Book - f 44 THE NEW CRISIS, OR, GRAND APPEAL TO THE NATION, FOR J^' <^ / ITS DECISION ON THIS MOST IMPORTANT QUESTION, Are happiness and freedom consistent with fo- reign commerce at all events, or are they not? AND LIKEWISE ON THE NECESSITY OR NON-NEQESSITY OF A WAR. / BY PERICLES. PHILADELPHIA: PRINTED FOR THE AUTHOR. 1809. J 3 Ip THE Author of the following pages has been in the habit, for years, of thinking occasionally on the arguments de- bated on this question. But, finding it impossible to satisfy himself, or to come to a positive conclusion, by mere mental or verbal reasonings, he sat down to arrange them on paper, with a mind free from all bias; and to give his uncontrolled assent to that side, which should appear to be the most reasonable and conclusive. He knew it to be a question on which " much might be said on both sides :*' and for this purpose he grappled unre- strained all the arguments within the compass of his memory, that might make for either side. By this means he has fully satisfied himself: and the same curiosity, which prompted this method of arrangement, in order to produce individual convic- tion, now induces him to bring the piece before the public, in order to find whether he can have the suffrage of the nation on his side. THE NEW CRISIS, ALL theories are vain, that bewilder the reason of man ; and all regulations pernicious, that tend to abridge his happiness. All happiness is vain, that is pursued by dishonest means ; and all security unstable, that is not fortified by justice. If the above positions be true (and to any one acquainted with the meaning of the terms by which they are established, they will appear evident), how are we to act as a nation, as a government founded on reasonable principles, consistent with the above data, and yet preserve our freedom and happiness unbroken? Or, whether happiness and freedom of trade.be not necessarily allied; — that the former may be enjoyed without the assistance of the latter, and the latter be secured without the blessing of the former. 4 On these two positions, I mean to found the ar- gunients of the following inquiry ; as they concern the discussion of this most important question, Arc happiness and freedom consistent 'with foreign commerce^ at all ei^ents ; or are they not? — It will be fhe business of A, on this subject to maintain that they are not; and of ^. to maintain that are. In the first place, we cannot go a step, in the fairness of this inquiry, unless we throw off all our prejudices, prepossessions, and erroneous habits, at the threshold; and allow our minds to be as clear as blank paper for the reception of truth. Who- ever views it through the optics of party, is sure to be misled; to draw false inferences from it, or to condemn it in toto, as metaphysical jargon. And to those, to whom the style and manner of argument- ation may be new, a slight perusal will be worse than no perusal. Having explained this much, it will be unneces- sary to say more; and to have said less, would not have been sufficient to clear the ground for the ^entrance of the subject. A. Americans, the question is proposed, and its meaning and import cleared of all ambiguities. It is my office, as an impartial inquirer after truth, to endeavour to develope it clear and unmixed for its own sake ; and this I hope to be enabled to do, to my own satisfaction, leaving the conclusion and practical utility of my maxims to the accumulated decision of your own judgments. Ye know what je have been ; y^ may calculate probably what Y^ may* besf- h\M certainty is denied to the wisest of lO/Si.! : 1 r ; Let us then, as much as in us lies, endeavour to make probability more certain^ by listening calmly and dispassionately, imwarped by party interests and considerations, to those arguments (whose direct aim is national happiness), w^hich have a tendency to promote this desirable end. We all of us naturally love oursehes; we generally love our wives and children, our relations, friends, and. connections ; %\se should all lonse our country^ our common parent and foster-mother. What considerations, then, so dear to us, as her peace and happiness, so intimately connected and inter« woven with those of her children, and her recipro* cal influence on that of every individual ? Would the advocates for foreign commerce at all hazards be mad enough to risk the unhaj)py expe- dient of 'di forced trade ^ as believing, " that no other remedy is left us (now that we are near our wit's end in negociation) between that and starvation ; or at least of slow and lingering misery, living without object, without animation, without industry to fill up the dread vacuity of life, and consequently with* out reward?" Let not such flowery and superfi^ cial arguments impose upon our judgments. They are ever the weapons of those whose object is luxu- ry, not contentment; outward grandeur, but w:ant- ing the stability of inward comfort. We are never in such danger of being deceived, as when the pas- sions, or appetites, are allied in our cause. Then we are almost involuntarily driven to prefer tempo- rary and present gratification, to that which is in its nature both solid and permanent. I grant, as a liberal antagonist, that I feel for your situation, in consideration of what you ha^oe enjoyed* You are, or at least to all appearance nvill be, ex- actly in the situation of a person, who, for many years, has enjoyed a state of ease, wealth, and pros- perity; and whom indulgence and a luxury of abundance have so pampered, that he has been accustomed to deny himself no gratification of plea- sure or amusement, consistent with his fortune, and the love of his country; and who, by this usage, has become delicately averse to every thing that may have a tendency to interrupt the round of his accustomed enjoyments, even though his health should be the inevitable forfeit of a continuance in them. I grant, therefore, that it will be a business of some energy, to exert that fortitude, necessary to enable you to make the best of your situation; and to turn your capitals into those channels, which though, perhaps, not so speedily lucrative, are at- tended with less risk, and more stable advantage, both to the individual and the community. * But why,' you will exclaim, * ought we to be driven to this alternative ? According, Mr. J, to your own system of morals, you will, perhaps, say, after all the sacrifices that we may make, that there 9 the laws of nations, which have reprnlated people in all ag^s, who have submitttd to morality as a stancl- ardv will be any longer a bulwark to you, against the insiduous encroachments of those nations, with whom we are at variance. They have both esta- bliiiheii their creed, that those principles are no longer necessary, or bindin|>;. Policy, and expe- diency, are the order of the day with them. Justice is but a name : agreeable, indeed, to the imagi- nation and the ear, from venerable descent; but not practicable in the present state of politics. With respect to France, these maxims are of no new date. They were adopted during the time of her old school politics^ by one of her most popular ministers of state ; and now more successfully, be- cause still more cuniiingly and knowingly, under- stood and practised by Talleyrand. Great Britain, likewise, either from choice, or what they call ex- pediency, has adopted the same maxims into her school. How long since, is not exactly known ; because it has never, till very recently, been gene- rally believed, much less acknowledged. That she was not the inventor of this diabolical system of morals, I have the charity to believe. Nor, indeed, has many of her most bitter enemies suffered themselves to harbour such an unprincipled suspicion. But now, when conviction flashes upon us like the glare of day, no one, not despicably sold to her interest, or perversely stubborn in wrong, can withhold his conviction of the truth. 10 That this pernicious maxim, from its late explo- sion upon our astonished senses, has been but lately received into favour with them, we have no reason to believe. It has been like a suspicious and dan- gerous guest at the banquet, for a considerable time, whom they were ashamed openly to acknowledge, but whom they have caressed and encouraged, as an exotic of promising invention, though of shame- ful birth and lawless principles. Now, though I have not proved, that no repara- tion, or accommodation vjhatever, can be had by the powers who cherish such principles ; yet, cer- tainly, it is self-evident, from the facts above stated, that, no honest, lawful, honourable, or lasting ac- commodation, can be reasonably hoped, or expect- ed, from either power. What then is your resource, if you are determined to run in the track of your old habits, at all hazards ^ but war ? What sort of warfare? for nobody is Quixotic enough to attempt fighting us on our own ground. ** War, — on that element, which their principles teaches them to usurp, — on the great highway of the world, which we are determined shall be free for us to move in, or we perish in the conflict." And perish you would, certainly, to all intents and purposes. Feeble mortal ! dost think by blowing to swelt the frog to the size of Leviathan I and if you were, she could not blow away his ships. It is a poor recourse, to swell and swagger, how just soever our cause maybe, when we want the power. 7 is no virtue in our proceedings. We were, before, a restless set of unprincipled adventurers; '* the most worthless part of the community;" and now only, and not till now, when hard necessity drives us, we begin to make the best we can of the savings of a dangerous and now forbidden traffic' There is not, my fellow reasoners, such a denun- ciation in the whole system of my morals, nor in- deed in that of any pure system in the universe, as to say, that ' there is no virtue to be exercised when necessity presses ! ' If the strong exercise of virtue be at any time necessary, it is when public calami- ty, of any kind, demands an energetic and painful exercise of it. In prosperous times, it is frequent- ly our interest to be so ; and it is at all times con- sistent with our ease to be virtuous, except when occasions like the present call for a greater quantity to be crowded in a smaller space, than the general current of life requires. Therefore, far from not earning that applause, which is, or at least ought ever to be, the consequence of virtuous sacrifices ; you will, undoubtedly, be entided to no ordinary share. But you will again object, * What! are we to have no reward but applause? the empty ebulli- tions of a changing and fickle populace? or even the more solid approbation of legislators, and of men at ease in their fortunes and possessions ? — men who have acquired their riches by the slow 8 increase of time, or possessed them by hereditary inheritance; who have never been trained to the bustle of life, or habituated to the restlessness of business; men in whom ambition would be a crime? — Such approbation can neither fill our houses, nor replenish our stores.' Your objection would be unanswerable, if yoi were asked to make such a sacrifice at the shrine o** reason, or for the sake of politics, or principle, or ever for the peace and quiet of your country. Such sa- crifices we do not readily expect, from men trained up in your habits. We ask it, not only because it is expedient, but because it has now become abso- lutely necessary to your preservation, as men and citizens. I hope to prove, to your convict wn, if not to your satisfaction, that by no means that <* God and Nature have put in our power," are we able to remove this alternative, without forfeiting all claim to wisdom as a government, or civiliza- tion as a people ; without becoming, not only more unjust, tyrannical, overbearing, and revengeful, than the nations by whom we are injured and con- trolled, but even of degrading ourselves to a nation of piratical barbarians. In the first place, can you expect to oppose this alternative by any other means than war ? Depend upon it, you will ultimately find negociation to be fruitless. You need be no longer imposed on, or lulled into security, or even hope, that those ancient and venerable names, justice and the principles of 11 If the ardour of our passions would but allow us to reflect, and turn our thoughts inward, we would find, though it may be a painful conviction to some, that we are but as the infant in the cradle^ both with respect to men and money ^ compared to that colos- sal power, under whose particular influence we writhe. What proceeding, then, is left, but to turn all our strength and attention inw^ard on ourselves, and try what resources are to be found within the limits of our mother territory ? Let us disdain to go a roving, in pursuit of illicit profit, when so much oflfers to the ingenious and patriotic mind, to be done at home. Ye know not the resources yc possess at home. Your strength has never 3^et been directed that way. Ye confess your country to be a land flowing with milk and honey, and all the necessaries, and many of the comforts, of life. It is so. The most vacant or stupid stranger, that ever travelled in it, cannot help perceiving and con- fessing this truth. If, then, ye are possessed of so many natural and obvious blessings ; what treasures and sources of wealth may not be opened, by the accumulated force of ingenuity and scientific knowledge, applied to the useful arts! such as the improvement of agricul- ture and husbandry, as it is managed by the people in England ; to the encouragement and promo- tion of manufactures, of machinery, of mineralogy, and whatever may tend to make us rich within B 12 ourselves, provident towards our families; disdain- ing foreign superfluities, and contented with our condition. B, It is with considerable diffidence, mv fellow, citizens, that I enter the lists with this formidable A, By a system of logic, not in common iise^ he has en- deavoured to hem me in, and abridge my answers, by raising or anticipating objections, which he might suppose I would, in the course of my argu- ments, urge; and then rubbing them away with a dexterous sweep of the brush that laid them on. But be assured, my brethren, no mode or figure of speech, or manner of reasoning, that does not ap- pear to me conclusive and imanswerabie, shall deter me from exerting what little abilities I may possess, in disentangling such an important question^ from all attempts of complex reasoners and subtle re- finers; who would obscure, by dint of sophistry, your dearest and most important interests — That happi- ness and freedom are alone consistent with free trade; — and that, v/ithout it, we can be neither happy nor free. Having then stated the grounds on which I mean to rest the fabric of my argument, and recalled to your memory the side of the question on which I act, I will, without hesitation, repair to the field of contention, and parry my antagonist's thrusts, ar- ticle by article : for any other mode of defence would stand at too great distance from the close armour which he wears. 13 Article first, begins, * we all naturally love our- selves,' — self-evident. * We £>;enerally love our wives, children, relations, Sec' — equally evident. * We should all love our country ; what consider- ations so dear,' &c. Does A. imply from these axioms, that we, the advocates for commerce, and free trade at all hazards, are not impressed with an equal love for our country with those who maintain the opposite opinion ? I believe no impartial person (who is not warped by theories and systems), in any degree acquainted with the history of nations, their pro- gress, civilization, refinement, and ultimate happi- ness, will assert such a paradox, as that com- TTiercial men are less lovers of their country, than agriculturalists, artists, or mechanics; but demon- strably more beneficial in promoting her grandeur .and happiness. If it is true of them, respecting the latter, it can- not, as a natural antecedent, be certain respecting the former. For who, I would ask, can have stronger motives and connections, to implant this amor patrice in his mind, than he, whose pride and profit, and consequent influence in society, all tend, by their reciprocal force, to cement the bonds of affection; to encourage him to labour for its hap- piness and prosperity; and to estimate it as a jewel above all foreign price, while it continues to foster and encourage those pursuits which attach him to the soil, in preference to any other ? Farther than 14 this preference, which is obviously built upon a su- periority (real or imaginary) of situation, climate, government, connections, or local comforts, no man of common understanding can prefer one place, or country, to another. Patriotism itself, without these blessings implied, is but the shadow of a dream. Second article, ' Would the advocates for fo- reign commerce at all hazards be mad enough to risk the unhappy expedient of 2i forced trade, as be- lieving, that no other remedy is left us (now that we are near our wit's end with negociation),' &c. I would be glad to know what the all hazards of A. means. He has employed the expression as the meaning of his opponents; but surely he must have a peculiar sense of his own attached to it ; for such a vague undefined expression would not be the motto of any body of men, whose standing in society enabled them to make choice of a better. *' All hazards!" If the object were all hazard, or risky which, according to etymology and grammatical resolution, are substantives synonimous in mean- ing; it would in 'cery deed be a Quixotic undertak- ing. It would, indeed, be puffing up the frog with wind, that he rnay appear a formidable antagonist for the whaie. But, with your leave, sir, I will avail myself of the liberty of speech, to place the expressions of those, whom you suppose my adher- ents, to dieir proper meaning, by the proper choice of words. Therefore, the sentence shall stand 15 thus: — Free trade, at all e'uents. And by this meanings and by no other ^ can I pretend to overturn your position. Having thus cleared the ground of all the rub- bish of njoords^ that obstruct the passage of truth ; I will enter with more freedom into the pith of those arguments, which you have, with metaphysical pride^ thrown in my way. You seem, with crocodile tears, to deplore our situation, and to sigh witii *' sad civiliry,'» from a consideration of the comforts iu