^-^ ^«^^* ^^'^_ *^ 
 

 , _ '^■.<,^- 
 
 
HISTORY OF AMERICA, 
 
 IN TWO BOOKS. 
 
 CONTAINING, 
 
 1 j1 Getieral History of Arnerica^ 
 
 2 A Concise History of the late 
 
 Revolution. 
 
 A NEW EDITION. 
 
 PHILADELPHIA: 
 PRINTED FOR JAMES WEBSTER. 
 
 1819. 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 BOOK i. 
 
 GENERAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 Extent and Boundaries of America — Grand objeds which It 
 prefents to view — its Mountains—Rivers — Lakes — its ex- 
 ceffive Luxuriance of Vegetation — remarkable Prevalence 
 of Cold —accounted for — Climate not malignant-— nor un- 
 commonly infefted with Infeds and noxious Reptiles . 9 
 
 CHAPTER IL 
 
 General Defcrlption of the Natives — their peculiarities of 
 Ornament and drefs — remarkable Infenfibility to Pain, and 
 to the Inclemencies of Weather— terrible Trials undergone 
 by their Chiefs. a 6 
 
\v CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 iiftoms and Manners of the Aborigines of North-America. 
 IT ore particularly — their Penfivenefs and Taciturnity- 
 Form of Government— Public Aflemblics— Wampums, o: 
 Belts. 38 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 Cuftoms, &c. of the Natives continued—Their Wars— Cere- 
 monies at fetting out — Enfigns— Military habits — Quick- 
 nefs of their fenfes— Vigilance and Circumfpeiilion— Man- 
 ner of Fighting — Treatment of Prifoners — Tortures — 
 Conftancy of the Sufferers — Surprifing Ccntraft in the 
 American Charader. 43 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 Cttftoms, &:c. of the Natives, continued — Treatnient of their 
 dead Friends — Superflitions — Condition of their Women- 
 Ardent Love of Liberty — Crimes and Punifhments — Pe- 
 culiar Manners of different Nations— Longevity. 55 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 Other Pidures of the Native Americans— Anecdote of an 
 Algonquin Woman — Reproached with PufiUanimity — 
 Perfidy — Wcakncfs of Undcrftanding — Indolence and Stu- 
 pidity — Vanity and Conceit— their Eloquence difparag- 
 cd. 64 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 All the Charges in the foregoing Chapter partial, and not 
 
 ' free from mifreprefentatlon — Their Senfibility, &c. — Th^ir 
 
 Courage — Their Politenefs and Civility. 74 
 
CONTENTS. V 
 
 CHAPTER YiU. 
 
 Of the Peopling of America — Old and New-Continent fup- 
 pofed to have been formerly joined — ^At prefent feparated 
 only by a narrow Strait — Conjedures concerning the firft 
 Migrations into the New-Continent — Mr. Tenant's opi- 
 nion — Cuftoms, &c. common to the Eaftern Afiatics and 
 the Americans— Brute Creation migrated by the fame 
 Route. 79 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 Remains of Antiquity in America. 97 
 
 CHAPTER XI. 
 
 The Ancients fuppofed to have had fome imperfe($l Notion of 
 a New World — Pretenfions of the Welfli to the Difcovery 
 of America — ^Thofe of the Norwegians better founded — 
 Projedls of Christopher Columbus — his Voyage — Ai- 
 tonifhment occafioned by obferving the variation of the 
 Compafs — his perilous fituation — his Crew ready to muti- 
 ny — their Joy on defcrying Land — they land on one of the 
 iflands of the New- World — the Continent afterwards dif- 
 covered. lOO 
 
 CHAPTER XII. 
 
 The Difcovery and Conqueft of Mexico. II5 
 
 CHAPTER XIII. 
 The Difcovery and Conqueft of Peru, 186 
 
viii CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 Spain joins the Confederacy againft Great Britain — Expedi- 
 tion of the Britifh againft Gharlefton — Attack on Staten- 
 Illand — Proceedings of Congrcfs — Arrival of the French 
 Troops — Gen. Gates defeated — Gen. Arnold deferts — Un- 
 happy Fate of Major Andre — Arnold's Reafons for his 
 Condu<a— other Reafons — Captur c of Mr . Laurens. 385 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 Revolt of the Pcnnfylvania line — Tarleton defeated — Battle 
 at Guildford — Battle at Eutaw — AAion between the 
 French and Britifli Fleets off the Chcfapeak — Capture of 
 Cornwallie. 409 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 Sir Guy Carleton arrives in New- York with powers to treat 
 of Peace— -Different Places evacuated by the Britifti troops 
 — Independency of America acknowledged— The army 
 di(banded, and Gen. WafhingtOB refigns his Commiffion — 
 Lofs of Men and Trcafure by the War. 44^ 
 
A 
 
 GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 OF 
 
 AMERICA. 
 
 BOOK I. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 Extent and Boundaries of America — Grand objeBs 
 which it prejents to view — its Alountains — Ri- 
 vers — Lakes — its excejjive Luxuriance of Vege- 
 tation — remarkable Prevalence of Cold— account- 
 ed for — Climate not malignant — nor uncommouh 
 infefled with InfeEls and noxious Reptiles, 
 
 jl\MERICA is one of the four quarters 
 of the world, probably, the largeft of the whole, 
 and is, from its late difcovery, frequently deno- 
 minated the New- World J or New Hemifphere. 
 
 This vaft country extends from the 80th de- 
 gree of north, to the .o6th degree of fouth, lati- 
 tude i and, where its breadth is known, from the 
 35th to the 136th degree of weft longitude from 
 B London ; 
 
iO GENERAL HISTORY. 
 
 London; flretching between 8000 and 9000 
 miles in length, and its greateft: breadth 3690. 
 It fees both hcmifpheres, has two fummers and 
 a double winter, and enjoys almoft all the variety 
 of climates which the earth affords. It is wafh- 
 ed by the two great oceans. To the eaftward, it 
 has the Atlantic, which divides it from Europe 
 and Africa; to the weft, it has the Pacific or 
 Great South-Sea, by which it is feparated from 
 Afia. By thefe feas it may, and does, carry on 
 a dire(5l commerce with the other three parts of 
 the world. 
 
 America is not of equal breadth throughout 
 its whole extent ; but is divided into two great 
 continents, called Norths and South America, by 
 :ni ifthmus 1500 miles long, and which, at 
 Uarien, about Lat. 9*^ N. is only 60 miles over. 
 This idhmus forms, with the northern and 
 fouthern continents, a vaft gulph, in which lie a 
 great number of iflands, called the Weji-Indies^ 
 in contradiftincftion to the eaftern parts of Afia, 
 which are called the Eajl-hidies. 
 
 ** Next to the extent of the New-World, the 
 grandeur of the cbjefls which it prcfents to view, 
 is moft apt to ftrike the eye of an obferver. Na- 
 ture feems here to have carried on her opera- 
 tions upon a larger fcald'and with a bolder hand, 
 and to have diftinguidied the features of this 
 country by a peculiar mngnificencc. The moun- 
 tains of America are much fuperior in height to 
 thofe in the other divifions of the globe. Even 
 the plain of Qo^ito, which may be confidered as 
 the bafe of the Andes, is elevated farther above 
 the fea than the top of the Pyrenees." The moft 
 elevated point of the Andes, according to Don 
 
 Ulloa, 
 
OF AMERICA. 11 
 
 Ulloa, is twenty ihoufand, two hundred, and 
 eighty feet, which is, at leaft, feven thouHmd, 
 one hundred, and two feet above the Peak of 
 Teneriffe, which is the higheft known mountain 
 in the ancient continent. 
 
 From the lofty and extenfive mountains ot 
 America defcend rivers with which the ft reams 
 of Europe, of Afia, or of Africa, are not to be 
 compared, either for length of courfc, or for the 
 vaft volumes of water which they pour into the 
 oceans. The Danube, the Indus, the Ganges, 
 or the Nile, in the Ancient Hemifphere, are not 
 of equal magnitude with the St. Laurence, the 
 MifToDri, or the MKIiffippi, in North-America; 
 or with the Maragnon, the Oronoko, or the 
 Plata, in South-America. The rivers i:i the 
 latter of thefe American contir.ents are like vali 
 arms of the fea. 
 
 *« The lakes of the New-V/orld are no lefs 
 eonfpicuous For grandeur than its mountains and 
 rivers. There is nothing in other parts of the 
 globe which refcmbles the prodigious chain or 
 iakes in North-America. They may be properly 
 termed inland Teas of frclh water ; and even 
 thofe of the fecond or third clals of magnitude, 
 are of larger circuit (the Cafpian fe:v excepted) 
 than the greatefl lake of the ancient continent." 
 
 I'he luxuriance of the vegetable creation in the 
 New-World is extremely great. In the fouthera 
 provinces, where the moillure of the climate is 
 aided by the warmth of the inn, the woods are 
 almoft impervious, and the furface of the ground 
 is hid from the eye, under a thick covering of 
 fhrubs, of herbs, and weeds. In the northerfi 
 provinces, although tlie forefts are not encum- 
 
12 GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 bered with the fame wild luxuriance of vegeta- 
 tion, the trees of various fpecies are generally 
 more lofty, and often much larger, than in any 
 other parts of the world. 
 
 One of the raoft remarkable circumftances, or 
 features, of the New- World, is the general pre- 
 dominance of coid, throughout the whole extent 
 of this great continent. Though we cannot, in 
 any conntry» determine the precife degree of 
 heat merely by the dilfance of the equator, be- 
 caufe the elevation above the fea, the nature of 
 the Ibii, &c. all afFedl the climaie; yet, in the 
 Ancient Continent, the heat is much more in 
 propuriion to the vicinity of the equator than in 
 any part of America. Here the rigour of the fri- 
 gid z.)ne extends over half that which (liould be 
 temperate by its pofition. Even in thofe latitudes 
 where the winter is fcarcely felt in the Old-Con- 
 tinent, it reigns with great feverity in America, 
 though during a fhort period. Nor does this cold, 
 prevaient in the New- World, confine itfelf to the 
 temperate zones ; but extends its influence to the 
 torrid zone al fo, confiderably mitigating the ex- 
 ccfs of its heat. — Along the eaftern coaft, the cli- 
 mate, thcngh more fjmilar to that of the torrid 
 zone in other parts of the earth, is ncverthelefs 
 ccnJlderably milder than in thole countries of Alia 
 ..iid Africa which lie in the lame latitude. From 
 the fjuihern tropic to the extremity of the Ame- 
 jican continent, the cold is laid to be much 
 grea.er than in parallel northern latitudes even 
 of America itfelf. 
 
 For ih;s fo remarkable difference between the 
 climate of the New-Continent and the Old, 
 various caufes have been afligned by different 
 
 authors* 
 
OF AMERICA. i;5 
 
 authors. The following is the opinion of the 
 celebrated Dr. Robeitfon on this fubjef}. 
 "Though theuttnoll extent oF America towards 
 the north be not yet difcovered, we know that 
 it advances nearer to the pole than either Europe 
 or Afia. The latter have large feas to the north, 
 which are open during part of the year, and even 
 when covered wirh ice, the wind that blows over 
 them Is lefs intenfely cold than that ;vhich blows 
 over land in the fame latitudes. Eur, in America, 
 the land Itretches from the river St. Laurence 
 towards the pole, and fpreads out immenfely to 
 the wed. A chain of enormous mountain^v 
 covered with fnow and ice, runs through all this 
 dreary region. The wind paffing over fuch an 
 extent of high and frozen land, becomes io im- 
 pregnated witli cold, that it acquires a piercing 
 keenixefs, which it retains in its progrefs through 
 warmer climates ; and is not entirely mitigated 
 until it reach the guiph of Mexico. Over all the 
 continent of North- America, a north weHerly 
 wind and exceffive cold, are fynonimous terms. 
 Even in the moft fultry weather, the moment 
 that the wind veers to that quarter, its penetra- 
 ting influence is felt in a tranfition from heat to 
 Gold no lefs violent than fudden.. To this power- 
 ful caufe we may afcribe the extraordinary do- 
 minion of cold, and its violent inroads into the 
 fouthern provinces in that part of the globe. 
 
 " Other caufes, no lefs remarkable, diminiHi 
 the active power of heat in thofe parts of the 
 American continent which lie between the tro- 
 pics. In all that portion of the globe, the wind 
 blows in an invariable direff ion from eaft to weft. 
 As this wind holds its courfe acrofs the ancient 
 B 2. continent. 
 
14> GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 continent, it arrives at the countries which flretch 
 along the weftern fhore of Africa, inflamed with 
 ail the fiery particles which it hath colleded from 
 the fultry plains of Afia, and the burning fands 
 in the African deferts. The coafl of Africa is, 
 accordingly, the region of the earth which feels 
 the moft fervent heat, and is expofed to the un- 
 mitigated ardour of the torrid zone. But this 
 fame wind, which brings fuch an acceflion of 
 warmth to the countries lying between the river 
 of Senegal and Cafraria, traverfes the Atlantic 
 Ocean, before it reaches the American fhore. It 
 is cooled in its pafTage over this vafl body of 
 water ; and is felt as a refrefhing gale along the 
 coafls of Brafil and Guiana, rendering theie 
 countries, though among the warmeft in Ameri- 
 ca, temperate, when compared with thofe which 
 lie oppofite to them in Africa. As this wind ad- 
 vances in its courfe acrofs America, it meets with 
 Immenfe plains, covered with impenetrable fo- 
 refts j or occupied by large rivers, marfties, and 
 stagnating waters, where it can recover no con- 
 fiderable degree of heat. At length it arrives at 
 the Andes, which run from north to fouth 
 through the whole continent. In paffing over 
 their elevated and frozen ftimmits, it is fo tho- 
 roughly cooled, that the greater part of the coun- 
 tries beyond them hardly feel the ardour to which 
 they feem expofed by their fituation. In the 
 other provinces of America, from Terra-Firma 
 weilward to the Mexican empire, the heat of the 
 climate is tempered, in fome places, by the eleva- 
 tion of the land above the fea ; in others, by their 
 extraordinary humidity ; and in all, by the enor- 
 mous mountains fcattered over this tra^. The 
 
 iHands 
 
OF AMERICA. 15 
 
 iflands of America in the Torrid Zone are either 
 fmall or mountainous, and are fanned alternately 
 by refrefhing fea and land bieezes. 
 
 ** The caufes of the extraordinary cold towards 
 the fouthern limits of America, and in the leas 
 beyond it, cannot be afcertained in a manner 
 equally fatisfying. It was long fuppofed, that 
 a vaft continent, diftinguilhed by the name of 
 Terra Au^/rralis Incognita^ lay between the 
 fouthern extremity of America and the Antarftic 
 pole. The fame principles which account for 
 the extraordinary degree of cold in the northern 
 regions of America, were employed in order to 
 explain that which is felt at Cape-Horn and the 
 adjacent countries. The immenfe extent of the 
 fouthern continent, and the large rivers, which it 
 poured into the ocean, were mentioned and ad- 
 mitted by philofophers as caufes fufficient to 
 occafion the unufual fenfation of cold, and the 
 (till more uncommon appearances of frozen feas 
 in that region of the globe. But the imaginary 
 continent to which fuch influences was afcribed 
 having been fearched for in vain, and the fpace 
 which it was fuppofed to occupy having been 
 found to be an open feaj new conje(flures muft 
 be formed with refpecSt to the caufes of a tempe- 
 rature of climate, fo extremely different from 
 that which we experience in countries removed 
 at the fame diftance from the oppofite pole. 
 
 " The mod obvious and probable caufe of the 
 fuperior degree of cold towards thd fouthern ex- 
 tremity of America, feems to be the form of the 
 continent there. Its breadth gradually decreafes 
 as it flretches from St. Antonia fouthwards, and 
 from the bay of St. Julian to the ftraits of Magel- 
 lan 
 
16 GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 Jan its dimenfions are much contra6led. On the 
 eaft and well fides, it is wafhed by the Atlantic 
 and Pacific Oceans. From its fouthern point, it 
 is probabl-e that a great extent of fea without any 
 confiderable traft of land, reaches to the Antarc- 
 tic pole. In which evei of theie dire<!:l:ions the 
 wind blows, it is cooled before it approaches the 
 Magellanic regions, by palling over a vaft body 
 of water •, nor is the land there of fuch extent, 
 that it can recover any confiderable degree of 
 heat in its progrefs over it. Thefe circumftances 
 concur in rendering the temperature of the air in 
 this diifri<5t of America, more fimllar to that of 
 an Infular, than to that of a continental climate j 
 and hinder it from acquiring the fame degree of 
 fummer-heat, with places in Europe and Afia, 
 in a correfponding northern latitude. The norrh 
 wind is the only one that reaches this part of 
 America, after blowing over a great continent. 
 But, from an attentive furvey of its pofition, this 
 will be found to have a tendency rather to di- 
 minifh than augment the degree of heat. The 
 fouthern extremity of America is properly the 
 termination of the immenfe ridge of the Andes, 
 which ftretches nearly in a diretfl line from north 
 to fouth, through the whole extent of the con- 
 tinent. The mofl fuitry regions in South Ame- 
 rica, Guiana, Brafil, Paraguay, and Tucuman^ 
 lie many degrees to the eaft of the Magellanic 
 regions. The level country of Peru, which 
 enjoys the tropical heats, is fituated confiderably 
 to the weft of them. The north wind, then, 
 though it blows over land, does not bring to the 
 fouthern extremity of America an increafe of 
 beat colledted in its paflage over torrid regions ;. 
 
 but 
 
OF AMERICA. 17 
 
 but before it arrives there, it muft have fwept 
 along the fummits of the Andes, and comes im- 
 pregnated with the cold of that frozen region." 
 
 Another peculiarity in the climate of America 
 is its exceffive moillure in general. In fume 
 places, indeed, on the weftern coafl:, rain is not 
 known ; but, in all other parts, the moidnefs 
 of the climate is as remarkable as the cold. — The 
 forefis wherewith it is every where covered, rio 
 doubt, partly, occafion the moiflnre of its cli- 
 mate; but the mofl prevalent and obvious caufe 
 is the vaft quantity of water in the Atlantic and 
 Pacific Oceans with which America is environed 
 on all fides. Hence, thofe places where the 
 continent is narrowed are deluged with almoft 
 perpetual rains, accompanied with violent thun- 
 der and lightning, by which iome of them, par- 
 ticularly Porto-Bello, are rendered in a manner 
 uninhabitable. 
 
 From the coldnefs and the moidure of Ameri- 
 ca, an extreme malignity of climate has been in- 
 ferred, and afierted by M. de Pauw, in his Re- 
 cherches Philofophiques fur les Americalns. Hence, 
 according to the hypothefis of this author, the 
 fmallnefs and irregularity of the nobler animals, 
 and the fize and enormous multiplication of 
 reptiles and infecfls. 
 
 But the fuppofed fmallnefs and lefs ferocity af 
 the American animals, tlie Abbe Clavigero ob- 
 feives, inftead of the malignity, demondr^tes 
 the mildnefs and bounty of the climate, if we 
 give credit to Buffon, at whofe fountain M. de 
 Pauw has drank, and of whofe teftimony he has 
 availed himfelf again d Don Fernetty. BufFon 
 who, in many places of his. Natural Hiftory prc^ 
 
 duces 
 
18 GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 duces the fmallnefs of the American animals as a 
 certain argument of the malignity of the climate 
 of America ; in treating afterwards of favage ani- 
 mals, in Tom. II. fpeaks thus : " As all things, e- 
 ven the mofl free creatures, are fubjedl to natural 
 laws, and animals as well as men are fubje(n:ed to 
 the influence of climate and foil, it appears that 
 the famecaufes which have civilized and poliftied 
 the human fpecies in our climates, may have 
 likewife, produced fi milar efFedls upon other 
 fpecies. The wolf, which is, perhaps, the fierc- 
 eft of all the quadrupeds of the temperate zone, 
 is, however, incomparably lefs terrible than the 
 fygc^j the lion, and the panther of the torrid 
 zone ; and the white bear and hyena of the frigid 
 zone. In America, where the air and the earth 
 are more mild than thofe of Africa, the tyger, 
 the lion, and the panther, a;re not terrible but in 
 the name. They have degenerated, if fiercenefs, 
 joined to cruelty, made their nature ; or, to (peak 
 more properly, they have only fuffered the in- 
 fluence of the climate: under a milder iky their 
 nature alfo has become more mild. From climes 
 which are immoderate in their temperature are 
 obtained drugs, perfumes, poifons, and all thofe 
 plants whofe qualities arc ftrong. The tempe- 
 rate earth, on the contrary, produces only things 
 which are temperate ; the mildefl: herbs, the moll 
 wholefome pulfe, the fweeted fruits, the men: 
 quiet animals, and the mod humane men, are the 
 natives of this happy clime. As the earth makes 
 the*plants, the earth and plants make animals; 
 the earth, the plants, and the animals make man. 
 The phyfical qualities of man, and the animals 
 which feed on other animals, depend, though 
 
 more 
 
OF AMERICA. 19 
 
 more remotely, on the fame caufes which in- 
 fluence their dii'pofitions and cufloras. This is 
 the greatefl: proof and demonftration, that in tem- 
 perate cUmes every thing becomes temperate, 
 and that in intemperate climes every thing is ex- 
 ceflive} and that (ize and form, which appear 
 fixed and determinate qualities, depend notwith- 
 flanding, like the relative qualities on the in- 
 fluence of climate. The fize of our quadrupeds 
 cannot be compared with that of the elephant, 
 the rhinoceros, or fea-horfe. The largeft of our 
 birds are but fmail if compared with the uftrich, 
 the condore, and cafoare" So far M. BufFon, 
 whofe text we have copied, becaufe it is con- 
 trary to what M. de Pauw writes ngainft the 
 climate of America, and to BufFon himfelf, in 
 many other places. 
 
 ** If the large and fierce animals, fays Clavige- 
 ro, are natives of intemperate climes, and fmall 
 and tranquil animals of temj:^erate climes, as M. 
 BufFon has here eftablifhed; if mildnefs of climate 
 influences the difpufition and cuftoms of animals, 
 M. dePauvv does not well deduce the malignity 
 of the climate of America from the fmaller fize 
 and lefs fiercenefs of its animals j he ought rather 
 to have deduced the gentlenefs and fweetnefs of 
 its climate from this antecedent. If, on the con- 
 trary, the fmaller fize and lefs fiercenefs of the 
 American animals, with refpe<fl: to thofe of the 
 old continent, are a proof of their degeneracy, 
 arifing from the malignity of the clime, as M. dc 
 Pauw would have it, we ought in like manner to 
 argue the malignity of the climate of Europe from 
 the fmaller fize and lefs fiercenefs of its animals, 
 compared, with thofe of Africa. If a philofo- 
 
 pher 
 
20 GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 pher of the country of Guinea (hould undertake 
 a work iu imitat'ior. of M. de Fainv, with this 
 title, Richerches h'hUofophiques fur les httropeens^ 
 he might nvail himself o.*" the fame argument 
 which M. de Pauw ules, <o (iemonftrate the ma- 
 lignity of the climate ot Europe, aad the advan- 
 tages of that of Africa, the climate of Europe, 
 he would fay, is very unr;ivourab!e to -he pio- 
 duflion of quadruped?, which are tound incom- 
 parably imatler, and more cowardiy than ours. 
 What are the horfe and the ox, the largeft of its 
 animaicj, compared with our elephants, our rhi- 
 nocerofes, oui iea-horf.^s, and our camels? What 
 are its lizards, either in fize or intrepidity, com- 
 pared with our crocodiles ? Its wolves, its bears, 
 the moft dreadful of its wild hearts, when befide 
 our lions and tygers. Its tagles, its vultures, 
 and cranes, if compared with our olUiches, ap- 
 pear only like hens/* 
 
 As to the enormous fize and prodigious mul- 
 tiplication of the infedfs and other little noxious 
 animals. " The furface of the earth jays M. de 
 Pauw), infeffed by putrefadfion, was over- run 
 with lizards, ferpents, reptiles, ijnd infcfls mon- 
 ftrous for fize, and the a<flivity of their poifon, 
 which they drew from the copious juices of this 
 uncultivated foil, that was corrupted and aban- 
 doned to itfelf, where the nutritive juice became 
 (harp, like the milk it^the breait ot animals which 
 do not exercife ti.e virtue of propagation, Cater- 
 pillars, cr.ibs, butterflies, bet ties, fpiders, frogs, 
 and toad.' , were, for the muff }'ari of an enormous 
 corpulence in their Ipecies, and muitipiied be- 
 yond what can be imagined. Panama is infefted 
 with ferpents, Carthagena with clouds of enor- 
 mous 
 
OF AMERICA. 21 
 
 mousbats, Porio-Bello with toads, Surinam with 
 kakerlacas, or cucarachas, GiKidaioupe, and the 
 other colonies of the iHands, with beetles, Q^ito 
 with niguas, or chegoes, and Lima with li:e and 
 bugs. The ancient kings of >Iexico, and the 
 emperors of Peru, found no other means of 
 ridding their fnbjecis of thofe infects which fed 
 upon them, than the impofition of an rainual tri- 
 bute of a certain quantity of lice. Ferdinand 
 Cortes found bags full of them in the palace of 
 Montezuma.'' But this argument, exaggerated 
 as it is, proves nothing againft the climate of 
 America, in general, much lefs againft that of 
 Mexico. There being fome lands in America, 
 in which, on account of their heat, their humidity 
 or want of inhabitants, large inlefts are found, 
 and excefUvely multiplied, will prove at moft, 
 that in Ibme places the farface of the earth is 
 infe<n:ed, as he fays, with putrefaclion ; but not 
 that the foil of Mexico, or that of all America, 
 is {linking, uncultivated, vitiated, and aban- 
 doned to itfelf. If fuch a dedui5lion were jufl, 
 M. de Pauw might alfo fay, that the foil of the 
 Old-Continent is barren, and fetid ; as in many 
 countries of it there are prodigious multitudes t T 
 monffrous infecls, noxious repnie:, and vile ani- 
 mals, as in the Philippine-Kles, in many of thofe 
 of the Indian- Archipelago, in feveral countries of 
 the ibuth of Afia, in many of Africa, and even in 
 fome of Europe. The Philippine-Ifles are in- 
 feftcd with enormous ants, and monftrous butter- 
 flies ; Japan with fcorpions ^ fouth of Afia and 
 Africa with ferpents ; Egypt with afps ; Guinea 
 and Ethiopia with armies of ants ; Holland with 
 field-rats ; Ukrania with toads, as M. de Pauw 
 C himfelf 
 
t^2 GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 himfelf affirms. In Italy, the Campagna di 
 Roma (although peopled for fo many ygcs), is 
 infeftcd with vipers ; Calabria with tarantulas ; 
 the ihores of the Adriatic fea with clouds of 
 gnats ; and even in France, the population of 
 which is fo great, and fo ancient, whofe lands 
 are fo well cultivated, and whofe climate is fo 
 celebrated by the French, there appeared>,a few 
 years ago, according to M. BufFon, a new fpecies 
 of field-mice, larger than the common kind, 
 called by him SunnulotSy which have multiplied 
 exceedingly, to the great damage of the fields. 
 M. Bazin, in his Compendium of the Hiftory of 
 infers, numbers 77 fpecies of bugs, which are 
 all found in Paris, and in its neighbourhood. 
 That large capital, as Mr. Bomare fays, fwarms 
 with thole difgulfful infeffs. It is true that there 
 iire places in America, where the multitude of 
 Infefls, and filthy vermin, make life irkfome j 
 but we do not know that they have arrived to 
 iuch excels of multiplication as to depopulate any 
 place, at leaft there cannot be fo many examples 
 produced of this caufe of depopui;ition in the New 
 as in the Old continent, which are attelkd by 
 Theophrartus, Varro, Pliny, and other authors. 
 The frogs depopulated one place in Gaul, and 
 the loculfs another in Africa. One of the Cy- 
 cladcs was depopulated by mice j Amiclas, near 
 to Taracina, by ferpents; another place near to 
 Ethiopia, by fcorpions and poifonous ants •, and 
 another by fcolopendras ; and, not fo diftant 
 from our own times, the Mauritius was going to 
 have been abandoned, on account of the extra- 
 ordinary multiplication of rats, as we can re- 
 member to have read in a French author. 
 
 With 
 
OF AMERICA. 23 
 
 With refpe^l to the fize of the infe(n:s, reptiles, 
 and fuch animals, M. de Pauw makes ufe of the 
 tefiimony of M. Damont, who, in his Memoirs on 
 Louiftanay fays, that the frogs arc fo hirge there 
 that they weigh 37 French pounds, and that their 
 horrid croaking imitates the beilowing of cows. 
 Bnt, IM. de Pauw himfeif fays (in his Uifwer to 
 Don Perneny, cap. 17), that ail thofe Wiio have 
 written nb-.u!: Louidana, from Henepin, Lc 
 Clerc, and Tonti, to Dumonr, hr.ve contradict- 
 ed each other, fometimes on one, and fomeiimes 
 on another, fubjefl. In fac^f, neither in the old 
 or the new continent are there frogs of 37 pounds 
 in weight; but there are in Afia, an-.! in Africa, 
 ferpents, burrerJiie?, ants, and other nninials of 
 fuch monilrons' fizc, thu ihcy exceed all thofe 
 which have been difcovercd in tlie Njw- World. 
 We know very weli, that an American hitlorian 
 fays, that a certain gigannc fpecics of ferpents is 
 to be found in the woodF, which attrail: men 
 with their breath, and iwalluw them up; but 
 we know alio, that fcvcral hiilorians, both 
 ancient and modern, report the fame extravagant 
 and incredible thing oi the ferpents of Alia, and 
 even Ibmething more. Megadhenes, cited by 
 Pliny, faid, that there were ii^rpents found in 
 Afia, lb large, that they Iwallowed entire flags 
 and bulls. Metrodoru^, cited by the fame 
 author, affirms, that in Afia there were ferpents 
 which, by their breiuh, attra6ted birds, however 
 high they were, or quick their flight. Among 
 the moderns, Gemelli, in Vol. V. of his Giro del 
 Mtimloy when he treats of the animals of the 
 Philippine-Iiles, fpeaks thus : ** There are fer- 
 pctiis in theie iilands of immoderate fizc : there 
 
1^4^ GENERAL HISTORY. 
 
 is one called Ibii'm, very long, which fufpending 
 itfelf by the tail from the trunk of a tree, waits 
 till rtags, bears, and aHb men pais by, in order 
 to attra6^ them with its breath, and devour them 
 at once entirely :" from whence it is evident, that 
 this very ancient fable has been common to both 
 continents. 
 
 Further, it may be adced, In what country of 
 America conld M. de Pauw find ants to equal 
 thofe of the Philippine-lflands, called ^ulum^ re- 
 fpeding which Hernandez affirms, that they are 
 fix. fingers broad in length, and one in breadth } 
 Who has ever feen in America butterflies fo large 
 as thcfe of Bourbon, Ternate, the Fhilippine- 
 ifles, and all the Indian- Archipelago ? The largsfc 
 bat of America (native to hot fliady countries), 
 which is that called by Buff on Vampiro^ is, ac- 
 cording to him, of the fize of a pigeon. La 
 Rougeite^ one of the Ipecies of Afia, is as large 
 as a raven ; and the Roufttte^ another fpecies of 
 Afia, is as big as a large hen. Its wings, when 
 extended, m'eaiure from tip to tip three Parifian 
 teet, and, hccording to Gemelli, who meafured 
 it in the Phiiippine-iiles, fix palms. M. BufFon 
 acknowledges the excels in lize of the Afiatic bat 
 over the American fpecies, but denies it as to 
 number. Gemelli fays, that thofe of the ifland 
 of Luzon were fo numerous that they darkened 
 the air, and that the uoife which they made with 
 their teeth, in eating the fruits of the woods, was 
 heard at the diftance of two miles. M. de Pauw 
 fays, in talking of ferpents, " it cannot be af- 
 •firmed that the new world has fhown any fer- 
 pents larger than thofe which Mr. Adanfon fiiw in 
 the deferis of Africa." The greateft ferpent 
 
 found 
 
OF AMERICA. ^5 
 
 found in Mexico, after a diligent fearch made 
 by Hernandez, was 18 feet long: but this is 
 rtot to be compared with that oF the Moluccas, 
 which Bomare fays is 33 feet in length ; nor wkh 
 the Atmcatidajai of Ceylon, which the fame 
 author fiys is more than S3 feet long; nor with 
 others of Afia and Africa, mentioned by the fame 
 author. Laftly, the argument drawn from the 
 multitade and fize of the American infedls is 
 fully as weighty as the argument drawn from the 
 fmallnefs and fcarcity of quadrupeds, and both 
 dete<5l the fame ignorance, or rather the fame vo- 
 luntary and ftudied forgetfulnefs, of the things 
 of the Old continent. 
 
 "With refpedl to what M. de Pauw has faid of 
 the tribute of lice, in Mexico, in that, as well 
 as in many other things, he difcovers his ridicu- 
 lous credulity. It is true that Cortes found bags 
 of lice in the magazines of the palace of king 
 Axnjacatl. It is alfo true, that Montezuma im- 
 pofed fuch a tribute, not on all his fubjedls, 
 however, but only on thofe who were beggars ; 
 not on account of t«l:ie extraordinary multitude of 
 thole infefts, as M. de Pauw affirms, but becaufe 
 Montezuma, who could not fuffer idlenefs in his 
 fubje(St8, refolved that that miferable fet of 
 people, who could not labour, fhould at leaft 
 be occupied in loufing themfelves. This was the 
 true reaibn of fuch an extraordinary tribute, as 
 Torquemada, Betancourt, and other early hifto- 
 rians relate; and nobody ever before thought of 
 that which M. de Pauw affirms, merely becaule 
 it fuited his prepofterous fyflem. Thofe dilguft- 
 ing infe«fi:s poffibly abound as much in the hair 
 and clothes of American beggars, as of any poor 
 C 2 and 
 
26 GENERAL HiS TORY 
 
 and unctcanly low people In the wortd : but there 
 is not a doubt, that if any ibvereign of Europe 
 was toexad fuch a tribute from the poor in his 
 dd^ninion?, not only bags, but great vtifels might 
 he filled with them. 
 
 CHAP. II. 
 
 Getter al Defcr'iption of the Natives— —their pecultnri" 
 ties of Ornament and Drefs-^— remarkable Infcn- 
 ftbiiity to Paiuy and to the Inclemendes of U^ea- 
 ther — terrible Trials undergone by their Chief. 
 
 It is now tin^iC to turn, our attention to 
 the Abcrigines^ or natives, of the New- World. . 
 At the time when this gicat continent was made 
 moie generally known to the Europeans by the 
 difcoverics of Chiiftopher Columbus, and of the 
 i!luftiious navigators who Imbibed the fpirit and 
 cnthufiafm of that great man, it was found inha- 
 bited by various tribes and nations of men, who 
 differed, in mony rcfpe(fts, from mod of the 
 people in the three other quarters of the world. 
 In their phyfical hiilory, however, the greateft 
 peculiarity in the Americans is their complexion, 
 and the little difference which is obferved, in 
 this refpeff, throughout the whole extent of the 
 American continent. In Europe, and in Afia, 
 the people who inhabit the northern countries 
 are of a fairer complexion than thofe who dwell 
 more to the fouthward. In the torrid zone, 
 both in Africa and in Alia, the natives are en- 
 tirely 
 
OF AMERICA. 27 
 
 tirely black, or the next thing to it. This, 
 however, muft be under [tood with fome limita- 
 tion. The people of Lapland, who inhabit the 
 mofl: northerly part of Europe, are by no means 
 ib fair as the inhabitants of Britain ; nor are the 
 Tartars To fair as the inhabitants of Europe, who 
 lie under the fame parallels of latitude. Ncver- 
 thelefs, a Laplander is fair, when compared with 
 an Abyflinian, and a Tartar if compared with a 
 native of the Molucca iflands — In America, this 
 diftin<5lion of colour was not fo dilVin(flly, and fo- 
 prominently, marked. In the torrid zone there 
 were no negroes, and in the temperate and frigid- 
 zones ihc^rt were no white people. Moft of them 
 were of a kind of red copper-colour, which Mr. 
 Forffer obferved, in the Pe/Terais, of Tierra del 
 Fucgo, to have fomething of a glofs refemblhig 
 that metal. It does not appear, however, that 
 this matter has, hitherto, been inquired into with 
 fofficient accuracy. The inhabitants of the inland 
 parts of South-America, where that continent is 
 wideft, and, confequently, the influence of the 
 fun moft powerful, have never been accurately 
 compared with thofe of Canada, or more nor- 
 therly parts, at leaft as far we knew. Yet 
 this ought to have been done, and that in many 
 inftances too before it could be afTerted To pofi- 
 tivejy, as moft authors do, that there is not the 
 leaft difference of complexion among the natives of 
 America, Indeed, fo many fyftems have been 
 formed concerning thefe fingular people, that it 
 is very difficult to obtain a true knowledge of the 
 moft fimple fafts, even from the beft and moft 
 unprejudiced writers. — If we may believe the 
 Abbe Raynal, the Californians are fwarrhier 
 
 than 
 
28 GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 than the Mexicans ; and fb pofitive is he in this 
 opinion, that he gives a reafon for it. ** This 
 difference of colour," fays he, ** proves, that 
 the civilized life of fociety fubverts, or totally 
 changes, the order and laws of nature, fince we 
 find, under the temperate zone, a favage people 
 that are blacker than the civilized nations of the 
 torrid zone. — On the other hand. Dr. Robertfon 
 clalTes all the inhabitants of Spaniih America 
 together with regard to colour, whether they 
 are civilized or uncivilized ; and when he fpeaks 
 of California, takes no notice of any peculiiiriiy to 
 their colour more than others. — The general 
 appearance of the indigenous Americans in 
 various diflri6ls, is thus delcribed by the cheva- 
 lier Pinto: " They are all of a copper colour, 
 with fome diverfity of fhade, not in proportion 
 to their diftance from the Equator, but according 
 to the degree of elevation of the territory 
 in which they lefide. Thofe who live in a high 
 country are fairer than thole in the marfliy low 
 lands on the coaft. Their face is round ; farther 
 removed, perhaps, than that of any people from 
 an oval fhape. Their fore-head is fmall j the 
 extremity of their eari^far from the face ; their 
 lips thick ; their nofe flat 4 their eyes black, or 
 of a chefnut colour, fmall but capable of difcern- 
 ing objeds at a great diftance. Their hair is 
 always thick and fleek, and without any tenden- 
 cy of curl. At the fir A afpe(5f, a South- American 
 appears to be mild and innocent j but, on a more 
 attentive view, one difcovers in his countenance 
 fomething wild, diftruftful, and fuUen." 
 
 The following account of the native Americans 
 is given by Don Antonio Ulloa, in his late work 
 
 entitled 
 
OF AMERICA. 20 
 
 entitled Memoir es philofophiques, hiflonqueSi et phy^ 
 ftqueSy concernant la deccuverte de ('Amertqtte, 
 
 The American Indians are naturally of a colour 
 bordering upon red. Their frequent expofure 
 to the fun and wind changes it to their ordinary 
 dufky hue. The temperature of the air appears 
 to have little or no influence in this refpcifl. 
 There is no perceptible difference in complexion 
 between the inhabitants of the high and thofe of 
 the low p^rts of Peru ; yet the climates are of an 
 extreme difference. Nay, the Indians who live 
 as far as 40 degrees and upwards fouth or north 
 of the equator, are not to be dilfinguifhed, Itt 
 point of colour, from thofe immediately under 
 if. 
 
 There is, alfo a general conformation of fea- 
 tures and peifon, which, more or lefs, charac- 
 terizeth them all. Their chief diftindlions, in 
 thefe refped^s, are a fmall forehead, partly co- 
 vered with hair to the eye-brows, little eyes, the 
 nofe thin, pointed, and bent towards the upper 
 lip ; a broad face, large ears, black, thick, and 
 lank hair ; the legs well formed, the feet fmgll, 
 the body thick and mufcular j little or no beard 
 on the face, and that little never extending 
 beyond a fmall part of the chin and upper lip. 
 It may eafily be fuppofed that this general defcrip- 
 tion cannot apply, in all its parts, to every indi- 
 vidual \ but all of them partake fo much of it, 
 that they may be eafily diflinguifhed even from 
 the mulattoes, who come neareft to them in 
 point of colour. 
 
 The refemblance among all the American 
 tribes is nolefs remarkable in refpedf to their ge- 
 nius, character, manneis, and particular cuftoms. 
 
 The 
 
30 GENERAL HISTORY. 
 
 The moH diftant tribes are, in thefe refpe(^s, as 
 fimilar as though they formed but one nation. 
 
 Ai! the Indian nations have a peculiar pleafure 
 in painting their bodies of a red colour, with a 
 certain fpecies of earth. The mine of Guanca- 
 velica was formerly of no other ufe than to lupply 
 them with this mateiial for dying their bodies: 
 and the cinnabar extradled from it was applied 
 entirely to thrs purpofe. The tribes in Louifiana 
 and in Canada have the fame pafTion ; hence 
 minium is tne commodity moft In demand there. 
 
 It may, perhaps, feem fingular, that thefe na- 
 tions, whofe natural colour is red, fhould affeil: 
 the fame colour as an artificial ornament. Bur, 
 it may be obferved, they do nothing in this refpe(fl 
 but what correfponds to the practice of Euro- 
 peans, who alfo ftudy to heighten and difplay to 
 advantage the natural red and white of their com- 
 plexions. The Indians of Peru have now, in- 
 deed, abandoned the cuftom of painting their 
 bodies : but it was common am^ong them before 
 they were conquered by the Spaniards; and it 
 flill remains the cuflom of ail thole tribes who 
 have prefervcd their liberty. fhe northern 
 nations of America, befides the red colour which 
 is predominant, employ alfo black, white, blue, 
 and green, in painting their bodies. 
 
 The adjuftment of thefe colours is a matter of 
 as great confideration with the Indians of Loui- 
 fiana and the vaft regions extendir;^ to the north 
 as the ornaments of drels among the moi\ polifli- 
 ed nations. The bufinefs itfelf they call A'laftabtTy 
 und they do not fail to apply all their talents and 
 afliduity to accomplifh it in the moil finiQied 
 manner. No lady of the greateil fafliicn ever 
 
 confultcd 
 
OF AMERICA. 31 
 
 confulted her mirror with more anxiety, than the 
 Indinrib do while painting their bodies. The co- 
 lours arc applied with the utmoft accuracy and 
 adJrei's. Upon the eye-lids, precifely at the 
 rovjt of the eye-!a(hes, they draw two lines, as 
 fine as the fmallell: thread ; the fame upon the 
 lips, the openings of the noilrils, the eye-brows, 
 and the ears ; of which lall they even follow all 
 the inflexions and finuofities. As to the reft of 
 the face, they diflrihute various figures, in all 
 which the red predominates, and the other co- 
 lours are afTorted fo as to throw it out to the beft 
 advantage. The neck aifo receives its proper 
 ornaments ; a thick coat of vermiilion commonly 
 diftinguiflies the cheeks. Five or fix hours are 
 requifite for accomplifhing all this with the nicety 
 which they affect. As their firft attempts do 
 not always fucceed to their willi, they efface 
 them, and begin a-new up n abetter plan. No 
 coquette is more faflidious in her choice of orna- 
 meni, none more Vain when the important ad- 
 juftment is finiHied. Their delight and <elf-fat.is- 
 fa<5lion are then ih great, that the mirror is hard- 
 ly ever laid down. An Indian, Maciached to 
 his mind, is the vainefl of ail the human Ipecies. 
 The other parts of the body are Itfc in their 
 natural Ifate, and, exceptmg what is called a 
 cacheculy they go entirely naked. 
 
 Such of them as have made themfelves eminent 
 for bravery, or ether qualifications, are diftin- 
 guiftied by figures painted on their bodies. They 
 introduce the colours by making punflures on 
 their (kin, and the extent of furfacc which this 
 ornament covers is proportioned ro the exploits 
 they have performed. Some paint only thek 
 
 arms. 
 
32 GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 arms, others both their arms and legs ; others, 
 again, their thighs, while thofe who have attain- 
 ed the fummit of warlike renown hnve their 
 bodies painied from the waift upwards. This is 
 the heraldry of the Indians ; the devices oi' which 
 are, probably, more exa<flly adjufted to the 
 merits of the perfons who bear them, than thofe 
 of more civilized countries. 
 
 Befides thefe ornaments, the warriors alfo 
 carry plumes of feathers on their heads, their 
 arms, and ancles. Theie, likewife, are tokens 
 of valour, and none but fuch as have been thus 
 diflinguilhed may wear them. 
 
 The propenGty to indolence is equal among all 
 the tribes cf Indians, civilized, or favage. The 
 only employment of thofe who have preferved 
 their independence is hunting and h(hing. In 
 fome dlftri(fls, the women exercife a little agri- 
 cul.ure, in raifing Indian corn, and pompions, 
 of which they form a fpecies of aliment, by 
 bruifing them together : they, alfo, prepare the 
 ordinary beverage in ufe among them, taking 
 care, at the fame time, of the children, of whom 
 the fathers take no charge. 
 
 The female Indians of all the conquered regions 
 of South America pra6fife what is called the urcu 
 (a word which among them fignifies elevatiou). 
 It confifts in throwing forwaid the hair from 
 the crown of the head, upon the brow, and 
 cutting it round from the ears to above the eye ; 
 {o that the forehead and eye-brows are entirely 
 covered. The fame cuilom takes place in the 
 Northern countries. The female inhabitants of 
 both regions tie the relf of their hair behind, fo 
 exadfly in the fame fafhion, that it might be 
 
 fuppofed 
 
OF AMERICA. 38 
 
 fuppofed the effeifl of mutual imitation. This, 
 however, being impofTible, from the vaft dil- 
 tance that feparates them, is thought to counte- 
 nance the fuppofjtion of the whole of America 
 being originally planted with one race of people. 
 
 This cuftom does not take place among the 
 males. Thofe of the higher parts of Peru wear 
 long and flowing hair, which they reckon a great 
 ornament. In the lower parts of the fame coun- 
 try they cut it (hort, on account of the heat of 
 the climate ; a circumftance in which they imitate 
 the Spaniards. The inhabitants of L.)uifiana 
 pluck out their hair by the root, from the crown 
 of the head forwards, in ordtr to obtain a large 
 forehead, otherwife denied them by nature. 
 The reft of their hair they cut as (hort as pof- 
 fible, to prevent their enemies from feizing them 
 by it in battle, and alio to prevent them from 
 eafily getting their fcalp, (hould they fall into 
 their hands as prifoners. 
 
 According to Don Ulloa, the whole race of 
 the American Indians is diftinguifhed by an un- 
 common thicknefs of fkin, and by a hardnels 
 of their fibres ; circumftances which, in the 
 opinion of this learned Spani(h writer, con- 
 tribute to that infenfibility to bodily pain, for 
 which thefe finguiar people are fo remarkable. 
 Our author adduces an inftance, in fupport of 
 this infenfibility, in the Americans, in the cafe 
 of an Indian, who was under the neceffity of 
 fubmittmg to be cut for the (tone. This opera- 
 tion, it is well known, feldom lafls above four, 
 or five minutes. Unfavourable circumifances, 
 in this cafe prolonged it to the uncommon period 
 of 27 minutes. Yet, all this time, the patient 
 D gave 
 
34 GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 g4ve no tokens of the extreme pain, commonly 
 attending this operation : he complained only as 
 a perlon does who feels fome flrght uoealinefs. 
 At lart, the ftone was extra<51ed. Two days 
 after, he expreffed a defire for food, and on the 
 eighth day from the operation he quitted his bed, 
 free from pain, although the wound was no: yet 
 thoroughly clofed. The fame want of fenfibiJity, 
 he lays, is obferved in cafe of fractures, wounds, 
 and other accidents, of a fimilar nature. In all 
 thefe cafes, their cure is eafily efFcfted, and they 
 feem to fuffer lefs prefent pain than any other 
 race of men. The fkulis which have been taken 
 up in their ancient burying^grounds, are of a 
 greater thicknefs than that com pages of bones is 
 commonly found to be ; being from fix to feven 
 lines from the outer to the inner fuperficies. 
 
 It is natural to infer from hence, fays Ulloa, 
 that their comparative inlenfibility to pain is 
 owing to a coarfer and (Ironger organization, 
 than that of other nations. The eale with which 
 they endure the fcverities of climate is, he thinks 
 another proof of this. The mh^bitants of the 
 higher parts of Peru live amidfl perpetual froft 
 and fnow. Although their clothing is very 
 flight, they fupport this inclement temperature, 
 without the lead inconvenience. Habit, it is to 
 be confefled, may contribute a good deal to this, 
 but much alfo is to be af:ribet^ to the compact 
 texture of their (kin, which defends them from 
 the impreffion of cold through their pores. We 
 mufl- confefs, however, notwithflanding the af- 
 fertions and conjectures of an author io rcfpeft- 
 abie as Don Ullo:», that we are not v^fry confi- 
 dent, that either the flvins, or the fkuils of the 
 
 Americans 
 
OF AMERICA. 35 
 
 Americans are thicker than the {kins and fkuUs 
 of many other nations ot mankind. But we do 
 not wifli, in this place, to expatiate on this fub- 
 je(5t, which can only be reduced to a certainty 
 by the inveftigations of the anatomift, or natu- 
 raliO. 
 
 The Northern Indians refemble them in this 
 refpefV The utmoft: rigours of the winter feafon 
 do not prevent them from following the chafe 
 almoft naked. It is true, they wear a kind of 
 woollen cloak, or fometimes the fkin of a wild 
 bead, upon their (boulders ; but, befides that 
 it covers only a fmall part of their body, it would 
 appear that they ufe it rather for ornament than 
 warmth. In fa(ft, they wear it indifcriminaiely, 
 in the fevcrities of winter, and in the fultrieft heats 
 of fummer, v/hen neither Europeans nor Negroes 
 can fufFer any but the flightefl clothing. They 
 even frequently throw afide this cloak when they 
 go a-hunting, that it may not embarrafs them, 
 in traverfing their forefts, where, they fay, the 
 thorns and undergrowth would take hold of it ; 
 while, on the contrary, they llide fmoothly over 
 UiQ farfaceof their naked bodies. At all times, 
 they go with their heads uncovered, without 
 fufFering the leaft inconvenience, either from the 
 cold, or from thofe coups de foleily which in 
 Louifiana are fo often fatal to the inhabitants of 
 other climates. 
 
 The Indians of South- America diftinguifli 
 tbemfelves by modern drelTes, in which they 
 afFcdl various taftes. Thofe of the high country, 
 and of the valleys in Peru, drefs partly in the 
 Spanilh fafhion. InOead of hats they wear 
 bonnets of coarfe double cloth, the weight of 
 
 which 
 
56 GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 which neither ieems to incommode them when 
 they go to warmer climates, nor does the acci- 
 dental want of them feem to be felt in fituations 
 where the moft piercing cold reigns. Their legs 
 and feet are always bare, if we except a fort of 
 fandals, made of the Ikins of oxen. The inha- 
 bitants of South- America, compared with thofe 
 of North- America, are defcribed as generally 
 more feeble in their frame j lefs vigorous in the 
 eiForts oi their mind ; of gentler difpofitions, 
 more adicfted to pleafurc, and funk in indolence. 
 — This, however, is not univerfally the cafe. 
 Many of their nations are as intrepid and enter- 
 prifiiig as any others f>n the whole continent. 
 Among the tribes on the banks of the Oronokc^, 
 if a warrior afpires to the port of captain, his 
 probation begins with a long faff, more rigid 
 than any ever obferved by the moft ablfemious 
 hermit. At the clofe of this the chiefs affemble ; 
 and each gives him three la(hes with a large 
 v;hip, applied fo vigoroufly, that his body is 
 almoft flayed. If he betrays the leaft fymptoni 
 of impatience, or even of fenfibility, he is dif- 
 graced, for ever, and is reje<5ted, as unworthy 
 of the honour. After fome interval, his con- 
 (hncy is proved by a more excruciating trial. 
 He is laid in his hammock with his hands bound 
 faft ; and an innumertble multitude of venomous 
 ants, whole bite occafrons a violent pain and in- 
 flammation, are thrown upon him. The judges 
 cf his merit fland around the hammock ; and 
 whilfl: thefe cruel infers faflen upon the mod 
 ienfibiti parts of his body, a figh, a groan, or 
 an involuntary motion, expreflive of what he 
 fuflcrs, would exclude him from the dignity of 
 
 which 
 
OF AMERICA. 37 
 
 which he is ambitious. Even after this evidence, 
 his fortitude is not deemed to be fufficently af- 
 certained, till he has flood another tefl, more 
 fevere if poflible than the former. He is again 
 fufpcnded in his hammock, and covered with the 
 leaves of the palmetto. A fire of {linking herbs is 
 kindled underneath, fo as he may feel its heat, 
 and be involved in fmoke. Though fcorched 
 and almoft fuifocated, he mufl: continue to endure 
 this with the fame patient infenfibility. Many 
 peri{h in this eflay of their firmnefs and courage ; 
 but fuch as go through it with applaufe, receive 
 the enfigns of their new dignity with much fo- 
 Jemnity, and are ever after regarded as leaders 
 of approved refolution, whofe behaviour, in the 
 moft trying fituations, will do honour to their 
 country. In North America, the previous trial 
 of a warrior is neither fo formal, nor io fevere ; 
 though, even there, before a youth is permitted 
 to bear arms, his patience and fortitude are pro- 
 ved by blows, bj* fire, and by infulrs, more in- 
 tolerable to a haughty fpirit than either. 
 
 D 2 CHAP. 
 
38 GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 CHAP. III. 
 
 Cujioms and Manners of the Aborigines of North- 
 America^ more particularly — their Penftvenefs 
 and Taciturnity — Form of Government — Public 
 Affemblies — Wampums ^ or Belts. 
 
 o 
 
 F the manners and cuftoms of the 
 North Americans more particularly, the follow- 
 ing is the moft confident account that can be 
 colk(5ted from the beft informed and moft im- 
 partial writers. 
 
 When the Europeans firft arrived in America, 
 they found the Indians quite naked, except thofe 
 parts which even the moft uncultivated people 
 ufually conceal. Since that time, however, they 
 generally uie a coarfe blanket, which ihey buy 
 of the neighbouring planters. 
 
 Their huts, or cabins, are made of ftakcs of 
 wood driven into the ground, and covered with 
 branches of trees, or reeds. They lie on the 
 floor, either on mats, or the (kins of wild beafts. 
 Their di(hes are of timber *, but their fpoons are 
 naade of the fkuUs of wild oxen, and their knives 
 of flint. A kettle and a large plate conftitute al- 
 moft the whole utenfils of the tamily. — ^Their 
 diet confifts chiefly in what they procure by 
 hunting ; and I'agamite, or pottage, is likewife 
 one of their moft common kinds of food. The 
 moft honourable furniture amongft them is a coU 
 le^Vion of the fcalps of their enemies ; with thefe 
 they ornament their huts, which are efttemed 
 in proportion to the number of thefe fort of fpoils» 
 
 The 
 
OF AMERICA. 39 
 
 The chara<n:or of the Indians is altogether 
 founded upon their circumftances and way of 
 life, A people who are conftantly employed in 
 procuring the means of a precarious fubfiftencc, 
 who live by hunting the wild animals, and who 
 are generally engaged in war with their neigh- 
 bours, cannot be fuppofed to enjoy much gaiety 
 of temper, or a high flow of fpirits. The Indians, 
 therefore, are in general grave, even to fadnefs : 
 they have nothing of that giddy vivacity peculiar 
 to fome nations of Europe, and they defpife it. 
 Their behaviour to thofe about them is regular, 
 modeft, and refpecTbful. Ignorant of the arts of 
 amulement, of which that of faying trifles 
 agreeably is one of the mod: confidcrable, they 
 feldi)m fpeak but when they have fomething 
 important to obierve ; and all their a61ions, 
 words, and even looks, are attended with fome 
 meaning. This is extremely natural to men who 
 arealmoff continually engaged in puriuits, wJiich 
 to ihem are of the higheft importance. Their 
 ftibfiftence depends entirely on what they pro- 
 cure with their hands *, and, their lives, their 
 honour, and every thing dear to them, may be 
 loll by the fmalkit inattention to the defigns of 
 their enemies. As they have no particular objeft 
 to attach them to one place rather than another, 
 they go wherever they expe<5f to find the necef- 
 faries of life in greateft abundance. Cities, which 
 are the effects of agriculture and arts, they have 
 none. The different tribes, or nations, are, for 
 the fame reafon, extremely fmall, when compared 
 with civilized focieties, in which induflry, arts, 
 agriculture, and commerce, have united a vaft 
 number of individuals, whom a complicated lux- 
 ury 
 
40 GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 ury renders ufeful to one another. Thefe fmali 
 tribes live at an immenfe diflance ; they are fepa- 
 rated by a defert frontitTr, and hid in the bolom 
 of impenetrable and almoft boundlefs forefts. 
 
 There is eftablidied in each fociety a certain 
 fpecies of government, which prevails over the 
 whole continent of America, with exceeding 
 little variation ; becaufe over the whole of this 
 continent the manners and way of life are nearly 
 /imilar and uniform. Without arts, riches, or 
 luxury, the great inltruments of lubjeftion in 
 poliflied focieties, an American has no method 
 by which he can render himfelf confiderable 
 among his companions, but by fuperiority in 
 perfonal qualities of body or mind. But, as 
 Nature has not been very lavifh in her perfonal 
 diftindlions, where all enjoy the fame education, 
 all are pretty much upon an equality, and will 
 defire to remain fo. Liberty, therefore, is the 
 prevailing paflion of the Americans : and their 
 government, under the influence of this fentiment 
 is, perhaps, better fecured than by the wifefl 
 political regulations. The} aie very far, however, 
 from defpifing all forts of authority : they are 
 attentive to the voice of wifdom, which. experi- 
 ence has conferred on the aged, and they enlift 
 under the banners of the chief in whofe valour 
 and military addrefs they have learned to repofe 
 a jud and merited confidence. In every fociety, 
 therefore, there is to be confidered the power 
 of the chiefs and of the elders. Among thofe 
 tribes which are moii engaged in war, the power 
 of the chief is, naturally, predominant ; becaule 
 the idea of having a military leader was the firft 
 fource of his fuperiority, and the conditional exi- 
 gencies 
 
OF AMERICA. 41 
 
 gencies of the flate requiring fuch a leader, will 
 continue to fupport, and even to enhance it. His 
 power, however, is rather perfuafive than 
 coercive ; he is reverenced as a father, rather 
 than feared as a monarch. He has no guards, 
 no prifons. no officers of juftice, and one aft of 
 ill-judged violence would pull him from his 
 humble throne. The elders in the other form 
 of government which may be confidered as a 
 mild and nominal arillocracy, have no more 
 power. In moft countries, therefore, age alone 
 is fufficient for acquiring refpeft, influence, and 
 authority. It is age which teaches experience, 
 and experience is the only fource of knowledge 
 among a favage people. Among thofe perfons 
 bufinefs is conduced with the utmoft fimplicity, 
 and which mayrecal, to thofe who are acquainted 
 with antiquity, a pifture of the moft early ages. 
 The heads of families meet together in a houfeor 
 cabin appointed for the purpofe. Here the 
 bufinefs is diicuffed and here thole of the nation, 
 diftinguifhed for their eloquence or vvifdom, have 
 an opportunity of displaying thofe talents. Their 
 orators, like thofe of Homer, exprefs themfelves 
 in a bold figurative Oyle, ftronger than refined, 
 or rather foftencd, nations can well bear, and 
 with geftures equally violent, but ofien extremely 
 natural and expreffive. When the bufinei's is 
 over, and they happen to be well provided with 
 food, they appoint a feaft upon the occafion, of 
 which almoft the whole nation partakes. The 
 feaft is accompanied with a long, in which the 
 real or fabulons exploits of their forefathers are 
 celebrare.i. friey have dances too, though like 
 thofe of the Greeks and Romans, they are chiefly 
 
 of 
 
42 GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 of the military kind ; and their mufic and dancing 
 accompany every fcaf>. 
 
 To aflift their memory, they have belts of fmall 
 ihells, or beads, of different colours, each re- 
 prefenting a particular objefl, u'hich is marked 
 by their colour and arrangement, At the con- 
 elufion of every fubjeft on which they difcourfe, 
 when they treat with a foreign ftate, they deliver 
 one of thofe belts j for if this ceremony lliould 
 be omitted, all that they have faid paffes for 
 nothing. Thefe belts are carefully depofited in 
 each town, as the public records of the nation ; 
 and to them they occafionally have recourfe, 
 when any public contell happens with a neigh- 
 bouring tribe. Of late, as the materials of which 
 thofe belts are made, have become fcarce, they 
 often give fome (kin in place of the wampum (the 
 jjame of the beads,) and receive, in return 
 'prtfents of a more valuable kind from the com- 
 -miflioners ; for they never confider a treaty as of 
 any weight, unlefs every article in it be ratified 
 by fuch a gratification. 
 
 It often happens, that thofe different tribes or 
 nations, fcattered as they are at an immenfe dis- 
 tance from one another, meet in their excurlions 
 after prey. If there fubfifts no animofity between 
 them, which feluom is the cafe, they behave in 
 the mofi friendly and courteous manner : but if 
 they happen to be in a ftatc of war, or if there 
 has been no previous intercourfc between them, 
 all who are not friends are deemed enemies, and 
 they fight with the moll lavage fury. 
 
 CHAP. 
 
OF AMERICA. 43 
 
 CHAP. IV. 
 
 CuftsmSi iS^c, of the Natives continued.'— -Their 
 JVars — Ceremonies at Jetting out^-^EnJigns — 
 Military Habits — ^lichtefs oftheirfenfes — Vigi- 
 lance and CircumfpeEiion — Manner of Fighting 
 — Treatment of Prifoners — Tortures — Conjlancy 
 cfthe Sufferers — Surprifng Contraji in the Amer- 
 icnn CharaBer* 
 
 IF we except hunting and fifhing, war 
 is the principal employment of the Indi;^n men : 
 almofl every other concern, but in particular 
 the little agriculture which they enjoy, is confign- 
 ed to the women. The moft common motive of 
 the Americans for entering into war, when it 
 does not arile from an accidental rencounter, or 
 interference, is either to revenge themleives for 
 the death (^f fome loft friends, or to acquire 
 prifoners, who may aflill them in their hunting, 
 and whom they adopt into their focicty. Thefc 
 wars arc either undertaken by fome private ad- 
 venturers, or at the infHmee of the whole com- 
 munity. In the latter cafe all the young men 
 who are difpofed to go out to battle (for no one 
 is compelled contrary to his incliriarion,} give a 
 bit of wood to the chief, as a token of their 
 defign to accompany \\\m j for every thing among 
 theie people is trania^led with a great deal of 
 ceremony and with many forms. The chief, 
 who is to conduct them, fafts feveral days, 
 during which time he converles with no one, 
 and is particularly careful to obferve his dreams ; 
 which the prefumption natural to favages gene- 
 rally 
 
44 GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 rally renders as favourable as he could defire. 
 A variety of other fuperftitions and ceremonies 
 are cbferved. One of the moft hideous is fetting 
 the war-kettle on the fire, as an emblem that 
 they are going out to devour their enemies ; 
 which, among thefe nations, it is probable, was 
 formerly the cafe, (ince they flill continue to ex- 
 prefs it in clear terms, and ufe an emblem figni- 
 ticant of the ancient ufage. Then, they difpatch 
 a porcelain, or large fhell, to their allies, invit- 
 ing them to come along, and drink the blood of 
 their enemies. For with the Americans, as with 
 the Greeks of old, 
 
 " A generous friendfhip no cold medium knows; 
 " But with one love, with one refcntment glows." 
 
 They think thai thofe in their alliance muft not 
 only adopt their enemies, but that they muft alfo 
 have their refentmtnt wound up to the fame pitch 
 with themidvcs. And, indeed, no people carry 
 their friendfliips or their refentments ib far as 
 they do •, and this is what fliould be expeiled 
 from their peculiar circumftances : that principle 
 in human nature which is the fpring of the iocial 
 afFe6Vions, a6ls with i'o much the greater force 
 the more it is reftrained. The Americans, who 
 live in fmall focieties, who lee few objt<5>s and 
 few perfons. become wonderfully attached to 
 thole objects and perfons, and cannot be depriv- 
 ed of them without feeling themlllves inikrable. 
 Their ideas are too confined to enable them to 
 entertain juft ientimenrs of humanity, or univer- 
 fal hcncvoleuce. But this very circumliancc, 
 while It makes them cruel and Jav;.ge to ai] in- 
 credible degree, towards thofe with whom they 
 
 arc 
 
OF AMERICA. 45 
 
 are at war, adds a new force to their particular 
 friend (hips, and to the common tie which unites 
 the members of the fame tribe, or of thofc dif- 
 ferent tribes which are in alliance with one 
 another. Without attending to this refle(flion, 
 ibme fa6Vs we are going to relate would excite 
 our wonder without informing our reafon, and 
 we would be bewildered «in a number of particu- 
 lars, feemingly oppofire to one another, without 
 being fenfible of the general caufe from which 
 they proceed. 
 
 Having finifhed all the ceremonies previous to 
 the war, and the day appointed for their fetting 
 out on the expedition being arrived, they take 
 leave of their friends, and exchange their clothes, 
 or whatever moveables they have, in token of 
 mutual friendship ; af.er which they proceed 
 from the town, their wives and female rel-itions 
 walking before, and attending thern to fome 
 diftance. The warriors march all drcffedin their 
 fineft apparel and mod ihowy ornaments, with- 
 out any order. The chief walks flowly before 
 them,' finging the war fong, while the reil ob- 
 ferve the moft profound filcnce. When they 
 come up to their women, they deliver them all 
 their finery, and putting on their woift clothes, 
 proceed on their expedition. 
 
 Every nation has its peculiar enfign or dand- 
 ard, which is generally a reprefentation ot ibme 
 bealt, bird, or hfh. Thofe among the Five 
 Nations are the bear, otter, wolf, tortoile, and 
 eagle; and by thofe names the tribes are ufually 
 diitinguifhed. 1 hey have the figures of thofe 
 animals pricked and printed on feveral parts of 
 E their 
 
46 GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 their bodies ; and when they march through the 
 woods, they commonly at every encampment, 
 cut the reprefentation of their enfign on trees, 
 cfpecially after a fuccefsful campaign ; marking 
 at the fame time the number of fcalps or prifoners 
 they have taken. Thier military drefs is ex- 
 tremely fingular. They cut off, or pull out, all 
 their hair, except a fpot about the breadth of 
 two Englifh crown-pieces, near the top of their 
 heads, and entirely deftroy their eye-brows. The 
 lock left upon their heads is divided into feveral 
 parcels, each of which is fliffened and adorned 
 with wampum, beads, and feathers of various 
 kinds, the whole being twiifed into a form much 
 refembling the modern pompoon. Their heads 
 are painted red down to the eye-brows, and 
 iprinkled over wiih white down. The griftlcs of 
 their ears are fplit aimofl: quite round, and diftend- 
 ed with wires or fplinters, (o as to meet and tie 
 together on the nape of the neck. Thefe are, alfo, 
 hung with ornaments, and generally, bear th^ re- 
 prefentation of fome bird, or beail. Their nofesare 
 like wife bored and hung with trinkets of beads, 
 and tneirfaces painted, with various colours, foas 
 to muke an awful appearance. Their breafts are 
 adorned with a gorget, or medal, of brafs, copper, 
 or fome other mettal i and that dreadful weapon 
 theiicalping-knife hangs by alhing fromtheneck. 
 The great qualities of an Indian warrior are 
 vigilance and attention, to give and avoid a fur- 
 prife ; and, indeed, in thefe they are fuperior to all 
 nations, in the world. Accuflomed to continual 
 wandering in the foreils ; having their percep- 
 tions (harpened by keen neceffity, and living, in 
 
 every 
 
OF AMERICA. 47 
 
 every refpe(5^, according to nature, their exter- 
 nal fenfes have a degree of acutenefs which, at 
 firfl: view, appears incredible. They can trace 
 out their enemies, at an immenfe diftance, by 
 the fmoke of their fires, which they fmell, and 
 by the tracks of their feet upon the ground, im- 
 perceptible to an European eye, but which they 
 can count and diflinguiOi, with the utmoll faci- 
 lity. It is fiid, they can even diltiiiguifh the 
 different nations with whom they are acquainted, 
 and can determine the precife time when they 
 pafTed, where an European could not with all 
 his glalFes, diftingnifli footfteps at all. Thefe 
 circumilances, however, are of lefs importance, 
 becaufe their favage enemies are equally well 
 acquainted with them. When they go out, 
 therefore, they take care to avoid making ufe of 
 anything by which they might run the danger of 
 a difcovery. They light no fire to warm them- 
 felves, or to prepare tlieir vi6tuals : they lie clofe 
 to the ground all day, and travel only in the 
 night ; and marching along in files, he that clofes 
 the rear, diligently covers with leaves the tracks 
 of his own feet and of theirs who preceded him. 
 When they halt to refrefli themfelves, fcouts 
 are fent out to reconnoitre the country and beat 
 up every place where they fufpeft an enemy to 
 lie concealed. In this manner they enter un- 
 awares the villages of their foes -, and while the 
 flower of the nation are engaged in hunting, 
 maHacre all the children, women, and helplefs 
 old men, or make prifoners of as many as they 
 can manage, or have ftrength enough to be ufeful 
 to their nation. But when the enemy is apprifed 
 
 of 
 
48 GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 of their defign, and coming on in arms againfl 
 them, they throw rhemfelves flat on the ground 
 among the withered herbs and leaves, which 
 their faces are painted to refemble. They then 
 allow a part to pafs unmo;efted, when, all at 
 once, with a tremendous (liout, rifing up from 
 their ambiifh, they pour a ftorm of mullvet-bullets 
 on their foes. The party attacked returns the 
 fnme cry. E^'ery one flielters h'mfelf with a 
 tree, and returns the fire of the adverfe party, 
 as loon as they raile themfelves from the ground 
 ^ to give a fecond fire. Tdus does the battle con- 
 tinue until the one party is fo mnch weakened as 
 to be incapable of farther refiilance. But if the 
 force on each fide continues nearly equal, the 
 fieice fpirits of the favnges, inflamed by the iofs 
 of their friends, can no longer be reflrained. 
 They abandon their difl:ant war, they rufli upon 
 one another, with clubs and hatchets in their 
 hands, magnifying their own courage, and in- 
 fiilting their enemies with the bittereft reproaches. 
 A cruel combat enfnes, death appears in a 
 thoufaud hideous forms, which would congeal 
 the blood of civilized nations to behold, but 
 which roufes the fury of favages. They trample, 
 they infult, over the dead bodies, and tear the 
 fcalp from the head. The flame rages on till it 
 meets witl; no refiilance ; then the prilbners are 
 fccured, thofe unhappy men, whofe fate is a 
 thoufand times more dreadful than theirs who 
 have died in the field. The conquerors fet up a 
 hideous howling, to lament the friends they 
 iiave loll. They approach, in a melancholy and 
 ievere gloom, to their own village ; a meffeoger 
 
 is 
 
OF AMERICA. 49 
 
 is fent to announce their arrival, and the women, 
 with frightful (hrieks, come oat to mourn their 
 dead brothers, or their hulbands. When they 
 are arrived the chief relates, in a low voice, to 
 the eiders, a circumftantial account of every 
 particular of the expedition. The orator pro- 
 claims aloud this account to the people; and as 
 he mentions the names of thole who have fallen, 
 the fhrieks of the women are redoubled. The 
 men, too, join in thele cries, according as each 
 is moil: conne6led with the deceafed by blood, 
 or friendihip. The laft ceremony is the procla- 
 mation of the victory ; each individual then 
 forgets his private misfortunes, and joins in the 
 triumph of his nation ; all tears are wiped from 
 their eyes, and, by an unaccountable tranfition, 
 they pafs, in a moment, from the bitternefs of 
 forrow to an extravagance of joy. But the treat- 
 ment of the priibners, whofe fate remains all this 
 time undecided, is what chiefly chaiadferifes the 
 lavages. 
 
 We have already mentioned the flrength of 
 their affeiftlons, or refentments. United, as they 
 are, in fmall focieties, cunne6fed, within them- 
 felves, by the firmed ties, their friendly affec- 
 tions, which glow with the mod intenfe warmth 
 within rhe walls of their own village, feJdom 
 extend beyond them. They feel nothing for the 
 enemies of their nation ; and their refentment is 
 eafily extended, from the individual who has 
 injured them, to all others of the fame tribe. 
 The priibners who have themfelves the fatne 
 feelings, know rhe intentions of their conquerors, 
 and are prepared for them. The peribn who 
 
 has 
 E 2 
 
50 GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 has taken the captive attends him to the cottage, 
 where, according to the difhibution niadc by the 
 elders, he is to be delivered to fupply the lois of 
 a citizen. If thofe who receive him have their 
 family weakened by war or other accidents, they 
 adopt the captive into the family, of which he 
 becomes a member. But if they have no occa- 
 fion for, him, or their refentment for the lofs of 
 their friends be too high to endure the fight of 
 any connefled with thofe who were concerned 
 in it, they fentence him to death. All thofe 
 who have met with the fame fevere fentence being 
 .colledled, the whole nation is afTembled at the 
 execution, as for feme great folemnity. A fcaf- 
 fold is ere^led, and the prifoners are tied to the 
 flake, where they commence their death fong, 
 and prepare for the eniuing fceneof cruelty with 
 the moit undaunted courage. Their enemies, 
 on the other fide, are determined to put it to the 
 proof, by the moft refined and exquifite tortures. 
 They begin at the extremity of his body, and, 
 gradually, approach the more vital parts. One 
 plucks C'.t his nails by the roots, one by one j 
 another takes a finger into his mouth, and tears 
 off the flefh with his teeth -, a third thrufts the 
 finger, mangled as it is, into the bowl of a pipe 
 made red-hot, which he fmokes like tobacco 5 
 then they pound his toes and fingers to pieces 
 between two ftones ; they cut circles about his 
 joints, and gaflies in the flefhy parts of his 
 limbs, which they fear immediately with red-hot 
 irons, cutting, burning, and pinching them al- 
 ternately ; they pull off his flefh, thus mangled 
 and roafted, bit by bit, devouring it with greedi- 
 
 nefs, 
 
OF AMERICA. Si 
 
 nefs, and fmearing their faces with the blood, 
 in an enthufiafm of horror and fury. When 
 they have thus torn off the fielh, they twift the 
 bare nerves and tendons about an iron, tearing 
 and fnapping them, whilft others are employed 
 in pulling and extending his limbs in every way 
 that can increafe the torment. This continues, 
 often five or fix hours ; and fometimes, fiich 
 is the ftrength of the favages, days together. 
 Then they frequently unbind him, to give a 
 breathing to their fury, to think what new tor- 
 ments they fhall inflict, and to refrefh the ftrength 
 of the fiifferer, who, wearied out with fuch a 
 variety of unheard-of torments, often falls into 
 fo profound a fleep, that they are obliged to 
 apply the fire to awake him, and renew hisfuf- 
 ferings. He is again faftened to the ftake, and 
 again they renew their cruelty •, they fiick him 
 all over with finall matches of wood that eafily 
 takes fire but burns flowly : they continually 
 run fiiarp reeds into every part of his body j 
 they drag out his teeth with pincers, and thruft 
 out his eyes; and, lafUy, after having burned 
 his flefh from the bones with flow fires ; after 
 having fo mangled the body that it is all but one 
 wound •, after having mutilated his face in fuch 
 a manner as to carry nothing human in it ; after 
 having peeled the Ikin from the head, and poured 
 a heap of red-hot coals or boiling water on the 
 naked fkuU — they once more unbind the wretch ; 
 who, blind, and daggering with pain and weak- 
 nefs, afiiliulted and pelted on every fide with 
 clubs and ftones, now up, now down, falling 
 into their fires at every Hep, runs hither and 
 
 thither, 
 
52 GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 thither, until one of the chiefs, whether out of 
 compaffion, or weary of cruelty, puts an end to 
 his life with a club or dagger. The body is then 
 put into a kettle, and this barbarous employ- 
 ment is fucceeded by a feaft as barbarous. 
 
 The women, forgetting the human as well as 
 the female nature, and transformed into fome- 
 thing worfe than furies, are laid to furpafs even 
 the men in this fcene of horror ; while the 
 principal perfons of the country fit round the 
 ftake, fmoaking and looking on, without the leafl: 
 emotion. What is nioft extraordinary, the fuf- 
 ferer himfelf, in the little intervals of his tor- 
 ments, fmokes too, appears unconcerned, and 
 converfes with his torturers about indifrerent 
 matters. Indeed during the whole time of his 
 execution, there feems a conteft which (hall ex- 
 ceed, they in infli6ting the mod horrid pains, or 
 he in enduring them with a firmneis and con- 
 Aancy almoft above human ; not a groan, not a 
 figh, not a diftortion of the countenance, cfcapes 
 him; he pofTefles his mind entirely in the midft 
 of his torments : he recounts his own exploits : 
 he informs them what cruelties he has inflidled 
 upon their countrymen ; and threatens them with 
 the revf;nge that will atttend his death ; and, 
 thon})h his reproaches exafperate them, to a per- 
 fect madnels of rage and fury, he continues his 
 infulls even of their ignoraui e of the art of tor- 
 menting, pointing out himfelf more exqulfite 
 methods, and more lenfible parts of the body to 
 bi- rifli6ted. The women have this part of cou- 
 rage as well as the m. ■: ; and it is as rare for an 
 Indian to behave otherwife as it wonld be for an 
 
 European 
 
OF AMERICA. 53 
 
 European to fuffsr as an Indian. Such Is the 
 wonderful power of an early inftitution, and a 
 ferocious third of glory ! " I am brave and in- 
 trepid (exclaims the favage in the face of his tor- 
 mentors) ; I do not fear death, nor any kind of 
 tortures *, thofe who fear them are cowards ; 
 they are lefs than women ; life is nothing to thofe 
 that have courage. May my enemies be con- 
 founded with defpair and rage ! Oh ! that I 
 could devour them, and drink their blood to the 
 lafl drop." 
 
 But neither the intrepidity, on one fide, nor 
 the inflexibility, on the other, are among them- 
 felvfcs matter of aftoni(hrnent : for vengeance, and 
 fortitude, in the midlt of torment, are duties 
 which they confider hs facred ; they are the ef- 
 fects of their earlieft education, and depend upon 
 principles infilled into them from their infancy. 
 On all other occafions they are humane and com- 
 paflionate. Nothing can exceed the warmth of 
 their afie61ion towards their friends, who confift 
 of all thofe who live in the fame village, or are 
 in alliance with it : among thefe all things are 
 common; and this, though it may in part, and 
 among fome of iha tribes, arife from their not 
 poffelling very diflin^ notions of feparate pro- 
 perty, is chiefly to be attributed to the ilrength 
 of their attachment : becaufe, in every thing elfe, 
 wdth their lives as well as their fortunes, they 
 are ready to ferve their friends. Their houfes, 
 their provifion, even their young women, are 
 not enough to oblige a guefl. Has any one of 
 thefe fucceeded ill in his hunting ? Has his har- 
 veft failed ', or is his houfe burned ? He feels no 
 
 other 
 
54 GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 other effect of his misfortunes, than that it give's 
 him an opportunity to experience the benevolence 
 and regard of his fellow-citizens. On the other 
 hand to the enemies of his country, or to thofe 
 who have privately offended, the American is 
 implacable. He conceals his fentiments -, he ap- 
 pears reconciled until by fome treachery or fur- 
 prife he has an opportunity of executing an hor- 
 rible revenge. No length of time is fufiicient 
 to allay his ref ntment ; no diftance of place 
 great enough to protect the obje(n: j he crofTes 
 the fteeptft mountains •, he pierces the mofl: im- 
 practicable forefts, and traverfes the mofl hideous 
 bogs and dcferts, for feveral hundred of miles ; 
 bearing rhe inclemency of the feafon, the fatigue 
 of the expedition, the extremes of hunger and 
 ihirfl, with patience and cheerfulnels, in hopes 
 of furprizing his enemy, on whom he exercifes 
 the mofl fhocking barbarities, even to the eating 
 of his iiefh. To fuch extremes do the Indians 
 pufh their friendfhip or their enmity ; and liich 
 indeed, in general, is the charafler of all flrong 
 and uncultivated minds. 
 
 CHAP. 
 
OF AMERICA. 55 
 
 CHAP. V. 
 
 Cttflotns^ ^c. of the Natives , continued — Treatment 
 of their dead Friends — Super/litiont — Condition 
 of their Women — Ardent Love of Liberty — 
 Crimes and Puniffjments — Peculiar Manners of 
 different blations — Longevity, 
 
 X5UT what we have faid refpefling the 
 Indians would be a faint piflure, did we omit 
 obferving the force of their friend Ihip, which 
 principally appears by the treatment of their 
 dead. When any one of the fociety is cut off, 
 he is lamented by the whole : on this occa- 
 fion a variety of ceremonies are pra^lifed, de- 
 noting the moft lively Ibrrow. No bufinefs is 
 tranfaf^ed, however preffing, till all the pious 
 ceremonies due to the dead are performed. The 
 body is wa(hed, anointed, and painted. Then, 
 the women lament the lofs with hideous bowl- 
 ings, intermixed with fongs which celebrate 
 the great alliens of the deceafed and his ancef- 
 tors. The men mourn alfo, though in a lefs ex- 
 travagant manner. The whole village is prelbnt 
 at the interment, and the corpfe is habited in 
 their moft fumptuous c-rnaments, Clofe to the 
 body of the defuncft are placed his bows and 
 arrows, with whatever he valued moft in his 
 life, and a quantity of provifion for his lubfiftence 
 on the journey which he is fuppofed to take. 
 This folemnity, like every other, is attended with 
 feafting. The funeral being ended, the relations 
 
 of 
 
56 GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 of the deceafed confine tbemfelves to their huts, 
 f »r a cor.fiderable time, to indulge their grief. 
 After an interval of fome weeks, they vifjt the 
 grave, repeat their forrow, new-clothe the re- 
 mains of the body, and aSt over again all the fo- 
 lemniries of 'he funeral. 
 
 Amung the various tokens of their regard for 
 their dciCc?kd friends, the moft remarkable is 
 the ceremony which they call ihafeaflofthedeady 
 or the feaft of fouls. 'Fhe day tor this cere- 
 mony is appointed in the council of their chiefs, 
 who give orders for every thing which may 
 enabie them to celebrate it wirh pomp and mag- 
 nificence , and the neighbouring nations are invit- 
 ed to partake of the entertainment. Ax thib time, 
 all who have died lince the preceding feaft of the 
 kind are taktn out of their graves. Even thofe 
 who have been interred at the greateft diftancc 
 from the villages, are diligently Ibught for, and 
 Condu(S>ed to this rendezvous of the dead, which 
 exhibits a fcene of horror beyond the power of 
 delcription. When the feaft is concluded, the 
 bodies are drelTc'l in the fineft fkms which can 
 be procured, and after be ing expofed for fome 
 time in this pomp, are again committed to the 
 earrii, with great folemniry, which is fucceeued 
 by funeral games. 
 
 Their taftc for war, which forms the chief 
 ingredient in their charti<5fci , gives a ftrong bias 
 to their religion. Arefkouiy or the god of bartle, 
 is revered as the great g^d of the Indians. Him 
 they invoke- before they go into the field ; and 
 according as hie riifpofition i? more or ieis favour- 
 able to them, they conclude they will be more or 
 
 lefs 
 
OF AMERICA. ,57 
 
 Jefs fuccefsful. Some nations feem to do a kind of 
 homage to the fun, as a iymbo), or minifter of the 
 beneficence and power of the Great Spirit : others 
 pay a fimiiar homage to the moon and planets ; 
 among others, there is a number of traditions, 
 relative to the creation of the world and the 
 hiftory of the gods : traditions which refemble 
 the Grecian fables, but which are ftili more 
 abfurd and inconfirtent. But religion is not the 
 prevailing character of the Indians -, and except 
 when they have fome immediate occafion for the 
 afliltance of their gods, they pay them no fortL 
 of wor(hip. Like all rude nations, however, 
 they are ftrongly addidfed to fuperftition. They 
 believe in the exillence of a number of good and 
 bad genii, or fpirits, who interfere in the aiRiirs 
 of mortals, and produce all our happinefs, or 
 mifery. It is from the evil genii, in particular, 
 that our difeafes, they imagine, proceed ; and it 
 is to the good genii we are indebted for a cure. 
 The miniders of the genii are the jugglers, who 
 are alfo the chief phyficiaqs among the la- 
 vages. Thcfe jugglers are fuppofed to be infpired 
 by the good genii, moff commonly in their 
 dreams, with the knowledge of future events : 
 they are called in to the affiilance of the fi^^k, 
 and are fuppofed to be informed by the genii 
 whether they will get over the difeafe, and in 
 what way they mufl be treated. But thefe fpirits 
 are extremely fimple in their fydem of phyfic, 
 and, in almoffc every difeafe, diredl the juggler to 
 the fame remedy. The patient is inclofed In a 
 narrow cabin, in the midft of which is a Aone 
 red-hot ; on this they throw water, until he is 
 well foaked with the warm vapour and his own 
 F fv/eat 
 
.38 GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 fweat. Then they hurry him from this bagnio, 
 and plunge him fuddenly into the ncxr river. 
 This coarie method, which coi\s many their 
 lives, often performs very extraordinary cures. 
 *' Some of their remedies, however, which are 
 almofl entirely derived from the vegetable king- 
 dom, are certainly very powerful and efficacious, 
 in their operations. The principalof thefe are a 
 jpecies of Aillingia (perhaps a croton,) feveral 
 ipecies of iris, particularly the verficoior, and 
 the verna ; the bignoniacrucigera, ^c." — Thefe 
 are principally employed by the jugglers, and 
 old women ; bur mofl of the favages are more or 
 lefs dextrous in curinr^ wounds, and diieafes. 
 But the power ol- their remedies is generally 
 attributed by the favages to the magical ceremo- 
 nies with which they are adminiftered. 
 
 Although the Indian women generally bear 
 the laborious, part of the domeftic economy, 
 their condition, at lead among many of the 
 tribes, is far from being fo wretched, lb (lavifli, 
 and deprefTed, as has been reprefented, by Dr. 
 Robertion, and by many other writers. We do 
 not mean, in this place, to engage in an inquiry 
 concerning the comparative reJpedlability and 
 importance of the female charafter in the various 
 flages of fociety and improvement : an inquiry 
 which has employed the pens of fome of the 
 moft learned and eloquent writers of the prefent 
 age, and concerning which there are ftill various, 
 and very oppofite, opinions. This, however, 
 we think, we may, confidently and fafcly, affert, 
 that the condition of the women among many of 
 the American tribes is as refpcflable and as im- 
 portant as it was among the Germans, in the 
 
 days 
 
OF AMERICA. 59 
 
 days of Tacitus ; or as it is among any other 
 nations, with whom we are acquaumted, in a 
 fimilar ftage of improvement. " Ti->e;r balinefs, 
 or employment," fays the ingenious Mr. Wil- 
 liam Bartram, " is chicfiv in their houfes, except 
 at thofe leafoQS when their crops of miize, &c» 
 are growing, at which times they generally turn 
 out with their hufbands and parents •, but they 
 are by no means compelled to do this, and one 
 feldom fees a third as many females as males at 
 work, in their plantations." You may de- 
 pend on my aiTertion," (fays the (time gentleman, 
 who had ample opportunities of ftudying the 
 cuftoms and manners of the fouthern Indians, of 
 whom he is fpeaking, in this place) <' thrst there 
 are no people, any where, who love their women 
 more than thefe Indians do, or men of better un- 
 derlhinding in diitinguifning the merits of the 
 oppofite fex i— or men more faithful in rendering 
 fuitable compenfation. They are courteous and 
 polite to their women, — gentle, tender and fond- 
 ling, even to an appearance of effeminacy. An 
 Indian man leldom attempts to ufe a woman, of 
 any defcription, with indelicacy, either of adlion, 
 or of language. 
 
 " In the hunting feafons, that is, in autumn, 
 and in winter, when the men are generally out 
 in the foreifs, the whole care of the houfe or 
 family devolves on the women: at thefe times 
 they are obliged to undergo a great deal of labour 
 and fatigue, fuch as cutting wood, &c. But 
 this labour is, in part, alleviated by the afTiflance 
 «f the old men, who are pall their hunting days, 
 or who are, no longer, capable of ferving in 
 
 war/' 
 
60 GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 war." But nothing more clearly fhows the im- 
 portance and refpeflability of the women among 
 the Indians than this circumftance, that, among 
 fome of the tribes, they are permitted to prefide in 
 the councils of their country : to this we may 
 add, that feveral of the Florida nations have, at 
 different times, been governed by the wifdom, 
 and the prudence of female caciques. 
 
 Polygamy is pra6lifed by fome nations, but it 
 is not general. In mod, they content themfelves 
 wirh one wife ; but a divorce is admitted of in 
 cafe of adultery. No nation of the Americans is 
 without a regular marriage, in which there are 
 many ceremonies ; the principal of which is, the 
 bride's prefenting the bridegroom with a plate 
 of their corn. The women, though before 
 incontinent, are remarkable for chaftity after 
 marriage. 
 
 Liberty, in its full extent, being the darling 
 paflion of the Indians, their education is directed 
 in fuch a manner as to cherifli this difpofition to 
 the utmoft. Hence children are never upon any 
 account chaftifed with blows, and they are fel- 
 dom even reprimanded. Reafon, they fay, will 
 guide their children when they come to the ufe 
 of it, and before that time their faults cannot be 
 very great : but blows might damp their free and 
 martial fpirit, by the habit of a flavifh motive to 
 adlion. When grown up, they experience no- 
 thing like command, dependence or fubordina- 
 tion ; even ftrong perfuafion is induftrioufly 
 withheld by thofe who have influence among 
 them. — No man is held in great efleem, unlefs 
 he has increafed the ftrengih of his country with 
 
 a cap- 
 
OF AMERICA. 61 
 
 a captive, or adorned his hut with a Icalp of one 
 of his enemies. 
 
 .Controverfies among the Indians are few, and 
 quickly decided. When any criminal matter is 
 fo flagrant as to become a national concern, it is 
 brought under the jurirdi(ftion of the great coun- 
 cil j but in ordinary cafes, the crime is either re- 
 venged or compromifed by the parties concerned. 
 If a murder be committed, the family which has 
 loft a relation prepares to retaliate on that of the 
 offender. They often kill themuidererj and 
 when this happens, the kindred of the lad perfon 
 flain, look upon themfelves to be as much injured, 
 and to have the iame right to vengeance, as the 
 other party. In general, however, the offender 
 abfents himfelf ; the friends fend compliments 
 of condolence to thofe of the perfon who has 
 been murdered. The head of the family, at 
 length, appears with a number of prefents, the 
 delivery of which he accompanies with a formal 
 fpeech. The whole ends, as ufual, in mutual ■ 
 feaftings, in fongcs, and in dances. If the mur- 
 der is committed by one of the fame family, or 
 cabin, that cabin has the full right of judgment 
 within itfelf, either to punifh the guilty with 
 death, or to pardon him, or to oblige hnn to give 
 fome recompenfe to the wife or children of the 
 flain. Inftances of fuch a crime, however, very 
 feldom happen ; for their attachment to thofe of 
 the f ime family is remarkably ftrong, and is faid 
 to produce fuch friendfhip as may vie with the 
 moft celebrated in fabuloas antiquity. 
 
 Such, in general, are the m nmers and cuftoms 
 
 of the Indian nations i but aimoft every tribe has 
 
 fomething peculiar to itfelf, Anaongthe Hurons, 
 
 F 2 and 
 
62 GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 and the Natches, the dignity of the chief is faid 
 to be hereditary, and the right of fucceffion in 
 the fen:iale line. When this happens to be ex- 
 tin 61, the moil refpe^lable matron of the tribe, 
 we are informed, makes choice of whom (he 
 pleafes to fuccced. 
 
 The Chcrokees are governed by feveral fa- 
 rhems, or chiefs, ele(ned by the different villages ; 
 as are alfo the Creeks, and the Choftaws. The 
 two latter punifh adultery in a woman by cutting 
 off her hair, which they will not fnffer to grow 
 till the corn is ripe, the next feafon •, but the 
 Illinoife, for the fame crime, cat off the women's 
 nofes and ears. 
 
 The Indiims on the Lakes are formed into a 
 fort of empire ; and the emperor is eledled from 
 the eldeft tribe, which is that of the Ottowawas. 
 This authority is very confiderable. A few 
 years ago, the perfon who held this rank formed 
 a defign of uniting all the Indian nations, under 
 his fovereignty ; but he mifcarried in the bold 
 attempt. 
 
 In genera], the American Indians live to a 
 great age, although it is not eafy to know from 
 themfeives the exact number of their years. It 
 was alked of an Indian, who appeared to be ex- 
 tremely old, what age he was of? I am above 
 twenty, was his reply. Upon putting the 
 queftion in a different form, by reminding him 
 of certain circumfiances, in former times, my 
 i/mc/ju, faid he, fpoke to me, when I was young, 
 of the Incas ; and he had ieen thefe princes. Ac- 
 cording to this reply, there muff have elapfed, 
 from the date of his macha's (his grandfather's) 
 remembrance to that time, a period of, at leaft, 
 
 232 
 
OF AMERICA. 63 
 
 232 years. The man who made this reply, ap- 
 peared to be 120 years of age, for, befides the 
 whitenefs of his hair and beard, his body was al- 
 mofl bent to the ground ; without, however, 
 jfhowing any other marks of debility, or fuffer- 
 ing. This happened in 1764. This longevit}', 
 attended in general with uninterrupted health, is 
 thought by fome writers, to be the confequence 
 in part of rlieir vacancy from all ferious thought 
 and employment, joined alfo with the robufl 
 texture and confirmation of their bodily organs. 
 If the Indians did not deftroy one another, in 
 their almoll perpetual wars, and if their habits 
 of intoxication were not Co univerfal and incu- 
 rable, they would be, of all the races of men 
 who inhabit the globe, the moft likely to extend, 
 not only the bounds, but the enjoyments, of 
 iuimal life to their utmoil: duration. 
 
 CHAP. 
 
64 GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 CHAP. VI. 
 
 Other PiBures of the Native Americans — Amcdote 
 
 of an Algonquin Woman — Reproached with Ptt^ 
 
 jtllajiimity — Perfidy — Weaknefs of Underfianding 
 
 — Indolence and Stupidity — Vanity and Conceit — 
 
 their Eloquence difparaged* 
 
 JL-iET us now attend to other picftures 
 which have been given of the aboriginal inhabi- 
 tants of America. The vices and defe<ffcs of the 
 American Indians have been by feveral writers, 
 moft unaccountably aggravated, and every vir- 
 tue and good quality denied them. Their cruel- 
 ties has been already defcribcd, and accounted 
 for. The following anecdote of an Algonquin 
 woman we find adduced as a remarkable proof 
 of their innate thirft of blood. That nation 
 being at war with the Iroquois, (lie happened to 
 be taken prifoner, and was carried to one of the 
 villages belonging to ihem. Here (he was ftrip- 
 ped naked, and her hands and feet bound, with 
 ropes, in one of their cabins. In this condition 
 fhe remained ten days, the favages deeping round 
 her every nighr. The eleventh night, while 
 they were afleep, fhe found means to difengage 
 one of her hands, with which fhe immediately 
 freed herfelf from the ropes, and v;ent to the 
 door. Though (he had now an opportunity of 
 efcaping unperct^ived, her revengeful temper 
 could nor kt flip fo favourable an opportunity of 
 killing one ot her enemies. The attempt was 
 maaifeflly at the hazard of her own life ; yet 
 
 fnatching 
 
OF AMERICA. 65 
 
 fnatching up a hatchet, (he killed the favage that 
 lay next her : and, fpringing out of the cabin, 
 concealed herfelf in a hollow tree, which (he had 
 obferved the day before. The groans of the 
 dying perfon ioon alarmed the other favages, 
 and the young ones immediately fet our in per- 
 fuit of her. Perceiving, from her tree, that 
 they all dire(5ted their courle one way, and that 
 no lavage was near her, ftie left her fanftuary, 
 and flying by an oppofjte diredlion, ran into a 
 foreft without being perceived. The fecond day 
 after this happened, her footfteps were difcover- 
 ed i and they purfued her with fuch expedition, 
 that the third day flie difcovered her enemies at 
 her heels. Upon this, fhe threw herfelf into a 
 pond of water ; and diving among iome weeds 
 and bulrufhes, ihe could jufl breath above water 
 without being perceived. Her purfuers, after 
 making the moft diligent fearch, were forced to 
 return. — For 35 days this woman held on her 
 courfe through woods and deferts, without any 
 other fuftenance than that which roots and wild 
 berries afforded her. When fne came to the 
 river St. Lawrence, (he made, with her owri 
 hands, a kind of a wicker raft, on which flie 
 croffed it. As flie went by the French for Trois- 
 Kiviers, without well knowing where (he was, 
 (he perceived a canoe full of favages ; and fearing 
 they might be Iroquoife, ran again into the woods 
 where flic remained till funfet. — Continuing her 
 courfe foon after, flie faw Trois-Riviers ; and 
 was then difcovered by a party whom flie knew 
 to be Hurons, a nation in alliance with the 
 Algonquins. She then fquatted down, behind 
 a bufti, calling out to them that fh€ was not in a 
 
 condition 
 
66 GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 condition to be feen, becaufe (he was naked. 
 They immediately threw her a blanket, and then 
 conducted her to a fort, where (he recounted 
 her ftory. 
 
 Perfbnal courage has been denied them. In 
 proof oftheirpufillanimityjthefollowing incidents 
 are quoted from Charlevoix by lord Karnes, in 
 h i s Sketches of the Hijlory of Man . " Th e f o r t de 
 Vercheres, in Canada, belonging to the French, 
 was, in the year 1690, attacked by the Iroquois. 
 They approached filently, preparing to fcale the 
 palifade, when fome muiket-fnot made them 
 retire. Advancing a fecond time, they were 
 again repulfed, wondering that they could dii- 
 cover none but a woman, v/ho was feen every 
 where. This was Madame de Vercheres, who 
 appeared as reiolute as if fuoported by a nume- 
 rous garrifon. The hopes of llorming a place 
 without men to defend it, occafioncd reiterated 
 attacks. After two days {\^^^ chey retired 
 fearing to be intercepted in the.r retreat. Two 
 years after, a party of the fame nation appeared 
 before the fort fo une"Kpe<fl-ed!y, that a girl of 
 fourteen, daughter of the proprietor, had but 
 time to ihut the g itc. With ihe young woman 
 there was not a ibui but one raw foldier She 
 /howed herfelf, with her aflidanr, fometimes in 
 one place, and fomedmes in another j changing 
 her drefs frequently, in order to give Ibme ap- 
 pearance of a garilbn ; always firing oppor- 
 tunely. The faint-hearted Iroquois decamped 
 without fuccefs." 
 
 There is no inflance it is faid, either of a 
 fmgle Indian facing an individual, of any other 
 nation, in fair and open combat, or of their 
 
 jointly 
 
OF AMERICA. 67 
 
 jointly venturing to try the fate of battle with an 
 equal number of any foes. Even with the 
 greateit iuperiority of numbers, they dare not 
 meet an open attack. \et, nntwithflanding this 
 wan^ of courage, they are ftill formidr?ble ; nay, 
 it has been known, that a fmall party of them has 
 routed a much fuperior body of regular troops : 
 but this can only happen when they have furprifed 
 them in the faftneffes of their fo.dh, where rhe 
 covert of the wood may conceal them until they 
 take their aim with the utmoil certainty. After 
 one fuch diicharge they immediately retreat, 
 without leaving the fmalleft trace of their route. 
 It may eafily be iuppofed, that an onlet of this 
 kiiul muft produce confufion -even among the 
 fteadieft troops, when they can ntither know the 
 number of their enemies, nor perceive the place 
 where they lie in ambufh. 
 
 Ptrfi 1y combined with cruelty has been alfo 
 m;-.de a part of their charadler. Don Ulioii re- 
 lates, that the Indians called Natches, in Loui- 
 fiuna, laid a plot of mnlTacring, in one night, 
 evcsy individual belonging to the French colony 
 eftabiiihed there. This plot rhey a6fually exe- 
 cuted, notvvithftanding che feeming good under- 
 ftati'liPg that fuhGfted between them and thefe 
 European neighbours. Such was the fccrecy 
 which thty obtcrvtd, that no perfon had the 
 leaii iufpicion of their defign until the blow was 
 flruck. One Fit-nchnmn filone elcaped, by favour 
 of 'he darkntrfs, to relate the difafler of his 
 countrymen. The compaffion of a female Indian 
 contributed alio, in ioroe meafurc, to Wi? ex- 
 emp'ion Uom diegenerd n.iaiTcJcre. The tribe 
 of Natches had inviicd the Indians of o;her 
 
 countries, 
 
68 GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 countries, even to a confiderable diftance, tojoin 
 in the (^dvae confpiracy.. The day, or rather the 
 night, was fixed, on which they were to make 
 an united attrick on the French colonics. It 
 was intimated by fending a parcel of rods» more 
 or lefs numerous according to the local diftance 
 of each tribe, with an injunction to abftraO one 
 rod daily ; the day on which the laft fell to be 
 taken away being that fixed for the execution of 
 their plan. The women were partners of the 
 bloody fecret. The parcels of rods being thus 
 diftributed, that belonging to the tribe of Natches 
 happened to remain in the cuftody of a female. 
 This woman either moved by her own feelings 
 of compaflion, or by the commiferation expref- 
 fed by her female acquaintances, in the view of 
 the propofed fcene of bloodfiied, abftrafled one 
 day three or four of the rods, and thus antici- 
 pated the term of their tribe's proceeding to the 
 execution of the general conipiracy. The con- 
 fequence of this was, that the Natches were the 
 only a6Vors in this carnage •, their diftant aflfociates 
 having ftill feverai rods remaining at the time 
 when the former made the attack. An oppor- 
 tunity was, thereby, given to the colonifts, in 
 thofe quarters, to take meafures for their defence, 
 and for preventing a more extenfive execution 
 of the deugn. 
 
 It was by confpiracies fimilar to this that the 
 Indians of the province of Macas, in the kingdom 
 of Qu^ito, deftroyed the opulent cityof Logrogno, 
 the colony of Guambaya, and its capital Seviila 
 del Oro ; and that {o completely, that it is no 
 longer known in what place thefe fettlements 
 exifted, or where that abundance of gold was 
 
 found 
 
OF AMERICA. Ob 
 
 found from which the laft-mentioned city took 
 the addition to its name. Similar ravages have 
 been committed upon I'Imperial, in Chili j the 
 colonies of the Miflions of Chuncas, thofe of 
 Darien, in Terra-Firma, and many other places, 
 which have afforded fcenes of this barbarous 
 ferocity. Thcfe confpiracies are always carried 
 on in the fame manner. . The fecreti'; inviolably 
 kept, the aflors affemble at .the precife hour 
 appointed, and every individual is animated with 
 the (ame fanguinary purpofes. The males who 
 fall into their hands are put to death, with every 
 Allocking circumftance that can be iuggefted by 
 a cool and determined cruelty. The females are 
 carried off and preferved, as monuments of their 
 vicfory, to be employed as their occafions re- 
 quire. 
 
 Nor can this odious cruelty and treachery, it 
 is faid, be juftly afcribed to their fubjecffion to a 
 foreign yoke, feeing the fame character belongs 
 equally to all the originalinhabitants of this vaft 
 continent, even to thofe who have preferved 
 their independence mofi: completely. Certain it 
 is, continues Ulloa, that thefe people, with the 
 mofl limited capacities of every thing eife, difplay 
 an af^onifhing degree of penetration and fubtle- 
 ty, with refpe<5t to eveiy obje<5t that involves 
 treachery, bloodflied, and rapine. As to thefe, 
 they feem to have been all educated at one 
 fchool ; and a lecret, referring to any fuch 
 plan, no confideration on earth can extort from 
 them. 
 
 Their under (landings alfo have been repre- 
 fented as not lefs contemptible than their Plan- 
 ners are grofs and brutal. Many nations, it has 
 G been 
 
70 GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 been faid, are ntither capable of forming an ar- 
 rangement for futurity, nor does their folicitude 
 or forefight extend fo far They fet no value 
 upon thole things of which they are not in fome 
 imtnediate want. In the evening, f^iys father 
 Labat, when a Carib is going to rei>, no con- 
 fideration will tempt him to fell his hammock ; 
 but in the morning he will part with it for the 
 flightefl: trifle. At the clofe of winter, a North- 
 American, mindful of what he has fuffered from 
 the cold, fets himfelf with vigour to prepare 
 materials for ere(5ling a comfortable hut, to pro- 
 te£t him againft the inclemency of the fucceeding 
 feafon : but as foon as the weather becomes mild, 
 he abandons his work, and never thinks of it 
 more till the return of the cold compels him to 
 refume it. — In (hort, to be free from labour feems 
 to be the utmoft wifh of an American. They 
 will continue, whole days, Uretched in their 
 hammocks, or (eated on the earth, without 
 changing their pofture, rai(ing their eyes, or 
 uttering a fmgle word. They cannot compute 
 the I'ucceffion of days, or of weeks. The dif- 
 ferent afpeffs of the moon alone engage their 
 attention, as a meafure of time. Of the year they 
 have no other conception than what is fuggefled 
 to them by the alternate heat of fummer, and by 
 the cold of winter ; nor have they the leafl idea 
 of applying to this period the obvious computa- 
 tion of the months which it contains. When it 
 s afked of any old man, in Peru, even the moft 
 civilized, what age he is of? the only anfwer he 
 can give is the number of caciques he has feen. 
 It often happens, too, that ihey only recolle(rt 
 the moft diflant of thefe princes, in whofe time 
 
 certain 
 
OF AMERICA. ,71 
 
 certain circumftances ha<^ happened peculiarly 
 memorable, whilft of thofe who lived in a more 
 recent period they have- loft all remembrance. 
 
 The fame ^rofs ftupidity is alleged to be ob- 
 fervable in thole Indians who have retained their 
 original liberty. They are never known to fix 
 the dates of any events in their minds, or to "trace 
 the fucceffion of circumftances that have arifen 
 from fuch events. Their imagination takes in 
 only xhQprefent, and in that only what intimately 
 concerns themlelves, Nor can difcipline or in- 
 flru<5lion overcome this natural defe6l of appre- 
 henfion. In facff, the fubje^fted Indians in Peru, 
 who have a continual intercourfe with the Spa 
 niards, who are furnifhed with curates perpe- 
 tually occupied in giving them leflbns of religion 
 and morality, and who mix with all ranks of the 
 civilized fociety eftablifhed among them, are 
 almoft as ftupid and barbarous as their country- 
 men who have had no fuch advantages. The 
 Peruvians, while they lived under the govern- 
 ment of their Incas, preferved the records of 
 certain remarkable events. They had alfo a kind 
 of regular government defcribed by the hiftorians 
 of the conqueft of Peru. This government ori- 
 ginated entirely from the attention and abilities 
 of their princes, and from the regulations ena6led 
 by them for directing the condu6f of their fub- 
 jefts. This ancient degree of civilization among 
 them gives ground to prefume that their legifla- 
 tures fprung from Ibme race more enlightened 
 than the other tribes of Indians ; a race, of which 
 no individual feems to remain in the prefent 
 times. 
 
 Vanity 
 
V2 GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 Vanity and conceit are fiiid to be blended with 
 their ignorance, and treachey. Notwithfland- 
 ing ail they fufFer from Europeans, they IVill, it 
 is 1 iid, confider themiclves as a race of men far 
 iuperior to rhcir conquerorb". T?ii^ proud belief, 
 arifing irom their perverted ideas of excellence, 
 is univerfal over the whole known continent of 
 America. They do not think it poffible that 
 any people can be fo intelligent as themfelves. 
 When they are dete^led in any of their plots, it 
 is their common obfcrvation, that the Spaniards, 
 or Vircchocasy want to be as knowing as they 
 are. Thole of Louifiana and the countries ad- 
 jacent, are equally vain of their I'uperior under- 
 ilanding, confounding thut quality with the 
 cunning which they temfelves conftanrly prac- 
 tife. The whole obje(fi of their tranla<Sions is 
 to over-reach thofe with whom they deal. Yet 
 though faithleis themfelves, they never forgive 
 the breach of promife on the part of others. 
 While the Europeans feek their amity by pre- 
 fents, they give themfelves no concern to fecure 
 n reciprocal friend fhip, Hence, probably, arifes 
 their idea, that they muft be a fuperior race of 
 men, in ability and intelligence, to thofe who 
 are at fuch pains to court their alliance, and 
 avert thar enmity. 
 
 Their natural eloquence has alfobcen decried. 
 The free tribes of favages who enter into con- 
 ventions with tltc Europeans, it is obfervcd, arc 
 accuftomed to make long, pompous, and, ac- 
 cording to their own notions, fublime harangues, 
 but wifhour any method, orconnsxinn. The 
 whole is a coUeiflion of dibjcnnred metaphors and 
 comparifons. The light, hear, and courfe of 
 
OF AMERICA. 75 
 
 the fun, form the principal topic of their diC- 
 courfe ; and thefe unintelligible reafonings are 
 always acconapanied with violent and ridiculous 
 geftures. Numberlefs repetitions prolong the 
 oration, which if not interrupted, would laft 
 whole days : at the fame time, they meditate 
 very accurately, before hand, in order to avoid 
 mentioning any thing but what they are defirous 
 to obtain. This pompous faculty of making 
 fpeeches is alfo one of the grounds on which 
 they conceive themfelves to be fuperior to the 
 nations of Europe 5 they imagine that it is their 
 eloquence that procures them the favours they 
 alk. The fubjeded Indians converfe precifely in 
 the fame ftyle. Prolix and tedious, they never 
 know when to ftop ; {o that excepting by the 
 difference in language, it would be impollible, 
 in this refpefV, to diftinguilli a civilized Peruvian 
 from an inhabitant of the moil favage diflri6ls to 
 the northward. 
 
 CHAP. 
 
74^ GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 CHAP. VII. 
 
 All the Charges in the foregoing Chapter partiali and 
 not free f torn mifreprefentatiofi — Their Senftbilityy 
 l^c- — Their Courage — Their Politenefs andCivility, 
 
 B 
 
 lUT fuch partial and detached 
 views, as the above, were they even free from 
 mlfreprefentatlon, are not the juft ground upon 
 "which to form an eftimate of the chara(fi:er of the 
 aboriginal inhabitants of the New-World. Their 
 qualities, good and bad, (for they certainly 
 pofTefs both,) their way of life, the llate of foci- 
 ety among them, with all the circumftances of 
 their condition, ought to be confiderecl in cornier- 
 ion, and in regard to their mutual influence. 
 Such a view has been given in the preceding part 
 of this Book : from which, it is hoped, their 
 real character may beeafily deduced. 
 
 Many of the difagreeable traits exhibited in the 
 anecdotes jufl: quoted, are, indeed, extrafted 
 from Don Ulloa •, an author of credit and repu- 
 tation -, but a Spaniard, and evidently biaffed, in 
 fome degree, by a defire to palliate the enormities 
 of his countrymen in that quarter of the globe. 
 And, with regard to the worfl and leafl equivocal 
 parts of the American chara(5ler, cruelty and 
 revenge ; it may be fairly queftioned, whether 
 the inftances of thefe, either in refpc(5l of their 
 caufe or their atrocity, be at all comparable to 
 thoie exhibited in European hiftory, and ftaining 
 the annals of Chriftendom : — to thofe, for in- 
 ftance, of the Spaniards, themfelves, at their 
 firfl difcovery of America ; to thofe indicated 
 by the engines found on board their mighty 
 
 Armada, 
 
OF AMERICA. 75 
 
 Armada, in 1584; to thofe which, in cold 
 blood, were perpetrated by the Dutch at Am- 
 boyna ; to the dragoonings of the French ; to 
 their religious maflfacres : the horrors of their 
 Revolution : or, even, to the tender mercies of the 
 Inquifition ! 
 
 Their friend(hips are ftrong, and faithful to 
 the uttermo<V extremity. A remarkable inftance 
 of this appeared in the cafe of the late Col. Byrd 
 of Virginia, who was fent to the Cherokee na- 
 tion to tranfaft fome buiinefs with them. It 
 happened that fome of our diforderly people had 
 juft killed one or two of that nation. It was, 
 therefore, propofed in the council of the Che- 
 rokees, that Col. Byrd (fiould be put to death in 
 revenge for the lofs ot their countrymen. 
 Among them was a chief called Si/ouee, who, on 
 fome former occafion, had contracted an acquain- 
 tance and friendfhip with vJol. Byrd. He came 
 to him every night, in his tent, and told him not 
 to be afraid, they fhould not kill him. After 
 many days deliberation, however, the determina- 
 tion was, contrary to Silouee's expe(5f ation, that 
 Byrd (hould be put to death, and fome warriors 
 were difpatched as executioners. Silouee at- 
 tended them *, and when they entered the tent, 
 he threw himlelf between them and Byrd, and 
 faid to the warriors, "This man is my friend : 
 before you get at him you mufl kill me." On 
 which they returned ; and the council refpected 
 the prmciple fo much as to recede from their de- 
 termination. 
 
 That "they are timorous and cowardly" is a 
 character with which there is little reafon to 
 charge them, when we recolleff the manner in 
 
 which 
 
76 GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 which the Iroquois met Monf. ,who march- 
 ed into their country ; ia which the old men, 
 who fcorned to fly, or to furvive the capture of 
 their town, braved death, like the old Romans, 
 in the time of the Gauls, and in which they foon 
 after revenged themfelves by facking and deftroy- 
 ing Montreal. In fhort, the Indian is brave, 
 when an enterprize depends on bravery; edu- 
 cation with him making the point of honour to 
 confift in the deftru6lion of an enemy by ftrata- 
 gem, and in the prelervation of his own perfon 
 free from injury : or, perhaps, this is nature, 
 while it is education which teaches us to honour 
 force more than finefle. He will defend himfelf 
 againft an hoft of enemies, always choofing to 
 be killed rather than to furrcnder, though it be 
 to the whites, who, he knows, will treat him 
 well. In other fituations, alfo, he meets death 
 'with more deliberation ; and endures tortures 
 with a firmnefs unknown almofl to religious en- 
 thufiafm among us. 
 
 To form a juft eftimate of their genius and 
 mental powers, Mr Jefferfon obferves, more fa 61$ 
 are wapting, and great allowance is to be made 
 for ihofe circumftances of their fituation which 
 call for a difplay of particular talents only. This 
 done, we fhall, probably, find that the Ame- 
 ricans are formed, in mind as well as in bo 'y, on 
 the lame model with the homo Japiens Europaus, 
 The principles of their ibciety forbidding all 
 Gompulfion they are to be led to duty aud to 
 enterprize bv prrfbnal influence and perfuafion. 
 Hence eloquence in council, bravery and aJdrefs 
 in war, become the foundations of all confe- 
 quence with them. To thefe acquirements all 
 
 their 
 
OF AMERICA. 77 
 
 their faculties are directed. Of their bravery 
 and addrjfs in war we have multiplied proofs, 
 becaufe we have been the-fubje(5\s on which 
 they were exercifed. Of their eminence in ora- 
 tory we have fewer examples, bccaufe it is dif- 
 played chiefly in their own opiincils. Some, 
 however we have of very fuperior lulire. We 
 may challenge the whole orations of Demoft- 
 henes and Cicero, and of any more eminent 
 orator, if Europe has furnifhed more eminent, 
 to produce a fingle paflage fuperior to the I'peech 
 . of Logan, a Mingo chief, to Lord Dunmore, 
 when governor of Virginia. 
 
 When any of them come into our towns, our 
 people are apt to crowd round them, gaze upon 
 them, and incommode them when they defire to 
 be private *, this they efteem gr' at rudenefs, and 
 the effecl of the want of inftruftion in the rules 
 of civility, and good manners. " We have," 
 fay they, '* as much curiolity as you ; and when 
 you come into our to\yns, we wilh for oppor^- 
 tunities of looking at you ; but for this purpofe 
 we hide ourfelves behind bufhes, where you are 
 to pafs, and never intrude ourfelves into your 
 company.'* 
 
 Their manner of entering one another's vil- 
 lages has likewile its rules. It is reckoned un- 
 civil in travelling grangers to enter a village 
 abruptly, without giving notice of their approach. 
 Therefore, as foon as they arrive within hearing, 
 they flop and hollow, remaining there till invited 
 to enter. Two old men ufualiy come out to them, 
 and lead them in. There is in every village a 
 vacant dwelling, Called \.\\t Jl ranger^ s-houfe . Here 
 they are placed, while the old men go round from 
 
 hut 
 
78 GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 hut to hur, acquainting the inhabitants that 
 Grangers are arrived, who are probably, hun- 
 gry and weary ; and every one fends them what 
 he can fpare of vi«5lua^s, and (kins to repoie on. 
 When the ftrangers are refrefhed, pipes and 
 tobacco are brought ; and then, but not before, 
 converfation begins, with inquiries who they 
 are, whither bound, what news. Sec. and it 
 uiuaiiy ends with offers oi fervice •, if the llran- 
 gers have occafion tor guides, or any neceffaries 
 for ci>ntinuing their journey j and nothing is ex- 
 aifled for the entertainment. 
 
 CHAP. 
 
OF AMERICA. 79 
 
 CHAP. VIII. 
 
 (^fthe Peopling of America — Old and New-Conti- 
 nent fuppofed to have been formerly joined — At 
 prefe7jt feparated only by a narronv Strait — Con- 
 jeElures concerning the fir/i Migrations into the 
 NeiV'Continent — Mr. Penatifs opinion — Cuf 
 tomsy ^c common to the e after n Afiatics and the 
 Americans — Brute Creation migrated by the 
 fame Route. 
 
 FIE queflions which now prefent 
 themfelves to our notice are, From what part of 
 the Old-World has America, moft probably, 
 been peopled ? — And how was this peopling ac- 
 complilhed ? — 
 
 Few qupflions in the hifiorjTof mankind have 
 been more agitated than thefe. — Philolbphers, 
 and men of learning and ingenuity, have been 
 fpeculating upon them.^ ever fmce the diicovery of 
 the American-Iflands, by Chridopher Columbus. 
 — But notwithltanding all the labours of Acofla, 
 of Grorius, and of many other wrirers of emi- 
 uence, the iubje(5f fiid affords an ample field for 
 the refearches of the man of fcience, and for the 
 fancies of the theorift. 
 
 Difcoveries, long ago made, inform us, that 
 an intercourfe between the Old-Continent and 
 America might be carried on, with facility, from 
 the north- weft extremities of Europe and the 
 north-eaft boundaries of Afia. In the ninth 
 century the Norwegians Jifcovered Greenland, 
 and planted a colony there. The communication 
 
 with 
 
&0 GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 with that country was renewed in the lall cen- 
 tury by Moravian miflionaries, in order to pro- 
 pagate their dodlrines in that bleak and uncul- 
 tivated region. By them we are informed that 
 the north-weft coaft of Greenland is feparated 
 from America by a very narrow ftrait ; that at 
 the bottom of the bay it is highly probable that 
 they are united ; that the Efquimaux of America 
 perfefliy refemble the Greenlanders, in their 
 afpe6f, drel's, and mode of living ; and that a 
 Moravian miffionary, well acquainted with the 
 language of Greenland, having vifited the coun- 
 try of the Efquimaux, found, to his aflonifh- 
 ment, that they (poke the fame language with 
 the Greenlanders, and were, in every rei"pe»ft, 
 the fame people. The llime fpccies of animals, 
 too, are found in the contiguous regions. The 
 bear, the wolf, the fox, the hare, the deer, the 
 roebuck, the elk, frequent the forefts of North- 
 America, as well as thofe in the north of Eu- 
 rope. 
 
 Other difcoveries have proved, that if the two 
 continents of Afia and America be (eparated at 
 all, it is only by a narrow ftrait. Fiom this part 
 of the Old-Continent, alio inhabitants may have 
 pafTed into the New -, and the refemb lance be- 
 tween the Indians of America and the eaftern 
 inhabitants of Afia, would induce us to conjec- 
 ture that they have a common origin. This is 
 the opinion adopted by Dr. Robertfon, in his 
 Hirtory of America, where wc find it accv)m- 
 panied with i-he following narrative. 
 
 " While th^4e im'nenft regions which ftretch- 
 ed ea ft ward from the river Oby to the fea of 
 Kamtfchatka were unknown, or imperfe(fHy ex- 
 plored, 
 
OF AMERICA. 81 
 
 plored, the norih-eafl: extremities of our hemif- 
 phere were fuppoied to be lo far diifant from 
 any part of the New-World, that it was not eafy 
 to conceive how any communication Aioiild have 
 been carried on between them. But the Ru/Iians, 
 having fubje(n:ed the wedern part of Siberia to 
 their empire, gradually extended their knowledge 
 of that valf coun'ry, by advancing towards the 
 eafl into unknown provinces. Thcfe were dif- 
 covered by hunters in their excurHons after 
 game, or by foldiers employed in levjniig-ihe 
 taxes ; and the court of Mofcow eftimated the 
 importance of thofe countries only by the fmall 
 addition which they made to its revenue. At 
 length, Peter the Great afcended the Ruffian 
 throne : His enlightened, comprehenfive mind, 
 intent upon every circumftance that could ag- 
 grandize his empire, or render his reign illuflri- 
 ous, difcerned confequences of those difcoveries, 
 which had efcaped the obfervation of his ignorant 
 predecefTors. He perceived, that, in proportion 
 as the regions of Afia extended towards the call 
 they muft approach nearer to AiTiCrica j that the 
 communication between the two continents, 
 which had long been fearched for in vain, would 
 probably be found in this quarter j and that, by 
 opening this intercourfe, fome part of the wealth 
 and commerce of the weflern world might be 
 made to flow into his dominions by anew chan- 
 nal. Such an objeft fuited a genius that delighted 
 in grand fchem.es. Peter drew up inftruflions 
 with his own hand for profecuting this dcfign, 
 and gave orders for carrying it into execution. 
 
 " His fucceiTors adopted his ideas, and pur- 
 
 lued his plan. The officers whom the Ruffian 
 
 H Cou^^ 
 
82 GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 court employed in this fervice, had to ftruggic 
 with To many difficulties, that their progrefs was 
 extremely flow. Encouraged by fome faint 
 traditions among the peopleof Siberia concerning 
 ;t fucccfsful voyage in the year 1648 round the 
 north-ea[\ promontory of Afia, they attempted 
 to follow the fame courfe. VefTels were fitted 
 out, with this view, at different times, from the 
 rivers Lena and Lolyma -, but in a frozen ocean, 
 which nature feems not to have deHined for 
 navigation, they were expofedto many difaflers, 
 without being able to ficcompUfh their purpofe. 
 No velTel fitted out by the Ruffian court ever 
 doubled this formidable cape j we are indebted 
 for what is known of thole extreme regions of 
 Afia, to the difcoveries made in excurfions by 
 land. In all thofc provinces, an opinion prevails, 
 that countries of great extent and fertility lie at 
 no confiderable diltance from their own coafts. 
 -Thcfe the Ruffians imagined to be part of Ame- 
 rica ; and feveral circumflanccs concurred not 
 only in confirming them in this belief, but in 
 periuading them that ibme ponion of that con- 
 tinent couid not be xc^y remoie. Trees of va- 
 rious kinds, unknov,-n in ihofe naked regions of 
 Afia, are driven upon ihe coafl by an eafierly 
 wind. By the fiime wind floating ice is brought 
 thither in a few days *, flights of birds arrive 
 annually from the fame quarter ; and a tradition 
 obtains among the inhabitants, of an intercouric 
 formerly carried on with feme connrries fituated 
 to the eafl. 
 
 *< Afier weighing all thcfe particulars, and 
 comparing the pofiiion of the countries in Afia 
 which they had difcovered, with fuch parts in 
 
 the 
 
OF AMERICA. 83 
 
 the nortJi-wed: of America as were already 
 known ; the Ruffian court formed a plan, which 
 v/ould have hardly occurred to any nation lefs 
 accuP-omed to engage in arduous undertakings, 
 and to contend with great difficulties. Orders 
 were ifllied to build two vc/fels at 0-:hotz, in the 
 lea of Kamtfchatka, to fail on a voyage en' dif- 
 covery. Though that dreary uncultivated region 
 furniflied nothing that could be of ulc in con- 
 iirucling them but foine larch-trees ; though not 
 only the iron, the cordage, the fails, and all the 
 numerous articles reqniri;e for their equipment, 
 but the proviiions for vi'lvialiing them, were to 
 be carried.! hr()i;o!i tlv- immcnfe delcrts oFSiberi;i, 
 along rivers of difficult navigation, and roads 
 almoll impalT^ible, tiie niiMiJate of the ibvereign, 
 and ilic pcrJevtr.incc o: the people, at lad lur- 
 niouired every ooihiclv. Two veflels were 
 iin i]i::'.i ; a:]=J, u'Ller the cormyinnd of captains 
 Ijchring and rioiiirikow, ihiltd from Kanit- 
 ichatka in qiieil of the Nevv-\¥ur;d, in a quarter 
 where it hid never bcvn appronched, d'hcv 
 (haped their c-vr:c to\vards theeafl: ; and though 
 a ilorm loon iboirijed the vciTch^ which never 
 ruod.eJ, and niiny diiaders b^fel them, tiie ex. 
 pefratioiis froui tlie voy.ige were nor altogether 
 iruflrated. Each of the oniauindcrs dlicovered 
 hiii(], \^'hieh ij 'hem appeared to be part of the 
 America;; coutineut ; and according to thtir ob- 
 ierviitionsj it feenrs to be fitnated within a few 
 degrees of tlie t^orih-wefi coafc of California. 
 Each let iotric or his people adiore : but in one 
 place the inhabit.'.nts i\cA as the Ruffians ap- 
 proached ; in aiiothcr, they carried off thofe 
 who landed and dcA royed their boats. The 
 
 violence 
 
b^ GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 violence of the ueaiher, and the diflrefs of their 
 crews, obliged both to quit this inhofpitable coaft. 
 In their return they touched at feveral illands, 
 which ftrctch in a chain from eaft to we(l between 
 the country which they had dilcovered and the 
 coafl: of Afia. They had fome intercourfe with 
 the natives, who feemecl to them to reiemble the 
 North-Americans. They prefented to the Ruf- 
 fians the calumet, or p'.pe of peace, which is a 
 Ti'mbol of frlenddiip i3niverf.il among the people 
 of North- America, and an ufage of arbitrary in- 
 fVitution peculiar to them." 
 
 The more recent p.nd accurate difcoveries of 
 that illuArious navigator Cooke, and of his fuc- 
 ctlFor Gierke, have brought the matter (till nearer 
 to certainty. The fea, from the fouth of Beh- 
 riijg's Strr.iLs to the crcfcent of iiles between Afia 
 2nd America, is very druillow. It deepens from 
 tbefc firaitb (as the Britifh feas do from thofc of 
 Dover) till foundings are loil in the Pacific 
 Ocean : but that docs not take place but to the 
 iouth of the ilks. Between them and the ftraits 
 is an iucreafe from 12 to 54- fathoms, except only 
 off St. Thaddeus-Nols, where there is a channel 
 of greater depth. From the volcanic difpofifion, 
 it has been judged probable, not only that there 
 was a ftparaiion of the continents at the flraits 
 K)^ Behring, but that the whole fpace from the 
 Ifles to that fraall opening had once been occupied 
 by land ; and that the fury of the watery element, 
 iK^tuated by that of fire, had in mofl: remote tim.es, 
 iiibvcrted and overwhelmed the tra<fi:, and left 
 the iflands to ferve as monumental fragments. 
 
 Without adopting all the fancies of BufPon, 
 there can be uo doubt, as the Abbe Clavigero 
 
 obferves 
 
OF AMERICA. 85 
 
 obferves, that our planet has been fubje^led to 
 great viclflirudes fince the deluge. At prefenr, 
 they ploui>h thofe lands over which (IVips, for- 
 merly, failed, and now they fail over lands which 
 were, formerly, cultivated ; earthquakes have 
 fvvaliowed fome lands, and fnbrerraneous fires 
 have thrown up others : the rivers have formed 
 new foil with their mud : the fea, retreating from 
 the fliores, has lengthened the land in fome pla- 
 ces, and advancing in others has diminifned it -, 
 it has feparated fome territories which were for- 
 merly united, and formed new rtraits and gulphs. 
 We have examples of all thefe revolutions in the 
 pail century. Sicily was united to the continent 
 of Naples, as Eubea, now the Black Sea, was 
 to Bcj3oria. Diodorus, Straba, and other antient 
 authors, fay the lame thing of Spain, and of Af- 
 rica ; and aflirm, that by a violent eruption of the 
 ocean upon the land between the mountains 
 Abyla and Calpe, that communication was bro- 
 ken, and the Mediterranean Sea was formed. 
 Among the people of Ceylon there is a traditioa 
 that a fimilar irruption of the fea feparated their 
 iQand from the peninfula of India. The fame 
 thing is believed by thofe of Malabar with ref- 
 petft to the ifles of Maldivia, and with the Ma- 
 layans with refpeft to Sumatra. It is certain, 
 fays the count de BuiTon, that in Ceylon the earth, 
 has loft 30 or 40 leagues, which the fea has 
 taken from it ; on the contrary, Fongres, a place 
 of the Low-Countries, has gained 30 leagues of 
 land from the fea. The northern part of Egypt 
 owes its exiilence to inundations of the Nile. 
 The earth which this river has brought from the 
 nland countries of Africa, and depofited in its 
 li 2 inundations. 
 
S6 GENl'RAfi HISTORY 
 
 inundation?, has formed a ioW of more than ^6 
 cubits, of depth. In ])ke mnnner, adds the above 
 author, the province of the Yellow-River in 
 China, and that of Louifiana-, have only been 
 formed of the mud of rivers. Piiny, Sencca, 
 Diodoriis, and Strabo, report innumerable exam- 
 ples of fi rail a r revokitions, which we oiriit, that 
 our dilTertation may not become too prolix; as 
 liifo mcdiV modern revolutions, which are rehrted 
 in the theory of the earth of the Count dc Buf- 
 fon, and other authors. in South America, all 
 ihofc who have obferved with philofophic eyes 
 the peninfula of Yucatan, do not dou'bt that that 
 country has dnce been the bed of the fea ; and, 
 on the contrary, in the channel of Bahama, many 
 indicrtions fhow the iflandofCuba to have been 
 once united to the continent of Florida. In the 
 irraii which feparates America from Afia many 
 iOands are found, which probably were tlte 
 mountains belonging to that traifl of land which 
 we fuppofe to have been fwallowed up by earth- 
 quakes i which is made more probable by the 
 multitude of volcanos which we know of in the 
 ])eninrala of Kamilchatka. It is imagined, how- 
 ever, that the finking of that land, and the fepa- 
 rarion of the two continents, have been occafion- 
 cd by thofe great and extraordinary earthquakes 
 mentioned in the hiflories of the Americans, 
 which formed an a^ra almoft as mem.orable as 
 that of the deluge. The hiflories of the iolte- 
 cas fix fuch earthquakes in the year I TecpatI 
 but as we know not to what century that belong- 
 ed, we can form no conjedlure of the time that 
 great calamity happened. If a great earthquake 
 (hould overwhelm the iftmus of Su^Zj and there 
 
 {hould 
 
OF AMERICA. 8T 
 
 ihoiild be at the fiime time as great a fcarcity of 
 hiftoriaiis as there were in the tirft ages after the 
 deluge, it wouid be doubted, in 300 ur 400 years 
 after, whether Afia had ever been united by that 
 part to Africa and many would firmly deny it. 
 
 Whether that great event, the reparation of 
 the continents, took place before or after the 
 population of America, it is impoffible for us to 
 determine : but we are indebted to the above- 
 mentioned navigators for fettling the long difputc 
 about the point from which it was efFe(^l:ed. 
 Their obiervations prove, that in one place the 
 diilance between continent and continent is only 
 39 miles, not ( as the author of the Recherches 
 F kllofophiques fur les Amer'icaiu would have it) 
 800 leagues. This narrow flrait has alfo in the 
 middle two iilands, which would greatly facili- 
 tate the migration of the Asiatics into the New- 
 World, fuppofing that it took place in canoes 
 after the convulfion which rent the two conti- 
 nents afunder. Befides, it may be added ,that 
 thefe ftraits are, even in the iummer, often filled 
 "with ice ; in winter, often frozen, in either 
 cafe, mankind might find an eafy pafilige j in the 
 laft, the way was extremely ready for quadru- 
 peds to crois and Itock the continent of America. 
 But where, from the vafi expanfe of the north- 
 eaftern world, to fix on the firft tribes who con- 
 tributed to people the New-Continent, now in- 
 habited almofl from end to end, is a matter that 
 baffles human reafon. The learned may make 
 bold and ingenious conjectures, but plain good 
 fenfe cannot always accede to them. 
 
 As mankind increafed in numbers, they natu- 
 rally protruded one another foiward. Wars 
 might be another caufe of migrations. There 
 
 appears 
 
88 GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 appears no reafon why the Afiatic north might 
 not be an officma virorum, as well as the Euro- 
 pean. The overteeming country, to the eafl of 
 the Riphasan-Mountains, mufl: find if neceilary 
 to difcharge its inhabitants : the firft great wave 
 of people was forced forward by the next to it, 
 more tumid and more powerful than itfelf : fnc- 
 ceffive and new impulfes continually arriving, 
 (hort reft was given to that which fpread over a 
 more eaftern tract ; difturbed again and again, it 
 covered frefli regions ; at length, reaching the 
 fartheft limits of the Old-World, found a new 
 one, with ample fpace to occupy unmolefted for 
 ages ; till Columbus curfed them by a dilcovery, 
 which brought again new fins and new deaths to 
 both worlds. 
 
 ^' The inhabitants of the Nev^'- World (Mr. 
 Pennant oblerves), do not confift of the offspring 
 of a fingle nation : different people, at feveral 
 periods, arrived there •, and it is impoflible to 
 lay, that any one is now to be found on the ori- 
 ginal fpot of its colonization. It is impofiible> 
 with the lights which we have fo recently receiv- 
 ed, to admit that America could receive its in- 
 habitants (at leaft the bulk of them) from any 
 other place than eaftern Afin. A few proofs 
 may be added, taken from cuftoms or dreffes 
 common to the inhabitants of both worlds \ fome 
 have been long extin<5t in the old, others remain 
 in both in full force. 
 
 " The cuftom of- fcalping was a barbarifm in 
 ufe with the Scythians, who carried about them, 
 at ail rimes, this lavage mark of triumph : they 
 cut a circle round the neck, and ftripped off the 
 ikin, as they would that of an ox. A little image, 
 * found 
 
OF AMERICA. 89 
 
 found among the Kalinucs, of a Tartarian deity, 
 mounted on a horfe, and fitting on a human fkin, 
 with (calps pendant from the breaO, fully illuf- 
 trates the cuftom of the Scythian progenitors, as 
 dcfLfibed by the Greek hirtorian. This ufage, 
 as we well know, by horrid experience, is con- 
 tinued to this day in America. The ferocity of 
 the Scythians to their priibners extended to the 
 remotefl: partof Afia. The Kamtfchatkans, even 
 at the time of their difcovery by the Ruffians, 
 put their prifoners to death by the mofl: linger- 
 ing and excruciating inventions ; a practice in 
 full force to this very day among the aboriginal 
 Americans. A race of the Scythians were ftyled 
 Anthropophagi^ from their feeding on human fiefh. 
 The people of Nootka-Sound flill make a repafl 
 on their fellow-creatures \ but what is more 
 wonderful, the favage allies of the Britifh army 
 have been known to throw the mangled limbs of 
 the French prifoners into the horrible caldron, 
 and devour them with the fame reliHi as th ofe of 
 a quadruped. 
 
 *< The Scythians were faid, for a certain time 
 annually to transform themfelves into wolves, and 
 again to refume the human (hape. The new dif- 
 covered Americans about Nootka-Sound, at this 
 lime difguife themfelves in dreffes made of ficins 
 of wolves, and other wild beafts, and wear even 
 the heads fitted to their own. Thefe habits they 
 ufe in the chace, to circumvent the animals of 
 the field. But would not ignorance or fuperfti- 
 tion afcribe to a fupernaturalmetamorphofis thefe 
 temporary expedients to deceive the brute crea- 
 tion ? 
 
 « In 
 
<J0 GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 " In their marches, the Kamtfchatkans never 
 went abreaft, but followed one another in the 
 fame track. The fame cuftom is exaflly obferved 
 by the Americans. 
 
 <* The Tongufi, the mod numerous .nation 
 refident in Siberia, prick their faces with fin.ill 
 pun<5liires, with a needle, in various ftiapes; then 
 rub into them charcoal, fo ihat the marks become 
 indelible. This cuftom is ftill obferved in feve- 
 ral parts of America. The Indians on the back 
 of Hadfon's Bay, to this day, perform the ope- 
 ration exa6l]y ia the fame manner, and pun^lure 
 the fkin into various figures *, as the natives of 
 New-Zealand do at prefenr, and as the ancient 
 Britons did with the herb gladum, or woad -, 
 and the Virginians, on the lirll difcovery of that 
 country by the Englifh. 
 
 " The Tongufi nCe canoes made of b'rch-bark, 
 diflended over ribs jof wood, and nicely fowed 
 -together. The Canadian, and many other An^ie- 
 rican nations, ufe no other fort of bouts. The 
 paddles of the Tongufi, are broad at' each end ; 
 thofe of the people near Cook's river, and of 
 Oonalafch'a,*are of the fame form. 
 
 " In burying of the dead, many oF the Ame- 
 rican nations place the corpfe at full length, after 
 preparing it according to their cudomo j others 
 place it in a fiidng pofturc, and lay by it the 
 moft valuable cloathing, wampum, and other 
 matrerb. The Tartars did the fame : and both 
 people agree in covering the whole with earth, 
 fo as to forni a tumulus, barrov.-, or carnedd. 
 
 " Some of the American nations haniT their 
 dead in trees. Certain of the Tonguf: obicrve a 
 fimilar cuftom. 
 
 " We 
 
OF AMERICA. 91 
 
 " We can draw feme analogy from drefs 5 
 conveniency in that article muft have been con- 
 iulted on both continents, and originally the ma- 
 terials muft have been the fame, the (kins of birds 
 and beafts. It is lingular that the conic bonnet of 
 the Chinefe (hould be found among the people of 
 Nootka. I cannot give into the notion, that the 
 Chinefe contributed to the population of the 
 New- World •, but we can, readily, admit that a 
 ihip wreck might furnidi thofe Americans with a 
 pattern for that part of the drefs. 
 
 ^* In refpect to the feature? and form of the 
 human body, almoft every tribe found along the 
 weftern coaft has fome fimilitude to the Tartar 
 nations, and, ftill, retain the little eyes, fmall 
 nofes, high cheeks, and broad faces. They vary 
 in fize, from the luPcy Caimucs to the little No- 
 gvVians. The internal Americans, fach as the 
 Five-Indian nations, who are tall of body, robuft 
 in make, and of oblong fiices, are derived from 
 a variety among the Tartars themfelves. The 
 fine race of Tfchntfld feems to be the flock from 
 which thofe Americans are derived. The Tfchut- 
 Tk!, again from that fine race of Tartars the Ka- 
 bardinflci, or inhabitants of Kabarda. 
 
 " But, about Pi'ince William's Sound begins 
 a race chiefly diftinguifhed by their drefs, their 
 canoL^s, and indruments of the chafe, from the 
 tribes to the fouth of them. Here commences 
 the Efquimaux people, or the race known by that 
 name in the high latitudes of the eaftern fide of 
 the continent. They may be divided into two 
 varieties. At this place they are of the largeft 
 fize. As they advance northward, they decreafc 
 height, till they dwindle into the dwarfifii 
 
 tribes 
 
 I a 
 
92 GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 tribes which occupy feme of the coafts of the Icy- 
 Sea, and the maritime parts of Hudfon's-Bay, of 
 Grteniaiii), und Terra de- Labrador. The fa- 
 mous Jap^nefe map places fome iflands feemingly 
 within tht^ (traits of ikhring, on which is bellow- 
 ed the title of Ta-Zue^ or the kingdom of the 
 Dwarfs. Does not rhis in fome manner authen- 
 ticarc rhe chart, and give us reafon to Ibppofe 
 that America was not unknown to the Japenefe ; 
 and that they had -as is mentioned by Kaempfer 
 ami Charlevoix) made voyages of difcovery, and, 
 according to the lafl:, actually wintered on the 
 Continent ? That they might have met with the 
 Efqnimaux is very probable ; whom in compp^- 
 rifon of themfelves, they might juftly diftinguifli 
 by the name of dwarfs. The reafon of their low 
 iiature is very obvious : thefe dwell in a mod fe- 
 vere climate, amidft penury of food *, the former 
 in one much more favourable, abundant in pro- 
 vifions i circumftances that tend to prevent the 
 degeneracy of the human frame. At the ifland 
 of Oonalafcha, a diale(5f of the Efquimaux is in 
 ufe, which was continued along the whole coafl: 
 from thence northward. 
 
 The continent which ffocked America with 
 the human race, is fuppofed, by Mr. Pennant, 
 to have poured in their brute creation through 
 the fame pafTage. Very few quadrupeds cond- 
 nued in the peninfula of Kamtfchatka \ Mr. Pen- 
 nant enumerates only 25 which are inhabitants 
 of land : all the reft perfifted in their migration, 
 and fixed their rcfidence in the New-World. Se- 
 venteen of the Kamtfcatkan quadrupeds are 
 found in America : others are common only to 
 Siberia, or Tartary, having, for unknown caufes, 
 
 entirely 
 
®F AMERICA, <)-, 
 
 entirely evacuated Kamtfcatka, and .divided 
 themfelves between America and the parts of Afia 
 above cited. Multitudes again, have deferted 
 the Old- World, even to an individual, and fixed 
 their feats at diftances mofl remote from the fpot 
 from vi^hich they took their departure ; from 
 mount Ararat, the refting place of the ark, in a 
 central part of the Old World, and excellently 
 adapted for the difperfion of the animal creation, 
 to all its parts. " We need not be ftartled (fays 
 Mr. Pennant; at the vaft journeys many of the 
 quadrupeds took to arrive at their prefent feats. 
 Might not numbers of fpecies have found conve- 
 nient abodes in the vaft alps of Afia, inftead of 
 wandering to the Cordilleras of Chili ? or might 
 not others have been contented with the bound- 
 lefs plains of Tartary, inftead of travelling thou- 
 fands of miles to the extenfive flats of Pampas ? 
 — To endeavour to elucidate common difficulties 
 is certainly a trouble worthy of the philofopher, 
 and of the divine •, not to attempt would be a 
 criminal indolence, a neglefl to 
 
 Vindicate the ways of God to man. 
 
 A 
 
 But there are multitudes of points beyond the 
 human ability to explain, and yet are truths un- 
 deniable : the fafts are indifputable, notwith- 
 ftanding the eaufes are concealed. In fuch cafes, 
 faith mu ft be called into our relief. It would, 
 certainly, be the height of folly to deny to that 
 ''"Ing who broke open the great fountains of the 
 deep to effeft the deluge — and afterwards, to 
 compel the difperfion of mankind to people the 
 globe, dire(5ted the confufion of languages — pow- 
 I ers 
 
H GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 fcrs inferior in their nature to thefe. After fuch 
 wondrons proofs of omnipotency, it would be ab- 
 furd to den)' the poffibilityof infuCog inftinifl: into 
 the brute cieation. Densest a}iimabrutcrum\ " God 
 hirafelf is the foul of brutes :" his pleafure mufl 
 have determined their will, and direcled feveral 
 fpecies, and even whole genera, by impulfeirre- 
 fiftable, to move by flow progreffion to their def- 
 tined regions. But for that, the llama and tne 
 pacos might ftill have inhabited the heights of 
 Armenia; and fome more neighbouring Alps, in- 
 llead of labouring to gain the diftant Peruvian 
 Andes; the whole genus of armadillos, flow of 
 foot, would never have quitted the torrid zone 
 of the Old-World for that of the New ; and the 
 whole tribe of monkeys would have gambolled 
 together in the forefts of India, inflcad of divid- 
 ing their refidence between the (hades of Indof- 
 tan, and the deep forefts of the Bralils : lions and 
 tigers might have infefted the hot parts of the 
 New-World, as the firll do the deferts of Afri- 
 ca, and thelalf the provinces of Afia ; or the pan- 
 therine animals of South-America might have re- 
 mained additional icourges with the lavage bcaffs 
 of thole ancient continents. The Oid-World 
 would have been overftocktd with animals ; the 
 New remained an unanimated wafte ! or both 
 have contained an equal portion of every beaftof 
 the earth. Let it not be objecfted, that animals 
 bred in a fouthern climate, after the defcent of 
 their parents from the ark, would be unable tg 
 bear the froft and fnow of the rioorous north, be- 
 fore they reached South-Ani<rrica, the place of 
 their final deftination. It mull be confidered, 
 that the migratioo rauil have been the work of 
 
 ages ; 
 
OF AMERICA. 95 
 
 ages ; that in the courfe of their progrefs each 
 generation grew hardened to the climate it had 
 reached -, and that, after their arrival in Ameri- 
 ca, they would again be gradually accuftomed to 
 warmer and warmer dimates, in their removal 
 from north to fouth, as they had in the reverfe, 
 or hofr. fouth to north. Part of the tigers llill 
 inhabit the eternal fnows of Ararat, and multi- 
 tudes of the very fame fpecies live, but with ex- 
 alted rage, beneath the line, in the burning foil 
 of Borneo, or Sumatra ; but neither Jions or ti- 
 gers ever migrated into the New- World. A few 
 of the firfl: are fwund in India and Perfia, but they 
 are found in nun^bers only ifi Africa. The tiger 
 extends as far north as wcflern Tartary, in lat. 
 40 50, bur never has reached America. 
 
 In fine, the conjec^tures of the learned refpe^t' 
 ing the vicinity of the Old and New-World are 
 now, by the difcoverics of late great Navigators, 
 loft in convifllon ; and- in the place of imagi- 
 nary hypothefis, the real place of migration is 
 aimoft incontrovertibiy pointed out. Some (from 
 a pafTage in PJato) have extended over the Athin- 
 tic, from the ftraits of Gibralter to the coaft of 
 North and South-America, an iOand equal in fize 
 to the continents of Afia and Africa ; over which 
 had pafTcd as over a bridge, from the lat':er, 
 men and animals ; wool-headed negroes, and 
 lions and tigers, none of which ever exifted in 
 the New-World. A mighty fea arofe, and, in 
 one day and night, engulphed this ftupendous 
 tra<fl:, and with it every being which had not com- 
 pleted its migration into America. The whole 
 negro race, and almoil every quadruped, now 
 inhabitants of Africa, perifl:ied in this critical day. 
 
 Five 
 
96 GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 Five only are to be found, at prefent, in Ameri-« 
 ca •, and of thefe only one, the bear, in South- 
 America -, Not a fingle cuftom, common to the 
 natives of Africa and America, to evince a com- 
 mon origin. Of the quadrupeds, the bear, ftag, 
 wolf, fox, and weefel, are the only animals 
 which we can pronounce, with certainty, to be 
 found on each continent. The flag, the fox, 
 and the weelel, have made, alfo, no farther pro- 
 grefs in Africa than the north ; but on the fame 
 continent the wolf is fpread over every part, yet 
 is unknown in South- America, as are the fox 
 and weefel. In Africa and in South- America the 
 bear is very local, being met with only in the 
 north of the fird, and on the Andes in the laR, 
 Some caufe unknown arrefled its progreis in Afri- 
 ca and impelled the migration of a few into the 
 Chilian- Alps, and induced them to leave unoccu- 
 pied the vaft tra(5l from North- America to ihc 
 lofty Cordilleras. 
 
 CHAP. 
 
OF AMERICA. 97 
 
 CHAP. X. 
 
 Remains of Antiquity in America. 
 
 Allusions have often been made by 
 travellers, and others, to ibme remains in Ame- 
 rica which appeared to owe their original to a 
 people more intimately acquainted with the arts 
 of life, than the favage tribes which inhabited 
 this continent on its ftrft difcovery by the Euro- 
 peans, or than thofe which are, at prefent, fcat- 
 teied through various parts of its extent. In a 
 iinall work, published in London, in 1787, enti- 
 tled Ohfervations on fome pairts of natural h'ljfory : 
 to ivhich is prefixed y an account of fevtral remarkable 
 vcfiiges of an a?2cient date, ivhich have been dif cover- 
 ed in different parts oj America.^' Part I. the author 
 has colieaed the fcattered hints of Kalm, of Car- 
 ver, of Filfon, and fome other travellers, and 
 writers ; and has added a plan and defcripiion 
 of a regular work, which he fuppofes to have 
 been 2. fortification, that has been difcovered near 
 the confluence of the rivers Ohio and Muikingum. 
 The remains defcribed, or alluded to, in this pub- 
 lication, are chara(f{:ers, or fingular marks, which 
 were fuppofed by fome Jefuirs, who exanin^d 
 them to be Tartarian; furrows, as if il la d 
 had been ploughed ; a flone wall, mv)urds )f 
 earth, of different forms and fizes j earthen 
 walls, and ditches, &c. 
 
 The 
 
 * By Dr. Benjamin Smith Barton, of Philadelphia. ^ 
 1 2 
 
98 GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 The mounds of earth are fuppofed, by the au- 
 thor, to have been de/lgned for different pnrpo- 
 fes : the fmalhr ones are, evidently, tumuli, or 
 repnfitories of the dead ; and, he thinks, the lar- 
 ger ones, as that at Grave-creek (a branch of the 
 Ohio) ; many which are to be feen in Mexico, 
 and in other parts of America, were intended to 
 ierve as the bales of temples. 
 
 The mofl: curious part of this little work is the 
 defcription, together with the plan, of the fup- 
 pofed fortification, above alluded to. It is fitu- 
 ated on the eafl fide of the river Muficingum, a- 
 bout half a mile above its junftion with the river 
 Ohio, nearly in the latitude of 39. 21. and about 
 170 miles below Fort-Pitt, at the confluence of 
 the rivers Alleghany and Monongahela. The 
 town as it has been fometimcs called, is a large 
 level, encompaffed by walls of a tetragon form ; 
 occupying a piece of ground about one quarter 
 of a mile fquare. Thefe wails are from fix to 
 ten feet in height, and from twenty to forty feet 
 in thicknTs. They are, at prefent, overgrown 
 with vegetables of different kinds, and, among 
 others, with trees, fome of u^hicji are of a very 
 confiderable diameter. Each fide of the walls is 
 divided, by three chafms, or openings, into four, 
 nearly equal parts ; thefe chafms are direflly op- 
 pofite to each other. Within the walls there are 
 three elevations ; the largefl of thefe is of an ob- 
 long form, 74 yards long, 44 yards broad, and 
 6 feet in height : the fecond is nearly of a fimi- 
 lar form, 50 yards long, and 40 broad ; the 
 third is, alfo, an oblong mount, but much fmall- 
 er. Befides thefe three elevations, there is a 
 fmall circular mount, placed nearly in the centre 
 
 of 
 
OF AMERICA. 99 
 
 of four fmall caves ; and a " femi-circular para- 
 pet," which, it is not improbable, may have been 
 defigned to guard one of the chafms or open- 
 ings ; this parapet has a fmall mount. The au- 
 thor obferves, that the three elevations '< confi- 
 " derably refemble fome of the eminences which 
 " have been difcovered near the river MifTiilip- 
 " pi," of which he has given an account in his 
 publication. 
 
 The fortifications (for a diftin<5lion h;is been 
 made between them and the town, but we can- 
 not fee with what great propriety) are nearly of 
 the feme form as the town, fhe walls have 
 here, alfo openings : and at each of thefe open- 
 ings there is one, or more of the fmall circular 
 mounts. 
 
 The pyramid is one of the mo<t confpicuous 
 parts of thefe fingular remains. It is of a circular 
 form ; 50 feet in height, 390 feet in circumfer- 
 ence ; and is furrounded with a ditch, 5 feet deep, 
 and 15 feet wide: externally to the ditch there 
 is a parapet, which is 759 feet in circumference. 
 The pyramid, as well as the eminences and 
 walls, is now covered with graffes, and other 
 kinds of vegetables. Befides thefe, there are fe- 
 veral other eminences, of which we do not think 
 it neceffary to take any notice, in this place. 
 
 The author's opinion concerning thefe remains 
 is this •, that they owe their original to " the 
 Toltecas, or fome other Mexican nation," and 
 that thefe people were, probably, the defcen- 
 dants of the Danes. The firft member of this 
 conjetfure appears not improbable, if we confider 
 the fimilarity of the Mexican mounts and fortifi- 
 cations, defcribed by Torquemada, by the Abbe 
 
 Clavigero 
 
100 GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 Clavigero, and by other authors, to thole ot 
 which our author has publillied an accounr ; and 
 alfo, if we confider the tradition of the Mexicans, 
 that they came from the north-weft, in which 
 tracSt great numbers of thefe remains have been 
 difcovered. As to the fecond member of this 
 conje6lure, we think it but feebly fupported ; 
 ahhough we are not ignorant that Grorius and 
 other writers have endeavoured to prove, that 
 the northern nations of Europe had, a(5^ually, 
 fome intercourfe with America, long before the 
 time of Columbus. 
 
 CHAP. XI. 
 
 The Ancients fuppofed to have had fomz itnperfeB 
 JSiotion of a New World — Pretenftons of the 
 Welfh to the Dif cover y of America — Thofe of the 
 
 Norwegians better founded ProjeBs of 
 
 Christopher Columbus — his Voyage — Af 
 tonifhtnent occafiojied by obferving the variation of 
 the Compaj^ — his perilous Situation — his Crew 
 ready to mutiny — their Joy on defcrying Latid — 
 they land on one of the iflands of the Nezv-lVorld 
 — the Continent afterwards clijcovered. 
 
 I 
 
 T is believed, by many, that the an- 
 Gients had fome imperfe<^ notion of the New- 
 World; and ieveral ancient authors are quoted 
 in conHrmarion of this opinion. In a book, af^ 
 cribed to the philofopher Arillotle, we are told 
 that the Carthaginians difcovered an ifland, far 
 beyond the pillars of Hercules, large, fertile, and' 
 
 finely 
 
OF AMERICA. 101 
 
 finely watered, with navigable rivers, but unin- 
 habited. This ifland was diftant a few days 
 failing from the continent : its beauty induced the 
 difcoverers to fettle there ; but the policy of Car^- 
 thage diflodged the colony, and laid ftrift prohi- 
 bition on all the fubje(5^s of the ftate not to at- 
 tempt any future eftablifhment. This account 
 is alfo confirmed by an hiftorian of no mean cre- 
 dit, who relates, that the Tyrians would have 
 fettled a colony on the newly- difcovered ifland, 
 but were oppofed by the Carthaginians for flate 
 reafons. 
 
 The Welfh, fondly, imagine that their country 
 contributed, in 1170, to people the New- World 
 by the adventure of Madoc, fon of Owen 
 Gvvynedd, who, on the death of his father, failed 
 there, and colonized part of the country. It is 
 pretended that Madoc made two Voyages : that 
 failing weft, he left Iceland fo far to the north, 
 that he came to a land unknown, where he faw 
 many ftrangc things ; that he fet;irned home, 
 and, making a report of the fertility of the new- 
 ly-difcovered country, prevailed on numbers of 
 the Wellh, of each fex, to accompany him on a 
 fecond voyage, from which he never returned. 
 The favourers of this opinion aftert, that leveral 
 Welfh words, fuch as gwrandoy to hearken, or 
 liften j the ifle of Croe/b, or welcome j Cape- 
 BrctoHy from the name of the Britilh-Ifland ; 
 giuynndwry or ** the white water *," and pingwifiy 
 or "the bird with the white head;" are to be 
 found in the American language. But likenefs 
 of found, in a few words will not be deemed 
 fufficient to eftablifh the fa6l ; efpecially if the 
 meaning has been evidently perverted : for ex- 
 ample. 
 
102 GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 ample, the whole pinguin tribe have, unfortu- 
 nately, not only black heads, but are not Inha- 
 bitants of the northern hemifphere ; the name 
 was alfo beflowed on them by the Dutch, a 
 pinguediney from their excellive fatnefs. It may be 
 added that the WeKh were never a naval peo- 
 ple •, that the age in which Ma doc lived was pe- 
 culiarly ignorant in navigation ; and the moft 
 which they could have attempted mud have 
 been a mere coa fling voyage. 
 
 The Norwegians put in for a (hare of the 
 glory, on grounds rather, better than the 
 Welfli. By their fettlcments in Iceland, nnd in, 
 Greenland, they had nrrivc-d within ^o fmall a 
 diftance of the New- World, that there is a pro- 
 bability of its having been touched at by a peo- 
 ple fo verfed in maritime affairs, and fo adven- 
 turous^ as the ancient Normans were. The 
 proofs are much more numeroi?s than thofe pro- 
 duced by the Briti(h hiftorians ; for the difcovery 
 is mentioned, in feveral of the Icelandic manu- 
 fcripts. The period was about the year 1002, 
 when it was vifited by one Biorn : and the dif^ 
 covery purfued to greater effeifV by Lief, the fon 
 Eric, the difcoverer of Greenland. It does not 
 appear that they reached farther than Labrador ; 
 on which coaft they met with the Efquimaux, 
 on whom they bellowed the name of Skrl^inguesy 
 or dwarfifh people, from their fmall ftature. 
 They were armed with bows and arrows, and 
 had leathern canoes, fuch as they liave at pre- 
 fent. All this is probable ; nor (hould the tale of 
 the German, called Turhily one of the crew, in- 
 validate the account. He was one day, miffing ; 
 but foon returned, leaping and fmging, with all 
 
 the 
 
OF AMERICA. 103 
 
 the extravagant marks of joy a bon vivattt could 
 {how on difcovering the inebriating fruit of his 
 country, the grape : Torfxus even fays, that he 
 returned in a ftate of Intoxication. To convince 
 his commander, he brought feveral bunches ; 
 and the country, from that circumftance, \va9 
 named Vinland. There appears no reafon to 
 doubt of the dlfcovery \ it is thought proba- 
 ble, however, that thefe people reached no far-^ 
 ther than the barren country of Labrador. In 
 fhort, it is from a. much later period that we 
 muft date "the unequivocal difcovery of Ame- 
 rica. 
 
 Towards the clofe of the 15th century^ 
 Venice and Genoa, being rivals in commerce, 
 in which the former had greatly the fuperiority^ 
 ChriOopher Colon, or Columbus, a native of 
 Genoa, conceived a project of failing to the 
 Eaft-Indics, by dire(?ling his courfe weftward, 
 I'his defign w-as founded upon a milfake of the 
 geographers, of thofe days, who placed the 
 eaftern parts of Afia immenleiy too far to the 
 caftward ; lb ihr^t had they' been in the right, 
 the fhotteil way would have been r<j fail dire^lly 
 wctlward. Columbus applied, Hrll to his own 
 countrymen ; but being reje(fted by them, he 
 applied to Portugd, where he met with no bet- 
 ter fuccefs. Spain was his next refource ; here, 
 atter eight years attendance, he obtained in 1492, 
 a Heet of three iliips. The largeft, a (liip of no 
 confiderable burden, was commanded by Colum- 
 bus, as admiral, who gave it the name of ^anta 
 Maria, out of refpedl: for the B'ed'ed Virgin, 
 whom he honoured with fingular devotion. Of 
 the fecond called the Pinta, Martin Piuzon was 
 
 captain 
 
104 GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 captain and his brother Francis Pilot. The 
 third, n^tmed the Nigna^ was under the com- 
 mancj of Vincent Yanez Pinzon. Thefe two 
 were light velfels, hardly fuperior in burden, or, 
 force, ro large boats. This fquadron, if it 
 merits that name, was vicftualled for 12 months, 
 and had on bv>ard 90 men, moftly failors, to- 
 gether with a few adventurers, who followed 
 the fortune of Columbus, and fome gentlemen 
 of ii"abella*s court, whom (he appointed to ac- 
 company him. Though the expenfe of the un- 
 dertaking was one of the circumftances which 
 chiefly alarmed the court of Spain, and retarded, 
 fo long, the ntgociation with Columbus, the fum 
 employed in fitting out this fquadron did not 
 exceed 40001. As Columbus was deeply im- 
 prefTed with fentiments of religion, he would 
 not fet out upon an expedition fo arduous, and 
 of which one great objedt was to extend the 
 knowledge of the Chriftian faith without implor- 
 ing, publicly, the guidance and protection of Hea- 
 ven. With this vi^w, he, together with all the per- 
 fons under his command, marched, in folemn 
 proce/Tion, to the monaftery of Rabida. After 
 confefiing their fins, and obtaining abfolution, 
 they received the holy facrament from the hands 
 of the guardian who joined his prayers to theirs 
 for the fuccefs of an enterprife which he had {q 
 zealoufly patronized. 
 
 Next morning, being Friday the third day of 
 Anguft, in the year 14'92, Columbus fet fail, a 
 little before fun-rife, in prefenceof a vaft crowd 
 of fpe6tators, who lent up their fuppiications to 
 Heaven for the profperous iffue of the voyage, 
 which they wiihed rather than expefted. Co- 
 lumbus 
 
•OF AMERICA. 105 
 
 lumbus fleered, direclly for the Canary-Iiland?, 
 and arrived there without any occurrence that 
 would have deferved notice on any other occali- 
 on ; but in a voyage of fuch expe(ftation and im- 
 portance, every circumftance was the objtCt of 
 attention. The rudder of the Pinta broke 
 loofe, the day after (lie left the harbour, and 
 that accident alarmed the crew, no lefs fuper- 
 ftitious than unlkilful, as a certain omen of the 
 unfortunate deftiny of the expedition. Even in 
 the (liort run to the Canaries, the (hips were- 
 found to be fo crazy and ill appointed, as to 
 be very improper for a navigation which was 
 expe<51:ed to be both long and dangerous. 
 Columbus refitted them, however to the bed 
 of his power ; and having fupplied hlmfelf 
 with frelh provifions, he took his departure 
 from Gomera, one of the moft welteriy of the 
 Canary-Iflands, on the fixth day of September. 
 Here the voyage of dilcovery may properly be 
 fiiid to begin ; for Columbus, holding hiscourfe 
 due weft, left immediately, the ufual track of 
 navigation, and ftretched into unfrequented and 
 unknown fcas. The firfl: day, as it was very 
 calm, he made but little way -, but on the fecond 
 he led fight of the Canaries ; and many of the 
 failors, already dejected and difmayed, when 
 they contemplated the boldncfs of the underta- 
 king, began to beat their breads, and to (hed 
 tears, as if they were never more to behold land. 
 Columbus comforted them with afTurance of 
 fuccefs, and the profpeft of vail wealth, in thofe 
 opulent regions whither he was conducting them. 
 He regulated every thing by his fole authority, 
 
 h£- 
 K 
 
}06 GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 he fupcrintended the executing of every order ; 
 and, allowing himleU only a few hours for fleep, 
 he M'ae at all other times upon deck. As his 
 courfe lay through leas which had not, formerly, 
 been vifited, the ibunding-line, or inftruments for 
 obfervation, were continually in his hands, 
 After the example of the Portuguefe difeoverers, 
 he attended to the motion of tides and currents, 
 watched the flight of birds, the appearance of 
 fifties, of fea-weeds, and of every thing that 
 floated on the waves, and entered every occur- 
 rence, with a minute exa^lnefs, in the journal 
 which he kept As the length of the voyage 
 could not fail of alarming failors habituated only 
 to fliort excursions, Columbus endeavoured to 
 conceal from them the real progrefs which they 
 made. With this view, though they ran 18 
 leagues the fecond day, after they left Gomera 
 he gave out that they had advanced only 15, and 
 he, uniformly, employed the fame artifice of 
 reckoning fliort, during the whole vopge. By 
 the 4th of September, the fleet was above 200 
 leagues to the weft of the Canary-Ifles. There 
 they were ftruck with an appearance, no lefs 
 aftoniftiing than new. They oblervcd that the 
 magnetic needle, in their compaftTes, did not point 
 exa<5lly to the polar ft^ar, but varied towards the 
 weft *, and as they proceeded, this variation io- 
 creafed. This appearance, which is now familiar, 
 though it ftill remains one of the myfteries of 
 nature, into the caufe of which the fagacity of 
 man hath not been able to penetrate, filled the 
 companions of Columbus with terror. They 
 were now in a boundlefs unknown, ocean, far 
 f^om the ufual courfe of navigation ; nature iticlf 
 
 fecmcd 
 
OF AMERICA. lO? 
 
 feemed to be altered, and the ooly guide which 
 they had left was about to fail them. Colum- 
 bus, with no lefs quickoefs than ingenuity, in- 
 vented a reafon for this appearance, which, 
 though it did not fatisfy himfelf, feemed fo pJaii- 
 fible to them, that it difpelled their fears, or 
 filenced their murmurs. 
 
 He flill continued to fteer due weft, nearly in 
 the fame latitude with the Canary-lflands. In 
 this courfe, he came within the fphere of the 
 trade-wind, which blows, invariably, from eafl 
 to weft, between the tropics, and a few degrees 
 beyond them. He advanced before this fteady 
 gale with fuch uniform rapidity, that it was fel- 
 dora neceffary to (hift a fail. When about 400 
 leagues to the weft of the Canaries, he found the 
 fea fo covered with weeds, that it referabled a 
 meadow of vaft extent ; and in fome places they 
 were fo thick, as to retard the motion of the vet 
 fels. This ft range appearance occafioned new 
 alarm and difquiet. The failors imagined that 
 they were now arrived at the utmoft boundary 
 of the navigable ocean : thatthefe floating weeds 
 would obftrudt their farther progrefs, and conceal- 
 ed dangerous rocks, or fome large traft of land, 
 which had funk, they knew not how,in that place. 
 Columbus endeavoured to perfuade them, that 
 what had alarmed, ought rather to have encou- 
 raged them, and was to be confidered as a fign 
 of approaching land. At the fame time, a brifk 
 gal€ arofe, and carried them forward. Several 
 birds were feen hovering about the (hip, and di- 
 redted their flight towards the weft. The def- 
 ponding crew refumed fome degree of fpirit, and 
 began to entertain fre(h hopes. 
 
 Upon 
 
108 GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 Upon the firft of 0(5lobcr they were, accord- 
 iog to the admirars reckoning, 770 leagues to 
 the weft of the Canaries; but, left his men fnouM 
 be intimidated by the prodigious length of the 
 navigaiion, he gave out that they had proceeded 
 only 584 leagues ; and, fortunately for Colum- 
 bus, neither his own pilot, nor thofe of the other 
 •ftiips, had fkill fijfficient to correfl this error, 
 and to difcover the deceit. They had, now, 
 been above three weeks at fea ; they had pro- 
 ceeded far beyond what former navigators had 
 attempted, or deemed poflible : all their progno- 
 ftics of difcovery, drawn from the flights of 
 birds, and other circumftances, had proved fal- 
 lacious i the appearance of land, M'ith which their 
 own credulity, or the artifice of their command- 
 er, had, from time to time, flattered and amufed 
 them, had been altogether illufive, and their 
 profpedl of fuccefs feemed now to be as diftant 
 as ever. Thefe refle(n:ions occurred often to men, 
 who had no other obje(5l, or occupation, than to 
 reafon and to difcourfe concerning the intention 
 and circumftances of their expedition. They 
 made impreflion, at firft, upon the ignorant and 
 timid, and extending, by degrees, to fuch as were 
 better informed, or more refolute, the contagion 
 fpread, at length, from ftiip to ftiip. From fecret 
 "whifpers and murmurings, they preceeded to 
 open cabals and public complaints. They taxed 
 their fovereign with inconfiderate credulity, in 
 paying fuch regard to the vain promifcs and rafti 
 conjectures of an indigent foreigner, as to hazard 
 the lives of fo many of her own fubje(fbs, in pro- 
 fecuting a chimerical fcheme. They aflirmed that 
 ihry had fully performed their duty, by ventur- 
 
 inc! 
 
OF AMERICA. I0& 
 
 ifig fo far in an unknown and hopelefs courfe, 
 and could incur no blame, for lefufing to follow, 
 any longer, a defperate adventurer to certain 
 dchruflion. They contended, that it was necef- 
 fary to think of returning to Spain, while their 
 crazy vefTcls were iVill in a condition to keep the 
 fea, but expreflfed their fears that the attempt 
 would prove vain, as the wind, which had hither- 
 to been fo favourable to their courfe, muft ren- 
 
 der it impofiible to fail in the oppofite dire6i:ion. 
 All agreed that Columbus fhould be compelled 
 by force to adopt a meafure on which their com- 
 mon fafety depended. Some of the more auda- 
 cious propofed, as the moi\ expeditious and cer- 
 tain method for getting rid, at once, of his re- 
 monftrances, to throw him into the fea j being 
 perfuaded that, upon their return to Spain, the 
 death of an unfuccelsful proje(fl:or would excite 
 little concern, and be inquired into with no cu- 
 riofity. 
 
 Columbus was fully fenfible of his perilous 
 fituarion. He had obferved, with great uneafi- 
 nefs, the fatal operation of ignorance, and of 
 fear, in producing difaffe<fi:ion among his crew •, 
 and faw that it was now ready to burfl: out into 
 open mutiny. He retained, however, perfeft 
 prefence of mind. He afFefled to feem ignorant 
 of their machinations. Not with (landing the agi- 
 tation and folicitude of his own mind, he appe?.r- 
 <id with a cheerful countenance ; like a man fatis- 
 fied with the progrefs which he had made, and 
 confident of fuccefs. Sometimes he employed all 
 the arts of infinuation to foothe his men. Some- 
 times he endeavoured to work up^n their ambi- 
 tion, or avarice, by magnificent deftriptions of 
 K 2 the 
 
110 GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 the fame and wealth which they were about to 
 acquire. On other occafions, he afTumed a tone 
 of authority, and threatened them with vengeance 
 from their fovereign, if, by their daftardly be- 
 haviour, they (hould defeat this noble eifort to 
 promote the glory of God, and exalt the Spanifh 
 name, above that of every other nation. Even 
 with feditious failors, the words of a man, whom 
 they had been accuftomed to reverence, were 
 weighty and perfuafivei and not only reHrained 
 them from thofe violent excefles which they me- 
 ditated, but prevailed with them to accompany 
 their admiral for fome time longer. 
 
 As they proceeded, the indications of ap- 
 proaching land Teemed to be more certain, and 
 excited hope in proportion. The birds began 
 to appear in flocks making towards the fouth- 
 we(L Columbus in imitation of the Portuguefe 
 navigators, who had been guided in feveral of 
 their difcoveries by the motion of birds, altered 
 his courfe from due weft towards that quarter 
 whither they pointed their flight. But after hold- 
 ing on for feveral days in this new dire(5iion with- 
 out any better fuccefs than formerly, having feea 
 no objeO for 30 days but the fea and the (ky, the 
 hopes of his companions fubfided fafter than they 
 had rifen ; their fears revived with additional 
 force ; impatience, rage, and defpair, appeared 
 in every countenance. All ienfe of fubordina- 
 tiofl was loft. The oflicers, who had hitherto 
 C9»curred with Columbus in opinion, and fuppor- 
 ted his authority, now took part with the pri- 
 vate men : they aflx;mbled tumukuoufly, on the 
 deck, expoftulated with their commander, ming- 
 led threats with their expoftulations, and requir- 
 ed 
 
OF AMERICA. 112 
 
 ed him inftantly to tack about, and to return to 
 Europe. Columbus perceived that it would be of 
 no avail to have recourfe to any of his former 
 arts, which having been tried fo often had loft 
 their efFeft ; and that it was impodible to rekin- 
 dle any zeal for the fuccefs of the expedition 
 among men in whofe breads fear had extinguifh- 
 ed every generous fentiment. He law that it was 
 no lefs vain to think of employing either gentle 
 or levere meafures, to quell a mutiny (6 general 
 and fo violent. It was neceflfary on all thefe ac- 
 counts, to foothe paffions which he could no lon- 
 ger command, and to give way to a torrent too 
 impetuous to be checked. He promifed, folemn- 
 ly, to his men, that he would comply with their 
 requeft, provided they would accompany him, 
 and obey his commands for three days longer; 
 and if, during that time, lanH were not difcovcr- 
 ed, he would then abandon the enterprife and di- 
 rect his conrfc towards Spain. 
 
 Enraged as the failors were, am:l impatient to 
 turn their faces again towards their native coun- 
 try, this propofition did not appear to them un- 
 reafonable. Nor did Columbus hazard much in 
 confining himfelf to a term fo (hort. The pre- 
 fages of difcovering land were now fo numerous 
 and promiiing, that he deemed them infallible. 
 For fome days, the founding line had reached 
 the bottom, and the foil which it brought up in- 
 dicated land to be at no great diOance. The 
 flocks of birds increafed ; and were compofed 
 not only of fea-fowl, but of fuch land-birds as 
 could not be fuppofed to fly far from the rhore» 
 The crew of the Pinta obferved a cane floating 
 which feemed to be newly cut, and likewife a 
 
 piece 
 
112 GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 piece of timber artificially carved. The failors 
 aboard the Nigna took up the branch of a tree, 
 with red berritrs, perfectly frefh. The clouds 
 around the letting fun afUi ued a new appear- 
 ance •, the air was more mild and warm ; and, 
 during night, the M'ind became unequal and va- 
 riable. From all theie fymptoms, Columbus was 
 fo confident of being near land, that, on the 
 evening of the 11th of Offober, after public 
 prayers for fuccefs, he ordered the fails to be 
 furled, and the (hips to lie by, keeping Arick 
 watch, left they Ihould be driven afhore in the 
 night. During this interval of fufpenfe and ex- 
 peflation, no man fnut his eyes, all kept upon 
 deck, gazing intently towards that quarter where 
 they expected to difcover the land which had 
 been fo long the object of their widies. 
 
 About two hours before midnight, Columbus 
 ftanding on the forecalfle, obferved a light at a 
 diftance, and privately pointed it out to Pedro 
 Guttiercz, a page of the queen's wardrobe Gut- 
 tierez perceived it ; and calling to Salcedo, comp- 
 troller of the fleet, all three law it in motion, as 
 if it v/ere carried from place to place. A little 
 after midnight, the joyful found of LaJid ! land! 
 was heard from the Pinta, which kept always 
 a-head of the other fliips. But having been io 
 often deceived by fallacious appearances, every 
 man was now become ilow of belief j and wait- 
 ed, in all the angaifh of uncertainty and impa- 
 tience, for the return of day. As foon as morn- 
 ing dawned, all doubts and tears were difpelled. 
 From each ftiip an iiland was feen about two 
 leagues to the nonh, whole flat and verdant fields, 
 well Aorcd with wood, and watered with many 
 
 rivulets. 
 
OF AMERICA. 113 
 
 rivulctcj prefented the afpedl of a delightful coun- 
 try. The crew of the Pinta inftantly began the 
 Te Deum^ ns a hymn of thanksgiving: to God ; 
 and were joined by thole of the other fhips, with 
 tears of joy and tranfports of congratulation. 
 This office of gratitude to heaven was followed 
 by an aft of juflice to their commander. They 
 threw themfclves at the feet of Columbus, with 
 feelings of felf-condemnation mingled with re- 
 verence. They implored him to pardon their ig- 
 norance, incredulity, and infolence, which had 
 created him fo much unnecefTary difquiet, and 
 had io often obf\ru£led the profecution of his 
 well-concerted plan •, and pafling, in the warmth 
 of their admiration, from one extreme to another, 
 they now pronounced the man whom they had 
 fo lately reviled, and threatened, to be a perfon 
 infpired by heaven, with fagacity and fortune 
 more than human, in order to accomplifh a de- 
 fign fo far beyond the ideas and conception of all 
 former ages. 
 
 As foon as the fun arofe, all their boats were 
 manned and armed. They rowed towards the 
 ifland with their colours difplayed, with warlike 
 niuGc, and other martial pomp. As they ap- 
 proached the coaft, they faw it covered with a 
 multitude of people, whom the novelty of the 
 fpe6lacle had drawn together, whofe attitudes 
 and geftures exprefled wonder and aftonifliment, 
 at the (Grange objedls which prefented themfelves 
 to their view. Columbus was the hrft European 
 who fet foot in the New-World, which he had 
 difcovered. He landed in a rich drefs, and with 
 a naked fword in his hand. His men followed ; 
 and; kaceled down, they all kilTed the ground 
 
 which 
 
114 GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 -which they had fo long defired to fee. They, 
 next, erefVed a crucifix ; and, proH rating them- 
 feives before it, returned thanks to God for con- 
 du(5ling their voyage to fuch an happy ifTue. 
 
 The above was one of the Bahama-Iflands ', 
 to which he gave the name of San SaIi>adory and 
 took pofTeffion of it in the name of their Catholic 
 majefties. In this firft voyage he difcovered fc- 
 veral other of the Lucayo, or Baharaa-Iflands, 
 with thofe of Cuba and Hifpaniola. The natives 
 confidered the Spaniards as divinities, and the 
 difcharge of the artillery as their thunder ; they 
 tell proftrate at the found. The women, how- 
 ever, offered their favours, and courted the ena- 
 faraces of their new guefts as men. Their huf- 
 bands were not jealous of them j and in the arraa 
 cf th(>fe wantons the companions of Columbus 
 are laid, by fome authors, to have caught that 
 malady which dire<f^s its poifon to the fprings of 
 2ife. In a fecond voyage, many new iflaads 
 \v£Te difcovered. In a third, he attained the 
 gf€at obje<5\ of his ambition, by difcovering the 
 ■continent of America, near the month di the ri- 
 ver Oronoko, on the firft day of Auguft 1498. 
 His fuccefs produced a crowd of adventurers, 
 who, led by an infatiable defire of riches, fpread 
 themielves over many of the Weft India Iflands, 
 and by unreftrainej licentioufnefs, and the moft 
 attrocious a(fls of barbarity, fpeedily depopula- 
 ted thofe fertile abodes of peace and innocence, 
 which at their firft diicovery fupported many mil- 
 lions of inhabitants. 
 
 Among thefe adventurers, the names of Cor- 
 tez and Pizarro, with many others will be tranf- 
 mitted with execration to pofterity, ahhough ac- 
 companied 
 
OF AMERICA. il5 
 
 companied with the aftonifhing events of the 
 conquefts of Mexico aud Peruj events, which 
 even in this brief Ikecch merit particular notice. 
 
 CHAP. XIL 
 
 ^he Dtfcovery and Conquejl of MexicQ, 
 
 Mexico itfelf was firft dlfcovercd, 
 though impefe(ftly, by a Spaniard named AV 
 ne7> de Balboa ; but in 1518, the conquefl of it 
 was undertaken by a celebrated adventurer nam- 
 ed Ferdinando Cortes, It was not, however, 
 without great difficulty that he got his expedition 
 fet on foot *, being perfecuted by the Spanifli go- 
 vernors in the Weft-Indies, fo that he was at 
 laft obliged to throw off his allegiance to them, 
 and proceed without any commiffion. How- 
 e^rer, on the 10th of February, 1519, he fet 
 fiiil from the Havannah in Cuba ; and fbon iand-* 
 ed on the ifland of Cozomel, on the coaft ol Yu- 
 catan, flifcovered the preceding year. Here he 
 joined one of his officers, named Pedro d'Alva- 
 redoy who had arrived fome days before, and 
 collefted fome booty, and taken a few prifoners. 
 But the general feverely cenfured his condu(5b; 
 and the prifoners were difmiflTcd after they had 
 been informed by an Indian interpreter named 
 Melchior, that fuch injuries were entirely difa- 
 
 greeable 
 
116 GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 greeable to the intentions and wilhes of Cortes. 
 Here he mnllered his arm}', and found that it 
 amounted to .'>08 Ibldiers, 16 horfemen, and 109 
 naechanics, pilot?, and mariners. Ha\ ing en- 
 couraged his men by a proper fpeech, nnd rcleaf- 
 ed, by means of (ome Indian amb.-fTadorp, a 
 Spaniard named Jerom de AguUar^ who had been 
 detained a prifoner for eight years, he proceeded 
 to ihe river Tabafco, where he hoped ro be re- 
 ceived in a friendly manner, as one Grijaha had 
 been a fhort time before ; but from U)me un- 
 known caufe, he was violently attacked by 
 them: however, the fuperiority of the Spanirfi 
 arms foon decided the victory, and the inhabi- 
 tants were obliged to own the king of Cafliie as 
 their fovercign. 
 
 The Spaniards then continued their courfe 
 welhvard, to the harbour of St/ Juan deUlluaj 
 where they were met by two Mexican canoes, 
 who carried two ambalTadors from the emperor 
 of that country, and (bowed the greateil figns of 
 peace and amity. Their language was unknown 
 to Aguilar •, but one of the female priloners a- 
 bove mentioned underftocd it, and tranflated it 
 into the Yucatan tongue; after which Aguilar 
 interpreted the me.ining in Spanidi. This flave 
 was afterwards named Donna Marina^ and prov- 
 ed veiy ufeful in their conferences with the na- 
 tives. 
 
 At this time the Mexican empire, according 
 to Dr. Robertfon, was arrived at a pitch of gran- 
 deur to which no fociety had ever attained in {o 
 fhort a period. Though it had fubfilkd only 
 for 130 years, its dominion extended frurr> the 
 north to the fouth fea i over territories ftretching 
 
 about 
 
OF AMERICA. 117 
 
 about 500 leagues from eaft to wefl:, and more 
 than 200 from north to Ibuth ; comprehending 
 provinces not inferior in fertility, population, and 
 opulence, to any in the torrid zone — Though 
 by nature Montezuma polFe/Ted a good deal of 
 courage and refolution ; yet from the fir ft mo- 
 ment that the Spaniar-ls appeared on his coaft, 
 he difcovered fymptoms of timidity and embar- 
 railment, and all his Aibjcfts were embarrafTed 
 as well as himfelf. Tht genera! diimay which 
 took place on this occalion was partly owing to 
 the ftrange figure the Spaniards made, and the 
 prodigious pov'er of ':heir arms ; bat partly alfo 
 to the following circumftance. An opinion pre- 
 vailed almoft univerfally among the Americans, 
 that fome dreadful calamity impended over their 
 heads, from a race of formidable invaders who 
 /hould come from regions towards the rifmg 
 fun, to over-run and deiblate their country. As 
 the Mexicans were more prone to lupcrfti- 
 tion than any people in the new world, they 
 were more deeply affected with the appearance 
 of the Spaniards, whom they inftantly fuppofed 
 to be the inftruments deAined to bring about that 
 fatal revolution which they dreaded ; lind this 
 produced the embaffy above mentioned. 
 
 By means of his two interpreters. Donna Ma- 
 rina and Aguilar, Cortes learned that the chiefs 
 of the Mexican embafTy were deputies from Pil- 
 patoc and Teutile ; the one governor i;f a pro- 
 vince under the emperor, and the other the com- 
 mander of all his forces in that province: the 
 purport of their embafTy was, to inquire what 
 his intentions were in vifiting their coafts, and 
 L to 
 
118 GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 to offer him what alTiftance he might need in or- 
 der to continue his voyage. Cortes, in his turn, 
 alfo profefTed the greateft friend (liip ; and in- 
 formed the ambafTadors, that he came to propofe 
 matters of the utmoft confequence to the welfare 
 of the prince and his kingdom ; which he would 
 more fully unfold m peribn to the governor and 
 the general. Next morning, without waiting 
 for any anfwer, he landed his troops, his horfes, 
 and his artillery j began to ere6l huts for his 
 men, and to fortify his camp. — The natives in- 
 ftead of oppofing the entrance of ihefe fatal 
 guefts into their country, affifted them in all 
 their operations with an alacrity which they had 
 ere long reafon to repent. 
 
 The next day the ambafTadors had a formal 
 audience ; at which Cortes acquajinied them, that 
 he came from Don Carlos of Auftria, king of 
 Caflile, the greateft monarch of the eafl, and 
 was entruflcd with propofitions of fuch moment, 
 that he would impart them to none but the em- 
 peror himfelf, and therefore required to be con- 
 du(SVed immediately to the capital. This demand 
 produced the greatefl uneafinels ; and the am- 
 bafladors did all in their power to difTuade Cor- 
 tes from his defign, endeavouring to conciliate 
 his good-will by the prefents fent him by Mon- 
 tezuma. Thefe they introduced with great parade 
 and confifted of fine cotton-cloth, of plumes of 
 various colours, and of ornaments of gold and 
 filver to a confiderable value, the workmanfhip 
 of which appeared to be as curious as the mate- 
 rials were rich. But thefe prefents ferved only 
 to excite the avidity of the Spaniards, and to in- 
 
 creafc 
 
OF AMERICA. 119 
 
 creafe their defire for becoming mafters of a coun- 
 try which abounded with fo many precious com- 
 modities. Cortes indeed could fcarcely reftrain 
 himfeltfofar as to hear the arguments made ufe 
 of by the ambafTadors to diifuade him from going 
 to the capital ; and, in a haughty, determined 
 tone, infifted on his former demand of being ad- 
 mitted to a perfonal interview with their ibve- 
 reign. 
 
 During this converfation, fome painters in the 
 retinue of the Mexican chiefs, had been diligently 
 employed in delineating, upon white cotton 
 clothes, figures of the (liips, horfes, artillery, 
 foldiers, and whatever elle attracfted their eyes as 
 fingular. When Cortes obferved this, and was 
 informed that thel'e piflures were to be fent to 
 Montezuma, he refolved to render the reprefen- 
 tation ftiil more ffriking and inrerefting. The 
 trumpets, by his orders, founded an alarm ; the 
 troops formed in order of battle, and (howed their 
 agility and llrength in the befl: manner they could; 
 while the artillery was pointed againft the neigh- 
 bouring trees, among which it made dreadful 
 havock. The Indians for fome time looked on 
 with lilent aftonifhment ; but at the explofion of 
 the cannon, fome fled, others fell to the ground, 
 and all were fo confounded, that Cones found 
 it difficult to quiet and compofe their minds. 
 
 When the painters had exerted their utmoft ef' 
 forts in reprefenting all thele wonderful things, 
 meffengers were immediately defpatched to Mon- 
 tezuma with the pidtures, and a full account of 
 every thing that had pafled fmce the arrival of 
 the Spaniards, together with fome European cu- 
 riofiries to Montezuma ; which, though of no 
 
 great 
 
120 GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 great value, Cortes believed would be acceptable 
 on account of their novelty. The Mexican mo- 
 narchs, in order to obtain the earlieft informa- 
 tion of every occurrence in all parts of their em- 
 pire, had couriers pofttd at proper lla tions along 
 the principal roads ; and as thefe were trained 
 to agility by a regular education, they conveyed 
 intelligence v/ith furprifing rapidity. Though 
 the city in Vv^hich Montezuma refided was above 
 ISO miles from St. Juan de UUua, Cortes' pre- 
 ients were carried thither, and an anfwer return- 
 ed to his demands, in a few days. As the an- 
 <\ver was unfavourable, Montezuma had endea- 
 voured to moUify the Spaniih general by the 
 richneis of his prefents. Thefe confifted of the 
 mrinufa<5f ures of the country ; cotton-ftufFs Co 
 fine, and of fuch delicate texture, as to refemble 
 ij!k ; pl^hires of animals, trees, and other natu- 
 ral obje6ls, formed with feathers of different co- 
 lours, difpofed and mingled with fuch (kill and 
 elegance as to rival the works of the pencil in 
 truth and beauty of imitation. But what chiefly 
 attracted their attention, were two large plates 
 of a circular form ; one of maffive gold repre- 
 fenting the fun, the other of fdver reprefenting 
 the moon. Thefe were accompanied with brace- 
 lets, collars, rings, and other trinkets of gold ; 
 and that nothing might be wanting which could 
 give the Spaniards a complete idea of what the 
 country afforded, fome boxes filled with pearls, 
 precious ftones, and grains of gold unwrought, 
 as they had been found in the mines or rivers. 
 Were fent along with the reft. Cortes received all 
 with an appearance of the moft profound relpeft 
 for Montezuma i but when the Mexicans, pre- 
 
 fuming 
 
OF AMERICA. 121 
 
 funaing upon this, informed him, that their mai- 
 ter, though he defired him to accept of what he 
 Jiad ftint as a token of his regard for the prince 
 whom he reprcfented, would not give his con- 
 fent that foreign troops fhould approach nearer 
 to his capital, or even allow them to continue 
 ionger in hh dominions, Cortes declared, in a 
 manner more reiblute aid peremptory than for- 
 merly, that he mud infift on his firft demand ; 
 as he could not, without difhonour, return to 
 his own fovereign until he was admitted into the 
 prelence of the prince whom he was appointed 
 to vifit in his name. The Mexicans were alto- 
 n'lihed at the fight of a man who dared to oppofe 
 the will of their emperor ; but not being wifling 
 to come to an open rupture with fuch formidable 
 enemies, with much ado they prevailed upon 
 Cortes to promife that he wjuld not move from 
 his preient camp until the return of a meffenger 
 whom they fent to Montezuma for further in- 
 flrucftioiiK. 
 
 The pufiUanimity of the Indian monarch af- 
 forded time to the Spaniards to t.d;e meafures 
 which would have beeu out of their power had 
 they been vigoroufly attacked on their firfl refu- 
 fal to obey his orders. Cortes ufed every me- 
 thod of fecufing the affe(n:ions of the foldiers ; 
 which indeed was very neceflary, as many of 
 them began to exclaim againft the ralhnefs of his 
 attempt in leading them againlt the whole force 
 of rhe Mexican empire. In a Oiort time Tcutile 
 arrived with another prefent from Montezuma, 
 anJ together with it delivered the ultimate orders 
 ot that monarch to depart inttantly out of his 
 dominions j and when Cortes, icllead of cora- 
 ls 2 plying 
 
J22 GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 plying with his demands, renewed his requeft, 
 of audience, the Mexican immediately left the 
 camp with ftrong marks of furprife and refent- 
 ment. Next morning, none of the natives ap- 
 peared •, all friendly correfpondencefeemed to be 
 at an end, and hoftilities were expelled lo com- 
 mence every moment. A fudden conilernation 
 enfced among the Spaniards, and a party was 
 formed agair.ft him by the adherents of Velaf- 
 ques ; who took advantage of the occafion, and 
 deputed one of their number, a principal officer, 
 to remonftrate, as if in name of the whole army, 
 againll his rafhnefs, and to urge the neceffity of 
 his returning to Cuba. Cortes received themef- 
 fage without any appearance of emotion ; and as 
 he well knew the temper and wifhes of his fol- 
 diery, and forefaw how they would receive a 
 propofition fo fatal to all the fplendid hopes and 
 ichcrfes which they had been forming with fuch 
 complacency, he pretended to comply with the 
 requeft now made him, rind iflTued orders that 
 the army fhould be in reading's next day to em- 
 bark for Cuba. Upon hearing this, the troops, 
 as Cortes had expected, were quite outrageous : 
 they poCltively refufed to comply with thefe or- 
 ders, and threatened immediately to choofe ano- 
 ther general if Cortes continued to infiA on their 
 departure. 
 
 Our adventurer was highly pleafed with the 
 difpofition which now appeared among his 
 troops: neverthelefs, difTembling his fentiments, 
 he declared, that his orders for embarking had 
 proceeded from a perfuafion that it was agreea- 
 ble to his fellow-foldiers, to whofc opinion he had 
 facrificed his own *, but now he acknowledged 
 
 his 
 
OF AMERICA. 123 
 
 his error, and was ready to refume his original 
 plan of operation. This fpeech was highly ap- 
 plauded ; and Cortes, without allowing his mea 
 time to cool, fet about carrying his deligns into 
 execution. In order to give a beginning to a co- 
 lony, he afTerabled the principal perfons in his 
 army, and by their fuffrages elesfled a council 
 and magifirates, in whom the government was 
 to be veiled. The perfons chofen were mod 
 firmly attached to Cortes ; and the new fettle- 
 ment had the name of Villa Rica de la Vera Cruz : 
 that is, the rich town of the true crofs. 
 
 Before this court of his own making, Cortes 
 did not hefitate at refigning all his authority, and 
 was immediately re-ele6fed chief-juftice of the 
 colony, and captain-general of his army, with 
 an ample commiflion, in the king's name, to con- 
 tinue in force till the royal pleafure fhould be 
 farther known. The foldiers eagerly ratified 
 their choice by loud acclamations : and Cortes, 
 now confidering himfelf as no longer accounta- 
 ble to any fubjeiSt, began to afTume a much great- 
 er degree of dignity, and to exercife more ex- 
 tenfive powers than he had done before. Some 
 of the foldiers began to exclaim againfl: the pro- 
 ceedings of the council as illegal ; but the ring- 
 leaders -were inllantiy fent on board the fleet 
 loaded with irons. By this timely feverity the 
 reft were overawed ; and Cortes, knowing of 
 how great importance unanimity was to his fu- 
 ture faccefs, foon found means to reconcile thofe 
 who were mod difiifFe^f ed : to which purpofe a 
 liberal diftribution of the Mex'.c.m gold, both 
 among friends and foes, contributed not a little. 
 
 Cortes having thus ftrengthened himfelf as 
 
 well 
 
12'i GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 well as he could, ref:)lvcd to advance into the 
 country j and to this he was encouraged by the 
 behaviuur of the cacique or petty prince of Zem- 
 poalla, a confiderable town at r^o great dillance. 
 This prince, though fubjecl to Montezuma, was 
 exceedingly impatient of the yoke ; and fo filled 
 with dread and hatred of the emperor, that no- 
 thing could be more acceptable to him than an 
 appearance of being delivered from that fubjec- 
 tion ; and a deliverance of this kind he now 
 hoped from the Spaniards". For this reafon, he 
 lent ambafladors to Cortes, with olfers of friend- 
 fhip, which were gladly accepted by him ; and 
 in confequence of the alliance, he very Iboa vi- 
 fited Zempoalla. Here he was received in the 
 moft friendly manner imaginable, and had a 
 refpe(fl: paid towards him almofl equivalent to 
 adoration. The cacique informed him of many 
 particulars relating to the character ot Montezu- 
 ma. — He told him that he was a tyrant, haughty, 
 cruel, and lufpicious ; who treated his owa/fub- 
 je£fs with arrogance, ruined the conquered pro- 
 vinces by his extortio'is, and often tore their 
 fons and daughters from them by violence ; the 
 former to be offered as viftims to his gods, the 
 latter to be reftrved as concubiaes for himielf 
 and favourites. Corses, in reply, artfuhy inlin- 
 uated, that one great objcfdt of the Spaniards in 
 vifitmg a country fo rem:>te from their own was, 
 to redreis grievances, and to relieve tne oppreff- 
 ed y and having encouraged him to hope for this 
 intcrpofition in due time, continued his march to 
 Qu'iabiilan, the territory of another cacique, and 
 ■where, by the friendly aid of the Lidlans, a 
 Spaiuih colony was loon formed. 
 
 Durin^r 
 
OF AMERICA. 126 
 
 Diiriog the refidence of Cortes in thefe parts, 
 he fo far wrought on the minds of the caciques 
 of Zernpoalla and Q^iabiflan, that they ventur- 
 ed to infuk the Mtxicaa power, at ibe very 
 name of which th-ey had been formerly accuftom- 
 ed to tremble. Some of Montezuma's officers 
 having appeared to levy the ufual tribute, and to 
 demand a certain number of h-uman visftims, as 
 an expiation of rheir guiit in prcfum'ing to hold 
 initercourfe with thofe iVrangers wham the em- 
 peror had commanded to leave Ji is dc^mi-nions ; 
 indead of obeying his orders, they made thejn 
 priloners, treat-ed them with great indignity, and, 
 as their fuperllition was no lefs barbarous than 
 Monteznma'j;, they threated to facrihce ih^fn to 
 their gods. From this laft danger, however, 
 they were delivered by the interpo.ruipn of Cor- 
 tes, who manifefled the mmofl: horror at the 
 mention of fuch a deed. This a6l of xebeliion 
 firmly attached the two caciqne:S to the interefl: 
 oi' Cortes ; and v/iihou't hefitation tlhey acknow- 
 ledged themfcives vafHds of the king of Spain. 
 Their exarrple was followed by the 'ratoniques, 
 a fierce people who inhabited the tnoantaino-us 
 p^irts of the country. They willingly fubje^fied 
 themfelves to the crown of Caftiie; and oifered 
 to accompany Cortes v/ith all their forces in his 
 march towards Mexico. 
 
 Though Cortes had now taken fuch meafures 
 as in a manner enfured his fuccefs *, yet as he 
 had thrown off all dependence on the governor 
 of Cuba, who was his lawful fuperior, and ap- 
 prehended his intereft at court, he thoughtpro- 
 per, before he fct out on his intended expedition, 
 to take the moll efFe<5fual meafures againft the 
 
 impending 
 
126 GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 impending danger. With this view, he perfuad- 
 ed the magi ft rates of his colony to addrefs a let- 
 ter to the king, containing a pompous account 
 of their own fervices, of the country they had 
 difcovered, &c. and of the motives which had 
 induced them to throw off their allegiance to the 
 governor of Cuba, and to fettle a. colony depen- 
 dent on the crown alone, in which the fupreme 
 posver civil as well as military had been vefled 
 in Cortes: humbly lequelling their fovereign to 
 ratify what had been done, by his royal authori- 
 ty. Cortes himfelf wrote in a fimilar flrain ; 
 but as he knew that the Spanifti court, accuftom- 
 ed to the repeated exaggerations of American 
 adventurers, would give little credit to the fplen- 
 did accounts of New-Spain, if they were not ac- 
 companied with fuch a fpeciraen of what it con- 
 tained as would excite an high idea of irs opu- 
 lence, he folicited his folJiers to relincjuifli what 
 they might claim as their part of the trcafures 
 which had hitherto been colle6fed, in order that 
 the whole might be fent to the king. Portocar- 
 rero and Montejo, the chief magi (hates of the 
 colony, were appointed to carry this prefent to 
 Cafljle, with exprefs orders not to touch at Cu- 
 ba in their pafTage thither. But while a vefTcl 
 was preparing for their departure, an ucexpe5led 
 event produced a general alarm. Some foldiers 
 and failors, fecretly difaffefted to Cortes, form- 
 ed a defign of feizingone of the brigantines, and 
 making their efcape to Cuba, in order to give 
 fuch intelligence to the governor as might enable 
 him to intercept the veffcl which was to cnrry 
 the treafure and the difpatches to Spain. This 
 confpiracy was condu^Tted with profound fecre- 
 
 cy;, 
 
OF AMERICA. 127 
 
 cy ; but at the moment when* every thing was 
 ready for execution, the fecret was difcovered 
 by one of the affociates. The latent fpirit of 
 difafFe(ftion which Cortes was now too well con- 
 vinced had not been extinguiflied amongft his 
 troops, gave him very great uneafinefs. The on- 
 ly method which he could think of to prevent 
 fuch confpiracies for the future was, to dellroy 
 his fleet; and thus deprive his foidiers of every 
 refource except that of conqueft : and with this 
 propofai he perfuaded his men to comply. With 
 univerfal confent therefore the {hips were drawn 
 afliore, and, after being ftripped of their fails, 
 rigging, iron-work, and whatever elfe might be 
 of ufe, they were broke in pieces. 
 
 Cortes having thus rendered it necefTary for 
 his troops to follow wherever he chofe to lead, 
 began his march to Zempoalla with 500 infan- 
 try, 15 horfe, and fix field-pieces. The reft of 
 his troops, confifting chiefly of fuch as from age 
 or infirmity were lefs fit for a(flive fervice., he 
 left as a garrifon in Villa Rica, under the com- 
 mand of Efcalante, an oflicer of merit, and 
 warmly attached to his intereft. The cac-que of 
 Zempoalla fupplied him with pic ifions ; and 
 with 200 of thoie Indians called Tamamesy whofe 
 ofl^ice, in a country where tame animals were un- 
 known, was to carry burdens and perform all 
 manner of fervile labour. He offered like wife a 
 confiderable body of troops ; but Cortes was fa- 
 tisfied with 400 ; taking care, however, tochoofe 
 perfons of fuch note, that they might ferve as 
 hoftages for the fidelity of their mailer. 
 
 Nothing memorable happened till the Span- 
 iards arrived on the confines of the republic of 
 
 Tlafcalr. 
 
12^ GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 Tlafcak. The inhabitants of that province were 
 warlike, fierce, and revengeful, and had made 
 ccnii^erable progrefs in agriculture and fome 
 other arts. They were implacable enemies to 
 Montezuma ', and therefore Cortes hoped that it 
 would be an eafy . matter for him to procure their 
 friendOiip. With this view, four Zem-poallans 
 of high rank v/ere Tc-nr iimbaffadors to Tiafcala, 
 dreired with all the badges of that office ufual 
 among the Indians- The fenate were divided in' 
 their opinions with regard to the propofals of 
 Cortes : but at laft Magifcatzin, one of the oldeft 
 fenaiors, ard a ptribn of great authority, men- 
 tioned the tradition of their anceftors, and the 
 revelations of their priefls ; that a race of invin- 
 cible men, of divine origin, who had power over 
 the elements, ihouldcome from the eaft to fub- 
 due their country. He compared the refemblance 
 which the Grangers bore to the perfons figured 
 in the tradition of Mexico, their dominion over 
 the elements of fire, air, and water; he remind- 
 ed the fenate of their prodigies, omens, and fig- 
 nals, which had lately terrified the Mexicans, 
 and indicated fome very important event ; and 
 then declared his opinion, that it would be rafh- 
 nefs to oppofe a force apparently afliiled by hea- 
 ven, and XDcn who had already proved, to the 
 fad experiL-nce of thole who oppofed them, that 
 they were invincible. This orator was oppofed 
 by Xicotencai, who endeavoured to prove that 
 the Spaniards were at beft but powerful magi- 
 cians : that they had rendered themfelves obnox- 
 ious to tb.e gods by pulling down their imiiges 
 and altars, (which indeed Cortes had very im- 
 prudently done at Zempoalla/, and of confe- 
 
 quence, 
 
OF AMERICA, l'2y . 
 
 quence, that they might eafily be overcome, as 
 the gods would not fail to refent fuch an outrage, 
 be therefore voted for war, and advifed the 
 crufhing of thefe invaders at one blow. 
 
 The advice of Xicotencal prevailed ; and in 
 confequence of it, the ambafTadors were detain- 
 ed 5 which giving Cortes the alarm, he drew 
 nearer the city of Tlafcala. In this tranfadtion 
 we may eafily fee how little the Tlaicalans, not- 
 withftanding all their ferocity, were fkilled in 
 military affairs. They fufFered Cortes, with his 
 army drawn up in good order, to pafs a ftrong 
 wall between two mountains, which might have 
 been very advantageoufly defended againit him. 
 He had not advanced far beyond this pais, how- 
 ever, before a party of Tlal'calans with piumes 
 were difcovered, which denoted that an army 
 was in the field. Thefe he drove before him by 
 a detachment of fix horfe, obliged them to join 
 another party, and then reinforcing the advan- 
 ced detachment, charged the enemy with luch 
 vigour that they began to retire. Fivethoufand 
 Tlafcalans, whom Xicotencal had placed in am- 
 bufh, then rufiied out of their hiding places, jufl 
 as the infantry came up to afiift their (lender bo- 
 dy of cavalry. The enemy attacked with the 
 utmoft fury ; but were fo much difconcerted by 
 the firft difcharge of the fire-?rms, that they re- 
 treated in confufion, furniftiing the Spaniards 
 with an opportunity of purfuing them with great 
 flaughter. Cortes, however, fuppofing that this 
 could not be their whole force, advanced with 
 the utmoft caution, in order of battle, to an emi- 
 nence, from whence he had a view of the main 
 body of the Tlafcalan army commanded by Xico- 
 M teocal^ 
 
130 GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 tencal, confining of no fewer than 40,000 men. 
 By thefe the fmall army of Cortes was entirely 
 furrounded ; which Xicotencal no fooner per- 
 ceived, than he contracted the circle with incre- 
 dible diligence, while the Spaniards were almoft 
 overwhelmed with ftiowers of arrows, darts, and 
 ftones. It is impoffible but in this cafe many of 
 the Spaniards rauft have peri(hed, had it not 
 been for the inlufficiency of the Indian weapons. 
 Their arrows and fpears were headed only with 
 .^int, or the bones of fifhes ; their (lakes harden- 
 ed in the fire, and wooden fwords, though del- 
 truiftive weapons among naked Indians, wereea- 
 fily turned afide by the Spanifli bucklers, and 
 could hardly penetrate the quilted jackets which 
 the foldiers wore. Thefe circumftances gave the 
 Spaniards a prodigious advantage over them : 
 and therefore the Tlafcaians, notwithftanding 
 their valour and fuperiority in number, could ac- 
 compli(h no more in the prefent inltance, thaa 
 to kill one horfe and llightly wound nine fol- 
 diers. 
 
 The Tlafcaians being taught by this, and fome 
 fub^equent encounters, how much they were in- 
 ferior to the Spaniards, began to conceive them 
 to be really what Magiibatzin had faid : a fupe- 
 rior order of beings, againft whom human power 
 could not prevail. In this extremity they had 
 recourfe to their priefls, requiring them to reveal 
 the caules of fuch extraordinary events, and to 
 declare what means they (hould take to repel 
 fuch formidable invaders. The priefts, after 
 many facrifices and incantations, delivered their 
 refponfe. That thefe Grangers were the offspring 
 of the fuD, procreated by his animating energy 
 
 in 
 
OF AMERICA. 131 
 
 in the regions of the eaft ; that, by day, while 
 cherlQied with the influence of his parental 
 beams, they were invincible ; but by night, when 
 his reviving heat was withdrawn, their vigour 
 declined and faded like herbs in the field, and 
 they dwindled down into mortal men. In con- 
 fequence of this, the Tiafcaians a6led in con- 
 tradiftion to one of their raoft eftabliflied max- 
 ims in war, and ventured to attack the enemy in 
 the night-time, hoping to deftroy them when in- 
 feeblcd and furprifed. But the Spanifli centinels 
 having obferved fome extraordinary movements 
 among the Tiafcalans, gave the alarm. Imme- 
 diately the troops were under arms, and Tallying 
 out, defeated the'r antagonifts with great flaugh- 
 t^r, without allowing them to approach the 
 camp. By this difafter the Tiafcalans were hear- 
 tily difpoied to peace; but they were at a lofs to 
 form an adequate idea of the enemies they had to 
 deal with. They could not albertain the nature, 
 of thefe furprifing beings, or whether they were 
 really of a benevolent or malignant difpofirion. 
 There were circumftances in their behaviour 
 which feemed to favour each opinion. On the 
 one hand, as the Spaniards con ftantly difmifled 
 their prifoners whom ihey took, not only with- 
 out injury, but often with prefents of European 
 toys, and renewed their offers of peace after eve- 
 ry vicfory ; this lenity amazed people accuftom- 
 ed to the exterminating fyftem of war known in 
 America, and who facrificed and devoured with- 
 out mercy all the captives taken in battle ; and 
 difpofed them to entertain fentiments favourable 
 to their humanity. But, on the other hand, as 
 Cortes had feized 50 of their countrymen who 
 
 brought 
 
132 GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 brought provifions to their camp, and cut off 
 their heads ; this bloody fpe<5lacle, added to the 
 terror occafioned by the fire-arms and horfes, 
 filled them with dreadful ideas of their ferocity. 
 Accordingly they addrefTed them in the follow- 
 ing manner : " If (faid they) you are divinities 
 of a cruel and lavage nature, we prtfent to you 
 five fiaves, that you may drink their blood and 
 eat their (lefh. If you are mild deities, accept 
 an offering of incenfe and variegated plumes. If 
 you are men, here is meat, bread, and fruir, to 
 nourifh you" After this addrefs, the peace was 
 foon concluded, to the great fatisfadfion of both 
 parties. The Tiafcalans yielded themfelves as 
 vaffals to the crown of Caflile, and engaged to 
 afTift Cortes in all his operations ; while betook 
 the republic under his proteftion, and promifed 
 to defend their perfons and pofTeflions from in- 
 jury and violence. 
 
 This reconciliation took place at a very feafon- 
 able jun<nure for the Spaniards. They were not 
 only worn out with incefTant toil, but fo defti- 
 tute of necefTaries, that they had no other falve 
 to drefs their wounds but what was compofed of 
 the fat of Indians whom they had flain. Their 
 diftreffes, in Ihort, were rifen to fuch an height, 
 that they had began to murmur, and even to 
 defpair, infomuch that Cortes had much difficul- 
 ty in reftraining them within any kind of bounds; 
 but the lubmiffion of the Tiafcalans, and their 
 own triumphant entry into the city, where they 
 were received with the reverence due to a fupe- 
 rior order of beings, banifhed at once all memo- 
 ry of paft fufferings, difpelled every anxious 
 thought, and fully convinced them that they 
 
 could 
 
OF AMERICA. 133 
 
 could not be refifted by any power in Ame- 
 rica. 
 
 Cortes left no method untried to gain the fa- 
 vour and confidence of the Tlafcalans ; which, 
 however, he had almolt entirely loft, by his un- 
 timely zeal in deftroying their idols, as he had 
 done thoie of Zempoalla. But he was deterred 
 from this rafh a<flion by his chaplain, father Bar- 
 tholomev/ de Oimedo; and left the Tlafcalans 
 in the undiliurbed exercife of their fuperftition, 
 requiring only that they ihonld defifl from their 
 horrid pra6lice of offering human vi<fl-ims. A^; 
 fom as his troops were fit for fervice, he refolv. 
 ed to continue his march towards Mexico, not- 
 withftanding the remonftrances of the Tlafcalans, 
 who looked upon his dedrudlion as unavoidable 
 if he put himfelf into the power of fuch a faith- 
 lefs prince as Montezuma. Bat the emperc'\ 
 probably intimidated with the fame of his ex- 
 ploits, had reiolved to admit his vifit •, and in- 
 formed Cortes, that he had given orders for his 
 friendly reception at Choiula, the next place of 
 any confequence on the road to Mexico. In this, 
 however, he was, by no means fincere. Cho- 
 iula was looked upon by ail the inhabitants of 
 the empire as a very holy place ; the fan<5luary 
 and chief feat of their gods, to which pilgrims 
 refbrtcd from every province, and a greater num- 
 ber of human victims were offered in its principal 
 temple, than even in that of Mexico. M.-atezu- 
 ma therefore, invited the Spaniards thither, ei- 
 ther from Ibme fuperftitious hopes that the gods 
 wojld not fuffer this facred manflon to be de- 
 filed 5 or from a belief, thut he himfelfi might 
 there find an opportunity of cutting them off 
 with more certainty ot fuccefs, when under the 
 M 2 immediate 
 
134 GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 immediate proteflion of his gods. Cortes, how- 
 ever, was received with much feeming cordiali- 
 ty ; but 6000 Tlafcalan troops, who accompa- 
 nied him, were obliged to remain without the 
 town, as the Cholulans refufed to admit their 
 ancient enemies within their precinfVs. Yet two 
 of thefe by difguifing themfelves got into the ci- 
 ty, and acquainted Cortes, that they obferved 
 the women and children belonging to the princi- 
 pal citizens, retiring every night in a great hurry, 
 and that fix children had been facrificed in the 
 great temple : a flgn that fome warlike enterprile 
 was at hand. At the fame time that Donna Ma- 
 rina, the interpreter, received information from 
 an Indian woman of diftin(flion, whofe confi- 
 dence fhe had gained, that the deftru(fl:ion of the 
 Spaniards was concerted ; that a body of the 
 Mexican troops Tay concealed near the town ; 
 that fome of the ftreets were barricaded, in others 
 deep pits or trenches were dug, and (lightly co- 
 vered over, as traps into which the horfe might 
 fall ; that ftones and miffive weapons were col- 
 le^ed on the tops of the temples, with which to 
 overwhehn the infantry ; that the fatal hour was 
 already at hand, and their ruin unavoidable. 
 Cortes, alarmed at this news, fecretly arreted 
 three of the chief priefts, from whom he extort- 
 ed » confcflion that confirmed the intelligence he 
 had already received. As not a moment was to 
 be loff, he inlfantly refolved to prevent his ene- 
 mies, and to inflifl on them fuch dreadful ven- 
 geance as might ftrike Montezuma and his fub- 
 jt(fls with terror. For this purpofe the Span- 
 iards and Zempoallans were drawn up in a large 
 court, which had been allotted for their quar- 
 ters. 
 
OF AMERICA. 135 
 
 ters, near the centre of the town i the Tlafcalans 
 had orders to advance j the magiftrates and chief 
 citizens were fent for under various pretexts, 
 and feized. On a fignal given, the troops rulh- 
 ed out, and fell upon the multitude, deflitute of 
 leaders, and fo much aftonifhed, that the wea- 
 pons dropped from their hands, and they flood 
 motionlefs, and incapable of defence- While 
 the Spaniards attacked them in front, the Tlaf- 
 calans did the fame in the rear -, the (freets were 
 filled with flaughter ; the temples, which afford- 
 ed a retreat to the priefts, and fome leading men, 
 were fet on fire, and they perifhed in the flames. 
 This fceneof horror continued two days, during 
 which the wretched inhabitants fuffered all that 
 the deftruflive rage of the Spaniards, or the im- 
 placable revenge of their Indian allies, could in- 
 fliifi:. At length the carnage ceafed, after the 
 Ilaughter of 6000 Cholulans, without the lofs of 
 a iingle Spaninrd. — Cortes then releafed the ma- 
 gilf rates *, and reproaching them bitterly for their 
 intended treachery, declared, that as juftice was 
 now appeafed, he forgave the offence •, but re- 
 quired them to recal the inhabitants who had 
 fled, and re-eftabliih or^er in the town. Such 
 was the afcendant that the Spaniards had now 
 obtained over this fuperflitious race, that this or- 
 der was inftantly complied with j and the city 
 was in a few days again filled with people, who 
 paid the mofl refpedlful fervice to thofe men 
 whofe hands were ftained with the blood of their 
 relations and fellow-citizens. 
 
 From Cholula, Cortes advanced dirc^ly to- 
 wards Mexico ; and throughout the whole of 
 his journey, was entertained with accounts of 
 
 the 
 
136 GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 the oppreffions and cruelty of Montezuma. This 
 gave him the grcateft hope of accompli(hing his 
 defign ; as he now perceived that the empire was 
 entirely divided, and no fort of unanimity pre- 
 vailed among them. No enemy appeared to 
 check his progrefs. Montezuma was quite ir- 
 refolute ; and Cartes was almoft at the gates of 
 the capital before the emperor had dciermined 
 whether to receive him as a friend, or oppofe 
 him as an enemy. But as no fign of open hof- 
 tility appeared, the Spaniards, without regarding 
 the fludf uations of Montezuma's fentiments, con- 
 tinued their march to Mexico, with great cir- 
 cumfpe(5lion and the ftriiSteft difcipline, though 
 without feeming to fufpe<n: the prince whom they 
 were about to vifit. 
 
 When they drew near the city, about 1000 
 perfons, who appeared to be of diftin6lion, came 
 forth to meet them, adorned with plumes, and 
 clad in mantles of fine cotton. Each of thefe, 
 in his order, paffed by Cor res, and filuted him 
 according to the mode deemed moll refpedtful 
 and fubmiffivein their country. They announc- 
 ed the approach of Montezuma himfelf, and foon 
 after his harbingers came in fight. There ap- 
 peared firft 200 perfons in an uniform drefs, with 
 large plumes of feathers, alike in fafhion, march- 
 ing two and two, in deep lilence, barefooted, 
 with their eyes fixed on the ground. Thefe 
 were followed by a company of higher rank, in 
 their molt {howy apparel ; in the miviflof whom 
 was Montezuma, in a chair or litter richly orna- 
 mented with goid, and feathers of various co- 
 lours. F -ur of his principal favourites carried 
 him on their fliouiders, others fupported a cano- 
 
 py 
 
OF AMERICA. 137 
 
 py of curious workmanlhip over his head. Be^- 
 fore him marched three officers, with rods of 
 gold in their hwinds, which they lifted up on high 
 at certain intervals ; and at that fjgnal all the 
 people bowed their heads, and hid their faces, 
 as unworthy to look on (o great a monarch.— 
 When he drew near, Cortes difmounted, advan- 
 cing towards him with officious hade, and in a 
 refpeiftful pofture. At the fame time Montezn- 
 tna alighted from his chair, and leaning on the 
 arms of two of his near relations, approached 
 with a (low and rtateiy pace, his attendants co- 
 vering the ftreets with cotton cloths, that he 
 might not touch the ground. Cortes accoRed 
 him with profound reverence, after the Euro- 
 pean fafhion. He returned the falutation, ac- 
 cording to the mode of his country, by touching 
 the earth with his hand, and then kiffing it. 
 This ceremony, the cuftomary expreffion of re- 
 verence from inferiors towards thofe who are 
 :.bove them in rank, appeared fuch amazing con- 
 defcenfion in a proud monarch, who fcarcely 
 deigned to confider the reft of mankind as of th6 
 i'lme fpecie; with himfelf, that all his fubjetfla 
 iirmly believed thofe perfons, before whom he 
 humbled himfelf in this manner, to befomething 
 more than human. Accordingl)^, as they march- 
 ed through the crowd, the Spaniards frequently, 
 and with much fatisfaclion, heard themfelves 
 denominated teules, or divinities. Nothing ma- 
 terial paffed in this firft interview. JVIontezuma 
 condudfed Cortes to the quarters which he had 
 prepared for his reception ; and immediately 
 took leave of him, with a politenefs not unwor- 
 thy of a court more refined. *^ Yoa are now 
 
 (fays 
 
138 GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 (fays he), with your brothers, in your own 
 houfe ; refrefli yourfelves after your fatigue, and 
 be happy until I return." The place allotted to 
 the Spaniards for their lodging, was a houfe 
 built by the father of Montezuma. It was fur- 
 rounded by a ftone wall, with towers at proper 
 diftances, which lerved for defence as well as 
 for ornament ; and its departments and courts 
 were fo large as to accommodate both the Span- 
 iards and their Indian allies. The hrfl: care of 
 Cortes was to take precautions for his fecurity, 
 by planting the artillery fo as to command the 
 different avenues which led to it, by appointing 
 a large divifion of his troops to be always on 
 guard, and by poOing fentinels at proper ftations, 
 with injun<flions to obferve the fame vigilant dif- 
 cipline as if they were within fight of an enemy's 
 camp. 
 
 In the evening, Montezuma returned to vifit 
 his guefts, with the fame pomp as in their firft 
 interview j and brought prefents of fuch value 
 not only to Cortes, and to his officers, but even 
 to the private men, as proved the liberality of 
 the monarch to be fuitablc to the opulence of his 
 kingdom. A long conference enfued, in which 
 Cortes learned what was the opinion of Monte- 
 zuma with refpe(Sl to the Spaniards. It was an 
 eflabli(hcd tradition, he told him, among the 
 Mexicans, that their anceftors came originally 
 from a remote region, and conquered the pro- 
 vinces now fubjeft to his domj.nion : that after 
 they were fettled there, the great captain who 
 conducted this colony, returned to his own coun- 
 try, promifing, that at ibme future period his de- 
 fcendants fiiould vifit them, aflume the govern- 
 ment; 
 
GF AMERICA. 139 
 
 ment, Jind reform their coniiitutions and laws % 
 that, from what he had heard and feen ot Cortes 
 and his followers, he was convinced that they 
 were the very perfons whofe appearance the 
 prophecies taught them to expert ; that accord- 
 ingly, he had received them, not as ftrangers, 
 but as relations of the fame blood and parentage 
 and defired that they might confider themlelves 
 as maffcers of his dominions ; for both himfelf 
 and his fubje<^s fhould be ready to comply with 
 their will and even to prevent their wifhes. 
 Cortes made a reply in his ufual ftyle with re- 
 ipe£i to the dignity and power of his fovereign, 
 and his intention in fending him into that coun- 
 try ; artfully endeavouring fo to frame his dif- 
 courfe, that it might coincide as much as polfible 
 with the idea which Montezuma had formed con- 
 cerning the origin of the Spaniards. Next morn- 
 ing, Cortes, and fome of his principal attend- 
 ants, were admitted to a public audience of the 
 emperor. The three fubfequent days were em- 
 ployed in viewing the city ; the appearance of 
 which, fo far fuperior in the order of its build- 
 ings and the number of its inhabitants to any 
 place the Spaniards had beheld in America, and 
 yet ib little refembling the ftruflure of an Euro- 
 pean city, filled them with furprife and admira- 
 tion. 
 
 Mexico, Temchtitlany as it was anciently call- 
 ed by the natives, is fituated in a large plain, en- 
 vironed by mountains of fuch height, that though 
 within the torrid zone, the temperature of its 
 climate is mild and healthful. All the moillure 
 which defcends from the high grounds, is col- 
 lt6led in feveral lakes, the two largeft of which, 
 
 of 
 
140 GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 of about 90 miles in circuit, communicate with 
 each other. The waters of the one are frefh, 
 thofe of the others are brackiCh. On the banks 
 of the latter, and on fome (cnall iflands adjoining 
 to them, the capital of Montezuma's empire was 
 built. — ^The accefs to the city was by artificial 
 caufeways or Iheets, fc rmed of (lones and earth, 
 about 30 feet in breadth. As the waters of the 
 lake, during the rainy fealbn, overflowed the flat 
 country, thefe caufeways were of confidcrable 
 length. That of Tacuba, on the weft, a mile and 
 a half; that of Tezcuco, on the north-well 
 three miles ; that of Cuoyacan, towards the fouth 
 fix miles. On the eaft there was no caufeway, 
 and the city could be approached only by canoes. 
 In each of thtfe caufeways were openings, at pro- 
 per intervals, through which the waters flow- 
 edj and over thefe, beams of timber were laid, 
 which being covered with earth, the caufeway 
 or ftreet had every where an uniform appearance. 
 As the approaches to the city were fingular, its 
 conftru6tion was remarkable. Not only the 
 temples of their go>is, but the houfes belonging 
 to the monarch, and to perfons of diftinftion, 
 were of fuch dimenfions, that, in comparifon 
 with any other buildings, which had been difco- 
 vered in America, they might be termed magnifi' 
 cent. The habitations of the common people 
 were mean, refembiing the huts of other Indians. 
 But they were all placed m a regular manner, on 
 the banks of the canals which pafTed through 
 the city, in fome of its diftrifVs, or on the fides 
 of the ftreets which interle6ted it in other quar- 
 ters. In feveral places were large openings or 
 fquares, one of which allotted for the great mar- 
 ker. 
 
OF AMERICA. Ml 
 
 ket, is faid to have been Co I'pacious, that 40,000 
 or 50,000 perfons carried on traffic there. In 
 this city, the pride of the New World, and the 
 nobleft monument of the induftry and art of man, 
 while unacquainted with the ufe of iron, and 
 dellitute of aid from any domeftic animril, the 
 Spaniards, who are siioft moderate in thtir com- 
 putarions, reckon that there were at leail 60,000 
 inhabitants. 
 
 But how much fbever the novelty of thofe ob- 
 jed^s might amufe or aftonifh the Spaniards, they 
 feir the utmod folicitude with refpt<£t to their 
 own (ituation. — From a concurrence of circum- 
 flancqs, no leis unexpe^ed than favourable to 
 their progrefs, they had been allowed to pene- 
 trate into the heart A a powerful kingdom, and 
 were now lodged in its capita!, without having 
 once met with open oppofirion from its monarch. 
 The Tiafcalans however, had earneiUy dilfuaded 
 theiii from placing i'uch confidence in Montezu- 
 ma as to enter a city of luch a peculiar fitnation 
 as Mexico, where that prince would hive them 
 at mercy, fhut up as it were in n inare, from 
 which it was impoffible to efcape. They .^.fiured 
 them that the Mexican priefts had, in the name 
 of the gods, counfelled their fovereign to admit 
 the Grangers into the capital, that he might cut 
 them off there at one blow with perfe(51 fecurity. 
 The Spaniards now perceived, too plainly, that 
 the apprehenfions of their allies was not d'elHtnte 
 of foundation ; that, by breaking the bridges 
 placed at certain intervals on the 'Caufeways, or 
 by dclfroying part of the caul'eways themlelves, 
 their retreat would be rendered impradicable, 
 
 and 
 N 
 
U2 GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 and they muft remain cooped up in the centre of 
 a hoftile city, furrounded by multitudes fufficient 
 to overwhelm tbem, and without a poflibility of 
 receiving aid from their allies. Montezuma had, 
 indeed, received them with diflinguilhed refpedf. 
 But ought they to reckon upon this as real, or 
 to confider it as feigned ? Even if it were fincefe, 
 could they promile on its continuance ? Their 
 fafety depended upon the will of a monarch in 
 whofe attachment they had no reafon to confide ; 
 and an order flowing from his caprice, or a word 
 uttered by him in paflion, might decide irrevo- 
 cably concerning their fate. 
 
 Thefe reflexions, fo obvious as to occur to 
 the meaneft foldier, did not efcape the vigilant 
 fagacity of their general. Before he fet out from 
 Cholula, Cortes had received advice from Villa 
 Rica, that Qnalpopoca, one of the Mexican ge- 
 nerals on the frontiers, having alTembled an army 
 in order to attack fome of the people whom the 
 Spaniards had encouraged to throw off the Mex- 
 ican yoke, Efcalante had marched out with part 
 of the garrifon to fupport his allies : that an en- 
 gagement had enfued, in which, though the 
 Spaniards were vicftorious, Efcalante, with feven 
 of his men, had been mortally wounded, his 
 horfe killed, and one Spaniard had been fur- 
 rounded by the enemy, and taken alive ; that 
 the head of this unfortunate captive, after being 
 carried in triumph to different cities, in order to 
 convince the people, that their invaders were not 
 immortal, had been fent to Mexico. Cortes, 
 though alarmed with this intelligence, as an in- 
 dication of Montezuma's hofl:ile intentions, had 
 continued his march. But as foon as he entered 
 
 Mexico,- 
 
OF AMERICA. 14-3 
 
 Mexico, he became fenfible, that, from an ex- 
 cefs of confidence in the fuperior valour and dii- 
 cipiine of his troops, as well as from the difad- 
 vantage^of having nothing to guide him in an 
 unknown country, but the defeflive intelligence 
 which he received from people with whom his 
 mode of communication was very imperfefl:, he 
 had puOied forward into a fituation, where it 
 was difficult to continue, and from which it was 
 dangerous to retire. Difgrace, and perhaps ruin, 
 was the certain confequences of attempting the 
 latter. The fuccefs of his enterprife depended 
 upon fupporting the high opinion which the peo- 
 ple of New-Spain had formed with refpeft to the 
 irreliftibie power of his arms. Upon the firft 
 fymptom of timidity on his part, their veneration 
 would ceafe, and Montezuma, whom fear alone 
 reftrained at prefent, would let loofe upon him 
 the whole force of his empire. At the fame 
 time, he knew that the countenance of his ov^^n 
 fovereign was to be obtained only by a feries of 
 vi<5fories ; and that nothing but the merit of ex- 
 traordinary fuccefs could fcreen his condu61: from 
 the cenfure of irregularity. From all thefe con- 
 fiderations, it was neceffary to maintain his lla- 
 tion, and to extricate himielf out of the difficul- 
 ties in which one bold flep had involved him, 
 by venturing upon another flill bolder. — The fi- 
 tuation was trying, but his mind was equal to 
 ir i and after revolving the matter with deep at- 
 tention, he fixed upon a plan no lefs extraordi- 
 nary than daring. — He determined to feize Mon- 
 tezuma inj his palace, and carry him a prifoner 
 to the Spanifh quarters. From the fiiperflitious 
 veneration of the Mexicans for the perfon of their 
 
 monarch, 
 
144 GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 mOiiarch, as well as their implicit fubmiflion to 
 his will, he hoped, by having Montezuma in his 
 power, to acquire the fupreme diredion of their 
 affairs ; or at lead, with fuch a facred pledge in 
 his hands, he made no doubt of being fecure 
 from anvffFort of their violence. 
 
 This he im nediAtely propofed to his officers. 
 The rimid flartled at ameafure fo audacious, and 
 raifed objections. The more intelligent and rc- 
 iblure, confcious that it was the only refource ia 
 which there appeared any profped of fnfcty, 
 warmly approved of it, and brought over their- 
 comp^inions fo cordially to the lame opinion, that 
 it was agreed inftantly to make the attempt. At 
 his uf'ial hour of vifiting Montezuma, Cortes 
 went to the palace, accompanied by Alvarado, 
 Sandoval, Lugo, Velal'quez de Leon, and Da- 
 vibi, five of his principal officers, and as many 
 truily foldiers. Thirty chofcn men followed, 
 net in a regular order, but fauntering at fome 
 diibmce, as if they had no objed but curiofity ; 
 fmall parties were ported at proper intervals, in 
 all the ftreets leading from the Spanifli quarters 
 to the court ; and the remainder of his troops, 
 with the Tlafcalan allies, were under arms, rea- 
 dy to fally out on the firfl alarm. Cortes and 
 his attendants were admitted without fufpicion ; 
 the Mexicans retiring, as ufual, out of refpeft. 
 He addreffed the monarch in a tone very differ- 
 ent from that which he had employed in former 
 conferences ; reproaching him bitterly as the au- 
 thor of the violent nffault made upon the Span- 
 iards by one of his officers, and demanding pub- 
 lic reparation for the lofs which he had fuflain- 
 cd by the death of fome of his companions, as 
 
 well 
 
OF AMERICA. 145 
 
 W.-Il as for the infult offered to the great prmce 
 whofe fervants they were. Montezuma, con* 
 founded at this ufiexpe(^ed accnlation, and change 
 ing colour, either from the confcioufnefs of guilt, 
 or from feeling the indignity with which ht was 
 treated, alTerted his oWn innocence with great 
 earneftnrfs ; and as a proof of it, gave orders 
 inftantly to bring Qurdpopoca and his accompli- 
 ces prifoners to Mexico. Cortes replied, with 
 feeming complaifance, that a declaration {o r'^- 
 fpc<5table left no doubt remaining in his own 
 mind, but that fomething more was reqiiifite to 
 fatisfy his followers, who would, never be con- 
 vinced that Montezuma did not harbour hoftile 
 intentions againft them, unlefs, as an evidenee 
 cf his confidence and attachment, he removed 
 from his own palace, and took up his refidence 
 in the Spanifh quarters, where he would be ferv- 
 ed and honoured as became a great monarch. 
 The firft mention of fo ftrange a propof li, be- 
 reaved Montezuma of i'peech, and almoft of mo- 
 tion. At length he haughtily anfwered, " That 
 perfons of his rank Avere not accuftomed volun- 
 tarily to give up themfelves as prifoners ; and 
 were he mean enough to do {oy his iubje<5f s would 
 not permit fuch an affront to be offered to their 
 fovereign." Cortes, unwilling to employ force 
 endeavoured alternately to fo<nhe and intimidate 
 him. The altercation became warm ; and hav- 
 ing continued above three hours,* Vdafquez de 
 LeoU; an impetuous and gallant yor.ng man, ex- 
 claimed with impatience, " Why wafte more 
 time in vain? Let us either feize him inflantly, 
 or Dab him to the heart." The threatening voice 
 
 and 
 N 2 
 
146 GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 and fierce geftures with which thefe words were 
 uttered, ftruck Montezuma. The Spaniards, 
 he was fenfible, had now proceeded fo far, as 
 left him no hope that they would recede. His 
 own danger was imminent, the neceility unavoid-r 
 able. He faw both ; and abandoning himfelf to 
 his fate, complied with their requeil. 
 
 His officers were called. He communicated 
 to them his refolutlun. Though aftonifhed and 
 affli(fl-ed, they prefumed not to queflion the will 
 of their mafler, but carried him in filent pomp, 
 all baihed in tears, to the Spanifh quarters. 
 When it was known that theflrangers were con- 
 veying away the emperor, the people broke out 
 into the wildeft tranfports of grief and rage, 
 threatening the Spaniards with immediate de- 
 Uruclion, as the punifliment juftly due to their 
 impious audacity. But as foon as Montezuma 
 appeared with a feeming gaiety of countenance, 
 and waved his hand, the tumult was hufhed ; 
 and upon his declaring it to be of his own choice 
 that he went to refide for fome time among his 
 new friends, the multitude, taught to revere 
 every intimation of their fovereign's pleafure, 
 quietly difperfed. 
 
 The Spaniards at firft pretended to treat Mon- 
 rczuma with great rcfpe(5t ; but foon took care 
 to let him know that he was entirely in their 
 power. Cortes wiflied that the fliedding the 
 blood of a Spaniard, (hould appear the moft he- 
 nious crime that could be committed ; and there- 
 fore not only took a moft exemplary vengeance 
 on thofe who had been concerned in the affair of 
 Villa Rica, but even put the emperor himfelf in 
 chains, till the execution of the Mexican general 
 
 was 
 
GF AMERICA. 147 
 
 was ever. By thefe and other Infults, he at lafl 
 gained entirely, the afcendant over this unhappy 
 monarch ; and he took care to improve his op- 
 portunity to the utmofi-. He fent his emiffaries 
 into different parts of the kingdom, accompanied 
 with Mexicans of diflin<51ions, who might ferve 
 both to gni 1c and to prote(n: them. They vifi- 
 ted moft of the provinces, viewed their foil and 
 produdions, furveyed with particular care the 
 the diflri(5ts which yielded gold or filver, pitch- 
 ed upon feveral places as proper for future colo- 
 nies, and endeavoured to prepare the minds of 
 the people for lubmitting to the Spanifh yoke : 
 and while they were thus employed, Cortes, in 
 the name, and by the authority of Montezuma, 
 degraded fome of the principal officers in the 
 empire, whofe abilities or independent fpirit ex- 
 cited his jealoufy ; and fubftituted in their place 
 perlons who he imagined would be more obfe- 
 quious. One thing, however, was ftill wanting 
 to complete his fecurity. He widied to have fuch 
 a command of the lake as might enfure a retreat, 
 if, either from levity or difguft, the Mexicans 
 ftiould take arms againft him, and break down 
 the bridges or caufeways, in order to enclofe him 
 in the city. In order to obtain this without giv- 
 ing difguft to the emperor or his court, Cortes 
 artfully inflamed thecuriofity of the Indians with 
 accounts of the Spanifh fliipping, and thofe float- 
 ing palaces that moved with fuch velocity on the 
 water, without the affiftanceof oars ; and when 
 he found that the monarch himfelf was extreme- 
 ly defirous of feeing fuch a novelty, he gave him 
 to undcrfland, that nothing was wanting to his 
 gratification, befides a few nece/Taries from Vera 
 
 Cruz, 
 
U8 GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 Cruz, for that hi had workmen in his army ca- 
 pable of building fuch vefTels. The bate took 
 with Montezuma ; and he gave immediate orders 
 that all his people {hould aflift Cortes in what- 
 ever he ftiould dire<5l concerning the (hipping. 
 By this means, in a few days, two brigantines 
 were got ready, fqll-rigged and equipped ; and 
 Montezuma was invited on board, to make the 
 firfl trial of their failings of which he could form 
 no idea. Accordingly he embarked for this pur- 
 pofc, and gave orders for a great hunting upon 
 the water, in order that all his people might be 
 diverted with the novelty prefented by the Span- 
 iards. On the day appointed, the royal equi- 
 page was ready early in the morning; and the 
 lake was covered with a multitude of boats and 
 canoes loaded with people. The Mexicans had 
 augmented the number of their rowers on board 
 the royal barges, with an intention, to difgrace 
 the Spanifli vefTels, which they regarded as clum- 
 fy, unweildy, and heavy. But they were foon 
 undeceived ; a frefh gale ftarted up, the brigan- 
 tines hoifted fail, to the utter aftoniHiment of all 
 the fpe<5lators, and foon left ail the canoes be- 
 hind ; while the monarch exulted in the vicflory 
 of the Spaniards, without once confulering that 
 now he had efFe6lually rivetted his own chains. 
 Cortes having obtained this important poinf; 
 refolved to put the condefcenfion of the emperor 
 to a trial ftill more fevere. He urged Montezu- 
 ma to acknowledge himi'elf a vaflal to the crown 
 of Caftile •, to hold his crown of him as fup. rior, 
 and to fubje(fi: his dominions to the payment of 
 an annual tribute. With this requifition, hu- 
 miliating as it was, Montezuma complied. He 
 
 called 
 
OF AMERICA. 149 
 
 called together the chief men of his empire, and, 
 ill a folemn harangue, reminded them of the 
 traditions and propheciCvS which led them to ex- 
 pe6r the anivai of a people fprung from the fame 
 Aock with themfelves, in orier to take poflef- 
 fion of the fnprtme power; he declared his be- 
 lief that tht Spaniards were this promiftd race ; 
 and that therefore he recognifed the right of 
 their monarch to govern the Mexican empire^ 
 would lay his crown at his feet, and abe) him 
 as a tributary. While uttering thefe words, 
 Monrezuma diicovered how deeply he was afFec- 
 ted in making fnch a fucrvfice Tears and groans 
 freqivenrly interrupted his difcourfe. *The firfV 
 meniion of fuch a refolution flruck the afTembly 
 dumb with aftonifhmenr. This was followed 
 by a fallen murmur of for row mingled with in- 
 dignation ; which indicated iome violent eruption 
 of rage to be near at hand. This Cortes fore- 
 fciW, and leiifonably irnerpofed to prevent it, by 
 declaring that his mailer had no inttntiun to de- 
 prive Montezuma of the royal dignity, or ';o 
 make any innovation upon the ccniiitution and 
 laws of the IMexiciin trnpire. This alfijrance, 
 added to their dread of the Spanifn arm,-, and 
 the authority of their monarch's eximpic, ex- 
 torted the confent of the a/Tembiy ; and the aft 
 of fubmiffion and homage was executed with all 
 the formalities which the Spai)iards plealbd to 
 preicribe. 
 
 Montezuma, at the requeft of Cortes, accom- 
 panied this profefTion of fealty and homage with 
 a magnificent prefent to his new fovereign ; and, 
 after his example, his fubjecfts brought in very 
 liberal contributions. The Spaniards then col- 
 
 lefted 
 
150 GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 levied all the treafure which had been either vo- 
 luntarily beftowed upon them at different times 
 by Montezuma, or had been extorted from his 
 people under various pretences ; and having 
 melted the gold and filver, the value of thefe, 
 without including jewels and ornaments of va- 
 rious kinds, which were preserved on account of 
 their curious workmanfliip, amounted to 600,000 
 pefos. The foldiers were impatient to have it 
 divided ; and Cortes complied with their defire. 
 A fifth of the whole was fet apart as a tax due 
 to the king. Another fifth was allowed to Cor- 
 tes as commander. The fums advanced by the 
 governor'of Cuba, who had originally fitted out 
 the expedition, were then dedii<n:ed. The re- 
 mainder was then divided among the army, in- 
 cluding the garrilbn of Vera Cruz, in proportion 
 to their different ranks ; and after fo many deduc- 
 tions, the (hare of a private man did not exceed 
 100 pefos. This fum fell fo far below their fan- 
 guine expe(ftations, that it requir>:d all the ad- 
 drefs, and no fmall exertions of the liberality of 
 Cortes, to prevent an open mutiny. However, 
 he at laft reftored tranquillity ; but had no loon- 
 er efcaped this danger, than he involved himfelf, 
 by his imprudent ze^l for religion, in one much 
 worfe. Montezuma, though often importuned, 
 had obflinately refufcd to charige his religion, or 
 aboli(h the fuperftitious rites which had been for 
 fuch a long time pra(5lifed throughout his do- 
 minions. This at laft tranlported the Spaniards 
 with fuch rage, that, in a fully of zeal, he led 
 out his foldiers in order to throw down the idols 
 in the gicat temple by force. But the priefls tak- 
 ing arms in defence of their altars, and the peu> 
 
 plr: 
 
OF AMERICA. 151 
 
 pie crowding v^ ith great ardour to fupport them. 
 Cortes* prudence over-ruled his zeal, and induc- 
 ed him to defift from his rafh attempt, after dif^ 
 lodging the idols from one of the fhrines, and 
 placing in their Head an image of the Virgin 
 Mary. 
 
 From this moment the Mexicans began to me- 
 ditate the expuUion or dertru<^ion of the Span- 
 iards. The priefts and leading men held fre- 
 quent meetings with Montezuma for this pur- 
 pofe. But as any violent atte .^pt might have 
 proved fatal to the captive monarch, it was 
 thought proper firft to try more gentle means. 
 Having called Cortes into his prelence, he ob- 
 ferved, that now, as all the purpofes oi his em- 
 balTy were fully accomplifhed, the goiis had de- 
 clared their will, and the people fignified their 
 defire, that he and his followers fiit>uic: milantly 
 depart out of the empire. With this he r^.qj.ired 
 them to comply, or unavoidable dettruction 
 would fall fuddenly on their heads. This unex- 
 pe£lcd requifition, as well as the manner in 
 which it was delivered, alarmed Cortes. How- 
 ever, he fuppofcd that more might be gained by 
 a feigned compliance than by open refjftance ; 
 and therefore replied with great compofure, that 
 he had already begun to prepare for his return ; 
 but as he had deftroyed the veflels in which he 
 arrived, fome time was requifite for building 
 other fhips. This appeared reafonable •, and a 
 number of Mexicans were fent to Vera Cruz to 
 cut down timber, and fome Spanifh carpenters 
 were appointed to fuperintend the work. 
 
 Cortes flattered himfelf, that, during this m- 
 terval, he might either find means to avert the 
 
 threatened 
 
152 GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 threatened danger, or receive fuch reinforcements 
 as would enable him to defend himielf. Nine 
 months had now elapfed fmce Portocarrero and 
 Montejo had failed with his defpatches to Spain , 
 and he daily expefled a return with a confirma- 
 tion of his authority from the king, without 
 which all that he had done ferved only to mark 
 him out as an objeft of puniftiment. While he 
 remained in great anxiety on this account, news 
 were brought that fome fhips had appeared on 
 the coaft. Thefe were imagined by Cortes to 
 be a reinforcement fent him from Spain : but his 
 joy was of fhort continuance, for a courier very 
 foon arrived from Vera Cruz, with certain irir 
 formation that the armament was fitted out by 
 Veiafquez, the governor of Cuba j and inflead 
 of bringing fuccours, threatened them with im- 
 mediate dtftru<flion. 
 
 Veiafquez had been excited to this hoftile mea- 
 furt chi(.fly through the indifcretion, or rather 
 treachery, of the melTengers of Cortes ; who, 
 contrary to his exprefs injunctions, had landed 
 on the ifland of Cuba, and given intelligence of 
 all that had palled : and Veiafquez, tranfported 
 with rage at hearing of the proceedings of Cor- 
 tes, had now lent againfi: him this armament ; 
 confining of 18 fhips, which carried SO horfc- 
 men, 800 infantry, of which 80 were muflce- 
 teers, and 120 crols-bowmen, commanded bv a 
 brave officer named Famphih de l^arvaez ; whofe 
 infiru6Vions were, to feize Cortes and his princi- 
 pal officers, to fend them prifoners to hia), and 
 then to complete the difcovery and conqucfl of 
 the country in his name. This proved a mofl: 
 afflidting piece of news to Cortes. However, 
 
 thinking 
 
OF AMERICA. 153 
 
 thinking it imprudent to attempt any thing againft 
 his countrymen at firft by force, he fent his chap- 
 Iain O'medo with propolals of accommodation. 
 Narvaez reje<5ted his propofals with fcorn ; but 
 his followers were lefs violent in their refent- 
 ments. Olmedo delivered many letters to them, 
 either from Cortes himfelf, or from his officers 
 their ancient friends and companions. Thefe 
 Cortes had artfully accompanied with prefentsof 
 rings, chains of gold, and other trinkets of va- 
 lue ; which infpired thofe needy adventurers with 
 high ideas of the wealth he had acquired, and 
 with envy of the good fortune of thofe who were 
 engaged in his fervice. Some, from hopes of 
 becoming (harers in thefe rich fpoils, declared 
 for an immediate accommodation ; while others 
 were for the fame pacific meafure^ through fear 
 of fiibverting the Spanilh power entirely in a 
 country where it was fo imperfe6fly eftabli filed 
 Narvaez difregarded both ; and, by a proclama- 
 tion, denounced Cortes and his adherents rebel;, 
 and enemies to their country. 
 
 Cortes having now no refource but in war, 
 left 150 men under the command of Pedro- de 
 Alvarado, an officer of great bravery, and much 
 refpecfled by the Mexicans, to guard the capital 
 and the captive emperor ; while he himfelf 
 marched with the remainder, to meet his formi- 
 dable opponent, who had taken poilelTion of 
 Zempoalia. Even after being reinforced by San- 
 doval his governor of Vera Cruz, the force of 
 Cortes did net exceed 250 men. He hoped for 
 fuccefs chiefly from the rapidity of his motions 
 and the pofTibility of furprifing his enemies ; and 
 
 as 
 O 
 
15^ GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 as he chiefly dreaded their cavalry, he armed 
 his foldiers with long fpears, accuftoming them 
 to that deep and compact arrangement which the 
 ufe of this formidable weapon enabled them to 
 alTume. As he advanced, however, he repeated 
 his propofaJs of accommodation ; but thefe being 
 conftantly rejected, and a price fet upon his head, 
 he at laft attacked Narvaez in the night-time, en- 
 tirely defeated and took him prifoner, obliging 
 all his troops to own allegiance to himfelf. 
 
 Nothing could be more feafonable than this 
 vi£lory, by which Cortes found his army very 
 confiderably increafed ; for mofl of the foldiers 
 of Narvaez chofe rather to follow Cortes than 
 to return to Cuba, whither the conqueror had 
 offered to lend them if they chofe- His affairs 
 at Mexico, in the mean time, were in the utmoft 
 danger of being totally ruined ; and had this de- 
 cifive vi^ory been delayed but a few days lon- 
 ger, he muft have come too late to faye his 
 companions. A fhort time after the defeat of 
 Narvaez, a courier arrived from Mexico with 
 the difagreeable intelligence that the Mexicans 
 had taken arms *, and having feized ana deftroy- 
 ed the two brigantincs which he had built in or- 
 der to fecure the command of the lake, had at- 
 tacked the Spaniards in their quarters, killed 
 fome, and wounded many more, burnt their 
 magazine of provifions, and, in (hort, carried on 
 hoftilities with fuch fury, that though Alvnrado 
 and his men defended themfelves with undaunt- 
 ed refolution, they muft either be cut off by fa- 
 mine, or fink under the multitude of their ene- 
 mies. This revolt was excited by motives which 
 rendered it ftill more alarming. On the depar- 
 ture 
 
OF AMERICA. 155 
 
 ture of Cortes for Zempoalla, the Mexicans flat- 
 tered themfelves, that the long-expe£Ved oppor- 
 tunity of reftoring their fovereign to liberty, and 
 driving out the Spaniards, was arrived-, and 
 confultaiions were accordingly held for bringing 
 about both thefe events. The Spaniards in Mex- 
 ico confcious of their own weaknefs, fufpefted 
 and dreaded thefe machinations i but Alvarado, 
 who had neither the prudence nor the addrefs of 
 Cortes, took the worft method imaginable to 
 overcOiTie them. Tnftead of attempting to foothe 
 or cajole the Mexicans, he waited the return of 
 one of their folemn feftivals, when the principal 
 perfons in the empire were dancing, according 
 to cuilom, in the court of the great temple ; he 
 feized all the avenues which led to it ; and, al- 
 lured partly by the rich ornaments which they 
 wore in honour of their gods, and partly by the 
 facility of cutting off at once the authors of that 
 confpiracy which he dreaded, he fell upon them, 
 unarmed and unfufpicious of danger, and maffa- 
 cred a great number; none efcaping but fuch as 
 made their way over the battlements of the tem- 
 ple. An a£lion fo cruel and treacherous filled 
 not only the city, but the whole empire, with 
 indignation and rage ; and the Mexicans imme- 
 diately proceeded in the manner above mention- 
 ed. 
 
 Cortes advanced with the utmoft celerity to 
 the relief of his diftrelTcd companions ; but as 
 he pafTed along, had the mortification to hnd 
 that the Spaniards were generally held in abhor- 
 rence. The principal inhabitants had deferted 
 the towns through which he palTed ; no perfou 
 of note appeared to meet him with the uiual re- 
 
 fpea s 
 
t.3G GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 i peel: ; nor were provifions brought to his csmp 
 as ufual. Notwithftanding thefe figns of aver- 
 fion and horror, however, the Mexicans were 
 ih ignorant of the military art, that they again 
 permitted him to enter the capital without oppo- 
 lition ; though it was in their power to have ea- 
 fily prevented him, by breaking down the bridges 
 r.nd canleways which led to it. 
 
 Cortes was received by his companions with 
 the utmoft joy ; and this extraordinary fuccefs 
 fo far intoxicated the general himfelf, that he 
 not only neglecSled to vifit Montezuma, but ex- 
 prefTed himfelf very contemptuoufly concerning 
 him. Thele expreilions being reported among 
 the Mexicans, they all at once flew to arms, and 
 made fuch a violent ^nd fudden attack, that all 
 the valour and fkill of Cortes were fcarce fuffi- 
 cient to repel them. This produced great unea- 
 iinefs among the foldiers of Narvaez, who had 
 imagined there was nothing to do but to gather 
 rhe Ipoils of a conquered country. Difcontent 
 and murmurings, however, were now of no 
 avail; they wcie inclofed in a hoflile city, and, 
 without fome extrr.ordinary exertions, were in- 
 evitably undone. Cortes therefore, made a def- 
 pcratelallyj but, after exerting his utmoft ef- 
 forts, for a whole day, was obliged to retire 
 witti the lofs of 12 killed, and upwards of 60 
 wounded. Another fally was attempted with 
 the like bad fuccefs, and in it Cortes himfelf was 
 wounded in the hand. 
 
 Ths Spanifh general was now thoroughly con- 
 vinced of his error j and therefore betook him- 
 felf to the only refource which was left •, namely, 
 to try what efle<5l the interpofition of Montezu- 
 ma 
 
OF AMERICA. 157 
 
 ma would have tofoothe or overawe his fubje^s. 
 When the Mexicans approached the next morn- 
 ing to renew the adlinit, that unfortunate prince, 
 at the mercy of the Spaniards and reduced to the 
 fad neceffity of becoming the inftrument of his 
 own difgrace, and of the Qavery of his people, 
 advancerl to the battlements in his royal robes» 
 and with all the pomp in which he ufed to ap- 
 pear on foleran occafions. At the fight of their 
 fovereign, whom they had been long accuftomed 
 to reverence almoft as a god, the Mexicans in- 
 ftantly forebore their hoftilities, and many prof- 
 trnted themfelves on the ground : but when he 
 addrclTed them in favour of the Spaniards, and 
 made ufe of all the arguments he could think of 
 to mitigate their rage, they teiVified their refent- 
 ment with loud murmurings j and at length 
 broke forth with fuch fury, that before the fol- 
 diers, appointed to guard Montezuma, had time 
 to cover him with their (hields, he was wounded 
 with two arrows, and a blow on his temple with 
 a (lone ftruck him to the ground. On feeing 
 him fall, the Mexicans inftantly fled with the 
 utmoft precipitation : but the unhappy monarch, 
 now convinced that he was become an objefl of 
 contempt even to his own fubje(n:s, obfHnately 
 refufed all nourifhment ; and thus in a fliort time 
 ended his days. 
 
 On the death of Montezuma, Cortes having 
 loft all hope of bringing the Mexicans to any 
 terms of peace prepared for retreat. But his an- 
 tagonifts, having taken pofTeflion of a high tow- 
 er in the great temple, v/hich overlooked the 
 Spanifli quarters, and placing there a garrifon of 
 their principal warriors, the Spaniards were {o 
 O 2 much 
 
158 GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 much expofed to their miffile weapons that none 
 could ftir without danger of being killed or 
 wounded. From this port, therefore, it was 
 necefTary to diflodge them at any rate ; and Juaa 
 de Efcobar, with a large detachment of chofen 
 foldiers, was ordered to make the attack. But 
 Efcobar, though a valiant officer, and though 
 he exerted his utmoft efforts, was thrice repulf- 
 ed. Cortes, however, fenfible that not only 
 his reputation, but the fafety of his army, de- 
 pended on the fuccefs of this afTault, canled a 
 buckler to be tied to his arm, as he could not 
 manage it with his wounded hand, and ruftied 
 with his drawn fword among the thickeft of the 
 combatants. Encouraged by the prefence of 
 their general, the Spaniards returned to the 
 charge with fuch vigour, that they gradually 
 forced their way up the iteps, and drove the 
 Mexicans to the platform at the top of the tower. 
 There a dreadful carnage began ; when two 
 young Mexicans of high rank, obferving Cortes, 
 as he animated his foldiers, refolved to facrifice 
 their own lives in order to cut off the author of 
 fo many calamities which defolated their coun- 
 try. They approached him in a fuppliant pof- 
 ture, as if they intended to lay down their arms ; 
 and feizing him in a moment, hurried him to- 
 wards the battlements, over which they threw 
 themlelves headlong, in hopes of dragging him 
 along with them. But Cortes, by his flrength 
 and agility, difengaged himfelf from their grafp -y 
 fo that the two Mexicans perifhed alone. 
 
 As foon as the Spaniards became mafters of 
 the tower, they let fire to it, and without fur- 
 ther moleftation coDtinued the preparations for 
 
 their 
 
OF AMERICA. 159 
 
 their ret?eat. This became the more necefTary, 
 as their enemies, artonifhed at this laft effort of 
 their valour, had now entirely changed their fyf- 
 tern of hoftility ; and, inftead of incefTant attacks, 
 endeavoured by barricading the ftreets, and 
 breaking down the caufeways, to cut off the 
 communication of the Spaniards with the conti- 
 nent, and thus to ftarve an enemy whom they 
 could not fub^lue. The firft point to be deter- 
 mined was, whether they fhouid march out open- 
 ly in the face of day, when they could difcern' 
 every danger, or whether they (hould endeavour 
 to retire fecreily in the night. The latter was 
 preferred, partly from hopes that the fuperrtition 
 of the Mexicans would prevent them from at- 
 tacking them in the night, and partly from their 
 own fuperftition in giving credit to the predic- 
 tions of a private ioldier, who pretended to af- 
 trology, and aflured them of fuccefs if they re- 
 treated in this manner. Towards midnight, 
 therefore, they began their march, in three di- 
 vifions. Sandoval led the van •, Pedro Alvarado 
 and Velafquez de Leon had the condu6t of the 
 rear; and Cortes commanded in the centre, 
 where he placed the prifoners, among whom 
 were a fon and two daughters of Montezuma, to- 
 gether with feveral Mexicans of di(tin6tion ; the 
 artillery, b*ggage, and a portable bridge of tim- 
 ber intended to be laid over the breaches in the 
 caufeway. They marched in profound filence 
 along the caufeway which led to Tacuba, becaufe 
 it was fhorter than any of the rell, and, lying 
 molt remote from the road towards Tlafcala and 
 the fea-coaft, had been left mofl entire by the 
 Mexicans. 
 
 They 
 
160 GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 They reached the firft breach in the caufeway 
 without moleftation, hoping that their retreat 
 was undifco veered. Bat the Mexicans had not 
 only watched all their motions, but made prepa- 
 rations for a moft formidable attack. While the 
 Spaniards were intent upon placing their bridges 
 in the breach, and occupied in conducing thtir 
 horfes and artillery along it, they werefuddenly 
 alarmed with the found of warlike inftruments, 
 and found themfelves afliiulted on all fides by an 
 innumerable multitude of enemies. Unfortu- 
 nately the wooden bridge was wedged fo fait in 
 the mud by the weight of the artillery, that it 
 was impoflible to remove it. Difmayed at this 
 accident, the Spaniards advanced with precipita- 
 tion to the fecond breach. The Mexicans hem- 
 med them in on every fide ; and though they de- 
 fended themfelves with their ufnal courage, yet, 
 crowded as they were in a narrow caufeway, 
 their difcipline and military flcill were of little 
 avail ; nor did the obfcurity of the night allow 
 them to derive much advantage from their fire- 
 arms or the fuperiority of their other weapons. 
 At lafl: the Spaniards, overborne with the num- 
 bers of their enemies, began to give way, and in 
 a moment the confufion was univerfal. Cortes, 
 with about 100 foot-foldiers, and a few horfe, 
 forced his way over the two remaining breaches 
 in the caufeway, the bodies of the dead ferving 
 to fill up the chafms, and reached the main land. 
 Having formed them as foon as they arrived, he 
 returned with fuch as were yet capable of fer- 
 vice, to aflifl his friends in their retreat. He 
 met with a part of his foldiers who had forced 
 their way through the enemy, but found many 
 
 more 
 
OF AMERICA. 161 
 
 more overwhelmed by ihe multitude of their ag- 
 gre/Tors, or perifhing in the lake; and heard the 
 grievous lamentations of others whom the Mex- 
 icans were caryingoff in triumph to be facrificed 
 to the god of war. 
 
 In this fatal retreat more than one half of 
 Cortes*s army perifhed, together with many of- 
 ficers of diAin6l:ion. Ail the artillery, ammuni- 
 tion, and baggage, were loll ; the greater part 
 of the horfes and above 2000 Tlafcalans were 
 kiiled» and only a very fmall part of their trea- 
 fure laved. The firil care of the Spanidi general 
 was to find feme (helter for his wearied troops; 
 for, as the Mexicans infcded them on every fide, 
 and the people of TacvHa began to take arms, 
 he could not continue in his prcfent ftation. At 
 lafl he difcovered a temple feated on an eminence, 
 in which he found not only the (helter he want- 
 ed, but fome provifions •, and though the enemy 
 did not intermit their attacks throughout the day, 
 they were v/ithonr ranch difliculty prevented 
 from making anv impreiTion. For fix days after, 
 they continued rheir march through a barren, ill 
 cultivated, and thinly peopled country, where 
 ihcy were often obliged fo feed on berries, roots, 
 and rhe ftdks of green m.iize ; at the fame time 
 they were haraffed wirhout intermiffion by large 
 parties of Mexicans, who attacked them on all 
 fides. On the fixth day they reached Oiumba, 
 not far from the road between Mexico and Tlaf- 
 cala. Early next morning they began to advance 
 towards it, flying parties of the enemy flill hang- 
 ing on their rear; and amidft the infuits with 
 which they accompanied their hoffihties, Donna 
 Marina remarked, that they often exclaimed 
 
 ■ with 
 
162 GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 with exultation, ** Go on, robbers ; go to the 
 plact: where you fhall quickly meet the vengeance 
 due lo your crimes.'* The meaning of this threat 
 the Spaniards did not comprehend, until they 
 reached the fummit of an eminence before them. 
 There a fpacious valley opened to their view, co- 
 vered with a vaft army as far as the eye could 
 reach. The Mexicans, while with one body of 
 their troops they harafled the Spaniards in their 
 retreat, had afTembled their principal force on 
 the other fide of the lake; and marching along 
 the road which led dlre6tly to Tlafcala, pofled 
 it in the plain of Otumba, through which they 
 knew Cortes mufl part. At the fight of this in- 
 credible multitude, which they could i'urvey at 
 once from the rifing ground, the Spaniards were 
 afloniflied, and even, the boldeft began to dif- 
 pair. But Cortes, without allowing their fears 
 time to operate, after warning them briefly that 
 no alternative remained but to conquer or die, 
 led them instantly to the charge. The Mexicans 
 waited their approach with nnufijal fortitude : 
 yet fuch was the fuperiority of the Spanifh difci- 
 pline and arms, that the impreffion of tnis rmali 
 body was irrefiftable; and which ever way its 
 force was directed, it penetrated and difperfed 
 the moft numerous battalions. But while thefe 
 gave way in one quarter, new combatants ad- 
 vanced from another ; and the Sp uiiards, though 
 fuccefsful in every attack, were ready to fink un- 
 der thefe repeated efforts, v/ithout feeing any 
 end to their toil, or any hope of viflory. At 
 that time Cortes obferved the great ftandard of 
 the empire, which was carried before the Mex- 
 ican general, advancing; and fortunately recol- 
 
 le«flin!:! 
 
OF AMERICA. les 
 
 leaing to have heard, that on the fate of it de- 
 pended the event of every battle, he aflembled a 
 few of his bravefl officers, whofe horfes were 
 flill capable of fervice, and, placing himfelf at 
 their head, pufhed towards the flandard with 
 fuch impetuofity that he bore aown every thing 
 before him. A chv^jfen body of nobles, who 
 guarded the flandard, made fome refiflance, but 
 were foon broken. Cortes, with a flroke of his 
 lance, wounded the Mexican general, and threw 
 him to the ground. One of his followers alight- 
 ing, put an end to his life, and laid hold of the 
 imperial ftandard. The moment that their leader 
 fdj, and the flandard, towards which all direc- 
 ted their eyes, difappeared, an univerf^il panic 
 (truck the Mexicans ; and, as if the bond which 
 held them together had been diffolved, every en- 
 fign was lowered, each foldier threw away his 
 weapons, and fied with precipitation to the 
 mountains. The Spaniards, unable to puriue 
 them far, returned to colledl the fpoiib of the 
 field ; and thefc were fo valuable as to be fome 
 compenlation for the wealth which they had loft 
 in Mexico ; for in the enemy's army were moft 
 of their principal warriors drefTed out in their 
 richeil: ornamenta, as if they had been marching 
 to afTured victory. 
 
 The day after*this important a<5lion (berng July 
 8th 1520), the Spaniards entered the riafcaian 
 territories, where they were received with the 
 moft cordial friendship. Cortes endeavoured to 
 avail himfelf of this difpofiiion as much as pofTi- 
 ble j for which purpofe he diftributed among 
 them the rich fpoils taken at Otumba with (uch 
 a liberal hand, that he made himfelf fure of ob- 
 
 taining 
 
164 GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 taining from the republic whatever he fhould de- 
 fire. He drew a fmall fupply of amunition, and 
 two or three field-pieces from his (lores at Vera 
 Cruz. He difpatched an officer of confidence 
 with four fhips of Narvaez's Beet to Hifpaniola 
 and Jamaica, to engage adventurers, and to pur- 
 chafe horfes, gunpowder, and other military 
 flores. And as he knew that it would be in vain 
 to attempt the reduction of Mexico, unlefs he 
 could fecure the command of the lake, he gave 
 orders to prepare, in the mountains oi Tlafcala, 
 materials for building 12 brigantines, i'o that 
 they might be earned thither in pieces, ready to 
 be put together, and launched when he flood ia 
 need of their fervice. Bur, in the mean time, 
 his foldiers, alarmed at the thoughts of being 
 expoled to fuch calamities a fecond time, pre- 
 fented a remonftrance to their general, in which 
 they reprefcnted the imprudence of attacking a 
 powerful empire with his (battered forces, and 
 formally required him to return back to Cuba. 
 All the eloquence of Cortes could now only pre- 
 vail with them to delay their departure for fome 
 time, when he promifed to difmifs fuch as (liould 
 defire it. However, this was only a pretence j 
 for Cortes, in fa6t, had the conqueft of Mexico 
 as much at heart as 4ver. Without giving his 
 foldiers an opportunity of caballing, therefore, 
 he daily employed them againfl the people 
 of the neighbouring provinces, who had 
 cut off fome detachments of Spaniards during 
 his misfortunes at Mexico 5 and by which as he 
 was conftantly attended with fuccefs, his men 
 foon refumed their wonted lenfe of fuperiority. 
 
 But 
 
©F AMERICA. 1(55 
 
 But all the efforts of Corces could have been 
 of little avail, had he not unexpe(5ledly obtained 
 a reinforcement of Spanifh foldiers. The go- 
 vernor of Cuba, to whom the fuCcefs of Narvaez 
 appeared an event of infaliibl'j certainty, having 
 fent tWo fmall fliips after him v/ith newinftruc- 
 tlons, and a fupply of men and inilitary (lores, 
 the officer whom Cortes had appointed to com- 
 mand on the coaft artfully decoyed them into 
 the harbour of Vera Cruz, feized the vefTelS) 
 and eafily perfuaded the foldiers to follow the 
 ftandard of a more able leader than him vvhom 
 they were delVmed to join. Soon after, three 
 fhips of more confr.'erable force came into the 
 harbour feparately. Fhefe belonged to an arma- 
 ment fitted out by Francilco de Garay, governor 
 of Jamaica, who had long aimed at dividing 
 with Cortes the glory and gain of annexing the 
 empire of Mexico to the crown of Caltile. fhey 
 had, however, unadvifedly made their attempt 
 on the northern provinces, where the country 
 was poor, and the inhabitauts fierce and warlike j 
 Co that, after a fucceflion of difafters, they were 
 now obliged to venture into Vera Cruz, and cafl 
 themfelves upon the mercy of their countrymen j 
 and here they alfo were foon perfuaded to throw 
 off their allegiance to their maffer, and to enlift 
 with Cortes. About the lame time a ftiip arriv- 
 ed from Spain, freighted by fome private adven- 
 turer?, With military (lores ; and the cargo was 
 eagerly purchafed by Cortes, while the crew 
 following the example of the reit, joined him at 
 Tlafcaia, 
 
 From thefe various quarters, the army of Cor- 
 tes was augmented with 180 men and 20 borfes; 
 P by 
 
166 GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 by which means he was enabled to difmifs fiich 
 of the foldiers of Narvaez as were moft trouble- 
 fomc and difcontented ; after the departure of 
 whom he flill muftered 550 infantry, of whom 
 80 men were armec^ with muflcets or crofs-bows, 
 40 horfemen, and nine pieces of artillery. At 
 the head of thefe, with 10,000 Tlafcalans and 
 other friendly Indians, he began his march to- 
 wards Mexico, on the 28th of December, fix 
 months after his fatal retreat from that city. 
 
 The Mexicans, in the mean time, had made 
 the beft preparations they could for oppofing fnch 
 a formidable enemy. On the death of Monte- 
 zuma, his brother Qu^etlavaca was raifed to the 
 throne ; and he had an immediate opportunity of 
 ihowing that he was worthy of their choice, by 
 conducing in perfon thofe fierce attacks, which 
 obliged the Spaniards to retire from his capital. 
 His prudence in guarding againfl the return of 
 the invaders was equal to the fpirit he had Ihown 
 in driving them out. He repaired what the 
 Spaniards had ruined in the city, ftrengthened it 
 with fuch fortifications as his people could ere6l ; 
 and befides filling his magazines with the ufual 
 implements of war, gave dire(51ions to make long 
 ipears, headed with the fwords and daggers 
 which they had taken from the Spaniards, in or- 
 der to annoy the cavalry. But in the midft of 
 thcfe preparations he was taken off by the fmall- 
 poxj and Guatiraozin, his nephew and fon-in- 
 law, raifed to the throne. 
 
 As foon as Cortes entered the enemy's territo-. 
 ries, lie difcovered various preparations to ob- 
 rtru(5l his progrefs. But his troops forced their 
 way with little difficulty j and took pofieffion of 
 
 Tezcuco, 
 
OF AMERICA. 107 
 
 Tezcuco, the fecond city of the emphe, fituated 
 on the banks of the lake, about 20 miles from 
 Mexico. Here he determined to efliblifh his 
 head quarters, as the moll proper ftation for 
 launching his brigantines, as well as for making 
 his approaches to the capital. In order to ren- 
 der his refidence there more lecure, he depofed 
 the cazique or chief, who was at the head of 
 that community under pretence of fome defe6f in 
 his title, and fubllituted in his place a perfon 
 whom a fad ion of the nobles pointed out as the 
 ri.fTht heir of that dignity. Attached to him by 
 this benelit, the new cazique and his adherents 
 ierved the Spaniards with inviolable fidelity. 
 
 As the conftru^lon of the brigantines advanc- 
 ed (lowly under the unfkilful hands of foldiers 
 and Indian?, whom Cortes was obliged to em- 
 ploy in airiiling three or four carpenters who hap- 
 pened fortunately to be in his fervice, and as he 
 had not yet received the reinforcement which he 
 expected from Ilifpaniola, he was not in a con- 
 dition to turn his arms direcflly againft the capi- 
 tal. To have attacked a city {"o populous, lb 
 well prepared for defence, and in a fituation of 
 fuch peculiar flrength, mud have expofed his 
 troops to inevitable deflruc5fion. Three months 
 elapfed before the materials for conn:ru(n:lng the ' 
 brigantines were finifhed, and before h° heard 
 any thing with refpe(51: to the fuccefs of his ncgo- 
 ciation in Hifpaniola. This, however, was not 
 a feafon of inacTtion to Cortes. He attacked fac- 
 ceffiveiy feveral of the towns fituated around the 
 lake ; and though all the Mexican power was eX' 
 erted to obllruifl his operations, he either com- 
 pelled them to fubmit to the Spini(h crown, or 
 
 reduced 
 
168 GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 reduced them to ruins. Other towns he endea- 
 voured to conciliate by more gentle means ; and 
 though he could not hold any intercourfe with 
 the inhabitants but by the intervention of inter- 
 preters, yet, under all the diradvantage of that 
 tedious and imperfe(5f mode of communication, 
 he had acquired fuch thorough knowledge of the 
 ftate of the country, as well as of the difpofitions 
 of the people, that he conducted his negociations 
 and intrigues with aftonifhing dexterity and fuc- 
 cels. Mod of the cities adjacent to Mexico 
 M'ere originally the capitals of fmall independent 
 flatcs ; and fome of them having been but lately 
 annexed to the Mexican empire, ftill retained the 
 remembrance of their ancient liberty, and bore 
 with impatience the rigorous yof^e of their new 
 mailers. Cortes having early obferved fymptoms 
 of their difaffeifHon, availed himfelf of this know- 
 ledge to gain their confidence and friendfl/ip. 
 By offering with confidence to deliver them from 
 the odious dominion of the Mexicans, and by 
 liberal promiies of more indulgent treatment if 
 ihcy v/ould unite with him v.g?':{\ their oppref- 
 fors, he prevailed on the people of feveral confi- 
 derabk di{lri(fi:s, not only to acknowledge the 
 king of Cadile as their fovereign, but to iupply 
 the Spani(h camp with provifions, and to 
 flrengthen his army with auxiliary troops. Gua- 
 timozin, on the firft appearance of defe(^lion 
 among his fubjecls, exerted himfelf with vigour 
 to prevent or to punifli their revolt j but, in fpite 
 of his efforts, the fpirit continued to fpread. 
 The Spaniards gradually acquired new allies •, 
 and with deep concern he beheld Cortes arming 
 againfl his empire thofe very hands which ought 
 
 to 
 
OF AMERICA. 169 
 
 to have been a£\ive in his defence, and ready to 
 advance againft the capital at the head of a nu- 
 merous body of his own fubje<fts. 
 
 While, by thefe various methods, Cortes was 
 gradually circumfcribing the Mexican power 
 within fuch narrow limits that his profpe6l of 
 ovei turning it Teemed neither to be uncertain nor 
 remote, all his fchemes were well nigh defeated 
 by a confpiracy againfl his own perfon, and 
 which was difcovered only a fliort time before it 
 was to have been executed. Though many were 
 concerned, Cortes did not think proper to punifli 
 any more than the principal ringleader, whom 
 he cauied immediately to be hanged -, and then, 
 without allowing ihem leifure to ruminate on 
 "what had happened, and as the moft effeiftual 
 means of preventing the return of a mutinous 
 fpirit, he determined to call forth his troops im- 
 mediately to a(5lion. Fortunately a proper occa- 
 fion for this occured, without his feeming to 
 court it. He received intelligence, that the ma- 
 terials for building the brigantines were at length 
 completely finiOied, and waited only for a body 
 of Spaniards to condufl them to Tezcuco. The 
 command of this convoy, confining of 200 foot- 
 foldiers, 15 horfemen, and 2 lield-pieces, he 
 gave to Sandoval, who by the vigilance, activity, 
 and courage, which he manifelled on every oc- 
 cafion, was growing daily in his confidence, and 
 in the eftimation of his fellow-foldiers. The 
 fervice was no lefs fingular than important ; the 
 beams, the planks, the mails, the cordage, the 
 fails, the iron-work, and all the infinite variety 
 of articles requifite for the conftru£^ion of 13 
 
 brigantines 
 
170 GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 brigantlnes were to be carried 60 miles over land, 
 through a mountainous country, by people who 
 were unacquainted with the miniftry of domeftic 
 animals, or the aid of machines to facilitate any 
 work of labour- The Tlafcalans furniPaed 8000 
 TameneSi an inierior order of men defined for fer- 
 vile talks, to carry the materials on their fhonlders, 
 and appointed 15,000 warriors to accompany 
 and defend them. Sandoval made the difpofition 
 for their progrefs with great propriety, placing 
 the Tamenes in the centre, one body of warriors 
 in the front, another in the rear, with confider- 
 able parties to cover the flanks. To each of 
 thefe he joined Tome Spaniards, not only to afTid 
 them in danger, but to accaftom them to regu- 
 larity and fubordination. Parties of Mexicans 
 frequently appeared hovering around them on 
 the high grounds : but perceiving no profpeit of 
 luccefs in attacking an enemy continually on his 
 guard, and prepared to receive them, they did 
 not venture to moleft him •, and Sandoval had 
 the glory of conducting fafely to Tczcuco a con- 
 voy on which all the future operations of his 
 countrymen depended. 
 
 This was followed by another event of no lefs 
 moment. Four fliips arrived at Vera Cruz from 
 Hifpaniola, with 200 foldiers, 80 horfes, two 
 battering cannon, and a confiderable iupply of 
 ammunition and arms. Elevated with obferving 
 that all his preparatory fchemes, either for re- 
 cruiting his own army or impairing the force of 
 the enemy, had now produced their full effe(5l, 
 Cortes, impatient to begin the fiege in form, 
 haftened the launching of the brigantines. To 
 facilitate this, he had employed a vafl nusnber 
 
 of 
 
OF AMERICA. 171 
 
 of Indians, for two months, in deepening the 
 fmall rivulet which runs by Tezeuco into the 
 lake, and in forming it into a canal near two 
 miles in length; and though the Mexicans, aware 
 of his intentions, as well as of the danger which 
 threatened them, endeavoured frequently to in- 
 terrupt the labourers, or to burn the brigantines, 
 the work was at la(t completed. On the 28rh 
 of April, all the Spanifli troops, together with 
 auxiliary Indians, were drawn up on the banks 
 of the canal; and with extraordinary military" 
 pomp, heightened and rendered more folemn by 
 the celebration of the moil facred rites of reli- 
 gion, the brigantines were launched. As they 
 fell down the canal in order. Father Qlmedo 
 bleffed them, and gave each its name. Every 
 eye followed them with wonder and hope, until 
 they entered the lake, when they hoifled their 
 fails, and bore away before the wind. A gene- 
 ral Ihout of joy was raifed ; all admiring that 
 bold inventive genius, which, by means io ex- 
 traordinary, that their fuccefs almoft exceeded 
 belief, had acquired the command of a fleer, 
 without the aid of which Mexico would have 
 continued to fet the Spanifh power and arms at 
 defiance. 
 
 Cortes determined to attack the city from three 
 different quarters ; from Tezeuco on the eaft fide 
 of the lake, from Tacuba on the wefl, and from 
 Cuyocan towards the fouth. Thofe towns were 
 Jituated on the principal cauieways which led to 
 the capital, and intended for their defence. He 
 appointed Sandoval to command in the firfl, Pe- 
 dro de Alvarado in the fecond, and ChriAoval 
 de Olid^in the third ; allotting to each a nume- 
 rous 
 
172 GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 rous body of Indian auxiliaries, together with an 
 equal divifion of Spaniards, who, by the junction 
 of the troops from Hifpaniola, an:iounted now to 
 86 horlemen, and 8 1 8 foot foldiers ; of whom 
 lis were armed with mnfkets or crof<-bows. 
 Their train of artillery confifted of three batter- 
 ing cannon, and 3 5 field-pieces. He refcrved 
 for himielf, as the ftation of greateft importance 
 and danger, the condu(ft of the brigantines, each 
 armed with one of his fmail cannon, and manned 
 with 25 Spaniards. 
 
 As Alvarado and Olid proceeded towards the 
 pofts affigned them, they broke down the aque- 
 duffs which the ingenuity of the Mexicans had 
 ere<51ed for conveying water into the capita), and, 
 by the diftrefs to which this reduced the inhabi- 
 tants, gave a beginning to the calamities which 
 they were deffined to fuffer. Alvarado and Olid 
 found the towns, of which they were ordered to 
 take p'jfTeffion, defcrted by their inhabitants, 
 who had fled for fafety to the capital, where 
 Guatimozin had collecfted the chief force of his 
 empire, as there alone he could hope to make a 
 fuccefsfui ftand againft the formidable enemies 
 who were approaching to afTault him. 
 
 The firft effort of the Mexicans was to deftroy 
 the (ket of brigantines, the fatal effeds of whofe 
 operations they forefliw and dreaded. Though 
 the brigantines after all the labour and merit of 
 Cortes in forming them, were of incoufiderable 
 bulk, rudely conffru<5fed, and manned chiefly 
 with landmen, hardly pofTeffed of fkill enough 
 to condu<n: them, they muft have been objecffs of 
 terror to a people unacquainted with any navi- 
 gation but that of their lake, and rofTefTcd of no 
 
 vefTel 
 
OF AMERICA. 173 
 
 velfel larger than a canoe. Ncceflity, however, 
 urged Guatimozin to hazard the attack •, and 
 hoping to fupply by numbers what he wanted in 
 force, he aflembled fuch a mullirude of canoes 
 as covered the face of the lake. They rowed on 
 boldly to the charge, while the brigantines, re- 
 tarded by a dead calm, could fcarcely advance 
 to meet them. But as the enemy drew near, a 
 breeze fuddenly fprung up •, in s moment the 
 fails were fpread, and the brigantines with irre- 
 fjflible impetuofity broke their feeble opponents, 
 overfet many canoes, and dillipated the whole 
 armament with inch (laughter, as convinced the 
 Mexicans, that the progrels of the Europeans 
 in knowledge and arts rendered their luperiority 
 greater on this new element than they had hi- 
 therto found it by land. 
 
 From that time Cones remained mader of the 
 lake : and the brigantines not only preferved a 
 communication between the Spaniards in their 
 different Itations, though at conficlerable diflance 
 from each other ; but were employe-.! to cover 
 the caufeways on each fide, and keep cfF the ca- 
 noes, when they attempted to annoy the troops 
 as they advanced towards the ciiy. He formed 
 the brigantines in three divifions, allotting one 
 to each flation, with orders to (econd the opera- 
 tions of the officer who commanded there. From 
 all the three ftations he pu fined on the attack 
 againft the city with equal vigour *, but in a man- 
 ner fo very different from that whereby lieges 
 are condu£led in a regular war, as might appear 
 no lels improper than lingular to perlbns unac- 
 quainted with his fituation. Each morning his 
 troops alTauked the barricades which the enemy 
 
 had 
 
174 GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 had erected on the caufeways, forced their way 
 over the trenches which they had dug, and 
 through the canals where the bridges were 
 broken down, and endeavoured to penetrate in- 
 to the heart of the city, in hopes of obtaining 
 fome decillve advantage, which might force the 
 enemy to furrender, and terminate the war at 
 once ; but when the obfVmate valour of the Mex- 
 icans rendered the efforts of the day inefFe61ual, 
 the Spaniards retired in the evening to their for- 
 mer quarters. Thus their toil and danger were, 
 in fome meafure, continually renewed, the Mex- 
 icans repairing in the night what the Spaniards 
 had deflroyed through the day, and recovering 
 the pofts from which they had driven them. But 
 necefTity prefcribed this flow and untoward mode 
 of operation. The number of his troops was (6 
 fmalJ, that Cortes durft not, with a handful of 
 men, attempt to make a lodgment in a ciiy where 
 he might be furrounded and annoyed by fuch a 
 muhitude of enemies. The remembrance of what 
 he had already fuffered by the ill-judged confi- 
 dence v^ith which he had ventured into fuch a 
 dangerous fjtuation, was flill frefh in his mind. 
 The Spaniards, exhaulfed with fatigue, were un- 
 able to guard the viirious poOs which they daily 
 gained : and though their camp was filled with 
 Indian auxiliaries, they durft not devolve this 
 charge upon them, becaufe they were fo little 
 accullomed to dilcipline, that no confidence could 
 be placed in their vigilance. Befides this, Cor- 
 tes was extremely foiicitous to preferve the city 
 as much as pofTible from being deftroycd, both 
 as he (kftined it to be the capital of his conquefls, 
 and wiflied that it miqht remain as a monument 
 
 of 
 
OF AMERICA. 175 
 
 of his glory. From all thefe confiderations, he 
 adhered obftinately, for a month after the fiege 
 was opened, to the lyrtem which he had adopted. 
 The Mexicans, in their own defence, difphiyed 
 valour which was hardly inferior to that with 
 which the Spaniards attacked them. On land, 
 on water, by night and by day, one furious con- 
 flift fucceeded to another. Several Spaniards 
 were killed, more wounded, and all were ready 
 to fink under the toils of unintermitting fervice, 
 which were rendered more intolerable by the in- 
 juries of the feafon, the periodical rains being 
 now fet in with their ufual violence. 
 
 Aftonifhed and difconcerted with the length 
 and difficulties of the fiege, Cortes determined 
 to make one great effort to get pofTefTion of the 
 city before he relinquifhed the plan which he 
 had hitherto followed, and had recourfe to any 
 other mode of attack. With this view, he fent 
 inftruffions to Alvarado and Sandoval to advance 
 with their divifions to a general afFault, and took 
 the command in perfon of that pofled on the 
 caufeway of Cuyocan. Animated by his prefence, 
 and the expecTtation of fome decifive event, the 
 Spaniards puflied forward with irrefiftible impe- 
 tuofity. They broke through one barricade af- 
 ter another, forced their way over the ditches 
 and canals, and having entered the city, gained 
 grounti incefTantly, in Ipite of the multitude and 
 ferocity of their opponents. Cortep, though de- 
 lighted with the lapidity of hi^ progrefs, did not 
 forget that he might fUll find it necefTuy to re- 
 treat and in order to fecure it, appointed Julian 
 de Alderete, a captain of chief note in the troops 
 which he had received from Hifpaniola, to fill 
 
 up 
 
176 , GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 up the canals and gaps in the caufeway as the 
 main budy advanced. That officer deeming it 
 inglorious to be thus employed, while his com- 
 panions were in the heat of a6lion and the career 
 of vi(5lory, nL'gle<ftc!d the important charge com- 
 mitted to him, and hurried on inconfuier ttely to 
 mingle with the combatants The Mexicans, 
 whofe military attention and (kill were daily im- 
 proving, no fooner oblerved this, than they car- 
 ried an account of ir to their monarch. 
 
 Guatimozin inflantly difcerned the confe- 
 quences of the error which the Spaniards had 
 committed, and, with admirable prefence of mind, 
 prepared to take advantage of it. He command- 
 ed the troops poiled in the front to fiacken their 
 efforts, in order to allure the Spaniards to pufh 
 forward, while he defpatched a large body of 
 chofen warriors through different flreets fome by 
 land, and others by water, towards the great 
 breach in the caufew ly, which had been left 
 open. On a fignal which he gave, the priefls in 
 the great temple ftrnck the great drum confccrat- 
 ed to the god of war. No fooner did the Mex- 
 icans hear its doleful folemn found, calculated 
 to infpire them with contempt of death and with 
 enthufiaftic ardour, than they rufhed upon the 
 enemy with frantic rage. I'he Spaniard.-, unable 
 to refifl men urged on no lels by religious fury 
 than hope of fuccefs, began to retire at firll lei- 
 furely, and with a good countenance : but as the 
 enemy prefTed on, and their own impatience to 
 efcapc increalbd, the terror and confufion became 
 fo general, that when they arrived at the gap in 
 the caufeway, Spaniards and Tlafcalans, horfe- 
 men and inf:intry, plunged in promifcuoufly, 
 
 while 
 
^F AMERICA. 177 
 
 while the Mexicans rurtied upon tliem fiercely 
 from every fide, their light canoes carrying them 
 through fhoals which the brigantines could not 
 approach. In vain did Cortes attempt to flop 
 and rally his flying troops ; fear rendered them 
 regardlefs of his intreaties or commands. Find- 
 ing all h/s endeavours to renew the combat fruit- 
 lefs, his next care was to fave fome of them who 
 had thrown themfelves into the water; but 
 while thus employed, with more attention to 
 their firuation than to his own, fix Mexican cap- 
 tains fnddenly laid hold of him, and were hur- 
 rying him off in triumph; and though two of 
 his officers refcued him at the expenfe of their 
 own lives, he received feveral dangerous wounds 
 before he could break loofe. Above 60 Span- 
 iards perifhed in the rout; and what rendered 
 the difalfer more affliaing, 40 of thefe fell alive 
 into the hands of an enemy never known to fliew 
 mercy to a captive. 
 
 The approach of night, though it delivered 
 the dejected Spaniards from the attacks of the 
 enemy, uihered in, what was hardly lefs griev- 
 ous, the noife of their barbarous triumph,, and 
 of the horrid feUival with which they celebrated 
 thcfr vj(fVory. Ev-ry quarter of the city was il- 
 luminated ; the great tempU fiionewith fuch pe- 
 cuhir Iplendor; ^hat the Spaniards could plainly 
 iee the people in motion, and the prielfs bufy in 
 hafieni.)g the preparations for the death of the 
 prilbiurs. Through the gloom they fancied that 
 they adeemed their companions by the whitenefs 
 of their ficin^., as they were ftripped naked and 
 compelled to dauce before the image of the god 
 
 to 
 
178 GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 to whom they were to be offered. They heard 
 the fhrieks of thofe who were lacrificed, and 
 thought they could diftinguidi each unhappy vie* 
 tim by the well-known found of his voice. Ima- 
 gination added to what they really faw or heard, 
 and augmented its horror. The moft unfeeling 
 melted into tears of compaffion, and the ftouteft 
 heart trembled at the dreadful fpeftacle which 
 they beheld. 
 
 Cortes, who, beiides all that he felt in com- 
 mon with his foldiers, was opprefTed with the 
 additional load of anxious refieftions natural to 
 a general on fuch an unexpe6fed calamity, could 
 not like them relieve his mind by giving vent to 
 its anguiQi. He was obliged to afTume an air of 
 tranquillity in order to revive the fpirits and 
 hopes of his followers. The junfture, indeed, 
 required an extraordinary exertion of fortitude. 
 The Mexicans, elated with their victory, failied 
 out next morning to attack him in his quarters. 
 But they did not rely on the efforts of their own 
 arms alone ; they fent the heads of the Span- 
 iards whom they had facrificed, to the leading 
 men in the adjacent provinces, and afTured them 
 that the god of war appeafed by the blood of 
 their invaders, which had been fhed io plentiful- 
 ly on his altars, had declared with an audible 
 voice, that in eight days time thofe hated ene- 
 mies fhould be finally def\royed, and peace and 
 profperity re-eflabliihcd in the empire. 
 
 A prediflion, uttered with Inch confidence, 
 and in terms fo void of ambiguity, gained uni- 
 verfal credit among a people prone to fuperf^i- 
 tion. The zeal of the provinces which had al- 
 ready declared againfl the Spaniards augmented, 
 
 and 
 
OF AMERICA. 179 
 
 and leveral which had hitherto remained ina(^ive 
 took arms with enthufiaftic ardour to execute 
 the decrees of the gods. The Indian auxiliaries 
 who had joined Cortes, accuftomed to venerate 
 the fame deities with the Mexicans, and to re- 
 ceive the refponfes of their priefts with the fame 
 implicit faith, abandoned the Spaniards as a race 
 of men devoted to certain deftruftion. Even the 
 fidelity of the Tiafcalans was (haken, and the 
 Spanifti troops were left almoft alone in their Na- 
 tions. Cortes, finding that he attempted in 
 vain to difpel the luperftitious fears of his confe- 
 derates by argument, took advantage, from the 
 imprudence of thofe who had framed the pro- 
 phecy in fixing its accomplirhment fo near at 
 hand, to give them a ftriking demonftration of 
 its falfiiy. He fufpended all military operations 
 during the period marked out by the oracle. Un- 
 der cover of the brigantines, which kept the 
 army at n diftance, his troops lay in fafety and 
 the fatal term expired without any difafter. 
 
 His allies, aihamed of their own credulity, re- 
 turned to their flation. Other tribes, judging 
 that the gods, who had now deceived the Mexi- 
 cans, had decreed finally to withdraw their pro- 
 tection from them, joined his ffandard-, and 
 fuch was the levity of a fimple people, moved by 
 every fiight impreflion, that, in a fhort time af- 
 ter fuch a general defe<5Vlon of his confederates, 
 Cortes faw himfelf, if we may believe his own 
 account, at the head of 150,000 Indians. Even 
 with fuch a numerous army, he found it necefTa- 
 ry to adopt a new and more wary fyftem of ope- 
 ration. Inftead of renewing his attempts to 
 become mailer of the city at once, by luch bold 
 
 but 
 
180 GENEI^AL HISTORY 
 
 but dangerous efforts of valour as he had already 
 tried, he made his advances gradually, and with 
 every poffible precuation againft expofing his 
 men to any calamity fimilar to that which they 
 {till bewailed. As the Spaniards pufhed for- 
 ward, the Indians regularly repaired the caufe- 
 ways behind them. As foon as they got pofTef- 
 iion of any part of the town the houfes were in- 
 ftantly levelled with the ground. Day by day, 
 the Mexicans, forced to retire as their enemies 
 gained ground, were hemmed in within more 
 narrow limits. Guatimozin, though unable to 
 Aop the career of the enemy, continued to defend 
 his capital with obftinate refolution, and difputed 
 every inch of ground. But the Spaniards, hav- 
 ing not only varied their mode of attack, but, 
 by order of Cortes, having changed the weapons 
 with which they fought, Were again armed with 
 the long Chinantlan fpears, which they had em- 
 ployed with fuch fuccefs againfl Narvaez ; and, 
 by the firm array in which this enabled them to 
 range themfelves, they repelled, with little dan- 
 ger, the loofe aflliult of the Mexicans : incredi- 
 ble numbers of them fell in the confiifts, which 
 they renewed every day. While war waOed 
 without, famine began to con fume them within 
 the city. The Spanifli brigantines, having the 
 entire command of the lake, rendered it irapofli- 
 ble to receive any fupply of provifions by water. 
 The vaft number of his Indian auxiliaries enabled 
 Cortes to fhut up the avenues, to the city by 
 land. The flores, which Guatimozin had laid 
 up were exhaufled by the multitudes which 
 crowded into the capital to defend their fovereign 
 and the temples of their gods. Not only the 
 
 people, 
 
OF AMERICA. 181 
 
 people, bun perfons of the higheft rank, felt the 
 utmoO: diftrefTes of want. What they fuffered 
 brought on infeflious anJ mortal diftempers, the 
 lafl: calamity ihat vifits befjegvd cities, and which 
 filled up the meafiare of their woes. 
 
 But, under the nrefllire of fo many and 
 fuch various evils, the fpirit of Guatimozin re- 
 mained firm and unfubdued. He reje^fted with 
 fcorn every overture of peace from Cortes •, and 
 difdaining the idea of fubmiiting to the oppref- 
 fors of his country, determined not to furvive its 
 ruin. The Spaniards continued their progrefs. 
 At length all the three divifions penetrated into 
 the great fquare in the centre of the city, and 
 made a fecure lodgment there. Three-fourths 
 or the city were now reduced, and laid in ruins. 
 The remai;i;ng quarter was fo clofely preffed, 
 th:!t it could noc long withlland afTailants who at- 
 tacked it from their new flation with fuperior ad- 
 vantage, and moreafTured expeflation of fuccefs. 
 The Mexican nobles, felicitous to fave the life 
 of a monarch whom they revered, prevailed on 
 Guatimozin to retire from a place where refift- 
 ance was now vain, that he might roufe the more 
 dillant provinces of the empire to arms, and 
 maintain there a more iucccfsful llruggle with 
 the public enemy. In order to facilitate the ex- 
 ecution of this meafure, they endeavoured to 
 nmufe Cortes Vv'ith overtures of fubmiffion, that 
 while his atten Ion wag employed in adjulVmg the 
 articles of pacilication, Guatimozin might elcape 
 un perceived. But they made this attempt upon 
 a leader of or'-..:ter f'.gacity and difcernment than 
 to be deceived by their arts. Cortes fufpe6ling 
 
 their 
 0.2 
 
182 GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 their intention, and aware of what moment it 
 was to defeat it, appointed Sandoval, the officer 
 on whofe vigilance he conld mod perfectly rely, 
 to take the commcind of the brigantines, with 
 Ari<5l injun6Vions to watch every motion of the 
 enemy, Sandoval, attentive to the charge, ob- 
 ferving ibms large canoes crowded with people 
 rowing along the lake with extraordinary rapidi- 
 ty, inltantly gave the fignal to chafe. Gracia 
 Holgnin, who commanded the fleeteft brigan- 
 tine, loon overtook them, and was preparing to 
 fire on the foremoft canoe, which feemed to car- 
 ry fome perlbn whom all the reft followed and 
 obeyed. At once the rowers dropt their oars, 
 and all on board, throwing down their arms, 
 conjured him with cries and tears to forbear, as 
 ihe emperor was there. Holguin eagerly feized 
 his prize : and Guatimozin, with a dignified com- 
 pofure, gave himfelf up into his hands, requeft- 
 ing only that no infult might be offered to the 
 emprefs or his children. When condufled to 
 Cortes, he appeared neither with thefullen fierce- 
 nefs of a barbarian, nor with the dejecSlion of a 
 fupplicant. <* I have done," faid he, rddrefTing 
 himfelf to the Spanifh general, " what became 
 a monarch. I have defended my people to the 
 laft extremity. Nothing now remains but to die. 
 Take this dagger," laying his hand on one which 
 Copies wore, •* plant it in my breaft, and put 
 an end to a life which can no longer be of ufe." 
 As foon as the fate of their fovereign was 
 known, the refifiance of the Mexicans ceafed ; 
 and Cortes took pofTefTion of that fmall part of 
 the capital which yet remained undeflroyed. 
 Thus terminated the fiege of Mexico, the moft 
 
 memorable 
 
OF AMERICA. 183 
 
 memorable event in the conqueft of America. 
 It continued 75 days, hardly one of which pafTed 
 without fome extraordinary effort of one party 
 in the attack, or of the other in the defence of 
 a city, on the fate of which both knew that the 
 fortune of the empire depended. As the ftruggle 
 here was more obflinate, it was likewife more 
 equal, than aay between the inhabitants of the 
 old and New Worlds. The great abilities of 
 Guatimozin, the number of his troops, the pe- 
 culiar fituation of his capital, fo far counter- 
 balanced the fuperiority of the Spaniards in arms 
 and difcipline, that they mud have relinquilhed 
 the enterprife, if they trufted for fuccefs to them- 
 felves alone. But Mexico was overturned by 
 the jealoufy of neighbours who dreaded its pow- 
 er, and by the revolt of fubje^fs impatient to 
 fhake off its yoke. By their etfe^fual aid, Cor» 
 tes was enabled to accomplifli what, without 
 fuch fupport^ he would hardly have ventured to 
 attempt. How much foe ver this account of the 
 redufiion of Mexico may detra(fl:, on the one 
 hand, from the marvellous relations of fome 
 Spanifh writers, by afcribing that to fimple and 
 obvious caufes which they attribute to the roman- 
 tic valour of their countrymen, it adds, on the 
 other, to the merit and abilities of Cortes, who 
 under every difadvantage, acquired luch an af- 
 cendant over unknown nations, as to render them 
 inAruments towards carrying his fcheme into ex- 
 ecution. 
 
 The exultation of the Spaniards, on accom- 
 plifning this arduous enterprife, was at firft ex- 
 ceffive. Bur this was quickly damped by the 
 cruel difappointment of thofe fanguine hopes 
 
 which 
 
184 GENERAL HISTORl 
 
 which had animated them amidft fo many hard- 
 ihips and dangers. Inftead of the inexhauftible 
 wealth which they expefted from becoming maf- 
 ters of Montezuma's treaiures, and the ornaments 
 ,of fo many temples, their rapacioufnefs could 
 colle6V only an inconfiderable bootv amidft ruins 
 and defolation.* Guatimozin, aware of his im- 
 pending fate, had ordered what remained of the 
 riches amafTed by his anceftors to be thrown into 
 the lake, ]^he Indian auxiliaries: while the Span- 
 iards were engaged in conlii<5l with the enemy, 
 had carried off the moft valuable pan of the fpoil. 
 The ium to be divided among the conquerors was 
 fo fmall, that many of them dif Jaincd to accept 
 of the pittance which fell to their fliare, and all 
 murmured and exclaimed ; fome againft Cortes 
 and his confidents, whom they fufpe<flcd of hav- 
 ing fccretly appropriated to their own ufe a large 
 portion of tiic riches which fiiould have been 
 brought into the common flock; others againft 
 Guatimozin, whom they accufed of obihnncy, 
 in refufipg to difcover the place where he had 
 hidden his treafurc. 
 
 Arguments, intreaties, and promifes, were 
 emp'oyed in order to foothe them ; but with fo 
 little effedt, that Cortes, from iolicitude to check 
 this growing fpirir of difcontent, gave way to a 
 dti:d which Ihiined the glory of all his great ac- 
 tions. Without regarding the former dignity of 
 Guatimozin, or feeling any reverence for thofe 
 virtues which he had difplayed, he fubje^ted the 
 
 unhappy 
 
 * The [;old and filver, according to Cortes, amounted on. 
 Jy to I 20,000 pcfos, Kclat. 280, A, a funi far inferior to that 
 Avhich the Spaniards had formerly divided in Mexico. 
 
OF AMERICA. 185 
 
 unhappj' monarch, together with bis chief fa- 
 vourite, to torture, in order to force from them 
 a difcovery of the royal treafures, which it was 
 fuppofed they had concealed. Guaiimozin bore 
 whatever the refined cruelty of his tormenters 
 could inflifl, with the invincible fortitude of an 
 American warrior. His fellow-fufTerer, over- 
 come by the violence of the anguifh, turned a 
 deje^lcd eye towards his mailer, which feemed 
 to implore his permiffion to reveal all that he 
 knew. But the higb-fpiritcd prince, darting on 
 him a look of authority mingled with (corn, 
 checked his weaknefs, by afking, " Am I now re- 
 pofnig on a bed of flowers f" Over awed by fuch a 
 reproach, he perfevered in his dutiful filence, and 
 expired. Cortes, afliamed of a fcene fo horrid, 
 refcued the royal vifSlim from the hands of his 
 tortures, and prolonged a life rcferved for new 
 indigaities and fufferings. 
 
 The fate of the capital, as b'jfh parties had 
 forefeen, decided that of the empire. F lie pro- 
 vinces fiibmitted one after anoihtr to the con- 
 querors. Sma-1 detachments of Spaniards march- 
 ing throufrh them without interrupiion, pene- 
 trated, in different quarters, to the great South- 
 ern Ocean, wliich, according to the ideas of 
 Columbus, they ' :;ni>mec: would open a ihort 
 as well as eafy paffige to the Eart Indies, and 
 fecure to the crown of Caftde ail the envied 
 wealth cf thofe fertile regions ; and the active 
 mind of Cortes began already to form fchemes 
 for attempting this important difjovery. In his 
 after fchrmes, however, he was dilappointed ; 
 but Mexc.) h.iih ever fmce remained in the hands 
 of the Spaniards. 
 
 CHAP 
 
186 GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 CHAP. XIII. 
 
 The Dlfcovery and ConqueJ} of Peru, 
 
 w. 
 
 HILE Cortes and his aflbciates were 
 engaged in the fubjugation of the Mexican em- 
 pire, the difcoveriss which had been previonHy 
 made in the ifthmus of Darien, and the fett le- 
 nient of fome Spaniards at Pannama, opened 
 the way to the conqueft of Peru. On the death 
 of Balboa, by whom the South Sea had been 
 difcovered in 15 J 3, the profecution of this 
 obje6l had been for a time laid afide, the fcheme 
 of Balboa having been confidered as entirely vi- 
 fionary. 
 
 Still, however, there were three perfons fet- 
 tled at Panama, on whom the common opinion 
 made fo little impreffion that they determined to 
 go in queft of this country, looked upon to be 
 chimerical by the generality of their neighbours, 
 their names were Franafco Pizarro. Diego de Al- 
 ma gro^ and Hernando Luque. Pizarro and Al- 
 magro were foldiers of fortune, and Luque was 
 an ecclefjallic, who a6led both as prieft and 
 fchoolmaffer at Panama. Their confederacy was 
 authorized by Pedrarias governor of Panama ; 
 and each engaged to employ his whole fortune 
 in the adventure. Pizarro, being the leafl wealthy 
 of the three, engaged to take upon himfelf the 
 grearcil (hare of the fatigue and danger, and to 
 command in perfon the armament which was to 
 go firft upon the difcovery. Almagro offered to 
 
 conduct 
 
OF AMERICA. 187 
 
 condu<^ the fupplles of provifions and reinforce- 
 ment of troops which might be necefTary ; and 
 Lnque was to remain at Panama, in order to ne- 
 gociate with the governor, and to fuperintend 
 whatever was carrying on for the general inte- 
 reft. 
 
 In 1.524, Pizarro fet fail from Panama with a fin- 
 gle vefTel of fmall burden, and 112 men ; and fo lit- 
 tle was he or his countrymen at that time ac* 
 quainted with the climate of America, that the 
 mofl improper feafon of the whole year was cho- 
 fen for his departure ; the periodical winds, which 
 werethenfetinjbcingdirecfllyoppofitetothecourle 
 which he propofed to fteer. The confequence 
 of this was, that after beating about for 70 days, 
 M'ith much danger and fatigue, he had advanced 
 fcarce as far to the fouth-eaft as a Ikilful naviga- 
 tor will now make in three days. He touched 
 at feveral places of Terra Firma ; but finding 
 that country exceedingly inhofpitable and un- 
 healthy, he was obliged to retire to Chuchama, 
 oppofKe to the Pearl IlQands, where he hoped to 
 receive fome reinforcements from Panama. Here 
 he was found by Almagro, who had fet out in 
 quefl of him with a reinforcement of 70 men, 
 and had fuffered diftrelTes very much refembling 
 thofe of Pizarro himfelf. In particular, he had 
 loft an eye in a combat with the Indians. How- 
 ever, he had advanced as far as the river of St. 
 Juan in the province of Popayan, where the 
 country (liowing a better afpe^, and the inhabi- 
 tants more friendly, our proje(5lors again began 
 to indulge themlelves in hopes, and determined 
 by no means to abandon their fcheme. 
 
 Almagro 
 
188 GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 Almagro returned to Panama, in hopes of re- 
 cruiting their Chattered troops. But the bad ac- 
 counts of the fervice gave his countrymen fuch 
 an unfavourable idea of it, that Almagro could 
 levy no more than 80 men, and thefe with great 
 difficulty. Slender as this reinforcement was, 
 however, the adventurers did not hefitate at re- 
 newing their enterprile. The difallers and dif- 
 appointments they met with m this new attempt, 
 were fcarce inferior to thoie they had already ex- 
 perienced, when part of the armaaient at laft 
 reached the bay of St. Matthew on ihe coaU of 
 Quito, and landed at T.icamez, to the fouth of 
 the river of Etieraldj;, where they met with a 
 more fertile and champaign country than any 
 they haci yet feen i the natives alfo were more 
 civilized, and clothed m garments of cotton or 
 woolen fluff, adorned with trinkets of gr-ld and 
 lilver. But nor with landing thefe favourable 
 appearances, Pizarro did not think fit to attack 
 fuch a powerful empire with a handful of fol- 
 dicrs already exhaufU^d ; and therefore retired 
 to a fmali ill.ind called Gallo, with part of the 
 troops ; from whence he defp.uched Almagro to 
 Panama, in hopes of obtaining a reinforcement. 
 
 The reception which Almngro met with was 
 by no means a^^reeable. Some of the adventurers 
 had informc^cl their friends of the many dangers 
 and loffes which they had fuflained ; which not 
 only dilhcartcned people from engaging in the 
 fervice, but weighed fb much with Pedro de los 
 Rois, the fucccfTor of Pedrarius, that he prohi- 
 bited the railing of new recruits, and even dif- 
 patched a veffel to bring home Pizarro an! his 
 companions from the ifland of Gallo. Almagro 
 
 ani 
 
OF AMERICA. 189 
 
 and Luque, though much mortified with this 
 difappointment, privately advifed Pizarro not to 
 relinquifh an enterprize on which they had built 
 all their hopes. He therefore pofitively refufed 
 to obey the orders of the governor, and employ- 
 ed all his addrefs in perfuading his men not to 
 abandon him. But the calamities to which they 
 had been expofed had fuch an efFe<ft upon them, 
 that when he drew a line upon the land with his 
 fword, telling fuch as wilhed to return that they 
 might pafs over it, only 1 3 had refolution to 
 remain with him. 
 
 Pizarro with his little troop now fixed their 
 refidence on the ifland of Gorgona, which they 
 confidered as a fafer retreat than Gallo, as being 
 farther removed from the coaft and uninhabited, 
 fo that they might with the greater fecurity wait 
 for fupplies. Here they continued five months 
 in the moft unwholefome climate imagmable, and 
 at laft had come to a relolution of committing 
 themfelves to fea on a float, when a vefTel arrived 
 from Panama to their relief. This was the effeft 
 of the continued folicitations of Almagro and 
 Luque ; who, though they could not prevail 
 upon the governor to favour the undertaking, 
 had fucceeded fo far as to induce him to fend a 
 fmall vefTel to the relief of Pizarro and his unfor- 
 tunate aflbciates. However, the more efFe<5luaUy 
 to fhow his difapprobation of Pizarro*s fcheme, 
 the governor refufed to allow one landman to go 
 on board of the (hip which he fent. — ^The hopes 
 of the adventurers, however, were now again 
 revived, and Pizarro eafily induced them to re- 
 fume their fcheme. Inflead of returning to Pa- 
 
 uama^ 
 R 
 
190 GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 nama, therefore, they failed to the fouth-cafl, 
 and in 20 da5^s after the difcovery of Gorgona 
 they difcovered the coaft of Peru. Having 
 touched at fome places of lefs note, they at length 
 arrived at Tumbez, remarkable for its (lately 
 temple, and a palace of the Incas or fovereigns 
 of the country. Here they found that what had 
 been told them concerning the riches of the 
 country was true ; not only ornaments and fa- 
 cred veffels being made of- gold and filver, but 
 even fnch as were for common ufe. Yet to at- 
 tempt the conquell of this opulent empire with 
 their flender force, would have been madnels ; 
 they contented themfelves therefore with viewing 
 it, procuring two of the beafls of burden called 
 Llamas, to which they gave the name of fheep, 
 ibme velfels of gold and filvcr, and two young 
 men, whom they propofed toinflru6l in the Caf- 
 tilian language. With thefe Pizarro arrived at 
 Panama in the year 1527, near three year? after 
 he had fet out from that place in his expedition. 
 
 The empire of Peru thus difcovered, is faid to 
 have been originally polTefTed by independent 
 tribes, juftly reckoned among the moft favage 
 even in Ameiica-, living more like wild beads 
 than men. For feveral ages they lived in this 
 manner, when fuddcnly there appeared on the 
 banks of a lake called l^itiaca^ a man and woman 
 of majeftic form, and clothed in decent garments. 
 They declared tiiemfelves to be the children of 
 the fun, fent by their beneficent parent to in- 
 ftru6f and reclaim mankind. 
 
 The names of thefe two extraordinary per- 
 fonages were Majico Capac and Mavia Ocollo. At 
 their perfuafion, feveral of the difperfed lavages 
 
 united, 
 
OF AMERICA. 191 
 
 united, and, receiving their commands as hea- 
 venly injun6\ions, followed them to Cuzco, 
 where they fettled, and began to lay the foun- 
 dation of a city. Manco Capac inftruOed the 
 men in agriculture, and other ufeful arts \ while 
 Mama OcoUo taught the women to fpin and 
 we.;ve ; after which Manco turned his attention 
 towards the introducing of proper laws and re- 
 gulations into his new eftate. 
 
 Thus, according to the Indian tradition, was 
 founded the empire of the Incas, or lords of Pe- 
 ru. At firft its extent was fmall, the territory 
 of Manco Capac reaching not above eight leagues 
 from Cuzco his capital. Within thefe narrow 
 limits, however, he exercifed the moft perfect 
 defpotifm, and the fame was maintained by hi& 
 fuccelTors, all of whom were not only obeyed as 
 monarchs, but reverenced as deities. Their 
 blood was held to be facred, and, by prohibit- 
 ing intermarriages with the people, was never 
 contaminated by mixing with that of any other 
 race. The family thus feparated from the reft 
 of the nation, was di(ViDgui(hed by peculiarities 
 in drefs and ornaments, which it was unlawful 
 for others to alfume. Among the Peruvians^ 
 ho\vever, it is faid, that this high degree of ve- 
 neration was made ufe of by the monarchs only 
 to promote the good of their fubjefls. If we 
 may believe the accounts given by their country- 
 men, the Peruvian monarchs extended their em- 
 pire not with a view to increafe their own power 
 and wealth, but from a defire of diffufing the 
 bielTings of civilization, and the knowledge of 
 the arts which they poffefTed, among the barba- 
 
 rotrs 
 
192 GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 rous people whom they reduced, and, during a 
 fucceffion of 12 monarchs, not one deviated from 
 this chara^^er. 
 
 The Peruvians were taught by Manco to adore 
 the Creator of heaven and earth, whom they 
 denominated Paca Camacy that intelligence which 
 animated the world. They feldom built temples 
 or offered facrifices to him, but wor (hipped him 
 in their hearts. One temple, however dedicated 
 to T/je unknown Godj the Spaniards found at 
 their arrival, ere(fted in a valley, thence named 
 t/je valley of Paca Camac. The facrifices inftitu- 
 ted in honour of the fun confined chiefly of 
 lambs i befides which they offered all forts of 
 cattle, fowls, and corn, and even burnt their 
 iineft clothes on the altar by way of incenfe. 
 They had alfo drink-offerings made of maize or 
 Indian corn, fteeped in water. Nor were thofe 
 oblaiions the only a<5ls of adoration in general ufe 
 among them. When they firft drank after their 
 meal?, they dipped the tip of their finger into 
 the cup, and lifting up their eyes with great de- 
 votion, gave the fun thanks for their liqnor, be- 
 fore they prefuroed to take a draught of it. 
 
 Befides the worfhip of the fun, they paid 
 fome kind of veneration to the images of feveral 
 animals and vegetables that had a place in their 
 temples. Thofe were generally the images 
 brought from the conquered nations, where the 
 people worfhipped all forts of creatures, animate 
 or inanimate •, it being the cuf^om, when a pro- 
 vince was fubdued, to remove all their idols to 
 the temple of the fun at Cuzco. 
 
 Exclu five of the folemnities at every full mooD, 
 four grand feflivals were celebrated annually. 
 
 The 
 
OF AMERICA. 19:5 
 
 The firft of thofe, called Raymiy was held in 
 the month of June, immediately after the funi- 
 mer IbllUce, and was kept not only in honour of 
 the fun, but of their firfl: Inca, Manco Capac, 
 and Coya Mama Ocollo, his wife and filler, 
 whom the Incas confidered as their firll parents, 
 defcended immediately from the fun, and fent by 
 him into the world to reform and polifli man- 
 kind. At this feftival, all the viceroys, generals, 
 governors, and nobility, were aflfembled at the 
 capital city of Cuzco ; and the emperor, or Inca, 
 officiated in perfon as high-prieH: ; though on 
 other occafions the facerdotal fun<5\ion was dif- 
 charged by the regular pontiff, who was ufually 
 either the uncle or brother cf the Inca. 
 
 The morning of the feflival being come, the 
 Inca, accompanied by his near relations, drawn 
 up in order according to their feniority, went 
 barefoot in proceffion, at break of day, to the 
 market-place, where they remained looking at- 
 tentively towards the eaft in expeflation of the 
 rifing fun. The luminary no fooner appeared, 
 than they fell proftrate on their faces in the moll 
 profound veneration, and univerfally acknow- 
 ledged it to be their god and father. 
 
 The vaiTal princes, and nobility, that were 
 not of the blood royal, affembled in another 
 fquare, and performed the like ceremony. Out 
 of a large tlock of ftieep the priefls then chofe a 
 black lamb, which they offered in flicrifice, firft 
 turning its head towards the eaft. From the en- 
 trails of the vi(flira, on this occafion, they fuper- 
 ffiiioufly drew prognoftics relating to peace and 
 warj and other public events. 
 
 That 
 R 2 
 
19* GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 That the Peruvians believed in the inamortality 
 of the foul, appears from the practice of the In- 
 cas, who conftantly inculcated to the people, 
 that on leaving this world, they (hould enter in- 
 to a ftate of happincfs provided for them by their 
 god and fither the fun. 
 
 Before the arrival of the Spaniards in America, 
 the Peruvians were acquainted with fome points 
 of aftronomy. They had obferved the various 
 motions of the Planet Venus, and the different 
 phafes of the moon. The common people divid- 
 ed the year only by the feafons ; but the Incas 
 "who had difcovered the annual revolution of the 
 fun, marked out the fummer and winter folftices 
 by high towers, which they ereftcd on the ead: 
 .ind weft of the city of Cazco. When the fun 
 came to rife direfily oppofite to four of thofe 
 towers, on the ead fide of the city, and to fet 
 again ft thofe of the weft, it was then the fummer 
 Iblftice; and in like manner, when it rofe and 
 fet agc.inft the other towels, it was the winter 
 folftice. They had alfo erecfted marble pillars in 
 the great court before the temple of the fun, by 
 which they obferved the equinoxes. This ob- 
 fervation was made under the equator, when the 
 fun being dire611y vertical, the pillars caft no 
 rhade. At thofe times they crowned the pillars 
 with garlands of flowers and odoriferous herbs, 
 And celebrating a feftival, offered to their adored 
 luminary rich prefents of gold and precious 
 ftones. 
 
 They diftinguiflicd the months by the moon, 
 and their weeks were called quarters of the 
 moon j but the days of the week they marked 
 only by the ordinal numbers, as firft, fecond, 
 
 &c. 
 
OF AMERICA. 195 
 
 Sic, They were afl-onifhed at the eclipfes of the 
 fun and moon. When the former hid his face, 
 they concluded it was on account of their fms, 
 imagining that this phenomenon portended fa- 
 mine, war, and pe(ViIence, or fome other terri- 
 ble calamity. la a fimilar (late of the moon, they 
 apprehended that (he was fick, and when totally 
 obibured, that (he was dying. At this alarming 
 crids they founded their trumpets, and endea- 
 voured by every kind of nolle to roufe the lunar 
 planet from her fuppofed lethargy ; teaching 
 their children to cry out, and call upon mmim 
 qui/fa, or ** mother moon," that (he would not 
 die and leave them to perifh. 
 
 They made no predi(51ions from any of the 
 ftars, but confidered dreams, and the entrails of 
 beads which they offered in facrifice, as in(lruc- 
 tive obje(ns of divination. When they faw the 
 fun fet, they imagined that he plunged into the 
 ocean, to appear next morning in the eaft. 
 
 Among a people wholly void of letters, the 
 fpeculative effays of the underftandingmnft have 
 been very rude and iniperfeft. They had, how- 
 ever, among them amentas, or phllofophers, who 
 delivered moral precepts, and likewife cultivated 
 poetry. Comedies and tragedies compofed by 
 thofe bards were a<n:ed on their feftlvals before 
 the king and the royal family, the perforiners 
 being the great men of the court, and the prin- 
 cipal ofBcers of the army. The amentas alfo 
 compofed fongs and ballads ; but if we may judge 
 from the rudenefs of the mufic with which they 
 are faid to have been accompanied, they were far 
 from being agreeable to a DoU(hed e^ir. 
 
 That^ 
 
196 GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 That the Peruvians were not unacquainted 
 with painting and ftatuary, appears from the fur- 
 niture and ornaments of their temples and pa- 
 laces; but in all the implements of mechanic arts 
 they were extremely deficient. Though many 
 goldfmiths were conftantly employed, they had 
 never invented an anvil of any metal, but in its 
 ilead made ufe of a hard ftone. They beat their 
 plate with round pieces of copper in place of 
 hammers ; neither had they any files or graving 
 tools. Inftead of bellows for melting their met- 
 tals, they uied copper pipes, of a yard long, 
 almoft of the form of a trumpet. Having no 
 tongs to take their heated metal out of the fire, 
 they made ufe of a ftick or copper bar. The 
 carpenters had no other tools than hatchets made 
 of copper or flint ; nor had they learned the ufe 
 of iron ; though the country affords mines of 
 that metal. Inftead of nails, they faftened their 
 timber with cords or the tough twigs of trees. 
 A thorn, or a fmall bone, ferved them for a nee- 
 dle •, and inftead of thread, the finews of ani- 
 mals, or the fibres of fomc plant. Their knives 
 were made of flint or copper. 
 
 "When the Spaniards firfl vifited this country, 
 they found it agitated by a civil war. Huaaa 
 Capac, the 12th monarch from the founder of 
 the ftate, was featcd on the throne; who is re- 
 prefented as a prince no lefs confpicuous for his 
 abilities in war than for his pacific virtues. By 
 him the kingdom of Quito was fubdued, which 
 almofl doubled the extent of the dominions and 
 power of the Peruvian empire. Notwithfland- 
 ing the ancient and fundamental law againll pol- 
 luiiDg the blood of the Inca with any foreign al- 
 
 iiance, 
 
OF AMERICA. 197 
 
 liance, Huana married the daughter of the con* 
 quered monarch, by whom he had a fon named 
 Atahualpa, commonly v/r\iten j4f aba lipaf to whom, 
 at his death in 1529, he left the kingdom of 
 Quito, beAowing the reft of his dominions upon 
 Huafcar his eldeft fon by a mother of the royal 
 race. This produced a civil war, in which Ata- 
 balipa proved vi^n-onous, and afterwards at- 
 tempted to fecure himfelf on the throne by put- 
 ting to death all the defcendants of Manco 
 Capac, ftyled t.hg children of the Sun, whom he 
 could feize either by force or ftratagem ; how- 
 ever, from a political motive, he fpared the life 
 of his rival Huafcar, who had the misfortune to 
 be taken prifo^er in an engagement, that, by iC' 
 filing out orders in his name, he might more 
 eafily eftablifh his own authority, and cover the 
 iHegality of his birth. 
 
 This contcft had fo much engaged the atten- 
 tion of the Peruvians, that they never once at- 
 tempted to check the progrefs of the Spaniards. 
 It was fome time, however, before Pizarro was 
 informed of this contert, fo much in his favour. 
 The firft intelligence which he receivtd of it was 
 a melTage from Huafcar, afking his afliflance 
 againfi: Atabalipa, whom he reprefented as a rebel 
 and an ufurper. Pizarro perceived the impor- 
 tance of the intelligence, and therefore determin- 
 ed to puili forward, while inteAine difcord put 
 it out of the power of the Peruvians to attack 
 him with their whole force. Being obliged to 
 divide his troops, in order to leave a garrifon in 
 St. Michael, which might ferve for a place of 
 retreat in cai'e of a difafter, he began his march 
 with only 62 horfcmen, and 102 foot-foldiers, 
 
 20 
 
198 GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 20 of whom were armed with crofs-bows, and 
 only three with mulkets. He directed his courfe 
 towards Caxamaica, a fmall town at the diftance 
 of 12 days march from St. Michael, where Ata- 
 balipa was encamped with a confidcrable body 
 of troops. Before he had proceeded far, an 
 officer difpatched by the Inca met him with a va- 
 luable prefent from that prince, accompanied 
 with a proffer of his alliance, and his afTurances 
 of a friendly reception at Caxamaica. Pizarro, 
 according to the ufual artifice of his countrymen 
 in America, pretended to come as the ambaflador 
 of a very powerful monarch, and declared that 
 he was now advancing with intention to offer 
 Atabalipa his aid again ft thofe enemies who dif- 
 puted his title to the throne. 
 
 As the objeft of the Spaniards in entering 
 their country was altogether incomprehenfible to 
 the Peruvians, they had formed various conjec- 
 tures concerning it, without being able to decide 
 whether they fhould confider their new guefts 
 as beings of a fuperior nature, who had vifited 
 them from feme beneficent motive, or as formi- 
 dable avengers of their crimes, and enemies to 
 their repofe and liberty. The continual profef- 
 fions of the Spaniards, that they came to enlight- 
 en them with the knowledge of truth, and lead 
 them in the way of happinefs favoured the for- 
 mer opinion •, the outrages which they commit- 
 ted, their rapacioufnefs and cruelty, were awful 
 confirmations of the latter. While in this ftate 
 of uncertainty, Pizarro's declaration of his pa- 
 cific intentions fo far removed all the Inca's fears, 
 that he determined to give him a friendly recep- 
 tion. In confequence of this refolution, the. 
 
 Soaniards 
 
OF AMERICA. 199 
 
 Spaniards were allowed to march in tranquillity 
 acrofs the fandy defert between St. Michael and 
 Motnpe, where the moft feeble effort of an ene« 
 my, added to the unavoidable diftreflfes which 
 they fuifered in paiTing through that comforilefs 
 region, muft have proved fatal to them. From 
 Mctupe they advanced towards the mountains 
 which encompafs the low country of Peru, and 
 pafTed through a defile fo narrow and inacceffi- 
 ble, that a few men might have defended it 
 againfl: a numerous army. But here like wife, 
 from the fame inconfiderate incredulity of the 
 Inca, the Spaniards met with no oppofition, and 
 took quiet poffeffion of a fort eredied for the fe- 
 curity of that important (Nation. As they now ap- 
 proached near to Caxamalca, Atabalipa renewed 
 his profeflions of friend(hip ; and, as an evi- 
 dence of his fmcerity, lent them prefents of 
 greater value than the former. 
 
 On entering Caxamalca, Pizarro took poflef- 
 fion of a large court, on one fide of which was 
 a houfe which the Spanifh hiflorians call a palace 
 of the Inca, and on the other a temple of the 
 fun, the whole furrounded with a llrong ram- 
 part or wall of earth. When he had polled his 
 tro</ps in this advantageous flation, hedifpatched 
 Hernando Soto, and his brother Ferdinand, to 
 the camp of Atabalipa, which was about a 
 league diflant from the town. He inftru6ted 
 them to confirm the declaration which he had 
 formerly made of his pacific difpofition, and to 
 defire an interview with the Inca, that he might 
 explain more fully the intention of the Spaniards 
 in viliting his country. They were treated with 
 all the relpeiftful hoipitality ufual jwnong the Pe- 
 ruvians 
 
200 GENERAL HISTORY - 
 
 ruvians in the reception of their moft cordial 
 friends, and Atabalipa promifed to vifit the Span- 
 ifti commander next day in his quarters. The 
 decent deportment of the Peruvian monarch, the 
 order of his court, and the reverence with which 
 his fubje^s approached his perfon and obeyed 
 his commands, aftoniftied thofe Spaniards, who 
 had never met in America with any thing more 
 dignified than the petty cacique of a barbarous 
 tribe. But their eyes were ftill more powerfully 
 attra(5>ed by the vaft profufion of wealth which 
 they obferved in the Inca*s camp. The rich or- 
 naments worn by him and his attendants, the 
 veflels of gold and filver in which the repaft of- 
 fered to them was ferved up, the multitude of 
 uteofils of every kind formed of thofe precious 
 metals, opened prol'pedls /ar exceeding any idea 
 of opulence that an European of the 16th centu- 
 ry could form. 
 
 On their return to Caxamalca, while their 
 minds were yet warm with admiration and defire 
 of the wealth which they had beheld, they gave 
 fuch a defcription of it to their countrymen, as 
 confirmed Pizarro in a refolution which he had 
 already taken. From his own obfervation of 
 American manners during his long i'ervice in the 
 New World, as well as from the advantages 
 which Cortes had derived from feizing Montezu- 
 ma, he knew of what confequence it was to 
 have the Inca in his power. For this purpofe, 
 he formed a plan as daring as it was perfidious. 
 Notwithrtanding the character he had aflumed 
 »f an ambafTador from a powerful monarch, who 
 courted an alliance with the Inca, and in viola- 
 tion of the repeated offers which he had made 
 
 to 
 
0F AMERICA. 201 
 
 to him of his own friendfhip and afliftance, he 
 determined to avail himfelf of the unfufpicious 
 fimplicity with which Atabalipa relied on his pro- 
 feflions and ip feize his perfon during the inter- 
 view to which he had invited him. He prepar- 
 ed for the execution of his fcheme with the fame 
 deliberate arrangement, and with as little com- 
 pun£lion, as if it had iefle6led no difgrace on 
 himfelf or his country. He divided his cavalry 
 into three fmall fquadrons. under the command 
 of his brothers Ferdinand, Soto, and Benalca- 
 zar ', his infantry was formed into one body, 
 except 20 of moA tried courage, whom he kept 
 near his own perfon to fupport him in the dan- 
 gerous fervice which he referved for himfelf; 
 the artillery, confiding of two field-pieces, and 
 the crofs-bow men, were placed oppofite to the 
 avenue by which Atabalipa was to approach. 
 All were commanded to keep within the fquare, 
 and not to move until the fignal for a^lion was 
 given. 
 
 Early in the morning the Peruvian camp was 
 all in motion. But as Atabalipa was folicitous 
 to appear with the greatefl: fplendour and mag- 
 nificence in his firft interview with the ftrangers, 
 the preparations for this were fo tedious, that 
 the day was far advanced before he began his 
 march. Even then, left the order of the pro- 
 ceffion (liould be deranged, he moved fo flowly, 
 that the Spaniards became impatient and appre- 
 henfive that fome fufpicion of their intention 
 might be the caufe of this delay. In order to 
 remove this, Pizarro defpatched one of his offi- 
 cers with frefh affu ranees of his friendly difpofi- 
 
 tion^ 
 S 
 
ii02 GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 tion. At length the Inc'a approached. Firft of 
 all appeared 400 men in an uniform drefs, as 
 harbingers to clear the way before him. He 
 himfclf, fitting on a throne or couch, adorned 
 with plumes of various colours, and almofl: 
 covered with plates of gold and filver enriched 
 with precious flones, was carried on the fhould' 
 ers of his principal attendants. Behind him came 
 fome chief officers of his court, carried 'n the 
 fame manner. Several bands of fingtrs and 
 dancers accompanied this cavalcade •, and the 
 whole plain was covered with troops, amounting 
 ro more than 30,000 men. 
 
 As the Inca drew near the Spanish quarters^ 
 father Vincent Valverede, chaplain to the expe- 
 dition, advanced with s crucifix in one hand, 
 and a breviary in the other, and in a long dif- 
 courfe explained to him the doctrine of the crea- 
 tion, the fall of Adam, the incarnation, the 
 fufferings and refurredlion of Jefus Chriff, the 
 appointment of St. Peter as God*s vicegerent on 
 earth, the tranfmiffion of his apoftolical power 
 by fiicceflion to the popes, the donation made to 
 the king of Caflile by pope Alexander of all the 
 regions in the New World. In confequence of 
 all this, he required Atabalipa to embrace the 
 Chriftian faith, to acknowledge the fupreme ju- 
 rifdiftion of the pope, and to fubmit to the king 
 of Caftile as his lawful fovereign ; promifing, it 
 he complied inflantly with this requifition, that 
 the Caftilian monarch would protect his domi- 
 nions, and permit him to continue in theexercife 
 of his royal authority ; but if he (liould impioufly 
 refofe to obey this fummons, he denounced war 
 
 again fV 
 
OF AMERICA. 203 
 
 againft him in his mafter's name, and threatened 
 him with the moft dreadful effefts of his ven- 
 geance. 
 
 This ftrange harangue, unfolding deep my Se- 
 ries, and alluding to unknown fa6ts, of which 
 DO power of eloquence could have conveyed at 
 once a diiVmift idea to an American, was fo lame- 
 ly trandated by an unfkiiful interpreter, little ac- 
 quainted with the idiom of the Spanilh tongue, 
 and incapable of exprefling himfelf with propriety 
 in the language of the Inca, that its general 
 tenor was altogether incomprehenfible to Ataba- 
 lipa. Some parts in it, of more obvious mean- 
 ing, filled him with aftoniflimeni and indigna- 
 tion. His reply, however, was temperate. He 
 began wuh obferving, that he was lord of the 
 dominions over which he reigned by hereditary 
 fuccefTion ; and added, that he could not conceive 
 how a foreign prieft fhould pretend to difpofe of 
 territories which did not belong to him *, that if 
 fuch a prepofterous grant had been made, he, 
 who was the rightful pofTefTor, refufed to con- 
 firm it ; that he had no inclination to renounce 
 the religious iniVitutions eftabliihed by his ancei- 
 tors j nor would he forfake ihe fervice of the fun, 
 the immortal divinity whom he and his people 
 revered, in order to wor(hip the God of the 
 Spaniards, who was fubje(5l to death -, that with 
 refpe^f to other matters contained in his difcourfe, 
 as he had never heard of them before, and did 
 not now underfland their meaning, he defired to 
 know where he had learned things fo extraordi- 
 nary. ** In this book," anfwered Valverede, 
 reaching out to him his breviary. The Inca 
 opened it eagerly ; and turning over the leaves, 
 
 lifted 
 
204^ GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 lifted it to his ear : " This," fays he, *« is filent ^ 
 it tells me nothing ;** and threw it with difdain 
 to the ground. The enraged monk, running to- 
 wards his countrymen, cried our, " to arms, 
 Ghriftians, to arms •, the word of God is infult- 
 ted i avenge this profanation on thofe impious 
 dogs." 
 
 Pizarro, who daring this long conference had 
 with difficulty reftrained his foldiers, eager to 
 feize the rich fpoils of which they had nowfo 
 near a view, imnriediately gave the fignal of al^ 
 fault. At once the martial mufic flruck up, the 
 cannon and mufkets began to fire, the horfe fal- 
 iied out fiercely to the charge, the infantry rufh- 
 ed on fword in hand. The Peruvians, aftonifhed 
 -at the fuddennefs of an attack, which they did 
 ijQt expeifl:, and difmayed with the den:ru61:ive 
 tfiednis of the fire-arms, and the irrefiftible im- 
 prclTion of the cavalry, fled with univerfal con- 
 Oernation on every fide, without attempting 
 cither to annoy the enemy or to defend them- 
 fclves. Pizarro, at the head of his chofcn band, 
 advanced diredtly towards the Inca : and though 
 his nobles crowded around him with officious 
 zeal, and fell in numbers at his feet, while they 
 vied one with another in facrificing their own 
 lives, that they might cover the facred perfon of 
 their fovereign, the Spaniards foon penetrated to 
 the royal feat ; and Pizarro feizing the Inca by 
 the arm dragged him to the ground, and carried 
 him as a prifoner to his quarters. The fate of 
 the moiiarch increafed the precipitate flight of 
 his followers. The Spaniards purfued them to- 
 wards every quarter, and, with deliberate and 
 unrelenting barbarity, continued to flaughter 
 
 wretched 
 
OF AMERICA. 2Q5 
 
 wretched fugitives, who never once offered at 
 refiftance. The carnage did not ceafe until the 
 dole of day. Above 4000 Peruvians were killed. 
 Not a Tingle Spaniard teH, nor was one wound- 
 ed but Pizarro himfelf, whofe hand was flightly 
 hurt by one of his own foldiers, while flruggling 
 eagerly to lay hold on the Inca. 
 
 The plunder taken on this occafion was im- 
 menfe, but the Spaniards were flill unfaiisfied ; 
 which being obferved by the Inca, he endeavour- 
 ed to apply himfelf to their ruling paflion, ava^ 
 rice, in order to obtain his liberty ; and therefore 
 offered fuch a ranfom as aflonifhed them, even 
 afcer all they knew concerning the opulence of 
 the country. The apartment in which he was 
 confined was 22 feet in length and 16 in breadth j" 
 and all this fpace he engaged to fill with veffels 
 of gold as high as he could reach. This propo- 
 fal was eagerly caught by Pizarro, and a Hne 
 was drawn upon the Walls to mark the Aipulated 
 height. 
 
 Atabalipa, charmed with the thoughts of li- 
 berty, immediately fet about performing his part 
 of the agreement, and defpatched inefTengers into 
 all parts of the empire, in order to colle<5l thc 
 immenfe quantity of gold which he had promif- 
 ed *, and though the unfortunate monarch was 
 now in the hands of his enemies, fuch was the 
 veneration which his fubjedls had for him, that 
 his orders were obeyed with as great alacrity as 
 though he had been at full liberty -, while he', in 
 the mean time flattering himfelf with the hopes 
 of being foon releafcd, made no preparations for 
 expelling the invaders from his dominions. 
 
 In 
 
 s e 
 
206 GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 In a fhort time Pizarro received intelligence 
 that Almagro was arrived at St. Michael with a 
 reinforcement equal to the force he had with 
 him. This was a matter of great joy to the 
 Spaniards, and no fmall vexation to Atabaiipa, 
 who now confidered his kingdom as in danger 
 of being totally over-run by thefe ftrangers, 
 •whofe force he neither knew, nor the means they 
 had of tranfporting themfelves. For this reafon 
 he determined to put his brother Huafcar to 
 death, left he Ihould join the ftrangers againft 
 hira. To this he was the rather inclined, as he 
 had got information that the captive prince had 
 been making applications to them, and had of- 
 fered them, a much larger fum than what was 
 ftipulated for the Inca's ranfom ; and in confe- 
 quence of this determination the unfortunate 
 prince loft his life. 
 
 In the mean time the Indians daily arrived at 
 Caxamalca with vaft quantities of ireafure ; the 
 light of which fo much inflamed the Spaniards, 
 that thpy infjfted upon an immediate divifion : 
 and this being complied with, there fell to the 
 fliare of each horfeman^SOOO pefos, at that time 
 not inferior to the value of as many pounds 
 ftcrling in the prefcnt century, and half as much 
 to each foot-foldier, Pizarro and his officers re- 
 ceiving fharrs proportional to their dignity. A 
 fifth part was referved for the emperor, together 
 with ibme veflels of curious workmanlhip as a 
 prefent. In confequence of this immenfe acqui- 
 iition of wealth, many of the Spaniards became 
 clamorous for their difcharge ; which was rea- 
 dily granted by their general, ns well knowing 
 dim the dilplay of their riches would not fail to 
 
 allure 
 
OF AMERICA. 207 
 
 allure adventurers more hardy, though lefs opu- 
 lent, to his ftandard. 
 
 After this divifioQ of the fpoil, Atabalipa was 
 very importunate with Pizarro in order to reco- 
 ver his liberty, but the Spaniard, with unparal- 
 leled treachc-ry and cruelty, had now determined 
 to put him to death. To this he was urged by 
 Almagro's foldiers, who though they had re- 
 ceived an equal (hare with the rell, were ftili 
 unfatisfied. The Inca*s ranfom had not been 
 completed ; and they were apprehenfive, that 
 whatever fums might afterwards be brought in, 
 the troops of Pizarro would appropriate them 
 to themfelves as part of that raniom. They in- 
 fixed with Pizarro, therefore, to put him to 
 death, that all the adventurers might for the fu- 
 ture be on an equal footing. Accounts were 
 likewife received that troops were alTembling in 
 the remote provinces of the empire, which Pi- 
 zarro fufpeifted to be done by the Inca's orders. 
 Thefe accounts were heightened by one Phiiip- 
 piio an Indian interpreter, who had conceived a 
 paflion for one of the unhappy monarch*s wives ; 
 and for that reafon wiflied to have him put to 
 death. Atabalipa himfeif, too, had the misfor- 
 tune to hallen his own ruin by his conceiving a 
 contemptuous notion of Pizarro, which he had 
 nut the precaution to conceal. He had, lince 
 they were firft difcovered by him, admired the 
 European arts of reading and writing, and wifhed 
 much to know whether he fliould regard it as a 
 natural or acquired talent. In order to determine 
 this, he defired one of the foldiers who guarded 
 him, to write the name of God upon the nail of 
 his thumb. This he fhowed to fcveral Span-- 
 
 iards 
 
208 GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 iards fucceffively, afking its meaning ; and, to 
 his furprife, they all returned the fame anfwer. 
 At length Pizarro entered •, and, on prefenting 
 it to him, he blufhed, and was obliged to own 
 his ignorance -, which infpired the Inca with the 
 contemptuous notion of him abovemeniioned. 
 
 In order, however, to give fome (how of juf- 
 tice to fuch a deteftable a6>ion, and that he might 
 be exempted from Handing fiogly as the perpe- 
 trator, Pizarro rcfolved to accufe the Inca of 
 fome capital crime, and inftitute a court of judi* 
 cature for the purpofe of trying him. For this 
 purpofe, he appointed himfeJf and Almagro, 
 with tv.'o afliftants, as judges, with full powers 
 to acquit or condemn : an attorney-general was 
 named to carry on the profecution in the king's 
 name ; counfcllors were chofen to aflift the pri- 
 foner in his defence j and clerks were ordained 
 to record the proceedings of court. Before this 
 llrange tribunal a charge was exhibited Aill more 
 amazing. It confifled of various articles : that 
 Aiabalipa, though a baftard, had difpofTefTed the 
 lawful owner of the throne, and ufurped the re- 
 gal power ; that he had put his brother and law- 
 ful fcvereign to death ; that he was an idolater, 
 and had not only permitted, but commanded the 
 offering up of human facrifices ; that he had a 
 great number of concubines ; that fince his im- 
 prifonment, he had wafted and embezzled the 
 royal treafures, which now belonged of right to 
 the conquerors ; and that he had excited his fub- 
 }t0.s to take up arms r.gainft the 5)paniards. On 
 thcfe heads of accufation they proceeded to try 
 the iovtrreign of a great empire, over whom they 
 had no jurifdi<5lion. To all thefe charges the 
 
 Inca 
 
OF AMERICA. 209 
 
 Inca pleaded not guilty. With refpeft to the 
 death of his brother, he alleged, that the Span- 
 iards could take no cognizance of the faft. With 
 regard to the taxes which he had levied, and the 
 wars he had carried on, they were nothing to 
 the Spaniards ; and as to the confpiracy againft 
 the Spaniards, he utterly denied it. He called 
 heaven and earth to witnefs the integrity of his 
 conduct, and how faithfully he had performed 
 his engagements, and the perfidy of his accufers. 
 He defired to be fent over to Spain to take his 
 trial before the emperor ; but no regard was paid 
 to his intreaties. He was condemned to be burnt 
 alive; which cruel fentence was mitigated, as a 
 great favour, to flrangling; and the unhappy 
 monarch was executed without mercy. 
 
 The death of the Inca was followed by a re- 
 volution in the Spanifli affairs, who now be- 
 came generally odious. Hideous cries were fet 
 up by his women as the funeral proceffion pafled 
 by their apartment *, many offered to bury them- 
 felves alive with him ; and ort being hindered, 
 Orangled themfclves out of grief and vexation. 
 The whole town of Caxamalca was filled with 
 lamentation, which quickly extended itlelf over 
 the whole kingdom. Friends and enemies ac- 
 cufed the Spaniards of inhumanity and treachery. 
 Loads of gold that were coming to Caxamalca by 
 order of the deceafed Inca were now flopped ; 
 and the lofs of the treafure was the fir ft unfor- 
 tunate confequence which the Spaniards felt 
 from their late iniquitous conduct. The two 
 faflions of Indians united againft Pizarro ; and 
 many of the Spaniards not only exclaimed againft 
 the cruelty of the judges, but would even have 
 
 mutinied, 
 
GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 mutinied, had not a fenfe of the impending dan- 
 ger kept them quiet. At Cuzco the friends of 
 the emperor Huafcar proclaimed Manco Capac 
 the legitimate brother of the late Inca, determin- 
 ing to lupport him to the laA againft all the ma- 
 chinations of his enemies. Pizarro, in the mean 
 time, fet up Taparpa, the fon of Atabalipa, 
 caufing him to be treated with all the honours 
 due to an emperor. Immediately he fet out for 
 Cuzco, the gaining of which \^s abiblutely ne- 
 ceflary for his defign. An army of Indians oc- 
 cupied the pafTes, and refolved to difpute his 
 progrefs. The conteft, however, was foon de- 
 cided ; the Spanifli cavalry bore down every 
 thing before them, and great numbers of Indians 
 were flain. The conquerors gained a confider- 
 able booty ; and Pizarro defpatched Almagro to 
 reduce Cuzco, while he himfelf founded a new 
 colony in the fruitful valley of Xauna •, which, 
 however, was not permanent, being afterwards 
 removed to the place where Lima now flands. 
 While Pizarro was thus employed, another 
 commander, named Ferdiftando Soto, was detach- 
 ed with 60 horfe to make the beft of his way to 
 Cuzco, and clear the road for the march of the 
 remainder of the army. He was oppofed by a 
 formidable coliedlion of Indians, who had for- 
 tified themfelves in order to defend a pafs againft 
 him •, for which reafon, fearing left his ftrength 
 might be unequal, hs fent a meffage to Pizarro, 
 defiring that the Inca might join him, thinking 
 that his prefencc would awe the Peruvians, and 
 prevent the further effufion of blood ; but his 
 expe(Sl:ations were fruftrated by the death of the 
 Inca, which happened about this time , fo that 
 
 there 
 
OF AMERICA. 211 
 
 there was now a necedity for having recourfe to 
 arms ; for as the Spaniards fet up no perfon in 
 his room, the title of Manco Capac was univer- 
 fally acknowledged. 
 
 In the mean time, a new fnpply of foldiers ar- 
 riving from Spain, Benalcazar, governor of Sr. 
 Michael, undertook an expedition againft Quito, 
 where, according to the report of the natives, 
 Atabalipa had left the greateft part of his trea- 
 fure. He accomplifhed his purpofe with very 
 great difficulty, having a country covered with 
 rocks and mountains to pafs, and being oppofed 
 by large bodies of the natives. But when he 
 got pojOTeffion of the city, to his extreme morti- 
 fication he found that the inhabitants had carried 
 off all their gold and filver ; for they being now 
 acquainted with the ruling palfion of the Span- 
 iards, had taken care to difappoint it, by remov- 
 ing the treafures which tHey knew very well had 
 been the caufe of the expedition. 
 
 About the fame time Alvarado governor of 
 Guatimala, invaded the province of Chili. In 
 this expedition his troops endured fuch hardfhips, 
 and fufFered fo much from the cold among the 
 Andes, that a fifth part of the men and all the 
 horles died, aud at the fame time the reft were 
 fo much difpirited and emaciated, that they be- 
 came quite unfit for fervice. What was worft 
 of all, when they had arrived ar the end of their 
 journey, they met with a body of Spaniards 
 drawn up in hoftile array to oppo{e them. Theie 
 had been fent againft hini by Pizarro, who claim- 
 ed Chili as part of his jurisdi<5lion, and were 
 now joined by Benalcazar, with the troops un- 
 der his command. Alvarado, however, ad- 
 vanced 
 
212 GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 Vanced boldly to the attack 5 but, od the inter- 
 pofition of fome moderate men in each party, 
 the difference was accommodated. Alvarado 
 engaged to return to his government, upon his 
 being paid 100,000 pefos to defray the expenfe 
 of his armament. However, moft of his follow* 
 ers remained in the country, and enlifled in the 
 fervice of Pizarro. ^ 
 
 In the mean time Ferdinand Pizarro, the bro- 
 ther of the general, had landed in Spain, where 
 he produced fuch immenfe quantities of gold and 
 filver as aflonilhed the court, even after all they 
 had feen of the wealth of their new difcovcred 
 territories. The general's authority was con- 
 firmed to him with new powers and privileges, 
 and the addition of 70 leagues extending along 
 the coafl, to the fouthward of the territory 
 granted in his former patent. Almagro had the 
 title of adehfjtado or governor conferred upon him, 
 with jurifdi^Vion over 200 leagues of a country 
 lying fouthward from the province allotted to 
 Pizarro ; he himfelf was made a knight of the 
 order of St. Jago. 
 
 Of thefe tranfaflions fome accounts were re- 
 ceived at Peru before the arrival of Ferdinand 
 Pizarro himfelf; and no fooner did Almagro hear 
 that he had obtained the royal grant of an inde- 
 pendent government, than, pretending that Cuz- 
 co, the capital of all Peru, lay within his jurif- 
 di^ion, he attempted to feize it. Pizarro was 
 no leil ready to oppofe him ; and a very dange- 
 rous civil war was about to take place, when the 
 quarrel, was made up, on condition that Alma- 
 gro (hould attempt the conqueft of Chili; and if 
 he did not find there an eftablifhment equivalent 
 
 to 
 
OF AMERICA. 213 
 
 to his expeflations, Pizarro (liouM yield up to 
 him part of P^ra. 
 
 By this reconciliation Pizarro wp.s left at liber- 
 ty to fettle the internal policy of his province, 
 which, though little qualifiecl for a legiflator, 
 hj attempted, by dividing the country into va- 
 rious- diihi'fls, appointing magiilratcs to prefide 
 in each, and eftabli(hing fuch regiilations con- 
 Cfrning the adminiftration of judice, the royal 
 revenue, &c,. as occurred to him. The ft at of 
 govfirnment he removed from Cuzco to Lima, 
 v.'hich he named Ceudad des los Reyes ^ and which 
 name it llill retains among the Spaniards in all 
 legal and formal deeds. Its other name, IJma^ 
 is a corruption of Rlmac^ the name of the valley 
 in which the city flands. 
 
 In the mean time Almagro had fet out on an 
 expedition to Chili ; and while he was thus em- 
 ployed, Pizarro encouraged fome of his moft 
 diftinguifhed officers to invade thofe provinces of 
 the empire which had not yet been vifited by the 
 Spaniards. This he did with a view to keep 
 them employed, and prevent tumults ; but it was 
 attended with very terrible confequences. No 
 fooner did Manco Capao the Inca perceive the 
 fecurity of the Spaniards in thus dividing their 
 forces, than he feized the opportunity of making 
 one vigorous effort to redrefs the wrongs of him- 
 felf and his countrymen, and expel the invaders, 
 who had tyrannized in fuch a cruel manner. 
 Though ftridfly guarded by the Spaniards, he 
 found means to communicate his intentions to 
 the chief men of his nation, whom he joined in 
 thaycar 1536, under pretence of celebrating a 
 
 felllval 
 T 
 
214 GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 fefiival which he had obtained liberty from Pi- 
 zarro to attend. Upon this the ftandard of war 
 M'as immediately ere6Ved, and a moft formidable 
 army, according to the Spanifh hiftorians, of 
 200,000 men, colle^lied. Many Spaniards were 
 maffacred in their habitations, and feveral de- 
 tachments entirely cut off; and while this vafl: 
 army laid fiege to Cuzco, another formidable 
 body inverted Lima, and kept the governor clofe- 
 iy fhut up. The greateft effort, however, was 
 made againft Cuzco, which was defended by 
 Pizarro and his two brothers, with only 170 
 men. The fiege lafted nine months ; many of 
 the Spaniards were killed ; among whom was 
 Juan Pizarro, the general's brother, and the beft 
 beloved of them all. The reft were reduced to 
 the moft defperate fituation, when Almagro ap- 
 peared fuddenly in the neighbourhood of Cuzco. 
 He had received fuch accounts of the infurrec- 
 rion in Peru, as would at any rate have deter- 
 mined him to return to the afliftance of Pizarro; 
 but befides this, he had now received the royal 
 patent, creating him governor of Chili, and 
 deemed it certain beyond all contradiftion, that 
 Cuzco lay within his jurifdiflion ; for which 
 reafon he haftened to prevent it from falling into 
 the hands of the Peruvians. On his arrival his 
 affiftance was folicited by both parties. The 
 Inca made many advantageous propofals, but at 
 length defpairing of obtaining any cordial union 
 with a Spaniard, he attacked him in the night 
 by furprife with a great body of chofen troops. 
 But the Spanifh valour and difcipline prevailed 
 againfl all the numbers of their enemies ; and 
 the- Peruvians were repulfed with fuch (laughter, 
 
 that 
 
OF AMERICA. 215 
 
 that a great part of the remainder difperfed, and 
 Almagro advanced to the gates of Cuzco without 
 oppofition. Pizarro's brothers took meaiures to 
 oppofe his entrance ; but prudence for the pre- 
 fent reflrained both parties from entering into a 
 civil war while they were furrounded with ene- 
 mies ; and therefore each leader endeavoured to 
 corrupt the followers of his antagonize. In this 
 Almagro had the advantage ; and fo many of 
 Pizarro's troops deferted in the night, that Al- 
 magro was encouraged to advance towards tb.e 
 city, where he lurprifed the centinels *, and in- 
 verting the houfe where the two brothers were 
 lodged, he compelled thrm, after an obftinate 
 defence, to liirrender at difcretion ; and Alma- 
 gro's authority over Cuzco was immediately re- 
 cugnized as authentic. 
 
 In this fray only two or three perfons were 
 killed •, but matters foon began to wear a more 
 ferious afpe6t. Francis Pizarro, having difperf- 
 ed the Peruvians who invefted Lima, and re- 
 ceived confiderable- reinforcements from other 
 provinces, ordered 500 men, under the command 
 of Alonfo de Alvarado to march to Cuzco, in 
 hopes of relieving his brothers, if they were not 
 already cut off. They advanced to a fmall dif- 
 tance from the capita!, before they knew ih-^t 
 they had a more formidable enemy than the In- 
 dians to encounter. When they faw their coufir 
 try men drawn up on the banks of a river to op- 
 pofe them, they were greatly furprifed ; how- 
 ever Almagro, who wifhed rather to gain them 
 than to fight, began with attempting to feduce 
 their leader. Alvarado cuuld not by any means 
 be gj\ined over j but being inferior in military 
 
 fklll, 
 
216 GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 fkill, Almagro attacked him by furprifej entire- 
 ly defeated and dilperied his army, taking him- 
 felf and fbme of his principal officers priioners. 
 This vi6>ory feemed decifive ; and Almagro 
 was advifed to make it fo by putting to death 
 Gonzaio and Ferdinand Pizarro, Alvarado, and 
 fome others \thom he could not hope to gain. 
 1 his advice, however, he declined from motives 
 of humaiiity, and a defire of making h's adver- 
 fluy appear the aggreffor. For thele rcaibns, 
 inrtcnd of marching dirtOly againft Pizarro, he 
 retired quietly to Cuzco ; u-hich gave his adver- 
 lary time to recolledt himfelf from the diforder 
 into v.'hich the news of fo many difafters had' 
 thrown hirn. He began again to pra{5iice upon 
 Almpgru ihofe arts'which had before proved fuc- 
 cefsfiii i ;md Almagro again fuffered himfclf to 
 be deceived by pretended offers of patiiicarion.. 
 Phe ncgociations for this purpofe were protra/V- 
 :d for ie\ er.il months ; and while Almagro was 
 employed in dete6fing and eluding the fraudulent 
 intentions of the governor, Gonzaio Pizarro and 
 Alvarcido found means to corrupt the ii>ldiers 
 who guarded tliem, and not only made their own 
 cfcape, but perfuaded 60 of Aimagro's men to 
 accompany them. There now remained only 
 M^rdinand Pizarro iia the hands of Almagro : and 
 he was delivered by another a~6l of treachery. 
 The general propofed that all points of contro- 
 verTy fliould be fubmitted to the decifion of their 
 iovereigu ^ aud that Ferdinand PizarFO fhould 
 be inftantly fet at hberty, and return to Spain, 
 together with ibme other officers whom the ge- 
 neral propofed to fend over to (how the juftice 
 of his claims. Though the intention of Pizarro 
 
 by 
 
OF AMERICA. 217 
 
 by making this propofal was evident. Almagro 
 was deceived by it, and releafed thofe whoin Pi-'' 
 :5arro wanted ; which he had no fooner done, 
 th.in the 1 tter threw ofFul' difguife, and openly de- 
 clared, that nrms alone mufl: now decide the mat- 
 ter between them. He therefore immedi.itely fet 
 out for Cuzco with an army of 700 men, to 
 which Almagrohad only 500 to oppofe. From 
 the weaknefs of his torctSy probably, Almagro 
 did not attempt to guard fome llr?ng palTes, 
 through which Pizarro had to march, but waited 
 patiently for his adverHiry in a plain open coun- 
 try. 
 
 In the mean time, Pizarro advanced without 
 any obftru^tion from his enemy ; and an engage- 
 ment foon happened, in which Almagro was de- 
 feated and taken prifoner. The conquerors be- 
 haved with ftreat cruelty in mafTacring a great 
 number of officers, and treating Almagro him- 
 fejf with great feverity. The Indians h"ad aiTem- 
 bled in great numbers to fee the battle, with an 
 intention to join the vanquifhed party ; but were 
 io much overawed by the Spaniards, that they 
 retired quietly after the battle v/as over, and thus 
 ]ol\ the only opportunity they ever had of ex . 
 pelling their tyrants. — Almagro, after having 
 for fome months languiQied in prifon, was at 
 length formally tried, and condemned to die, by 
 Pizarro. Notwithifanding his confummate brav- 
 ery, for which he was remarkable, this hardy 
 veteran could not bear the delibe>rate approach 
 of death, but condcfcended to ufe intreaties to 
 fave his life. The Pizarros, however, continued 
 inH-xible; and he was firll: ftrangledia prifon, 
 
 and 
 T 2 
 
218 GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 and then publicly beheaded. He left one Ton by 
 an Indian woman, whom he appointed his fuc- 
 ceflbr, by virtue of a power granted him by th« 
 emperor. 
 
 As during thefe diflenfions all intercourfe with 
 Spain ceaftd, it was fometime before the ac- 
 counts of the civil war were received at court. 
 The firfl intelligence was given by fome of Al- 
 magro's foldicrs, who had lefi Ameiica on the 
 ruin of their caufe j and they did not fail to re- 
 prefent the injuftice and violence of Pizarro in 
 the ftrongeft colours, which flrongly prejudiced- 
 the emperor againft him. In a (hort time, how- 
 tver, Ferdinand Pizarro arrived, and endeavour- 
 ed to give matters a new turn. The emperor 
 was uncertain which of them he ought to be- 
 lieve •, and therefore thought it neceffary to fend 
 over fome perfon with ample powers to inquire 
 into the merits of the caufe, and to determine 
 certainly who was in the wrong. If he found 
 the governor ftill alive, he was to aHume only 
 the title of judge, in order to have the appear- 
 ance of afting in concert with him -, but if he 
 was dead, the viceroy might then produce his 
 commiflion appointing him Pizarro's fuccclTor in 
 the government. This complaifance to Pizarro, 
 however, proceeded more from a dread of his 
 power than from any other thing ; for in the 
 mean time, his brother Ferdinand was arrefted 
 at Madrid, and confined to a prifon, where he 
 remained above 20 years. The perfon nomina- 
 ted to this important tiuft was Chrifloval Vaca 
 deCaHro. 
 
 "While this gentleman was preparing for his 
 voyage, Pizarro, coofidering himfelf as the un- 
 rivalled 
 
OF AMERICA. 219 
 
 rivalled mafter of Peru, proceeded to parcel out 
 its territories among the conquerors ; and had 
 this divifion been made with any degree of im- 
 partiality, the extent of country which he had to 
 beftow was fufficient to have gratified his friends, 
 and to have gained his enemies. But Pizarro 
 conduced this tranfa<f\ion, not with the equity 
 and candour of a judge attentive to difcover and 
 to reward merit, but with the illiberal fpirit of a 
 party leader. Large diftrifls, in parts of the 
 country moft cultivated and populous, were fet 
 apart as his own property, or granted to his 
 brothers, his adherents, and favourites. To 
 others, lots lefs valuable and inviting were af- 
 iigned. The followers of Almagro, amongft 
 whom were many of the original adventurers, to 
 whofe valour and perfeverance Pizarro was in- 
 debted for his fuccefs, were totally excluded 
 from any portion in thofe lands, towards the ac- 
 quifition of which they had contributed fo large- 
 ly. As the vanity of every individual fet an 
 immoderate value upon iiis own fervices, and 
 the idea of each, concerning the recompenfe due 
 to them, rofe gradually to a more exorbitant 
 height in proportion as their conquefts extended, 
 all who were difappointed in their expectations 
 exclaimed loudly againft the rapacioufnefs and 
 partiality of the governor. The partifans of 
 Almagro murmured in fecret, and meditated re- 
 venge. 
 
 Rapid as the progrefs of the Spaniards in 
 South America had been finee Pizarro landed in 
 Peru, their avidity of dominion was not yet fa- 
 tisfied. The officers to whom Ferdinand Pizar- 
 ro garve the command of different detachments, 
 
 penetrated 
 
220 GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 penetrated into feveral new provinces ; and 
 though feme of them wereexpofed to great hard- 
 fhips in the cold and barren regions of the An- 
 des, and others fulfered diftrefs not inferior amidft 
 the woods and raarfhes of the plains, they made 
 difcoveries and ccnquelts which extended their 
 knowledge of the country, as well as added to 
 their power. Pedro de Valdivia re-alTumed Al- 
 magro's fcheme of invading Chili ; and, notw'.th- 
 itanding the fortitude of the natives in d(jfcnding 
 their pofrtflions, made fuch progrcis in the con- 
 quefl: of the country, that he founded the city of 
 St. j3go, and gave a beginning to the elUbli(h- 
 ment of the Spanifh dominic^n there. JVut of ail 
 the enterprifes undertaken about this period, ih:it 
 of Gonzales Pizarro was the moft remarkable. 
 The governor, who feems to have refolved that 
 no perfon in Peru fhould poflefs any (fation of 
 diftinguifhed eminence or authority but thofe of 
 his own family, had deprived Benalcazar, the 
 conqueror of Quito, of his command in that 
 kingdom, and appointed his brother Gonzales to 
 take the government of it. Pie inftru(5fed him 
 to attempt the difcovery and conqueft of the 
 country to the eaft: of the Andes ; which, ac- 
 cording to the information of the Indians, 
 abounded with cinnamon and other valuable 
 fpices. Gonzales, not inferior to any of his 
 brothers in courage, and no lefs ambitious of ac- 
 quiring di{fin(ftion, eagerly engaged in this diffi- 
 cult fervice. He fei out from Quito at the head 
 of 34-0 foldiers, near one half of whom were 
 horfemen, with 4000 Indians to carry their pro- 
 vifions. In forcing their way through the de- 
 files, or over the ridges of the Andes, excefs of 
 
 cold 
 
OF AMERICA. 221 
 
 cold and fatigue, lo neither of which, they were 
 accuftomed, proved fatal to the greater part of 
 the wretched attendants. The Spaniards, though 
 more roburt, and inured to a variety of climates, 
 buffered confiderably, and loll fome men ; but 
 when they defcended into the low country, fheir 
 diflrelles increafed. Daring tv/o «ionths it rained 
 incefTiintly, wirhout any interval of fair weather 
 long enough to dry their clothes. The vafl: plains 
 upon which they were now enterinrg, either altoge- 
 ther without inhabitants, or occupied by the 
 rudefl and ieall induflrious tribes in the New 
 World, yielded little liibfdfenGe. They could notl 
 ;vdvrnce a ftep but us they cut a road thro^u^^ 
 woods, or made it through Hiarflies. Such in,- 
 ceffant toil, andcontmur.l icarcity oi food-, feem 
 more than fnfficient to have exhrUifled and dii- 
 plrited any troops. But the fortitude and per- 
 levcrance of the Spaniards iu t!ie 16th century, 
 were infuperable. Aliared by freqiU^jnt but fidie 
 accounts of rich countries before tkem, they per- 
 fhfled in ^ruggling oa, until rhey . reached the 
 banks of the Coca or N^apo., one of the large ri- 
 vers whofe waters pour into the Mar agnon, and- 
 contribute to its grandeur. There, with inquire 
 labour, they built a bark, which they expe(fled 
 would prove of great utility, both in couveyiag 
 then> over rivers, in procuring pravifroas, and 
 in exploring the country. This was manned 
 whh .50 foldicrs, under the command of Francis 
 Orellana, the ofRcer next in rank to Pizarro. 
 The fVream carried them down with fuch rapi- 
 ciity, th.it they were foon far a-head of their 
 counfrymen, who followed flowly and with dif- 
 ficulty by land. 
 
 At 
 
222 GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 At this diftance from his commander, Orella- 
 na, a young man of an afpiring mind, began to 
 fancy himfeif independent j and, tranfported 
 ■with the predominant paffion of the age, he form- 
 ed the fcheme of diHinguilliing himfeif as a dii^ 
 coverer, by following the conrfe of the Marag- 
 non until it joined the ocean, and by furvej'ing 
 the vaft regions through which it flows. This 
 fcheme of Orellana's was as bold as it was treach- 
 erous. - For, if he be chargeable with the guilt 
 of having violated his duty to his commander, 
 and with having abandoned his fellow-foldiersj 
 in a pathlefs defert, where they had hardly any 
 hopes of fuccefs, or even of fafety, but what 
 were founded on the fervice which they expeft- 
 ed from the bark, his crime is, in fome meafure, 
 balanced by the glory of having ventured upon 
 a navigation of near 2000 leagues, through un- 
 known nations, in a vefTel haftily conihu(5ied 
 with green timber, and by very unfkilful hands, 
 without provifions, without acompafs, or a pilot. 
 But his courage and alacrity fupplied every dc- 
 fe(fV. Committing himfeif fearlefsly to the guid- 
 ance of the ftream, the Napo bore him along to 
 the fouth, until he reached the great channel of 
 the Maragnon. Turning wiiii it towards the 
 coafl, he held on his courle in that direftion. He 
 made frequent defcents on both fides the river, 
 fometimes feizing by force of arms the provifions 
 of the fierce favages feated on its banks, aud 
 fometimes procuring a fupply of food by a friend- 
 ly intercourfe with more gentle tiibes. After a 
 Jong fcries of dangers, which he encountered 
 with amazing fortitude, and of diftreffes which 
 he fupported with no lefs magnanimity, he reach- 
 ed 
 
OF AMERICA, 223 
 
 ed the ocean, where new perils awaited him. 
 Thefe he likewife furmounted, and got fafe to 
 the Spanifh fettlement in the ifland Cubagua ; 
 from thence he failed to Spain. The vanity na- 
 tural to travellers who vifit regions unknown to 
 the reft of mankind, and the art of an adventur- 
 er, felicitous to magnify his own merit, concur- 
 red in prompting him to mingle an extraordinary 
 proportion of the marvellous in the narrative of 
 his voyage. He pretended to have difcovered 
 nations fo rich, that the roofs of their temples 
 were covered with plates of gold ; and defcribed 
 a republic of women fo warlike and powerful, as 
 to have extended their dominion over a confider- 
 able traft of the fertile plains which he had vifi- 
 ted. Extravagant as thofe tales were, they gave 
 rife to an opinion, that a region abounding with 
 gold, diftinguifhed by the name of El Dorado^ 
 and a community of Amazons, were to be found 
 in this part of the New World ; and fuch is the 
 propenfity of mankind to believe what is won- 
 derful, that it has been flowly, and with diffi- 
 culty, that reafon and oWervation have exploded 
 thofe fables. The voyage, however, even when 
 ftripped of every romantic embellifhment, de- 
 ferves to be recorded^ not only as one of the 
 moft memorable occurrences in that adventurous 
 age, but as the firft event that led to any certain 
 knowledge of thofe immenfe regions that ftretch 
 eaftward from the Andes to the ocean. 
 
 No words can defcribe the confternation of 
 Pizarro, when he did not find the bark at the 
 confluence of the Napo and Maragnon, where he 
 had ordered Orellana to wait for him. He 
 would not allow himfelf to fufpe(fl that a man, 
 
 whom 
 
224. GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 whom he had entrufted with fuch an important 
 command, could be fo bafe and lb unfeeling as 
 to dciert him at fuch a juncture* But imputing 
 his abfence from the place of rendezvous to fome 
 unknown accident, he advanced above 50 leagues 
 along the banks of the Maragnon, expe<Si:ing 
 every moment to fee the bark appear v/ith aiup- 
 ply of provifions. At length he came up with 
 an officer whom Orellana had left to perifli ia 
 the defert, bfcaufe he had the courage, to re- 
 raonftrate againll his perfidy. From him he 
 learnt the extent of Orellana's crime j and his 
 followers perceived at once their own defperate 
 fituation, when deprived of their only refource. 
 The fpirit of the ftouteft hearted veteran funk 
 within him ; and all demanded to be led back 
 inflantly. Pizarro, though he afTumed an ap- 
 pearance of tranquillity, did not oppofe their in- 
 clination. But he was now 1200 miles from 
 Qn^ito ; and in that long march the Spaniards en- 
 countered hardfliips greater than thofc they had 
 endured in their progrefs outward, without the 
 alluring hopes which then foothed and animated 
 them under their fufFerings. Hunger compelled 
 them to feed on roots ancl berries, to eat all their 
 dogs and horfes, to devour the moft loathibme 
 reptiles, and even to gnaw the leather of their 
 {addles and fword belts. Four thoufand Indians, 
 and 210 Spaniards, perifhed in this wild and 
 difaftrous expedition, which continued near two 
 years ; and as 50 men were aboard the bark with 
 Orellana, only 80 got back to Quito. Thelc 
 were naked like (livages, and ib emaciated with 
 famine, or worn out with fatigue, that they had 
 more the appearance of fpeffres than of men. 
 
 But, 
 
OF AMERICA. 2^5 
 
 Butj iaftead of returning to enjoy the repofe 
 which his condition required, Pizarro, on enter- 
 ing Q^ito, received accounts of a fatal event that 
 threatened calamities more dreadful to him than 
 thofe through which he had paflTed. From the 
 time that his brother made that partial divifion 
 of his conquefts which has been mentioned, the 
 adherents of Almagro, confidering themfelves as 
 profcribed by the party in power, no longer en- 
 tertained any hope of bettering their condition. 
 Great numbers in defpair, reforted to Lima, 
 where the houfe of young Almagro was always 
 open to them : and the (lender portion of his fa- 
 ther's fortune, which the governor allowed him 
 to enjoy, was fpent in affording them fubfiilence. 
 The warm attachment with which every perfon 
 who ferved under the elder Almagro devoted 
 himfelf to his intercfts, was quickly transferred 
 to his Ton, who was now grown up to the age of 
 manhood, and pofTelTed all the quahties which 
 captivate the affe^fions of foldiers. Of a grace- 
 ful appearance, dexterous at all martial exercifes, 
 bold, open, generous, he feemed to be formed 
 for command ; and as his father, confcious of 
 his own inferiority from the total want of edu- 
 cation, had been extremely attentive to have him 
 inftrufled in every fcience becoming a gentleman, 
 the accomplifliments which he had acquired, 
 heightened the refpe^l of his followers, as they 
 gave him dillindlion and eminence among illite- 
 rate adventurers. In this young man the Alma- 
 grians found a point of union which they want- 
 ed ; and looking up to him as their head, were 
 ready to undertake any thing for his advancement. 
 
 Nor 
 U 
 
2^ ' GENtRAL HISTORY 
 
 Nor was affetflioD for Almagro their only incite- 
 ment \ ihe\ were urged on by their own diftrelT- 
 es. Many of them, deftitute of common necel- 
 faries, and weary of loitering away Ufe, a bur- 
 den to their chief, or to fuch of their aflfociates 
 as had faved fome remnant of their fortune from 
 pillage and C(>nfifcation, longed impatiently for 
 an occcafion tcf exert their adtivityand courage, 
 and began to deliberate how they might be aveng- 
 ed on the author of all their mifery. Their fre- 
 quent cabals 'did not pafs unobferved \ and the 
 governor was warned to be on his guard againfl 
 men who meditated fame defperate deed, and 
 had refolntion to execute it. But, either from 
 the native intrepidity of his mind, or from con- 
 tempt of pcrfons whoie poverty rendered their 
 machinations of little confequence, he difregard- 
 ed the admonitions of his friends. " Ee in no 
 pain (faid he carelefsly] about my life ; it is per- 
 fectly fafc, as long as every man in Peru knows 
 that I can in a moment put him to death who 
 dares to harbour a thought againfl: it." This fe- 
 curity gave the Almagrians full leifure to digell 
 and ripen every part of their fcheme ; and Juan 
 de Herrada, an officer of great abilities, who 
 had the charge of Ahnagro's education, took the 
 lead in their confultations, with all the zeal which 
 that conne(5lion infpired, and with a!l the autho- 
 rity which the afceudant that he was known to 
 have over the mind of his pupil gave him. 
 
 On Sunday, the 26th of June, at mid-day, 
 the feafon of tranquillity and rcpofe in all fultry 
 climates, Herrada, at the head of 18 of the mofl 
 determined confpirators, fallied out of Almagro's 
 houfe in complete armour; and drawing their 
 
 Iwords 
 
// 
 
 OF AMERICA. 22v 
 
 iwords as they advanced haftily towards the go- 
 vernor's palace, cried out, " Long live the king, 
 but let the tyrant die," Their afTjciates, warn- 
 ed of their motions by a flgncil, were in arms at 
 different ftations ready to fupport them. Though 
 Pizarro was ufually farrounded by fuch a nume- 
 rous train of attendants as faited the magnifi- 
 cence of the mod opulent fubje6f of the age in 
 which he lived, yet as he was juft rifen from the 
 t.ible, and moft of his own domcftics had re- 
 tired to their own apartments, the confpirators 
 pafled through the two outer courts of the pii- 
 iace unobferved. They were at the bottom of 
 the ftaircafe, before a page in waiung could give 
 the alarm to his mafler, who was converfing 
 with a few friends in a large hall. The govern, 
 or, whofe fteady mind no form of danger could 
 appal, ftarting up, called for arms, and com- 
 manded Francifco de Chaves to make faft the 
 door. But that officer, who did not retain fo 
 much prefence of mind as to obey this prudent 
 order, running to the top of the fluircafe, wildly 
 afked the confpirators what they meant, and 
 whither they were going ? Inflcad of anfvvering, 
 they flabbed him to the heart, and burft into 
 the hall. Some of the perfons who were there, 
 threw themfelves from the window ; others at- 
 tempted to fly •, and a few drawing their fvvords, 
 followed their leader into an inner apartment. 
 The confpirators, animated with having the ch- 
 je(5l of their vengeance now in view, ruOned for- 
 ward after them. Pizarro, with no other arms 
 than his fword and buckler, defended the entry, 
 and fupported by his half-brother Alcantara and 
 iiis Httle knot of fritnds, maintained the unequal 
 
 conteft 
 
^28 GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 conteft with Intrepidity worthy of his paft ex- 
 ploits, and with the vigour' of a youthful com- 
 batant. ** Courage (cried he), companions, we 
 are yet enow to make thoie traitors repent of 
 their audacity." But the armour of the confpi- 
 rators prote(fled them, while every thrufl: they 
 made took effe6l. Alcantara fell dead at his 
 brother's feet ; his other defendants were mor- 
 tally wounded. The governor, fo weary, that 
 he could hardly wield his fword, and no longer 
 able to parry the many weapons furiouQy aimed 
 at him, received a deadly thruft full in his throat, 
 funk to the ground, and expired. 
 
 As foon as he was (lain, the afTaflins ran out 
 into the ftree ts, and waving their bloody fwords, 
 proclaimed the death of the tyrant. Above 200 
 of their afTociates having joined them, they con- 
 du(5>ed young Almagro in folemn procefTion 
 through the city; nndafTcfmbiing the magiilrates 
 and principal citizens, compelled them to ac- 
 knowledge him as lawful fucceflbr to his father 
 in his government. The palace of PizL»rro, to- 
 gether with the houfes of feveral of his adherents, 
 were pillaged by the foldiers ; who had the la- 
 lisfadtion at once of being avenged on their ene- 
 mies, and of enriching thendelves by the fpoiis 
 of thoie through whole hands ali the wealth of 
 Peru had pa (Ted. 
 
 The new governor marched into the heart of 
 the empire, in order to reduce iuch places as re- 
 fufcd to acknowledge his authority. A multi- 
 tude of ruffians joined him on his march. His 
 army breaihcc' nothing but vengeance and plun- 
 der : every thing gave way before it. If the 
 military talents of the general had equalled the 
 
 ardou.' 
 
OF AMERICA. 229 
 
 ardour of his troops, the war had ended here. 
 Unhappily for Ahuagro, he had loft his con- 
 du<5i:or John de Herrada. His inexperience made 
 him fall into the fnares that were laid for him by 
 Pedro Alvares, who had pat himfelf at the head 
 of the oppofite party. He loft, in attempting to 
 unravel his plots that time that he ought to have 
 employed in fighting. In thefe circumftances, 
 an event, which no one could have forefeen, 
 happened to change the face of affairs. 
 
 The licentiate Vaca di Caftro, who had been 
 Tent from Europe to try the murderers of old 
 Almagro, arrived at Peru. As he was appe)int- 
 ed to aiTume the government in cafe Pizarro was 
 no more, all who had not fold themfelves to the 
 tyrant haftened to ackpowiedge him. Uncer- 
 tainty and jealoufy, which had for too long a 
 rime kept them difperfed, were no longer an ob- 
 il:acle to their re-union. Caftro, who was as 
 rcfolute as if he had grown old in the fervice, did 
 not fuffer their impatience to languifti, but in- 
 ftantiy led them again ft the enemy. The two 
 armies engaged at Chapas on the 16th of Sep- 
 tember 1542, and fought with inexprefhble ob- 
 ftinacy. Vi6>ory, after having wavered a long 
 time, at the clofe of the day decided in favour of 
 that party whofe caufe was the moft juft. Thofe 
 among the rebels who were moft guilty, dread- 
 ing to languifti under difgraceful tortures, pro- 
 voked the conquerors to murder them, crying 
 out, like men in defpair," //" w^j- / ivho killed Pi- 
 xarro. Their chief was taken prifoner, and died 
 on the fcaffold. 
 
 While thefe fcenes of horror were tranfaf^ing 
 
 la America, the Spaniards in Europe were em- 
 
 U z ployed 
 
230 GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 ployed in finding out expedients to teraiinate 
 ihem j though no mcafnres had been taken to 
 prevent them. Peru had only been made fubjedt 
 to the audience of Panama, which was too re- 
 mote to fuperintend the maintainance of good or- 
 der, and had too little influence to make its de- 
 crees refpe6ted. A fupreme tribunal was then 
 cftabliflied at Lima for the difpenfation of juf- 
 tice, which was to be invefled with authority 
 fufficicnt to enforce and to reward a due obe- 
 dience to the laws. Blafco Nunez Vela, who 
 prefided in it as viceroy, arrived in ISl^, at- 
 tended by his fubordinates in office, and found 
 every thing in the mod dreadful diforder. 
 
 To put an end to thefe tumults which now 
 iubfifbed, would have required a profound ge- 
 nius, and many other qualities which are ieldom 
 united. Nunez had none of thefe advantages. 
 Nature had only given him probity, firm.ncf<, 
 and ardour j aud he had taken no pains to im- 
 prove thefe gifts. With thefe virtues, which 
 were almoft defcds in his fituation, he began to 
 fulfil his commiflion, without regard to places, 
 perfons, or cir cum fiances. 
 
 Contrary to the opinion of all intelligent per- 
 fons who wifhed that he fhould wait for fre/l> 
 inflrudlions from Europe, he publifhed ordinan- 
 ces, which declared that the lands the conquerors 
 had feized (hould not pafs to their defcendants, 
 and which difpoffeffcd thofe who had taken part 
 in the civil commotions. All the Peruvians who 
 had been enflaved by monks, bilhops, and per- 
 fons belonging to the government, were declar- 
 ed free. Thofe who belonged to other mailers 
 were to be freed from theij Ihackles at the death 
 
 of 
 
OF AMERICA. 231 
 
 of their oppreffors. They could no longer be 
 compelled to bury themfelves in the mines, nor 
 could any kind of labour be exafted from them 
 without payment. Their tribute was fixed. The 
 Spaniards who travelled on foot were deprived 
 of the right of taking three Indians to carry their 
 baggage; and ti^ofe who travelled on horfeback, 
 of the right of taking five, fhe caciques were 
 difcharged from the obligation of furnifhing the 
 traveller and his retinue with provifions gratis. 
 Other tyrannical cdablifhments alfo would foon 
 have been profcribed j and the conquered people 
 were on the eve of being fncltered under the pro- 
 tection of laws, which would at leafl have tem- 
 pered the rigours of the light of conquefl, if 
 even they had not entirely repaired the injullice 
 of them ; but it fnould feem that the Spanifli 
 government was only to be unfortunate in the 
 good it attempted to effect 
 
 A change {o unexpedf ed filled thofe with con- 
 Aernation who faw their fortunes wrefled from 
 them, or who loft the fluttering hope of tranf- 
 mitting them to their pofteri*y. Even thofe v»'ho 
 were not affecfted by thefe intereftcd view's, be- 
 ing accuftomed to look upon the Indians as the 
 inftruments and vi6tims of their avarice, had no 
 conception that any other ideas could prevail con- 
 cerning them. From aiionifhment they pro- 
 ceeded to indignation, murmuring, and feJition. 
 The viceroy v/as degraded, put in irons, and ba- 
 nifhed to a defert ifiand, till he could be con- 
 veyed to Spain. 
 
 Gonzales Pizarro was then returned from his 
 hazardous expedition, which had employed him 
 long enough to prevent him from taking a part 
 
232 * GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 in thofe revolutions which had fo rapidly fuc- 
 ceeded each other. The anarchy he found pre- 
 vailing at his return, infpired him with the idea 
 of fcizing the fupreme authority. His fame and 
 his forces made it impoffible that this fhoald be 
 refuied him ; but his ufurpation was marked 
 with fo many enormities, that Nunez was re- 
 gretted. He was recalled from exile, and foon col- 
 leded a fufficient number of forces to enable him 
 to take the field. Civil commotions were then 
 renewed with extreme fury by both parties. No 
 quarter was aficed or given on either fidt. The 
 Indians took part in this as they had done in the 
 preceding wars ; fome ranged thcmfelvcs under 
 the ftandard of the viceroy, others under 
 the banners of Gonzales. From 15,000 to 
 20,000 of thefe unhappy wretches, who were 
 fcattered about in each army, dragged up the ar- 
 tillery, levelled the roads, carried the baggage, 
 and deftroyed one another. Their conqu:rors 
 had taught them to be fanguinary. After a va- 
 riety of advantages for a long time alternately 
 obtained, fortune at length favoured the rebellion 
 under the walls of Quito in the month of Janu- 
 ary, in the year 1545 ; and Nunez with the 
 grentefl: part of his men were maffacred. 
 
 Pizarro took the road of Lima, where they 
 were deliberating on the ceremonies with which 
 they fhould receive him. Some officers wifhed 
 that a canopy (hould be earned for him to march 
 under, after the manner of kings. Others, with 
 aduladon ftill more extravagant, pretended that 
 part of the walls of the town, and even fome 
 houfcs, mult be pulled down ; as was -he cuftom 
 at Rome, when a general obtained the hont.urs 
 of a triumph. Gonzales contented himfelf with 
 
 making 
 
OF AMERICA. 2i>3 
 
 making his entrance on horfeback, preceded by 
 his lieutenant, who marched on foot. Four 
 bifliops accompanied him, and he was followed 
 by the magiftrates. The ftreets were lUewn 
 with flowers, and the air ref(-)ur!ded with the 
 noife of bells and various mudcal inftrumcnts. 
 This homage totally turned the head of a man 
 naturally haughty, and of confined ideas. He 
 fpoke and a(^ed in the moft defpotic manner. 
 
 Had Gonzales polTelTed judgment and the ap- 
 pearance of moderation, it would have been pof- 
 fible for him to render himlelf independent. The 
 principal perfons of his party wifned it. The 
 majority would have beheld this event with in- 
 difference, and the red would have been obliged 
 to confent to it. Blind cruelties, infatiable ava- 
 rice, and unbounded pride, altered thefc difpo- 
 fitions. Even thofe, whofe interells were con- 
 ne(fied with thofe of the tyrant, wifhed for a 
 deliverer. 
 
 Such a deliverer arrived from Europe in the 
 perfon of the licentiate Pedro di la Gafca. The 
 Iquadron and the provinces r>f the mountains im- 
 medi.itely declared for a perfon who was invef^ed 
 with a lawful authority to govern them. Thole 
 who lived concealed in deferts, caverns, and fo- 
 refts, quitted their retreats to join him. Gon- 
 zales, who faw no refource left to fupport him 
 biu in fome great atchievement, took the road of 
 Cuzco, with a refolution to give battle. At 
 fome leagues diflance from this place he met the 
 royal army, and attacked it on the 9th of June 
 1548 One of his lieutenants, feeing him aban- 
 doned at the firfl charge by his beft Ibldiers, ad- 
 vifcd him to throw himfeif into the enemy's bat- 
 talions, 
 
2B4 GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 talions, and periili like a Roman : but this weak 
 man chofc rather to* furrender, and end his life 
 on a fcafTold. Carvajal, a more able warrior, 
 and more ferocious than himfelf, was quartered. 
 This man, u'hen he was expiring, boafted that 
 he had mafTacred with his own hand 1100 Span- 
 iards and 20,000 Indians. 
 
 Such was the laft fcene of a tragedy, of which 
 every a(St has been marked with blood. The 
 government was moderate enough not to continue 
 the profcriptions ; and the remembrance of the 
 horrid calamities they had fuffered kept the Span- 
 iards in the bounds cf fubjc(ftion. What flill 
 remained of that commotion that had been raifed 
 in their minds, infenfibly funk into a calm *, aad 
 the country hath remained in quiet ever fince. 
 
 With regard to the Peruvians, the moft cruel 
 meafures were taken to render it impoflible for 
 them to rebel. Tupac Amaru, the heir of their 
 lad king, had taken refuge in fome remote moun- 
 tains, where he lived in peace. There he was 
 fo clofely fnrrounded by the troops which had 
 been fent out againfl" him, that he was forced to 
 iurrender. The viceroy Francis de Toledo caufed 
 him to be accufed of feveral crimes that he had 
 not committed, and for which he was beheaded 
 in l,07l. AH the other defcendants cf the Incas 
 {hared the fame fate, under pretence that they 
 had conipired againll their conquerors. The 
 horror of thefe enormities excited fo univerfal an 
 indignation both in the Old and the New World, 
 that Philip II. thought himfelf obliged to difa- 
 vow them ; but the infamous policy of this 
 prince was lb notorious, that no credit was given 
 to this appearance of his iiiflice and humanity. 
 
 CHAP. 
 
OF AMERICA. ' 235 
 
 CHAP XIV. 
 
 Divifton of Amerka^its Produa'ions—its different 
 PoJ/effors---Fqft Extent of the Britlfh Poffejfons 
 before the late Revolution. 
 
 JN OT WITHSTANDING the many fet- 
 dements of the Europeans in this continent, great 
 part of America remains ftill unknown. The 
 northern continent contains the Britifh colonies 
 of HudfonsVBay, Canada, and Nova-Scotia : 
 The New-England flates, and thofe of New- 
 York, New-Jerfey, Pennfylvania, Maryland, 
 Virginia, North, and South, Carolina, and Geor- 
 gia. It contains, alfo, the Spanifh territories of 
 Eaft nnd Weft Florida, Louifiana, New-Mex- 
 ico, California, and Mexico. Befides thefe, 
 there are immenfe regions to the weft, and north, 
 the boundaries of which have never yet been dif- 
 covered.* In fuch as are in any degree known, 
 dwell the Efquimaux, the Algonquin*^, the Hu- 
 rons, the Iroquois, the Chorokee, the Chicka- 
 iaws, and many oiher tribes of Indian?^. In the 
 fouthern lie the Spanifti provinces of Terra Fir- 
 ma. Guiana, Peru, Paraguay, and Chili; to- 
 gether with that of Braill, belonging to the Por- 
 tuguefe ; and the country of Surinam, belonging 
 to the Dutch. Vaft trafts, however, in the in- 
 land parts are unknown, being comprehended 
 under the general name of Amazonia. A large 
 diftri<fi:, alfo, laid to be the refidence of a gigan- 
 tic race of men, lies on the eaft fide of the con- 
 tinent. 
 
236 GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 tinent, between the flraits of Magellan and the 
 province ot Paraguay. 
 
 This vaft country produces many of the me- 
 tals, minerals, plants, fruits, trees, and wood 
 to be met with in the other parts of the world, 
 and many of them in greater quantities, and in 
 high perfe<5lion. The gold and filver of Ame- 
 rica have fupplied Europe with fuch immenfe 
 quantities of thofe valuable metals, that they are 
 become valHy more common •, fo that the gold 
 and filver of Europe now bear little proportion 
 to the high price fet upon them before the dif- 
 covery of America. 
 
 It alfo produces diamonds, pearls, emeralds, 
 amethyfts, and other valuable {tones, which, by 
 being brought into Europe, have contributed, 
 likewife, to lower their value. To thefe, which 
 are chiefly the produdions of Spani(h America, 
 may be added a great number of other commo- 
 dities, which, though of lefs price, are of much 
 greater ule. Of thefe are the plentiful fupplies 
 of cochineal, indigo, anatto, logwood, brazil, 
 fuftic, pimento, lignum vit3e, rice, ginger, cocoa, 
 or the chocolate-nut, fugar, cotton, lobacco, 
 banillas, red-wood, the balfasns of Tolu, Peru, 
 and Chili, that valuable article, in medicine, the 
 Jefult's bark, machoacan, laflafras, farfaparilla, 
 caffia, tamarinds, hides, furs, ambergris, and 
 a great variety of woods, roots and plants ; to 
 which, before the difcovery of America, the 
 Europeans were entire Itrangers, or which they 
 were forced to buy at an extravagant rate from 
 Afia and Africa, through the hands of the Ve- 
 netians and Genoefe, who then engroffed the 
 trade of the Eaftern- World. 
 
 On 
 
OF AMERICA. 237 
 
 On this continent there grows alfo a variety 
 of excellent native fruits j as pine-apples, citrons, 
 lemons, oranges, malicatons, figs, grapes, great 
 numbers of culinary, medicinal, and other herbs, 
 roots, and plants, with many exotic producflions, 
 which are nourilhed in as great perfection as in 
 their native foil. ■ 
 
 Although the Indians ftill live in the quiet 
 pofTelTion of many large tra6^s, America, fo far as 
 known, is chielly claimed, and divided into 
 colonies, by three European nations, the Span^ 
 iards, Englifli and Portuguefe. The Spaniards, 
 as they firft difcovered it, have the largeit and 
 richeft portion, extending from Nevv-Mexico, 
 and Louifiana, in North- America, to the Straits 
 of Magellan, in the South-Sea, excepting the 
 large province of Brafil, which belongs to Portu- 
 gal-, for though the French and Dutch have 
 fome forts upon the Surinam and* Guiana, they 
 fcarcely deferve to be confidered as proprietor ^ 
 of any part of the fouthern continent. 
 
 N^xt to Spain, the mod confiderable propri- 
 etor of America was Great Britain, who derived 
 her claim to North-America from the firft difco- 
 very of that continent by Sebaftian Cabot, in the 
 name of Henry VIL anno 14-97, about fix years 
 after the difcovery of South- America by Colum- 
 bus, in the name of the king of Spain. This 
 country was in general called Newfound-land ; 
 a name which is now appropriated folely to an 
 iQand upon its coall. It was a long time before 
 the Englifli made any attempt to fettliJ in this 
 country. Sir Walter Raleigh, an uncommon 
 genius, and a brave commander, firft (howed the 
 
 way, 
 X 
 
238 GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 way, by planting a colony in the fouthern part, 
 which he calJcd Virgimaf in honour of his vir- 
 gin miflrefs, Queen Elizabeth. 
 
 The French indeed, from this period until the 
 conclufion of the war before laO, laid a claim to, 
 and adlually pofTefTed Canada, and Louifiana ; 
 comprehending all that extenfive inland country, 
 reaching from HudfonVBay, on the north, to 
 Mexico and the gulph of the fame name, on the 
 fouth. But, in that war, they were not only 
 driven from Canada and its dependencies, but 
 obliged to relinquifli all that part of Louifiana 
 lying on the eall: fide of the Mifliffippi. And 
 thus the British colonies were preferved, fecured, 
 and extended fo far, as to render it difficult to 
 afcertain the precife bounds of the empire of 
 Great-Britain in North-America. To the north- 
 ward they might hare extended their claims quite 
 to the pole itldf, nor did any nation feem in- 
 clined to difpute the property of this northern- 
 mofl country with them. From that extremity 
 they had a territory extending fouthward, to 
 Cape Florida in the Gulph of Mexico, N. Lat. 
 25°, and confequently near 4000 miles long in 
 a direfl line. And to the weftward, their boun- 
 daries reached to nations unknown even to the 
 Indians of Canada. 
 
 Of the revolution that has fince taken place, 
 by which a great part of thofe territories has 
 been torn from the Britidi empire, the hiflory 
 follows in the next book. 
 
 HISTORT 
 
H I s r o R r 
 
 OF THE 
 
 ::^nienca« 3lSlelj0ltttiott. 
 
 BOOK 11. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 Sfale and CharaHer of the BrltiJJj Colonies at the 
 end of the War, 17 6S-^Caufe of the Di/lurb^ 
 ances — Proceedings in the Colonies^ previous to 
 the Commencement cf HoJ}ilitles> 
 
 o 
 
 F the rife and edablifhmenc of this re- 
 public, which has given a new face to the wefl- 
 ern world, a fuccinft and impartial narrative 
 ihall in this article be attempted ; in which, how- 
 ever, we cannot hope entirel)' to avoid errors, 
 as they are perhaps unavoidable. The accounts 
 from which the hiftorian muft derive his infor- 
 mation are not yet cleared from the miftakes of 
 
 prejudice 
 
240 GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 prejudice, and the fabrications of Party ; when 
 they differ, their comparative authenticity is with 
 difficulty afcertained ; and they want, above all, 
 that foftening which they can receive from time 
 alone. 
 
 The beginnings even of the moft celebrated 
 political inftitutions of the old world, are gene- 
 rally involved in fable and obfcurity : The bar- 
 barous manners of favage tribes in the early and 
 uncultivated flate of fociety, renders the refearch- 
 es of the hiftorian painful and unfatisfaflory. 
 Very different were the circumftances which gave 
 birth to this new republic, which at a future pe- 
 riod, bids fair to furpafs even the fplendor of 
 Rome. 
 
 The flate of the Britidi colonies at the conclu- 
 ficn of the war in 1763, was fuch as artra6led 
 the attention of all the politicians hi Europe. 
 Their flourifhlng condition at that period was re- 
 markable and ftriking ; their trade had profpered 
 in the midft of all the difficulties and diftrefles of 
 a war in which they were fo nearly and {o im- 
 mediately concerned. Their population conti- 
 nued on the increafe, notwithfianding the rava- 
 ges and depredations that had been {o fiercely 
 carried on by the French, and the native Indians 
 in their alliance. They abounded with fpirited 
 and a£live individuals of all denominations. They 
 were (iufhed with the uncommon profperity that 
 had attended them in their commercial affairs 
 and military tranfaiSlions. Hence they were 
 ready for all kind of undertakings, and faw no 
 limits to their hopes and expectations. 
 
 As they entertained the highefl opinion of 
 their value and importance, and of the immenlb 
 
 bent'Mt 
 
OF AMERICA. 2il 
 
 b3nefitthat Britain derived from its conneflion 
 with them, their notions were adequately high 
 in their own favour. They deemed themfelves, 
 not without reafon, entitled to every kindnefs 
 and indulgence which the mother country could 
 beflow. 
 
 Although their pretenilons did not amount to 
 a perfedl equality of advantages and privileges in 
 matters of commerce, yet in thofe of govern- 
 ment they thought themfelves fully competent to 
 the tafk of condvKfting their domeftic concerns, 
 with little or no interference from abroad. 
 Though willing to admit the fupremacy of Great 
 Britain, they viewed it with a fufiVicious eye and 
 with a marked defire to reftrain it within its flridl 
 conHitutional boundaries. 
 
 Their improvements in all the nccefTary and 
 iifeful arts did honor to their induftry and inge- 
 nuity. Though they did not live in the luxury 
 of Europe, they had all the folid and fubftantial 
 enjoyments of life, and were not unacquainted 
 with many of its elegancies and refinements. 
 
 A circumflance much to their praife is, that 
 notwithflanding their peculiar addi<flion to ihofe 
 occupations of which lucre is the fole objeff, 
 they were duly attentive to cultivate the field of 
 learning ; and they have, ever fmce their firil 
 foundation, been particularly careful to provide 
 for the education of the rifing progeny. 
 
 rheir vaft augmentation of internal trade and 
 external commerce, was not merely owing to 
 their pofition and facility of communication with 
 other parts : it arofe alf • fro m their natural turn 
 and temper, full of fchemes and projedts ; ever 
 
 aiming 
 X 2 
 
242 GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 aiming at new difcoverles, and continually em- 
 ployed in the fearch of the means of improving 
 their condition. 
 
 Their condition carried them into every quar- 
 ter from whence proilt could be derived. There 
 was fcarcely any part of the American hemifphere 
 to which they had not extended their navigation. 
 They were continually exploring new fources of 
 trade, and were found in every fpot where bufi- 
 nefs could be tranfaded. 
 
 To this extenfive and incefTant application to 
 commerce, they added an equal vigilance in the 
 adminiftration of their affairs at home. What- 
 ever could conduce to the amelioration of the 
 foil they poffefled, to the progrefs of agriculture, 
 or to the improvement of their domeftic circum- 
 flances, was attended to with fo much labour 
 and care, that it may be Ibiftly fa.id that Nature 
 had given them nothing of which they did not 
 make the mod. 
 
 In the midft of this folicltude and toil in mat- 
 ters of bufinefs, the affairs of government were 
 conduced with fteadinefs, prudence, and lenity, 
 feldom experienced, and never exceeded, in the 
 beft regulated countries of Europe. 
 
 Such was ihe fituation of the Britifti colonies 
 in general throughout North-America, and of 
 the New-England provinces in particular, when 
 the pacification above-mentioned opened one of 
 the mod remarkable fcenes that ever commanded 
 the attention of the world. 
 
 In treating of the American revolution, it has 
 become a fafliion with the Englifh writers to 
 afcribe that event to the fuccefsful intrigues of 
 the French government. Inftead of contemplat- 
 ing 
 
OF AMERICA. 243 
 
 ing it, with the charaiHieriftic philofophy of 
 their country, as the refuh of the contcU between 
 the defire of power, and the abhorrence of op- 
 preffion, they have fought the origin of the evil 
 in any fource rather than their own mifcondudl ; 
 and have endeavoured at once, to hufii the re- 
 proaches of their political confcience, and to gra- 
 tify the cravings of their national anlmoilty, in 
 wild conjectures of a fcheme formed by their 
 neighbours to divide the Britifli Empire, and in 
 declamatory inveftives againfl the Gallic faith 
 and honour. Thus it has been repeatedly avert- 
 ed, that the French having long viewed, with 
 equal envy and apprehenlion, the flourifhing 
 flate of the colonies which Britain had founded 
 in America, began immediately alter the peace of 
 Paris, to carry into execution their projeft for 
 feparating thofe colonies from the mother coun- 
 try. Secret emifTaries, it is faid, were employed 
 in fpreading dj (TatisfaClion among the colonies ; 
 and the effecTts produced by thefe machinating 
 fpirits are defcribed to have been a rapid diminu- 
 tion of that peculiar warmth of attachment, 
 which the inhabitants of North-America had 
 hitherto demonftrated for the mother country ; 
 the excitement of a jealoufy which led them to 
 view her rather in the light of a fovereign than 
 of a parent j and the introdu6lion of a hoflile 
 policy which taught them to examine, with a 
 fcrupulous nicety, the nature of thofe ties that 
 rendered them parts of her empire. That fuch 
 emiffaries were ever employed, is a h6t unfup- 
 ported by any document which the purity of 
 hiflorical truth can admit ; and although the ef- 
 fe(fts here defcribed, have certainly appeared, it 
 
 mull 
 
2U GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 murt be remembered that their appearance fol- 
 lowed, but did not precede, the attempts ot 
 Britain upon the rights and liberties of America. 
 By mere artifice and addrefs to have alienated 
 the affetftions of the colonifts from their mother 
 coimtry, at the clofe of a war in which their 
 interefts and feelings had been interwoven with 
 more than ufual ftrength and energy, was a talk 
 of infinite difficulty ; not furely to be accompllfh- 
 ed in the Ihort period between the declaration of 
 peace in 1763, and the promulgation of the firft 
 obnoxious afls of the Brinfn parliament in 1764. 
 But, if we trace thefe efFecTts to another caufe, to 
 a love of liberty, and a quick fenfe of injury, 
 their appearance will be natural and jufl ; con- 
 fident with the American character, and corref- 
 ponding with the conduft which was difplayed 
 in all the viciffitudes that attended the revolt. 
 
 In March, 1764, a bill was pafTed, by which 
 heavy duties were laid on goods imported by the 
 colonics from fuch Weft-Iudia Ifiands as did 
 not belong to Great Britain ; at the fame time 
 that thefe duties were to be paid into the exche- 
 quer in fpecie *, and in the fame feffion, another 
 bill was framed to retrain the currency of paper 
 money in the colonies themfelves. Not only the 
 principle of taxation, but the mode of collecflioa 
 was confidered as an unconfiitutional and op- 
 preflive innovation *, for the penalties incurred by 
 an infradlion of the a<5ls of parliament, might be 
 recovered in the courts of admiralty before a 
 fingle judge (whofe falary was the fruit of the 
 forfeitures he decreed) without trial by jury, 
 or any of the other benefits of common law 
 jurifprudence. Thefe aifls coming fo clofe to 
 
 each 
 
OF AMERICA. 245 
 
 each other threw the whole continent into the 
 utmoftfferment. Vehement remonil ranees were 
 made to the miniriry, and every argument made 
 ufe of, that realbn or ingenuity could fugged, 
 but to no purpofe. Their realbning, however, 
 convinced a great number of people in Britain ; 
 and thus the American caufe came to be confi- 
 dered as the caufe of liberty. 
 
 The Americans, finding all argumentation 
 vain, at laft united in an agreement to import no 
 more of the manufadlures of Great Britain, but 
 to encourage to the urmoft of their power every 
 thing of that kind among themfelves. Thus the 
 Britidi manufacturers alfo became a party againft 
 the miniftry, and did not fail to exprefs their re- 
 fentment in the ftrongeft terms ; but the miniftry 
 were not to be fo eafily daunted, and therefore 
 proceeded to the laft ftep of their intended plan, 
 which was to lay on flamp duties throughout the 
 continent. Previous to this indeed^ feveral re- 
 gulations were pafTed in favour of the commerce 
 of the colonies ; but they had now imbibed fuch 
 unfavourable fentiments of the Britidi miniftry, 
 that they paid very little regard to any thing pre- 
 tended to be done in their favour •, or if thefe 
 a6ls made any favourable impredion, it was 
 quickly obliierated by the news of the ftamp-acSl. 
 The reafon given for this aft, fo exceedingly ob- 
 noxious, was, that a fum might be raifed fuffici- 
 ent for the defence of the colonies againfl: a fo- 
 reign enemy ; but this pretence was To far from 
 giving any fatisfafiion to the Americans, that it 
 excited their indignation to the utmoft degree. 
 They not only alTerted that they v/ere abundant- 
 ly able to defend themfelves againft any foreign 
 
 enemy, 
 
246 GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 enemy, but denied that the Britifh parliament 
 had any right to tax rhem at all. 
 
 It would be fuperfluous to enter into any argu- 
 ments ufed by the contending parties on this im- 
 portant occafion. It was evident that the matter 
 was not to be decided by argument, but by force 
 of arms ; and the Biitifh miniftry, too confident 
 of the authority and power of that country, 
 determined to carry on matters with an high 
 hand, to terrify the colonifts into an implicit fub- 
 je(flion, or, if that would not do, to compel them 
 to it by force. The ftamp-afl, after a violent 
 oppofition in parliament, was pafTed, and its re- 
 ception in America was fuch as might have beea 
 expe(rted. The news, and the a<ft itfelf, firft 
 arrived at Bofton, where the bells were muffled 
 and rung a funeral peal. The a6l was firft 
 hawked about the ftreets with a Death's head, 
 affixed to ir, and Ayled the " Folly of England, 
 and the Ruin of America •,'' and afterwards pub- 
 licly burnt by the enraged populace : The ftamps 
 themfelves were feized and deftroyed, unlefs 
 brought by men of war, or kept in fortified 
 places ; thole who were to receive the ftamp du- 
 ties were compelled to refign their offices ; and 
 luch of the Americans as fided with government 
 on this occafion, had their houfes plundered and 
 defiroyed. 
 
 Though thefe outrages were committed by 
 the multitude, they were firft connived at by 
 thofe of fuperior rank, and the principles on 
 which they were founded afterwards openly pa- 
 tronized by them ; and the do6lrine became ge- 
 neral and openly avowed, that Britain had no 
 
 right 
 
OF AMERICA. 247 
 
 right whatever to tax the colonies without their 
 own confent. 
 
 It was now found abfoJutely necefTary either 
 to yield to the Americans, by repealing the ob- 
 noxious flatutes, or to enforce 'them by arms. 
 The ferment had diiFufed itfelf univerfally 
 throughout the colonies. Virginia firft, and af- 
 ter that all the reflr of the provinces,, declared 
 againft the right of Britain to lay on taxes in 
 America ; and that every attempt to vefl others 
 with this power befides the king, or the gover- 
 nor of the province and his general aOembly, was 
 illegal, unconftirutional, and unjuft. Non-impor- 
 tation agreements were every where entered in- 
 to ; and it was even refolved to prevent the fale 
 of any more Britifh goods after the prefent year. 
 American manufaaures, though dearer as well 
 as inferior in quality to the Britifli, were uni- 
 verfally preferred. An affociation was entered 
 into againft eating of lamb, in order to promote 
 the growth of wool ; and the ladies with cheer- 
 fulnefs agreed to renounce the ufe of every fpe- 
 cies of ornament manufa<5lured in Britain. Such 
 a general and alarming confederacy determined 
 the miniftry to repeal fome of the moft obnox- 
 ious ftatutes ; and to this they were the more in- 
 clined by a petition from the'firft American con- 
 grefs, held at New- York in the bemnning of 
 Oaober 17S5. ^ ^ 
 
 The ftamp-adl was therefore repealed, to the 
 univerfal joy of the Americans, and indeed to 
 the general fatisfadlion of the Englifli, whofe 
 manufaflures had begun to fufFer very feverely 
 in confequence of the American affociation, 
 againft them. The difputes on the fubjea with- 
 out 
 
248 GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 out doors, however, were by no means fi'.enced, 
 but each party continued to argoe the cafe as vi- 
 olently as ever. The celebnued Dr Brnjcimin 
 Franklin was, on this occalion examined before 
 the Houfe of Commons •, and his opinion was in 
 fubftance as follows : 
 
 <* That the tax in queftion was imprafticable 
 and ruinous. The very attempt had fo far ali- 
 enated the affeflion of the coloniesj that they be- 
 haved in a lefs friendly manner towards the na- 
 tives of England than before; confidering the 
 whole nation as confpiring again ft their liberty, 
 and the parliament as willing rather to opprefs 
 than to fupport and aflift them. America, in 
 facTl, did not ftand in any need of Britifh raanu- 
 faflures, having already begun to conftruft fuch 
 as might be deemed abiolutely neceffary, and 
 that with fuch fuccefs, as left no doubt of their 
 arriving in a (hort time at perfedlion. The ele- 
 gancies of drefs had already been renounced for 
 manufadlures of the American kind, though 
 much inferior ; and the bulk of the people, con- 
 fifting of farmers, were fwch as could in no way 
 be affected by the want of Britifh commodities, 
 as having every neceflary within themfelves. 
 Materials of all kinds were to be had in great 
 plenty •, the wool was fine ; flax grew in great 
 abundance; and iron was eveiy where to be met 
 with." 
 
 The doaor alfo infifted. That " the Ameri- 
 cans had been greatly mifreprefcnted ; that they 
 had been traduced as void of gratitude and affec- 
 tion for the parent ftate; than which nothing 
 could be more contrary to truth. In the war of 
 1755 they had, at their own cxpenfe, raifed an 
 
 army 
 
OF AMERICA. 24.9 
 
 army of 25,000 men •, and in that of 1739, they 
 afTifted the Britifh expeditions againft South- 
 America with feveral thoufand men, and had made 
 many brave exertions againft the French in North 
 America. It was faid that the war of 1755 had 
 been undertaken in the defence of the colonies ; 
 but the truth was, that it originated from a con- 
 teft about the limits between Canada and Nova- 
 Scotia, and in defence of the Englifli rights to 
 trade on the Ohio. The Americans, however, 
 would flill continue to s.£t with their ufuai fide- 
 lity ; and, were any war to break out in which 
 they had no concern, they would iliow them- 
 felves as ready as ever to affift the parent flate 
 to the utmoft of their power, and would never 
 fail to manifeft their readinefs in contributing to 
 ihe emergencies of government when called to 
 do {o in a regular and conftitutional manner." 
 
 The miniftry were confcious, that in repealing 
 this obnoxious a6l, they yielded to the Ameri- 
 cans ; and therefore, to fupport, as they thought, 
 the dignity of Great Britain, it was judged pro- 
 per to publifh a declaratory bill, fetting forth 
 the authority of the mother-country over her 
 colonies, and her power to bind them by laws 
 and ftatutes in all cafes ivhatever. This much 
 diminiflied the joy with which the repeal of the 
 flamp-a(5l was received in America. It was con- 
 fidered as a proper reafon to enforce any claims 
 equally prejudicial with the ftamp-a6l, which 
 might hereafter be fet up \ a fpirit of jealoufy 
 pervaded the whole continent, and a ftrong party 
 was formed, watchful on every occafion to 
 guard againft the encroachments of the Britifti 
 power. 
 
 Y It 
 
'250 GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 It was not long before an occafion offered, in 
 "which the Americans manifefied a fpirit of in- 
 dependency ; and that inllead of being bound 
 by the Eritiih legillature in all cafes, ihey would 
 not be controled by it in the moft trivial affairs. 
 The Rockingham minlHry, had pafTed an a6^, 
 providing the troops (tationed in different parts 
 of the colonies with fuch accommodations as 
 were necefTary for them. The. afTembly of New 
 York, however, took upon them to alter the 
 mode of execution prefcribed by the aift of par- 
 liament, and to fubftitute one of their own. This 
 gave very great offence to the new miniflry, and 
 rendered them, though compofed of thofe who 
 had been a61ive againft the llamp-bill, lefs fa- 
 vourable to the colonies than in all probability 
 they would otherwife have been. An unlucky 
 circumftance at the fame time occurred, which 
 threw every thing once more into confufion. 
 One of the new miniftry, Mr. Charles Townf- 
 hend, having declared that he could find a way 
 of taxing the Americans without giving offence, 
 was called upon to propofe his plan. This was 
 by impofing a duty upon tea, paper, painters 
 colours, and glafs imported into America. The 
 condu(5l of the New York affembly, rcfpecling 
 the troops, and that of Bofton, which had pro- 
 ceeded in a flmilar manner, caufed this bill to 
 meet with lefs oppofition than otherwife it m.ight 
 have done. As a punitliment to the refraf^ory 
 affemblies, the legiflative power was taken from 
 that of New York, until it fhould fully comply 
 with the terms of the a^l. That of iJofton at 
 laft fubmitted with reludtancc. Ihe bill for the 
 
 new 
 
OF AMERICA. 2.51 
 
 new taxes was quickly palTed, and feat to Anae- 
 rica in 1768. 
 
 A ferment much greater than that occafioned 
 by the flamp-afl now took place throughout the 
 continent. The populace renewed their out- 
 rages, and thofe of iuperior Nation entered into 
 regular afrociations againfl it. Circular letters 
 were fent from MafTichufetts colony to all the 
 reH:, fetting forth the injuftice and impropriety 
 of the behaviour of the Britifh legiflature. Meet- 
 ings were held in all the principal towns, in 
 which it was propofed to ieffen the confumption 
 of foreign manufa<ftures, by giving proper en- 
 couragement to their own. Continual difputcs 
 cni'ued betwixt the governors and general affem- 
 blies of their provinces, which were much%heigh- 
 tened by a letter from lord Shelburne to gover- 
 nor Bernard of MafTachufetts-Bay, containing 
 complaints of the people he governed. The af- 
 fembly exafperated to the highefl degree, charg.-^d 
 their governor with having mifreprefented them 
 to the court of Britain, required him to produce 
 copies of the letters he had fent ; and, on his 
 refufal, wrote letters to the EngllQi minillry, ac- 
 cuiing him of mifreprefentntion and partiality, 
 complaining at die fame time mof\ grievoufly cf 
 the proceedings of parliamenr, as utterly fubver- 
 five of the liberties of America, and the rights 
 of BritiHi fabjec1:s. 
 
 The governor, at a lofs liow to defend him- 
 ielf, prorogued the affembly ; and in his fpcech 
 on the occafion, gave a loofe to his refentmcnt, 
 accufing the members of ambitious dcfigns, in- 
 compatible with ihofe of dutiful and loyal fub- 
 je^ls. To counteraift the circular letter of the 
 
 province 
 
252 GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 province of MafTachufetts-Bay, Lord Killfbo- 
 rough, fecretary for the American department, 
 lent another to the governors of the different co- 
 lonies, reprobating the other as full of mifrepre- 
 fentation, and tending to excite a rebellion againfl 
 the authority of the parent (late. 
 
 Matters now hadened to a crifls. The -go- 
 vernor had been ordered to proceed with vigour, 
 and by no means to (how any difpofition to yield 
 to the people as formerly. In particular they 
 were defired to refcind that refoluiion by which 
 tliey had written the circular letter above men- 
 tioned j and, in cafe of a refufld, it was told 
 them, that they would be dilToIved. As this 
 letter had been framed by the refokuions of a 
 former houfe, they defired, after a week's con- 
 fultation, that a recefs might be granted to con- 
 fult with their conflituents ; but this being re- 
 fufed, they came to a determination, 92 againft 
 17, to adhere to the refolurion which produced 
 the circular letter. At the fame time a letter 
 was fent to Lord Hillsborough, and a mefTjge 
 to the governor, in judification of their proceed- 
 ings. In both they cxprcfTjd themfelves with 
 fuch freedom as u'a-s by no means calculated to 
 accord with the fentimcnts of thofe in power. 
 They iiifilled that they had a right to communi- 
 cate their fentiments to their fellow fubjedfs upon 
 matters of fuch importance ; complained of the 
 requifition' to ref/md the circular letter as un- 
 coaOimtional and uajui\ ; and particularly in- 
 fixed, that they were reprtfcnted as harbouring 
 Seditious defigu.s, when they were doing nothing 
 but what was lawful and right. At the fame 
 time they condemned the bte atfts of parliament 
 
 ac; 
 
OF AMERICA. 255 
 
 i.s highly opprefTive and fubverfive of liberty. 
 The whole was concluded wiih a lift of accufa- 
 tions againft their governor, reprefenting him^ as 
 unfit to continue in his fiction, and petitioning 
 the king for his removal from it. 
 
 Theie proceedings were followed by a violent 
 tumult at Bofton. A veffel belonging to a capi- 
 tal trader had been feized in confequence of his 
 having neglected fome of the new regulations 5 
 i'lnd being taken under the prote£lion ot a man of 
 war iit that time lying in the harbour, the popu- 
 lace attacked the hoiifes of the commilTioners of 
 excife, broke their windows, deftroyed the col- 
 le(5^or's boats and obliged the cuftom-houfe of- 
 ficers to take refuge in "Caftle William, fituated 
 at the entrance of the harbour. 
 
 The governor now took the laft ftep in his 
 power to put a ftop to the violent proceedings 
 of his affembly, by dilTolving it entirely ; but 
 this was of little moment. Their behaviour had 
 been highly approved by the other colonies, who 
 had written letrcrs to them expreHive of their ap- 
 probation. After the dinblution of the afR-mbiy, 
 frequent meetings of the people were held in 
 Boilon, which ended in a remonftrance to the 
 governor, to the fame purpofe as fome of the 
 tormer-, but concluding with a requefl, that he 
 would take upon him to order the king's (hips 
 oat of the harbour. 
 
 While the difpofition of the Boftonians was 
 thus more and more irritated, news arrived that 
 the agent for the colony had not been allowed to 
 leliver their petition to the king; it having been 
 >b:e<fte'.jj that the aflembly without the governor 
 
 X 2 
 
254.' GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 was not fufficient authority. This did not con- 
 tribute to allay the ferment ♦, a.nd it was further 
 augmented by the news that a number of troops 
 had been ordered to repair to Bofton, to lieep 
 the inhabitants in awe. 
 
 A dreadful alarm now took place. The peo- 
 ple called on the governor to convene a general 
 alTembly, in order to remove their fears of the 
 military ; who, they faid, were to be aflembJed 
 to overthrow their liberiies, and force obedience 
 to laws to which they were entirely avcrfc. The 
 governor replied, it was no longer in his power 
 to call an aflembly -, having, in his lafl inltruflions 
 from England, been required to wait the king's 
 orders, the matter being then under confidera- 
 tion at home. ^ Being thus refufed, the people 
 took upon themfclves the formation of an afTem- 
 bly, which they called a conventiotu The pro- 
 ceedings and refblutions of this body naturally 
 partook of the temper and difpofition of the late 
 aflembly ; but they went a Aep farther, and hav- 
 ing voted " that there is apprehenfion in the 
 minds of many of an approaching rupture with 
 France," requefted the inhabitants to put them- 
 ielves in a poflure of defence agalnft any fudden 
 attack of an enemy *, and circular letters were 
 directed to all the towns in the province, ac- 
 quainting them with the refolutions that had 
 been taken in the capital, and exhorting them 
 to proceed in the fame manner. The town of 
 Hatfield alone refufed its concurrence. The 
 convention, however, thought proper to aflure 
 the governor of their pacific intentions, and re- 
 newed their requeft that an aflembly might be 
 called j but being refufed any audience, and 
 
 threatened 
 
OF AMERICA. 255 
 
 threatened with being treated as rebels, they at 
 laft thought proper to difiblve of themfclves, and 
 lent over to Britain a circumftantial account of 
 their proceedings, with the reafon of their hav- 
 ing affembled in the manner already mentioned. 
 The expe£led troops arrived on the very day 
 on which the convention broke up, and had 
 Ibme houfes in the town fitted up for their re- 
 ception. Their arrival had a confiderabie influ- 
 ence on the people, and for fome time feemed to 
 put a ftop to their difturbances ; but the fpirit of 
 the people was now fo much roufed, that it was 
 impoflible to quench the flame. The 'ate outra- 
 geous behaviour in Bofton had given the greatell 
 offence in England -, and, notwithifanding all the 
 efforts of oppofition, an addrefs from both houfes 
 of parliament was prefented to the king; in 
 which the behaviour of the colony of Madachu- 
 ietts-Bay was fet forth in the moff ample man- 
 ner, and the mofl vigorous meafures recom- 
 mended for reducing them to obedience. The 
 Americans, however, continued ftedfafl in the 
 ideas they had adopted. Though the troops 
 liad for fome lime quieted the diilurbances, yet 
 the calm continued no longer than they appear- 
 ed refpedfable on account of their number ; but 
 as foon as this was diminiHiied by the departure 
 of a large detachment, the remainder were treat- 
 ed w'ith contempt, and it was even refolved to 
 expel them altogether. The country people took 
 up arms for this purpofe, and were to have af- 
 fiiled their friends in Bof^on ; but before this 
 defign could be put in execution, an event hap- 
 pened v/hich put an end to every idea of recon- 
 ciliation betwixt the contending parties. 
 
 On 
 
256 GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 On the 5th of 06lober 1770, a fcuffle happen- 
 ed between the foldiers and a party of the town's 
 people. The inhabitants poured in from all 
 quarters to the alliftance of their fellow-citizens : 
 a violent tumult enfued, during which the mili- 
 tary fired upon the mob, killing and wounding 
 fcveral of them. The whole province now arofe 
 in arms, and the foldiers were obliged to retire 
 •to Caftle William to prevent their being cut in 
 pieces. Let it be remembered, however, to the 
 praife of American virtue, that, on the trial, not- 
 withftanding popular prejudice and apprehen- 
 sion, the captain and fix of the men were ac- 
 quitted, two men only being found guilty of 
 manflaughter. In other refpefls the determina- 
 tions of the Americans continued, if poflible, 
 more firm than ever, until at lafl government, de- 
 termining to a<5f with vigour, and at the fame 
 time to behave with as much condefccnfjon as 
 pofTible, without abandoning their principles, 
 repealed all the duties lately laid on, that of tea 
 alone excepted. This was left on purpofc to 
 maintain the dignity of the crown of Britain ; 
 and ft was thought that it could not be produc- 
 tive of any difconterit in America, as being an 
 affair of very little moment-, the produce of which 
 was not expecled to exceed L. 16,000. The 
 oppofition, however, were ftrenuous in their en- 
 deavours to get this tax likewife abrogated ; in- 
 i1 fling that the Americans would confider it only 
 as an inlet to others ; and that the repeal of all 
 the reft, without this would anfwer no good pur- 
 pofe. The event fliowed that their opinion was 
 well founded. The Americans oppofed the tea- 
 tax with the fame violence as they had done all 
 
 the 
 
OF AMERICA. 257 
 
 the reft : and at laft, on the news that falaries 
 had been fettled on the juftices of the fnpcrior 
 court at Bo0on, the governor \vas addreffed on 
 the fubje^t; the meafure was condemned in the 
 flrongell terms ; and a committee fele6led out of 
 the fevcral diftri^ls of the colony appointed to 
 inquire into it. 
 
 The new affembly proceeded in the mofl for- 
 mal manner to difavow the fupremacy of the 
 Britifli legiflature \ and accufed the parliament of 
 Britain of having violated the natural rights of 
 Americans in a number of inftances. Copies of 
 the tranfa<5lions of this aflTemhjy were tranfmitted 
 to every town in MafFachufctus, exhorting the 
 inhabitants to roufe themfelve*, and exert every 
 nerve in oppofition to the iron-hand of oppref^ 
 fion, which was daily tearing the choiceft fruits 
 from the fair tree of liberty. The di{lurbances 
 were alfo greatly heightened by an accidental 
 diicovery that Mr. Hatchinfon, governor of 
 MaikKhufetts-Bay, had written feveral confiden- 
 tial letters to people In power in England, com- 
 plaining of the behaviour of the province, recom- 
 mending vigorous meafures againft them, and, 
 raiiong other things, afferting, that " there muif 
 be an abridgment of what is called Britifh 
 liberty." Letters of this kind had fallen into the 
 hands of the agent for the colony at London. 
 They were immediately tranfmitted to Boflon, 
 where the afiembly was fitting, by whom they 
 were laid before the governor, who was thus re- 
 duced to a very mortifying fitnation. Lo/ing 
 every idea of refpe^l or friendfliip for him as 
 their governor, they inftantly defpatched a peti- 
 tion to the king, rec^uefting him to remove the 
 
 governor 
 
258 GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 governor and deputy-governor from their places, 
 but to this they not only received no favourable 
 anfwer, but the petition iifelf was declared 
 groundlefs and fcandalous. 
 
 Matters were now ripe for the utmoft extre- 
 mities on the part of the Americans \ and they 
 were brought on in the following manner. 
 Though the colonies had entered into a non-im- 
 portation agreement rgainii: tea as well as all 
 other commodities from Britain, it had neverthe- 
 lefs found its way into America, though in fmall- 
 er quantity than before. This was fenfibly felt 
 by the Eall-India Company, who had now agreed 
 to pay a large fum annually to government in 
 recompence for which compliance, and to make 
 up their lofTes in other refpe<fls, they were em- 
 powered to export their tea free from any 
 duty payable in Britain •, and in confcquence of 
 this perm/iilion, feveral (liips freighted with the 
 commodity were fent to North-America, and 
 proper agents appointed for difpofing of it. The 
 Americans now perceiving that the tax was thus 
 likely to be enforced whether they would or not, 
 determined to take every pofTible method to pre- 
 vent the lea from being landed, as well knowing 
 that it would be impolTible to hinder the fale, 
 fliould the commodity once be brought on fhore. 
 For this purpofe the people afTenibled in great 
 numbers, forcing thofe to whom the tea was con- 
 figned to refign their offices, and to promife {o- 
 lemnly never to refume them •, and committees 
 were appointed to examine the accounts of mer- 
 chants, and make public tefts, declaring fuch as 
 would not take them, enemies to their country. 
 Nor was this behaviour confined to the colony 
 
 uf 
 
OF AMERICA. 259 
 
 of MafTachiifetts-Bay ; the reft of the provinces 
 entered into the contefk with the fame warmth, 
 and manifefted the fame refolation to oppofe this 
 invafion of their righis. 
 
 In the midft of this confufion, three fhips laden 
 with tea arrived in Bofton ; but fo much were 
 the captains alarmed at the difpofition which 
 Teemed to prevail among the people, that they 
 offered, providing they could obtain the proper 
 difcharges from the tea coniignees, cuftom-houfe, 
 and governor, to return to Britain without land- 
 ing their cargoes. The parties concerned, how- 
 ever, though they durft not order the tea to be 
 landed, refufed to grant the difcharges required. 
 The rhips, therefore, would have been obliged 
 to remain in the harbour ; but the people appre- 
 henfive that if they remained there the tea would 
 be landed in fmall quantities and difpofed of in 
 fpite of every endeavour to prevent ir, refolved 
 to deftroy it at once. This refolution was exe- 
 cuted with equal fpeed and fecrecy. Th2 very 
 evening after the abovementioned difcharges had 
 been refufed, a number of people drefted like 
 Mohawk Indians boarded -the (liips, and threw 
 into the fea their whole cargoes, confiding of 
 342 cherts of tea ; after which they retired with- 
 out making any further difturbance, or doing any 
 other damage. No tea was deftroyed in other 
 places, though the fame fpirit was every where 
 manifefted. At Philadelphia the pilots were en- 
 joined not to condu(ft: the vefTels up the river j 
 and at New-York, though the governor caufed 
 fome tea to be landed under the prote6lion of a 
 man of war, he was obliged to deliver it up to 
 
 the 
 
260 GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 the cuflocly of the people to prevent its being 
 ibid. 
 
 The deftru£lion of the tea at Bofton, which 
 happened in November 1775, was the immediate 
 prelude to the difafters attending civil difcord. 
 Government finding themfelvcs every where in- 
 fuhed and defpifed, refblved to enforce their au- 
 thority by all pofTiblc means ; and, as Bofton: 
 had been the principal Icene of the riots and 
 outrages, it was determined to punifh that city 
 in an exemplary manner. Parliament was ac- 
 quainted by a mefTage from his majefty with the 
 undutiful behaviour of the city of Boflon, as 
 well as of all the colonies, recommending at the 
 fame time the moft vigorous and fpirited exer- 
 tions to reduce them to obedience. The parlia- 
 ment in its addrefs promifed a ready compliance ; 
 and, indeed, the Americans feemed now to have 
 loll; many of their partifans. It was propofed 
 to lay a fine on the town of Bofton equal to the 
 price of the tea which had been deftroyed, and 
 to (hut up its port by armed vefiTcls until the 
 refrac^tory fpirit oi the inhabitants (hould be 
 iubdued 5 which, it was thought, mufl: quickly 
 yield, as a total flop would thus be put to their 
 trade. The bill was Arongly oppofed on the 
 fame grounds that the other had been-, audit 
 was prcdifted, that, inlkad of having any ten- 
 dency to reconcile or fubdue the Americans, it 
 would infallibly exal'perate them beyond any 
 pofiibility of a reconciliation. The petitions 
 againft it, prefenled by the colony's agent, point- 
 ed out the lame confequence in the ftrongeft 
 terms* and in the moft pofidve manner declared 
 that the Americans never would fabmit to it ; 
 
 but 
 
OF AMERICA. 261 
 
 but fuch was the infatuation attending every 
 rank and degree of men, that it never was ima- 
 gined the Americans would dare to refift the 
 parent ftate openly, but would in the end fubmit 
 implicitly to her command?. In this confidence, 
 a third bill was propofed for the impartial adml- 
 niftration of juftice on fuch perfons as might be 
 employed in the fuppreffion of riots and tumults 
 in the province of MafTachufetts-Bay. By this 
 a<5l it was provided, that (hould any perfons adl- 
 ing in that capacity be indi6fed for murder, and 
 not able to obtain a fair trial in the province, 
 they might be fent by the governor to England, 
 or to fome other colony, if neceflary, to be tried 
 for the fuppofed crime. 
 
 Thefe three bills having p&fTed fo eafily, the 
 miniflry propofed a fourth, reladve to the go- 
 vernment of Canada ; which, it was faid, had not 
 yet been fettled on any proper plan. By this 
 bill the extent of that province was greatly en- 
 larged i its affairs were put under the diredlioa 
 of a council in which Roman Catholics were to 
 be admitted ; the Roman Catholic clergy were 
 fecured in their poffeffions and the ufual perqui- 
 fites from thofe of their own profeflion, The 
 council above mentioned were to be appointed 
 by the crown ; to be removeable at its pleafure ; 
 and to be inverted with every Icgiflative power, 
 excepting that of taxation. 
 
 No fooner were thefe laws made known in 
 America, than they cemented the union of the 
 colonies almofl beyond any poflibility of oi/folv- 
 ing it. The affembly of Maffachufetts-Bay had 
 palfed a vote againft the judges accepting fala- 
 
 ries 
 Z 
 
262 GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 lies from the crown, and put the queftuon, Whe- 
 ther thev wou'd accept them as ufual from the 
 general dflembly ? Four anfwered in the affir- 
 mative; but Peter 0:iver, 'he chief- juftice, re- 
 fufed. A petition againfl him, and an accufa- 
 tion, were brought before the governor-, but 
 the latter refufed the accufation, and declined to 
 interfere in the matter ; but as they Oill infilled 
 for juftice againft Mr. Oliver, the governor 
 thought proper to put an end to the matter by 
 diffolving the affembly. 
 
 In this fituation of affairs, a new alarm was 
 occafioned by the news of the port-bill. This 
 had been totally unexpe<fl:cd, and was received 
 with the moft extravagant exprefTions of dif- 
 pleafure among the populace, and while thefe 
 continued, the new governor. General Gage, 
 arrived from England. He had been chofen to 
 this office, on account of his being well acquaint- 
 ed with America, and generally agreeable to the 
 people ; but human wifdom could not now point 
 out a method by which the flame could be allay- 
 ed. The firrt aft of his office as governor, was 
 to remove the affembly to Salem, a town 17 
 miles diflant, in conlequence of the late aft. 
 When this was intimated to the affembly, they 
 replied by requeuing him to^ppoint a day for 
 public humiliation for deprecating the wrath of 
 heaven, but met with a refufal. When met at 
 Salem, they paffed a refolution, declaring the 
 neceffity of a general congrefs, compofed of de- 
 legates from all the provinces, in order to take 
 the affairs of the colonies at large into confidera- 
 tion ; and five gentlemen remarkable for their op- 
 pofitioa to the Britifh meafures, were chofen to 
 
 reprefent 
 
OF AMERICA. '26i^ 
 
 reprcfent that of Madlichnfetts-Bay. They then 
 proceeded with all expedition to draw np a de- 
 claration, containing a detail of the grievances 
 they laboured under, and the necefTity of exert- 
 ing theinfelves againft hiwlefs power ; they ict 
 forth the difregard fliewn to their petitions, and 
 the attempts of Great Britain to deflrcjy their an- 
 cient conftitntion ; and concluded with exhort- 
 ing the inhabitants of the colony, toobilrucf, by 
 every method in their power, fuch evil defigns, 
 recommending at the fume time a total renuncia- 
 tion of every thing imported from Great Britain, 
 till a redrefs of grievances could be procured. 
 
 Intelligence of this declaration was carried to 
 the governor on the very day that it was com- 
 pl.ia.i; on which he difTolved the adembly. 
 This was followed by an addrefs from the inha- 
 bitants of Salem in favour of thofe of Boilon, 
 and concluding with thefe remarkable words : 
 <« By fliutting up the port of Boffon, fome ima- 
 gine'that the courfe of trade might be turned 
 hither, and to our benefit •, but nature, in the 
 formanon of our harbour, forbids our becoming 
 rivals in commerce with that convenient mart, 
 and were it otherwife, we muft be dead to every 
 idea of judice, loft to all feelings of humanity, 
 could we indulge one thought to feize on wealth, 
 and raife our fortunes on the ruin of our fuffer- 
 ing neighbours." 
 
 it had been fondly hoped by the minifterial 
 party at home, that the advantages which other 
 towns of the colony might derive from the anni- 
 hilation of the trade at Bofton, would make them 
 readily acquiefce in the meafure of fliutting up 
 that port, and rather rejoice in it thrji otherwife ; 
 
 but 
 
264 GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 but the words of the addrefs above-mentioned, 
 feemed to preclude all hope of this kind ; and 
 fubfequent tranfiiftions foon manifefled it to be 
 totally vain. No fooner did inielligence arrive 
 of the remaining bills pa (Ted in the felRon of 
 1774, than the caufe of Bofton became thecaufe 
 of all the colonies. The port-bill had already 
 occafioned violent commotions throughout them 
 all. It had been reprobated in provincial meet- 
 ings, and refiftance even to the laft had been re- 
 commended againft fuch oppreffion. In Virgi- 
 nia, the firft of June, the day on which the port 
 of Bofton was to be (hut up, was held as a day 
 of humiliation, and a public intercelTion in fa- 
 vour of America, was enjoined. The ftyle of 
 the prayer enjoined at this time was, " that God 
 ■would give the people one heart and one mind, 
 firmly to oppofe every invafion of the American 
 rights." The Virginians, however, did not con- 
 tent themfelves with a6ls of religion. They re- 
 commended in the ftrongeft manner a general 
 congrefs of all the colonies, as fully perluaded 
 that an attempt to tax any colony in an arbitrary 
 manner, was in reality an attack upon them all, 
 and muft ultimately end in the ruin of them all. 
 The provinces of New York and Pennfylva- 
 liia, however, was lefs fanguine than the reft, 
 being fo clofely connedfed in the way of trade 
 with Great Britain, that the giving it up entirely 
 appeared a matter of the mod ll^rious magnitude, 
 v.nd not to be thought of but afrer every other 
 method had failed. The intelligence of the re- 
 maining bills refpefling Bofton, however, fpread 
 a frefli alarm throughout the continent, and 
 fixed thofe who had feemed to be the mofl wa- 
 vering. The propofal of giving up all commer- 
 cial 
 
OF AMERICA. 265 
 
 clal intercourfe was again propofed ; and con- 
 tributions for the inhabitants of Bofton were 
 raifed in every quarter ; and they every day re- 
 ceived addreffes commending them for the heroic 
 courage with which they fuftained their calamity. 
 
 The Boftonians on their pait were not want- 
 ing in their endeavours to promote the general 
 caufe. An agreement was framed, which in 
 imitation of former times, they c died a So- 
 lemn League and Covenant. By this the fubfcrib- 
 ers moft religiouQy bound themfelves to break ofT 
 all communications with Britain arter the expira- 
 tion of the month of Auguft enfuing, until the 
 obnoxious afls were repealed ; at the fame time 
 they engaged neither to purchafe nor ufe any 
 goods imported after that time, and to renounce 
 all conneflion with thofe who did, or who re- 
 fufed to fubfcribe to this covenant ; threatening 
 to publish the names of the refraflory ; which 
 at this time was a punifliment by no means to be 
 defpifed. Agreements of- a fimilar kind were 
 almoft inftantaneouily entered into throughout 
 all Anicrica. General Gage indeed attempted 
 to counterafl the covenant by a proclamation, 
 wherein it was declared an illegal and traiterous 
 combination, threatening with the pains of law 
 fuch as fubfcribed or countenanced it. But mat- 
 ters were too far gone for his proclamations to 
 have any effe<5l. The Americans retorted the 
 charge of illegality on his own pruclamation, 
 and inliQed that the law allowed fubje6\s to meet 
 in order to confider of their grievances, and af- 
 fociate for relief from oppreHTion. 
 
 Preparations were now made for holding the 
 
 general congrefs fo often propofed. Philadel- 
 
 ' 2i 2 phia, 
 
266 GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 phia, as being the moil central and confiderable 
 town, was pitched upon for the place of its 
 meeting. The delegates, of whom it was to be 
 compofed, were chofen by the reprefentatives of 
 each province, and were in number from two 
 to feven for each colony, though no province 
 had more than one vote. This iirft Congrefs, 
 which met at Philadelphia, in the beginning of 
 September 1774, confiftedof 51 delegates, The 
 novelty and importance of the meeting excited 
 an univerfai attention *, and their tranfaiflions 
 were fuch as could not but tend to render them 
 refpeflable. 
 
 The fiifl a6> of congrefs was an approbation 
 of the condudl of Maflachufetts-Bay, and an ex- 
 hortation to continue in the famefpirit with which 
 they had begun. Supplies for the fufFering in- 
 habitants (whom the operation of the port-bill 
 had reduced to great dilbefs) were ftrongly re- 
 commended 5 and it was declared, that in cafe 
 of attempts to enforce the obnoxious atfls by 
 arms, all America fhould join to afTifl the town 
 of Bofton ; and, fhould the inhabitants be oblig- 
 ed, during the courfe of hoftilities, to remove 
 further up the country, the loffes they might 
 fuftain fliould be repaired at the public expenfe. 
 
 They next addreffed General Gage by letter ; 
 in which, having ftated the grievances of the 
 people of MafTachufetrs colony, they informed 
 him of the fixed and unalterable determination 
 of all the other provinces to fupport their bre- 
 thren and to oppofe the Britifli adls of parlia- 
 ment •, that they themfelves were appointed t(t 
 watch over the hberties of America ; and in- 
 treated him to defift from military operations, 
 
 left 
 
OF AMERICA. 267 
 
 hOi fuch hoftilities might be brought on as would 
 fruflrate all hopes of reconciliation with the pa- 
 rent ftate. 
 
 The next flep was to publifli a declaration of 
 their rights. Thefe they fammed up in the 
 rights belonging to Engli/hmen ; and particularly 
 infifled, that as their diflancc rendered it im- 
 poflible for them to be reprefented in the BritiQi 
 parliament, their provincial aflemblies, with the 
 governor appointed by the king, conflicuted the 
 only legiflative power within each province. 
 They would, hoivever, coufent to fuch acts of 
 parliament as were evidently calculated merely 
 for the regulation of commerce, and fecuring to 
 the parent flate the benefits of the Am.erican 
 trade ; but would never allow that they could 
 impofe any tax on the colonies, for the purpole 
 of railing a revenue, without their confent. They 
 proceeded to reprobate the intention of each of 
 the new a(5>s of parliament; and infifted on all 
 the rights they had enumerated as being unali- 
 enable, and what none could deprive them of. 
 The Canada a61: they particularly pointed out as 
 being extremely inimical to the colonies, by 
 whofe aflilfance it had been conquered ; and they 
 termed it, " An a6f for eftablilhing the Roman 
 Catholic religion in Canada, aboiifhing the equi- 
 table fyftem of Englilh laws, and eftabliHiing a 
 tyranny there." They further declared in fa- 
 vour of a non-importation and non-confumption 
 of Britilli goods, until the ads were repealed by 
 which duties were impofcd upon tea, coffee, 
 wine, fugar, and molaffes, imported into Ame- 
 rica, as well as the Bofton-poit adl, and the 
 three others paffcd in tl^e preceding feffion of 
 
 parliament. 
 
268 GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 parliament. The new regulations againft the 
 importation and confumption of Britifh commo- 
 dities were then drawn up with great folemnity ; 
 and they concluded with returning the warmed 
 thanks to thofe members of parliament who had, 
 with fo much zeal, though without any fuccefs, 
 oppofed the obnoxious a(5ts of parliament. 
 
 Their next proceedings were, to frame a peti- 
 tion to the king, an addrefs to the Britifh nation, 
 and another to the colonies *, all of which were 
 fo much in the ufual fpirited drain of American 
 language for fome time pad, that it is needlefs 
 to enter into any particular account of them. It 
 is fufficient to fay, that they were all drawn up 
 in a mafterly manner, and ought to have im- 
 prefiTed the people of England with a more fa- 
 vourable idea of the Americans than they could 
 at that time be induced to entertain. 
 
 All this time the difpofition of the people had 
 correfponded with the warmed wifhes of con- 
 grefs. The fird of June had been kept as a fad, 
 not only throughout Virginia, where it was fird 
 propoied, but through the whole continent. 
 Contributions for the didrefles of Bodon had 
 been ralfed throughout America, and people of 
 all ranks feemed to be particularly touched with 
 them. Even thofe who feemed to be mod likely 
 to derive advantage from them, took no oppor- 
 tunity, as has been already indanced in the cafe 
 of Salem. The inhabitants of Marblehead alfo 
 fliewed a noble example of magnanimity in the 
 prefent cafe. Though dtuated in the neighbour- 
 hood of Bodon, and mod likely to derive benefit 
 from the didredes of their neighbours, they did 
 not attempt lo take any advantage, but genemufly 
 
 offered 
 
OF AMERICA. 269 
 
 offered theufe of their harbour to the Boftonianf, 
 as well as their wharves and warehoufes, free of 
 al! expenfc. In the mean time the Britifli forces at 
 Borton were continually increafing in number, 
 which greatly augmented the general jealouly and 
 difTuisfaflion ; the country was ready to rife at a 
 momL^nt's warnings and the experiment was 
 made by giving a falfe alarm that the communi- 
 caiion between the town and country was to be 
 cut off, in order to reduce the former by famine 
 to a compliance with the a<Sl:s of parliament. On 
 this intelligence, the country people afTembled 
 in great numbers, and could not be fatisfied un- 
 til they had fent meflengers into the city to in- 
 quire into the truth of the report. Thefe melTen- 
 gers were enjoined to infoim the town's people, 
 that if they fhould be fo pufillanimous as to make 
 a furrender of their liberties, the province would 
 not think itfclf bound by fuch examples ; and 
 that Britain, by breaking their original charter, 
 had annulled the contract fubfifting between 
 them, and left them to aft as they thought pro- 
 per. 
 
 I'he people in every other refpe£t manifcfted 
 their inflexible determination to adhere to the 
 plan they had fo long followed. The new coun- 
 feilors and judges were obliged to refign their 
 offices, in order to preferve their lives and pro- 
 perty from the fury of the multitude. In fome 
 places they fhut up the avenues to the court- 
 houfes ; and, when required to make way for 
 the judges, replied, that they knew of none but 
 fuch as were appointed by the ancient ufage and 
 cuifom of the province. Every where they mani- 
 fefled the moft ardent defire of learning the art 
 
 of 
 
270 GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 of war ; and every individual who could bear 
 arms was mofl: affidnous in procuriog them, and 
 learning their exercife. 
 
 Matters at lafl proceeded to fuch an height, 
 that G Mieral Gage thought proper to fortify the 
 neck of land which joins the town of Bofton to 
 the continent. This, though undoubtedly a pru- 
 dent meafiire in his fituation, was exclaimed 
 againfl by the Americans in the moft vehement 
 manner; but the General, inftead of giving ear to 
 their remonftrances, deprived them of all power 
 of a(fl:ing againO: himfejf, by feizing the provin- 
 cial powder, ammunition, and military ftores at 
 Cambridge and CharleUown. This excited fuch 
 indignation, that it was with the utmoft difficuly 
 the people could be retrained from marching to 
 Bolton and attacking the troops. Even in the 
 tovv'n itielf, the company of cadets that ufed to 
 attend him dilbanded themfelves, and returned 
 the rtandard he had as ufual prefented them with 
 on his acceflion to the government. This was 
 occafioned by his having deprived the celebrated 
 patriot John Hancock, afterwards prefident of 
 the congrefs, of his commiffion as colonel of the 
 cadets. A fimiJar inflance happened of a pro- 
 vincial colonel having accepted of a feat in the 
 new council ; upon which 24 officers of his re- 
 giment re/jgned their commiflions in one day. 
 
 In the mean time a meeting was held of the 
 principal inhabitants of the towns adjacent to 
 ]3oIlon. The purport of this was publicly to re- 
 nounce all obedience to the late a(51s of parlia- 
 ment, and to form an engagement to indemnify 
 fuch as (hould be profecuted on that account ; 
 the members of the new council were declared 
 
 Yiol2tor9 
 
OF AMERICA. 271 
 
 violators of the rights of their country ; all ranks 
 and degrees were exhorted to learn the ufe of 
 arms ; and the receivers of the public revenue 
 were ordered not to deliver it into the treafury, 
 but to retain it in their own hands till the conili- 
 tution fhould be redored, or a provincial congrefs 
 difJ3ore of it otherwife. 
 
 A remonllrance againfl the fortifications on 
 BoftonNeck was next prepared ; in which, how- 
 ever, they ftill declared their unwillingnefs to 
 proceed to any hoftile meafurcs ; afTerting only 
 as ufual their firm determination not to fubmit to 
 the a(5ls of parliament they had already To much 
 complained of. The governor, to lellore tran- 
 quillity, if poflible, called a general affembly ; 
 but fo many of the council had refigned their 
 ieats, that he was induced to countermand its fit- 
 ting by proclamation. This meafure, however, 
 was deemed illegal ; the affembiy met at Salem ; 
 and, after waiting a day for the governor, voted 
 themfelves into a provincial congrefs, of which 
 Mr. Hancock was cbofen prefident.^ A com- 
 mittee was imniedi?-tely appointed, wno waited 
 on the governor with a remonftrance concerning 
 the fortifications on Bofton Neck ; but nothing 
 of confequence took place, both parties mutually 
 criminating each other. The winter was now 
 coming on, and the governor, to avoid quarter- 
 ing the foldiers upon the inhabitants, propofed 
 to ere(5t barracks for them ; but the fele6f-mea 
 of Bollon, compelled the workmen to dcfift. 
 Carpenters were fent for to New-York, but they 
 were refufed ; and it was with the utmoft diffi- 
 culty that he could procure winter-lodgings for 
 ;his troops. Nor w^as the difficulty lefs in pro- 
 curing 
 
2Y2 GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 curing clothes ; as the merchants of New- York 
 told him, that they would never fupply any ar- 
 ticle for the benefit of men fent as enemies to 
 their country." 
 
 This difpofition, known to be almoft univer- 
 fal throughout the condnent was in the higheft 
 degree fatisfa(5^ory to congrefs. Every one faw 
 that the enfuing fpring was to be the feafbn of 
 commencing hollili/ies, and the moft indefadga- 
 ble diligence was ufed by the colonies to be well 
 provided againft fuch a formidable enemy. A 
 lift of all the fenfible men in each colony was 
 made out efpecially of thofe who had ferved in 
 the former war ; of whom they had the fatisfac- 
 tion to find that two-thirds were iVill alive and 
 fit to bear arms* Magazines of arms were col- 
 leifted, and money provided for the payment of 
 the troops. The governors in vain attempted to 
 ftop thele proceedings by proclamations ; the fa- 
 tal period was now arrived: and the more the 
 fervants of government attempted to reprefs the 
 fpirit of the Americans, the more determined it 
 appeared. 
 
 In the mean time the inhabitants of Bofton 
 were reduced to great diftrefs The Britilh troops, 
 now diftinguiQied by the name of the enemy, 
 were abfolutely in pofle/Tion of it -, the inhabitants 
 were kept as prifoners, and might be made ac- 
 countable for the condu<5V of all the colonies ; 
 and various meafures were contrived to relieve 
 the latter from fuch a difagreeable fituarion. Some- 
 times it was thought expedient to remove the in- 
 habitants altogether ; but this was impra<5licable 
 without the governor's confent. It was then 
 propofed to ftt fire to the town at once, after 
 
 valuing 
 
OF AMERICA. 273 
 
 valuing the houfes and indemnifying the propri- 
 etors ; but this being found equally impractica- 
 ble, it was refolved to wait fome other opportu- 
 nity, as the garrifon were not very numerous, 
 and, not being fupplied with necefliiries by the 
 inhabitants, might foon be obliged to leave the 
 place. The friends of the Britidi government 
 indeed attempted to do fomething in oppofition 
 to the general voice of the people ; but after a 
 few inefFedlual meetings and refohuions they 
 were utterly fiienced, and obliged to yield to the 
 fnperior number of the patriots. 
 
 CHAP. 11. 
 
 Military Stores feized by the Americans — Skirmijh 
 at Lexington — Battle at Bunkers Hill — Croivn 
 Point and Ticonderago taken — Articles of Union 
 bctiueen the Colonies — Declaration on taking uf 
 arms — Speech of the CommiJJiofiers from Con- 
 grefs to the Indiajis — Gen. Waflnngton appoint', 
 cd Commander in Chief — Georgia acctdes to the 
 Confederacy. 
 
 M. 
 
 ATTERS had now proceer^ed fo far 
 that the profpedl of reconciliation or friendfhip 
 with Britain became daily more and more dis- 
 tant. The Americans, therefore, began to feize 
 
 on 
 A a 
 
274- GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 on the military (lores and ammunition belonging 
 to government. This firft commenced at New- 
 port in Rhode-Ifland, where the inhabitants car- 
 ried off 40 pieces of cannon which had been ap- 
 pointed for the protection of the place •, and on 
 being afked the reafon of this proceeding, they 
 replied, that the people had feized them left they 
 lliould be made ufe of again ft themfelves. After 
 this the aftembly met, and refolved that ammu- 
 nition and warlike ftores fhould be purchafed 
 with the public money. 
 
 New Hampftiire followed the example of 
 Rhode-Ifland, and feized a fmail fort for the 
 fake of the powder and military ftores it contain- 
 ed. In Pennfylvania, however, a convention 
 was held, which exprefted an earneft defire of 
 reconciliation witlx the mother-country *, though, 
 at the fame time, in the ftrongeft manner declar- 
 ing, that they were refolved to take op arms in 
 defence of their juft rights, and defend to the 
 laft their oppofidon to the late a6fs of parliament; 
 and the people were exhorted to apply them- 
 felves with the greateft affiduity to the profecu- 
 tion of fuch manufacHiures as were neceffary for 
 their defence and fubfiftence, fuch as fait, falt- 
 petre, gunpowder, fteel, &c. This was the uni- . 
 verfal voice of the colonies, New-York only ex- 
 cepted. The aftembly of that province, as yet 
 ignorant of the fate of their laft remonftrance, re- 
 fufed to concur with the other colonies in their 
 determination to throw off the Britifti yoke : 
 their attachment, however, was very faint, and 
 by the event it appeared that a perfeverance in 
 the meafures which the miniftry had adopted was 
 lufficient to unite them to the reft. 
 
 As 
 
OF AMERICA. 275 
 
 As the diflurbances had originated in the pro- 
 vince of Ma/Tachufetts-Bay, and //?frf continued 
 all along with the greateft violence, fo this was 
 the province where the firft hoftilities were for- 
 mally commenceJ. In the beginning of Febru- 
 ary the provincial congrefs met at Cambridge ; 
 and as from every appearance it became daily 
 more evident, that arms mu(\ ultim:itely decide 
 the conteO:, expertnefs in military dilcipline was 
 recommended in the flrougefl manner, and feve- 
 ral military inAitutions enacfled -, among which 
 that of the minute-men was one of the molt re- 
 markable. Thefe were chofen from the mod 
 aclive and expert among the militia *, and their 
 b'.-.finefs was to keep themfelves in confl:ant rea- 
 dinefs at the call of their officers ; from which 
 rerpetual vigilance they derived their title. — It 
 was now eafily feen that a flight occafion would 
 bring on hofblities, v^hich could not but be at- 
 tended with the mofl violent and certain deflruc- 
 tion to the vanquifhed party; for both were (o 
 much exafperated by a long courfe of reproaches 
 and literary warfare, that they feemed to be filled 
 with the utmoft inveteracy againft each other. 
 
 On the 26th of February General Gage hav- 
 ing been informed that a number of field-pieces 
 had been brought to Salem, defpatched a party 
 to fcize them. Their road v.'as obflrucfted by a 
 river, over which was a draw-bridge. This the 
 people had pulled up, and refufed to let it down : 
 upon which the foldiers feized a boat to ferry 
 them over; but the people cut out her bottom. 
 Hoftilities would immediately have commenced, 
 had it not been for the interpofition of a clergy- 
 man, who reprefcnted to the military, on the one 
 
 hand, 
 
276 GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 hand, the folly of oppofing fuch numbers ; and 
 to the people, on the other, that as the day was 
 far fpent the military could not execute their de- 
 lign, fo that they might without any fear leave 
 them the quiet pofTeiTion of the draw-bridge. 
 This was complied with ; and the foldiers, after 
 having remained for fomc time at the bridge, re- 
 turned without executing their orders. 
 
 The next attempt, however, w^as attended 
 with more ferious confequences. General Gage 
 having been informed that a large quantity of 
 ammunition and military ftores had been collect- 
 ed at Concord, about 20 miles from Bofton, and 
 where the provincial congrefs was fitting, fent a 
 detachment, under the command of Colonel 
 Smith and Major Pitcairn, to deftroy the ftores, 
 and, as was reported, to felze Meffrs. Hancock 
 and Adams, the leading men of the congrefs. 
 They fct out before day- break, on the 19th of 
 Apri', marching with the utmoft filence, and 
 fecuring every one they met on the road, that 
 they might not be difcovered. But nctwithiland- 
 ing all their care, the continual ringing of bells 
 and firing of guns as they went along, foon gave 
 ihem notice that the country was alarmed. 
 About five in the morning they had reached Lex- 
 ington about 15 miles fiom Bolton, where the 
 militia of the place were exercifing. Major Pit- 
 cairn called out to them, difperfe you rebels i throiv 
 cloivn your arms and difperfe ; but, as they ffill 
 continued in a body, he advanced, difchargei 
 his piffol, and ordered his foldiers to fire ♦, who 
 inffantly obeyed, and killed and wounded feve- 
 ral of the militia: a difperfion of the militia was 
 the confequencc. The detachment then proceed- 
 ed 
 
OF AMERICA. 277 
 
 ed to Concord, where, havingdeftroyed the (lores, 
 they fired upon ihe Americans *, and a fcuffle en- 
 fued, in which feveral fell on both fides. The 
 purpofe of their expedition being thus accom- 
 pliflied, it was necefTary for the king's troops to 
 retreat, which they did through a continual fire 
 kept up on them from Concord to Lexington. 
 Here their ammunition was totally expended ; 
 and they would have been unavoidably cut ofF, 
 had not a confiderable reinforcement commanded 
 by Lord Percy met them. The Americans, 
 however, continued their attack with great fpirit; 
 and the Brltifh would ftill have been in the ut- 
 mofl: danger had it not been for two field-pieces 
 which Lord Percy had brought with him. By 
 thefe the impetuofity of the Americans was 
 checked, and the British made good their retreat 
 to Bofion, with the lofs of 273 killed, wound- 
 ed, and made prifoners : that of the Americans 
 was about 50 killed, 38 wounded and miffing. 
 
 From the commencement of hoAilities, the 
 difpute between Great Britain, and the colonies 
 took a new dire<5lion. By this engagement the 
 fpirits of the Americans were raifed ; a con- 
 fiderable army was aficmbled, who formed a 
 line of encampment from Roxbury to Mydic, 
 through a fpace of about thirty miles ; and here 
 ihey were foon after joined by a large body of 
 Connefficut troops, under General Putman, an 
 old officer of great bravery and experience. By 
 this formidable force was the town of Boilon 
 now kept blocked up. General Gage, however, 
 had fo flrongly fortified it, that the army power- 
 ful as they were, durft not make an attack ; 
 
 while 
 A a 2 
 
278 GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 while on the other hand, his force was by far 
 too infignificant to nieet fuch an army in the field. 
 But towards the end of May, a confiderable re- 
 inforcement having arrived, with Generals Howe, 
 Burgoyne, and Clinton, he was foon enabled to 
 attempt fomething of confequence. Some fkir- 
 milhes in the mean time happened in the idands 
 lying ofF Bofton harbour, in which the Ameri- 
 cans had the advantage, and burnt an armed 
 fchooner, which her people had been obliged to 
 abandon after (he was left aground by the tide. 
 Nothing decifive, however, took place, till the 
 17th of June. In the neighbourhood of Charlei- 
 towD, a place on the northern fhore of the pe- 
 ninfulaon which Bofton ftands, is an high ground 
 called Bunker^ s Hilly which overlooks and com- 
 mands the whole town of Bofton. In the night 
 of the 16th the provincials took pofTefTion of this 
 place-, and worked with fuch indefatigable dili- 
 gence, that to the aftonifhment of their enemies, 
 they had before day-light, almoft completed a 
 redoubt, with a ftrong entrenchment reaching 
 half a mile eaftward, as far as the river Myftic. 
 After this they were obliged to fuftain a heavy 
 and inceffant lire from the (hips and floating bat- 
 teries with which Charlcftown neck was fur- 
 rounded, as well as the cannon that could reach 
 the place from Bofton ; in fpite of which, how- 
 ever, they continued their work, and finiflied it 
 before mid-day. A cOnfiderable body of foot 
 was then landed at the foot of Bunker's Hill, 
 under the command of Generals Howe and Pi- 
 got ; the former being appointed to attack the 
 lines, and the latter the redoubt. The Ameri- 
 cans, however, having the advantage of the 
 
 ground, 
 
OF AMERICA. 279 
 
 ground, as well as of their intrench ments, pour- 
 ed down fuch incefTant volleys, as threatened the 
 whole body with deftrufVion -, and General Howe 
 was for a little time left almoft alone, all his offi- 
 cers being killed or wounded. The provincials 
 in the mean time had taken pofTeffion of Charlef- 
 town, fo that General Pigot was obliged to con- 
 tend with them in that place as well as in the 
 redoubt. The confequence was, that he was 
 overmatched ; his troops were thrown into dil- 
 order ; and he would in all probability have been 
 defeated had not General Clinton advanced to 
 his relief; upon which the attack was renewed 
 with fuch fury, that the provincials were driven 
 beyond the neck that leads to Charleftown. In 
 the heat of the engagement the Britidn troops, in 
 order to deprive the Americans of a cover, fet 
 fire to Charlefliown, which was totally confumed; 
 and, eventually, the Americans were obliged to 
 retreat over Charleftown neck, and were raked 
 by an incefTant fire from the Glafgow man of 
 war, and feveral floating batteries. The iofs on 
 the Britifli fide amounted to about 1000, among 
 whom were 19 officers killed and 70 wounded ; 
 that of the Americans did not exceed 13D killed, 
 and 314 wounded. 
 
 The Britifli troop? claimed the vi(n:ory of this 
 engagement ; but it muft be allowed that it was 
 dearly bought ; and the Americans boafted that 
 the real advantages were on their fide, as they 
 had fo much weakened the enemy that they duril 
 not afterwards venture out of their entrench- 
 ments. Although this was the firft time the 
 provincials had been in adfual fervice, they be- 
 haved themfelves with the fpirit of veterans, and 
 
 by 
 
280 GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 by no means merited the appellation of coivardsy 
 with which they were fo often branded in Bri- 
 tain. ' 
 
 In other places the fame determined fpirit of 
 refinance appeared on the part of the Americans, 
 Lord North's conciliatory fcheme was utterly re- 
 je6:ed both by the affemblies of Pennfylvania and 
 New-Jerfey, and afterwards in every other colo- 
 ny. The commencement of hoftilities at Lex- 
 ington determined the colony of New-York, 
 which had hitherto continued to waver, to unite 
 with the reft ; and as the fituarion of New-York 
 renders it unable to refift an attack from the fea, 
 it was relblved, before the arrival of a Britifh 
 fleet, to fecure the military flores, fend off the 
 women and children, and fet fire to the city if 
 it was ftill found incapable of defence. The ex- 
 portation of provifions was every where prohibi- 
 ted, particularly to the Britifh fiGiery on the 
 Banks of Newfoundland, or to fuch colonies of 
 America as fhould adhere to the Britifh intereft. 
 Congrefs refolved on the eftablilhment of an 
 army, and of a large paper currency in order to 
 fupport it. In the inland northern colonies, 
 colonel Eaflon and Ethan Allen without receiving 
 any orders from Congrefs, or communicating 
 their defigns to any body, with a party of only 
 250 men, furprifed the forts of Crown-Point, 
 Ticonderago, and the reft that form a commu- 
 nication betwixt the colonies and Canada. On 
 this occafjon 200 pieces of cannon fell into their 
 hands, befides mortars, and a large quantity of 
 military ftores, together with two armed ve/Tels, 
 and mateiials for the conftiudlion of others. 
 
 After 
 
OF AMERICA. 28 i 
 
 Aner the battle of Bunker*s-Hill, the provln- 
 dais ere£led fortifications on the heights which 
 commanded Charleftown, and flrengthened the 
 reft in fuch a manner that there was no hope Ot 
 driving them from thence ; at the fame time that 
 their adlivity and boidaefs aftonifhed the Britifli 
 officers, who had been accuftomed to entertain a 
 mean and unjult opinion of their courage. 
 
 The troops, thus fliut up in Boflon, were foon 
 reduced to diftrefs. Their neceffities obliged 
 them to attempt the carrying off the American 
 cattle on the illands before Bofton, which pro- 
 duced frequent {klrmifiies •, but the provincial?, 
 better acquainted with the navigation of thefc 
 iliores, landed on the idands, deftroyed or car- 
 ried off whatever was of any ufe, burned the 
 light-houfe at the entrance of the harbour, and 
 took prifoners the workmen fent to repair ir, as 
 well as a party of marines v/ho guarded them. 
 Thus the garrifon were reduced to the neceility 
 of fending out armed veiTels to make prizes in- 
 difcriminateiy of all that came in their way, and 
 of landing in different places to plunder for fub- 
 iiftence as well as they could. 
 
 The congrefs in the mean time continued to 
 a6l with all the vigour which its conftiiuents had 
 expe(fled. Articles of confederation and perpe- 
 tual union'^wcre drawn up and folemnly agreed 
 upon ; by which they bound themfelves and their 
 poilcrity for ever. Thefe were in fubftance as 
 follows : 
 
 1. Each colony was to be independent with- 
 in itfelf, and to retain an abfolute fovereignty la 
 all domeftic affairs. 
 
 2, Delegates 
 
282 GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 2. Delegates to be annually elected to meet 
 in congrefs, at fuch time and place as fhould be 
 ena<5led in the preceding congrefs. 
 
 3. This afTembly Ihouid have the power of 
 determining war or peace, making alliances -, and 
 in iliort all that power which fovercigns of Hates 
 ufually claim as their own. 
 
 4. The expenfws of war to be paid out of the 
 common treafury, and raifed by a poll-tax on 
 males between 16 and 60 •, the proportions to 
 be determined by the laws of the colony. 
 
 5. An executive council to be oppointed to afl 
 in place of the congrefs during its recefs. 
 
 6. No colony to make war with the Indians 
 without confent of congrefs. 
 
 7. The boundaries r.f all the Indian lands to 
 be fecured and afcertained to them ; and no pur- 
 chafcs of lands were to be made by individuals, 
 or even by a colony, without confent of con- 
 grefs. 
 
 8. Agents appointed by congrefs iliould re- 
 fide among the Indians, to prevent frauds in 
 trading with them, and to relieve, at the public 
 expenfj, their wants and diftreffes. 
 
 9. This confederation to laft until there (hould 
 be a reconciliation with Britain ; or, if that event 
 Ihould not take place, it was to be perpetual. 
 
 After the a(!:iion of Bunker's Hill, however, 
 when the power of Great Britain appeared lefs 
 formidable in the eyes of America than before, 
 congrefs proceeded formally tojuftify their pro- 
 ceedings in a declaration drawn up in terms more 
 expreffive, and well calculated to excite atten- 
 tion. 
 
 *' Were 
 
OF AMERICA. 283 
 
 " Were it poffible (Oiid they) for men who 
 exercife their reafon, to believe that the divine 
 Author of our exigence intended a part of the 
 human race to hold an abfolute property in and 
 unbounded power over others, marked oat by 
 His infinite goodnefs and wifliom as the obje<n:s 
 of a legal domination, never rightfully refillable, 
 however (hvere and oppreflive *, the inhabitants 
 of thefe colonies might at leaO: require from the 
 parliament of Great-Britain fome evidence that 
 this dreadful authority over them had been 
 granted to that body : but a reverence for our 
 Great Creator, principles of humanity, and the 
 dictates of common fenfe, mufl convince all thofc 
 who refieft upon the fubjeft, that government 
 was inftituted to promote the welfare of mankind, 
 and ought to be adminiftered for the attainment 
 of that end. 
 
 " The legiflature of Great-Britain, however, 
 Simulated by an inordinate pafTion for power, 
 not only unjuflifiable, but which they know to 
 be peculiarly reprobated by the very conflitution 
 of that kingdom ; and defpairing of fuccefs in 
 any mode of conteft where regard fhould be had 
 to lawj truth, or right ; have at length, defert- 
 ing thofe, attempted to effe^l their cruel and im- 
 politic purpofe of enflaving thofe colonies by 
 violence, and have thereby rendered it necefTary 
 for us to clofe with their laft appeal from reaibn 
 to arms. Yet, however blinded that afTembly 
 may be, by their intemperate rage for unlimited 
 domination, fo to flight juflice in the opinion of 
 mankind, we effeem ourfelves bound by obliga- 
 tions to the reft the world to make known the 
 'uftice of our caufe.*' 
 
 After 
 
284. GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 After taking notice of the manner in which 
 their anceftors left Britain, the happinefs attend- 
 ing the mutual friendly commerce betwixt that 
 country and her colonies, and the remarkable 
 fuccefs of the late war, they proceeded as fol- 
 lows ; " The new miniftry, finding the brave 
 foes of Britain, though frequently defeated, yet 
 flill contending, took up the unfortunate idea of 
 granting them a hafly peace, and of then fubdu- 
 ing her faithful friends. 
 
 ** Thefe devoted colonies were judged to be 
 in fuch a ftate as to prefent viflories without 
 bloodfhed, and all the eafy emoluments of ftatut- 
 able plunder. The uninterrupted tenor of their 
 peaceable and refpe(5lful behaviour from the be- 
 ginning of their colonization 5 their dutiful, zea- 
 lous, and ufeful fervices during the war, though 
 fo recently and amply acknowledged in the moft 
 honourable manner by his majelfy, by the late 
 king, and by parliament, could not fave them 
 from the intended innovations. Parliament was 
 influenced to adopt the pernicious projeff •, and 
 aflfuming a new power over them, has in the 
 courfe ,of eleven years given fuch decifive fpeci- 
 mens of the fpirit and confequences attending 
 this power, as to leave no doubt of the cffeifb 
 of acquiefcence under it. 
 
 " They have undertaken to give and grant our 
 money without our confent, though we have 
 ever exercifed an exclufive right to difpofe of 
 our own property. Statutes have been pafled 
 for extending the jurifdi<5^ion of the courts of 
 admiralty and vice-admiralty beyond their ancient 
 limi's ; for depriving us of the accuflomed and 
 inedimable rights of trial by jury, in cafes af- 
 
 feffing 
 
OF AMERICA. 285 
 
 tedting both life and property ; for fufpcnding 
 the legiflature of one of our colonies ; for inter- 
 di(ffing all commerce to the capital of another, 
 and for altering fundaaientally the form of go- 
 vernment eflabli(hed by charter, and fecured by 
 a<^s of its own legiflature ; and folemnly con- 
 firmed by the crown ; for exempting the mur- 
 derers of colonifl:s from legal trial ; and in effe<fl: 
 from punifliment •, for erefting in a neighbouring 
 province, acquired by the joint arms of Great- 
 Britain and America, a defpotifm dangerous to 
 our very cxiftence ; and for quartering foldiers 
 upon the colonifts in time of a profound peace. 
 It has alfo been refolved in parliament, that co- 
 lonifts, charged with committing certain offences, 
 fhall be tranfported to England to be tried. 
 
 «' But why (hould we enumerate our injuries 
 m detail ? — By one ftatute it was declared, that 
 parliament can of right make laws to bind us in 
 all cafes whatever. What is to defend us againfl: 
 ib enormous, fo unlimited a power ? Not a fingle 
 perfon who aflumes it is chofen by us, or is fub- 
 jedl to our control or influence ; but, on the 
 contrary, they are all of them exempt from the 
 operation of fuch laws ; and an American reve- 
 nue, if not diverted from the oflenfible purpofes 
 for which it is raifed, would aflually lighten 
 their own burdens in proportion as it increafes 
 ours. 
 
 . " We faw the mifery to which fuch defpotifm 
 would reduce us. We for ten years ince/Tantly 
 and inefFe(ftualIy befieged the throne as fuppli- 
 cants ; we reafoned, we remonflrated with par- 
 liament in the rooft mild and decent language ; 
 
 but 
 B b 
 
2S6 GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 but adminiftration, fenfible that we (hould re- 
 gard thefe meafures as freemen ought to do, fent 
 over fleers and armies to enforce them. 
 
 " We have purfued every temperate, every 
 refpedlful meafure ; we have even proceeded to 
 break off all commercial intercourfe with our 
 fcllow-fubjecfts, as our laft peaceable admonition, 
 that our attachment to no nation on earth would 
 fupplant our attachment to liberty ; this we flat- 
 tered ourfelves was the ultimate ftep of the con- 
 troverfy; but fubfequent events have (hown how 
 vain was this hope of finding moderation in our 
 enemies ! 
 
 *^ The Lords and Commons, in their addrefs 
 in the month of February, faid, that a rebellion 
 at that time actually exilled in the province of 
 Maflachufett's-Bay ; and that thofe concerned in 
 it had been countenanced and encouraged by un- 
 lawful combinations and engagements entered 
 into by his majefty's fubjedts in feveral of the 
 colonies \ and therefore they befought his ma- 
 jefly that he would take the moft efle6tual mea- 
 fures to enforce due obedience to the laws and 
 authority of the fupreme legiflature. Soon after 
 the commercial intercourfe of whole colonich 
 with foreign countries was cut off By an a<fl: ot 
 parliament ; by another, feveral of them were 
 entirely prohibited from the fifherles in the feas 
 near their coafts, on which they always depend- 
 ed for their fubfiftence; and large reinforcements 
 of (hips and troops were immediately fent over 
 to General Gage. 
 
 <* Fruitlefs were all the intreaties, arguments, 
 and eloquence of an illuftrious band of the nK^fl: 
 diftinguilhed peers and commoners, who nobly 
 
 and 
 
OF AMERICA. ii87 
 
 and ftrenuoufly afTertcd the juflice of our caufe, 
 to ftay, or even to mitigate, the heedlefs fury 
 with which thefe accumulated outrages were 
 hurried on. Equally fruitlefs was the interfe- 
 rence of the city of London, of Briftol, and of 
 many other relpe^lable towns in our favour.'* 
 
 After having reproached. parliament, General 
 Gage, and the Bridfh government in general, 
 they proceeded thus : " We are reduced to the al- 
 ternative of choofm^ an unqonditional fubmiffion 
 to tyranny, or refiftanceby force. The latter is 
 our choice. We have counted the coft of this^ 
 conteft, and find nothing fo dreadful as volunta- 
 ry flavery. Honour, juflice, and humanity, for- 
 bid us tamely to furrender that freedom which 
 we received from our gallant anceftors, and 
 which our innocent pofterity have a right to re- 
 ceive from us. Our caufe is jufl: ; our union is 
 perfeft ; our internal refources are great •, and, 
 if neceffary, foreign afTiftance is undoubtedly at- 
 tainable. We fight not for glory or conquefl 5 
 we exhibit to mankind the remarkable fpe£Vacle 
 of a people attacked by unprovoked enemies. 
 They boaft of their privileges and civilization, 
 and yet proffer no milder conditions than fervi- 
 tude or death. In our native land, in defence 
 of the freedom that is our birthright, for the 
 prote<51ion of our property acquired by the honed 
 induffry of our forefathers and our own, againft 
 violence actually oftered, we have taken up arms ; 
 we (hall lay them down when hoflilities fliall 
 ceafe on the part of our aggreffors, and all dan- 
 ger of their being renev/ed fhali be removed — 
 and npt before." 
 
 There 
 
'2SS GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 Thefe are fome of the moft firiking pafTages ifl 
 the declaration of congrefs on taking up arms 
 againft Great-Britain, and dated July 6th, 1775. 
 The determined fpirit which it fhows ought to 
 have convinced the people of Britain, that the 
 conqueft of America was an event fcarce ever 
 to be expe<fled. In every other refpejft an equal 
 fpirit was (liown •, and the rulers of the Bririfh 
 nation had the mortification to fee thofe whom 
 they (lyled rebels and traitors, fucceed in negoci- 
 ations in which they therofelves were utterly 
 foiled. In the paffing of the Quebec-bill, mi- 
 niftry had flattered themfelvrs that the Canadians 
 would be fo much attached to them on account 
 of reftoring the French laws, that they would 
 very readily join in any attempt againft the co- 
 lonics who had reprobated that bill in fuch 
 Itrong terms ; but in this, as in every thing elfe 
 indeed, they found themfelves miflaken. The 
 Canadians having been fubjeft to Britain for a 
 period of 15 years, and being thus rendered fen- 
 fible of the advantage of Britifli government, re- 
 ceived the bill itfelf with evident marks of dif- 
 ^tpprobation , nay, reprobated it as tyrannical 
 and oppreffive. A fcheme had been formed for 
 General Carleton, governor of the province, to 
 raife an army of Canadians wherewith to a*5t 
 againft the Americans •, and fo fanguine w-ere the 
 hopes of ad min'ift ration in this rtfpeiR:, that they 
 had fent 20,000 ftand of arms, and a great quan- 
 tity of military ftores, to Q£ebec for the pur- 
 pofe. But the people, though they did no,t join 
 the Americans, yet were found immoveable in 
 their purpofe to Hand neuter. Application was 
 made to the bi(hop; but he declined tointerpofe 
 
 his 
 
OF AMERICA. 289 
 
 his influence, as contrary to the rules of the Po- 
 pifh clergy; fo that the utmoft efforts of govern- 
 ment in this province were found to anfwer lit- 
 tle or no purpofe. 
 
 The BritiQi admininration next tried to engage 
 the Indians in their caufe. But though agents 
 were difperfed among them with large prefents 
 to the chiefs, they univerfally replied, that they 
 did not underftand the nature of the quarrel, 
 nor could they diflinguifh whether thofe who 
 dwelt in America or on the other fideof the ocean 
 were in fault : but they were furprifed to fee 
 Engliihmen alk their affiftance againfl: one ano- 
 ther ; and advifed them to be reconciled, and 
 not to think of fhedding the blood of their bre- 
 thren. — To the reprefentations of congrefs they 
 paid more refpefi. Thefe fet forth, that the 
 Englifti on the other fide of the ocean, had taken 
 up arms to enflave, not only their countrymen 
 in America, but the Indians alfo; and if the lat- 
 ter fhould enable them to overcome the colonics, 
 they themfelres would foon be reduced to a flate 
 of fiavery alfo. By arguments of this kind thele 
 ravages were engaged to remain neuter •, and 
 thus the colonifts were freed from a mofl dange- 
 rous enemy. On this occafion the congrefs 
 thought proper to hold a folemn conference with 
 the different tribes of Indians. The fpeech made 
 by them on the occafion is curious, but too long 
 to be fully inferted. The following is a fpeci- 
 men of the European mode of addreffing thefe 
 people. 
 
 ** Brothers, Sachems, and Warriors ! 
 
 ** We the delegates from the Twelve United 
 
 Provinces, now fitting in general congrefs at 
 
 B b 2 Philadelphia, 
 
290 GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 Philadelphia, fend their talk to you our brothers. 
 
 " Brothers and Friends, now attend ! 
 
 " When our fathers croffed the great water, 
 and came over to this land, the king of England 
 gave them a talk, affuring them that they and 
 their children fhould be his children ; and that 
 if th^y would leave their native country, and 
 make fettlements, and live here, and buy and 
 fell, and trade with their brethren beyond the 
 water, they (hould ftill keep hold of the fame 
 covenant-chain, and enjoy peace *, and it was 
 covenanted, that the fields, houfes, goods, and 
 poffefTioDS, which our fathers fhould acquire, 
 ihould remain to them as their own, and be their 
 childrens for ever, and at their fole difpofal. 
 
 *• Brothers and Friends open an ear ! 
 
 '< We will now tell you of the quarrel be- 
 twixt the counfellors of King George and the 
 inhabitants and colonies of America, 
 
 <' Many of his counfellors have perfuaded 
 him to break the covenant-chain, and not to fend 
 us any more good talks. They have prevailed 
 upon him to enter into a covenant againft us, and 
 have torn afunder, and caft behind their backs, 
 the good old covenant which their anceftors and 
 ours entered into, and took flrong hold of. They 
 now tell us they will put their hands into our 
 pocket without aflcing, as though it were their 
 own •, and at their pleafure they will take from 
 ns our charters, or written civil conftitution, 
 which we love as our lives ; alfo our plantations, 
 our houfes, and our goods, whenever they pleafe, 
 without aflcing our leave. They tell us that our 
 vefTels may go to that or this ifland in the fea, 
 but to this or that particular ifland we ftiall not 
 
 trade 
 
OF AMERICA, 291 
 
 trade any more ; and in cafe of our noncompli- 
 ance with thefe new orders, they fhut up our 
 harbours. 
 
 " Brothers, we live on the fame ground with 
 you ; the fame ifland is our common birth-place. 
 We defire to fit down under the fame tree of 
 peace with you : let us water its roots, and che- 
 rifh the growth, till the large leaves and flourifli- 
 ing branches (hall extend to the fetting fun, and 
 reach the flcies. If any thing difagreeable (hould 
 ever fall out betv/cen us, the Twelve United Co- 
 lonies, and you, the Six Nations, to wound our 
 peace, let us immediately feek meafures for heal- 
 ing the breach. From the prefent fituation of 
 our affairs, we judge it expedient to kindle up a 
 fmall fire at Albany, where we may hear each 
 other's voice, and difclofe our minds fully to one 
 another." 
 
 The other remarkable tranfacf^ions of this con- 
 grefs were the ultimate refufal of the conciliatory 
 propofal made by Lord North, of which fuch 
 fanguine expe<n:ations had been formed by the 
 Englifh miniftry ; and appointing a generaliffimo 
 to command their armies, which were now very 
 numerous. The perfon chofen for this purpofe 
 was George Washington : a man fo univer- 
 fally beloved, that he was raifed to fuch a high, 
 ftation by the unanimous voice of congrefs ; and 
 his fubfequent condu(fl (bowed him every way 
 worthy of it. Horatio Gates and Charles Lee, 
 two Englifh officers of confiderable reputation, 
 were chofen ; the former an adjutant-general, 
 the fecond a major-general. Artemus Ward, 
 Philip Schuyler, and Ilrael Putnam, were like- 
 wife nominated major-generals, Seth Pomeroy, 
 
 Richard 
 
292 GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 Richard Montgomery, David Woofler, William 
 Heath, Jofeph Spencer, John Thomas, John 
 Sullivan, and Nathaniel Green, were chofen 
 brigadier-generals at the fame time. 
 
 Congrefs had now alfo the fatisfaflion to re- 
 ceive deputies from the colony of Georgia, ex- 
 preffing a defire to join the confederacy. The 
 reafons they gave for renouncing their allegiance 
 to Britain was, that the conduct of parliament 
 towards the other colonies had been oppreffive; 
 that though the obnoxious a(5ls had not been ex- 
 tended to them, they could view this only as an 
 omiflion, becaufe of the feeming little confe- 
 quence of their colony ; and therefore looked 
 upon it rather to be a flight than a favour. At 
 the fame time they framed a petition to the king, 
 iimilar to that fent by the other colonies, and 
 which met with a fimilar reception. 
 
 CHAP. III. 
 
 i^he Canada Expedition — Difpiites of Lord Dun^ 
 more with the Virginians — North and South 
 Carolina expel their Governors — Bojion attacked^ 
 and evacuated. 
 
 HE fuccefs which had hitherto attend- 
 ed the Americans in all their meafures, now em- 
 boldened them to think not only of defending 
 themfelves, but likewife of afling ofFenfively 
 
 agaioft 
 
OF AMERICA. 2^3 
 
 again ft Great-Britain. The conqueft of Canada 
 appeared an objefl within their reach, and one 
 that would be attended with many advantages ; 
 and as an invafion of that province was already 
 facilitated by the taking of Crown Point and 
 Ticonderago, it was refolved if pofTible to pene- 
 trate that way into Canada, and reduce Quebec 
 during the winter, before the fleets and armies 
 which they were well afTured would fail thither 
 from Britain ftiould arrive. By order of con- 
 grefs, therefore,, 3000 men were put under the 
 command of Generals Montgomery and Schuy- 
 ler, with orders to proceed to Lake Champlain, 
 from whence they were to be conveyed in flat- 
 bottomed boats to the mouth of the river Sorel, 
 a branch of the great river St. Lawrence, and 
 on which is fituated a fort of the fame name with 
 the river. On the other hand, they were op- 
 pofed by General Carleton, governor of Canada, 
 a man of great adlivity and experience in war, 
 who, with a very few troops, had hitherto been 
 able to keep in awe the difaffeifled people of Ca- 
 nada, notwiihftanding all the reprefentations of 
 the colonifts. He had now augmented his army 
 by a confiderable number of Indians, and pro- 
 mifed, even in his prefent fituation, to make a 
 very formidable refiftance. 
 
 As foon as General Montgomery arrived, at 
 Crown-Point he received information that feve- 
 ral armed vefl^eis were ftationed at St. John's, a 
 ftrong fort on the Sorel, with a viev/ to prevent 
 his croffin'g the lake, on which he took poflef- 
 fion of an ifland which commands the mouth of 
 the Sorel, and by which he could prevent them 
 from entering the lake. la conjunflion with 
 
 General 
 
294 GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 General Schuyler, he next proceeded to St. 
 John*s but finding that place too ftrong, it was 
 agreed in a council of war, to retire to the Ifle 
 aux Noix, where General Schuyler being taken 
 ill, Montgomery was left to command alone. 
 His firft ftep was to gain over the Indians whom 
 Gen. Carleton had employed, and this he in a 
 great meafure accompliHied -, after which, on 
 receiving the full number of troops appointed for 
 this expedition, he determined to lay fiege to St. 
 John's. In this he was facilitated by the reduc- 
 tion of Chamblee, a fmall fort in the neighbour- 
 hood, where he found a large fupply of powder. 
 An attempt was made by General Carleton to 
 relieve the place j for which purpofe he with 
 great pains collecHied about 1000 Canadians, 
 while colonel Maclean propofed to raife a regi- 
 ment of the Highlanders who had emigrated 
 from their own country to America. 
 
 But while Gen. Carleton was on his march 
 with thefe new levies, he was attacked by the 
 provincials, and utterly defeated , which being 
 made known to another body of Canadians who 
 had joined Colonel Maclean, they abandoned 
 him without flriking a blow, and he was obliged 
 to retreat to Quebec. 
 
 The defeat of General Carleton was a fuffi- 
 cient reorapence to the Americans for that of 
 Colonel Ethan Allen, which had happened fome 
 time before. The fuccefs which had attended 
 this gentleman againO: Crown Point and Ficon- 
 derago had emboldened him to make a fimilar 
 attempt on Montreal •, but being attacked by the 
 militia of the place, fupported by a detvichment 
 
OF AMERICA. 295 
 
 of regulars, he was entirely defeated and taken 
 prifoner. 
 
 As the defeat of Gen. Carleton and the defer- 
 tion of Maclean's forces left no room for the gar» 
 rifon of St. John's to hope for any relief, they 
 confented to furrender ihemfelyes prifoners of 
 war; but were in other refpefts treated with 
 great humanity. They were in number 500 regu- 
 lars and 200 Canadians, among whom were ma- 
 ny of the French nobility, who had been adlive 
 in promoting the caufe of Britain among their 
 countrymen. 
 
 Gen. Montgomery next took meafures to pre- 
 vent the Briti(h Ihipping from pafling down the 
 river from Montreal to Quebec. This he accom- 
 plifhed fo effe<ftual!y that the whole were taken^ 
 The town itfelf was obliged to furrender at di{^ 
 cretion ; and it was with the utmoft difficulty 
 that General Carleton efcaped in an open boat by 
 the favour of a dark night. 
 
 No further obftacle now remained in the way 
 of the Americans to the capital, except what 
 arofe from the nature of the country ; and thefe 
 indeed were very confiderable. Nothing, how- 
 ever, could damp the ardour of the provincials. 
 Notwiihflanding it was now the middle of No- 
 vember and the depth of winter was at hand, 
 Colonel Arnold formed a defsgn of penetrating 
 through woods, morafles, and the moft frighrful 
 folitudes from New England to Canada by a 
 nearer way than that which Montgomery had 
 chofen ; and this he accompli Qied in fpite of eve- 
 ry difficulty, to the aO:oni(hmtnt of all who faw 
 or heard of the attempt. A third part of his 
 men under another colonel had been obliged to 
 
 leave 
 
296 GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 leave him by the way, for want of provifions ^ 
 the total want of artillery rendered his prefeace 
 infignificant before a place fo ftrongly fortified ; 
 and the fmallnefs of his army rendered it even 
 doubtful whether he could have taken the town 
 by furprife. The Canadians indeed were amaz- 
 ed at the exploit, and their inclination to revolt 
 from Britain was fomewhat augmented ; but 
 none of them as yet took up arms in behalf of 
 America. The confternation into which the town 
 of Quebec was thrown proved detrimental ra- 
 ther than otherwife to the expedition *, as it 
 doubled the vigilance and activity of the inhabi- 
 tants to prevent any furprife •, and the appearance 
 of common danger united all parties, who, before 
 the arrival of Arnold, were contending mod vio- 
 lently with one another. He was therefore oblige 
 ed to content himfelf with blocking up the ave- 
 nues to the town, in order to diftrefs the garri- 
 fon for want of provifions; and even this he was 
 unable to do efFe<flually, by reafon of the fmall 
 number of his men. 
 
 The matter was not much mended by the ar- 
 rival of General Montgomery. The force he 
 had with him, even when united to that of Ar- 
 nold, was too infignificant to attempt the reduc- 
 tion of a place fo ftrongly fortified, efpecially 
 with the afliftance only of a few mortars and 
 field-pieces. After the fiege had continued 
 through the month of December, General Mont- 
 gomery, confcious that he could accompliQi his 
 e^id no other way than by furprife, refolved to 
 make an attempt on the lafl: day of the year 1775. 
 The method he rook at this time was perhaps 
 the bed that human wifdom could devife. He 
 
 advanced 
 
OF AMERICA. 297 
 
 advanced by break of day, in the midft of an 
 heavy fall of fnow, which covered his men from 
 the fight of the enemy. Two real attacks were 
 made by himfelf and Col. Arnold, at the fame 
 time that two feigned attacks were made on two 
 other places, thus to diftraft the garrifon, and 
 make them divide their forces. One of the real 
 attacks was made by the people of New-York, 
 and the other by thofe of New-England under 
 Arnold. Their hopes of furprifing the place, 
 however, were defeated by the (ignal for the at- 
 tack being through fome miftake given too foon- 
 General Montgomery himfelf had the moft dan- 
 gerous place, being obliged to pafs between the 
 river and fome high rocks on which the Upper 
 Town ftands •, fo that he was forced to make 
 what hafte he could to dofe with the enemy. 
 His fate, however, was now decided. Having 
 forced the firft barrier, a violent difcharge of 
 mulketry and grape-ftiot from the fecond killed 
 him, his principal officers, and the moft of the 
 party he commanded -, on which thofe who re- 
 mained immediately retreated. Colonel Arnold, 
 in the mean time made a defperate attack on the 
 Lower Town, and carried one of the barriers 
 after an obftinate refiftance for an hour ; but ia 
 the a^fion he himfelf received a wound, which 
 obliged him to withdraw. The attack, however, 
 was continued by the officers whom he had left, 
 and another barrier forced ; but the gariifon, 
 now perceiving that nothing was to be feared 
 except from that quarter, colledled their whole 
 force againft it •, and after a defperate engage- 
 ment of three hours, overpowered the provin- 
 cials, and obliged them to furreader. 
 
 C c Iq 
 
298 GENERAL HlSTORt 
 
 In this action, ir muft be confefTed that the 
 valour of the provincial troops could not be ex- 
 ceeded. They had -fought under as great dil^ 
 advantages as thole which attended the britilh at 
 Bunker's hill, and hifd behaved equally well. 
 Such a terrible difliller left no hope remaining of 
 the accomplifliment of their purpofe, as General 
 Arnold coyld now fcarce number 800 effeftive 
 men under his con)mand. He did not however, 
 abandon the province, or even remove to a great- 
 er dillance than three miles from Quebec *, and 
 here he ftill found means to annoy the garrifon 
 very confiderably by intercepting their provifions. 
 The Canadians notwithflanding the bad fuccels 
 of the American arms, ftill continued friendly j 
 and thus he was enabled to fuflain the hardfhips 
 of a winter encampment in that mod: fevere cli- 
 mate. The congrefs, far from palling any cen- 
 fure on him for his misfortune, created him a 
 brigadier-general. 
 
 While hollilities were thus carried on with 
 vigour in the north, the flame of contention was 
 gradually extending iti'elf in the Ibuth. Lord 
 Dunniore, the governor of Virginia was involved 
 in difpntes fimilar to thofe which had taken 
 place in other colonics. Thefe had proceeded 
 fo far that the alTembly was di/ToIved ; which in 
 this province was attended v.ith a confequencc 
 unknown to the reft. As Virginia contained a 
 great number of flaves, it was necefTary that a 
 militia fliould be kept conftantly on foot to keep 
 them in awe. During the didolution of the af- 
 lembly the militia-laws expired ; and the people, 
 after complaining of the danger they were in 
 from the negroes, formed a convention, which 
 
 ena<fbed 
 
OF AMERICA. 299 
 
 ena<5Ved that each county, fhould raife a quota 
 for the defence of the province. Dunmore, on 
 this, removed the powder from Williamfburgh ; 
 \vhich created fuch difcontents, that an immedi- 
 ate quarrel would probably have enfued, had not 
 the merchants of the town undertaken to obtain 
 fitisfa6tion for the injury fuppofed to be done to 
 the community. This tranquillity, however, was 
 foon interrupted ; the people, alarmed by a re- 
 port that an armed party were on their way from 
 the man of war where the powder had been de- 
 pofited, affembled in arms, and determined to 
 oppofe by force any farther removals. In fome 
 of the conferences which pafTed at this time, the 
 governor let fall fome unguarded expreffions, 
 iuch as threatening them with fetting up the roy- 
 al ftandard, proclaiming liberty to the negroes, 
 deftroying the town of Williamfburgh, &c. 
 which were afterwards made public, and contri- 
 buted greatly to increafe the public ferment. 
 
 The people now held frequent afTemblies. 
 Some of them took up arms with a defign to force 
 the governor to rePiore the powder, and to take 
 the public money into iheir own poireflion -, but 
 en their way to Williamfburgh for this purpofe, 
 they were met by the receiver-general, who be- 
 came fecurity for the payment of the gun-pow- 
 der, and the inhabitants promifed to take care 
 of tlie magazine and public revenue. 
 
 By thefe proceedings the governor was {o much 
 intimidated, that he fent his family on board a 
 man of war. He himfelf, however, iffued a 
 proclamation, in which he declared the beha- 
 viour of the perfon who promoted the tumult 
 trcafonable, accufed the people of difafFedlion, 
 
 ace. 
 
riOO GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 Sec. On their part they were by no means de- 
 ficient in recriminating •, and fome letters of his 
 to Britain being about the fame tlnae difcovered, 
 coniequences enfued extremely fimilar to thofe 
 which had been occafioned by thole of Mr. Hut- 
 chinion's at Bofton. 
 
 In this {late of confufion the governor thought 
 it necefTary to fortify his palace with artillery, 
 and procure a party of marines to guard it. Lord 
 North's conciliatory propofal arriving alfo about 
 the fame time, he uled his utmoft endeavours to 
 caufe the people to comply with it. The argu- 
 ments he ufed were planfible ; and, had not mat- 
 ters already gone to fuch a pitch of dirtra<ftion, 
 it is highly probable that fome attention would 
 have been paid to them. " The view (he laid) 
 in which the colonies ought to hold this conci- 
 jlatory propoflil, was no more than an earnefl 
 admonition from Great-Britain to relieve her 
 wants : that the utmolt condefcendence had been 
 ufed in the mode of application ; no determinate 
 f(im having been fixed, as it was thought mod 
 worthy of Briti(h generofity to take what they 
 thought could be conveniently fpared, and like- 
 wife to leave the mode of raifing it to themfelves," 
 Sec. But the clamour and diifatisfaiftion were 
 now fo univerful, that nothing elfe could be at- 
 tended to. The governor had called an afTem- 
 bly for the purpofe of laying this conciliatory 
 propofal before them ; but it had been little at- 
 tended to. The affembly began their fefTion by 
 inquiries into the ftate of the magazine. It had 
 been broken into by fome of the townfmen ; for 
 which reafon fpring-guns had been placed there 
 by the governor, which difcharged themfelves 
 
 upon 
 
OF AMERICA. 301 
 
 upon the ofFenders at their entrance : thefe cir- 
 cumftances, with others of a fimilar kind, raifed 
 fuch a violent uproar, that, as foon as the pre- 
 liminary bufinefs of the feffion was over, the go- 
 vernor retired on board a man of war, inform- 
 ing the afTembly that he durfl no longer truft 
 himfelf on ihore. This produced a long courle 
 of difputation, which ended in a pofitive refufal 
 of the governor to trufl himlelf again in Williamf^ 
 burgh, even to give aflTent to the bills, which 
 could not be pafTed without it, and though the 
 alTembly offered to bind themlelves for his per- 
 ibnal fafety. In his turn he requeued them to 
 meet him on board the man of war, where he 
 then was *, but his propofal was rejected; and 
 further correfpondence containing the leaft ap- 
 pearance of friendfhip was difcontinucd. 
 
 Lord Dunmore, having thus abandoned his 
 government, attempted to reduce by force thofe 
 whom he could no longer govern. Some of the 
 moft flrenuous adherents to the Britidi caufc, 
 whom their zeal had rendered obnoxious at 
 home, now repaired to him. He was al(b join- 
 ed by numbers of black flaves. With thefe, and 
 the ailiftance of the BritiQi {hipping, he was for 
 fome time enabled to carry on a kind of predato- 
 ry war fufficicnt to hurt and exafperate, but not 
 lo fubdue. After fome inconfiderable attempts 
 on land, proclaiming liberty to the flaves, and 
 fetting up the royal ftandard, he took up his re- 
 fidence at Norfolk, a maritime town of fome 
 confequence, where the people were better af- 
 fedfed to Britain than in moft other places. A 
 ronfiderable force, however, was colle<5led 
 
 againfl 
 C c 2 
 
302 GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 againft him : and the natural impetnofity of his 
 temper prompting him to a6l againft them with 
 more courage than caution, he was entirely de- 
 feated, and obliged to retire to his fhipping, 
 Avhich was now crowded by the number of thofe 
 who had incurred the refentment of the provin- 
 cials. 
 
 In the mean time a fcheme of the utmoft mag- 
 nitude and importance was formed by one Mr. 
 Conolly, a Pennfylvanian, attached to the caufe 
 of Britain. The firft ftep of this plan was to en- 
 ter inro a league with the Ohio Indians. This 
 he communicated to Lord Dunmore, and it re- 
 ceived his approbation j upon which Conolly fet 
 out, and actually fucceeded in his defign. On 
 his return he v/us defpatched to General Gage, 
 from whom he received a colonel's commifTion, 
 and fet out in order to accomplifh the remainder 
 of his fcheme. The plan in general was, that 
 be ihould return to the Ohio, where by the zC- 
 (iftance of the Britifh and Indians in thefe parts, 
 he was to penetrate through the back, fettlements 
 into Virginia, and join Lord Dlinmore at Alex- 
 andria. But by an accident very naturally to be 
 expected he was difcovered, taken prifoner, and 
 confined. 
 
 After the retreat of Lord Dunmore from Nor- 
 folk, that place was taken poiTtfTion of by the 
 provincial?, who greatly difireffed thofe on board 
 Lord Dunmore's fleet, by refufmgto fupply them 
 with any neceflaries. This proceeding drew a 
 renumftrance from his LordQiip; in which he 
 infiftcd that the fleet fliould be furniflied with 
 neceflaries y but his requeft being denied, a refo- 
 
 lution 
 
OF AMERICA. 30.1 
 
 lation was taken to fet fire to the town. After 
 givisg the inhabitants proper warning, a party 
 landed, under cover of a man of war, and fet 
 fire to that part which lay nearefl the fhore ; but 
 the flames were obferved at the fame time to 
 break forth in every other quarter, and the whole 
 town was reduced to aflies. This univerfal de- 
 Aru6^ion, occafioned a lofs of more thaa 
 £ 300,000 
 
 In the fouthern Colonies of Carolina, the go- 
 vernors were expelled, and obliged to take re- 
 fuge on board of men of war, as Lord Dunmore 
 had been, Mr. Martin, governor of North Caro- 
 lina, on a charge of attempting to raife the back- 
 lettlers, conlifting chie(iy of Scots Highlanders, 
 agalnft the colony. Having fecured themfelves 
 againft any attempts from thefe enemies, how- 
 ever, they proceeded to regulate their internal 
 concerns in the fame manner as the reft of the 
 colonies ; and by the end of the year 1775, Bri- 
 tain beheld the whole of America united againfl 
 her in the mofl determined oppofition. Her vaft 
 poflefTions of that tra6t of land (fince known by 
 the name of the Thirteen United States) were now 
 reduced .to the fmgle town of Bofton ; in which 
 her forces were befieged by an army with whom 
 they were apparantly not able to cope, and by 
 whom they muft of courfe expcfl in a very iliort 
 time to be expelled. The fituation of the inha- 
 bitants of Boflon, indeed, was peculiarly unhap- 
 py. After having failed in their attempts to 
 leave the town, General Gage had confcnted to 
 allow them to retire with their efre<5fs \ but after- 
 wards, treacheroufly refufed to fulfil his promife. 
 When he refigned his place to General Howe in 
 
 Oa-ober 
 
304 GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 O6lober 1775, the latter, apprehenfive that they 
 might give intelligence of the fituation of the 
 Britifh troops, ftriflly prohibited any perfon from 
 leaving the place under pain of military execu- 
 tion. Thus matters continued till the month of 
 March 1776, when the town was evacuated. 
 
 On the 2d of that month, General Wafhing- 
 ton opened a battery on the weft fide of the town, 
 from whence it was bombarded, with a heavy 
 fire of cannon at the fame time; and three days 
 after, it was attacked by another battery from 
 the eaftern (hore. This terrible attack continued 
 for 14< days without intermiflionj when General 
 Howe, finding the place no longer tenable, de- 
 termined if poflible to drive the enemy from their 
 works. Preparations were therefore made for 
 a moft vigorous attack on a hill called Dor- 
 chefter Neck, which the Americans had fortified 
 in fuch a manner as would in all probability have 
 rendered the entcrprife next to defperate. No 
 difficulties, however, were fufficient to daunt the 
 fpirit of the general ; and every thing was in 
 readinefs, when a fudden ftorm prevented an ex- 
 ertion which muft have been productive of a 
 dreadful wafte of blood. Next day, upon a 
 more clofe infpeCtion of the works they were to 
 attack, it was thought advifable to defift from 
 the enterprife altogether. The fortifications 
 were very ftrong, and exceedingly well provided 
 with artillery ; and, befides other implements of 
 deftru£lion, upwards of lOOhogfiieadsof ftones 
 were provided to roll down upon the enemy as 
 they came up ; which, as the afcent was ex- 
 tremely flecp, muft have done prodigious exe- 
 cution. 
 
 Nothing 
 
OF AMERICA. 305 
 
 Nothing therefore now remained but to think 
 of a retreat; and even this was attended with 
 the utmoil difficuhy and danger. The Ameri- 
 cans, however, knowing that it was in the power 
 of the Britifh general to reduce the town to a(hes, 
 which could not have been repaired in many 
 years, did not think proper to give the leaft mo- 
 leOation ; and for the fpace of a fortnight the 
 troops were employed in the evacuation of the 
 place, from whence they carried along with them 
 2000 of the inhabitants, who durft not Oay 
 on account of their attachment to the Brithh 
 caufe. From Bofton they failed to Halifax ; but 
 all their vigilance could not prevent a number of 
 valuable (hips from falling into the hands of the 
 Americans. A confiderable quantity of cannon 
 and ammunition had alfo been left at Bunker's 
 Hill and Boffon Neck ; and in the town, an im- 
 menfe variety of goods, principally woollen and 
 linen, of which the provincials flood very much 
 in need. The eftates of thofe who fled to Hali- 
 fax were confifcatcd; as alfo thofe who were at- 
 tached to government, and had remained in the 
 town. As an attack was expelled as foon as the 
 liritidi forces flii)uld arrive, every method was 
 employed to render the fortifications already very 
 ftrong, impregnable. For this purpofc fome fo- 
 reign engineers were employed, who had before 
 arrived at Bofton-, and fo e^ger were people of 
 all ranks to accomplifh this bufinefs, that every 
 able-bodied man in the place, without diftinftiou 
 of rank, fet apart two days in the week, to com- 
 plete it the fooner. 
 
 CHAP 
 
S06 GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 CHAP. IV. 
 
 Congrefs declare the States independetit — Siege of ] 
 ^lehec Jl'ill continued — Gen, Thcmpfon defeated 
 — InfurreBion of the Loyaltfts in North Caroli- 
 na — Lord Dunmore finally driven out of Virgi' 
 nia — Britflj attack Charlejhny and are rc- 
 piilfed — Ainericans form a Navy, 
 
 X HE Americans, exafperated to the ut- 
 jnofl by the proceedings of parliament, which 
 placed them out of the royal prote^^ion, and en- 
 gaged foreign mercenaries in the plan for fubdii- 
 ing them, now formally renounced all connec- 
 tion with Britain, and declared themfelves inde- 
 pendent. This celebrated declaration was pub- 
 iiflied on the 4ih of July 1776. Previous to 
 this a circular letter had been fent through each 
 colony, ftnt-ing the reafonti for it •, and fuch was 
 the animofity now every where prevailing againfc 
 Great Britain, that it met wiili univeifal appro- 
 bation, except in the province of Maryland alone. 
 It was not long, however, before the people of 
 that colony, finding themfelves left in a very 
 dangerous minority, thought proper to accede 
 to the meafures of the reft. T^e manifefto itfelf ^^ 
 was in ihe ufual nervous ftyle, flating a long lift 
 of grievances, for which redrefs had been often 
 applied in vain : and for thefe reafons they de- 
 termined on a final feparation ; to hold the peo- 
 ple of Britain as the reft of mankind, ** enemies 
 in war, in peace friends." 
 
 After 
 
OF AMERICA. 30t 
 
 After thus publicly throwingoff all allegiance 
 and hope of reconciliation, the colonifls foon 
 found that an exertion of all their ftrength was 
 required in order to fupport their pretenfions. 
 Their arms, indeed, had not, during this feafon, 
 been attended with fuccefs in Canada. Rein- 
 forcements had been promifed to Col. Arnold, 
 who ftill continued the blockade of Quebec ; 
 but they did not arrive in time to fecond his ope- 
 rations. Being fenfible, however, that he mufl 
 either defift from the enterprife, or finilli it fuc- 
 cefsfuliy, he recommenced in form ; attempting 
 to burn the (hipping, and even toftorm the town 
 itfelf. They were unfuccefsful, however, by 
 reafoh of the fmallnefs of their number, though 
 they fucceeded fo far as to burn a number of 
 houfes in the fuburbs ; and the garriibn were 
 obliged to pull down the remainder, in order to 
 prevent the fire from fpreading. 
 
 As the provincials, though unable to reduce 
 the town, kept the garrifon in continual alarms, 
 and in a very difagreeable fituation, fome of the 
 nobility colie<51:ed themfelves into a body under 
 the command of one Mr. Beaujeu, in order to 
 relieve their capital •, but they were met on their 
 march by the provincials, and fo entirely defeat- 
 ed, that they were never afterwards able to at- 
 tempt any thing. Their want of artillery at laft 
 convinced them, that it was impra(flicable in their 
 fituation to reduce a place fo ftrongly fortified; 
 the fmall-pox, at the lame time made its appear- 
 ance in their camp, and carried off great num- 
 bers ; intimidating the reft to fuch a degree, that 
 they defer ted in crowds- To add to their mis- 
 fortunes, the BritKh reinforcements unexpected- 
 
306 GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 ly appeared, and the fhips made their way 
 through the ice with fuch celerity, that the one 
 part of their army was feparated from the other j 
 and General Carleton fallying out as foon as the 
 reinforcement was landed, obliged them to fly 
 with the utmort precipitation, leaving behind 
 them all their cannon and military ftores ; at the 
 fame time that their fliipping was entirely captur- 
 ed by vefleis fent up the river for that purpofe. 
 On this occafion the provincials fled with inch 
 precipitation that they could not be overtaken *, fo 
 that none fell into the hands of the Britifti, ex- 
 cepting the Tick and wounded. General Carleton 
 now gave a fignal inftance of his humanity : Be- 
 ing well apprifed that many of the provincials 
 had not been able to accompany the reft in their 
 retreat, and that they were concealed in woods, 
 &c. In a very deplorable fituation, he generoufly 
 ifTued a proclamation, ordering proper perfons 
 to feek them out, and give them relief at the 
 public expenfe •, at the fame time left, through 
 fear of being made prifoners, they ftiould refufe 
 thcfe offers of humanity, he promifed that, as 
 foon as their fituation enabled them, they ftiould 
 be at liberty to depart to their refpe(5five homes. 
 The Britifh general, now freed from any dan- 
 ger of an attack, was foon enabled to aft ofFen- 
 lively againft the provincials, by the arrival of 
 the forces deftined for that purpole from Biitain. 
 By thele he was put at the head of 12,000 regu- 
 lar troops, among whom were thofe of Brunl- 
 wick. With this force he inftantly fet out to the 
 Three Rivers, where he expefted that Arnold 
 would have made a ftand ; but he had retired to 
 Sorel a place 150 miles diftant from Quebec, 
 
 where 
 
OF AMERICA. 309 
 
 where he was at lafl: met by the reinforcement 
 ordered by congrefs. Here, though the preced- 
 ing events were by no means calculated to iu- 
 fpire much military ardour, a very daring enter- 
 prize was undertaken ; and this was, to furprife 
 the Britifli troops ported here under Generals 
 Frafer and Nefbit ; of whom the former com- 
 manded thofe on land, the latter, fuch as were 
 on board of tranfports and were but a little way 
 diftant. The enterprife was undoubtedly very 
 hazardous, both on account of the ftrength of 
 the parties againrt whom they were to zt\, and 
 as the main body of the Britifli forces were ad- 
 vanced within 50 miles of the place ; befides that 
 a number of armed vefTels and tranTports with 
 troops lay between them and the Three Rivers. 
 Two thoufand chofen men, however, under Ge- 
 neral Thompfon, engaged in this enterprife. 
 Their fuccefs was by no means anfwerable to 
 their fpirit and valour. Though they pafTed the 
 fhipping without being obferved. General Fra- 
 fer had notice of their landing ; and thus being 
 prepared to receive them, they were foon thrown 
 into diforder, at the fame time that General Nef- 
 bit, having landed his forces, prepared to attack 
 them in the rear. On this occafion fome field- 
 pieces did prodigious execution, and a retreat 
 was found to be unavoidable. General Nefbit, 
 however, had got between them and their boats, 
 fo that they were obliged to take a circuit through 
 a deep fwamp, while they were hotly purfued 
 by both parties at the fame time, who marched 
 for fome miles on each fide the fwamp, till at lafl: 
 the unfortunate provincials were flickered from 
 
 further 
 D d 
 
310 GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 further danger by a wood at the end of the 
 fvvamp. Their general, however, was taken 
 with 200 of his men. 
 
 By this difafter the provincials loft all hopes of 
 accomplifhing any thing more in Canada. They 
 demoliihed their works, and carried off their ar- 
 tillery with the utmoft expedition. They were 
 purfued, however, by General Burgoyne ; who 
 on the 18th of June arrived at Fort St. John's 
 which he found abandoned and burnt. Cham- 
 blee had fhared the fame fate, as well as all the 
 .veflels that were not capable of being dragged 
 up againft the current of the river j and the pro- 
 vincial troops had retreated acrofs the lake to 
 Crown-Point, whither they could not be imme- 
 diately followed. Thus was the province of Ca- 
 nada entirely evacuated bf*the Americans, who 
 had thus fecured the frontier of the adjacent 
 ftates from invafion on the part of the Britifh j 
 the objedl of a campaign in which 13,000 men 
 were employed, and near a million of money ex- 
 pended, was rendered in a great meafure abor- 
 tive. General Sullivan, who condudled this re- 
 treat after the affair of General Thompfon, had 
 great merit in what he did, and received the 
 thanks of congrefs accordingly. 
 
 This was followed by fome tranfa6^ionsin the 
 fouthern colonies, which farther evinced their re- 
 folution, and raifed the fpirits of the Americans 
 . — We have formerly taken notice that Mr. Mar- 
 tin, governor of North-Carolina, had been oblig- 
 ed to leave his province and take refuge on board 
 a man of war. Notwithftanding this he did not 
 defpair of reducing it again to obedience. For 
 this purpofe he applied to the regulators, :» dar- 
 ing 
 
OF AMERICA. 311 
 
 ing fet of banditti, who lived in a kind of inde- 
 pendent ftate •, and though confidered by govern- 
 ment as rebels, yet had never been molefted, on 
 account of their numbers and known fkill in the 
 ufe of fire-arms. To the chiefs of thefe people 
 commiflions were fent, in order to raife fome re- 
 giments ; and a Colonel Macdonald was appoint- 
 ed to command them. In the month of Februa- 
 ry he ere(5led the king's ftandard, iffued procla- 
 mations, &c. and collected fome forces, expell- 
 ing to be foon joined by a body of regular troopSf 
 who were known to be fhipped from Britain to 
 v.'St againft: the fouthern colonies. The Ameri- 
 cans, fenfible of their danger, defpatched imme- 
 diately what forces they -had to a<5f againft the 
 royalifts, at the fame time that they diligently 
 exerted themfelves to fupport thefe with fuitable 
 reinforcements. Their prefent force was com- 
 manded by General Moore whofe numbers were 
 inferior to Macdonald ; for which reafon the lat- 
 ter fumnaoned him to join the king's flandard 
 under pain of being treated as a rebel. But 
 Moore, being well provided with cannon, and 
 confcious that nothing could be attempted againft 
 him, returned the compliment, by acquainting 
 Colonel Macdonald, that if he and his party 
 would lay down their arms, and fubfcribe an oath 
 of fidelity to congrefs, they (hould be treated as 
 friends; but if they perfifted in an undertaking 
 for v^/hich it is evident they had not fufficient 
 ftrength, they could not but expe<5t the fevercft 
 treatment. In a few days General Moore found 
 himfelf at the head of 8000 men, by reafon of 
 the continual fupplies which 'daily arrived from 
 all parts. The royal party amounted only to 
 
 2000^ 
 
312 GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 2000, and they were deftitute of artillery, whlcli 
 prevented them from attacking the enemy while 
 they had the advantage of numbers. They were 
 now therefore obliged to have recourfe to a dejT- 
 perate exertion of perfonal valour ; by dint of 
 which they effefled a retreat for near 80 miles 
 to Moor's Creek, within 16 miles of Wilming- 
 ton. Could they have gained this place, they ex- 
 pedled to have been joined by governor Martin 
 and general Clinton, who had lately arrived with 
 ■a confiderable detachment. But general Moore 
 with his army purfued them fo clofe, that they 
 were obliged to attempt the pafTage of the creek 
 itfelf, though a confiderable body of the Ameri- 
 cans, under the command of Colonel Cafwell, 
 with fortifications well planted with cannon, was 
 polled on the other. On attempting the creek, 
 however, it was found not to be fordable. They 
 were obliged therefore to crofs over a wooden 
 bridge, which the provincials had not time to de- 
 flroy entirely. They had, however, by pulling 
 up part of the planks, and greafmg the remain- 
 der in order to render them flippery, made the 
 palfage Co difficult, that the royalilh could not 
 attempt it. In this fituation they were, on the 
 27th of February, attacked by general Moore 
 with his fuperior army, and totally defeated with 
 the lofs of their general and moft of their leaders, 
 as well as the beft and bravcft of their men. 
 
 Thus was the power of the Americans efta- 
 blifhed in North-Carolina. Nor were they lefs 
 fucccfsful in the province of Virginia ; where 
 Lord Dunmore having long continued an ufelefs 
 predutory war, was at laft driven from every 
 creek and road in the province. The people h e 
 
 had 
 
OF AMERICA. 313 
 
 had on board were diftrefTed to the higheft: de- 
 gree by confinement in fmall vefTels. The heat 
 of the feafon, and the numbers crowded together, 
 produced a peftilential fever, which made great 
 havock, efpecially among the blacks. At laft, 
 finding themfelves in the utmoft hazard of perifli- 
 ing by famine as well as difeafe, they fet fire to 
 the leafl valuable of their veiTelsj referving only 
 about 50 for themfelves, in which they bid a final 
 ajieu to Virginia, fome failing to Florida, fome 
 to Bermuda, and the reft to the Weft-Indies. 
 
 In South-Carolina the Americans, had a more 
 formidable enemy to deal with. At Cape-Fear 
 a juncftion was formed between Sir Henry Clin- 
 ton, and Sir Peter Parker, the latter of whom 
 had fiiiled with his fquadron diredlly from Eu- 
 rope. They concluded to attempt the redudfion 
 of Charlefton as being, of all places within the 
 line of their inftrudf ions, the objefi: at which they 
 could ftrike with the greateft profpe6t of advan- 
 tage. They had 2,800 land forces, which they 
 hoped, with the co-operation of their ftiipplng, 
 would be fully fufficient. 
 
 For fome months paft every exertion had been 
 made to put the Colony of South-Carolina, and 
 efpecially its capital, Charlefton, in a refpeftable 
 pofture of defence. In fubferviency to this view, 
 works had been erefled on Sullivan's ifland, 
 which is fituated fo near the channel leading up 
 to the town, as to be a convenient poft for an- 
 noying veftels approaching it. 
 
 Sir Peter Parker attacked the fort on that 
 iftand with twx) fifty gun fliips, the Briftol and 
 Experiment, four frigates, the A(5live, Afteon, 
 
 Solebav 
 D d 2 
 
3U GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 Solcbay and Syren, each of 28 guns. The Sphynx 
 of 20 guns, the Friend Ihip armed vefTel of 22 
 guns, Ranger floop, and Thunder bomb, each 
 of 8 guns. On the fort were mounted 26 cannon, 
 26, 18 and 9 pounders- The attack commenc- 
 ed between ten and eleven in the forenoon; and 
 was continued upwards of ten hours. The gar- 
 rifon confining of 375 regulars and a few militia, 
 under the command of colonel Moultrie, made 
 a moll gallant defence. They fired deliberately, 
 for the moft part took aim and feidom mifTed 
 their objeft. The fiiips were torn almofl to 
 pieces, and the killed and wounded on board ex- 
 ceeded 200 men. The lofs of the garrifon was 
 only ten men killed and 22 wounded. The fort 
 being built of palmetto was little damaged. The 
 (liot which flruck it were inefFeftually buried in 
 its foft wood, General Clinton had fome time 
 before the engagement, landed with a number of 
 troops on Long-Ifland, and it was expelled that 
 he would have co-operated with Sir Peter Par- 
 ker, by croffing over the narrow pafiage, which 
 divides the two iflands, and attacking the fort in 
 its unfinifhed rear, but the extreme danger to 
 which he muft unavoidably have expofcd his men, 
 induced him to decline the perilous attempt. 
 Colonel Thomfon with 7 or 800 men was Ita- 
 tioned at the eaft end of Sullivan's ifland to op- 
 pofe their croffing. No ferious attempt was made 
 to land either from the fleet or the detachment 
 commanded by Sir Henry Clinton. The firing 
 ceafed in the evening, and foon after the (hips 
 flipped their cables. Before morning they had 
 retired about two miles from the ifland. With- 
 in a few days more the troops re-embarked and 
 
 failed 
 
OF AMERICA. 315 
 
 failed for New-York. The thanks of congrefs 
 were given to General Lee, who had been fent 
 by congrefs to take the command in Carolina, 
 and alfo to colonels Moultrie and Thomfon, for 
 their good condu6l on this memorable day. In 
 compliment to the commanding officer the fort 
 from that time was called Fort Moultrie. 
 
 This year alfo, the Americans, having fo fre- 
 quently made trial of their valour by land, be- 
 came defnous of trying it by fea alfo, and of 
 forming a navy that might in fome meafure be 
 able to protedl their trade, and ($o efTential hurt 
 to the enemy. In the beginning of March, Com- 
 modore Hopkins was defpatched with five fri- 
 gates to the Bah?:na idands, where he made him- 
 felf mafter of the ordnance and military (lores ; 
 but the gunpowder v/hich had been the principal 
 objecf, was removed. On his return he captured 
 feveral vefTeis ; but was foiled in his attempt on 
 the Glafgow frigate, which found means to ef- 
 cape noiwithftanding the efforts of his whole 
 fquadron. 
 
S 1 6 GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 CHAP. V. 
 
 Battle on Long IJla7id-—Ne'W'Torh abandoned — Bat' 
 tie at the White-plains — BritiJJj overrun the Jer- 
 feys — Rhode- IJland taken — The Britijh convey 
 Veffels ut> the Lake Champlain — and dejlroy the 
 Naval Force of the Americans — General Lee taken 
 prifoner — Battles of Trenton and Princeton, 
 
 T 
 
 HE time, however, was now come 
 when the fortitude and patience of the Americans 
 were to undergo a fevere trial. Hitherto they 
 had been on the whole fuccefsful in their opera- 
 tions : but now they were doomed to experience 
 misfortune, mifery, and difappointment ; the 
 enemy over-running their country, and their own 
 armies not able to face them in the field. The 
 province of New-York, as being the mod cen- 
 tral colony, and moft accefTible by Tea, was 
 pitched upon for the objedl of the main attack. 
 The force fent againft it confifted of 6 fliips of 
 the line, 30 frigates, befides other armed vcfTels, 
 and a vaft number of tranfports. The fleet was 
 commanded by Lord Howe, and the land forces 
 by his brother General Howe, who was now at 
 Halifax. The latter, however, a confiderable 
 time before his brother arrived, had fet fail from 
 Halifax, and lay before New- York, but without 
 attempting to commence hoflilities until he (hould 
 be joined by his brother. The Americans had, 
 according to cuftom, fortified New-York and the 
 adjacent iflaods in an extraordinary manner. 
 
 However, 
 
OF AMERICA. 317 
 
 However^ General Howe was fufFered to land 
 his troops on Statcn Ifland, where he was foon 
 joined by a number of the inhabitants* About 
 the middle of July, Lord Howe arrived with the 
 grand armament ; and being one of the commif- 
 /joners appointed to receive the fubmiffion of the 
 colonifts, he publifhed a circular letter to this 
 purpofe to the feveral governors who had lately 
 been expelled from their provinces, defiring them 
 to make the extent of his commiffion, and the 
 powers he was invefted with by parliament, as 
 public as poffible. Here, however, congrefs 
 faved him trouble, by ordering his letter and de- 
 claration to be publiihed in all the newfpapers, 
 " That every one might fee the infidioufnefs of 
 the Britidi minidry, and that they had nothing 
 to truft to befides the exertion of their own va- 
 lour." 
 
 Lord Howe ne;xt fcnt a letter to General Wafh- 
 ington ; but as it was direfled to George Waih- 
 ington, Efq. the General refufed to accept of it, 
 as not being directed in the flyle fuitable to his 
 ftation.. To obviate this objecflion. Adjutant-ge- 
 neral Patterfon was fent with another letter, di- 
 re<5led ** T.o George Wajlnngton^ iffc- ilfc, isfc." 
 But though a very polite reception was given to 
 the bearer, General Wafliington utterly refufed 
 the letter ; nor could any explanation of the 
 adjutant induce him to accept of it. The only 
 hiterefting part of the converfation was that re- 
 lating to the powers of the commiflioners, of 
 whom Lord Howe was one. The adjutant told 
 him, that thefe powers were very extenfive ; that 
 the commilfioners were determined to exert 
 themfelves to the utmoU: in order to bring about 
 
 ■ a reconciliation j 
 
318 GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 a reconciliation *, and that he hoped the General 
 would conllder this vifit as a ftep towards it. 
 General Walhington replied, that it did not ap- 
 pear that thefe powers confifted in any thing elfe 
 than granting pardons ; and as America had 
 committed no offence, (he afked no forgivenefs, 
 and was only defending her unqueftionable 
 rights. 
 
 The decifion of every thing being now by con- 
 fent of both parties kft to the fword, no time 
 was loft, but hoOilities commenced as foon as the 
 Britifli troops could be collected. This, how- 
 ever, was not done before the month of Auguft : 
 when they landed without any oppofition on 
 Long-ifland, oppofite to the fhore of Statcn- 
 Ifland. General Putnam, with a large body of 
 troops, lay encamped and ftrongly fortified on 
 a peninfula on the oppofite fhore, with a range 
 of hills between the armies, the principal pafs of 
 which was near a place called Flat-BuJJj. Here 
 the centre of the Britifli army, confifting of Hef- 
 lians, took port ; the left wing, under General 
 Grant, lying near the Ihore •, and the right, con- 
 fifting of the greater part of the Britini forces, 
 lay under Lord Percy, Cornwallis, and General 
 Clinton. Putnam had ordered the paffes to be 
 iecured by large detachments, which was exe- 
 cuted as to thofe at hand •, but one of the titmoft 
 importance, that lay at a diftance, was entirely 
 neglc(5led. This gave an opportunity to a large 
 body of troops under Lord Percy and Clinton 
 to pafs the mountains and attack the Americans 
 in the rear, while they were engaged with the 
 Hellians in front. Through this piece of negli- 
 gence their defeat became inevitable. Thofe who 
 
 were 
 
OF AMERICA. 3ly 
 
 were engaged with the Hiffians fir ft perceived 
 their miftake, and began a retreat towa'-ds their 
 camp ; but the pafTage was intercepted by the 
 Britifli troops, who drove them back into the 
 woods. Here they were met by the Hefllans ; 
 and thus they were for many hours flaughtered 
 between the two parties, no way of efcape re- 
 maining but by breaking through the BritiQi 
 troops, and thus regaining their camp. In this 
 attempt many peridied ; and the right wing, en- 
 gaged with General Grant, (hared the fame fate. 
 The vidlory was complete -, and the Americans 
 lofl on this fatal day (Auguft 27) confiderably 
 upwards of 1000 men, and two generals ; feve- 
 ral officers of diftin6lion were made prifoners, 
 with a number of privates. Among the flain, a 
 regiment confiding of young gentlemen of fortune 
 and family in Maryland, was almoft entirely cut 
 in pieces, and of the furvivors not one efcaped 
 without a wound. 
 
 The ardour of the Britifh troops was now fo 
 great, that they could fcarce be reftrained from 
 attacking the lines of the provincials -, but for 
 this there was now no occafion, as it was certain 
 they could not be defended. Of the Britifh and 
 Heffians about 4-50 were loft in this engagement. 
 
 As none of the American commanders thought 
 it proper to rifle another attack, it was relolved 
 to abandon their camp as foon as poflible. Ac- 
 cordingly, on the night ot the 29th of Auguft, 
 the whole of the continental troops were ferried 
 over with the utmoft fecrecy and iilence ; fo that 
 in the morning the Britifli had nothing to do but 
 take pofl^eflion of the camp and what artillery 
 they had abandoned. 
 
 This 
 
620 GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 This vi(n-ory, though complete, was very far 
 from being fo dedfive as vhe conquerors imagin- 
 ed. Lord Howe, fuppofitig that it would be 
 fufficicnt to intjmidate the congrefs into fome 
 terms, fent General Sullivan, who had been taken 
 prifoner in the late a(n:ion, to congrefs, with a 
 mefTnge, importing, that though he could not 
 confiftently treat with them as a legal aderably, 
 yet he w<Hild be very glad to confer with any of 
 the members in their private capacity ; fetting 
 forth at the fame time the nature and extent of 
 his powers as commiiTioner. But the congrefs 
 v/ere not fo humbled as to derogate in the leaft 
 from the dignity of character they had afTumed. 
 They replied, that the congrefs of the free and 
 independent Hates of America could not confid- 
 ently fend any of its members in another capacity 
 than that which they had publicly affumed ; but 
 as they were extremely defjrous of reftoring 
 peace to their country upon equitable conditions, 
 they would appoint a committee of their body to 
 wait upon him, and learn what propofals hehad 
 to make. 
 
 This produced a new conference. The com- 
 mittee appointed by congrefs was compofed of 
 Dr. Franklin, Mr. Adams, and Mr. Rutledge. 
 They were very politely received by his Lord- 
 Ihip ; but the conference proved as fruirlei.s as 
 before independency had been declared ; and the 
 final anlwer of the deputies was, that they were 
 extremely willing to enter into any treary with. 
 Great Britain that might conduce to the good of 
 both nations, but that they would not treat in 
 any other character than that of independent 
 flates. This pofitive declaration inflantly put an 
 
 end 
 
OF AMERICA. 321 
 
 end ta all hopes of reconciliation ; and it was re- 
 folved to profecute the war with the utmoft vi- 
 gour. Lord Howe, after publifhing a manifefto, 
 in which he declared the refufal of congrefs, and 
 that he himfelf was willing to confer with all well 
 difpofed perfons about the means of redoring 
 public tranquillity, fet about the moft proper me- 
 thods for reducing the city of New- York. Here 
 the provincial troops were pofled, and from a 
 great number of batteries kept continually annoy- 
 ing the Britifli /hipping. IheEaft River lay be- 
 tween them, of about 1200 yards in breadth, 
 which the Britilh troops were extremely defirous 
 of pafling. At laft, the (hips having, after an 
 incelTant cannonade of feveral days, lilenced the 
 moll troublefome batteries, a body of troops were 
 fent up the river to a bay, about three miles dif- 
 tant, where the fortifications were lefs ftrong 
 than in other places. Here having driven off the 
 provincials by the cannon of the fleet, they march- 
 ed dircftly towards the city j but the Americans 
 finding that they fhould now be attacked on all 
 fides, abandoned the city, and retired to the north 
 of the ifland, where the principal force was col- 
 lecTted. In their pafTage thither they fkirmifhed 
 vvith the Britilh, but carefully avoided a general 
 engagement ; and it was obferved that they did 
 not behave with that ardour and impetuous va- 
 lour which had hitherto marked their chara6ler. 
 The Britifh and provincial armies were not 
 now above two miles diflant from each other. 
 The former lay encamped from fliore to fhore 
 for an extent of two miles, being the breadth of 
 the ifland, which, though 15 miles long, exceeds 
 
 not 
 E e 
 
322 GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 not two in any part in breadth. The provincials, 
 who lay direfily oppofite had ftrengthened their 
 camp with many fortifications; at the lame time 
 being mafters of all the pafTes and defiles betwixt 
 the two camps they were enabled to defend them» 
 felves againft an army much more numerous than 
 their own ; and they had ftrongly fortified a pafs 
 called KingS'BridgCy whence they could fecure 
 a pafTage to the continent in cafe of any misfor- 
 tune. Here General Wafliington in order to 
 inure the provincials to aftual fervice, and at the 
 fame time to annoy the enemy as much as poffi- 
 ble, employed his troops in continual fkirmifties; 
 by which it wns obferved that they foon recov- 
 ered their fpirits, and behaved with their ufuai 
 boldnefs. 
 
 As the fituation of the two armies was now 
 highly inconvenient for the Britifli generals it 
 was refolved to make fuch movements as might 
 oblige Gen. Wafhington to relinquifh his ftrong 
 fituation. The pofiTefiion of New- York had been 
 iefs beneficial than was expe<Sied. A few days 
 after it was evacuated by the Americans, a dread- 
 ful fire broke out, occafioned, probably, by the 
 licentious condufl of fome of its new mafters, 
 and had it not been for the active exertions of 
 the Tailors and foldiery, the who^e town might 
 have been confnmed, the wind being high, and 
 the weather remarkably dry. About a thoufand 
 houfes were deflroyed. General Howe having 
 left Lord Percy with fufficient force to garrifon 
 New-York, he embarked his army in flat- bot- 
 tomed boats by which they were conveyed 
 through the dangerous pafiage called Hell-Gate, 
 and landed near the town of Well-Cheftc.'-, lying 
 
 on 
 
OF AMERICA. 312S 
 
 an the continent towards Connecfbicut. Here 
 having received a fapply of men and provifions, 
 they moved to New.Rochelle, fituated on the 
 found which feparates Long-Ifland from the con- 
 tinent. After this receiving ftill freOi reinforce- 
 ments, they made fuch movements as threatened 
 to diRrefs the provincials vefy much by cutting 
 olT their convoys of provifions from Conne<flicut, 
 and thus force them to an engagement. This, 
 however, General WaOiington determined at all 
 events to avoid. He therefore extended his forces 
 into a long line oppofite to the way in which the 
 enemy marched, keeping the Brunx, a river of 
 confiderable magnitude, between the two armies, 
 with the North-River on his rear. Here again 
 the provincials continued for fome time to annoy 
 and fkirmifh with the royal army, until at laft 
 by fome other manoeuvres, the Britifh general 
 found means to attack them advantageoully at a 
 place called the White-Plawsy and drove them 
 from fome of their pofts. The fuccefs on this 
 occafion was much lefs complete than the former; 
 however it obliged the provincials once more to 
 fnift their ground, and to retreat farther up the 
 country. General Howe purfued for fome time ; 
 but at la ft finding all his endeavours vain to bring 
 the Americans to a pitched battle, he determined 
 to give over fuch an ufelefs chafe, and employ 
 himfelf in reducing the forts which the provin- 
 cials fliil retained in the neighbourhood of New- 
 York. In this he met with the moft complete 
 fuccefs. The Americans, on the approach of the 
 king's forces, retreated from King's-Bridge into 
 Foit Wafhington ; and this as well as Fort- Lee, 
 which hy in the neighbourhood, was quickly 
 
 reduced. 
 
324 GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 reduced, though the garrifon made their efcape. 
 Thus the Jerfeys were Jaid entirely open to the 
 incurfions of the Britifh troops, and fo fcilv were 
 thefe provinces taken pofTellioo of by the royal 
 army, that its winter-quarters extended from 
 New-Brunfwick to the river Dehiware. Had 
 any number of boats been at hand, it was thought 
 Philadelphia would have fallen into their hands. 
 All thefe, however, had been carefully removed 
 by the Americans. In lieu of this enterprife. 
 Sir Henry Clinton, undertook an expediiioa to 
 •Rhode-Ifl and, and became malkr of it without 
 lofing a man. His expedition was alfo attended 
 with this further advantage, that the Aaierican 
 fkct under commodore Hopkins was obliged to 
 fail as far as pofTible up the river Providence, and 
 thus remained entirely ufelefs. 
 
 The fame ill fuccefs continued to attend the 
 Americans in other parts. After their expulfion 
 from Canada, they had crofTed the lake Cham- 
 plain, and taken up their quarters at Crown- 
 Point, as we have already mentioned. Here 
 they remained for fome time in fafety, as the Bri- 
 'tifli had no vefTels on the lake, and confequently 
 general Burgoyne could not purfue them. To 
 remedy this deficiency, there was no polTible me- 
 thod, but either to conflrucft vefTels on the fpot, 
 or take to pieces Ibme vefTels already conflruflcd, 
 and drag them up the river into the lake. This 
 however, was effected in no longer a fpace than 
 three months; and the Britifh general, after in- 
 credible toil and difficulty. Taw himTelf in poT- 
 Teflion of a great number of vefTels, by which 
 means he was enabled to purlue his enemies, and 
 invade them in hi§j»turn. The labour undergone 
 
 at 
 
OF AMERICA. S25 
 
 at this time by the Tea and land forces muft in- 
 deed have been prodigious; fince there were con- 
 veyed over land, and dragged up the rapids or 
 St. Lawrence, not fewer than thirty large long- 
 boats, 400 batteaux, befides a vaft number of 
 flat-bottomed boats, and a gondola of 30 tons. 
 The intent of the expedition was to puQi forward, 
 before winter, to Albany, where the army would 
 take up its winter-quarters, and next fpring effefl 
 a junction with that under General Howe, when 
 it was not doubted that the united force and fkill 
 of thefe two commanders would fpeedily put a 
 termination to the w^ir. 
 
 By reafon of the difficulties with which the 
 equipment of this fleet had been attended, it was 
 the beginning of 0<n:ober before the expedition 
 could be undertaken. It was now, however, 
 by every judge, allowed to be completely able 
 to anfwer the purpofefor which it was intended. 
 It confifted of one large vefTel with three mafts, 
 carrying 18 twelve pounders; two fchooners, 
 the one carrying 14, the other 12 fix pounders; 
 a large fiat-bottomed radeau with fix twenty-four 
 and 6 twelve pounders ; and a gondola with 8 
 nine pounders. Befides thefe, were 20 veffels of 
 a fmaller fizc, called gun-boats, carrying each a 
 piece of brafs ordnance from nine to twenty-four 
 pounders, or howitzers. Several long-boats were 
 fitted out in the fame manner ; and befides all 
 thefe, there was a vaft number of boats and ten- 
 ders of various fizes to be ufed as tranfports for 
 the troops and baggage. It was manned by a 
 number of fcle<ft feamen, and the guns were to be 
 ferved by a detachment from the corps of artil- 
 lery; 
 E c 2 
 
326 GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 lery ; the officers and foldiers appointed for this 
 expedition were alfo chofen out of the whole 
 army. 
 
 To oppofe this formidable armament the Ame- 
 ricans had only a very inconfiderable force, com- 
 manded by General Arnold ; who, after engag- 
 ing part of the Britifli fleet for a whole day, took 
 advantage of the darknefs of the night to fet fail 
 without being perceived, and the next morning 
 was out of fight : but he was fo hotly purfued by 
 the Britilh, that on the fecond day after, he was 
 overtaken, and forced to a fecond engagement. 
 In thii he behaved with great gallantry ; but his 
 force being very inferior to that of th«| enemy, 
 he was obliged to run his (hips a-fliore and fet 
 them on fire. A few only efcaped to lake George; 
 and the garrifon of Crown -Point having deftroy- 
 ed or carried off every thing of value, retired to 
 Ticonderago. Thither General Carleton intend- 
 ed to have purfued them ; but the difficulties he 
 had to encounter appeared fo many and fo great, 
 that it was thought proper to march back into 
 Canada and defift from any further operations till 
 next fpring. 
 
 Thus the affairs of the Americans feemed eve- 
 fy where going to wreck; even thofe who had 
 been moft fanguine in their caufe began to waver. 
 The time, alfo, for which the foldiers had enlift- 
 ed themfelves was now expired ; and the bad 
 fuccefs of the preceding campaign had been fo 
 very difcouraging, that no perlbn was willing to 
 engage himfeif during the continuance of a war 
 of which the event feemed to be fo doubtful. In 
 confequence of this, therefore, General Walhing- 
 ton found his army daily decre^fing in ftrength ; 
 
 fo 
 
OF AMERICA. 327 
 
 fo that, from 30,000 of which it confifted when 
 general Howe landed on Staten Ifland, fcarce a 
 tenth part could now be muftered. To aflift the 
 chief commander as much as polfible, general 
 Lee had collected a body of forces in the north ; 
 but on his way iouthward, having imprudently 
 taken up his lodging at fome diftance from his 
 troops, information was given to colonel Har- 
 court, who happened at that time to be in the 
 neighbourhood, and Lee was made prifoner. 
 The lofs of this general was much regretted, the 
 more efpccially as he was of fuperior quality to 
 any prifoner in the poflTeflion of the colonics, and 
 could not therefore be exchanged. Six. field- 
 officers were offered in exchange for him, and 
 refufed ; and the congrefs was highly irritated at 
 its being reported that he was to be treated as a 
 deferter, having been a half-pay officer in the 
 BritilTi fervice at the commencement of the war. 
 In confeqnence of this they iffiieda proclamation, 
 threatening to retaliate on the prifoners in their 
 poffeffion whatever punifliment would be inflict- 
 ed on any of thofe taken by the Britifh, and ef- 
 pecially that their condu6l fhould be regulated 
 by the treatment of general Lee. 
 
 In the mean time they proceeded with the moft 
 indefatigable diligence to recruit their army, and 
 bound their foldiers to ferve for a term of three 
 years, or during the continuance of the war. 
 The army defigned for the enfuing campaign, was 
 to confift of 88 battalions ; of which each pro- 
 vince was to contribute its quota *, and 20 dollars 
 were offered as a bounty to each foldier, bcfides 
 an allotment of lands at the end of the war. No 
 ands were promifed to thofe who only enlif^ed 
 
 fof 
 
328 GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 for three years. AH officers or foldiers difabled 
 through wounds received in the fervice were to 
 enjoy half-pay during life. To defray the expenfe 
 Congrt^fs borrowed five millions of dollars at five 
 per cent •, for the payment of which the United 
 feites became furety. At the fame time, in order 
 to animate the people to vigorous exertions, a de- 
 claration was publiftied, in which they fet forth 
 the neceiTity there was for taking proper methods 
 to infure luccefs in their caufe : they endeavour- 
 ed to palliate as much as poiTible the misfortunes 
 which had already happened ; and reprefented 
 the true caufe of the prefent dillrefs to be the 
 Ihort term of enliftment. 
 
 This declaration, together with the immhient 
 danger of Philadelphia, determined the Ameri- 
 cans to exert themfelves to the utmoft in order 
 to reinforce Gen. Wafhington's arm)', who, even 
 in this time of depreffion and difcouragement, 
 formed the bold defign of recroffing the Dela- 
 ware, and attacking that part of the enemy which 
 was ported at Trenton. As the Royal army ex- 
 tended in different cantonments for a great way. 
 Gen. Wafhington, perceiving the imminent dan- 
 ger to which Philadelphia was expofed, refolved 
 to make fome attempt on thofe dlvifions of the 
 enemy which lay neareft that city. Thefe hap- 
 pened to be the Heflians, who lay in three divi- 
 fions, the laft only 20 miles diftant from Phila- 
 delphia. On the 25th of December, having col- 
 lected as confiderable a force as he could, he fet 
 out with an intent to furprifc that body of the 
 enemy which lay at Trenton. His army was di- 
 vided into three bodies j one of which he order- 
 ed to crofs the Delaware at Trenton Ferry, a 
 
OF AMERICA. 329 
 
 ittle below the town ; the lecond at a good dif- 
 tiince below, at a place called Bordentoivtiy where 
 the fecond divifion of Heffians was placed ; while 
 he himfelf, with the third diredling his courfe to 
 a ferry fome miles above Trenton, intended to 
 have pafTed it at midnight, and attack the Hef- 
 ii ans at break of day. But by reafon of various 
 impediments, it was eight in the morning before 
 he could reach the place of his deftination. The 
 enemy, however, did not perceive his approach 
 till they were luc'denly attacked. Colonel Ralle 
 who commanded them, did all that could be ex- 
 pc<5led from a brave and experienced officer ; but 
 every thing was in fuch confufion, that no efforts 
 of valour or fkill could now retrieve matters. 
 The Colonel himfelf was mortally wounded, his 
 troops were entirely broken, their artillery feiz- 
 ed, and about 1000 taken prifoners. After this 
 gallant exploit, General Wafliington again re» 
 turned into Pennfylvania. 
 
 This a(flion, though leemingly of no veiy de- 
 ciilve nature, was fufficient at that time to turn 
 the fortune of war in favour of America. It 
 tended greatly to lelTen the apprehenfions which 
 the provincials had of the Heffians, at the fame 
 time that it equally abated the confidence which 
 the Britidi had till now put in theni. 
 
 Reinforcements came in from feveral quarters 
 to General Wadiington, {o that he was foon in 
 a condition once more to pafs the Delaware, and 
 take up his quarters at Trenton •, where he was 
 emboldened to maintain his flation, notwithfland- 
 ing the accounts that were received of the ene- 
 my's rapid advance towards him. Lord Cornwal- 
 11?, accordingly, made his appearance in full 
 
 force ; 
 
SSa GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 force; and, on the evening of his arrival, the 
 little town of Trenton contained the two hoftilc 
 armies, feparated only by a fmall creek, which 
 was fordable in many places. This was, indeed 
 the crifis of the American revolution ; and had 
 his Lordfhip made an immediate attack, in pur- 
 fuance of what is reported to have been the ad- 
 vice of Sir William Erfkine, General Wafhing- 
 ton's defeat feems to have been inevitable i but a 
 night's delay turned the fate cf the war, and 
 produced an enterprife, the magnitude and glory 
 of which, can only be equalled by its fuccefs. 
 General Wa/hington having called a council of 
 war, dated the calamitous fituation to which his 
 army was reduced ; and having heard the various 
 opinions of his officers, finally propofed a cir- 
 cuitous march to Princeton, as the means cf 
 avoiding, at once, the imputation of a retreat, 
 and the danger of a battle, with numbers fo in- 
 ferior, and in a fituation fo ineligible. The idea 
 was unanimoufly approved •, and as foon as it 
 was dark, the neceflary mcafures were taken for 
 accompli(hing it. A line of fires was kindled, 
 which I'ervcd to give light to the Americans, 
 while it obfcured them from the obfervation of 
 the enemy j and by a providential interpofition, 
 the weather, which had been for fome time palV 
 warm, moift, and foggy, fuddenly changed to a 
 hard froft ; and in a moment as it were, render- 
 ed the road, which had been deep and heavy, 
 firm and fmooth as a pavement. At break of day 
 General Wafliington arriving near Princeton, 
 was difcovered by a party of Britifh troops, con- 
 fiding of three regiments under the command of 
 Col. Mawhood, who were on their march to 
 
 Trenton. 
 
OF AMERICA. 331 
 
 Trenton. With thefe the centre of the Ameri- 
 cans engaged, and after killing 60, wounding 
 many, and taking 300 prifoners, obliged the reft 
 to make a precipitate efcape. Tome towards Tren- 
 ton, and others in a retrograde route to Brunf- 
 wick. The lofs of the Americans was incon/i- 
 derable in point of numbers ; but the fall of the 
 amiable general Mercer rendered it important. 
 The Britifli aftoniflied and difcouraged at the fuc- 
 cefs and fpirit of thefe repeated enterprifes, aban- 
 doning both Trenton and Princeton, retreated to 
 Brunfwick; while the triumphant Americans re- 
 tired to Morriftown. General Washington, how- 
 ever, omitted no opportunity of recovering what 
 had be€a loft ; and by dividing his army into 
 fmall parties, which could be reunited on a few 
 hours warning, he in a manner entirely covered 
 the country with it, and repo/TeflTed himfelf of 
 all the important places. 
 
 Thus ended the campaign of 1776, with fcarce 
 any other real advantage than the acquifition of 
 the city of New-York, and of a few fortreffes in 
 its neighbourhood •, where the troops were con- 
 ftraincd to a6l with as much circumrpe<5lion as 
 if they had been befieged by a victorious army, 
 i.nftead of being themfelves the conquerors. 
 
 CHAP. 
 
332 GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 CHAP. VI. 
 
 Kxcurfions of the BritiJIj from NeiU'l^ork-" Batt/c 
 at Bratidywine — Philadelphia taken — Battle at 
 Germantonvn — Attack of Mud-lfland — General 
 Burgoyjie's Expedition — and Surrender* 
 
 HE army at New- York began in 1777 
 to exerciie a kind of predatory war, by fending 
 out parties to deflroy magazines, make inciir- 
 fions, and take or deftroy fuch forts as lay on 
 the banks of rivers, to wliich their great com- 
 mand of (hipping gave them accefs. In this they 
 were generally fuccefsful : the provincial maga- 
 zines at Peek's Hill, a place about 50 miles dif- 
 tant from New-York, were deftroyed, the town 
 of Danbury in Connecticut burnt, and that of 
 Ridgefield in the fame province was taken pof- 
 feffion of. In returning from the laft expedition, 
 however, the Britifh were greatly harrafled by 
 the Americans under Generals Arnold, Woofter, 
 and Sullivan ; but they made good their retreat, 
 though with the lofs of above 200 killed and 
 wounded. On the American fide the lofs was 
 confiderabie •, General Woofttr was killed, and 
 Arnold in the muft imminent danger. On the 
 other hand the Americans dellroyed the ftores at 
 Stagg-harbour, in Long Ifland, and made pri- 
 foners of all who defended the place. 
 
 As this method of making war, however, could 
 anfwer but little purpofe, and favoured more of 
 the barbarous incurfions of favages than of a war 
 
 carried 
 
OF AMERICA. 333 
 
 viirricd on by a civilized people, it was refolved 
 to make an attempt on Philadelphia. At fir ft it 
 was thought that this could be done through the 
 Jerfeys ; but the cruelties exercifcd by the Britifh 
 plundering parties had excited fo general an ab- 
 horrence, and General Wa(hington had received 
 fuch large reinforcements, and pofted himfelf fo 
 ftrongly, that it was found to be impraflicable.' 
 Many flratagems were ufed to draw him from 
 his ftrong fituation, but without fuccefs ; fo that 
 it was found necefTary to make the attempt on 
 Philadelphia by Tea. While the preparations ne- 
 ceflary for this expedition were going forward, 
 the Americans found means to make amends for 
 the c<<prure of General Lee by that of General 
 Prefcott, who was feized in his quarters with his 
 aid de camp, in much the fame manner as Gene- 
 ral Lee had been. This was exceedingly morti- 
 fying to the General himfelf, as he had not long 
 before fet a price upon General Arnold, by offer- 
 ing a Turn of money to any one that apprehended 
 liim ; which the latter anfwered by fetting a 
 lower price upon General Prefcot. 
 
 The month of July was far advanced before 
 the preparations for the expedition again ft Phila- 
 delphia were completed ; and it was the 23d be- 
 fore the fleet was able to fail from Sandy Hook. 
 The force employed in this expedition confifted 
 of 36 battalions oi Britifh and Heflians, a regi- 
 gimentof light horfe, and a body of loyalifts 
 raifed at New York. The remainder of ihefe, 
 with 17 battalions, and another body of light 
 horfe, were ftationtd at New-York under Sir 
 Henry Cinton. Seven battalions were ftationed 
 
 at 
 F f 
 
331 GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 at Rhode Ifland. After a week's failing they ar- 
 rived at the mouth of the Delaware; but there 
 having received certain intelligence, that the na- 
 vigation of the river was fo effedually obilru<5led, 
 that no poflibility of forcing a pafKige remained ; 
 or more probably that Gen. Wadiington had 
 marched within a fhort diflance of Philadelphia ; 
 it was refolved to proceed further fouthward to 
 Cbefapeak Bay in Maryland, from whence the 
 diflance to Philadelphia was not very great, and 
 where the provincial army would find lefs ad- 
 vantage from the nature of the country than in 
 the Jerfeys. 
 
 The navigation from Delaware to Chefapeak 
 took up the beft part of the month of AuguIV, and 
 that up the bay itfeif was extremely difficult and 
 tedious. At laft, having failed up the river Elk, 
 as far as was praiflicable, the troops were landed 
 without oppofition, and fet forward on their in- 
 tended expedition. On the news of their arrival 
 at Chefapeak, General WaQiington left the Jer- 
 fey's and haflcned to the relief of Philadelphia ; 
 and in the beginning of September met the royal 
 army at Brandy-Wine Creek about mid-way, be- 
 tween the head of the Elk and Philadelphia. 
 Here he adhered to his former method of (liir- 
 mifhing and harrafling the royal army on its 
 march; but as this proved infuificient to flop its 
 progrefs, he retired to that fidt of the creek next 
 to Philadelphia, with an intent to difpute the paf- 
 fage. This brought on a general engagement on 
 the llth of September. The royal army ad- 
 vanced at break of day in two columns, com- 
 manded by lieutenant-general Knyphaufen, and 
 by lord Cornwallis. The firfl: took the diredl 
 
 road 
 
OF AMERICA. 33x5 
 
 road to Chadd*s Ford, and made a (hew of paf- 
 fing it, in front of the main body of the Ameri- 
 cans. At the (lune time the other column moved 
 up on the weft fide of the Brandy-Wine to its 
 fork, and crofTed both its branches about two 
 o'clock in the afternoon, and then marched down 
 on the eafl fide thereof, with the view of turning 
 the right wing of their adverfaries. 
 
 This they effe(fl:ed and compelled them to re- 
 treat with great lofs. General Knyphaufen amuf- 
 ed the i\mericar;s with the appearance of croffing 
 the ford, but did not attempt it until lord Corn- 
 wallis having crofTed it above and moved down 
 on the oppofite fide, had commenced his attack. 
 Knyphaufen then crofted the ford, and attack- 
 ed the troops poftcd for its defence. Theie, 
 after a fevere confllft, were compelled to give 
 way. The retreat of the Americans became ge- 
 neral, and was continued to Chefter, under 
 cover of general Weeden's brigade, which came 
 off" in good order. The final iftiie of battles of- 
 ten depends on fmall circumftances, which hu- 
 man prudence cannot control — one of thefe occur- 
 red here, and prevented general Waftiington from 
 executing a bold defign, to efFe6l which, his 
 troops were a6^ually in motion. This was to 
 have crofted the Br;>.ndy-Wine, and attack Knyp- 
 haufen, while gen. Sullivan and Lord Stirling, 
 ftiould keep earl Cornwallis in check. In the 
 raoft critical moment. General Waftiington re- 
 ceived intelligence which he was obliged to cre- 
 dit, that the coium.n of Lord Cornwallis^had been 
 only making a feint, and was returniag to join 
 Knyphaufen. This prevented the execution of a 
 plan, which, if carried into eftedf, would proba- 
 bly 
 
2o6 GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 biy have given a different turn to the events of 
 the day. The killed and wounded in the royal 
 army, were near fix hundred. The lofs of the 
 Americans was twi^e that number. The cele- 
 brated Marquis de la Fayette firft bled here in 
 the cauie of liberty, which he had efpoufed with 
 enthufiaftic ardour, his wound was flight, but 
 it endeared him to the Americans. 
 
 The lofs of this battle proved alfo the lofs of 
 Philadelphia. General Wafliington retired to- 
 wards Lancafler, to fave the ftores which had 
 been depofited at Reading. But though he could 
 not prevent the iols of Philadelphia, he flill ad- 
 hered to his original plan of diflreiTmg the royal 
 party, by laying ombufiies and cutting off detach- 
 ed parties ; but in this he was lefs fuccefbful than 
 formerly; and one of his own detachmc.ns which 
 lay in ambufh in a wood were themfelves fur- 
 priled and entirely defeated, with the lofs of 
 about 300 killed and wounded, befides 70 or 80 
 taken, and all their arms and baggage. 
 
 General Howe now perceiving that the Ameri- 
 cans would not venture another battle even for 
 the fake of their capital, took peaceable poffef- 
 ilon of it on the 26th of September. His firft 
 care was then to cut off by means of ftrong bat- 
 teries, the communication between the upper and 
 lower parts of the river ; which was executed, 
 notwithftandlng the oppofition of fome American 
 armed veffels -, one of which; carrying 36 guns 
 was taken. His next tafk was to open a com- 
 rriunication with it by fea ; and this was a work 
 of no fmail difficulty. A vafl: number of batte- 
 ries and forts had beeneredfed, and immenfe ma- 
 chines formed like chevaux defrife, from whence 
 
 they 
 
OF AMERICA. 337 
 
 they took their name, funk in tiie river to pre- 
 vent its navigation. As the fleet was fent round 
 to the mouth of the river in order to co-operate 
 with the army, this work, however difficult, was 
 accompli (bed ; nor did the provincials give much 
 oppoiition, as well knowing that all places of 
 this kind were now untenable. General Vi'aih» 
 ington, however, took the advantage of ihe royal 
 army being divided to attack the camp of the 
 principal divifion of it that lay at Germantown, 
 in the neighbourhood of Philadelphia. In this 
 he met with very little fucctfs ; for though he 
 rc-'ached the place of deftination by three oYlock 
 in the morning, the pAtroles had time to call tiie 
 troops to arms. The Americans, notwithlhind- 
 ing made a very rcfoiute attack; but they were 
 received with fo niucl> bravery, that they were 
 compelled to abandon the attempt, and retreat in 
 great diforderj with the advantage, however, of 
 carrying oiF their cannon, though purfued for a 
 confiderable way, after having upwards of 200 
 •killed, and about 500 wounded, and upwards of 
 400 taken prifoners, among whom were 54 offi- 
 cers. On the Britifh fide, the lofs amounted to 
 430 wounded and prifoners, and 70 killed, but 
 among the laft were General Agnew and colonel 
 Bird, v/ith (oaiQ other excellent oflicers. 
 
 The Britifli were well apprized, that without 
 the command of the Del.^ware, their pofFeffion of 
 Philadelphia would be of no advantage. They 
 therefore drained every nerve to open the navi- 
 gation of that river, — to this end Lord Howe 
 had early taken the mod effetflual meafures for 
 condu<5^ing the fleet and tranfports round from 
 
 the 
 ¥ f ^ 
 
338 GENERAL HISTORY ^ 
 
 the Chefapeak to the Delaware, and drew them 
 up on the Pennfylvania fhore, from Reed5'-inand 
 to New-Caftlc. Early in 0(5tober, a detachment 
 from the Britifli army crofTed the Delaware, with 
 a view of didodging the Americans from Billingf- 
 port. On their approach, the place was evacu- 
 ated. As the feafon advanced more vigorous 
 mcafnres for removing the obftru6tions were con- 
 certed between the general and the admiral. Bat- 
 teries were erecfled on the Pennfylvania fhore to 
 afTiCl in diflodging the Americans from Mud- 
 Illand. At the iame time Count Donop with 
 2000 men having croflTed into New-Jerfey, op- 
 pofite to Philadelphia, marched down on the 
 eaftern fide of the Delaware, to attack the re- 
 doubt at Red-Bank. This was defended by about 
 400 men under the command of colonel Green. 
 The attack immediately commenced by a fmart 
 cannonade, under cover of which the Count ad- 
 vanced to the redoubt. This place was intended 
 for a much larger garrifon than was then in it. 
 It had , therefore become necefTary to run a line 
 in the middle thereof, and one part of it was 
 evacuated. That part was eafily carried by the 
 affailants on which they indulged in loud huzzas 
 for their fuppoftd victory. The garrifon kept 
 up a fevere well direfVed fire on the afT'ilants by 
 which they were compelled to retire. They fuf- 
 fered not only in the afTault, but in the approach 
 to, and retreat from the fort. Their whole lofs 
 in killed and wounded was about 400. Count 
 Donop was mortally wounded and taken prifon- 
 cr. Congrels refolved to prefent colonel Green 
 with a fword for his good conducft on this occa- 
 fion. An attack made about the fame time on 
 
 fort 
 
OF AMERICA. 339 
 
 fort MifBin by men of war and frigates, was not 
 more fuccefsful than the aOliult on Red-Bank. 
 The Augufta man of war of 64' gnns, and the 
 Merhn, two of the verTels which were engaged 
 in it, got aground. The former was fired and 
 blew up. The latter was evacuated. 
 
 Though the firft attempts of the Britidi, for 
 opening the navigation of the Delaware, were 
 unfuccefsfu), they carried their point in another 
 way that was unexpe61ed. The chevaux de frife, 
 having been funl: fome confiderable time, the 
 current of the water was diverted by this great 
 bulk into new channels. In confequence there- 
 of the pafTige between the iflands and the Penn* 
 fylvania (here was fo deepened as to admit vefTels 
 of fome confiderable draught of water. Through 
 this pafTage, the Vigilant, a large (hip, cut down 
 fo as to draw but little water, mounted with 24 
 pounders, made her way to a pofition from which 
 file might enfilade the works on Mud-Illand. 
 This gave the Britifh fuch an advantage, that the 
 pod was no longer tenable. Colonel Smith, 
 who had with great gallantry defended the fort 
 from the latter end of September, to the 1 1th of 
 November, being wounded, was removed to the 
 main. Within five days after his removal, major 
 Thayer, who as a volunteer had nobly offered 
 to take charge of this dangerous poft, was oblig- 
 ed to evacuate it. 
 
 This event did not take place till the works 
 were entirely beat down — every piece of cannon 
 difmounted, and one of the Britilh fhips ib near 
 that llie threw grenadoes into the fort, and killed 
 the men uncovered in the platform. The troops 
 who had {o bravely defended fort Mifflinj made 
 
S40 GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 a fafe retreat to Red-Bank. Congrefs voted 
 fwords to be given to lieutenant colonel Smith 
 and Commodore Hazlewood, for their gallant 
 defence of the Delaware. Within three days 
 after Mud-Ifland was evacuated, the garrifon 
 was alfo withdrawn from Red-Bank, on the ap- 
 proach pf lord Cornwallis, at the head of a large 
 force prepared to afpault it. Some of the Ame- 
 rican gallies and armed vclTels efcaped by k<:ep- 
 ing clofe in with the J'^rfey fliore, to places of 
 fecurity above Philadelphia, but 17 of them 
 were abandoned by their crews, and fired. Thus 
 the Britifh gained a free communication between 
 their army and Hiipping. This event was to 
 them very defirable. They had been previoufly 
 obliged to draw their provilions from CheUer, 
 a diflance of fixteen miles, at fome rifque, and 
 a certain great expenlb. The long proira(fl:ed 
 defence of the Delaware, deranged the plans of 
 the Britilfi, for the remainder of the campaign, 
 and confequently {aved the adjacent country. 
 
 Thus the campaign of 1777 in PennJyivania, 
 concluded, upon the whole fuccefsfuliy on the 
 part of the Britifh. In the north, however, mat- 
 ters wore a different afpcct. The expedition in 
 that quarter had been proje(51ed by the Britifh 
 miniftry as the moft efFe<ftual method that could 
 be taken to crudi the colonies at once. The 
 four provinces of New-England had originally 
 begun the confederacy againil Britain, and were 
 i\\\\ confidered as the moft adivc in the continu- 
 ation of it ; and it was thought, that any impref- 
 fion made upon them, would contribute in an 
 effe<flual manner to the reduftion of all tlie refb. 
 For this purpofc, an army of iOOO chofen Bri- 
 tifh 
 
OF AMERICA. S41 
 
 tllli troops and 3000 Germans were put under 
 the command of General Burgoync ; General 
 Carleton was dire<fled to ufe his intereft with the 
 Indians to perfuade them to join in this expedi- 
 tion ; and the province of Quebec was to furnifh 
 large parties to join in the lame. The officers 
 who commanded under General Burgoyne were, 
 General Philips of the artillery, Generals Frafer, 
 Powell, and Hamilton, with the German officers 
 General Rcidefel and vSpeecht. The foldiers, as 
 has already ^een obferved, were all excellently 
 difciplined, and had been kept in their wint:r- 
 quirters with all imaginable care, in order to 
 prepare them for the expedition on which they 
 were going. To aid the principal expedition, 
 anorher was proje(5led on the Mohawk River 
 under colonel St. Leger, who was to be affirted 
 by Sir John Johnfop, fon to the famous Sir Wil- 
 liam Johnfon who had {o greatly dilHnguifhed 
 himfelf in the war of 1755. 
 
 On the 2lft of June 1777,' the army encamped 
 on the weftern fide o^ the lake Champlain ; where 
 being joined by a eonfjderabie body of Indians, 
 General Burgoyne made a fpeech, in which it U 
 jaid he exhorted thefe new allies, but ineflttflual- 
 ]y, to lay afide their ferocious and barbarous 
 manner of making war ; to kill only fuch as op- 
 pofed them in arms •, and to fpare priloncrs, with 
 i'lRh women and children as fliould fall into their 
 haiiJ;?. After iflliing a proclamation, in which 
 the force of Bi Irain, and that which he command- 
 ed, was fet forth in very ofientatit-jus term?, the 
 campaign opened with the fiege t)f Ticonderoga. 
 The place was very flrong, and garrifoned by 
 6000 men under General St. Clairj neverthelefs, 
 
 the 
 
342 GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 the works were fo extenfive, that even this num- 
 ber was fcarcefufficient to defend them properly. 
 They had therefore omitted to fortify a rugged 
 eminence called Sugar-Hilly the top of which 
 overlooked and efFeftuaily commanded the whole 
 works ; imagining, perhaps, that the difficulty 
 of the afcent would be fufficient to prevent the 
 enemy from taking pofTcffion of it. On the ap- 
 proach of the firft divifion of the army, the pro- 
 vincials abandoned and fet fire to their outworks; 
 and fo expeditious were the Rritifli troops, that 
 by the 5th of July every pof^ was fecured which 
 was judged nece/Tary for invefting it completely. 
 A road was foon after made to the very iummit 
 of that eminence which the Americans had fnp- 
 pofcd could not be afcended ; and {o much were 
 they now difheartened, that they inftantly aban- 
 doned the fort entirely, taking the road to Ske- 
 nefborough, a place to tlie ibuth of Lake George j 
 while their baggage, with what artillery and mi- 
 litary ftores they could carry off, were fent to 
 the fame place by water. But the Britifn gene- 
 rals were determined not to let them pafs fo eafi- 
 ly. Both were purfued and both overtaken. 
 Their armed vefrds confifted only of five galleys; 
 two of which were taken, and three blown up ; 
 on which they fet fire to their boats and fortifi- 
 cations at Skenefborough. On this occafion the 
 provincials loft 200 boats, 130 pieces of cannon, 
 with ail their provifions and baggage. Their 
 land-forces under Colonel Francis made a brave 
 defence againll General Frafer j and fuperior in 
 11 amber, had almoll overpowered him, when 
 General Reidefel with a large body of Germans 
 came to his afTiftance. The provincials were now 
 
 overpowered 
 
OF AMERICA. S43 
 
 overpowered in their turn -, and their command- 
 er being killed, they fled on all fides with great 
 precipitation. In this aflion 200 Americans were 
 killed, as many taken priibners, and above 600 
 wounded, many of whom perifhed in the woods 
 for want of affiftance. 
 
 During the engagement General St. Clair was 
 at Caftleton, about fix miles from the place •, but 
 inftead of going forward to Fort Anne, the next 
 place of flrength, he repaired to the woods, 
 which lie between that fortrefs and New-Eng- 
 land. General Burgoyne, however, detached 
 Colonel Hill with the ninth regiment, in order to 
 intercept fuch as fliould attempt to retreat to- 
 wards Fort Anne. On his way he met with a 
 body of the Americans more numerous than his 
 «wn J but after an engagement of three hours, 
 they were obliged to retire with great lofs. After 
 Co many difafters, defpairing of being able to 
 make any fiand at Fort Anne, they fet fire to it 
 and retired to Fort Edward. In all thefe en- 
 gagements the lofs of killed and wounded in the 
 royal army did not exceed 200 men. 
 
 General Burgoyne was now obliged to fufpend 
 his operations for fome time, and wait at Skenef- 
 borough for the arrival of his tents, provifions, 
 &c. but employed this interval in making roads 
 through the country about fort Anne,and in clear- 
 ing a pafiage for his troops to proceed againfl: 
 the Americans. This was attended with incre- 
 dible toil ; but all obftacles were furmounted 
 with equal patience and refolution by the army. 
 In (borr, after undergoing the utmoll: difficulty 
 and making every exertion, he arrived with his 
 army before Fort Edward about the end of July, 
 
 Here 
 
344. GTiNERAL HISTORY 
 
 Here General Schuyler had been for fome time 
 endeavouring to recruit the [hdVQrad American 
 forces, and had been joined by General Sr. Clair 
 with the remains of his army -, the; garrifon of 
 Fort George alfo, fitunted on ihe lake of that 
 name, had evacuated the place and retired to 
 Fort Edward. 
 
 But on the approach of the royal army, they 
 retired from thence alfo, and formed their head- 
 quarters at Saratoga. Notwitbltanding the great 
 fuccefs of the Britifh general, they ihewcd not 
 the lead difpofition to. I'ubmit, but ieemed only 
 to confider how they might make the moft ef- 
 fe<5lual refinance. Fcr this purpofe, the militia 
 was every where raifcd and draughted to join 
 the army at Saratoga ; and fuch numbers of vo- 
 lunteers were daily added that they loon begatt 
 to recover from the alarm into which they had 
 been thrown. That they might have a com- 
 mander whofe abilities could be relied on, Ge- 
 neral Arnoid was appointed, who repaired to 
 Saratoga with a confiderr.ble train of artillery; 
 but receivmg intelligence that Colonel St. Leger 
 was proceedin^^ with great rapidity in his expe- 
 dition-on the Muhawk River, he removed to Still 
 water, a place about half-way between Sirarog=i, 
 and the jun(^tion of the Mohawk and Hudfoa's 
 River. i'he Colonel, in the mean time had ad- 
 vanced as far as Fori Stanwix*, the fiege of which 
 he preflTed with great vigour. On the 6 h of 
 Augnfl, underffanding that a Ilipply of provifions, 
 cfcorted by 800 or 900 men, was on the way to 
 the fort, he defpatched Sir John Johnfon with a 
 ftrong detachment to intercept it. This he did lo 
 efFe(5fually, that, befides intercepting the provi- 
 
 fions. 
 
OF AMERICA. U5 
 
 fions, 400 of its guards were flain, 200 taken, 
 and the reft efcaped with great difficulty. The 
 garrifon, however, were not to be intimidated 
 by the threats or repreientations of the colonel : 
 on the contrary, they made fevcral fuccefsful fai- 
 lles under Colonel Willet, the fecond in com- 
 niand ; and this gentleman, in company with 
 another, even ventured out of the fort, and, 
 eluding the vigilance of the enemy, pafTed through 
 them in order to haften the march of General 
 Arnold to their afTiftance. 
 
 Thus the affairs of Colonel St. Leger feemed 
 to be in no very favourable fit nation notwith- 
 flanding his late fuccefs, and they were foon to- 
 tally ruined by the defertion of the Indians. They 
 had been alarmed by the report of General Ar- 
 nold's advancing with 2000 men to the relief of 
 the fort ; and while the Colonel was attempting 
 to give them encouragement, another report was 
 fpread, that General Burgoyne had been defeat- 
 ed with' great (laughter, and was now flying be- 
 fore the provincials. On this he was obliged to 
 do as they thought proper ; and the retreat could 
 not be effeifted without the lofs of the tents, the 
 artillery and military ftores. 
 
 General Burgoyne, in the mean time, notwith- 
 ftanding all the difficulties he had already fuffain- 
 ed, found that he mufl ftill encounter more. The 
 roads he had made with fo much labour and pains 
 were deftroyed, either by the wetnefs of the fea- 
 ibn or by the Americans ; fo that the provifions 
 he brought from Fort George could not arrive 
 at his camp without the moft prodigious toil. On 
 hearing of the fiege of Fort Stanwix by Colonel 
 
 St. Leger, 
 ^ g 
 
346 GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 St. Leger, he determined to move forward, ia 
 hopes ot inclofing the enemy betwixt his owq 
 army and that of St. Leger, or of obtaining the 
 command of all the country between Fort Staa- 
 wix and Albany : or, at any rate, a jun6lion with 
 Colonel St. Leger would be effefted, which could 
 not but be attended with the moft happy confe- 
 quences. The only difficuhy was the want of 
 provifions ; and this it was propofed to remedy 
 by reducing the provincial magazines at Benning- 
 ton. For this purpofe. Colonel Baum, a Ger- 
 man officer of great bravery, was cholen with a 
 body of 500 men. This place was about 20 
 miles from Hudfon*s River ; and to fupport 
 Colonel Baum*s party, the whole army marched 
 up the river's bank, and encamped almoft oppo- 
 fite to Saratoga, with the river betwixt it and 
 the place. An advanced party was pofted at Bat- 
 ten Kill, between the camp and Bennington, in 
 order to fupport Colonel Baum. In their way 
 the Britifh feized a large fupply of cattle and 
 provifions, which were immediately fent to the 
 camp ; but the badnefs of the roads retarded 
 their march fo much, that intelligence ot their 
 dcfign was fent to Bennington. Underfianding 
 now that the American force was greatly fupe- 
 rior to his own, the Colonel acquainted the Ge- 
 neral who immediately defpatched Colonel Brey- 
 man with a party to his affiftance ; but through 
 the fame caufes that had retarded the march of 
 Colonel Baum, this affiftance could not arrive in 
 time. General Starke who commanded the Ame- 
 rican militia at Bennington, engaged with them 
 before the junftion of the royal detachments 
 could be effefted. On this occafion about 800 
 
 oadifciprmed 
 
OF AMERICA. 34.7 
 
 iindifciplined militia, without bayonets, or a fin- 
 gle piece of artillery, attacked and routed 500 
 regular troops advantageoufly polled behind en- 
 trenchments — furni{hed with the beft arms, and 
 defended with two pieces of artillery. The field 
 pieces were taken from the party commanded by 
 Col. Baum, and the greatell part of his detach- 
 ment was either killed or captured. Colonel 
 Breyman arrived on the fame ground and on the 
 iame day, but not till the a<flion was over. In- 
 ftead of meeting his friends as he expedled, he 
 found himfelf brifkly attacked. This was begun 
 by colonel Warner, (who with his continental 
 regiment, which having been fent for from Man- 
 cheAer, came opportunely at this time) and was 
 well fupported by Stark*s militia, which had juft 
 defeated the party commanded by colonel Baum. 
 Breyman*s troops, though fatigued with their 
 preceding march, behaved with great refolution, 
 but were at length compelled to abandon their 
 artillery and retreat. In thefe two actions the 
 Americans took four brafs field pieces, twelve 
 brafs drums, 250 dragoon fwords, 4. ammunition 
 waggons, and about 700 prifoners. The lofs of 
 the Americans, inclufive of their wounded, was 
 about 100 men. 
 
 General Burgoyne, thus difappointed in his at- 
 tempt on Bennington, applied himfelf with inde> 
 fatigable diligence to procure provifions from 
 Fort George ; and having at length amaflfed a 
 fufficient quantity 'to laft for a month, he threw 
 a bridge of boats over the river Hudfon, which 
 he crofled about the middle of September, en- 
 camping on the hills and plains near Saratoga, 
 As foon as he approached the provincial army, 
 
 at 
 
^3^8 GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 at this time encamped at Stillwater under Gene- 
 ral Gates, he determined to make an attack -, for 
 which purpofe he put himfelf at the head of the 
 central divifion of his army, having General Fra- 
 ier and Colonel Breyman on the right, with Ge- 
 nerals Reidefel and Philips on the left. In this 
 pofitioh he advanced on the 19rh of September. 
 But the Americans did not now wait to be at- 
 tacked : on the contrary they attacked the cen- 
 tral divifion with the utmoft violence ; and it was 
 not until General Philips with the artillery came 
 up, and at eleven o'clock at night, that they could 
 be induced to retire to their camp. On this oc- 
 cafion, the Britirti troops loft about 500 in killed 
 and wounded, and the Americans about 319, 
 The former were very much alarmed at the ob- 
 ftinate refolution fliown by the Americans, but 
 this did not prevent them from advancing, and 
 porting themfelves the next day within cannon- 
 Ihot of their lines. But their allies the Indians 
 began to defert in great numbers ; and at the 
 fame time the general was in the higheft degree 
 mortified by having no intelligence of any affift- 
 ance from Sir Henry Clinton, as had been ftipu- 
 lated. He now received a letter from him by 
 which he was informed that Sir H. intended to 
 make a cV'.verlion on the North River in his fa- 
 vour. This afforded but little comfort : how- 
 ever, he returned an anfwer by fcveral tr ufty per- 
 fons whom he uefpatched different ways. Hating 
 his preient dilireffed fitUiition, and mentioning 
 that the provifionb and other neceflliries he had 
 would only enable him to hold out until the 12ih 
 of OaobcT. 
 
 In 
 
OF AMERICA. Si^S 
 
 la the mean time the Americans, in order to 
 cut off the retreat of the Britifh army in the mofi: 
 efFedlual manner, undertook an expedition againft 
 Ticonderogaj but were obliged to abandon the 
 enterprife after having furprifed all the out-pofts, 
 and taken a great number of boats with fome 
 armed vefTels, and a number of prifoners. The 
 army under general Burgoyne, however, conti- 
 nued to labour under the greateft diffrelTes : fo 
 that in the beginning of Ocftober he had been 
 obliged to diminidi the foldiers allowance. On 
 the 7th of that month he determined to move to- 
 v/ards the enemy. For this purpofe he fent a 
 body of 1500 men to reconnoitre their left wingj 
 intending, if pofTibie, to break through it in or- 
 der to effe6t a retreat. The detachment, how- 
 ever, had not proceeded far when a fpirited at- 
 tack was made on the left wing of the Britifii ar- 
 my, which was with great difficulty preferved 
 from being entirely broken by a reinforcement 
 brought up by general Frafer, who was killed in 
 the attack. After the troops had with the mod 
 defperate efforts regained their camp, it was moil 
 vigorouUy afTaulred by General Arnold; who, 
 notwithllanding ail oppofition, would have forc- 
 ed the entrenchments, had he not received a dan- 
 gerous wound, which obliged him to retire. 
 Thus the attack failed on the left, but on the 
 right the camp of the German referve was forced. 
 Colonel Breyman killed, and his countrymen de- 
 feated with great flaughter, and the lofs of all 
 their artillery and baggage. 
 
 This was by far the heavieft lofs the Britifh 
 army had fuftained (ince the action at Bunker's 
 Hill. The lift of killed and wounded amounted 
 
 to 
 G g2 
 
^50 GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 to near 1200, exclufive of the Germans ; but the 
 greateft misfortune was, that the Americans had 
 now an opening on the right and rear of the Bri- 
 ti(h forces, fo that the army was threatened with 
 entire deflruffion. This obliged General Bur- 
 goync once more to ihift his pofition, that the 
 Americans might alfo be obliged to alter theirs. 
 This was accompUfhed on the night of the 7th, 
 without any lofs, and all the next day he conti- 
 nued to offer the Americans battle j but they 
 were now too well affured of obtaining a com- 
 plete viftory, by cutting off all fupplies from the 
 Britifh, to rifk a pitched battle. Wherefore they* 
 advanced on the right fide, in order to indole 
 him entirely •, which obliged the General to di- 
 rect a retreat towards Saratoga. But the Ame- 
 ricans had now ftationed a great force on the ford 
 at Hudfon's river, fo that the only poiTibility of 
 retreat was by fecuring a pafTage to Lake Georgej 
 and to effefl this, a body of workmen were de- 
 tached with a ftrong guard, to repair the roads 
 and bridges that led to Fort Edward. As foon 
 as they were gone, however, the Americans, 
 Teemed to prepare for an attack : which rendered 
 it neceffary to recal the guard, and the workmen 
 being ot courfe left expofed, could not proceed. 
 In the mean time, the boats which conveyed 
 provifions down Hudfon's river were expofed to 
 the continual fire of the American markfmen, 
 who took many of them; fo that it became necef- 
 fary to convey the provifions over land. In this 
 extreme danger, it was refolved to march by 
 night to Fort Edward, forcing the paffages at 
 the fords either above or below the place ; and, 
 \n order to effeft this more eafily, it was refolved 
 
 that 
 
OF AMERICA. 351 
 
 that the foldlers {honld carry their provifions oq 
 their backs, leaving behind their baggage and 
 every other incumbrance. But before this could 
 be executed, intelligence was received that the 
 Americans had raifed ftrong entrenchments op^ 
 pofite thefe fords, well provided with cannon, 
 and that they had likewife taken pofTeflion of the 
 rifing ground between Fort George and Fort 
 Edward, which in like manner was provided 
 with cannon. 
 
 All this time the American army was increafing 
 by the continual arrival of militia and volunteers 
 from all parts. Their parties extended all along 
 the oppofite bank of Hudfon's River, and fome 
 had even pafTed it in order to obferve the leaft 
 movement of the Britifli army. Every part of 
 the Britifh camp was reached by the grape and 
 rifle-fhot of the Americans, befides a difcharge 
 from their artillery, which was almoR incefTant. 
 In this ftate of extreme diArefs and danger, the 
 army continued with the greatefl conftancy and 
 pcrfeverauce till the evening of the 13th of Oc- 
 tober, when an inventory of provifions being 
 taken, it was found that no more remained thaa 
 what were fufficient to ferve for three days ; and 
 a council of war being called, it was unanimoufly 
 determined that there was no method now re- 
 maining but to treat with the Americans. In 
 confequence of this a negociation was opened 
 next day, which fpeedily terminated in a capitu- 
 lation of the whole Britilh army ; the articks of 
 which were, 1. The troops under lieut. general 
 Burgoyne, to march out of their camp with the 
 honours of war, and the artillery of the intrench- 
 ments to the verge of the river where the old 
 
 for^ 
 
352 GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 fort flood, where the arms and artillery are to 
 be left. — The arms to be piled by word of com- 
 mand from their own officers : — 2, A free paffage 
 to be granted to the army under lieut. gen. Bur- 
 goyne to Great-Britain, upon condition of not 
 ferving again in North- America during the pre- 
 fent conteft; and the port of Bofton to be align- 
 ed for the entry of tranfports, to receive the 
 troops whenever General Howe ihall fo order : — 
 3. Should any cartel take place, by which the 
 army under lieut. gen. Burgoyne, or any part of 
 it, may be exchanged, the foregoing article to be 
 void, as far as fuch exchange fhould be made : — 
 4 .The army under lieut. gen. Burgoyne to march 
 to Maffachufetts-Bay, by the eafieft, and mofl 
 expeditious and convenient route *, and to be 
 quartered in, near, or as convenient as poffible 
 to Bofton, that the march of the troops may not 
 be delayed when tranfports arrive to receive 
 them •, — ^Thc troops to be Ibpplied on their march, 
 and during their being in quarters, with provi- 
 fions, by major-general Gate's orders, at the 
 fame rate of rations as the troops of his own ar- 
 my ', and, if poffible, the officer's horfes and cat- 
 tle are to be fupplied with forage at the ufual 
 rates:— 6. All the officers to retain their carriages, 
 pack-horfes and other cattle, and no baggage to 
 be molefted or learched ; lieut. gen. Burgoyne 
 giving his honour, that there are no public flores 
 contained therein. Maj. gen. Gates will of courfe 
 take the neceflary meafures for the due perform- 
 ance of this article : fhould any carriages be want- 
 ed during the march, for the tranfportation of 
 officers baggage, they are, if poffible, to be fup- 
 plied by the country at the ufual rates : — 7. Upon 
 
 the 
 
OF AMERICA. S5S 
 
 the march, and during the time the army {hall 
 remain in quarters, in the MafTachufetts-Bay, the 
 officers are not, as far as circumftances will ad- 
 mit, to be feparated from their men. — The offi- 
 cers are to be quartered according to their rank, 
 and are not to be hindered for their afTembling 
 their men for roll-callings, and other neceffary 
 purpofes of regularity: — 8. AH corps whatever 
 of lieutenant general Burgoyne's ai my, whether 
 compofed of failors, batteau-men, artificers, driv- 
 ers, independent companies, and followers of 
 the army, of whatever country, (hall be included 
 in the fulleft fenfe and utmoft extent of the above 
 articles, and comprehended in every refpeft as 
 Briti(h fubje<51:s : — 9. All Canadians, and perfons 
 belonging to the Canadian eftablifhment, confin- 
 ing of failors, battcau-men, artificers, drivers, 
 independent companies, and many other follow- 
 ers of the army, who come under no particular 
 defcription, are to be permitted to return there : 
 they are to be condu6>ed immediately, by the 
 Ihorteft route, to the firfl Britifh port on Lake 
 George, are to be fupplied with provifions in the 
 fame manner as the other troops, and to be bound 
 by the lame condition of not ferving during the 
 prefent contcll: in North America : — 10 PaiT- 
 porrs to be immediately granted for three officers, 
 not exceeding the rank of captains, who fiiall be 
 apptiinred by lieut. gen. Bnrgoyne, to carry def- 
 patches to Sir Wm. Howe, Sir Guy Carleton, 
 and to Great-Britain by the way of New Y jrk; 
 and major general Gates engages the public faith, 
 that thefe defpatches iliall not be opened. Thefe 
 offic'-Ts are to fet out immediately after receiving 
 their defpatches, and are to travel by the fhorteft 
 
 route. 
 
S54 GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 iroute, and in the moft expeditious manner : — 
 11. During the ftay of the troops in the MafTa- 
 chufetts-Bay, the officers are to be admitted on 
 parole, and are to be permitted to wear their fide 
 arms: — 12. Should the army under lieut. gen. 
 Burgoyne, find it necefTary to fend for their 
 clothing and other baggage from Canada, they 
 are to be permitted to do it in the moft conve- 
 nient manner, and necefTary paflTports to be grant- 
 ed for that purpofe : — 13. Thefe articles are to 
 be mutually figncd and exchanged to-morrow 
 morning at nine o'clock; and the troops under 
 lieut. gen. Burgoyne, are to march out of their 
 intrench ments at three o*clock in the afternoon. 
 Camp at Saratoga, Odlober 16, 1777. 
 
 HORATIO GATES, Major-General. 
 
 To prevent any doubts that might arife from 
 lieut. gen. Burgoyne*s name not being mentioned 
 in the above treaty, major general Gates hereby 
 declares, that he is underftood to be comprehend- 
 ed in it, as fully as if his name had been fpecifH 
 cally mentioned. 
 
 HORATIO GATES. 
 
 Such was the Impatience of fomeof the militia 
 to return home before the royal army had been 
 brought to furrender, and fo little iheir concern 
 to be lpe(^ators of the event, that one of the 
 Northampton regiments went off the day before 
 the flag came out from Burgoyne. Another re- 
 giment took itfelf away while the treaty was in 
 agitation. But the fate of the army will confirm 
 the truth of what its commander wrote to lord 
 
 George 
 
OF AMERICA. 355 
 
 George Germain, Auguft the 20th, " the great 
 bulk of the country is undoubtedly with the con- 
 grefs in principle and zeal." When after the 
 convention the officers went into the American 
 camp, they were furprifed *, and fome of them 
 faid, that of all the camps they had ever feen in 
 Germany, or ellewhere, they never faw any bet- 
 ter diff ofed and fecured. 
 
 The return figned by gen. Burgoyne, of the 
 foreigners at the time of the convention, amount- 
 ed to 2412. The Briiilh confifted, according to 
 him, of 10 officers prefent — 145 commiflioned — 
 the ftafF26 — fergeant; and drummers 297 — rank 
 and file 2901— in all 3379 } this added to the 
 Germans, makes 5791. The American account, 
 to fhow what was the fum total of the royal army 
 ailing in the northern department again ft the 
 country, goes on to reckon, the Tick taken 928 — 
 the wounded 528 — prifoners of war before the 
 convention 400 — deierters 300 — loft at Benning- 
 ton 1220 — killed between the 17th of September 
 and the 18th of Oftober 600 — taken at Ticon- 
 derago 413 — killed in gen. Herkimer's battle 
 about 300 — making in all 4689. According to 
 this way of reckoning, the royal force was 10480. 
 It was probably full 10,000 ftrong, including 
 Canadians and provincials, and exclufive of In- 
 dians, drivers, futlers, &c. Among the prifon- 
 ers taken were fix members of parliament. 
 
 The train of brafs artillery was a fine acquifi- 
 tlon J it confifted of 2 twenty-four pounders — 4 
 twelves — 20 fixes — 6 threes — 2 eight inch how- 
 itzers — 5 five and a half royal ditto— and three 
 five and a half inch royal mortars — in nil, 42 
 pieces of ordnance. There were alfo 4647 muf^ 
 
 kcts 
 
'^56 GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 kcts — 6000 dozen of cartridges, befides (hot, car- 
 cafles, cafes, fhells, &c. 
 
 Burgoyne was defirous of a general return of 
 the army commanded by Gates at the time of the 
 convention. The latter linderftood him, and was 
 careful not to leflen the return by fuppreffing a 
 fingle man. The continerrtals, all ranks includ- 
 ed, were 9093 -, the militia 41 29, in all 13222 •, 
 but of ihe former, the fick and on furlough were 
 2103 ; and of the latter, 562. The number of 
 the militia was continually varying; and many 
 of them were at a confiderable diftance from the 
 camp. 
 
 Sir Henry Clinton, in the mean time, had fail- 
 ed up the North River, and deftrcyed the two 
 forts called Montgomery and CUnton, with Fort 
 Conftitution, and another place called Continent- 
 al Village, where were barracks for 2000 men. 
 Seventy large cannon were carried away, befides 
 a number of fmaller artillery, and a great quan- 
 tity of ftores and ammunition ; a large boom and 
 chain reaching acrofs the river from Fort Mont- 
 gomery to a point of land called St. Anthony's 
 Note, and which coft not lefs than feventy thou- 
 fand pounds (lerling, were partly deftroycd and 
 partly carried away, as was alfo, another boom 
 of little lefs value at Fort Conllitution. The lofs 
 of the Britifli army was but fmall in number, 
 though fome officers of great merit were killed 
 in the different attacks. '^ 
 
 Another attack was made by Sir James Wal- 
 lace with fome frigates, and a body of land forces 
 under General Vaughan. The place which now 
 fuffered was named Efopus : the fortifications 
 were deftroyed, and the town itfelf was wanton- 
 
eF AMERICA. 35*7 
 
 ly reduced to aflies, as that called Continental 
 Village had been before. Thus the Britifii ar- 
 mament fpent their time in wafting the adjacent 
 countr}^, when by pufhing forward 136 miles 
 in fix days they might have efFe(5lually relieved 
 Burgoyne. 
 
 But thefe fucce/Tes, of whatever importance 
 they might be, were now difregarded by both 
 parties. They ferved only to irritate the Ame- 
 ricans, flu (bed with their faccefs ; and they were 
 utterly infufficient to raife the fpirits of the Bri- 
 tifh, who were now thrown into the utmofl 
 difmay. 
 
 CHAP. VIL 
 
 Treaty between France and America — Conciliator);- 
 Bill defpifed — Philadelphia evacuated — French 
 Fleet arrives in America — Expedition againjl 
 Georgia — South Carolina invaded — D' E/laings 
 Expedition againjl Georgia — Expeditions of the 
 Britijh againjl the northern Provinces — Attach 
 of Penobfcot* 
 
 o 
 
 N the 16th of March 1778, Lord North 
 intimated to the houfe of commons, that a paper 
 had been laid before the king by the French am- 
 baflador, intimating the conclufjon of an alliance^ 
 
 between' 
 H h 
 
.:m GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 between the court of France and the United 
 States of America. The preliminaries of this 
 Treaty had been concluded in the end of the year 
 1777, and a copy of them fent to congrefs, in 
 order to counteract any propofals that might be 
 made in the mean ti-me by the Britifh miniflry. 
 On the 6th of February 1778, the articles were 
 formally figned, to the great fatisfa<5tion of the 
 French nation. They were in fubftance as fol- 
 lows : 
 
 1. If Great Britain fliould, fin confequence of 
 this treaty, proceed to hoftilities againft France, 
 the two nations (hould mutually affift one an- 
 other. 
 
 2. The main end of the treaty was, in an ef~ 
 fe(5tual manner to maintain the independency of 
 America. 
 
 8. Should thofe places of North-America dill 
 fubjeft to Britain be reduced by the colonies, 
 they fhould be confederated with them, or fub- 
 jefted to their jurifdiftion. 
 
 4. Should any of the Weft Iflands be reduced 
 by France, they (hould be deemed its property. 
 
 5. No formal treaty with Great Britain fliould 
 be concluded either by France or America with- 
 out the confent of each other : and it was mutu- 
 ally engaged that they (hould not lay down their 
 arms till the independency of the States had been 
 formally acknowledged. 
 
 6. The contra(Sling parties mutually agreed to 
 invite thofe powers that had received injuries 
 from Great Britain to join the common caufe. 
 
 7. The United States guaranteed to France 
 all the po(re(rions in the Weft Indies which (he 
 fliauld conquer ; and France in her turn guaran- 
 teed 
 
OF AMERICA. 35& 
 
 teed the abfolure independency of the States, 
 and their fupreme authority over every country 
 they pofTefTed, or might acquire during the war. 
 
 The notification of fnch a treaty as this could 
 not but be looked upon as a declaration of war. 
 On its being announced to the houfe, every one 
 agreed in an addrefs to his majefty, promifing to 
 fland by him to the utmoll in the prefent emer- 
 gency -, but it was warmly contended by the 
 members in oppofuion, that the prefent miniltry 
 ought to be removed on account of their number- 
 lefs blunders and mifcarriages in every inftance. 
 Many were of opinion, that the only way to ex- 
 tricate the nation from its trouble was to acknow- 
 ledge the independency of America at once ; and 
 thus they might ftill do with a good grace what 
 mufl inevitably be done at laft, after expending 
 much more blood and treafure than had yet been 
 lavifhed in this unhappy conteft. The minifte- 
 rial party, however, entertained different ideas. 
 Inftigated by zeal for the national honour, it 
 was determined at once to refent the arrogance 
 of France, and profecute Hoftilities againft Ame- 
 rica with more vigour than ever (hould the terms 
 now offered them be reje61;ed. 
 
 The Americans in the mean time affiduoufly 
 employed their agents at the courts of Spain, Vi- 
 enna, PrufTia and Tufcany, in order, if pofTible to 
 conclude alliances with them or at lead to procure 
 an acknowledgment of their independency. As 
 it had been reported that Britain intended to ap- 
 ply for affillance to Rufiia, the American com- 
 miffioners were enjoined to ufe their utmoft influ- 
 ence with the German princes to prevent fuch 
 auxiliaries from marching through their territo- 
 ries, 
 
360 GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 lies, and to endeavour to procure the recal ol 
 the German troops already fent to America. To 
 France they offered a ceflion of fuch Weft India 
 iflnnds as (hould be taken by the united ftrength 
 of France and America ; and fhould Britain by 
 their joint endeavours be difpofleired of New- 
 foundland, Cape Breton and Nova Scotia, thefe 
 territories (hould be divided betwixt the two na- 
 tions, and Great Britain be totally excluded from 
 the fifliery. The propofals to the Spanifti court 
 were, that in cafe they (hould think proper to 
 efpoufe their quarrel, the American ftates (hould 
 aiiift, in reducing Penfacola under the dominion 
 of Spain, provided their fubjetfls v/ere allowed 
 the free navigation of the river Mi(rifrippi and the 
 life of the harbour Penfacola ; and they further 
 offered, that, if agreeable to Spain, they would 
 declare war againft Portugal, (hould that power 
 expel the American (liips from its ports. 
 
 In the mean time the troops under General 
 Burgoyne were preparing to embark for Britain 
 according to the convention at Saratoga ; but 
 .ongrefs having received information, that many 
 iTticles of ammunition and accoutrements had not 
 been fur rendered agreeably to the ftipulated 
 terms, and finding fome caufe to apprehend, thai 
 fmifter deiigns were harboured on the part of 
 Great Britain to convey thefe troops to join the 
 nrmy at Philadelphia or New-York, pofitively 
 refufed to let them embark, until an explicit ra- 
 tification of the convention fiiould be properly 
 notified by the BritiQi court. 
 
 The feafon for acftion was now approaching ; 
 and congrefs was indefatigable in its preparations 
 for a new campaign, which it was confidently 
 
 fai'i 
 
OF AMERICA. 36! 
 
 faid would be the laft. Among other methods 
 taken for this pnrpofe, it was recommended to 
 all the young gentlemen of the colonies to form 
 them(elves into bodies of cavalry to ferve at their 
 own expenfe daring the war. General Wafli- 
 ington at the fame time, to remove all incum- 
 brances from his army, lightened the baggage 
 ns much as poffible, by fubftituting facks and 
 portmanteaus in place of chefts and boxes, and 
 ufing pack-horfcs indead of waggons. On the 
 other hand the Britifli army expecTling to be re- 
 inforced by 20,000 men, thought of nothing but 
 concluding the war according to their wiflies be- 
 fore the end of the campaign. It was with the 
 utmoft concern, as well as indignation, there- 
 fore, that they received the news of Lord North's 
 conciliatory bill. It was univerfaliy looked upon 
 as a national difgrace ; and fome even tore the 
 cocktides from their hats, and trampled them 
 under their feet as a token of their indignation. 
 By the colonics it was received with indiiferencc. 
 The Britidi commiflloners endeavoured to make 
 it as public as poflible ; and the congrels, as for- 
 merly, ordered it to be printed in all the newf- 
 papers. On this occa Hon Governor IVyon in- 
 clofed feveral copies of the bill to General Waffi- 
 ington in a letter, intreating him that he would 
 allow them to be circulated •, to which tlie Gene- 
 ral returned for anfwer a copy of a newfpaper in 
 which the bill was printed, with the reioiutions 
 of congrefs upon it. Thefe were, That who* 
 ever prefumed to make a feparate agreement with 
 Britain fiiould be deemed a public enemy ; that 
 the United States could not with any propriety 
 
 keeo 
 TI h -•' 
 
362 GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 keep correfpondence with the com mi fli oners un- 
 til their independence was acknowledged,- and 
 the Britifh fleets and armies removed from Ame- 
 rica. At the fame time, the colonies were warn- 
 ed not to fufFer themfelves to be deceived into 
 fecurity by any offers that might be made ; but 
 to ufe their utmoft endeavours to fend their quo- 
 tas with all diligence into the field. The indivi- 
 duals with whom the commiilioners converfed on 
 the conciliatory bill, generally returned for an - 
 fwer, that the day of reconciliation was pafl , 
 and that the haughtinefs of Britain had extin- 
 guished all filial regard in the brenfts of Ame'ri- 
 cans. 
 
 - About this time alfo Mr. Silas Dean arrived 
 from France with two copies of the treaty of 
 commerce and alliance to be figned by congrefs. 
 Advices of the mod agreeable nature were alfo 
 received from various parts, reprefenting in the 
 moft favourable light the difpofitions of the Eu- 
 ropean powers •, all of whom, it was faid, wifh- 
 ed to fee the independence of America fettled 
 upon the moft permanent bafis. Confideiing the 
 fituation of matters with the colonifts at this time, 
 therefore, it was no wonder the commiilioners 
 found themfelves unable to accomplifh the errand 
 on which they came. Their propofals were ut- 
 terly rejefled, themfelves treated as fpies, and, 
 after a vain attempt by governor Johnftone, one 
 of the commiflioners, to bribe feveral members 
 of congrefs, all intercourfe with them was inter- 
 diaed. 
 
 But before any final anfwer could be obtained 
 from congrefs, Sir Henry Clinton had taken the 
 rsfolution of evacuating Philadelphia. Accord- 
 ingly? 
 
OF AMERICA. 363 
 
 ingly, on the tenth of June, after having made 
 all necelTury preparations, the army marched out 
 of the city, and croflfed the Delaware before 
 noon, with all its baggage and other incum- 
 brances. General Wafhington, apprifed of this 
 defign, had defpatched expreiTes into the Jer- 
 feys, with orders to coliefl all the force which 
 could be adembled in order to obftrudf the march 
 of the enemy. After various movements on both 
 fides, Sir Henry Clinton, with the royal army, 
 arrived on the 27th of June, at a place called 
 Freehold; where, judgl-ng that the enemy would 
 attack him, he encamped in a very Orong fitua- 
 tion. Here General Waihingtgn determined to 
 make an attack as foon as the army had again be- 
 gun its march. The night was fpent in making 
 the neceflary preparations, and Gen. Lee with 
 his divifion, was ordered to be ready by day- 
 break. But Sir Henry Clinton, juftly apprehend- 
 ing the chief objedl of the enemy was the bag- 
 gage, committed it to the care of General Knyp- 
 haufen, whom he ordered to fet out early in the 
 morning, while he followed with the reft of the 
 army The attack was accordingly made^ but 
 the Britifh general had taken fuch care to arrange 
 his troops properly, and fo effectually fupported 
 his forces when engaged with the Americans, 
 that the latter not only made no impreffion, but 
 were with difficulty preferved from a total defeat 
 by the advance of General Wafhington with the 
 whole army. The Britifh troops efFe(fted their 
 letreat in the night with the lofs of 300 men, of 
 whom many died through mere fatigue without 
 any wound. In this a<5iion General Lee was 
 charged by General Wafliington with difbbe- 
 
 dience 
 
364: GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 dience and mifcondudl in retreating before the 
 Britifli army. He was tried by a court-martial, 
 and fentenced to a temporary fufpenfion from his 
 command. After they had arrived at Sandy- 
 Hook, a bridge of boats was by Lord Howe's 
 direjTlions thrown from thence over the channel 
 which feparated the ifland from the main land, 
 and the troops were conveyed aboard the fleet ^ 
 after which they failed to New-York. 
 
 After fending fome light detachments to watch 
 the enemy's motions, Gen. Wafhington marched 
 towards the North River, where a great force 
 had been collefted to join him, and where it was 
 now expefted that fome very capital operations 
 would take plac^. 
 
 In the mean time France had fet about her 
 preparations for the affiftance of the Americans. 
 On the 14th of April Count d'Eftaing had failed 
 from Toulon with a Arong fquadron of fhips of 
 the line and frigates, and arrived on the coaft of 
 Virginia, in the beginning of July whilft the Bri- 
 tiOi fleet was employed in conveying the forces 
 from Sandy-Hook to New- York. It confifl:ed 
 of one (hip of 90 guns, one of 80, Ci^ of 74, and 
 four ?f 64, befides feveral large frigates ; and 
 exclufive of its complement of failors, had 6000 
 marines and foldiers on board. To oppofc this 
 ihe Britifli had only fix (hips of 64 guns, three 
 of 50, and two of 40, with fome frigates and 
 (loops. NotwithAanding this inferiority, how- 
 ever, the Britifh admiral polled himfelf fo advan- 
 tageoufly, and (hewed fuch fuperior (kill, that 
 d'Eftaing did not think proper to attack him ; 
 particularly, as the pilots informed him that it 
 was impradlicable lo carry his large (liips over 
 
 t.h.e 
 
OF AMERICA. 36^ 
 
 the bar into the Hook, and General WaQiIngtoa 
 pre/Ted him to fail for Newport. He therefore 
 remained at anchor four miles off Sandy-Hook 
 till the 22d of July, without efFe<Sting any thing 
 more than the capture of fome veiTels, which, 
 through ignorance of his arrival, fell into his 
 hands. 
 
 The next attempt of the French admiral was, 
 in conjunflion with the Americans, on Rhode- 
 Ifland. It was propofed that d*Eftaing, with the 
 6000 troops he had with him, fhould make a de» 
 fcent on the fouthern part of the ifland, while 
 a body of the Americans Ihould take pofTeffion. 
 of the north -, at the fame Ane the French 
 fquadron was to enter the harbour of Newport, 
 and take and deftroy all the Briti(h (hipping. 
 On the 8th of Auguft the French admiral enter- 
 ed the harbour as was propofed, but found him- 
 felf unable to do any material damage. Lord 
 Howe, however, inflantly fet fail for Rhode. 
 Ifland; and d'Eflaing, confiding in his fuperiori- 
 ty, immediate came out of the harbour to attack 
 liim. A violent ftorm parted the two fleets, 
 and did fo much damage that they were rendered 
 totally unfit for action. The French however, 
 iuflrsred mofl: ; and feveral of their (hips being 
 afterwards attacked fingly by the Britifh, very 
 narrowly efcaped being taken. On the 20th of 
 Auguft he returned to Newport in a very fliatter- 
 ing condition; and, not thinking himfelf fafe 
 there, failed two days after for Boflon. General 
 Sullivan had landed in the mean time on the north- 
 ern part of Rhode-lfland, with 10,000 men. On 
 the 17th of Auguft they began their operations 
 by ere<5ling batteries, and making their approach- 
 es 
 
366 GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 es to the BritiQi lines. But General Pigot, who 
 commanded in Newport, had taken fuch efFeflual 
 care to fecure himfelf on the land-fide, that with- 
 out the afliftance of a marine force it was altoge- 
 ther impoilible to attack him with any probabili- 
 ty of fuccefs. The condudl of d'Ertaing there- 
 fore who had abandoned them when mafter of 
 the harbour, gave the greateft difgufl to the peo- 
 ple of New-England, and Sullivan began to think 
 of a retreat. On perceiving his intentions, the 
 garrilbn fallied out upon him with fo much vi- 
 gour, that it was not without difficulty that he 
 efPeflied his retreat. He had not been long gone 
 "when Sir Henfy Clinton arrived with a body of 
 4000 men ; which, had it arrived fooner, would 
 have enabled the Britifh commander to have gain- 
 ed a decifive advantage over him, as well as to 
 have deftroyed the town of Providence, which, 
 by its vicinity to Rhode-Ifland, and the enter- 
 prifes which were continually projected and car- 
 ried on in that place, kept tlie inhabitants of 
 Rhode-Ifland in continual alarms. 
 
 The firfl; Britifh expedition was to Buzzard*s- 
 Bay, on the coad of New-England and neigh- 
 bourhood of Rhode Kland. Here they deftroy- 
 ed a great number of privateers and merchant- 
 men, magazines, with ft:ore-honfes, &c. j whence 
 proceed'ng to a fertile and populous illand, called 
 Martha's-Vineyard, they carried off 2000 flieep 
 and 300 black cattle. Another expedition took 
 pl;ice up the North-River, under Lord Cornwall 
 lis and General Koyphaufen ; the principal event 
 of which was, the deflruiftion of a regiment of 
 American cavalry known by the name of Wafh- 
 ingion's Light Horfe. A third expedition was 
 
 direfled 
 
OF AMERICA. Sa7 
 
 dire<rted to Little Egg-Harboiirin New-Jerfey, 
 a place noted for privateers, the deftru(5lion of 
 which was its principal intention. It was con- 
 du<5fed by Captains Fergufon and Collins, and 
 ended in the deArudfionof the American vefiels, 
 as well as of the place itfelf. At the fame time 
 part of another body of American troops, called 
 Pulafki's legion, was furprifed and a great num- 
 ber of them put to the fword. 
 
 The Americans had in the beginning of the 
 year projected the conquefl of Weft-Florida j 
 and one Captain Willing, with a party of refolute 
 men, had made a fuccefsful incurfion into the 
 country. This awakened the attention of the 
 Britifh to the fouthern colonies, and an expedi- 
 tion againft them was refolved on. Georgia was 
 the place of deftination ; and the more efFe6lually 
 to enfure fuccels, Colonel Campbell, with a fuf- 
 ficient force, under convoy of fome (hips of war, 
 commanded by Commodore Hyde Parker, em- 
 barked at New-York -, while General Prevoft 
 who commanded in Eaft-Florida, was direfl- 
 ed to fet out with all the force he could fpare. 
 The armament from New- York arrived off the 
 coaft of Georgia in the month of December ; 
 and though the Americans were very ftrongly 
 polled in an advantageous fituation on the fhore., 
 the Britifh troops made good their landing, and 
 advanced towards Savannah the capital of the 
 province. That very day they defeated the force 
 of the provincials which oppofed them ; and took 
 pofTeffion of the town with fuch celerity, that 
 the Americans had not time to execute a refolu- 
 tion they had taken of fetting it on fire. In tea 
 days the whole province of Georgia was reduc- 
 ed; 
 
368 GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 ed ; Sunbury alone excepted *, and this was alfo 
 brought under iubjeflion by General Prevoft in 
 his march northward. Every proper method 
 was taken to lecure the tranquillity of the coun- 
 try ; and rewards were offered for apprehending 
 committee and aflembly men, or fuch as they 
 judged moft inimical to the BritiOi interefts. On 
 the arrival of General Prevoft, the command of 
 the troops naturally devolved on him as thefenior 
 officer ; and the conqueft of Carolina was next 
 projected. 
 
 In this attempt there was no fmall probability 
 of fuccefs. The country contained a great num- 
 ber of friends to government, who now eagerly 
 embraced the opportunity of declaring them- 
 felves, many of the inhabitants of Georgia had? 
 joined the royal flandard -, and there was not 
 in the province any confiderable body of provin- 
 cial forces capable of oppofing the efforts of re- 
 gular and well'difciplined troops. On the firfl 
 view of General Prevoft*s approach, the loyalids 
 affembled in a body, imagining themfelves able 
 to ftand their ground until their allies (hould ar- 
 rive ; but in this they were difappointed. The 
 Americans attacked and defeated rhem with the 
 lofs of half their number. The remainder re- 
 treated into Georgia ; and after undergoing ma- 
 ny difficulties, at laft effected a junction with the 
 Britifli forces. 
 
 In the mean time, General Lincoln, with a 
 confiderable body of American troops, had en- 
 camped within 20 miles of the town of Savan- 
 nah ; and another ftrong party had pofted them- 
 felves at a place called Briar^s Creek, farther up 
 the river of the fame name. Thus the extent of 
 
 the 
 
OF AMERICA. :mj 
 
 the Britifli government was likely to be clrcum- 
 icribed within very narrow bounds. General 
 Prevoft therefore determined to diQodge the par- 
 ty at Briar's Creek : and the latter, trufting to 
 their fVrong fituation, and being remifs in their 
 guard, fufFered themfelves to be ilirprifed on the 
 30th of March 1779 •, when they were utterly 
 routed with the lofs of more than 300 killed and 
 taken, befides a great number drowned in the 
 river or the fwamps. The whole artillery, ftores, 
 baggage and almofl: all the arms of this unfortu- 
 nate party were taken, fo that they could no 
 more make any fland; and thus the province of 
 Georgia was once more freed from the Ameri- 
 cans, and a communication opened with thofe 
 places in Carolina where the royalifts chiefly re- 
 fided. 
 
 The vidlory at Briar's Creek proved of con- 
 iiderable fervice to the BritiQi caufe. Great num- 
 bers of the loyalifts joined the army and confi- 
 derably increafed its force. Hence he was ena- 
 bled to ftretch his pofts further up the river, and 
 to guard all the principal pafTes : fo that General 
 Lincoln was reduced to a il:ate of ina(fl:ion ; and 
 at Lift moved off towards the Augufta, in order 
 to prote6f the provincial aflembly, which was 
 obliged to fit in that place, the capital being now 
 in the hands of the Britifh. 
 
 Lincoln had no fooner quitted his poll:, than 
 it was judged a proper time by the Britifli gene- 
 ral to put into execution the grand fcheme which 
 had been meditated againfl Carolina, many diffi- 
 culties indeed lay in his way. The river Savan- 
 nah was fo fwelled by the excefTive rains of the 
 
 feafon, 
 I i 
 
370 GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 feafon, that It feemed impafTable ; the oppofitc 
 fhore for a great way, was fo full of fwamps and 
 marflies, that no army could march over it with- 
 out the greateft difficulty -, and, to render the 
 pc^flage dill more difficult. General Moultrie was 
 left with a confiderable body of troops in order 
 to oppofe the enemy's attempt^', But in fpite of 
 every oppofition, the conftancy and perfeverance 
 of the Britifh troops at laft prevailed. General 
 Moultrie was obliged to retire towards Charlef- 
 ton ; and the purfuing army after having waded 
 through the marChes for fome time, at laft arriv- 
 ed in an open country, through which they pur- 
 fued their march with great rapidity, towards 
 the capital •, while General Lincoln made prepa- 
 rations to march to its relief. 
 
 Certain mteiligence of the danger to which 
 Charlefton was expofcd, animated the American 
 general. A chofen body of infantr}^, mounted 
 on horfeback for the greater expedition, was 
 defpatched before him j while Lincoln himfelf 
 followed with all the forces he could colle(ft. 
 General Moultrie too, with the troops he had 
 brought from Savannah, and fome others he had 
 colle^led fmce his retreat from thence, had taken 
 poflefTion of all the avenues leading to Charlef- 
 ton, and prepared for a vigorous defence. But 
 all oppofition proved ineffcftual ; and the Bri'/ifh 
 army was allowed to come within cannon (hot 
 of Charlefton on the 12ih of May. 
 
 The town was now fummoned to furrender, 
 and the inhabitants would gladly have agreed to 
 obferve a neutralif^^ during the reft of the war, 
 and would have engaged alfo for the reft of the 
 province* But thefe terms Dot being accepted, 
 
 they 
 
OF AMERICA. 374 
 
 •hey made preparations for a vigorous defence. 
 It was nor, however, in the power of the Britidi 
 comnaandcr at this time to make an attack with 
 any profpeifl of fuccefs. His artillery was not of 
 fufficient weight: there were no (hips to fupport 
 his attack by land-, and General Lincoln advanc- 
 ing rapidly with a fupericr army threatened to 
 inclofe him between his own force and the town ; 
 fo that (hould he fail in his firft attempt, certain 
 deilruflion would be the confeqnencc. Forthefe 
 reafons he withdrew his forces from before the 
 town, and took poffeiTion of two iflands, called 
 St, James's and St. Johns, lying to the fouth- 
 ward i where having waited fome time, his force 
 was augmented by the arrival of two frigates. 
 With thefe he determined to make himfelf mafter 
 of Port Royal, another ifland poflTefTed of an ex- 
 cellent liarbonr, and many other natural advan- 
 tages, from its fituation alfo commanding all the 
 fea-coaft from Charlefton to Savannah River. 
 The American general, however, did not allow 
 this to be accompliftied without oppofition. Per- 
 ceiving that his opponent had occupied an advan- 
 tageous port on St. John's ifland preparatory to 
 his enterprife againft Port-Royal, he attempted, 
 on the 20th of June, to diflodge them from it ; 
 but after an obflinate attack, the provincials were 
 obliged to retire with confiderable lofs. On this 
 occafion the fuccefs of the Britifli arms was in a 
 great m.eafure owing to an armed float, which 
 galled the right flank of their enemy fo effe^lual- 
 I5', that they could dire6l their efforts only againfl 
 the Arongelt part of the lines, which proved im- 
 pregnable to their attacks. This difappointment 
 was inftantly followed by the lofs of Port-Royal, 
 
 which 
 
372 GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 which General Prevoft took pofTeiTion of, and 
 put his troops into proper flations, waiting for 
 the arrival of fuch reinforcements as were neccf- 
 fary for the Intended attack on Charlefton. 
 
 The profligate conduft of the refugees and the 
 officers and foldiers of the Britilh, in plundering 
 the houfes of individuals, during their incurfion, 
 is incredible. Negroes were feduced or forced 
 from their mafters j furniture and plate were 
 feized without decency or authority j and the 
 moft infamous violations of every law of honour 
 and honefty were openly perpetrated. Individu- 
 als thus accumulated wealth, but the reputation 
 of the Britifli arms incurred an everlafting fligma. 
 
 In the mean time Count d'Eflaing, who as we 
 have already obferved, had put into Bofton har- 
 bour to refit, had ufed his utmoft efforts to in- 
 .i^ratiate himfelf with the inhabitants of that city. 
 Zealous alfo in the caufe of his mafter, he had 
 piibliflied a proclamation to be difperfed through 
 Canada, inviting the people to return to their ori- 
 ginal Friendfhip with France, and declaring that 
 ail who renounced their allegiance to Great Bri- 
 tain (hould certainly find a protestor in the king 
 o^ France. All his endeavours, however, proved 
 infufficient at this time to produce any revolution, 
 or even to form a party of any confequence 
 among the Canadians. 
 
 As foon as the French admiral had refitted h-is 
 fleet, he took the opportunity, while that of Ad- 
 miral Byron had been fliattered by a florm, of 
 failing to the Wefl-Indies. During his operations 
 there, the Americans having reprefented his con- 
 du6t as totallv unferviceable to them, he receiv- 
 ed 
 
OF AMERICA. S7ii 
 
 eJ orders from Europe to affill the colonies with 
 all pofTible fpeed. 
 
 In compliance with thefe orders, he directed 
 his courfe towards Georgia, with a defign to re- 
 cover that province out of the hands of the ene- 
 my, and to put it, as well as South Carolina, in 
 iucli a poflure of defence as would efFeftually 
 fecure them from any future attack. This feem- 
 ed to be an eafy matter, from the little force with 
 which he knew he (hould be oppofed ; and the 
 next object in contemplation was no lefs than the 
 deftrudiion of the Britidi fleet and army at New 
 York, and their total expulfion from the conti- 
 nent of America. Full of thefe hopes, the French 
 commander arrived off thecoaft of Georgia with 
 a fleet of 22 fail of the line and 10 large frigates. 
 His arrival was fo little expefled, that feveral 
 veflels laden with provifions and military fl:ores 
 fell into his hands j the Experiment, alfo, a vef- 
 ibl of 50 guns, commanded by Sir James Wal- 
 lace, was taken after a iiout refiTiance. On the 
 continent, the Britifli troops were divided. Ge- 
 neral Prevofl", with an inconfiderabie parr, re- 
 mained at Savannah j but the main force was un- 
 der Colonel Maitland at Port Royal. On the 
 firif appearance of the French fleet, an exprels 
 was defpatched to Colonel Maitland : but it was 
 intercepted by the Americans ; fo that before he 
 could fet out in order to join the commander in 
 chief, the Americans had fecured moll of the 
 paffcs by land, while the French fleet tfre<n:u ally 
 blocked up the paflTage by fea. But, by taking 
 advantage of creeks and inlets and marching over 
 iimd, he arrived jafl in time to relieve Savannah. 
 
 D'Eilaing 
 I i 2 
 
mi GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 D'Eftaing had allowed General PrevoH: 24- 
 hours to deliberate whether he would capitulate 
 or nor. This time the general employed in mak- 
 ing the bell preparations he could for a defence ; 
 and during this time it was that Colonel Malt- 
 land arrived. D'Eftaing's fummons was now re« 
 jefled The garrifon now confifted of 3000 men, 
 all of approved valour and experience, while the 
 united force of the French and Americans did 
 not amount to 10,000. The event was anfwer- 
 able to the expeiftations of the Britifh general. 
 Having the advantage of a flrong fortification 
 and excellent engineers, the fire of the allies made 
 fo little impreflion that D'Eflaing refolved to 
 Lombard the town, and a battery of nine mortars 
 was erefied for the purpofe. This produced a 
 . requefl: from General Prevoft, that the women 
 and children might be allowed to retire to a place 
 of fafety. But the allied commanders, from mo- 
 tives of policy, refufed compliance ; and they 
 refolved to give a general affault. This was ac- 
 cordingly attempted on the 9ih of Of^ober ; but 
 the afiailants were every where repulfed with 
 fuch flaughter, that 1200 were killed and wound- 
 ed ; among the former were Count Pulafki, the 
 celebrated confpirator againfl the reigning king 
 of Poland, and among the latter was D'Eltaing 
 himfelf. 
 
 This diDfter entirely overthrew the fanguine 
 hopes of the Americans and French -, but fo far 
 from reproaches or animofity arifing between 
 them their common misfortune feemed to increale 
 their confidence and efteem for each other ; a 
 circumftance fairly to be afcribed to the concili- 
 aXory coadu^ of General Lincola upon every 
 
 occafion> 
 
OF AMERICA. 375 
 
 occafion. After waiting eight days longer, both 
 parties prepared for a retreat 5 the French to 
 their (hipping, and the Americans into Carolina. 
 
 While the allies were thus unluccefsfully em- 
 ployed in the fouthern colonies, their antagonifls 
 were no lefs affiduons in diftrefling them in the 
 northern parts. Sir George Collier was fcnt with 
 a- fleet, carrying on board Gen. Matthews, with 
 a body of land forces, into the province of Vir- 
 ginia. Their firfl attempt was on the town of 
 Portfmouth ; where though the Americans had 
 deftroyed fome (liips of great value, the Britifti 
 troops arrived in time to i:ive a great number of 
 others. On this occafion about 120 vefTels of 
 different fizes were burnt, and 20 carried off; 
 and an immenfe quantity of provifions defigned 
 for the ufe of General Wafhington's army was 
 either deftroyed or carried off, together with a 
 great variety of naval and military ftores. The 
 fleet and army returned with little or no lofs to 
 New-York. 
 
 The fuccefs with which this expedition was 
 attended, foon gave encouragement to attempt 
 another. The Americans had for Ibme time been 
 employed in the ere<5lion of two ffrong forts on 
 the river j the one at Verplanks Neck on the ead, 
 and the other at Stoney-Point on the weft fide. 
 Thele when completed would have been of the 
 utmoft fervice to the Americans, as commanding 
 the principal pafs, called the Kings Ferry, be- 
 tween tha northern and fouthern colonies. At 
 prefent, however, they were not in a condition 
 to make any effe<5tual defence ; and it was there- 
 fore determined to attack them before the works 
 fhould be completed. The force ejDploy'd on 
 
 Ibis 
 
376 GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 this occafion was divided into two bodies ; one 
 of which dire(f!:ed its courfe againfl: Verplanks, 
 and the other againfl Stoney-Point. The former 
 was commanded by general Vaughan, the latter 
 by General Patterion, while the (hipping was 
 under the direflion of Sir George Collier. Ge- 
 neral Vaughan met with no refiftance, the Ame- 
 ricans abandoning their works, and fetting fire 
 to every thing combuftible that they could not 
 carry off. At Stoney-Point, however, a vigour- 
 ous defence was made, though the garrifon was 
 at laft obliged to capitulate upon honourable con- 
 ditions. To fecure the pofTefTion of this lafl, 
 which was the more important of the two, Ge- 
 neral Clinton removed from his former fituation, 
 and encamped in fuch a manner that General 
 Wafhington could not give any afliftance. The 
 Americans, however, revenged themfelves by 
 diflreiring, with their numerous privateers, the 
 trade to New-York. 
 
 This occafioned a third expedition to Con- 
 ne(5ticut, where thefe privateers were chiefly built 
 and harboured. The command was given to 
 Governor Tryon and to General Garth, an offi- 
 cer of known valour and experience. Under 
 convoy of a confiderable number of armed veffels 
 they landed at Newhaven, where they demolifli- 
 cd the batteries that had been eredted to oppofe 
 them, and deAroyed the fliippingand naval ilores 
 but they fpared the townitlelf, as the inhabitants 
 had abf\ained from firing out of their houfes up- 
 on the troops. From Newhaven they marched 
 to Fairfield, where they proceeded as before, 
 reducing the town alfo to afhes. Norfolk was 
 next attacked, which in like manner was reduced 
 
 to 
 
©F AMERICA. ^77 
 
 to afhes; as was alfo Greenfjeld, a fmall Tea port 
 in the ntighbourhood. Such repeated conflagra- 
 tions, wantonly and cruelly fpread, Terved only 
 to increafe the difguft which was felt by every 
 friend to the American caufe. 
 
 Thefe fuccefles proved very alarming as well 
 as detrimental to the Americans *, fo that General 
 Wafhington determined at all events to drive the 
 enemy from Stoney-Point. For this purpofe he 
 fent Gen. Wayne with a detachment of chofen 
 men, dire(5ling him to attempt the recovery of it 
 by furprile. On this occafion the Americans 
 Ihowed a fpirit andtefoluiion exceeding any thing 
 either party had performed during the courfe of 
 the war. Though after the capture of it by the 
 Britifh the fortifications of this place had been 
 completed, and were very ftrong, they attacked 
 the enemy with bayonets, after pafTing through 
 a heavy fire of mufquetry and grapefhot ; and, 
 in fpite of all oppofition, obliged the furviving 
 part of the garrifon, amounting to 500 men, to 
 furrender themfelves prifoners of war. 
 
 Though the Americans did not at prefent at- 
 tempt to retain poflefTion at Stoney-Point, the 
 fuccefs they had met with in the enterprife em- 
 boldened them to make a fimilar attempt upon 
 Paul us Hook, a fortified poll on the Jerfey fide, 
 oppofire to New-York; but, although the hero- 
 ilm of the enterprife and the fpirit with which it 
 was executed deferves applaufe, after having 
 completely furprifed the ports, the American 
 commander, Major Lee, finding it impofiible to 
 retain them, made an orderly retreat, with about 
 161 prifoners, among whom were feven officers. 
 
 Another 
 
378 GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 Another expedition of greater importance was 
 now proje6led on the part of the Americans. 
 This was againft a Poll on the river Penobfcot, 
 on the borders of Nova Scotia, of which the 
 Britifh had lately taken pofTeffion, and where 
 they had begun to ereift a fort which threatened 
 to be a very great inconvenience to the coloniits. 
 The armament deftined againft it was io fooa 
 got in readinefs, that Colonel Maclane, the com- 
 manding officer at Penobfcot, found himfelf 
 obliged to drop the execution of part of his 
 fcheme ; and inftead of a regular fort, to content 
 himfelf with putting the works already conftrucl- 
 ed in as good a pofturc of defence as pofiible. 
 The Americans could not efFed a landing with- 
 out a great deal of difficulty, and bringing the 
 guns of their largeft veffels to bear upon the 
 fhore. As foon as this was done, however, 
 they ere(5f ed fevcral batteries, and kept up a brifk 
 fire for the fpace of a fortnight ; after which they 
 propofcd to give a general afiault : but before 
 this could be effedfed, they perceived Sir George 
 Collier with a Britiffi fleet failing up the river 
 to attack them. On this they inftantly embark- 
 ed their artillery and military ftores, failing up 
 the river as far as poffible in order to avoid him. 
 They were fo clofely purfued, however, that 
 not a fingle vefTel could eicape, lb that the whole 
 fleet, confiftingof 19 armed vcfFels and 24 tranl- 
 ports, was destroyed j moft of them indeed be- 
 ing blown up of themfeives. The foldiers and 
 failors were obliged to wander through immenfe 
 deferis, where they fuffered much for want of 
 provifions •, and to add to their calamities, a 
 quarrel broke out between the foldiers and fea- 
 
 men 
 
OF AMERICA. 3Ti> 
 
 men concerning the caufe of their difafter, which 
 ended in a violent fray, wherein a great number 
 were killed. 
 
 To add to the diftrefs of the Americans, the 
 Indians, accompanied by a number of refugees, 
 attacked the back fettlements of Pennfylvania. 
 No eiFedlual meafures being taken to reprefs the 
 hoftile fpirit of the Indians^ numbers joined the 
 tory refugees, and with thefe commenced their 
 horrid depredations and hoflilities upon the back- 
 fettlers, being headed by col. Butler and Brandt, 
 an half blooded Indian, of defperate courage, 
 ferocious and cruel beyond example. Their ex- 
 peditions were carried on to great advantage, by 
 the exa£t knowledge which the refugees pofiefT- 
 ed of every objefl of their enterpriie, and the 
 immediate intelligence they received from their 
 friends on the fpct. The weight of their hofli- 
 lities fell upon the Ene, new, and flouriihing 
 ftttlement of Wyoming, fituated on the eaftern 
 branch of the Sufquehannah, in a moft beautiful 
 country and delightful climate. It was firil: fet- 
 tled and cultivated with great ardor, by a num- 
 ber of people from Conneflicut, which claimed 
 the territory as included in its original grant by 
 Charles II. The fettlement confiffed of eight town- 
 ihips, each five miles fquare, beautifully placed 
 on each fide of the river. It had increafed fo by 
 a rapid population, that they fent a thoufand men 
 to ferve in the condnental army. To provide 
 againft the dangers of their remote iituation, four 
 forts were confiru^ed to cover them from the 
 irruptions of the Indians. But it was their un- 
 happinefs, to have a confiderable mixture of roy- 
 alids amongfl them ; and the two parties were 
 
 aifluated 
 
380 GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 adluated by fentiments of the mofl violent ani- 
 mofity which was not confined to particular fa- 
 milies or places : but creeping within the roofs 
 and to the hearths and floors where it was lead to 
 be expeded, ferved equally to poifon the fources 
 of domeflic fecurity and happincfs, and to cancel 
 the laws of nature and humanity. 
 
 They had frequent and timely warnings of 
 the danger to which they were expoled by fend- 
 ing their befl men to fo great a diftance. Their 
 quiet had been interrupted by the Indians, join- 
 ed by marauding parties of their own country- 
 men, in the preceding year : and it was only by 
 a vigorous oppofition, in a courfe of fuccefsful 
 fkirmiflies, that they had been driven off. Seve- 
 ral tories, and others not before fufpecfted, had 
 then and fince abandoned the fettlement : and 
 befide a perfeft knowledge of all their particular 
 circumflances, carried along with them fuch a 
 flock of private refentment, as could not fail of 
 direfling the fury, and even of giving an edge 
 to the cruelty of their Indian and other invete- 
 rate enemies. An unufual number of Grangers 
 had come among them under various pretences, 
 whofe behaviour became {o ful'picious, that upon 
 being taken up and examined, fuch evidence ap- 
 peared againfl feveral of them, of their a6ting in 
 concert with the enemy, on a fcheme for the de- 
 ftru£lion of the fcttlements, that about twenty 
 were fent off to Conne<5licut to be there imprifon- 
 ed and tried for their lives, while the remainder 
 were expelled. Thefe meafures excited the rage 
 of the tories in general to the molt extreme de- 
 gree 5 and the threats formerly denounced again ft 
 
 the 
 
OF AMERICA. 381 
 
 the fettlers were now renewed with aggravated 
 vengeance. 
 
 As the time approached for the final cataflfo- 
 phe, the Indians pra61ifed nnnfual treachery. 
 For leverai weeks previous to the intended attack, 
 they repeatedly fent fmall parties to the fettle- 
 ment, charged with the flrongeft profeffions of 
 frienddiip. Thefe parties, befides attempting to 
 lull the people into fecurity, anfwered the pur- 
 pofes of communicating with their friends, and 
 of obferving the prefent (late of affairs. The 
 fettlers, however, were not infenfiblc to the dan- 
 ger. They had taken the alarm, and col. Zebu- 
 ion Butler had feveral times written letters to 
 congrefs and Gen. Wafhington, acquaindng them 
 with the danger the fettlement was in, and re- 
 queuing affiftance -, but the letters were never 
 received, having been intercepted by the Penn- 
 fylvania tories. A little before the main attack, 
 fome fmall parties made fudden irruptions, and 
 committed feveral robberies and murders •, and 
 from ignorance or a contempt of all ties what- 
 ever, mafTacred the wife and five children of one 
 of the perfons fent for trial to Connecticut in 
 their own caufe. 
 
 At length, in the beginning of July, the ene- 
 my fuddenly appeared in full force on the Sufque- 
 hanna, headed by col. John Butler, a Conncvfi- 
 cut lory, and coufin to col Zeb. Butler, the fe- 
 cond in command in the fettlement. He was al- 
 iifted by mofl: of thofeieadcrs, who had render- 
 ed themfclves terrible in the prefent frontier war. 
 Their force was about 1600 men, near a fourth 
 Indians, led by their own chiefs i the others 
 
 were 
 K k 
 
S82 GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 were fo difguifed and painted as not to be diAin- 
 guiflied from the Indians, excepting their officers 
 who being dreiTed in regimentals, carried the 
 appearance of regulars. One of the fmaller forts, 
 garrifoned chiefly by tories, was given up or ra- 
 ther betrayed. Another was taken by ftorm, 
 and all but the women and children maffacred 
 in the mod inhuman manner. 
 
 Col. Zeb. Butler, leaving a fmall number to 
 guard fort Wilk (borough, crofTed the river with 
 about 400 men, and marched into Kingfton fort, 
 whither the women, children and defencelcfs of 
 all forts crowded for prote(5fion. He fufFered 
 himfelf to be enticed by his coufin to abandon 
 the fortrefs. He agreed to march out, and hold 
 a conference with the enemy in the open field 
 (at fo great a dillance from the fort, as to (hut 
 out all poffibiiity of proteflion from it) upon 
 their withdrawing according to their own pro- 
 pofal, in order to the holding of a parley for the 
 conclufion of a treaty. He at the fame time 
 inarched out about 400 men well armed, being 
 nearly the whole ftrength of the gairifon, to 
 guard his perfon to the place of parley, fuch was 
 his diftruft of the enemy's defigns. On his ar- 
 rival he found nobody to treat with him, and 
 yet advanced toward the foot of the mountain, 
 where at a diftance he faw a flag, the holders of 
 which, feemingly afraid of treachery on his fide, . 
 retired as he advansed ; whilfl he, endeavouring 
 to remove this pretended ill-impreflion, purfued 
 the flag, till his party were thoroughly inclofed, 
 when he was fuddenly freed from his delufion, 
 by finding it attacked at once on every fide. He 
 and his men, not with ftanding the furprife and 
 
 danger, 
 
OF AMERICA. 38f3 
 
 dinger, fought with refolution and braver}^, and 
 kept up fo continual and heavy a fire for three 
 quarters of an hour, that they feemed to gain a 
 marked fupcriority. In this critical moment, a 
 foldier, through a fudden impulfe of fear, or 
 premeditated treachery, cried out aloud, " the 
 colonel has ordered a retreat." The fate of the 
 party was now at once determined. In the ftatc 
 of confufion thnt enfued, an unrefifted (laughter 
 commenced, while, the enemy broke in on all 
 iides without obflru<^ion. Col. Zeb. Biuler, 
 and about feventy of his men efcaped •, the latter 
 got acrofs the river to fort Wilk(borough, the 
 colonel made his way to fort Kingfton; which 
 was Inverted the next day on the land Cidc The 
 
 enemy, to fadden the drooping fpirits of the v;eak 
 remaining garrifon, fent in for their contempla- 
 tion the bloody fcalps of one hundred and nine- 
 ty fix of their late friends and comrades. — They 
 kept up a continual fire upon the fort the whole 
 day. In the evening the colonel quitted the fort 
 and went down the river with his family. He 
 is thought to be the only officer that efcaped. 
 
 Colonel Nathan Dennifon, who fucceeded to 
 the command, feeing the impoliibility of an ef- 
 fe(5f ual defence, went out with a flag to col. John 
 Butler, to know what terms he would grant on 
 a furrender ; to which application Butler anfwer- 
 ed with more than favage phlegm in two fiiort 
 words — t^e hatchet, — Dennifon having defended 
 the fort, till mod of the garrifon were killed or 
 difabled was compelled to furrender at difcretion. 
 Some of the unhappy pcrfons in the fort were 
 carried away alive ; but the barbarous conquer- 
 qrsj to fave the trouble of murder in detail. 
 
384. GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 ihut up the reft promircuoufly in the houfes and 
 barracks ; which having fet on fire, ihey enjoy- 
 ed the favage pleafure of beholding the whole 
 conluined in one general blaze. 
 
 They then crofTed the river to the only re-, 
 maining fort, Wilkfborough, which in hopes of 
 mercy lurrendered without demanding any con- 
 ditions. They found about feventy continental 
 ibldiers, who had been engaged merely for the 
 defence of the frontiers, whom they butchered 
 with every circumftance of horrid cruelty. The 
 remainder of the men, with the women and chil- 
 dren, were ftiut up as before in the houfes, which 
 being fet on fire, they perifhed altogether in the 
 
 flames. 
 
 A general fcene of devaftation was now fpread 
 through all the town (hips. Fire, fword, and 
 the other different inftruments of deftru6lion al- 
 ternately triumphed. The fettlements of the 
 tories alone generally efcaped, and appeared as 
 iflands in the midft of the furrounding ruin. The 
 mercilefs ravagers having deftrqyed the main ob- 
 jefrs of their cruelty, diredled their animofity to 
 every part of living nature belonging to them ; 
 fnot and deftroyed fome of their cattle, and cut 
 out (lit tongues of others, leaving them ftill alive 
 to prolong their ngooi-^s. 
 
 CHAP. 
 
OF AMERICA. 38. 
 
 CHAP. VIII. 
 
 Spahi joins the Confederacy agahifl Great Britain — - 
 Expedition of the Britijh againfl Charlejion — 
 Attack on Staten-lfand — Proceedings of Congrefs 
 — Arrival of the French Troops — Gen. Gates 
 defeated — Gen. Arnold deferts — Unhappy Fate of 
 Major Andre — Arnold's Reafons for his CrmduH: 
 "^ other Reafons — Capture of Mr. Laurens. 
 
 HUS the arms of America and France 
 
 being almofl every where unfuccefsful, the inde- 
 pendency of the former feemed yet to be in dan. 
 ger, notwithftanding the aflillance of fo power- 
 ful an ally, when further encouragement was 
 given by the accefTion of Spain to the confedera- 
 cy againfl: Great Britain in the month of July 
 1779. The fir(f effe<5l of this appeared in an in- 
 vafion of Weft Florida by the Spaniards in Sep- 
 tember 1779. As the country was in no ftate 
 of defence, they eafily made themfelves maf- 
 ters of the whole, almoft without oppofition. 
 Their next enterprife, was againft the Bay of 
 Honduras, where the Britifli iogwood-cuiters 
 were fettled. Thefe finding themfelves too weak 
 to refill, applied to the governor of Jamaica for 
 relief, who fent them a fupply of men, ammuni- 
 tion, and military ftores, under Captain Dalrym- 
 ple. Before the arrival of this detachment, the 
 principal fettlement in thofe parts, called ^i* 
 Gec/rges Ktjy had been taken by the Spaniards and 
 
 re-takea 
 K k 2 
 
386 GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 re-taken by the Briti(h. In his way Captain 
 Dalrymple fell in with a fquadron of Admiral 
 Parker iq fearch of fome regifter fhips richly la- 
 den ; but which, retreating into the harbour of 
 Omoa, were too (trongly prote(Sled by the fort 
 to be attacked with fafety. A projcft was then 
 formed in conjunction with the people of Hon- 
 duras, to reduce this fort. The defign was to 
 furprife it -, but the Spaniards having difcovered 
 them, they were obliged to fight. Victory quick- 
 ly declared for the Britifh ; but the fortifications 
 \vere fo ftrong, that the artillery they had brought 
 along with them were found too light to make 
 any impre/Tion. It was then determined to try 
 the fuccefs of an efcalade •, and this was executed 
 with fo much fpirit, that the Spaniards flood 
 aftonifhed without making any refinance, and in 
 fpite of all the efforts of the officers, threw down 
 their arms and furrendered. The fpoil was im- 
 raenfe, being valued at three millions of dollars. 
 The Spaniards chiefly lamented the lofs of 250 
 «i|uintals of quickfilver ; a commodity indifpenfi- 
 bly neceflary in the working of their gold and 
 jjlver mines, fo that they offered to ranfom it at 
 any price •, but this was refufed, as well as the 
 ranfom of the fort, though the governor offered 
 300,000 dollars for it. A fmall garrifon was 
 left for the defence of the place : but it was 
 quickly attacked by a fuperior force, and oblig- 
 ed to evacuate it, though not without deftroying 
 every thing that could be of ufe to the enemy 5 
 fpiking the guns, and even locking the gates of 
 the fort and carrying off the keys. All this was 
 done in fight of the befiegers ; after which the 
 garrifoQ embarkj?d wiihout the lofs of a man. 
 
 As 
 
OF AMERICA. 38? 
 
 As no operations of any confequence took 
 place this year in the province of New- York, 
 the congrefs made ufe of the opportunity to dif- 
 patch General Sullivan with a confiderabk force, 
 in order to take vengeance on the Indians for 
 their ravages and depredations. Of this the In- 
 dians were apprifedj and colle(5fing all their 
 ftrength, refolved to come to a decifive engage- 
 ment. Accordingly they took a firong poll in 
 the mod woody and mountainous part of the 
 country ; erefling a bread- work in their front, 
 of large logs of wood extending half a mile in 
 length, while their right flank was covered by a 
 river, and the left by a hill of difficult accefs. 
 This advantageous polition they had taken by the 
 advice of the refugees who were among them, 
 and of whom 200 or 300 were prefent in the 
 battle. 
 
 Thus ported, the Indians waited the approach 
 of the American army : but the latter having 
 brought Ibme artillery along with them, played 
 it againft the breaft-work of the enemy with fuch 
 fuccefs, that in two hours it was almofl deftroy- 
 ed J and at the fame time a party having reached 
 the top of the hill, they became apprebenfive of 
 being furrounded, on which they inflantly fled 
 with precipitation, leaving a great number of 
 killed and wounded behind them. The Ameri- 
 cans after this battle met with no further refift- 
 ance of any confequence. They were fufFered 
 to proceed without interruption. On entering 
 the country of the Indians, it appeared that they 
 had been acquainted with agriculture and the 
 arts of peace far beyond what had been fuppofed. 
 From General Sullivsn's account it was learned, 
 
 that 
 
388 GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 that the Indian houfes were large, convenient, 
 and even elegant •, their grounds were excellently 
 cultivated, and their gardens abounded in fruit- 
 trees and vegetables of all kinds fit for food. 
 The whole of this fine country would now have 
 been converted into a defert, had it not been for 
 the humane forbearance of General Hand and 
 Colonel Durbin. The defolation, however, was 
 extenfive, and only to be juftified by the fa- 
 vage character and example of their enemy. 
 
 We muft now take a view of the tranfa£lions 
 in the fouthern colonies ; to which the war was, 
 in the year 1780, fo efFe6tuaIly transferred, that 
 the operations there became at lafl decifive. The 
 fuccefs of General Prevoft in advancing to the 
 very capital of South-Carolina has been already 
 related, together with the obftacles which pre- 
 vented him from becoming mafter of it at that 
 time. Towards the end of the year 1779, how- 
 ever, Sir Henry Clinton fet fail from New-York 
 with a confiderable body of troops, intended for 
 the attack of Charleflon, South-Carolina, in a 
 fleet of (hips of war and tranfports under the 
 command of Vice-admiral Arbuihnot. They had 
 a very tedious voyage ; the weather was uncom- 
 monly bad •, feveral of the tranfports were lo(}, 
 as were alfo the greater part of the horfes which 
 they carried with them, iatended for cavalry or 
 other public ufes ; and an ordnance-(hip like wife 
 foundered at fea. Having arrived at Savannah, 
 where they endeavoured to repair the damages 
 fuftained on their voyage, they proceeded from 
 thence on the 10th of February, 1780, to North 
 Edifto, the place of debarkation which had been 
 previoufly appointed. They had a favourable 
 
 and 
 
OF AMERICA. 389 
 
 and fpeedy pafTage thither : and though it re- 
 quired time to have the bar explored and the 
 channel marked, the tranfports all entered the 
 harbour the next day ; and the army took ppf- 
 feifion of St. John's ifland, about 30 miles from 
 Charleflon, without oppofition. Preparations 
 were then made for pailing the fquadron over 
 Charlefton bar, where the high-water fpring- 
 tides were only 19 feet deep •, but no opportuni- 
 ty offered of going into the harbour till the 20th 
 of March, when it was effected without any ac- 
 cident, though the American galleys continually 
 atrempted to prevent the Englirti boats from 
 founding the channel, i he J^ritim troops had pre- 
 vioufly removed from John's to James's ifland; 
 and on the 29th of the fame month they effeiSled 
 their landing on Charlefton neck. On the 1ft of 
 April they broke ground within 800 yards of tho 
 American works ; and by the 8th the befiegers 
 guns were mounted in battery. 
 
 As foon as the army began to ere^V their bat- 
 teries againft the town, Admiral Arbuthnot em- 
 braced the firft favourable opportunity of pafling 
 Sullivan's ifland, upon which there was a ftrong 
 fort of batteries, the chief defence of the har- 
 bour. He weighed on the 9th, with the Roc- 
 buck, Richmond, and Romulus, Blonde, Vir- 
 ginia, Raleigh, and Sandwich armed fliip, the 
 Renown bringing up the rear; and, palling 
 through a fevere fire, anchored in about two 
 hours under James's ifland, with the lois of 27 
 feamen killed and wounded. The Richmond's 
 fore-top-maft was fliot away, and the fliips in ge- 
 neral fuftained damage in their raafts and rigging, 
 though not materially in their hulls.. But the 
 
 Acctu'i 
 
390 GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 Acetus tranrport, having on board fome naval 
 rtores, grounded within gun-(hot of Sullivan's 
 iOand, and received fo much damage that (he was 
 obliged to be abandoned and burnt. 
 
 On the 10th, Sir Henry Clinton (having re- 
 ceived a reinforcement of 3000 men from New- 
 York) and Admiral Arbuthnot fummoned the 
 town to furrender to his majefly's arms •, but 
 Major-general Lincoln, who commanded in 
 Charleffon, returned them an anfwer, declaring 
 it to be his intention to defend the place. The 
 batteries were now opened againft the town ; 
 and from their efFefl the fire of the Ampricnn 
 aavancea worKs cuunaeraoiy abated. It appears 
 ■that the number of troops under the command 
 of Lincoln were by far too few for defending 
 works of fuch extent as thofe of Charlefton ; and 
 that many of thefe were men little accuftomed to 
 military fervice, and very ill provided with 
 clothes and other necefTaries. Lincoln had been 
 for fome time expecfting reinforcements and fup- 
 piies from virg\nia and other places : but tney 
 came in very flowly. Earl Cornwallis, and Lieu- 
 tenant-colonel Tarleton under him, were alfo ex- 
 tremely adFivein intercepting fuch reinforcements 
 and fuppiies as were fent to the American gene- 
 ral. They totally defeated a confiderable body 
 of cavalry r.nd militia which was proceeding to 
 the relief of the town ; and alfo made themfelves 
 mailers of fome ports which gave them in a great 
 degree the command of the country, by which 
 means great fuppiies of provifions fell into their 
 hands. Tarleton was himfelf, however defeat- 
 ed in a rencounter, with Lieutenant Colonel 
 
 Wafhington^ 
 
OF AMERICA. 39 i 
 
 Wafhington, at the head of a regular corps of 
 horfe. 
 
 Such was the ftate of things, and Fort Sullivan 
 had alfo been taken by the king's troops, when 
 on the 18th of May, General Clinton again fum- 
 moned the town to furrender ; an offer being 
 made, as had been done before, that if they fur- 
 rendered, the lives and property of the inhabi- 
 tants (hould be preferved to them. Articles of 
 capitulation were then propofed by General Lin- 
 coln ; but the terms were not agreed to by Ge- 
 neral Clinton. At length, however, the town 
 being clofely inverted on all fides, and the pre- 
 parations to ftorm it in every part being in great 
 forwardnefs, and the Hiips ready to move to the 
 aflault, General Lincoln, who had been applied 
 to for that purpofe by the inhabitants, furrender- 
 ed it on fuch articles of capitulation as General 
 Clinton had before agreed to. This was on the 
 4th of May, which was one month and two days 
 after the town had been firfl fummoned to fur- 
 render. 
 
 A large quantity of ordnance, arms, and am- 
 munition, was found in Charlefton •, and, accord- 
 ing to Sir Henry Clinton's account, the number 
 of prifoners taken in Charlefton amounted to 
 5618 men, exclufive of near a thoufand failors 
 in arms; but according to General Lincoln's ac- 
 count tranfmitted to the' congrefs, the whole 
 number of continental troops taken prifoners 
 amounted to no more than 197. The remainder, 
 therefore, included in General Clintoi?s account 
 confifted of militia and inhabitants of the town. 
 Several American frigates were alfo taken or de- 
 flroyed in the harbour of Charlefton. 
 
 The 
 
392 GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 r The lofs of Charlefton evldcnily excited a cori- 
 fiderable alarm in America : and the popular 
 writers, particularly the author of the celebrated 
 performance entitled Common Senfe, in fome 
 other pieces made ufe of it as a ppwerful argu- 
 ment to lead thero to more vigorous exertions 
 again ft Great Britain, that they might the more 
 effedlually and certainly fecure their indepen- 
 dence. 
 
 While Sir Henry Clinton was employed in his 
 voyage to Charlefton, and in the fiege of that 
 place, the garrifon at New- York feem not to have 
 been wholly free from apprehenfions for their 
 own fafety. An intenfe froft, accompanied with 
 great falls of fnow, began about the middle of 
 December 1779, and (hut up the navigation of 
 the port of New- York from the fea, within a few 
 dayf, after the departure of Admiral Arbuthnot 
 and General Clinton. The feveruy of the wea- 
 ther increafed to fo great a degree, that towards 
 the middle of January all communications with 
 New-York by water were entirely cut off, and 
 a§ many new ones opened by the ice. The inha- 
 bitants could Icarcely be faid to be in an infular 
 ftatc. Horfes with heavy carriages could go 
 over the ice into the Jerfeys from one ifland to 
 another. The paffage on the North River, even 
 in the wideft parts from New-York to Paulus 
 Hook, which was 2000 yards, wus about the 
 19th of January pr?6^icable for the heavieft can- 
 non : an event which had been unknown in the 
 memory of man. Provifions were foon after 
 tramported upon fledges, and a detachment of 
 cavalry marched upon the ice from New-York 
 
 to 
 
OF AMERICA. 393 
 
 to Staten-Kland, wliich was a diAance of eleven 
 miles. 
 
 The city of New-York being thus circumflanc- 
 ed, was confidered as much expoft^d to attacks 
 from the continental troops : and it was flrongly 
 reported that General Vfafnington was meditat- 
 ing a great flroke upon New -York with his whole 
 force, by different attacks. Some lime before 
 this, Major. General Pattifon, commandant at 
 New-York, having received an addrefs from ma- 
 ny of the inhabitants, offering to put thcmfelvcs 
 in military array, he thought the prefcnt a fa- 
 vourable opportunity of trying ibc fnico'iiy of 
 their profefTions. Accordingly he uTued a pro- 
 clamation, calling upon all the male inhabitants 
 from 16 to 60 to take up arms. The requifition 
 was fo readily complied with, that in a few days 
 40 companies from the fix wards of the city were 
 enrolled, officered, and under arms, to the num- 
 ber of 2600, many fubflantlal citizens ferving in 
 the ranks of each compr.ny. Other volunteer 
 companies were formed ; and the city was put 
 into a very flrong poflure of defence. 
 
 No attack, however, was made upon New- 
 York, whatever defign might originally have 
 been meditated ; but an attempt was made upon 
 Staten-Ifland, where ihcre were about 1800 men, 
 under the command of Brigadier-General Ster- 
 ling, who were well entrenched. General Wafli- 
 ington, whofe army v/as hutted at Morris-town, 
 fent a detachment of 2700 men, with fix pieces 
 of cannon, two mortars, and fome horfes, com- 
 manded by Lord Sterling, who arrived nt Staten- 
 Ifland early in the morning of the 15th of Janu- 
 ary, 
 L 1 ^' 
 
391 GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 nry. The advanced ports of the Britifh troops 
 retired upon the approach of the Americans, who 
 formed the line, and made fome movements in 
 the courfe of the day ; but they withdrew in the 
 night after having burnt one houfe, pillaged fome 
 others, and carried off with them about 200 head 
 of cattle. Immediately on the arrival of the 
 Americans on Staten-Iiland, Lieutenant-General 
 Knyphaufen had embarked 600 men to attempt 
 a paflage, and to fupport General Sterling : but 
 the floating ice compelled them to return. It is, 
 however, imagined, that the appearance of thefe 
 tranfports, with the BritiQi troops on board, 
 which the Americans could fee towards the clofe 
 of the day, induced the latter to make fo preci- 
 pitate a retreat. 
 
 After Charlefton had furrendered to the king's 
 troops, General Clinton ifTued two proclamations, 
 and alfo circulated a hand-bill among the inhabi- 
 tants of South-Carolina, in order to induce them 
 to return to their allegiance, and to be ready to 
 join the king's troops. It was faid, that the help- 
 ing hand of every man was wanted to re-eftabliOi 
 peace and good government j and that as the com- 
 mander in chief wifhed not to draw the king's 
 friends into danger, while any doubt could re- 
 main of their fuccefs •, fo, now, that this was 
 certain, he trufted that one and all would hear- 
 tily join, and by a general concurrence give efFedl 
 to fuch neceffary meafures for that purpofe as 
 from time to time might be pointed out. Thofe 
 who had families were to form a militia to remain 
 at home, and occalionally to affemble in their 
 own diftrifls, when required under officers of 
 their own choofmg, for the maintainance of peace 
 '^ , and 
 
OF AMERICA. 395 
 
 and good order. Thofe who had no families, 
 and who conld conveniently be fpared for a time, 
 it was prefumed, would cheerfully alTift his ma- 
 jelly's troops in driving their oppreffors, zdi'mg 
 imder the authority of congrefs, and all the mi- 
 leries of war, far from that colony. For this pur- 
 pofe it was faid to be neceffary that the young 
 men fhould be ready to aHemble when required, 
 and to ferve with the king's troops for any fiK 
 months of the enfuing twelve that might be found 
 rcquifite, under pioper regulations. They might 
 choofe officers to each company to command 
 them ; and were to be allowed, when on fervice, 
 pay, ammunition, and provifions, in the fame 
 manner as the king's troops. When they joined 
 the army, each man was to be furniflied with a 
 certificate, declaring that he was only engaged 
 to ferve as a militia-man for the time fpecified ; 
 that he was not to be marched be^'ond North- 
 Carolina and Georgia ; and that when the time 
 was out, he was freed from all claims whatever 
 of military fervice ; excepting the common and 
 ufual militia duty where he lived. He would 
 then, it was faid, have paid his debt to his coun- 
 try, and be entitled to enjoy undiflurbed that 
 peace, liberty, and property at home, which he 
 had contributed to fecure. The proclamations 
 and publications of General Clinton appear to 
 have produced fome efFeft in Soi3th Carolina; 
 though they probably operated chiefly upon thofe 
 who were before not much inclined to the caufe 
 of American independence. Two hundred and 
 ten of the inhabitants of Charlefton figned an ad- 
 drefs to General Clinton and Admiral Arbuthnot, 
 foliciting to be re-admitted to the chara«5ler and 
 
 condition 
 
396 GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 condition of Britifh fubje6^(-s, the inhabitants of 
 that city having been hitherto confidered as pri- 
 ibners on parole ; dechiring their diiapprobation 
 of the doff rine of American independence ; and 
 cxpre/Ting their regret, that after the repeal of 
 thofe flatutes which gave rife to the troubles in 
 America, the overtures made by his majeffy's 
 commiflioners had not been regarded by the con- 
 grefs. Sir Henry Clinton, in one of the procla- 
 mations iflued at this time, declared, that if any 
 perfon fhould thenceforward appear in arms in 
 order to prevent the eflablifhment of his majefty's 
 government in that country, or /hould, under 
 any pretence or authority whatfoever, attempt to 
 compel any other perfon or perfons to do fo, or 
 who Qiould hinder or intimidate the king's faith- 
 ful and loyal fubje(51s from joining his forces, or 
 oiherwife performing thofe duties their allegiance 
 required, fnch perfons fhould be treated with 
 the utmoH: feverity, and their effates be immedi- 
 ately feized in order to be confifcated. 
 
 Mean time the ravages of war did not prevent 
 the Americans from paying fome attention to the 
 arts of peace. On the 4th of May an a<ft pafTed 
 by the council and houfe of Reprefentatives of 
 MafTachufetts-Bay for incorporating and efta- 
 blifhing a fociery for the cultivation and promo- 
 tion of the arts and fciences. 
 
 Some doubts having rifen in the congrefs, to- 
 wards the clofe of the preceding year, about the 
 propriety of their affcmbling in the city of Phila- 
 delphia, it was now refolved that they fhould 
 continue to meet there : and a committee of three 
 members was appointed to report a proper place 
 where buildings might be provided forthe recep- 
 tion 
 
OF AMERICA. S97 
 
 tion of the congrefs, together with an eftimate 
 of the expenfe of providing fuch buildings, and 
 the necefjfary offices for the feveral boards. It 
 was alfo refolved by the congrefs, that a monu- 
 ment fhould be eredled to the memory of their 
 late General Richard Montgomery, who fell at 
 Qviebec, in teftimony of his fignal and important 
 fervices to the United States of America, with an 
 infcription expreffive of his amiable charafter and 
 heroic atchievements j and that the continental 
 treafurers fliould be dire(5led to advance a fum 
 not exceeding ;^300 to Dr. Franklin to defray 
 the expenfe ; that gentleman being defired to 
 caufe the monument to be executed at Paris, or 
 in fome other part of France. It was likewife 
 refolved by the Congrefs, that a court Qiould be 
 cftablifhed for the trial of all appeals from the 
 court of Admirality of the United States of Ame- 
 rica, in cafes of capture; to coufiftof three judges, 
 appointed and commiffioned by congrefs, and 
 who were to take an oath of office ; and that the 
 trials in this court ffiould be determined by the 
 ufage of nations. 
 
 The difficulties of the congrefs and of the peo- 
 ple of America' had been greatly increafed by the 
 depreciation of their paper currency. At the time 
 when the colonies engaged in a war with Great 
 Britain, they had no regular civil governments 
 cftablifhed among them of fufficient energy to en- 
 force the collection of taxes, or to provide funds 
 for the redemption of fuch bills of credit as their 
 neceffities obliged them to iAue. In conlequence 
 of this ftate of things, their bills increafed in 
 quantity far beyond the fum nectflary for the pur- 
 
 pofe 
 L 1 2 
 
398 GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 pofe of a circulating medium : and as they want- 
 ed at the flime time fpecific funds to reft on for 
 their redemption, they faw their paper-currency 
 daily fmkin value. The depreciation continued, 
 by a kind of gradual progreflion, from the year 
 1777 to 1780: fo that, at the latter period, the 
 continental dollars were pafTed by common con- 
 fent, in moft parts of America, at the rate of at 
 lead ||ths below their nominal value. The im- 
 poflibility of keeping up the credit of the curren- 
 cy to any fixed ftandard, occafioned great and 
 almofl: infurmountable embarrafTments in afcer- 
 taining the value of property, or carrying on 
 trade with any fufficient certainty. Thofe who 
 fold, and thofe who bought, were left without a 
 rule whereon to form a judgment of their profit 
 or their lofs -, and every fpecies of commerce or 
 exchange, whether foreign or domeftic, was ex- 
 pofed to numberlefs and increafmg difficulties. 
 The confequences of the depreciation of the pa- 
 per-currency were alfo felt with peculiar feverhy 
 by fuch of the Americans as were engaged in 
 their military fervices, and greatly augmented 
 their other hardfhips. The requifitions made by 
 the congrefs to the feveral colonies for fupplies, 
 were alfo far from being always regularly com- 
 plied with : and their troops were not unfre- 
 quently in want of the moft common neceflaries ; 
 which naturally occafioned complaints and dif- 
 content among them. Such difficulties, refulted 
 from their circumftances and fituation, as perhaps 
 no wifdom could have prevented. The caufe of 
 the Americans appears alfo to have fuffered fome- 
 what by their depending too much on temporary 
 enliftments. But the congrcfs endeavoured to- 
 wards 
 
OF AMERICA. 399 
 
 wards the clofe of the year 1780, to put their 
 army upon a more permanent footing, and to 
 give all the fatisfadfion to their officers and foi- 
 diers which their circumflances would permit. 
 They appointed a committee for arranging their 
 finances, and made fome new regulations refpefl- 
 ing the war-office and the treaiury-board, and 
 other public departments. 
 
 Notwithftanding the difadvantages under 
 which they laboured, the Americans feemed to 
 entertain no doubts but that they fhould be able 
 to maintain their independency. The 4th of Ju- 
 ly was celebrated this year at Philadelphia with 
 fome pomp, as the anniverfary of American in- 
 dependence. A commencement for conferring 
 degrees in the arts was held the fame day, in the 
 hall of the univerfity there •, at which the prefi- 
 dent and members of the congrefs attended, and 
 other perfons in public officers. The Chevalier 
 de la Luzerne, minifter plenipotentiaty from the 
 French king to the United States, was alfo pre- 
 fent on the occafion. A charge was publicly ad- 
 dreffed by the provoft of the univerfity to the 
 fludents ; in which he faid, that he could not but 
 congratulate them " on that aufpicious day, 
 which, amidfl the confufions and defolations of 
 war, beheld learning beginning to revive ; and 
 animated them with the pleafing profpe(5l of fee- 
 ing the facred lamp of fcience burning with a ftill 
 brighter flame, and fcattering its invigorating rays 
 over the unexplored deferts of this extenfive con- 
 tinent*, until the whole world {hould be involved 
 in the united blaze of knowledge, liberty, and 
 religion. When he ftretched his views forward 
 (he faid); and furveyed the rifmg glories of Ame- 
 rica, 
 
400 GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 rica, the enriching confequences of their deter- 
 mined ftruggle for liberty, the extenfive fields 
 of intelleflual improvement and ufeful invention, 
 in fcience and arts, in agriculture and commerce, 
 in religion and government, through which the 
 unfettered mind would range, with increafing de- 
 light, inquefl of the undifcovered treafure which 
 yet lay concealed in the animal, vegetable, and 
 mineral kingdoms of the new world ; or in the 
 other fertile fources of knowledge with which it 
 abounded, — his heart fwelled with the pleafing 
 profpe6f, that the ions of that'inllitution would 
 diHingHifh themfelves, in the different walks of 
 life, by their literary contributions to the embel- 
 lilhments and increafe of human happincfs." 
 
 On the 10th of July, M. Ternay, with a fleet 
 confining of feven (liips of the line, befides fri- 
 gates, and a large body of French troops, com- 
 manded by the Count de Rochambeau, arrived 
 at Rhode-Ifland ; and the following day 6000 
 men were landed there. A committee from the 
 general affembly of Rhode-Ifland was appointed 
 to congratulate the French general upon his ar- 
 rival : whereupon he returned an anfwer, in 
 which he informed them, that the king his maf^ 
 ter had fent him to the affiffance of his good and 
 faithful allies the United States of America. At 
 prefent, he faid, he only brought over the van- 
 guard of a much greater force deftined for their 
 aid ', and the king had ordered him to afTure them, 
 that his whole power fhouid be exerted for their 
 fupport. He added, that the French troops 
 were under the fl:ri6tefl difcipline; and, afling 
 under the orders of General Wafhington, would 
 Hve with the Americana as their brethren. 
 
 A fcheme 
 
OF AMERICA. 401 
 
 A fchcme was foon after formed, of making a 
 combined attack with Englifh fliips and troops, 
 under the command of Sir Henry Clinton and 
 Admiral Arbuthnot, againft the French fleet and 
 troops at Rhode-Ifland. Accordingly a confider- 
 able part of the troops at New- York were em- 
 barked for that purpofe. General Wafhington 
 having received information of this, paffed the 
 North River, by a very rapid movement, and 
 with an army encreafed to 12,000 men, proceed- 
 ed with celerity towards King's Bridge, in order 
 to attack New-York ; but learning that the Bri- 
 tiih general had changed his intentions, and dil- 
 embarked his troops on the 31fl of the month. 
 General Wafhington re-crofTed the river and re- 
 turned to his former ftation. Sir Henry Clinton 
 and the Admiral had agreed to relinquifh their 
 defign of attacking the French and Americans at 
 Rhode-lfland as impra6licable for the prefent. 
 
 An unfuccefsful attempt was alfo made about 
 this time in the Jerfeys by General Knyphaufen, 
 with 7000 British troops under his command, to 
 furprife the advanced pofts of General Wafhing- 
 ton's army. They proceeded very rapidly to- 
 wards Springfield, meeting little oppofitiou till 
 they came to the bridge there, which was very 
 gallantly defended by 170 of the continental 
 troops, for 15 minutes, againfl: the Britifh army : 
 but they were at length obliged to give up fo un- 
 equal a contef^, with the lofs of 37 men. After 
 fecuring this pafs, the Britifli troops marched in- 
 to the place and fet fire to mofl of the houfes. 
 They alfo committed fome other depredations in 
 the Jerfeys ; but gained no laurels there, being 
 
 obliged 
 
402 GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 obliged to return about the beginning of July 
 without effeifling any thing material. 
 
 But in South-Carolina the royal arms were at- 
 tended with more fuccefs. Earl Cornwallis, who 
 commanded the Britifh troops there, obtained a 
 fignal vi<n-ory over General Gates on the 16th of 
 Auguft. The adlion began at break of day, in 
 a fituation very advantageous for the Britidi 
 troops, but very unfavourable to the Americans. 
 The latter were much more numerous, but the 
 ground on which both armies flood was narrow- 
 ed by fwamps on the right and left, h that the 
 Americans could not properly avail themfelvesof 
 their fuperior numbers. The attack was made 
 by the Britifh troops with great vigour, and in a 
 few minutes the acf^ion was general along the 
 whole line. It was at this time a dead calm with 
 a little hazinefs in the air, which preventing the 
 fmoke from rifing, occafioned fo thick a dark- 
 nefs, that it was difficult to fee the efFeft of a ve- 
 ry heavy and well fupported fire on both fides. 
 The Britifh troops either kept up a conftant fire, 
 or made ufe of bayonets, as opportunities offer- 
 ed ; and after an obflinate refinance during three 
 quarters of an hour, threw the Americans into 
 total confufion, and forced them to give way on 
 all quarters. The continental troops behaved re- 
 markably well, but the mUitia were foon broken, 
 and left the former to oppofe the whole force of 
 the Britifli troops. General Gates did all in his 
 power to rally the militia, but without effeO: : 
 the continentals retreated in fome order ; but the 
 rout of the militia was fo great, that the Britifli 
 cavalry are faid to have continued the purfuit of 
 them to the diilance of 22 miles from the place 
 
 where 
 
OF AMERICA. 403 
 
 where the aclion happened. The lofs of the 
 Americans was very con fiderable; about 1000 
 priloners were taken, and more are faid to have 
 been killed and wounded, but the number is not 
 very accurately afcertained. Seven pieces of brafs 
 cannon, a number of colours, and all the ammu- 
 nition-waggons of the Americans, were taken. 
 Of the Britifh troops, the killed and wounded 
 amounted to 213. Among the prifoners taken 
 was Major general Baron de Kalb, a Pruflian 
 officer in the American fervice, who was mortal- 
 ly wounded, having exhibited great gallantry in 
 thecourfeof the aflrion, and received 11 wounds. 
 The Britiih troops by which this viftory was at- 
 chieved, did not much exceed 2000, while the 
 American army is faid to have amounted to 6000; 
 of which, however, the greateft part was militia. 
 
 Lieutenant-colonel Tarleton, who had greatly 
 dilHnguiflied himfelf in this action, was detached 
 the foUov/ing day, with fome cavalry and light 
 infantry, amounting to about 350 men, to attack 
 a corps of Americans under General Sumpter. 
 He executed this fervice with great aflivity and 
 military addrefs. He procured good information 
 of Sumpter's movements j and by forced and con- 
 cealed marches came up with and furprifed him 
 in the middle of the day on the 18th near the Ca- 
 tawba fords. He totally deftroyed or difperfed. 
 his detachment, which confided of 700 men, kill- 
 ing 150 on the fpot, and taking two pieces of 
 brafs cannon, 300 prifoners, and 44 waggons. 
 
 Not long after thefe events, means were found 
 to detach Major-general Arnold, who had en- 
 gaged Co ardently in the caufe of America, and 
 who had exhibited fo much bravery in fupport of 
 
 it, 
 
401. GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 iti from theintercfts of the congrefs. Major An- 
 dre, adjutant-general to the Britilh army, was a 
 principal agent in this tranfa(flion -, or, if the over- 
 ture of joining the king's troops came firft from 
 Arnold, this gentleman was the perfon employed 
 to concert the affair with him. More mufl have 
 been originally comprehended in thefchcme than 
 the mere defertion of the American caufe by Ar- 
 nold : The furrender of Weft-Point into the 
 hands of the royal army was the probable obje(ft ; 
 but whatever defigns had been formed for pro- 
 moting the views of the .Britifli government, they 
 were fruftrated by tb j apprehending of Major 
 Andre. He was taken in difguife, after having 
 afTumed a falfe name, oi^ the 23d of September, 
 by three American foldiers, to whom he offered 
 confiderable rewards if they would have fufiered 
 him to efcape, but vvithout effe6f. Several papers 
 written by Arnold were found upon him ; and 
 when Arnold had learned that Major Andre was 
 feiztid, he found means to get on board a barge, 
 and to ribape to one ofthe king's ihips. General 
 Wa(hington referred the cafe of Major Andre to 
 the examination and decifion of a Doard of general 
 officers, confif^mg of Major-gen. Green, P^'Iajor- 
 general Lord -Sterling, Major-general the Mar- 
 quis dela Fayette, Major-general the Baron de 
 SteuDeh, two other Major-generals, and eight 
 brig idier-gcnerals. Major Andre was examined 
 bev 're them, and the particulars of his cafe en- 
 quired into •, and they reported to the American 
 commander in chief, that Mr. Andre came on 
 Ihore from the Vulture floop of war in the night, 
 on an interview with General Arnold, in a private 
 and feeret manner; tHat he changed his drefs 
 
 within 
 
OF AMERICA. 40J 
 
 within the American lines ; and, under a feigned 
 name, and in a d ifgui fed habit, pafTed the Ameri- 
 can works at Stoney and Verplank*? points, on 
 the evening of the 22d of September ; that he 
 v/as taken on the morning of the 23d at Tarry- 
 town, he being then on his way for New- York : 
 and that, when taken, he liad in his poiTe/Iion 
 leveral papers which contained intelligence for 
 the enemy. Th?y therefore determined, that he 
 ought to be confidered as a fpy from the enemy; 
 and that, agreeably to the law and ufage of na- 
 tions, he ought to fiifFer death. Sir Henry Clin- 
 ton, Lieutenant-general Roberifon, and the late 
 American general Arnold, all wrote prefling let- 
 ters to General Wafhington on the occafjon, in 
 order to prevent the decifion of the board of ge- 
 neral officers from being put in force ; but their 
 applications were ineffeftual. Major Andre was 
 hanged at Tappan, in the province of New- York, 
 on the 2d of Oaober. He met his fate with 
 great firmnefs ; but appeared fomewhat hurt that 
 he was not allowed a more, military death, for 
 which he had folicited. He was a gentleman of 
 very amiable qualities, and had a tafte for litera- 
 ture and the fine arts, and pofTefTed many accom- 
 plifhments. His death, therefore, was regretted 
 even by his enemies ; and the feeming feverity 
 of the determination concerning him was much 
 exclaimed againft in Great Britain. It was how- 
 ever generally acknowledged by impartial per- 
 i ons, that there was nothing in the execution of 
 this unfortunate gentleman but what was perfeft- 
 ]y confonant to the rules of war. 
 
 Arnold 
 M^ra 
 
406 GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 Arnold was made a brigadier-general in the 
 king's fervice, and publifhed an addrefs to the 
 inhabitants of America, dated from New-York, 
 0(flober 7, in which he endeavoured to juftify 
 his defertion of their caufe. He faid, when he 
 firft engaged in it, that he conceived the rights 
 of his country to be in danger, and that duty and 
 honour called him to her defence. A redrcfs of 
 grievances was his only aim and obje(rt: *, and 
 therefore he acquiefced unwillingly in the decla- 
 ration of independence, becaufe he thought it 
 precipitate. But what now induced him to defert 
 their caufe was the difguft he had conceived at 
 the French alliance, and at the refufal of Con- 
 grefs to comply with the laft terms offered by 
 Great Britain, which he thought equal to all 
 their expecftations and to all their wifhes. 
 
 The Americans, however, accounted for the 
 <.ondu6l of Arnold in a different and in a more 
 piooable and fatisfaftory manner. They alledg- 
 ed that he had fo involved himfelf in debts and 
 difficulties by his extravagant manner of living in 
 America, that he had rendered it very inconve- 
 nient for him to continue there : that after the 
 evacuation of Philadelphia by the Britilh troops, 
 Arnold, being inverted with the command in that 
 city, had made the houfe of Mr. Penn, which 
 was the beft in the city, his head quarters. This 
 he had furnifhed in an elegant and expenfive 
 manner, and lived in a ftyle far beyond his in- 
 come. It was manifeft, they faid, that he could 
 at firft have no great averfion to the French alli- 
 ance, becaufe that when M. Gerard, minifter 
 plenipotentiary from the court of France, arrived 
 at Philadelphia in July 1778, General Arnold 
 
 early 
 
OF AMERICA. 407 
 
 early and earneftly folicited that mlnilter, with his 
 fuite, to take apartments and bed and board at his 
 houfe, until a proper houfe could be provided by 
 the order of the congrefs. This offer M. Gerard 
 accepted, and continued with him fome weeks. 
 The French minifter refided upwards of fourteen 
 months in Philadelphia j during which time Ge- 
 neral Arnold kept up the mod friendly and inti- 
 mate acquaintance with him, and there was a 
 continued interchange of dinners, balls, routes, 
 and concerts : fo that M. Gerard muft have 
 believed, that in General Arnold he had found 
 and left one of the warmed friends the court of 
 France had in America. He was ftlfo one of the 
 fird in congratulating the Chevalier de la Lu- 
 zerne, the fecond French minider. About this 
 time alfo, complaints and accufations were exhi- 
 bited againd him by the government of Philadel- 
 phia f©r divers mal-pra<5lices *, among which 
 charges were, the appropriation of goods and 
 merchandife to his own ufe, which he had feized 
 as Britifh property in Philadelphia in July 1778. 
 It was determined by a court-martial that his 
 conduifi: was highly rcprehenfible ; but he was 
 indulgently treated, and was therefore only re- 
 primanded by the commander in chief General 
 Wafhington. It was in thefe circumdances, the 
 Americans laid, bankrupted in reputation, and 
 fortune, loaded with debts, and having a grow- 
 ing and expenfive family, that General Arnold 
 fird turned his thoughts towards joining the 
 royal arms. 
 
 After the defeat of General Gates by Earl 
 Cornwallis, that nobleman exerted himfelf to the 
 iitmod in extending the progrefs of the Britifh 
 
 arms. 
 
10S GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 arms, and with con fider able effefl. But one cn- 
 terprife, which was conducSled by Major Fergu- 
 ibn, proved unfuccefsful. That officer had tak- 
 en abundant pains to difcipline fome of the Tory 
 militia, as they were termed ; and with a party 
 of thefe, and fome Britifh troops, amounting in 
 the whole to about 1400 men, made incurfions 
 into the country. But on the 7th of O<flober, 
 he was attacked by a iuperior body of Americans, 
 at a place called King's-Mountain, and totally 
 defeated. One hundred and fifty were killed in 
 thea<fiion; and 810 made prifoners, of which 
 i50 were wounded. Fifteen hundred flands of 
 arms alio fell into the hands of the Americans, 
 whofe lofs was inconfiderable. But the follow- 
 ing month Lieutenant-Colonel Tarleton, with a 
 party of 170, chiefly cavalry, attacked General 
 Sumpter, who is faid to have had 1000 men, at 
 a place called Black flocks, and obliged him to 
 retire, Sumpter was wounded, and about 120 
 of the Americans killed, wounded, or taken* 
 Of the Britifh troops about 50 were killed or 
 wounded. 
 
 On the Sd of September, the Mercur}', a con- 
 grefs packet, was taken by the Veftal, Cnptaia 
 Keppel, near Newfoundland. On board this 
 packet was Mr. Laurens, late prefident of the 
 congrefs, who was bound on an embaffy to Hol- 
 land. He had thrown his papers overboard, but 
 great part df them were recovered without hav- 
 ing received much damage. He was brought 
 to LondoiT, and examined before the privy-coun* 
 cil ; in conftquence of which he was committed 
 clofe prifoner to the Tower, on the 6th of 061g- 
 b^r, on a charge of I/igh treafon. His papers 
 
 were 
 
OF AMERICJI. 40^ 
 
 %ere delivered to the miniftry, and contributed 
 to facilitate a rupture with Holland, as among 
 them was found the fketch of a treaty of amity 
 and commerce between the Republic of Holland 
 and the United States of America. 
 
 CHAP. IX. 
 
 'Revolt of the Pennfylvania line — Tarleton defeat ^ 
 ed — Battle at Guildford — Battle at Eutaw — 
 Anion between the French and Briti/h Fleets off 
 the Chef ape ah — Capture of CornwalHs* 
 
 A 
 
 .T the beginning of the year 1781, an 
 C.ffair happened in America, from which expefta- 
 rions were formed by Sir Henry Clinton, that 
 f^)mc confiderable advantage might be derived to 
 the royal caufe. The long continuance of the 
 war, and the difficulties under which the con- 
 grefs laboured, had prevented their troops from 
 being properly fuppiied with neceflaries and con- 
 veniencies. In confequence of this, on the firfi: 
 of January the American troops that were hutted 
 at Morris-town, and who formed what was call- 
 ed the Pennfylvania line^ turned out, being in 
 number 1300, and declared, that they would 
 ferve no longer, unlefs their grievances were re- 
 dreded, as they had not received their pay or 
 
 been 
 M m 1? 
 
410 GENER1\L HISTORY 
 
 been furniflied with the necefiary clothing or 
 provifions. It is faid that they v/ere fomewhat 
 inflamed with liquor, in conlequence of rum hav- 
 ing been diftiibuted to them more libernlly than 
 iifual, new-year's day being coniidered as a kind 
 (jf fcilival. A riot enfued, in which an officer 
 was killed, and four wounded *, five or fix of the 
 infurgents were alfo wounded. They then col- 
 Icded the artillery, Acres, provifjoub, and wag- 
 gons, and marched out of the camp. They paf- 
 fcd by the quarters of General Wayne, who fent 
 a meilage to them, requefting them to defifl, or 
 the ccnfequences would prove fatal, llicy re- 
 fufed, and proceeded on their march till the even- 
 hig, when they took pofl on an advantageous 
 piece of ground, and elected officers from amorg 
 themfeives. On the fecond day they marched to 
 Middlebrook, and on the third to Princeton, 
 wli^re they fixed their quarters. On that day 
 n flag of truce was fent to them from the officers 
 of the American camp, with a meffage, defiring 
 to know what were their intentions. Some of 
 them anfwered, that they had already ferved 
 longer than the time for which they were enlifl- 
 ed, and would ferve no longer ; and others, that 
 they would not return, unlefs their grievances 
 were redreffed. But at the fame time they re- 
 peatedly, and in the ftrongeft terms, denied be- 
 ing influenced by the leaft difaffeftion to the 
 American caufe, or having any intentions of de- 
 Icrting to the enemy. 
 
 Intelligence of this tranfaflion was foon con- 
 veyed to New«York. A large body of Britifh 
 troops were immediately ordered to hold them- 
 feives in readinefs to move on the llicrteA notice, 
 
 it 
 
OF AMERICA. 411 
 
 it being hoped that the American revolters might 
 be induced to join the royal army. MefTengers 
 were alfo fent to them from General Clinton, ac- 
 quainting them that they fhould dire(5]:Iy be take>i 
 under the proteflion of the Briti(h goverriment ; 
 that they fhould have a free pardon for all for- 
 mer offences, and that the pay duetto them from 
 the congrefs (hould be faithfully paid them with- 
 out any expe<5^ation of military fervice, unlefs it 
 fhould be voluntary, upon condition of their 
 laying down their arms and returning to their 
 allegiance. It was alfo recommended to them 
 to move beyond the South River ; and they were / 
 afTured, that a body of Britifh troops fhould be 
 ready to protcifl them whenever they defired it. 
 Thcfe propofitions were reje<^}ed with difdain ; 
 and they even delivered up two of Sir Henry 
 Clinton's mefTengers to the congrefs. Jofeph 
 Reid, Efq. prefident of the ftate of Pennfylvania, 
 afterwards repaired to them at Princeton, and an 
 accommodation took place : fuch of them as had 
 ferved out their full terms were permitted to re- 
 turn to their own homes, and others again join- 
 ed the American army, upon receiving fatisfac- 
 tory afTurances that their grievances fhould be 
 red reded. 
 
 On the 11th of January Lord Cornwallis ad- 
 vanced towards North Carolina. He wifhed to 
 drive Gen. Morgan from his ftation, and to de- 
 ter the inhabitants from joining him. The execu- 
 tion of this bufinefs was intrufted to Lieut. Col. 
 Tarleton ; who was detached with the light and 
 legion infantry, the fufileers, the firfl battalion 
 of the 7lCc regiment, about 350 cavalry, two 
 field pieces, and aa adequate proportion gf men 
 
 from 
 
412 GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 from the royal artillery, upwards of 1 100 in the 
 whole. This detachment, after a progrefs of 
 fome days, by fatiguing marches, at about ten 
 o'clock on the evening of 16th of January, 
 reached the ground which Morgan had quitted 
 but a few hours before. The purfuit recom- 
 menced by two o'clock the next morning, and 
 was rapidly continued through marflies and 
 broken grounds till day light, when the Ameri- 
 cans were difcovered in front. Two of their vi- 
 dettes were taken foon after, who gave informa- 
 tion that Morgan had halted and prepared for 
 ^(5fion, at a place called the Cowpens, near Pa- 
 colet river. The Bridfh, befides their field pie- 
 ces, had the fuperiority in infantry, in the pro- 
 portion of five to four, and in cavalry of more 
 than three to one. Befide, nearly two thirds 
 of the troops under Morgan were militia. Mor- 
 gan had obtained early intelligence of Tarleton's 
 force and advances ; and had drawn up his mea 
 in two lines. The whole of the North and South 
 Carolina miliua prefent was put under the com- 
 mand of Colonel Pickens, and formed the firft line; 
 which was advanced a few hundred yards before 
 the fecond, with orders to form on the right of 
 the fecond when forced to. retire. The fecond 
 line confuted of the light infantry under Lieut. 
 Col. Howard, and the Virginia riflemen. Lieut. 
 Col. Wafliington, with his cavalry, and about 
 forty-five militia men, mounted and equipped*, 
 with fwords, under Lieut. Col. M'Call, were 
 drawn up at iome diftance in the rear of the 
 whole. The open wood in which they were 
 formed was neither fecured in front, flank, or 
 rear. Without the delay of a fingle momen?, 
 
 niui 
 
OF AMERICA. 4ir. 
 
 and in defpite of extreme fatigue the light legion 
 infantry and fufileers were ordered to form in 
 line. Before the order was executed, and while 
 Major Newmarfh, who commanded the latter 
 corps, was porting his officers, the line, though 
 ^ar from complete, was led to the attack by 
 Tarleton himfelf. The Britifh advanced with a 
 ihout, and poured in an incefTant fire of muf- 
 quetry. Col. Pickens dire6led the militia not to 
 fire till the Britifh were within forty or fifty yards. 
 This order, though executed with great firmnels 
 and fuccefs, was not fufficient to repel the enemy. 
 The American militia gave way on all quarters. 
 The Britifli advanced rapidly, and engaged the 
 fecond line. The continentals, after an obftinate 
 confli<5V, were compelled to retreat to the cavalry. 
 Col. Ogilive, with his troop of forty men, had 
 been ordered to charge the right flank of the 
 Americans, and was engaged in cutting down 
 the militia ; but being expofed to a heavy fire, 
 and charged at the fame time by Wafhington's 
 dragoons, was forced to retreat in confufion. A 
 great number of the Britiih infantry officers had 
 already fallen, and nearly a proportionable num- 
 ber of privates. The remainder being too few 
 too much fatigued, could not improve the advan- 
 tage gained over the continentals ; and Tarleton's 
 legion cavalry landing aloof inftead of advanc- 
 ing, Lieut. Col. Howard feized the favourable 
 opportunity, rallied the continentals, and charg- 
 ed with fixed bayonets, nearly at the fame mo- 
 ment when Waffiington made his fuccefsful at- 
 tack. The example was inftantly followed by 
 the militia. Nothing could exceed the aftonifh- 
 meat of the Britifh, occafioned by thefe unex- 
 
 peaed 
 
414 GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 pe<fled charges. Their advance fell back, and 
 communicated a panic to others, which foon be- 
 came general. Two hundred and fifty horfe 
 which had not been engaged, fled through the 
 woods with the utmoft precipitation, bearing 
 down fuch officers as oppofed their flight, and 
 the cannon were foon feized by the Americans, 
 the detachment from the train being either killed 
 or wounded in their defence. The greateft con- 
 fufion now followed among the infantry. In the 
 moment of it Lieut. Col. Howard called to them 
 to lay down their arms, and promifed them good 
 quarters. Some hundreds accepted the offer, 
 and furrendered. The fir ft battalion of the 71ft 
 regiment, and two Britifh light infantry compa- 
 nies laid down their arms to the American mili- 
 tia. The only body of infantry that efcaped, 
 was a detachment left at fome diftance to guard 
 the baggage. Early intelligence of their defeat 
 was conveyed to the officer commanding that 
 corps by fome royalifts. What part of the bag- 
 gage could not be carried off he immediately 
 deftroyed ; and with his men mounted on the 
 waggon and fpare horfes, he retreated to Lord 
 Cornwallis. The BritlOi had 10 commiffioned 
 officers, and upwards of 100 rank and file 
 killed. Two hundred wounded, 29 commi/Tion- 
 ed officers, and above 500 privates prifoners, fell 
 into the hands of the Americans, befides two 
 pieces of artillery (fir ft taken from the BriiiOi at 
 Saratoga, then re-taken by them at Camden, and 
 now recovered by the Americans) two ftandards, 
 800 muflcets, 35 baggage waggons, and upwards 
 of 100 dragoon horfes. Waftiington purfued 
 Tarleton*s cavalry for feveral giiles j but the far 
 
 greater 
 
OF AMERICA. 'hi 5 
 
 greater part of them efcaped. They joined their 
 army in two feparate divifions. One arrived in 
 the neighbourhood of the Britifli encampment 
 upon the evening of the fame day j the other 
 under Tarleton appeared the next morning. Al- 
 though Tarleton's troops had waged a mofl cruel 
 warfare, and their progrefs had been marked 
 with burnings and devaftations, not a man of 
 them was killed, wounded, or even infulted after 
 he had furrendered. The Americans had only 
 twelve men killed and fixty wounded. 
 
 This defeat of the troops under Tarleton, 
 while it re-animated the defponding friends of 
 America, and brightened their hopes, was a fe- 
 vere ftroke to Lord Cornwallis, as the lofs of his 
 light infantry was a great difadvantage to him. 
 The day after the event he employed in collefling 
 the remains of Tarleton's corps, and in endea- 
 vouring to form a jun^lion with General Leflie, 
 who had been ordered to march towards him 
 with a body of Britifh troops from Wynnefbo- 
 rough. Confiderable exertions were then made 
 by part of the army, without baggage, to retake 
 the prifoners in the hands of the Americans, and 
 to intercept General Morgan's corps on its re- 
 treat to the Catawba. But that American offi- 
 cer, after his defeat of Tarleton, had made forced 
 marches up into the country, and crofled the Ca- 
 tawba the evening before a great rain, which 
 fwelled the river to fuch a degree, as to prevent 
 the royal army from croffing for feveral days ; 
 during which time the Britifh prifoners were got 
 over the Yadkin -, whence they proceeded to Dan 
 River, which they alfo pafled, and on the 14th 
 
 of 
 
416 GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 of February h;id reached Court-Houfe In the 
 province of Virginia. 
 
 Lord Cornwailis employed a halt of two days 
 in coUecSliug fome flour, and in deflroying fuper- 
 fluous baggage and ail his waggons, excepting 
 thofe laden with hofpital Aores, fait, and am- 
 munition, and four referved empty in readinefs 
 for fick or wounded. Being thus freed from 
 all unneceflary incumbrance, he marched through 
 North-Carolina with great rapidity, and pene- 
 trated to the remoteft extremities of that province 
 on the banks of the Dan. His progrefs was fome- 
 timc? impeded by parties of the militia, and fome 
 Ikirmifhes enfued, but he met v.'ith no very con- 
 fiderable oppofition. On the firfl of February 
 the king's troops crofTed the Catawba at M<Cow~ 
 an's Ford, where General Davidfon, with a par- 
 ty of American militia, was ported, in order to 
 oppofe their pafTage ; but he falling by the firft 
 difcharge, the royal troops made good their land- 
 ing, and the militia retreated. When Lord Corn- 
 wailis arrived at Hillfborough, he eredfed the 
 king's Ifaiidard, and invited, by proclamation, 
 all loyal l'ubje£ls to repair to it, and to ffand 
 forth and take an active part in a/Tiding his Lord- 
 (liip to reftore order and government. He had 
 been taught to believe that the king's friends were 
 numerous in that part of the country : but the 
 event did not confirm the truth of the reprefen- 
 tadons that had been given. The royalifts were 
 but few in number, and fome of them too timid 
 to join the king's llandard. There were, indeed, 
 about 200 who were proceeding to Hillfborough 
 under colonel Pyle, in order to avow their attach- 
 ment to the royal caufe ; but they were met ac- 
 cidentally 
 
OF AMERICA. 417 
 
 cidentally and furrounded by a detachment from 
 the American army, by whom moft of them 
 were cut in pieces. Meanwhile General Green 
 was marching with great expedition with the 
 troops under his command, in order to form a 
 jun(Slion with fome other corps of American 
 troops, that he might thereby be enabled to put 
 Ibme effectual flop to the progrefs of Lord Corn- 
 wallis. 
 
 In other places fome confiderable advantages 
 were obtained by the royal arms. On the 4<th 
 of January, fome fliips of war with a number of 
 tranfports, on board which was a large body o 
 troops under the command of Brigadier-General 
 Arnold, arrived at Weftover, about 140 miles 
 from the Capes of Virginia, where the troops 
 immediately landed and marched to Richmond ; 
 which they reached without oppofition, the mi- 
 litia that was collecfled having retreated on their 
 approach. Lieutenant-Colonel Sincoe marched 
 from hence wath a detachment of the Britilh 
 troops to Weftham, where they deftroyed one 
 of the fined foundries for cannon in America, 
 and a large quantity of Aores and cannon. Gene- 
 ral Arnold, on his arrival at Richmond, found 
 there large quantities of fait, rum, fail cloth, and 
 tobacco, the lail of which he deftroyed to a ve- 
 ry great amount. The Bririfh troops afterwards 
 :«ttacked and difperled Coine fmall parties of the 
 Americans, took fome f lores and a few pieces of 
 cannon, and on the 20th of the fame month 
 marched into Portfmouth. On the 25th, Cap- 
 tain Barclay, with feveral (hips of war, and a 
 body of troops under the command of Major 
 
 Craig, 
 N n 
 
lis GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 Craig, arrived in Cape-Fear River. The troops 
 Janded about nine miles from Wilmington, and 
 on the 28th entered that town. It was under- 
 ftood that their having pofTefTion of that town, 
 and being mafters of Cape-Fear River, would be 
 produftive of very beneficial effefls to Lord 
 Cornwallis's army. 
 
 General Green having efFe(5led a junflion about 
 the lOih of March with a continental regiment 
 of what were called eighteen months men^ and two 
 large bodies of militia belonging to Virginia and 
 North-Carolina, formed a refolution to attack 
 the Britifli troops under the command of Lord 
 Cornwallis. The American army marched from 
 the High Rock Ford on the 12th of the month, 
 and on the 14ih arrived at Guildford. Lord 
 Cornwallis, from the information he had re- 
 ceived of the motion of the American general, 
 concluded what were his defigns. As they ap- 
 proached more nearly to each other, a few fkir- 
 midies enfued between fome advanced parties, in 
 which the advantage was fometimes gained by 
 the Americans and fometimes by the Britifli. On 
 the morning of the 15th, Lord Cornwallis march- 
 ed with his troops at day-break in order to meet 
 the Americans or to attack them in their encamp- 
 ment. About four miles from Guildford, the 
 advanced guard of the Britifli army, command- 
 ed by Lieutenant-colonel Tarleton, fell in with a 
 corps of the Americans, confiding of Lieutenant- 
 colonel Lee's legion, iome Back-Mountain men 
 and Virginian militia, with whom he had a fe- 
 vere fkirmifh, and was, at length, obliged to re- 
 treat. 
 
 the 
 
OF AMERICA. 419 
 
 The greater part of the country in which the 
 ai^ion happened is a wilderneis, Vv'ith a few clear- 
 ed fields interfpcrfed. The American arnay was 
 ported on a rifing ground about a naile and a halt 
 from Guildford court houfe. It was drawn up 
 in three lines ; the front line was compofed of 
 the North-Carolina militia, under the command 
 of the generals Butler and Eaton ; the fecond 
 line of Virginian milida, commanded by the 
 generals Stephens and Lawfon, forming two bri- 
 gades ; the third line, confilling of two brigades, 
 one of Virginia and one of Maryland continental 
 troops, commanded by General Huger and Col. 
 Williams. Lieutenant-Colonel Waihingion wiih 
 the dragoons of the firfl and third regiments, 
 a detachment of light infantry compofed of con- 
 tinental troops, and a regiment of riflemen un- 
 der colonel Lynch, formed a corps of obferva- 
 tion for the fecurity of their right flank. Lieu- 
 tenant-colonel Lee, with his legion, a detach^ 
 ment of light infantry, and a corps of riflemen 
 under Colonel Campbell, formed a corps of ob- 
 fervation for the fecurity of their left flank. The 
 attack of the American army was diredfed to be 
 made by Lord Cornwallis in the following order : 
 On the right, the regiment of Bofe and the 7111 
 regiment, led by Major-general Leflie, and fup- 
 ported by the firfl battalion of guards ; on the 
 left, the 23d and 33d regiments, led by Lieuten- 
 ant-colonel Webfter,.and fupported by the grena- 
 diers and fecond battalion of guards command- 
 ed by Brigadier-general O'Hara ; the Yagers and 
 light infantry of the guards remained in a wood 
 on the left of the guns, and the cavalry in the 
 
 road, 
 
■r20 GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 road, ready to acl as circumflances iTiight re- 
 quire. 
 
 About half an hour after one in the afternoon, 
 the a(5lion commenced by a cannonade which lafr- 
 ed about twenty minutes j when the Britifh troops 
 advanced in 3 columns and attacked the North - 
 Carolina brigades with great vigour, and foon 
 obliged part of thefe troops to quit the field : 
 but the Virginia militia gave them a warm recep- 
 tion, and kept up a heavy fire for a long time, 
 till, being beaten back, the a£l:ion became gene- 
 ral almoU every where. The American corps 
 under the Lieutenant-colonels Wafhington and 
 Lee were alfo warmly engaged, and did confi- 
 derable execution. Lieutenant-colonel Tarleton 
 bad dire(5lions to keep his cavalry compact, and 
 not to charge without pofitive orders, except to 
 protefl any of the corps from the mofl evident 
 danger of being defeated. The exceflive thick- 
 nefs of the woods rendered the Britilh bayonets of 
 little ufe, and enabled the broken corps of Ame- 
 ricans to make frequent ftands with an irregular 
 fire. The fecond battalion of guards firft gained 
 the clear ground near Guildford court-houfe, 
 and found a corps of continental infantry, fupe- 
 rior in number, formed in an open field on the 
 Ufi of the road. Deilrcus of fignalizing them- 
 felves, they immediately attacked and foon de- 
 feated them, taking two fix pounders : but as 
 they purfued the Americans into the wood with 
 loo much ardour, they were thrown into confu- 
 fion by a heavy fire, and infiantly charged and 
 driven back into the field by Lieutenant-colonel 
 Wailiington** dragoons, with the lofs of the two 
 f}x pounders they had taken. But the American 
 
 CTivalry 
 
OF AMERICA. 421 
 
 cavalry were afterwards repulfed and the two 
 fix pounders again fell into the hands of the Bri- 
 tifli troops. The Britifh troops having at length 
 broken the fecond Maryland regiment, and turn- 
 ed the left flank of the Americans, got into the 
 rear of the Virginia brigade, and appeared to be 
 gaining their right, which would have encircled 
 the whole of the continental troops, when Gen. 
 Green thought it prudent to order a retreat. 
 Many of the American militia difperfed in the 
 woods ; but the continental troops retreated in 
 good order to Reedy Fork River, and crofled at 
 the ford about three miles from the field of ac- 
 tion and there halted. When they had colle<5led 
 their ifragglers, they retreated to the iron- 
 works ; ten miles diftant from Guildford, where 
 they encamped. They loft their artillery and two 
 waggons laden with ammunition. It was a hard 
 fought aflion, and lafted an hour and a half. 
 Of the BritiOi troops, the lofs, as flated by Lord 
 Cornwallis, was 532 killed, wounded, and mi(I- 
 ing. General Green in his account of the a6lion 
 tranfmitted to Congrefs, ftated the lofs of the 
 continental troops to amount to 329 killed, 
 wounded, and miffing ; but he made no eftimate 
 of the lofs of the militia, which was fomewhat 
 more than 100. Lieutenant-colonel iStuart was 
 killed in the a61ion ; and Lieutenant-colonel 
 Webrter, and the captains Schuts, Maynard, 
 and Goodriche, died of the wounds they had re- 
 ceived in it. Brigadier general O'Hara, Briga- 
 dier-general Howard, and Lieutenant-colonel 
 Tarleton, were alfo wounded. Of the Ameri- 
 cans the principal officer killed was Major An- 
 
 derfon 
 N n !? 
 
422 GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 derfon of the Maryland line, and the generals 
 Stephens and Huger were wounded. 
 
 The Britifli troops underwent great hardfhips 
 in the courfe of this campaign : and in a letter of 
 Lord Cornwailis's to Lord George Germain, da- 
 ted March 17th, he obferved, that " the foldiers 
 had been two days without bread." His lordfhip 
 quitted Guildford three days after the battle 
 which was fought in that place; and on the 7th 
 of April, after a retreat marked with proofs of 
 great alarm and precipitation, arrived in the 
 neighbourhood of Wilmington. Soon after Ge- 
 neral Green, notwithflanding his late defeat, en- 
 deavoured to make fome vigorous attempts a^aiud 
 the king's forces in South-Carolina. Lord Raw- 
 don had been appointed to defend the port of 
 Camden, with about 800 Britifli and provincials ^ 
 and on the 19th of April General Green ap- 
 peared before that place with a large body of con- 
 tinentals and militia. He found it, however, 
 impoffibie to attempt to florm the town with any 
 profpe6f of fuccefs ; and therefore endeavoured 
 to take fuch a pofition as (hould induce the Bri- 
 tifh troops to ially from their works. He poft- 
 cd the Americans about a mile from the town, 
 on an eminence which was covered with woods, 
 and flanked on the left by an impaffable fwamp. 
 But on ^he morning of the 25th, Lord Rawdon 
 marched out of Camden, and attacked General 
 Green in his camp. The Americans made a vi- 
 gorous refinance, but were at length compelled 
 to give way •, and the purfuit is faid to have been 
 continued three miles. For fome time after the 
 adlion commenced. General Green entertained 
 great hopes of defeating the Britiih troops \ in 
 
 which 
 
OF AMERICA. 423 
 
 which, as the Americans were fiiperior in point 
 of numbers, he would probably have fucceeded, 
 had not Ibmc capital military errors been com- 
 mitted by one or two of the officers who ferved 
 under him. On the American fide Colonel 
 "Wafhington had behaved extrem,ely well in this 
 a6lion, having made upwards of 200 of the 
 Englifh prifoners, with 10 or 12 officers, before 
 he perceived that the Americans were abandon- 
 ing the field of battle. The lofs of the Englifh 
 was about 100 killed and wounded. Upwards 
 of 100 of the Americans were taken prifoners^ 
 and, according to the account publidied by Ge- 
 neral Green, they had 126 killed and woundedo 
 After thi'e^ adlion Green retreated to Rugeley's 
 mills, 12 miles from Camden, in order to coUedl 
 his troops and wait for reinforcements. 
 
 Notwithftanding the advantage which Lord 
 Rawdon had obtained over General Green at 
 Camden, that nobleman foon after found it ne- 
 cefTary, having burned the goal, mills, many pri- 
 vate houfes, and a part of his own baggage, to 
 quit that poft j and the Americans made them- 
 felves mafters of feveral other pofts that were 
 occupied by the king's troops, and the garrifons 
 of which were obliged to fur render themfelves 
 prifoners of war. Thefe troops were afterwards 
 exchanged under a cartel which took place be- 
 tween Lord Cornwalhs and General Green for 
 the releafe of all prifoners of war in the fouthern 
 diftrift. After thefe events. General Green laid 
 clofe fiege to Ninety-fix, which was confidered 
 as the moft commanding and important of all the 
 pofis in the back country ; and on the 19th of 
 June he attempted to dorm the gairifon, but was 
 
 repulfed 
 
424, GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 repulfed by the galjantry of the Britlfli troops, 
 with the lofs of about 150 killed, wounded, and 
 miffing. General Green then raifed the fiege, 
 and retired with his army behind the Saluda^ 
 to a flrong fituation, within 16 miles of Ninety- 
 fix. 
 
 On the 18th of April a large body of Britifh 
 troops, under the command of Major-General 
 Philips and Brigadier-general Arnold, embarked 
 at Portfmouth in Virginia, in order to proceed on 
 an expedition for the purpofe of deftroying fome 
 of the American (lores. A party of light-infantry 
 were fent 10 or 1 2 miles up the Chickahomany ; 
 where they deftroyed feveral armed fhips, fundry 
 ware-houfes, and the American ftate (liip-yards. 
 At Peterfburg, the Englifh deftroyed 4000 hogs- 
 heads of tobacco, one (hip, and a number of 
 fmall veflfels on the flocks and in the River. At 
 Chefterfield court-houfe, they burnt a range of 
 barracks for 2000 men and 300 barrels of flour. 
 At a place called OJbornsy they ma^e themfelves 
 mafters of feveral vefTels loaded with cordage and 
 flour, and deftroyed about 2000 hogfheads of 
 tobacco and fundry vefTels were funk and burnt. 
 At Warwick, they burnt a magazine of 500 bar- 
 rels of flour, fome fine mills belonging to Colo- 
 nel Carey, a large range of public rope-v/alks 
 and fl:ore-houfes, tan and bark houfes full of 
 hides and bark, and great quantities of tobacco. 
 A like deftruflion of (lores and goods was made 
 in other parts of Virginia. 
 
 From the account already given of fome of the 
 principal military operations of the prefent year 
 in America, it appears, that though advantages 
 had been gained by the royal troops, yet no event 
 
 had 
 
OF AMERICA. 425 
 
 had taken place from which it cauld rationally 
 be expe(fled that the final termination of the war 
 would be favourable to Great-Britain. It was 
 alfo a difadvantageous circumftance, that there 
 was a mifunderfianding between Admiral Ar- 
 buthnot and Sir Henry Clinton, and a mutual 
 difapprobation of each others conduifl. This 
 was manifeft from their difpatches to govern- 
 mept, and efpecially from thofe of General Clin- 
 ton, whole expre/Tions refpccfling the conduft of 
 the admiral were by no means equivocal. 
 
 On the 1 6th of March 1781, a partial allien 
 happened off the Capes of Virginia, between the 
 fleet under Admiral Arbuthnot, confifting of 
 feven i!iips of the line and one fifty-gun fhip, and 
 a French fquadron confifting of the fame number 
 of (hips of the line, and one forty-gun fhip. 
 Some of the fhlps in both fleets received con» 
 fiderable damage in the adlion, and the lofs of 
 the Englifh was 30 killed and 73 wounded ; but 
 no fhip was taken on either fide. The Britidi 
 fleet, however, claimed the advantage ; as the 
 French were obliged to retire, and were fuppofed 
 to be prevented by this afVion from carrying 
 troops up the Chefapeak, in order to attack Ge- 
 neral Arnold and impede the progrefs of Lord 
 Cornwallis. But it was thought an unfortunate 
 circumftance, that fome time before this engage- 
 ment the Romulus, a Ihip of 44- guns, was cap- 
 tured by the French off the Capes of Virginia. 
 
 Lord Cornwallis, after his victory over Ge- 
 neral Green at Guildford, proceeded, as we have 
 feen, to Wilmington, where he arrived on the 
 7th of April. But before he reached that place, 
 he publifhcd a proclamation, calling upon all 
 
 lovai 
 
426 GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 loyal fubje(fi:s to flaud forth and take an a£live 
 part in reftoring good order rind government , 
 and declaring lo all perfons who had engaged in 
 the prefent rebellion againft his majefty's autho- 
 rity, but who were now convinced of their error, 
 and defirous of returning to their duty and alle- 
 giance, that if they would furrender themfelves 
 with their arms and ammunition at head-quar- 
 ters, or to the officer commanding in the diftri<fls 
 contiguous to their refpe<flive places of refidence, 
 on or before the 20th of that month, they ihould 
 be permitted to return to their refpeflive homes 
 upon giving a military parole ; they would be 
 prote(5led, in their perfons and properties, from 
 all forts of violence from the Britith troops ; and 
 would be reftored as foon as poiTible, to all the 
 privileges of legal and conflitutional government. 
 But it does not appear that any confiderable 
 number of the Americans were allured by thefe 
 promifes to give any evidences of their attachment 
 to the royal caufe. 
 
 On the 20th of May, his Lordfhip arrived at 
 Peterfburg in Virginia, where he joined a body 
 of Britifh troops that had been under the com- 
 mand of Major-general Philips ; but the com- 
 mand of which, in confcquence of the death of 
 that officer, had devolved upon Brigadier gene- 
 ral Arnold. Before this jun<Slion he had encoun. 
 tered confiderable inconveniencies from the diffi. 
 culty in procuring provifions and forage ; fo that 
 in a letter to Sir Henry Clinton, he informed him, 
 that his cavalry wanted every thing, and his in- 
 fantry every thing but fhoes. He added, that 
 he had experienced the diflreffes of marching 
 hundreds of miles in a country chiefly hoflile, 
 
 without 
 
OF AMERICA. 427 
 
 without one a£live or nfeful friend, without in- 
 telligence, and without comoiuiiication with any 
 part of the country. 
 
 On the 26th of J une, about fix miles from ' 
 Williamlburg, Lieuten.int-coionel Sirncoe, and. 
 350 of the queen's rangers, with 80 mounted 
 yagers, were attacked by a much fupcrior body 
 of the Americans; but whom they repiiifci with 
 great gallantry and with equal fuccefs, making 
 four officers and twenty private men prifoners. 
 The lofs of the Americans in this adlion is faid 
 to have been upwards of 120, and that of the 
 Britifh troops not more than 40. 
 
 On the 6th of July an a61ion happened near 
 the Green Springs in Virginia, between a recon- 
 noitering party of the Americans under General 
 Wayne, amounting to about 800, and a large 
 part of the Britifh army under Lord Cornwallis ; 
 in which the Americans had 127 killed and 
 wounded, and the lofs of the royal troops is fup- 
 pofed to have been confiderably greater. It was 
 an action in which no fmall degree of military 
 {kill and courage was exhibited by the Ameri- 
 cans. In a variety of fkirmifhes, the Marquis 
 de la Fayette very much diftinguifned himlelf, 
 and difplayed the utmoft ardour in the American 
 caufe. 
 
 In South-Carolina, an a<5fion happened on the 
 9th of September near the Eutaw Springs, be- 
 tween a large body of Britifh troops under the 
 command of Lieutenant-colonel Stuart and an 
 equal body of Americans, under the command of 
 General Green. It was an obftinate engagement, 
 and lafted near two hours. The Britifh, with a 
 confiderable lofs, were in the firft part of the 
 
 battle 
 
428 GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 battle routed in all quarters, but fome having 
 taken poft in a piquetted garden, and others 
 thrown themfelves into a brick houfe, the eager- 
 nefs of the American purfuit was confiderably 
 checked, and gave Colonel Stuart an opportunity 
 on the evening of the next day, to abandon the 
 Eutaw, and march towards Charleflon, taking 
 a number of his wounded,, and about one ihou- 
 fand ftand of arms. 
 
 In the courfe of the fame month, General Ar- 
 nold was fent on an expedition again fl: New -Lon- 
 don, in Conneflicut, where he dertroyed a great 
 part of the Ihipping, and an immenfe quantity of 
 naval ftores, European manufa(5lures, and Eaft 
 and Weft India commodities. The town itfelf 
 was alfo burnt, which is faid, but untruly, to 
 have been unavoidable, on account of the explo- 
 flons of great quantities of gunpowder which 
 happened to be in the florc-houfes that were {et 
 on fire. A fort, of which it was thought necef- 
 fary to gain pofTefTion in this expedition, was not 
 taken without confiderable lofs. This was Fort- 
 Grifwold ; which was defended by the Ameri- 
 cans with great gallantry, and the 'affault was 
 made by the Engli{h with equal bravery. The 
 Britifh troops entered the works with fixed 
 bayonets, and were oppofed with great vigour 
 by the garriibn with long fpears. After a moft 
 obflinate defence of near forty minutes, the af- 
 faikiits gained pofieffion of the fort, in which 85 
 Americans were found dead, and 60 wounded, 
 mofl of them mortally ; but of the killed, it is 
 painful to obferve, that the greater number fell 
 after the Britifh entered the fort, and when re- 
 fiftance had ceafed. Of the Britifh troops Major 
 
 Montgomery 
 
OF AMERICA, 42y 
 
 Montgomery was killed by a fpear in entering 
 the American works; and 192 men were alio 
 killed and wounded in this expedition. 
 
 Notwithftanding the advantage that Lord 
 Cornwallis had. obtained over the Americans, his 
 fituation in Virginia began by degrees to be very 
 critical ; and the rather becaufe he did not re- 
 ceive thofe reinforcements and fiipplies from Sir 
 Henry Clinton, of which he had formed expecfl- 
 ations, and which he conceived to be neceffary to 
 the fuccefs of his operations. Indeed, the com- 
 mander in chief tvas prevented from fending thofe 
 reinforcements to Lord Cornwallis which he 
 otherwife might have done, by his fears refpecTt- 
 ing New-York, againft which he entertained 
 great apprehenfions that General Walliington 
 intended to make a very formidable attack. In 
 fa(fl that able American general had this objedl 
 in view ; and while the attack was in ferious con- 
 templation, a letter from him detailing the par- 
 ticulars of the intended operations of the cam- 
 paign, being intercepted, fell into the hands of 
 Sir Henry Clinton. After the plan was changed, 
 the royal commander was fo much under theim- 
 preffion of the intelligence contained in the in- 
 tercepted letter, that he believed every movement 
 towards Virginia to be a feint, calculated to draw 
 off his attention from the defence of New-York. 
 Under the influence of this opinion he bent his 
 whole force to flrengthen that poit, andibfFcred 
 the.French and American armies to pafs without 
 any molellation. When the firH opportunity of 
 llriking at them was elapfed, then for the firft 
 t.me he was brought to believe that the allies had 
 
 fixed 
 O 
 
430 GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 fixed on Virginia, for the theatre of their com- 
 bined operations. As truth may be made to 
 anfwer the purpofes of deception, fo no feint 
 of attacking New-York, could have been more 
 fuccefsful than the real intention. At the fame 
 time Gen. Wafhington, by a variety of judicious 
 military manoeuvres, in which he completely 
 out-generalled the Britifli comL^ander, increafed 
 his apprehenfions about New- York, and prevent- 
 ed him from fending proper afTiftance to Lord 
 Cornwallis. Having for a confiderable time kept 
 Sir Henry Clinton in perpetual alarm in New- 
 York, though with an army much inferior to 
 the garrifon of that city. General Wafhington 
 fuddenly quitted his camp at White-plains, crofT- 
 ed the Delaware, and marched towards Virginia, 
 apparently with a defign to attack Lord Corn- 
 wallis. Sir Henry Clinton then received infor- 
 mation, that the Count de GrafTe, with a large 
 French fleet, was expe(fl:ed every moment in the 
 Chefapeak, in order to co-operate with General 
 Wafhington. In the mean time, Lord Cornwal- 
 lis had taken pofleflion of the polls of York-Town 
 and Gloucefter in Virginia. He applied himfelf 
 with the utmoft diligence to fortify thefe pofts, 
 and to render them equally refpe<flable by land 
 and water. His whole force amounted to about 
 7000 excellent troops. Before his Lordfhip had 
 iixed himfelf and army in thefe pofts, a feries of 
 manoeuvres had taken place between him and 
 the Marquis dc la Fayette ; in which the Britilh 
 general difplayed the boldnefs of enterprife, and 
 the marquis the judgment of age, blended with 
 the ardor of youth. Fayette, under various pre- 
 tences, fent the Pennfylvania troops to the fouth 
 
 fide 
 
OF AMERICA. Vol 
 
 fide of James River ; collefled a force in Glou- 
 cefler County: and made fundry excellent ar- 
 rangements, which he early communicated to 
 Count de GrafTe by an officer. 
 
 The French and American armies continued 
 their march from the northward, till they ar- 
 rived at the Head of Elk j within an hour after 
 they received an exprefs from Count de GraflTr, 
 with the joyful account of his arrival and fitua- 
 tion. This circumftance will appear the more 
 remarkable, when we confider the original dif- 
 tance of the parties, as well from the Icene of 
 a(5lion, as from each other, and the various acci- 
 dents, difficulties, and delays, to which they 
 were all liable. The greateft harmony fubfifled 
 between Wafhington and Rochambeau, which 
 leffened fome of the difficulties attending their 
 joint operations. The former being without a 
 fufficiency of money to fupply his troops, applied 
 to the count for a loan, which was inflantly 
 granted. In order to haften the arrival of the 
 allied troops, de GrafTe fele61ed feven vefTels, 
 drawing the leafl: water, to tranfport them down 
 the Chefapeak-Bay. But the moment they were 
 ready to fail on this fervice, the count was oblig- 
 ed to prepare for repelling the Britifh fleet. 
 When Mr. de Barras arrived, he fent up thole 
 tranfports he brought with him for the troops : 
 de Grafle after that added to them as many fri- 
 gates as he could. By the 25th of September 
 ail the troops were arrived and landed at Wil- 
 liamfburg, and preparations were made with all 
 poffible defpatch for putting the army in a fitua- 
 tion to move down towards York-Town. Ge- 
 neral VVafliington and Count de RochambeaH, 
 
 with 
 
432 GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 with their fuites nnd other officers, had reached 
 William fburg by hard travelling,- on the 14rth, 
 eleven days Iboner. Here the general found a 
 vefTel ready to convey him to the capes of Vir- 
 ginia, fent by Count de GrafTe, as he could not 
 with propriety leave his fleet. The commander 
 in chief and the Count de Rochambeau, accom- 
 panied by Generals ChaMlux, Du Portail, and 
 Knox, immediately proceeded to vifit the count 
 on board the Ville de Paris. A council was 
 held, and the count de Grafle detailed his en- 
 gagements to be in the "Wefl-Indies at the latter 
 (tud of 0<flober or beginning of November. But 
 he finally agreed to continue in the Chefapeak 
 until the operation againflLordCornwallis {hould 
 be decided. After which the company returned. 
 All the American and French troops formed 
 a juntfbion at Williamfburg. The Marquis de la 
 Fayette had been joined by 3000 under St. Simon 
 Ibme days before the 25th of September. The 
 whole regular force thus colledled amounted to 
 between 11 and 12,000 men. The militia of 
 Virginia were alfo called out to fervice, and were 
 commanded by Gov. Nelfon. On the 27th 
 Gen. Wafhingtoo gave out in general orders — 
 " if the enemy fhould be tempted to meet the 
 army on its march, the general particularly en- 
 joins the troops to place their principal reliance 
 on the bayonet, that they may prove the vanity 
 of the hcajl ivhich the Brit'ifi male of their peculiar 
 jrowefs ifi decidifig battles with that iveapon.^^ The 
 next morning thearmy marched, and halted about 
 two miles from York-Town juft before fun-fet. 
 The officers and folcjiers were ordered to lie on 
 their arms the whole night. On the 30th, Col. 
 
 Scammel 
 
OF AMERICA. 43*^ 
 
 Scammel (being officer of the day) in approach- 
 ing the enemy's outer works, to fee if they had 
 really left them, was mortally wounded and tak- 
 en prifoner by a party of the enemy's horfe, which 
 lay fecreted. This day Lord Cornwallis was 
 clofely inverted in York Town. The French 
 extended from the river above the town to a mo- 
 rafs in the centre, where they were met by the 
 Americans, who occupied the oppofite fide from 
 the river to that fpot. The poft at Gloucefter 
 Point was at the fame time, invefted by the Duke 
 de Lauzun with his legion, and a number of 
 Virginia militia under Gen. Weeden. 
 
 Before the troops left Williamfburgh, Gen. 
 Waftiington received a letter from the Count de 
 Graffe, informing him, that in cafe of the appear- 
 ance of a Britifh fleet, the count conceived it to 
 be his duty to go out and meet them at fea, in- 
 ftead of fighting in a confined fituation. This 
 information exceedingly alarmed the general, 
 who inftantly faw the probability of the Britifh 
 fleet's manoeuvring in fuch a manner, as to rein- 
 force or withdraw Lord Cornwallis. To prevent 
 a meafure pregnant with fo much evil, his excel- 
 lency wrote to the count on the 26th : <' I am 
 unable to defcribe the painful anxiety under 
 which I have laboured fince the reception of your 
 letter of 23d inllant. It obliges me warmly to 
 urge a perfeverance in the plan agreed upon. 
 The attempt upon York, under the proteflion of 
 your fliipping is as certain of fuccefs as a fuperior 
 force and a fuperiority of meafures can render 
 any military operation. The capture of the Bri- 
 tifh army is a matter fo important in itfelf and in 
 
 its 
 O 2 
 
4.34. GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 its confequences, that it muft greatly tend to put 
 an end to the war. If your excellency quits the 
 Bay, an accefs is open to relieve York, of which 
 the enemy will inftantly avail themfelves. The 
 confequenceof this will be, not only the difgrace, 
 but the probable difbanding of the whole army; 
 for the prefent feat of war being fuch,. as abfo- 
 iutely precludes the ufe of waggons, from the 
 great number of large rivers which interfecft the 
 country, there will be a total want of provifions. 
 This provincejias been fo exhaufted, that fubfift- 
 ence muft be drawn from a diflance, and that 
 can only be done by a fuperior fleet in the Bay.' 
 I earneftly beg your excellency to confider, that 
 if by moving your fleet from the fituation agreed 
 upon, we lofe the prefent opportunity, we ftiall 
 never hereafter have it in our power to flrike fo 
 decifive a ftroke, and the period of an honoura- 
 ble peace will be further diflant than ever. Sup- 
 pofing the force, faid to have arrived under Adm. 
 Digby, to be true, their whole force united can- 
 not be fuch as to give them any hopes of fuccefs 
 in the attacking your fleet. I am to prefs your 
 excellency to perfevere in the fcheme fo hc.ppily 
 concerted between us. Permit me to add, that 
 the abfence of your fleet from the Bay may fruf- 
 trate our defign upon the garrifon at York. For, 
 in the prefent fituation, Lord Cornwaliis might 
 evacuate the place with the lofs of his artillery, 
 baggage, and a few men ; facrificcs, which would 
 be highly juflifiable, from the defire of faving the 
 body of the army. — The Marquis de la Fayette 
 carries this. He is not to pafs the Gape for fear 
 of accident, in cafe you fhould be at fea." This 
 letter with the Marquis's perfuafions had the de- 
 fire d 
 
OF AMERICA. 435 
 
 iired effefl ; and the fame hour when the com- 
 bined army appeared before York-Town, the 
 French fleet was brought to the mouth of the ri- 
 ver, and by their pofition efFe(5tually covered all 
 fubfequent military operations, and prevented 
 either the retreat or fuccour of Lord Cornwaliiis^s 
 army by water. The pofh of York and Glou- 
 cefter were the mofl: favourable of any in the 
 country for befleging the Britifh, and preventing 
 their efcape, when the fiege was fupported by a 
 fuperior land and naval force. 
 
 Lord Cornwallis was fufficiently ftrong for 
 fighting the Marquis de la Fayette, even after he 
 had been joined by St. Simon ; and he is thought 
 to have been miflaken in not engaging them either 
 feparately or together. The moment he heard 
 that the allied troops were at the Head of Elk, 
 and that de GrafTe was arrived with fo powerful 
 a fleet at the Chefapeak, his lord (hip (hould have 
 pufhed off for Charlefton. Therefore it was that 
 Gen. Green wrote to Baron Steuben on the 17th, 
 ■ — <» Nothing can fave Cornwallis but a rapid 
 retreat through North Carolina to Charlefton.** 
 His Lordfhip*s condu6l was influenced by an 
 expecflation of a reinforcement from Sir Henry 
 Clinton, and a full perfuafion that thofe exertions 
 would be made at New-York, and fuch a naval 
 Arength would arrive from thence in time, as 
 would effeftually relieve him. This may be 
 gathered from his writing on the 16th: " If I 
 had no hopes of relief, I would rather ri(k an 
 action than defend my half-fimflied works, But 
 as you fay, Adm. Digby is hourly expecTted, and 
 have promifed exertions to aflifl: me, I do not 
 think myfelf jullifiable in putting the fate of the 
 
 war 
 
436 GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 war upon fo defperate an attempt." He mud 
 have meant that of fighting Fayette and St. Si- 
 mon, for the troops of Generals Wafliington and 
 Rochambeau did not arrive till afterward. Fay- 
 ette had taken a ftrong pofition : but the attempt 
 would not have appeared fo defperate to his 
 lordfhip, had he known the real number of the 
 enemy. 
 
 The trenches were opened by the combined 
 armies on the 6th of GcTl-ober, at 600 yards dif- 
 tance from Cornwallis*s works. The night being 
 dark and rainy was well adapted to the fervice, 
 in which there was not a man hurt. In the af- 
 ternoon of the 9th, the redoubts and batteries 
 being completed, a general difcharge of 24- and 
 18 pounders and of 10 inch mortars commenced 
 by the Americans on the right, and continued all 
 night without intermilTion. The next morning, 
 the French opened their batteries on the left, 
 and a tremendous roar of cannon and mortars 
 was continued for fix or eight hours without 
 ceafing. There was an incefTant fire through the 
 fucceeding night. By one of the French (hells, 
 the Charon of 44 guns and a tranfport fhip were 
 fet on fire and burnt. The following morning, 
 the enemy's other guard (hip was fired by one of 
 the American fhelis and confumed. At night the 
 befiegers opened their fecond parallel, 200 yards 
 from the works of the befieged. The Americans 
 had 3 men killed and 1 wounded by a French 
 cannon, which fired too low. On the 14th in 
 the evening, an American battalion was ordered 
 into the iecond parallel, and to begin a large bat- 
 tery in advance on the right. A few minutes 
 before they began to break ground, the enemy 
 
 kept 
 
OF AMERICA. 437 
 
 kept a conriant fire upon them, one of their (hells 
 burft in the centre of the battalion, and killed 
 n captain and one private, and wounded a fecond. 
 The fire of the befieged was very great through 
 the night ; and it was thought that the befiegers 
 lofl as many men within 24 hours at this period, 
 as they had done nearly the whole fiege before. 
 The redoubts, which were advanced about 200 
 yards on the left of the Britifli, greatly impeded 
 the progrefs of the combined armies. An attack 
 on thefe was therefore propofed. — To excite a 
 fpirit of emulation the redudlion of the one was 
 committed to the French ; of the other to the 
 Americans. The light infantry of the latter were 
 commanded by the Marquis de la Fayette ; and 
 the fervice was allotted to a fele6l corps. The 
 
 Marquis faid to General Wafhington " The 
 
 troops fhould retaliate on the Britifh, for the 
 cruelties they have praftifed." The general an- 
 iwered— '< You have full command, and may 
 order as you pleafe." The marquis ordered the 
 party to remember New London, and to retali- 
 ate, by putting the men in the redoubt to the 
 fword after having carried it. The men march- 
 ed to the aflault with unloaded arms, at dark on 
 the night of the 14th, pafTed the abati?, and 
 palifades, and attacking on all fides carried the 
 redoubt in a few minutes, with the lofs of 8 kill- 
 ed and 28 wounded. Lieut. Col. Laurens per- 
 ibnally took the commanding officer. The co- 
 lonel's humanity and that of the Americans fo 
 efFe<51ually overcame their refentments, that they 
 fpared the Britifh. When bringing them off as 
 prifoners, they faid among themfelves — ** Why ! 
 how is this? We were ordered to put' them to 
 
 death." 
 
438 GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 death." Being afked by others why they had 
 not done it, they anfwered, — << We could not, 
 when they begged and cried fo upon their knees 
 for their lives." About five of the Britifh were 
 killed, and 1 major, 1 captain, and 1 enfign, and 
 20 privates captured. Colonel Hamilton, who 
 condu(5led the enterprife with much addrefs and 
 intrepidity, in his report to the marquis, men- 
 tioned, to the honour of his detachment — " that 
 incapable of imitating examples of barbarity, and 
 forgetting recent provocations, they fpared eve- 
 ry man that ceafed to refift." The French were 
 equally fuccefsful on their fide. They carried 
 the redoubt committed to them with rapidity, 
 but loft a confiderable number of men. Thefe 
 two works being taken into the fecond parallel 
 facilitated the fubfequent operations. 
 
 The Britifh were fo weakened by the fire of 
 the combined armies, but chiefly by ficknefs that 
 lord Cornwallis could not venture any confide- 
 rable number in the making of fallies. The pre- 
 fent/emergency however was fuch, that a little 
 before day break of the morning of the 16th he 
 ordered a fortie of about 400 men, under Lieut. 
 Col. Abercromby to attack two batteries which 
 feemed to be in the greateft forwardnefs, and to 
 fpike the guns. Two detachments were appoint- 
 ed to the fervice ; and both attacks were made 
 with fuch impctuofity, that the redoubts which 
 covered the batteries, were forced, and eleven 
 pieces of cannon fpiked. The French troops who 
 had the guard of that part of the entrenchment, 
 fuffered confiderably. This fuccefsful acflion did 
 honour to the officers and troops engaged, but 
 produced no effential benefit. The cannon, be- 
 ing 
 
OF AMERICA. 439 
 
 ing haftily fpiked, were ibon rendered again fer- 
 viceable •, and the combined forces were fo in- 
 duflrions, that they finidied their batteries, open- 
 ed them about 4? o'clock in the afternoon, and 
 fired briflcly. Their feveral batteries were now 
 covered with near 100 pieces of heavy ordnance ; 
 and the Britifh works were fo deftroyed, that 
 they could fcarcely fhow a (Ingle gun. 
 
 Thus was lord Cornwallis reduced to the nc- 
 ceffity of preparing for a furrender, or of at- 
 tempting an efcape. He determined upon the 
 latter. Boats were prepared under different pre- 
 texts, for the reception of the troops by ten at 
 night, in order to pafs them over to Glouceller 
 Point. The arrangements were made with the 
 utmofl: fecrecy. The intention was to abandon 
 the baggage, and to leave a detachment behind 
 to capitulate for the town's people, and tor the 
 fick and wounded, his lordfhip had alfo prepared 
 a letter on the fubje6f, to be delivered to Gen. 
 Wa(hington after his departure. The firO: em- 
 barkation had arrived at Gloucefter Point, and 
 the greater part of the troops were already land- 
 ed, when the weather, which was before mod: 
 moderate and calm, inftantly changed to a vio- 
 lent ftorm of wind and rain. The boats with 
 the remaining troops were all driven down the 
 river, and the defign of pafling was not only en- 
 • tirely fruflrated, but the abience of the boats ren- 
 dered it impoflible to bring back the troops from 
 Gloucefter, Thus weakened and divided, the 
 army was in the moll imminent danger. The 
 boats however returned : and the troops were 
 brought back without much lofs in the courfe of 
 the forenoon. 
 
 Matters 
 
440 GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 Matters were now haflening to a crlfis, which 
 could not be longer averted. The Britifh works 
 were finking under the weight of the American 
 and French artillery. The continuance of the 
 allied fire, only for a few more hours, would re- 
 duce them to fuch a condition that it would be 
 raihnefs to attempt their defence. — The time for 
 expcdling relief from New- York was elapfed. 
 The flrength and fpirit of the royal troops were 
 worn down by conftant watching, and unremit- 
 ing fatigue. Lord Cornwallis therefore fent 
 out a flag at ten o'clock in the morning of the 
 17th, with a letter to General Wafhington, re- 
 queuing a celTation of arms for twenty-four 
 hours, and that commiffioners might be appoint- 
 ed for digefling the terms of capitulation. An 
 anfwer was given •, and a reply forwarded in the 
 afternoon •, to which Gen. Wafhington rejoined 
 the next day, declaring the general bafis on which 
 the capitulation might take place. Commiflion- 
 crs were appointed — on the fide of the allies, 
 Vifcount de Noaiiles and Lieut. Col. Laurens, 
 whofe father was in clofe confinement in the 
 tower, while the fon was drawing up articles by 
 which an Englifh nobleman and a Britifh army 
 became prifoners. While fettling the terms, the 
 Vifcount wiflied his Lordfhip to fUte, upon his 
 honour, the value of the military chefl. His 
 Lordfhip declared it to be about 18001. flerling. 
 The vifcount obferved that the fum was lb trifling, 
 that it was not worth bringing into the account, 
 and therefore was for leaving it entirely at Corn- 
 wallis's dilpofal. Laurens interfered, and ob- 
 ferved to his colleague, that though it was natu- 
 ral for a fubje<rt of one of the greatcfl monarch s 
 
 in 
 
OF AMERICA. 4M 
 
 in the world to think ISOOl. an inconfiderable 
 funij yet, for his part, being a fubje<5t of an in- 
 fant ftate, (Iruggling with infinite inconveniences, 
 and where money was very rare, he mnft deem 
 it a very confiderable fum ; and therefore he in- 
 fixed that it (hould be accounted for. This was 
 accordingly done ; and afterwards it was paid 
 into the bands of Timothy Pickering, Efq. Ame- 
 rican quarter-mafier general, to the amount of 
 21131. 6s. fterling, ellisiiating the dollar at 4?. 
 8d. — There being a manlfeft impropriety in the 
 Americans flipulating for the return of the ne. 
 groes, while they themfelves were avowedly 
 fighting for their own liberties, they covered 
 their intention of repoffeffing them, under rhefe 
 general terms with which the fourth article cl jfed 
 — -< It is underftood, that any property obvioufly 
 belonging to the inhabitants of thefe Hates, in 
 the pofTedion of the garrilon, fhall be lubjecfl to 
 be reclaimed." 
 
 The pofts of York and Gloucefter were fur- 
 rendered on the 19th. The honour of marching 
 out vvith colours flying, which had been denied 
 Gen. Lincoln, was now refufed to Lord Corn- 
 wallis; and Lincoln was appointed to receive the 
 fnbmiffion of the royal army at York-Town, pre- 
 cifely in the iame way his own had been con- 
 du(5fed about 18 months before. The troops of 
 every kind that furrendered prifoners of war, 
 exceeded 7000 men ; but fuch was the number 
 of fick and wounded, that there were only 3800 
 capable of bearing arms. The officers and fol- 
 diers rtrained their baggage and etfc6fs. Fifteen 
 hundred feamen partook of the fate of the gar- 
 
 rifon. 
 
412 GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 rlfon. The Guadaloupe frigate of 24 guns, and 
 a number of tranfports were furrendered to the 
 conquerors : about twenty tranfports had been 
 funk or burnt during the fiege. TThe land forces 
 became prifoners to congrefs : but the feamen 
 and fliips v/ere affigned to the French admiral. 
 The Americans obtained a numerous artillery, 
 75 brafs ordnance and 69 iron cannon, howitz- 
 ers and mortars. 
 
 Lord Cornwallis endeavoured to obtain per- 
 miflion for the Britlfh and German troops to re- 
 turn to their refpeftive countries, under engage- 
 ments not to ferve againft France or America ; 
 and alfo an indemnity for thofe who had joined 
 him : but he was obliged to confent, that the 
 former fhould be retained in the governments of 
 Virginia, Pennfylvania and Maryland ; and that 
 the latter, whofe cafe lay with the civil authority 
 of the ftates, (hould be given to the uncondition- 
 al mercy of their countrymen. His lordQiip, 
 however, obtained permiffion for the Bonetta 
 floop of war to pafs unexamined, which gave an 
 opportunity of fcreening thofe of the royalifts 
 who were moft obnoxious to the refentment of 
 the Americans. He look care alfo to have it fti- 
 pulated, that no article of the capitulation (hould 
 be infringed on pretext of reprifal. His lord- 
 fliip, with all civil and military officers, except 
 thofe of the latter who were neceiTarily left be- 
 hind for the prote(flion and government of the 
 foldiers, were at liberty to go upon parole, either 
 to Great Britain or New- York. He acknowledg- 
 ed in his public letter, that the treatment which 
 he and the army had received after the furrender, 
 was perfe(rtly good and proper. His lordftiip 
 
 fpake 
 
OF AMERICA. 4t'J 
 
 rpake in thcfe warm terms of the kladaefs and 
 attention fliown to them, by the French officers 
 in particular — « Their deliberate fenfibility of 
 our fituation, their generous and prelTmg offers 
 of money, both public and private, to any 
 amount, h^s really gone beyond what I can poi- 
 fjbly defcribe/' 
 
 On the 2()rh of 06^ober, the American com- 
 mander in chief, cungratulated in general orders 
 the army on the glorious event of the pvecediiig 
 day j and tendered to the generals, officers and 
 privates, his thanks in the warmefl language. He 
 with gratitude returned his fincere acknowledg- 
 ments to Gov. Nelfon of Virginia, for the fuc- 
 cours received from him and the militia under 
 him. To fpread the general joy in all hearts, 
 he commanded that thofe of the army, who were 
 under arrefl, (hould be pardoned and fet at li- 
 berty. The orders clofed with — Divine fervice 
 ihall be performed to-morrow in the different 
 brigades and divifions. The commander in chief 
 recommends, that all the troops that are not upon 
 duty, do affid at it v/ith a ferious deportment, 
 and that fenfibility of heart which the recolle(5fion 
 of the furprifing and particular interpofition of 
 Providence in our favour, claims" 
 
 The Britiffi fleet and army deftined for th^ re- 
 lief of Lord Cornw^allis, arrived off the Chefa- 
 ptak on the 24<th ; but on receiving authentic ac- 
 counts of his furrender, they returned to New- 
 York. A few days after their firft return, the 
 fleet was increafed by four fhips of the line ; but 
 fuch was the fuperiority of the French by de 
 Barras's juncStion with the Count de Graffe, that 
 nothing fliort of defperate circumftances could 
 
 juitify 
 
iU GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 juAify attempting a frefh engagement. Thefe 
 circumflances hov.'cver exifting, the Britifti naval 
 commanders ufcd a!l pofiible expedition in refit- 
 ting the fnips^ v.'ith the deilgn of extricating 
 Cornwallis and his army. The dehiy cccafipned 
 by this bnfincfs feemed to be compenfated by the 
 arrival of Prince William and Torbay men of 
 war from Jamaica. It was determined that every 
 exertion fliould be ufed both by the fleet and 
 army to form a juncfiion with the Britiih force 
 in Virginia. Sir Henry Clinton embarked with 
 about 7000 of his belt forces. It was never- 
 thelefs the I9rh of October before the fleet could 
 fall down to the Hook. They amounted to 25 
 Ihipr- of the line, 2 fifties, and 8 frigates. When 
 they appeared ofFthe Chefapeak, the French made 
 no manner of movement, though they had 36. 
 fhips of the line, being fatisfied with their prefent 
 fuccefs. The main error, which paved the way 
 to the capture of the Britifn army, appears to be 
 the omifiion of fending a larger force from the 
 Weft Indies than that which was defpatched 
 under Sir Samuel Hood. A few more fliips in 
 the firll inflance might have prevented that moft 
 woful dilappoiniment with which both Sir Henry 
 Clinton and Lord Cornwallis have been painfully 
 exercifed. 
 
 Every argument and perfuafion was ufed with 
 the Count de Gralfe to induce him to aid the 
 combined army in an operation againll: Charlef- 
 ton ; but the advanced feafon, the orders of his 
 court, and his own engagements to be punftual 
 to a certain time fixed for his ulterior operations, 
 prevented his compliance. His inftru<ftions had 
 
 fixed 
 
OF AMERICA. 445 
 
 fixed his departure even to the 15th of O^lober ; 
 he however early engaged to flay longer. Could 
 he have extended his co-operation two months 
 more, there would moft probably have been a 
 total extirpation of the BritiQi force in the Caro- 
 linas and Georgia. On the 27th, the troops 
 under the Marquis St. Simon began to embark 
 for the Weft Indies; and about the 5th of No- 
 vember, the Count de GrafTe failed from the 
 Chefapeak. 
 
 The Marquis De La Fayette being about to 
 leave America, the following expreflions made a 
 part of the orders iflTued by him previous to his 
 departure from York Town — *« Orders for the 
 firft brigade of light infantry, ilTued by major- 
 general the marquis de la Fayette, Off. 31, 1781. 
 In the moment the major-general leaves this place, 
 he wifhes once more to exprefs his gratitude to 
 the brave corps of light infantry, who for nine 
 months pari: have been the companions of his 
 fortunes. He will never forget, that with them 
 alone of regular troops, he had the good fortune 
 to manoeuvre before an army, which after all its 
 redu6lions is ftill fix times fuperior to the regu- 
 lar force he had at the time." Four days after, 
 this brigade embarked for the Head of Elk ; the 
 invalids of the Am.erican troops deftined for the 
 northward having previoufly done it. The New 
 Jerfey and part of the New Yoik lines marched 
 by land, and were to join the troops which 
 went by water at the Head of Elk. Such cavaU 
 ry as were wanted by General Green marched 
 feveral days before ; and on the 5th of Novem- 
 ber a reinforcement marched under Gen. St. 
 
 Clair, 
 P p 2 
 
446 GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 Clair, in order to ftrengthen him for further of- 
 fenfive operations in South Carolina. The feafon 
 of the year was unfavourable for the return of 
 the troops to the North river, fothat they fuffer- 
 cd much in doing it. But they and their comrades 
 had been blefled with a ieries of the moft de- 
 lightful weather from the beginning of their 
 march toward York Town, until the redu(f!:ion 
 of the place. 
 
 No fooncr had congrefs received ar>d read Ge- 
 neral Wafhington's letter, giving information of 
 the rcduiflion of the Britifh army, than they re- 
 folved, on the 24-th of 0<ftober, that they would 
 at two o^clock go in proce/Tion to the Dutch Lu- 
 theran Church, and return thanks to Almighty 
 _ God, for crowning the allied arms of the United 
 States and France, with fuccefs by the furrender 
 of the whole Britifh army under the command 
 of Earl Cornwallis. This army had fpread Wiifle 
 and ruin over the face of Virginia for 400 miles 
 on the fea-coaft, and for 200 to the weftward. 
 Their numbers enabled them to go where they 
 plealed ; and their rage for plunder difpofed them 
 to take whatever they efteemed moft valuable. 
 The reduflion of fuch an army occafioned tranl- 
 ports of joy in the breaii of every American. 
 But that joy was increafed and maintained, by the 
 further confideration of the influence it would 
 Jiave m procuring fuch a peace as was defired. 
 Two days after the congrels idued a proclama- 
 tion for religioufly obferving throughout the 
 United States, the 13th of December, as a day 
 of thankfgiving and prayer. On the 29th of 
 Odlobtr, they refolved, that thanks fhould be 
 prcfeated to Gen. Wafhington, Count de Ro- 
 
 chambeau 
 
OF AMERICA. 44-7 
 
 chambeau, Count de GrafTe, and the officers of 
 the different corps, and the men under their 
 command, for their fervices in the redudlion of 
 Lord Cornwallis. — They alfo refolved to ereift in 
 York Town a marble column, adorned with em- 
 blems of the alliance between the United States 
 and his Moft Chriflian Majefty ; and infcribed 
 with a fuccindl narrative of the furrender of the 
 Britifh army. Two ftands of colours taken from 
 the royal troops, under the capitulation, were 
 prelented to Gen. Waftiington, in the name of 
 the United States in Congrefs alTembled ; and 
 two pieces of field ordnance fo taken, were by a 
 rcfolve of Congrefs, to be prefented by Gen. 
 Wafhington to Count de Rochambeau, with a 
 ihort memorandum engraved thereon, " that 
 Congrefs were induced to prefentthem from con- 
 fiderations of the illuflrious part which he bore 
 in effe(5luating the furrender." It was further re- 
 folved to requefl the Chevalier de Luzerne, to 
 inform his moft Chriftian Majefty, that it was 
 the wifli of Congrefs, that Count de Graffe 
 might be permitted to accept a teftimony of their 
 approbation, fimilar to that which was to be 
 prefented to Count de Rochambeau. Legiflative 
 bodies, executive councils, city corporations, and 
 many private focieties, prefented congratulatory 
 addrefles to Gen. Wafhington accompanied with 
 the warmeft acknowledgments to Count de Ro- 
 chambeau, Count de Gralfe and the other officers 
 in the fervice of his Molt Chriflian Majefiy. 
 Places of public worfhip refounded with grateful 
 praife to the Lord of Hofis, the God of battles, 
 before, at, and after the day of thankfgiving. 
 The fingular interefling event of captivating a 
 
 fecond 
 
448 GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 fecond royal army, produced fuch ftrong emo- 
 tions in numbers, both of minifters and people, 
 that they could not wait the arrival of the day. 
 
 CHAP. X. 
 
 Sir Guy Carleton arrives at New-Tork with powers 
 to treat of Peace — Different places evacuated hy the 
 Britifh troops — Independency of America achwiv^ 
 ledged — The army dijbandedj and Gen, IVaJhing- 
 ton reftgns his Commijfion — Lofs of Men atid 
 Treafure by the Jf^ar. 
 
 l\S no rational expecflations now remain- 
 ed of a fubjugation of the colonies, the military 
 operations that fucceeded in America were of little 
 coniequence. Some inconfiderable a6tions and 
 fkirmifhes did indeed take place after that event ; 
 in which the refugees chiefly diflinguilhed them- 
 felves, and difcovered an inveterate animofity 
 againftthe Americans. On the 5th of May 1782, 
 Sir Guy Carleton arrived at New- York, being 
 appointed to the command of the Britifh troops 
 in America in the room of Sir Henry Clinton. 
 Two days after his arrival, he wrote a letter to 
 General Walhington, acquainting him, that Ad- 
 miral Digby was joined with himfelf in a com- 
 miffion to treat of peace with the people of Ame- 
 rica ', tranfmitting to him at the fame time, fome 
 
 papers 
 
OF AMERICA. 44.9 
 
 papers tending to manifeft the pacific difpofition 
 of the government and people of Britain towards 
 thofe of America. He alfo defired a pafTport for 
 Mr. Morgan, who was appointed to tranfmit a ^ 
 fimilar letter of compliment to congrefs. Gene- 
 ral Wafliington declined figning any pafTport till 
 he had taken the opinion of Congrels upon that 
 meafure ; and by them he was direfled to refufe 
 any paflport for fuch a purpofe. However, an- 
 other letter was fent to General Wafhington, 
 dated the 2d of Augufl, figned by Sir Guy Car- 
 leton and Rear-admiral Digby, in which they 
 informed him, that they were acquainted by'au- 
 thority, that negociations for a general peace had 
 already commenced at Paris •, that Mr. Grenville 
 was invefted with full powers to treat with all 
 the parties at war ; and was then at Paris in the 
 execution of his commifTion. They farther in- 
 formed him, that his Britannic majefly, in order 
 to remove all obftacles to that peace which he fo 
 ardently wished to reftore, had commanded his 
 minifters to dire<ft Mr. Grenville, that the inde- 
 pendency of the thirteen provinces fhould be 
 propofed by him, in the firft inftance, inftead of 
 making it the condition of a general treaty. But 
 fome jealoufies were entertained by the Ameri- 
 cans, that it was the dellgn of the Britilh court 
 either to dlfunite them, or to bring them to treat 
 of a peace feparately from their ally the king of 
 France •, they therefore refolved, that any man, 
 or body of men, who (hould prefume to make 
 any feparate or partial convention or agreement 
 with the king of Great-Britain, or with any com- 
 milTioner or commiilioners under the crown of 
 Great-Britain, ought to be confidered and treat- 
 ed 
 
450 GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 ed as open and avowed enemies of the United 
 States of America j and alfo, that thofe ftates 
 could not with propriety hold any conference or 
 treaty with any commiflioners on the part of 
 Great Britain, unlefs they lliould, as a prelimi- 
 nary thereto, either withdraw their fleets and 
 armies, or elfe, in pofitive or exprefs terms, ac- 
 knowledge the independency of the faid ftates. 
 They Jikewife refolved, that any propofirions 
 which might be made by the court of Great Bri- 
 tain, in any manner tending to violate the treaty 
 fubfifting between them and the king of France, 
 ought to be treated with every mark of indignity 
 and contempt. 
 
 In the month of June, the town of Sav.mnah, 
 and the whole province of Georgia, were evr.rn- 
 ated by the Britifh troops; as was alfo Ch: vlei- 
 ton, South-Carolina, about the clofe of the year. 
 In the mean time, the negociations for peace htv 
 ing continued, provifional articles of pence <. -e 
 fjgned at Paris on the 30th of November b^ 'e 
 commifTioner of his Britannic Majeniy ani .he 
 American commiflioners, in which his M;ij;:Ay 
 acknowledged the united colonies of New-H.irup- 
 fhire, Mafl^ichufctts-Bay, Rhode Ifland, and Pro- 
 vidence Plantations, Conneftkur, New- York, 
 New-Jerfey, Pennfylvania, Delaware, Mary- 
 land* Virginia, North-Carolina, Soinh-Carolina, 
 and Georgia, to be " free, fovereign, and inde- 
 pendent ftates." They had conlVituted thcrnfelves 
 fuch on the 4th of JulV) 1776; they had been 
 acknowledged fuch by the French king on the 
 30th of January 1778, when he concluded v/ith 
 them a treaty of amity and commerce ; Holland 
 had acknowledged them as fuch April 19th 
 
 1782; 
 
OF AMERICA. 451 
 
 1782 ; Sweden acknowledged them as fuch Fe- 
 bruary 5th 1783 ; Denmark the 25th of Febru- 
 ary, Spain in March, and Ruffia in July, the 
 fame year. 
 
 The Definitive Treaty was figned on the 3d 
 of September, 1783 ; and in Aug. Sir Guy Car- 
 Icton, h.'.d received his final orders for the eva- 
 cuation of New- York. Tuefday, November the 
 25th, was the day agreed upon for this evacua- 
 tion. To prevent every diforder which might 
 otherwife enfue from fuch an event, the Ameri- 
 can troops under the command of Gen. Knox 
 marched frcm Haerlem to the Bowery-lane in 
 the morning. They remained there till about 
 one o'clock, when the Britifh forces left the ports 
 in the Bowery, and the Americans marched for- 
 ward and took pofTellion of the city. This being 
 effe(^l-ed. Gen. Knox, and a number of citizens on 
 horfeback rode to the Bowery to receive their 
 excellencies Gen. Wafhington and Governor 
 Clinton, who, v/ith their fuites, made their public 
 entry into the city on horfeback-, followed by the 
 lieut. governor and the members of council, for 
 the temporary government of the fouthern dif- 
 tri6f, four abreafl — Gen. Knox and the officers 
 of the army, eight abreafi — citizens on horfeback, 
 eight abreaft — the fpeaker of the afiembly and 
 citizens on foot, eight a breafr. The proceffion 
 ceaied at Cape's Tavern. The governor gave a 
 public dinner at Frances's Tavern j at which the 
 commander in chief and other general officers 
 were prefent. The arrangements for the whole 
 bufinefs were fo well made and executed, that 
 the moft admirable tranquility fucceeded through 
 the day and night. Soon after this event, the 
 
 foldiers 
 
452 GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 foldiers of the American army, cheerfully refum- 
 ing the character of citizens, returned peaceably 
 to their refpe^tive homes ; while their beloved 
 and ever honoured commander, having taken a 
 pathetic leave of his officers, repaired to Anna- 
 polis, and on the 23d of December, at an au- 
 dience with congrefs (perhaps the moft fingular 
 and intereiVmg that ever occurred) rifing with 
 great dignity, he delivered this addrel's. 
 
 '* — Mr. Prefidenr, the great everts on which 
 my refignation depended having at length taken 
 place, I have now the honour of offering my 
 fincere congratulations to Congrefs, and of pre- 
 fenting myfelf before them, to furrendcr into 
 their hands. the charge committed to me, and to 
 claim the indulgence of retiring from the lervice 
 of my country. 
 
 ** Happy in the confirmation of our indepen- 
 dence and Sovereignty, and pleafed with the op- 
 portunity afforded the Uniic 1 States of becom- 
 ing a refpedtable nation, 1 refign with fatisfa<5lion 
 the appointment I accepted v/ith difnJence — a 
 diffidence in my abilities to accomplilli {o arJuous 
 a tafk J 'which however was fuperfeded by a con- 
 hdence in the re<Sl:itude of our caufe, the fupport 
 of the fupreme power of the Union, and the pa- 
 tronage of Heaven. 
 
 ** The iuccefsful termination of the war has 
 verified the moft fanguine expectations ; and 
 my gratitude for tlie interpofition of Providence, 
 and the alTiftance I have received from my coun- 
 trymen, increcies with every review of the mo- 
 men'ous conteft. 
 
 ** While I repeat my obligations to the army 
 in general, 1 (i\ou\d do injuflice to my own teei- 
 
 ings 
 
OF AMERICA. 453 
 
 ings not to acknowledge in this place, the pecu- 
 liar fervices and diftinguifhed merits of the gen- 
 tlemen who have been attached to my perfon 
 during the war. It was impoflible the choice of 
 confidential officers to compofe my family fhould 
 have been more fortunate. Permit me, Sir, to 
 recommend in particular thofe who have continu- 
 ed in the fervice to the prefent moment, ^s wor- 
 thy of the favorable notice and patronage of Con- 
 grefs. 
 
 " I confider it as an indifpenfable duty to clofe 
 this laft a(5t of my official life by commending the 
 interefts of our deareft country to the protection 
 of Almighty God, and thofe who have the fu- 
 perintendance of them to his holy keeping. 
 
 " Having now finiflied the work affigned me, 
 I retire from the great theatre of a<5lion, and 
 bidding an affeClionate farewel to this auguft 
 body, under whofe orders I have fo long a6ted, 
 I here offer my commiflion, and take leave of all 
 the employments of public life." 
 
 The general was fo powerfully imprefTed, with 
 the great and interefling fcenes that crowded in 
 upon his imagination while fpeaking, that he 
 "would have been fcarce able to have uttered more 
 than the ciofing period. He advanced and de- 
 livered to the Prefident his commiiTion, with a 
 copy of his addrefs. Having refumed his place, 
 he received in a {landing pofture the following 
 anfwer of Congrefs •, which the prefident deli- 
 vered with elegance ; bur not without fuch a fen- 
 fibility as changed, and Ipread a degree of pale- 
 nefs over his countenance. 
 
 ** Sir, The United States in Congrefs aflem- 
 
 bled receive, with emotions too affe^ing for ut- 
 
 Q q t^rance, 
 
454. GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 tcrance, the folemn refignation of the authorities 
 under wdiich you have led their troops with fuc- 
 eefs through a perilous and doubtful war. Call- 
 ed upon by your country to defend its invaded 
 rights, you accepted the facred charge, before 
 it had formed alliances, and whilA it was with- 
 out funds or a government to fupport you. You 
 have condu<5led the great military conteft with 
 ^vifdom and fortitude, invariably regarding the 
 rights of the civil power through all difafters and 
 changes. You have by the love and confidence 
 of your fellow -citizens,' enabled them to difplay 
 their martial genius, and tranfmit their fame to 
 pofterity. — You have perfevered, till thefc Uni- 
 ted States, aided by a magnanimous king and na» 
 lion, have been enabled under a juft Providence, 
 to clofe the war in freedom, fafety, and indepen- 
 dence i on which happy event we fmcerely join 
 you in congratulations. 
 
 " Having defended the ftandard of liberty ia 
 this new world *, having taught a lefTon ufeful to 
 rhofe who inflidl and to ihofe who feel oppreflion, 
 you retire/rom the great theatre of action, with 
 the blefljngs of your fellow-citizens — but the 
 glory of your virtues will not terminate with 
 your military command, it will continue to ani- 
 mate the remotefl ages. 
 
 « \\re feel with you our obligations to the 
 army in general, and will particularly charge 
 ourfelves with the interefls, of thofe confidential 
 officers, who have attended your perfon to this 
 afFefting moment. 
 
 ** We join you in commending the interefls 
 of our deareft country to the prote<Stion of Al- 
 mighty God, befeeching him to difpofe the hearts 
 
 and 
 
OF AMERICA. 455 
 
 and minds of its citizens, to improve the oppor- 
 tunity afforded them, of becoming a happy and 
 refpeflable nation. And for you we addrefs to 
 him our earneft prayers, that a life fo beloved, 
 may be foftered with all his care ; that your days 
 may be happy as they have been iiluftrious ; and 
 that he will finally give you that reward which 
 this world cannot give." 
 
 Having thus refigned his commiffion into the 
 hands of the prelident of that honourable body, 
 he retired from public life amidft the acclama- 
 tions of his grateful and admiring countrymen. 
 
 According to the report of the committee ap- 
 pointed for that purpofe, the Foreign Debt of the 
 United States incurred by the war, amounted to 
 7,885,085 dollars, and the Bomejlic Debt to 
 34,115,290, total, at 4s. 6d. each, equal to 
 9,450,0841. Sterling, the intereft of which at 
 6 per cent, is 567,0051. But the coft to Great 
 Britain is moderately computed at 115,654,9141, 
 and the additional annual burthen of it 4,557,5751 
 fince January 1775. As to the lofs of men 
 during the war, the fl:ates of America, it isfup- 
 pofed, loft by the fword and in prifon near 80,000 
 men ; and by the Britilh returns at New-York, 
 the number of foldicrs killed in the fervice 
 amounted to 43,633. 
 
 FINIS. 
 
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