit systems contrasted, 573. 574 Springer, Congressman, presents Sixteentli Amend- ment ni House, .525 Standard, 360 ; controversy of, with ArclibJBliop Corrigan, 240 ; on papal blcgsing of bi)anlBb arms, 617 -■V Stanhope, Lord, on religious toleration, 00 Star Chamber, 114 Stars and Stripes, history of, 628 State, aid to Roman Catholic institutions. Father Phelan on, 369; Constitution, Amendment, Jndye Charles P. Daly on, and his experience, 4K7; definition of, 60; education, lather llecker on. 324; election of 1898, facts concerning, 411, 412; Greek idea of, 64; Roman idea of, 6-1; poweis of, sources of, 08; raifon d'etre of, 79; right of lo educate, 324; limitations of, 335; teachers' con- vention, first, 98 States adopting anti-sectarian provisions, 525 Statistics, Anglo-Saxon and Latin, 145 Stephan, Rt. Rev. Director, J. A., 292, 301; op- poses confirmation of General Morgan, 291; report of, to Superior, concerning Bureau of Catholic Indian Missions, 260 Stillwater. Minn., school question at, 329 St. Augustine (Fla.), 45 St. Bartholomew, massacre of, 41 St. Bridget's Parochial School, 316, 530 ; decision of State Superintendent Skinner in tliu matter of, 347 St. Cloud. Bishop Afartv of, 293 St. Gregory, Order of, 388 St. Nicholas Club, 558 ; Society, 5r.8 St. Paul's Cross, Tyndale's Bible burned nt, 116 St. Tammany Society, or Columbian Order, sketch of, 419, 420 ; cardinal doctrine of, 419 Storrs, Ur. Richard S., quoted, .52; on tlie perma- nency of governments, 580 ; on the power of Christianity to liberate, 582 Story, Judge, quoted on religious liberty, 87 Strong, Dr. Josiah, on separation of church and state, 79, 113; Mayor, admits sectarian appoint- ments. 439 Stuckenberg, Dr., declares Catholicism losing its hold, 505 Stuyvesant, Peter, character of, 17 Subjection of all men to Pope, Boniface VIIL de- crees, 198 Sully, 44 ; aids Huguenots to obtain edict of Nantes, 41 Sun, on Judge White's appointment on Peace Com- mission, 618 A ; on Papal mediation between U. S. and Spain, 615 A, 616 A; account of Catholic Club reception to Colonel Bliss and Mr. Coudert, 387 Sunday Democrat, 273 ; attacks scliool fund*. 532 ; Dr. \Valsh in, on division of school funds, 257 ; on Index Espurgatorius, 360; sectarian division of school fund advocated by, 331 Sunday Union, on Mr. Croker's chanties, 429, 430 Superintendent of Indian Schools, Dr. Dorchester, attempt to defeat confirmntion of. 292 Surratt. John II.. escaping from U. S. is found in Papal Zouaves, 417 , . o.a Suspension Bridge, assault on school fund at, .«» Swedes' colony in Delaware. 61 , • , "Syllahns Errorum," Dr. Schaff's translation of, 217; Props. XLV. and XLVII. (Devares transl. of) 323 6-10 Index. Syllabus, of Errors, Pius IX. in, quoted, 209 ; of Pius IX. on reliirious tolerfitioji, 221 ; on rijilits and powers of chiircb, 222; referred to by IMr. Gladstone, 612 A, 013 A ; quotalious from, 374 Talleyrand declares chief object of state to teach its children to become good citizens, 541 Tammany Society, 395; cause of iis power, 436; Croker's essay in defense of, 423 ; forced levies on business men by, 4.")1 ; indictment of, by Franklin Matthews, 44.); municipal government, respon- sibility for claimed from Cathedral pulpit, 425 ; original object of, 552; jiriestly protestant against, 431 ; religious toleration of, in politics, 453 ; restoration of, to power, in 1898, 423 ; sketch of Croker as boss of, 456 ; terrorism prac- ticed by, 437 ; triple head of, 454 ; unlimited cor- ruption fund of, 450 Temporal power of Pope, Civilita CattoHca on, 2Z8; Italian vote on, 234 ; Jesuits advocates of, 197; origin of, 606 A ; origin and peril of, 223 ; when lost, 204 Thanksgiving Day, origin of, 26 Thebes, Archbisliop of, Mgr. Cajetan Bedini, 192 Thompson, Hon. R. W., on Papacy and civil power, 184 ; quoted, on the Jesuits, 503 " Three great souii as of our institutions," 49 "Three plans," Satolli suggests, 320 Times, New York, Harold Frederic, in, quoted, 463; Henry Raymond in, on Irishmen in America, 488 ; on John Kelly's protection of Croker, 456 Toby, the Indian, tool of Governor of Canada, 48 Toledo, Archbishop of, forges bull of dispensa- tion, 121 Tonelli, Philippe, interview of, with Leo XIII. on Spanish-American War, 514 Torquemada, Friar, Spanish Inquisitor, 122 Trafalgar, battle of, 129 Treaty of Peace, signing of, 170 Trent, Council of, and freedom of the press, 358; ten rules of, on prohibited books, 359 Tribuna (Rome) on Catholic interests in treaty of peace, 618 A Tribune, 425 ; on papal intervention, 615 A, 616 A ; quoted, 395 ; editorial, quoted, 589 • on Croker as dictator, 4.59 ; on Croker's early political activity, 454 ; on Tammany Board of Aldermen, 416, 417 ; on Tammany city administration, 447, 448 Trinidad (W. I.), Archbishop Flood of, 239 True American Catholic, anti-American campaign of, 623, 624 Turkey and Spain, political decay of, 145 Tweed, William M., relations of, with Catholic in- stitutions, 420 Ultramontanism, change of attitude of, 271 ; men- ace of, 270 United, Americans, Order of, 192; American Mechanics, .5(53 United States, Constitution, and the Pope, difference of opinion between, 185 ; Blaine Amendment to, 291 ; defeat of. and result of defeat, 291 ; daugh- ters of, 1776-1812, 5.59; Navy, personnel of, 158; new possessions of, 163 et seq.; Nuncio sent to, by Pius IX., 191 ; police of seas by, 1.56 ; Supreme Court, nomination of Wheeler H. Peckham for Justice of, how defeated, 316 Unlawful things under any of the American Con- stitutions (Cooley), 101 Ursuline nuns, exempt from appearance as wit- nes.-es, 311 Utah, Constitutional Convention in, 535 Utica, First State Teachers' Convention at, 98 Van Twiller, Governor, 16, 17 Van Wyck, Mayor, 429 ; appointments of, tend- ing to Romanize i)ublic schools, 448; appoint- ments of, really dictated by Croker, 451 ; not permitted to reward ex-Mayor Grant, 452 Vatican Council, 213 ; Decrees, Gladstone on, 210 " V^atican Decrws, The, in their Bearing on Civil Allegiance," 612 A (>06 Vaticanism, definition of, 269 " Vaticanism in Germany and the United States," extracts from, 269, 270 Venezuela, Vatican repudiated by, 504 \'ermont, Orestes A. Brownson, born in, 201 Villegagnon, duplicity of, foils Huguenot expedi- tion, 45 Vincent, Rev. Dr. John H., originator of Chautau- qua movement. 111 Vh-ilor (Providence), on Catholic losses, 514, 515 Vilerbo, Leo XIII., pupil of Jes^uit college nt, 106 Von Schulte, Dr. G. F., on Roman canon law, IBS Voice of Leo, when voice of Holy Ghost, 210 Voters, power of the Pope over, 234 Votes, massing of, under bosses, 406 Voting, qualifications for, in States, 626 A ; eoli- darity in, 490, 491 Voxpoindi, vox Dei, meaning of, 65 Waite, Chief Justice, decision of, defining limits of religious liberty, 80 Waldsteiu, Professor, on Anglo-Saxon unity, 144, 145 Walker, John Brisben, appeals to Democrats to overthrow Crokerism, 450 Walter, Father, relations of, with Lincoln's assas- sins, 417 Walworth, Father, disapproves of Pope's interfer- ence in Spanish-American War, 464 Walsh, Dr. Michael, 277; frank statement of, of Catholic position to public-school funds, 258 ; oa bill to establish denominational schools, .331 Warning of Gambetta, 215 Washington, George, 74 ; president-general of order of Cincinnati, 420, 522 Washington, Satolli's educational address at, 332 Watertown, protest of, .33 Watervliet (West Troy), deadlock in board of education at, 348 ; school question in, 346 ; Super- intendent Skinner's course described, 347, 348 Webster, Daniel, 91 ; on influence of the press, 117 ; on John Jay, 51 West India Company, 15 West Point, Attorney General McKenna's opinion on R. C. chapel at, 487 ; bill as to religious worship at, 307, 308 ; Cadet and Soldiers' chapels at, account of, 303 ; denominational petitions, objectof, 804 ; National Board of Visitors, .306; R. C. Chapel at, advice of League to denontina- tions, 540; Roman Catholic Chapel Bill, history of, 303 ; R. C. Chapel, history of, .539 et seq. West Jersey, laws of, 54 Western Catholic Netvs, Harrison's defeat explained in, 2159 Western Watchman, .367 ; editor of, recants, 370 ; on school question, ,368, .369 Weyler, Captain General Valeriano, 132, 147 ; con- siders himself a merciful man, 148 White, Rev. John, relieves colonists at Naumkeag (Salem), 31 ; Senator, confirmed as Supreme Court Judge, 317 Wickliffe, 21 William of Orange, 87 Williams, Roger, 59, 88; banished for claiming religious liberty, 86 ; settles Providence, 35 Winslow, Edward, joins Pilgrims at Leyden, 23 Winthrop, John, quoted, 86; election of, as Gov- ernor of Plymouth colony, 32 Witherspoon, John, appeal of, to signers of Dec- laration of Independence, 57 Worms, Luther at, 45 Young, Father, indorses editor's attitude on schools, 351 ; " Protestant and Catholic .Countries Com- pared," 488 Zola, Emile, 478 Ziircher, Rev. Father George, gives some statistics showing Catholic decline in U. S.,515; his pam- plik^t i)roscribed by the Sacred Congregatiou, 80 he makes " submission," 515 ^H i w^ X^ ax'^ ^' ,s- ,-'^-' .^1 -5- v^^ '^^ .^^' aN -